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wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	64	https://bloomsburyreview.com/baciss8085.html	en	Back Issues 1980-1985			[ "https://bloomsburyreview.com/images/blmslogo.gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null	1980: Nov/Dec â80: Interview with Edward Abbey; So This Is Depravity by Russell Baker; The Maguey Press SOLD OUT 1981: Jan/Feb â81: Vladimir Nabokov: Lectures on Literature; Interview with Kay Boyle; Christianity, Social Tolerance & Homosexuality by John BoswellÂ Â Mar/Apr â81: The Novel of the American West by John R. Milton; Interview with William S. Burroughs; Women Writers on Spiritual Quest May/June â81: Poetry; Interviews with Allen Ginsberg, Edward Dorn & Thomas Hornsby Ferril July/Aug â81: Judy-Lynn & Lester Del Rey & Edward Bryant on Fantasy & Science Fiction Sept/Oct â81: Preserving Hispanic Traditions; Clash of Cultures: Interview with John Nichols Nov/Dec â81: Childrenâs Books: Madeleine LâEngle on Children and Reading; William Stafford on Poetry & Fine Print Books <Back to top> 1982: Feb/Mar â82: Mysteries: Interview with Rex Burns; Best Mysteries of the YearÂ Â Â Apr/May â82: Latin American Writers; An Appreciation of Gabriela Mistral; An Open Letter from JosÃ© Emilio Pacheco June/July/Aug â82: The New West; Interview with Tony Shearer Sept/Oct â82: Book Banning in America Nov â82: Breaking the Mind Barrier: Interview with Colin Wilson Dec â82: Unique Book Gifts; Interview with Douglas Adams <Back to top> 1983: Feb/Mar â83: Interview with Hilary Masters; Russiaâs Literary Underground Apr/May â83: Interview with Stephen R. Donaldson; Books for Gardeners June/July/Aug â83: Mankind & Nature; Interview with Wendell Berry; An Appreciation of Nikos Kazantzakis Sept/Oct â83: An Essay/Interview with Meridel LeSueur by Linda Hogan; Computers & the Written Word; Literary Supplement Nov â83: Interview with Henry Wilson Allen (a.k.a. Will Henry & Clay Fisher); Cookbooks Dec â83: Interview with Roger Copland; Cowboy Books; An Appreciation of Ramblinâ Jack Elliott <Back to top> 1984: Feb/Mar â84: History of the American West; Interview with Joanne Greenberg; Edward Abbey on John Gardner Apr/May â84: Interview with Joseph Campbell June/July â84: Artist in Wonderland: Interview with Artist/ Illustrator Barry Moser; Books from Canada; Travel Aug â84: Sports; Interview with Leon Uris; Louisa May Alcott & Feminism Sept â84: New Translations: Interview with Frank Waters; Writing Wrongs in Writing Books Oct â84: Media Manipulation; Politics of the Information Business; Interview with Gabriel Fielding; D.H. Lawrenceâs Three Fates Nov â84: Interview with Robert Creeley; Cookbooks; Childrenâs Books Dec â84: Interview with Paul St. Pierre; Literary Standouts: Favorite Books of 1984 <Back to top> 1985: Jan â85: Dangerous Visions: An Interview with Harlan Ellison (Part I); The Worst Books of â84; Laughing Matters Feb â85: Detective Fiction & New Mysteries; More Dangerous Visions with Harlan Ellison (Part II); Profile of Richard Brautigan; The Bloomsbury Reader: New Stories & Poems Mar â85: Remembering Malcolm Lowry; How Science Changes Our World & Responsibilities Apr â85: Interview with Poet Jack Micheline; The Great Visions of Black Elk & John Neihardt May â85: Ecodefense & Deep Ecology; Profile of John Bryne Cooke June â85: An Interview with Bernard MacLaverty; Poems of Allen Ginsberg; Forgotten Nobel Prize Winners July â85: The American West: Literature & Legends; Law & Land; An Interview with Gov. Richard D. Lamm Sept â85: Prose & Poetry from the Caribbean; Interview with Margaret Drabble; The Randall Jarrell Letters Oct â85: The Art of Translation; Interview with Mary Crow; Overlooked Writers Nov â85: An Interview with Farley Mowat; White South African Writers Against Apartheid; Cultural Crisis in America Dec/Jan â85: The Lively Arts: Opera & Ideas; Truffaut & Hitchcock; Georgia OâKeeffe, John Muir & American Conservation
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	33	https://www.everand.com/book/519942770/Dangerous-Visions-and-New-Worlds-Radical-Science-Fiction-1950-1985	en	Dangerous Visions and New Worlds by Andrew Nette, Iain McIntyre (Ebook)	https://imgv2-1-f.scribdassets.com/img/word_document/519942770/original/03a4bce1fc/1721687639?v=1	https://imgv2-1-f.scribdassets.com/img/word_document/519942770/original/03a4bce1fc/1721687639?v=1	[ "https://s-f.scribdassets.com/webpack/assets/images/content_preview/everand_subscription_banner/evarand_eng_desktop_1x.f0d8b73f.png", "https://imgv2-2-f.scribdassets.com/img/audiobook_square/237576470/76x76/bb3f2ac6c7/1721232135?v=1", "https://imgv2-1-f.scribdassets.com/img/audiobook_square/237952141/76x76/ec0841a4af/1721231889?v=1", "https://imgv2-1-f.scribdassets.com/img/audiobook_square/390624225/76x76/be22dbeb51/1721232034?v=1", "https://imgv2-2-f.scribdassets.com/img/audiobook_square/434703991/76x76/18b304492c/1721231981?v=1", "https://imgv2-1-f.scribdassets.com/img/audiobook_square/419907490/76x76/91807aedcf/1721231926?v=1", "https://imgv2-1-f.scribdassets.com/img/word_document/454238802/76x76/783145cce7/1721232026?v=1", "https://imgv2-1-f.scribdassets.com/img/word_document/259697998/76x76/9830b36a38/1721675296?v=1" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2021-10-26T00:00:00	Read Dangerous Visions and New Worlds by Andrew Nette,Iain McIntyre with a free trial. Read millions of eBooks and audiobooks on the web, iPad, iPhone and Android.	en	https://s-f.scribdassets.com/everand.ico?66b1e207b?v=5	Everand	https://www.everand.com/book/519942770/Dangerous-Visions-and-New-Worlds-Radical-Science-Fiction-1950-1985	Dangerous Visions and New Worlds An Introduction The long sixties, an era which began in the late 1950s and extended into the 1970s, has become shorthand for a period of trenchant social change, most explicitly demonstrated through a host of liberatory and resistance movements focused on class, racial, gender, sexual, and other inequalities. These were as much about cultural expression and social recognition as economic redistribution and formal politics. While the degree to which often youthful insurgents achieved their goals varied greatly, the global challenge they presented was a major shock to the status quo. Science fiction, with its basis in speculation, possibilities, and the future, became the ideal vessel for expression in an era in which the focus of many was on the questioning and refusal of established power and social relations, on the one hand, and the exhortation and exploration of radical scenarios, on the other. The genre intrinsically reflected upon both lived and alternative realities—past, present, and future. A New Wave of writers who captured the utopian and dystopian zeitgeist leapt to prominence in the 1960s, coming to largely dominate the field by the 1970s. Resistance to change came from authors, fans, and editors, often dubbed the Old Guard, who were wedded to the conventions of the so-called Golden Age of science fiction. This was the period, generally recognized to stretch from 1938 to the late 1940s, when the genre first began to attract major public attention. Despite some important exceptions, key examples of which can be found in this book, the strictures and censorship of long-running science fiction magazines, such as well-known conservative John Campbell’s Astounding, dominated the field during the high sales period of the 1950s and continued on into the 1960s. A focus on scientific progressivism, prim sexual morality, and linear narratives resulted in tales focused upon technological breakthroughs and space-conquering male heroes. In their place came a flood of new work that challenged and destabilized the conservative norms of narrative and expression, as well as outlook and belief. Chafing at the way in which past conventions continued to weigh upon the present, some authors sought to distance themselves altogether by defining their innovative work as speculative rather than science fiction. This shift in focus was as much aesthetic as political. Influenced by modernist prose and poetry, William S. Burroughs and the Beats, New Journalism, psychedelics, and the quest for consciousness expansion, modes of expression became more disjointed and experimental and topics shifted to the state of inner rather than outer space. The New Wave still had its astronauts and interstellar explorers, but now they could be found psychologically crumbling under the physical and mental pressure of space flight and the directives of the oppressive military bureaucratic apparatus behind it. Elsewhere, the brave heroes of the past gave way to a new range of characters: geno-cidal antiheroes, cynical or conflicted over their role in imperial power games and corporate domination; overworked (or underworked) drones strung out on psychotropic or other mind-altering substances; those left in a deep state of confusion by the all-encompassing spectacle of modern mass media culture or made paranoid by pervasive political and corporate surveillance; and individuals left in despair at the commodification and destruction of the natural world. Greybeard (Panther, 1968) The Demolished Man (Signet, 1954) Bug Jack Barron (Avon, 1973) What Entropy Means to Me (Signet, 1973) The internal and external revolt expressed in the genre was in part facilitated by changes in the publishing industry. As we have detailed in our previous two works, Girl Gangs, Biker Boys, and Real Cool Cats: Pulp Fiction and Youth Culture, 1950 to 1980 and Sticking It to the Man: Revolution and Counterculture, 1950 to 1980, the postwar period saw the paperback displace the pulp magazine and, even with the increasing presence of television, novels were hugely popular. This allowed a growing number of authors to make it into print, including some of those previously excluded from mainstream publishing, such as people of color and LGBTIQ writers. In terms of science fiction, Michael Moorcock’s rise to the editorship of the long running New Worlds magazine in 1964, the increasing popularity of genre novels, and the publication of groundbreaking anthologies such as Dangerous Visions and England Swings, all provided writers with new opportunities. Alongside the inclusion of radical commentary, experimental poetry, and other forms of expression previously foreign to SF magazines, New Worlds provided primarily British and American writers with the freedom to produce groundbreaking work. One of its admirers, the established yet highly controversial Harlan Ellison, subsequently helped to emphatically mark the New Wave’s arrival with the aforementioned hefty and influential 1967 anthology Dangerous Visions and to further underscore its importance with 1972’s Again, Dangerous Visions. Lauded by the critics and commercially successful, the two books included seventy-nine stories, five of which won major awards, and featured almost all of the key writers of the period, as well as detailed headnotes from Ellison regarding their work. The significant role that both Dangerous Visions and New Worlds played is acknowledged and honored by the title of the collection you are reading. The rise of the New Wave was controversial. Because of the entrenched role of fandom and critique in SF, issues regarding form and substance were debated to a much larger degree than in other literary genres. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, these arguments raged in the pages of fanzines and magazines, in letters between authors and readers, and at conferences, forums, and social events. The split between Golden Age right-wingers and New Wave left-wingers was exemplified by the pro– and anti–Vietnam War advertisements, replete with lists of endorsees, taken out in the June 1968 edition of Galaxy Science Fiction magazine, a pivotal moment in the genre covered in this volume. While some experimental authors leaned to the right and some conventional ones to the left, for the most part, those whose work was skeptical, if not an outright rejection, of the political status quo were also more likely to question the nature of reality more broadly and engage in nonconformist prose. In keeping with the New Left in general, few, if any, of the New Wave writers looked to the Soviet Union for answers, except where it emerged in the form of Eastern Bloc dissidence, such as in the work of writers like Stanislaw Lem and Arkady and Boris Strugatsky. Although some Western revolutionaries turned to Maoist China, Guevarist Cuba, and new and/or refreshed variants of Trotskyism, state socialism appears to have had little appeal to the majority of science fiction authors who believed in a radical restructuring of society. Although some took part in public demonstrations and other overt organized political action, most opted to undertake activism and sedition via literary expression. In keeping with the antiauthoritarianism of the counterculture, visions for real-world reform and revolution were either relatively fuzzy or aligned most strongly with anarchism and radical forms of feminism. Not all of the writers covered in this collection believed that such widespread change was desirable or feasible. Some iconoclastic creative types, like Philip K. Dick, refused to align with any ideology or literary movement. Nevertheless, almost all were focused on shaking things up and testing the limits of morality and critical tolerance within and beyond the genre. The promise of science fiction, in its ability to transcend and travel beyond the limits of the present, was met not only by authors but also illustrators and designers. The influence of psychedelia, surrealism, and experimentation in general on book cover art during the period can arguably be seen most strongly in the science fiction field. A Dream of Wessex (Pan, 1978) Memoirs of a Spacewoman (Four Square, 1964) The Female Man (Bantam, 1975) Literature always reflects the values, experiences, hopes, and fantasies of its creators, as well as the society and groupings they are a part of. Within speculative and science fiction genres the boundaries expanded rapidly to include pansexuality, communal lifestyles, hallucinogens, and radical politics. Changing, indeed, often reversing, conceptions of heroes and evildoers, and a blurring, if not complete demolition of the binary between them, were a regular feature of stories regarding near and far-future revolution and utopian societies. Alongside this came a renewed focus on dystopia. Living under the shadow of the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the escalating Cold War superpower nuclear standoff, which had come close to global conflict with the US/Cuban missile crisis of 1962, and ever more cognizant of ecological and other issues, writers such as Brian Aldiss, Chelsea Quinn Yarbro, Kate Wilhelm, and John Brunner produced disturbing apocalyptic works that reflected upon existing threats and warned of far worse to come. For some, the end of the world was less terrifying than the continuance of it. The anomie, ennui, and spectacle of technologically drenched modern life was harshly depicted in many 1960s and 1970s works by J.G. Ballard, Barry Malzberg, Norman Spinrad, Thomas M. Disch, and others. Such visions often reflected the end of various dreams of the long sixties, in terms of a better, more fulfilling world to come, be it via a dazzling array of new consumer goods or communal revolution. As the 1970s progressed, the postwar economic boom faltered, and achieving social change, where it had not been reversed or fought to a standstill, became an ever harder and less glamorous slog. The cynicism and weariness that this engendered, as well as the impact of events such as Watergate on those who clung to faith in democratic institutions, became ever more extant in science fiction. Despite setbacks and a growing backlash from the privileged, the 1970s remained a period of social challenge and change. Just as women’s liberation had pushed back against misogyny and the continuing second-class status of women within the New Left and counterculture, so it did within science fiction, with authors such as Ursula K. Le Guin, Joanna Russ, and Marge Piercy challenging the Old Guard and New Wave alike with their fiction and commentary. While science fiction emerging from and catering to the burgeoning feminist and gay and lesbian movements of the period often focused upon and channeled the inequities of the present into utopian and dystopian visions, writers such as Judith Merril and Alice Sheldon, writing under the moniker James Tiptree Jr., offered implicit critique through settings that involved a future in which liberation and equality were a long accepted and unremarkable fact. 1984 (Signet, 1955) Brave New World (Chatto & Windus, 1932) Motherlines (Berkley, 1978) More Than Human (Penguin, 1965) The Primal Urge (Sphere, 1967) Racism and allied issues, such as anti-colonialism, structural poverty, and changing patterns of immigration—as well as declining imperial power, in the case of the UK, and imperial overreach, in the case of the US—were regularly explored by radical SF authors during the 1960s and 1970s. Relatively few works by people of color were published, however, until the 1980s. Beyond towering contributions from Octavia Butler and Samuel Delany, the impact of science fiction was arguably felt more among a select range of African American musicians, such as Sun Ra and Parliament/Funkadelic, rather than authors. Although a number of near-future insurrectionist novels from black authors, including Samuel Greenlee and the little-known Joseph Denis Jackson, were published, they were generally marketed as thrillers rather than sci-fi. New Worlds and Dangerous Visions details, celebrates, and evaluates many aspects of this influential period of speculative fiction through twenty-four chapters written by contemporary authors and critics. New angles on key novels and authors are presented alongside excavations of topics, works, and writers who have been largely forgotten or undeservedly ignored. Interspersed between these chapters are short essays and cover spreads that serve to highlight the diversity of the field, as well as innovation in book cover illustration. With the exception of the Soviet Union’s Strugatsky brothers, whose work appears here to demonstrate how radicals were pushing the aesthetic and political limits in a very different context—and whose books were published to considerable acclaim in the West—the authors and books covered in this collection are primarily those published in the US and UK or by writers based in those two nations. This is partially for reasons of space, but also because these two countries’ milieus and book industries dominated the SF field in the period under review. As with most movements proposing radical transformation, partisans of the New Wave sometimes portrayed the field as a decisive break with the literary and political conventions of the past. Such a focus on what was new tended to erase the work of those who had been advocating for change and practicing it in their work for some time. The legacy of George Orwell, Aldous Huxley, H.G. Wells, and other writers, as well as pioneering utopian and dystopian writers in the nineteenth and early twentieth century, was in many ways carried forward in the 1960s and 1970s. Although such early work falls largely outside the purview of this collection, the influence and continuing role of progressive authors who had an impact during the conservative 1950s, including Judith Merril, John Christopher, Mordecai Roshwald, Leigh Brackett, and John Wyndham, is scrutinized and given its due. The impact of New Wave science fiction has, in turn, extended long beyond its heyday of the 1960s and 1970s. Although an explicit and heavy focus on technology returned with cyberpunk in the 1980s, the literary, thematic, and stylistic challenges and innovations presented in the preceding period were largely absorbed and refined rather than removed and rejected. While broader society has significantly changed and moral attitudes shifted, many of the social issues addressed by New Wave authors either remain or have been intensified, giving this body of work a continuing relevance. Iain McIntyre and Andrew Nette Imagining New Worlds Sci-Fi and the Vietnam War For those interested in the relationship between politics and literature, the New Wave of science fiction from the 1960s provides a useful example of the intersection where the reshaping of a genre goes hand in hand with a radical politics. That makes the story worth retelling, as we ask what a new political literature might look like and how we might reconsider our own practice today. In June 1968, the well-known American magazine Galaxy Science Fiction published two advertisements, each containing a long list of science fiction writers, illustrators, and editors. The first read: We the undersigned believe the United States must remain in Vietnam to fulfil its responsibilities to the people of that country. On the facing page, the second list began: We oppose the participation of the United States in the war in Vietnam. The anti-war ad had been organized by the writers Judith Merril and Kate Wilhelm. Merril had been in the Trotskyist movement during World War II and was both politically and personally radical. A member of the Futurians, a predominantly left-wing science fiction group, she’d led a colorful personal life and believed in women’s right to sexual liberation and free love. Starship Troopers (Four Square, 1959) As she and Wilhelm collected names, they were shocked—somewhat naively, perhaps, when other science fiction writers refused to sign. They had assumed that because the science fiction field was generally liberal and forward-thinking, there would be widespread support for their advertisement. In fact, they had misread the situation entirely. The pro-war signatories were—with some exceptions—writers of an older generation, from science fiction’s self-proclaimed Golden Age of the late 1930s and 1940s, including John W. Campbell, the most influential editor of that time, and Robert Heinlein, an ex-leftist who had become a cold warrior for the right. Heinlein, who responded to Merril’s list with declarations of America first and US must win, expressed a far-right militarism in anti-communist novels like The Puppet Masters (1951) and Starship Troopers (1951). His Glory Road (1963) tells of a soldier who fights in Vietnam and brags about disemboweling a Marxist in the jungle. The Puppet Masters (Doubleday, 1951) Glory Road (G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1963) Other Golden Age writers were more liberal. Nevertheless, their work shared many characteristics. In the typical Golden Age SF story, the protagonist—almost always white and male—faced a plot puzzle created by some science-fictional dilemma, to be solved by either intelligence and scientific knowledge (the more liberal Golden Age writers) or through action (Heinlein and others from the right). For Golden Age writers, science was to lead us in a glorious progress from the suburbs to the stars. The Golden Age authors could, thus, ask: What kind of worlds will we be engaging with? What sort of alien environments and inhabitants exist there? At the center of many of the Golden Age texts—such as in Isaac Asimov’s Foundation series—was empire. In its elevation of science, its technological determinism, and its belief in progress, the Golden Age was thus an expression of the dominant postwar American liberalism, itself born from the moment when the US moved to center stage politically and economically. As the Marxist economist Ernest Mandel argued in Late Capitalism (1976), somewhat overstatedly, postwar ideology was accompanied by a generalised proclamation of the advantages of organization.… Belief in the omnipotence of technology is the specific form of bourgeois ideology in late capitalism. The anti-war signatories were, on the other hand, mostly of a younger generation: part of the New Wave, a term first used by Merril in 1966. As a movement, the aim of the New Wave was, as one of its members, Thomas M. Disch, explained, to elevate SF to its true potential as the heir of Joyce and Kafka, Beckett and Genet. In doing so, it opened itself up to all kinds of radical content—New Left, feminist, countercultural. The New Wave really began with the anarchist Michael Moorcock, who took over the English science fiction magazine New Worlds and edited it from Ladbroke Grove, a center of the London Underground. Under Moorcock, New Worlds was transformed into an ambitious vehicle for a literary avant-garde within the genre. Moorcock aimed to revolutionize both science fiction and literary fiction by destroying the boundaries between the two, a task that included challenging all previous taboos, traditions, and norms. His first editorial proclaimed that New Worlds would publish a kind of SF which is unconventional in every sense. The idea was, as he explained in a 1979 article in Foundation: A Review of Science Fiction, to attempt a cross-fertilisation of popular SF, science and the work of the literary and artistic avant-garde. Thus, New Worlds attacked the ‘literary establishment’ as well as social institutions and scientific orthodoxy. Later, Moorcock looked back on the project: During the sixties, in common with many other periodicals, New Worlds believed in revolution. Our emphasis was on fiction, the arts and sciences, because it was what we knew best. We attacked and were in turn attacked in the all-too-familiar rituals. Smiths [and Menzies, the book retailing company] refused to continue distributing the magazine unless we toned down our contents. We refused. We were, they said, obscene, blasphemous, nihilistic etc., etc. The Daily Express attacked us. A Tory asked a question about us in the House of Commons—why was public money (a small Arts Council grant) being spent on such filth. I recount all this not merely to establish what we were prepared to do to maintain our policies (we were eventually wiped out by Smiths and Menzies) but to point out that we were the only SF magazine to pursue what you might call a determinedly radical approach—and SF buffs were the first to attack us with genuine vehemence. Playing the role of T.S. Eliot to Moorcock’s Ezra Pound, as Disch once put it, was J.G. Ballard, a soft-spoken Englishman who had grown up in Shanghai. As a child during World War II, he had been incarcerated in a Japanese civilian detention center, an experience that formed the basis of his semi-autobiographical novel The Empire of the Sun (1984). The destruction of imperial certainties was to have a profound impact on Ballard, almost as much as the quiet respectability of suburban Shepparton, where he eventually settled after the war. For Ballard, the old science fiction was exhausted. In a 1962 piece for New Worlds titled Which Way to Inner Space? he wrote: I think science fiction should turn its back on space, on interstellar travel, extraterrestrial life forms, galactic wars and the overlap of these ideas … similarly, I think, science fiction must jettison its present narrative forms and plots. He proclaimed a boredom with traditional science fiction, preferring an examination of inner space to outer space and gestured to surrealism and the unconscious. As he stated, To attract a critical readership, science fiction needs to alter completely its present content and approach. Ballard’s own work reversed or inverted the central narrative strategies of Golden Age science fiction, replacing rational, cerebral protagonists with troubled, isolated antiheroes. His futures were not the spacefaring adventures of Asimov or Heinlein but crumbling worlds that were representations of the contemporary psyche, expressed in exotic and efflorescent language. Ballard’s rejection of the verities of science fiction set the foundations for the later works in the New Wave. Many American SF writers—Disch, Norman Spinrad, Harlan Ellison—began to send their most radical writing to Moorcock. Before long, the magazine had, in Ballard’s words, "ceased to be an SF magazine at all, even within my elastic definition of the term, and became something much closer to avant-garde experimental writing. Ballard himself went on to write a series of brilliant experimental condensed novels—reflections on the media landscape, with titles like Why I Want to Fuck Ronald Reagan and The Assassination of John Fitzgerald Kennedy Considered as a Downhill Motor Race." Among Ballard’s notable acts was the curation of a show of crashed motorcars for a London art gallery, a precursor to his novel Crash (1973). Very quickly, this experimentation brought all kinds of radical content into science fiction, into New Worlds in particular. Pamela Zoline’s famous 1967 story The Heat Death of the Universe interspersed details of the everyday life of a housewife with other fragments, including an explanation of the second law of thermodynamics (that all closed systems lose energy and thus the universe will one day die). It was a brilliant story, but for many of the Old Guard one question remained: Was it science fiction? Dangerous Visions (Doubleday, 1967) Again, Dangerous Visions (Signet, 1973) The energy of the New Wave quickly spread to the US, with many of the US writers sending their most radical works to New Worlds. Merril lived for a year in England in 1967 and was so impressed that she edited the 1968 anthology England Swings SF. The American New Wave was probably most visible in the Orbit (1966) anthology edited by Damon Knight (Kate Wilhelm’s husband) and, in particular, in Ellison’s anthology Dangerous Visions (1967). Ellison had marched with Martin Luther King and protested against the Vietnam War. His journalistic work, some of it printed in the countercultural LA Free Press, connected him with the New Journalism of the 1960s (Tom Wolfe, Norman Mailer, Hunter S. Thompson, and others), which, as cultural critic Morris Dickstein says, included a broad spectrum of underground writing—political, countercultural, feminist, pornographic. In his introduction to Dangerous Visions, Ellison argued, This book … was constructed along specific lines of revolution. It was intended to shake things up. It was conceived out of a need for new horizons, new forms, new styles, new challenges in the literature of our times. The anthology contained many New Wave writers—Ellison himself, Brian Aldiss, Spinrad, Ballard, Philip K. Dick—while its sequel, Again, Dangerous Visions (1972), included Ursula K. Le Guin, whose The Word for World Is Forest was a consciously anti–Vietnam War story. Like Moorcock, Le Guin sympathized with the anarchist theorist Kropotkin. In one of the pieces in her 1989 collection The Language of the Night: Essays on Fantasy and Science Fiction, she rejected establishment science fiction: The Einstein Intersection (Ace, 1967) The Einstein Intersection (Sphere, 1970) Camp Concentration (Avon, 1972) Camp Concentration (Bantam, 1980) From a social point of view most SF has been incredibly regressive and unimaginative. All those Galactic Empires, taken straight from the British Empire of 1880. All those planets—with 80 trillion miles between them!—conceived of as warring nation-states, or as colonies to be exploited, or to be nudged by the benevolent Imperium of Earth towards self-development—the White Man’s burden all over again. The Rotary Club on Alpha Centauri, that’s the size of it. Le Guin, along with Joanna Russ and others, introduced feminism into science fiction, with books like the former’s The Left Hand of Darkness (1969) and the latter’s The Female Man (1975). Le Guin was also involved in the civil rights and anti–Vietnam War movements, while Russ, a lesbian, was more combative in her challenge of male dominance in the field. But the writer in Ellison’s anthology who most exemplified the radical impulse was probably Samuel R. Delany, whom Disch described as the American New Wave’s most brightly shining star. Delany’s earliest novels share much of the imagery and symbolism of Ballard’s disaster stories. Both writers depict decaying civilizations filled with empty cities and ruined technologies, but Delany concentrates on the cultural relativism of language and science, with an emphasis on the marginalized and on problems of identity. Delany himself is black and gay, and his story in Dangerous Visions, Aye, and Gomorrah, is often taken as a symbolic reworking of the gay experience. Delany’s views developed in the context of the Lower East Side of Manhattan in the early 1960s, the New York hippie district where countercultural radicals like Abbie Hoffman based themselves. Delany was one of science fiction’s prodigies (he published The Jewels of Aptor in 1962 at the age of nineteen), had taken LSD by 1965, and was present at the famous participatory art installation Eighteen Happenings in Six Parts by Allan Kaprow. Later in the 1960s, he was involved in the anti–Vietnam War movement, and, in 1967, he lived as part of an urban commune, an experience chronicled in Heavenly Breakfast (1979). His writing represented a confluence of all of these currents. In 1968, when the anti–Vietnam War letter appeared in Galaxy, the American New Wave was reaching its peak. That year Delany’s Einstein Intersection (1967), a novel of extreme language play and experimentation, won the Hugo, while Disch’s 1968 book Camp Concentration, in which the chief character, a draft resister, is imprisoned and infected with a form of syphilis, announced its author as a major talent. Robert Silverberg—probably the most right-wing of the New Wave writers—quickly produced a series of meditations on alienation, transcendence, and political action, through which his stalled science fiction career was brilliantly relaunched. Philip K. Dick had already built a body of work, including essays praising the New Left and the counterculture, centering around philosophical questions of reality, authenticity, and what it means to be human. Pattern Master (Doubleday, 1976) The Word for World Is Forest (Berkley, 1976) Meanwhile, in London, Le Guin published her 1969 feminist novel The Left Hand of Darkness. In 1976, she published her award-winning novel The Word for World Is Forest (based on the novella of the same name included in Again, Dangerous Visions), in which the gentle inhabitants of a planet fight the evil Yumen invaders. We can see here convergence between science fiction and, for want of a better term, history. As Ellison proclaimed a revolution in Dangerous Visions, activists and radicals were taking to the streets across the world. In 1968, the 1960s went global: the events of May and June rocked France, with a general strike paralyzing the country; demonstrators marched through swinging London; in Vietnam, the Tet offensive demonstrated that the United States and its allies could not win the war; riots shook Germany and 126 cities in the US; in Japan students clashed with police; the Prague Spring arose as a powerful reform movement in Czechoslovakia. Revolutions in form represent the emergence of new content. As a generation, the New Wave writers set out to revolutionize science fiction, driving their own concerns—civil rights, feminism, gay and lesbian rights, the New Left and political action, spirituality and transcendence, eastern mysticism and philosophy—through the genre’s fissures. To do so, they had to break apart the traditional narrative forms and structures. The New Wave dissipated in the mid-1970s, along with much of the radical movement that it was a part of, though the story is less one of defeat than of integration (acceptance by the genre as a whole) and dispersal (the disappearance of the distinctive tone representing the particular correlation of forces from which the New Wave emerged). Nonetheless, as Spinrad explained in an interview: The Forever War (Ballantine, 1976) [The New Wave] did change science fiction forever. Because prior to that there really were all kinds of restrictions: it was edited as if it were stuff for teenagers, or more accurately, what librarians thought teenagers should be able to read. So there were all kinds of political restrictions, and sexual restrictions and language restrictions, none of which exist today. In that sense it succeeded completely. After Dangerous Visions after Bug Jack Barron, Barefoot in the Head, stuff like that, you could do anything. Joe Haldeman’s 1974 novel The Forever War provides a remarkable example of what the New Wave achieved, because in many ways it constitutes a rewrite of Heinlein’s Cold War novel Starship Troopers. Both novelists had been in the armed forces (Heinlein during World War II; Haldeman in Vietnam, where he was seriously wounded); both novels employ essentially the same plot (the rise of the protagonist from lowly foot soldier to officer); both have the same science-fictional hardware and a similar hard-nosed literary style. That resemblance illustrates the shifting in ideological focus, best understood against the schism in US domestic politics that was to result in the so-called Vietnam Syndrome. As Alasdair Spark explains in an essay in Science Fiction, Social Conflict and War (1990): Heinlein applauded heroism, revelled in combat, and lauded the organization of society along military lines.… Haldeman’s soldiers are elite draftees, caught in an endless, futile war which strips them of humanity, alienates them from civilian society, and denies them status except in survival. The anti-war advertisement in Galaxy was written to foster exactly the sort of shift expressed in Haldeman’s The Forever War. For Merril, however, the letter was not enough. She moved to Canada in the late 1960s, citing the US government’s suppression of antiwar activism as a reason. There, she founded Rochdale College, an experiment in cooperative living and student-run education, and was heavily involved in the peace movement. Others took different paths, though few of the New Wave writers entirely lost their radicalism. Decades after the letter, their example shines for those who feel that contemporary culture needs to be revolutionized, not just in form but in content. Of course, literary movements cannot be simply invoked out of thin air, any more than radical political movements can be conjured by pure will. The New Wave project was constructed in the context of the broad social radicalization in which its writers participated. It is easy for us to forget just how profound this was. The civil rights movement, black power, feminism, the New Left, gay rights, the counterculture—the 1960s fundamentally altered the modern world. Revolution seemed to be in the air—in both the East and the West—and to understand New Wave SF you must understand it as emerging from and engaging with this radicalization. Literary and political movements are never entirely spontaneous. They never emerge purely unplanned, without someone initiating them. As Antonio Gramsci noted, a description of an action as spontaneous simply means that leaders cannot be identified. The story of the New Wave consists of conscious political interventions—Moorcock’s tenure at New Worlds, Merril and Wilhelm’s letter, Ellison’s Dangerous Visions—having significant cultural effects. At key points of that history, both science fiction and the broader culture were shaped by people who had both a literary agenda and a political one. Furthermore, most of the New Wave writers embarked on their projects before the widespread 1960s radicalization took place. In 1962, Ballard’s inversion of Golden Age SF opened up a way of writing science fiction with an entirely different worldview. Moorcock took over New Worlds in 1964. Ellison began writing about civil rights and the marginalized in the late 1950s, populating his fiction with outsiders, the working class, little people struggling, rather than heroes. Le Guin and Delany followed similar trajectories. They were, in other words, participants in the 1960s, not simply reflections of it. Rjurik Davidson Sextrapolation in New Wave Science Fiction In her 1985 essay The Virginity of Astronauts, Vivian Sobchack argues that science fiction film has persistently refused to deal with human eroticism, exiling sexuality to the point that it manifests only as unconscious pathology. The classic icons of the genre—monsters and mutants, alien invasion and possession, technological mastery or impotence—emerge in her analysis as neurotic symptoms, materializations of the forces of repression that lurk beneath the antiseptic surfaces of the futuristic sets and the Ken-doll banality of the space jockey heroes. Her study is devoted largely to classic SF films of the 1950s, and one wonders how she might apply her psychoanalytic methods to the more risqué movies of the 1960s and 1970s, such as Barbarella (1968) and Flesh Gordon (1974). Perhaps she would view such films as an epochal return of the repressed, an explosion into conscious awareness of the hidden libidinal energies that have always animated the genre. Capitalizing on the freer climate for sexual expression within contemporary popular culture, such Space Age sex farces might be seen as traducing the chasteness and moral seriousness of traditional SF cinema, deriving much of their comic charge precisely from a counterpoint between the puritanical rectitude of 1950s era SF and the decadent excesses of the youth counterculture. In a review of the comic book version of Barbarella in the March 1967 issue of The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction, Judith Merril playfully defended the valid modern phenomenon of the sexy single girl, as incarnated in the eponymous heroine, over the undersexed high-minded Boy Scout of the space patrol one might normally expect to find in similar SF stories. Yet she acknowledged that hers was likely a minority taste, at least among traditional fans, for whom Barbarella’s cheerful ribaldry might seem dreadfully unserious—or, as Merril winkingly implied, vaguely threatening to the adolescent males who make up SF’s core audience. In the same review, Merril also praised John Barth’s quasi-SF novel Giles Goat Boy (1966) for its sophisticated handling of sexual material. In essence, she deployed a highbrow postmodernist novel and a lowbrow pop culture comic, both of which deal with sex bawdily and unapologetically, to critique the middlebrow tameness and asexuality of most genre SF. It is time, she claimed, and long past time, for some of the same kind of hard-headed speculative thinking that science fiction contributed to space flight and atomics, to be done in [the areas of] interpersonal psychology and sexology.
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	38	https://in.pinterest.com/pin/489133209501892969/	en		https://s.pinimg.com/web…x48-7470a30d.png	https://s.pinimg.com/web…x48-7470a30d.png	[]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2014-05-01T10:08:51+00:00	This Pin was discovered by redactedjxqjnkf. Discover (and save!) your own Pins on Pinterest	en	https://s.pinimg.com/web…144-3da7a67b.png	Pinterest	https://www.pinterest.com/pin/harlan-ellison-and-the-last-dangerous-visions-saga--346143921340348162/
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	96	https://www.theguardian.com/books/booksblog/2014/feb/11/junky-william-burroughs-heroin-moral-reading-group	en	Junky and William Burroughs' oblique moral vision	https://i.guim.co.uk/img…17ee2e2ff04c6bc0	https://i.guim.co.uk/img…17ee2e2ff04c6bc0	[ "https://sb.scorecardresearch.com/p?c1=2&c2=6035250&cv=2.0&cj=1&cs_ucfr=0&comscorekw=William+Burroughs%2CBooks%2CFiction%2CDrugs%2CSociety%2CCulture", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/2/11/1392114211804/William-Burroughs-011.jpg?width=465&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/2/20/1392910273918/William-Burroughs---a-goo-013.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/BOOKS/Pix/pictures/2014/2/3/1391425661623/William-Burroughs-012.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/2/18/1392720048840/Narcotic-Agent-and-Junky-009.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/1/30/1391112796138/William-S-Burroughs-008.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Arts/Arts_/Pictures/2009/1/6/1231234353102/William-Burroughs-004.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/2/4/1391532694628/William-Burroughs-006.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Sam Jordison", "www.theguardian.com" ]	2014-02-11T00:00:00	<p><strong>Sam Jordison: </strong>Its apparently impassive descriptions of a heroin addict's life still lay out rights and wrongs pretty plainly</p>	en	https://assets.guim.co.u…e-touch-icon.svg	the Guardian	https://www.theguardian.com/books/booksblog/2014/feb/11/junky-william-burroughs-heroin-moral-reading-group	Early on in an interview with the Paris Review, William Burroughs speaks about the process of writing Junky and his thoughts on the end results: "I didn't feel compelled. I had nothing else to do. Writing gave me something to do every day. I don't feel the results were at all spectacular. Junky is not much of a book, actually. I knew very little about writing at that time." Personally, I read plenty of compulsion in this vivid catalogue of withdrawal and fix, scores and sales. It's a head-first and fully immersed plunge into the junk underworld, the people in it, the techniques of obtaining and taking drugs, of dodging jail and turning doctors. But perhaps we can take Burroughs at face value. Possibly he was just writing to battle boredom. After all, if you believe his account, he started taking heroin for similar reasons: "You become a narcotics addict because you do not have strong motivations in any other direction. Junk wins by default. I tried it as a matter of curiosity … " Where I would dare to argue with Burroughs is in the notion that Junky is not much of a book. A century after his birth, 60 years after first publication, it is more than holding its own. Its sharp, specific depictions of time, places and species of humanity seem more fascinating the more they recede into the rearview mirror. His prose has dated with the style and grace of the best film noir. There's period charm to his hard-boiled prose, clipped sentences and way with plosives ("Junk is not a kick"). But this writing still bites and scratches. To give a very literal example: The cat screamed and clawed me, then started spraying piss all over my pants. I went on hitting the cat, my hands bloody from scratches. The animal twisted loose and ran into the closet where I could hear it groaning and whimpering with fright. "Now I'll finish the bastard off," I said, picking up a heavy painted cane … It's apparently dispassionate, superficially funny – but essentially horrific. Burroughs walks the tightrope over these emotional chasms throughout the book, and barely puts a foot wrong. In his 1977 introduction, Allen Ginsberg wrote in his inimitable style: "It is a notable accomplishment; there is no sentimentality here, no attempt at self-exculpation but the most candid, no romanticisation of the circumstances, the dreariness, the horror, the mechanical beatness and evil of the junk life as lived." It's good, in short. Although, of course, "good" is hardly an apposite word to use with reference to Junky. The book remains so interesting, and still repays serious reading after all these years, partly because it lays down such challenges to conventional ideas of good and bad. Aesthetically it throws the pieces in the air, suggesting all the compulsions of art and sex and pleasure are easily forgotten when you measure out your life in spoons and needles. Morally, meanwhile, it isn't for the faint-hearted. He has taken a position in the darkness beyond the conventional lines and limits. Cat torture isn't the half of it. When Junky was first published (as Junkie), it came packaged in caveats and obfuscations to blunt the sharpness of its attack. It was sold in a back-to-back edition ("69'd," as Ginsberg neatly put it) with a book from a former narcotics agent, as if to rebalance the scales. It bore a subtitle implying moral turpitude: "Confessions of an unredeemed drug addict". It carried footnotes pointing out statements Burroughs made that weren't supported by "scientific" evidence. Its editor, Carl Solomons, also wrote a "worried introduction" (Ginsberg's phrase again) explaining: "From its very first lines, Junkie strips down the addict without shame in all his nakedness … There has never been a criminal confession better calculated to discourage imitation by thrill-hungry teens … His own words tell us that he is a fugitive from the law; that he has been diagnosed as a schizophrenic, paranoid; that he is totally without moral values." Worried indeed. And misleading. Burroughs "own words" also tell us that he wasn't schizophrenic, even if that was how he was diagnosed. Nor is it all "calculated" to discourage imitation, as Burroughs himself explained in a letter to Allen Ginsberg: I don't mean it as justification or deterrent or anything but an accurate account of what I experienced while I was on the junk. You might say it was a travel book more than anything else. It starts where I first make contact with junk, and it ends where no more contact is possible. Finally, while the narrator of this book may take a very different moral position from most of us, that doesn't make it amoral. Even though Burroughs may admit to torturing his cat, that doesn't mean he approves of it. The fact that he describes it in such chilling detail might even be taken to show that he doesn't. There's an even more upsetting scene in the book where Burroughs and a friend called Roy attempt to steal money from a sleeping "mooch". He wakes, fights back and so the narrator starts to hit him and when his friend tells him to "kick his head off", he kicks him in the side and hears his rib snap. Again, no judgement is made in the text beyond the fact that the horror of the beating makes his mouth go dry. But again, the fact that he deems the episode worthy of reporting is enough. It's quite possible to see these scenes as, as Homer Simpson says, "just a bunch of stuff that happened". It's possible to see self-excoriation and a condemnation of Burroughs himself, or of heroin, or criminalisation. But the major force of the book suggests that the real ass is the law. Would the narrator have committed crimes without the difficulties of maintaining reliable supplies; without the stigma, isolation and pressure of the outlaw life? Junkies do terrible things out of desperation throughout the book. But the authorities do worse, almost for fun. Burroughs doesn't ask us to like addicts, but he does ask us to look at the world through their eyes and see it anew: "Kick is seeing things from a special angle." Yes, that includes understanding that people like Burroughs have a life lived in the gutter and on the fringes. But it also helps us realise that the drug laws don't work in the interests of the average punter. At most, it becomes an all-encompassing metaphor for society and the means of control. Heroin has the narrator in its grip – but he isn't the only one who's lost control of his destiny. The outraged law is a far more dangerous, far crazier master than heroin, with few of its compensations. Is it better to accept the shackles of the status quo, or at least to live, as the narrator intends, with "momentary freedom from the claims of the aging, cautious, nagging, frightened flesh"?
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	0	7	https://dangerousminds.net/tag/Harlan-Ellison	en	Tags: Harlan Ellison			[ "https://dangerousminds.net/content/images/site_elements/dmlogo.png", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/images/site_elements/newfb.png", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/images/site_elements/newtwitter.png", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/images/site_elements/newpinterest.png", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/images/site_elements/newreddit.png", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/images/site_elements/newrss.png", "https://sb.scorecardresearch.com/p?c1=2&c2=8568956&cv=2.0&cj=1", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/uploads/images/made/content/uploads/images/spoCKHARlANANKririKRISPOckHARLANanKRIRIRKRK1_465_538_int.jpg", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/uploads/images/made/content/uploads/images/6e9cd0d2bb18547aabf2caef10889feb--art-pulp-design-vintage_465_432_int.jpg", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/uploads/images/made/content/uploads/images/db91936980fafd6b9ebbea261c0f1ec8_465_768_int.jpg", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/uploads/images/made/content/uploads/images/Subway-Love_465_737_int.jpg", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/uploads/images/made/content/uploads/images/001harlanpixbwelldfghj001_465_337_int.jpg", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/uploads/images/made/content/uploads/images/lanharsonelli_465_254_int.jpg", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/uploads/images/made/content/uploads/images/51jHS59wDoL._SS500_edge_forever111627_465_720_int.jpg", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/uploads/images/made/content/uploads/images/DangerousVisions(1stEd)xx971656156_465_692_int.jpg", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/uploads/images/made/content/uploads/images/AgainDangerousVisions(1stEd)xx918577626_465_662_int.jpg", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/uploads/images/made/content/uploads/images/Rod_Serling_Twilight_Zone_465_350_int.jpg", "https://dangerousminds.net/content/uploads/images/made/content/uploads/images/harlanellisosnsnsjsjsjsjs_465_327_int.jpg" ]	[ "//www.youtube.com/embed/RZvcKB9vQO0?rel=0" ]	[]	[ "Dangerous Minds", "Dangerous", "Minds", "Richard Metzger", "Richard", "Metzger" ]	null	[]	null	Dangerous Minds is a compendium of the new and strange-new ideas, new art forms, new approaches to social issues and new finds from the outer reaches of pop culture. Our editorial policy, such that it is, reflects the interests, whimsies and peculiarities of the individual writers. We are your favorite distraction.		/favicon.ico		null	In every generation there is a moment when some writer, artist, politician or whatever comes forward to announce that their generation is at the start of a revolution—some seismic shift in culture and society that will change everything for the better—forever. It’s rather like the way each generation appears to think it is the first to discover sex or sexuality and flaunts it through clothes, songs or horrendously written books. A case in point is this roundtable discussion with a young Harlan Ellison from sometime in 1969-70, when the author declared “We’re in the midst of a revolution.” It’s a revolution of thought, that is as important and as upending as the industrial revolution was—sociologically speaking. We’re coming into a time now when all the old “-isms” and philosophies are dying. They don’t seem to work any more. All the things Mommy and Daddy told you and told me were true were only true in the house—the minute you get out in the street, they aren’t true any more. The kids in the ghetto have known that all their lives but now the great white middle class is learning it and it’s coming a little difficult to the older folks—which is always the way it is. We are no longer Kansas or Los Angeles or New York—it’s the whole planet now. They got smog in the Aleutian Islands now; they got smog in Anchorage, Alaska; they got smog at the polar icecaps—can you believe it, smog at the polar icecaps. There is no place you go to hide anymore. So the day of thinking that the Thames or the English Channel or the Rocky Mountains is going to keep you safe from some ding-dong on the other side doesn’t go anymore. A nitwit in Hanoi can blow us all just as dead as a nitwit in Washington. We’re beginning to think of ourselves not as just an ethnic animal, or a national animal, or a local or family kind of animal—we are now a planetary animal. It’s all the dreams of early science-fiction coming true. That Ellison could have made this speech in nineties or the noughties, or indeed any decade, only shows how each generation discovers certain truths that are eternally consistent. Humans, he continues, are now aware of a bigger picture and that by not taking responsibility for our actions—whether thoughtlessly throwing away a cigarette butt or garbage—is “screwing up the ecology.” Which is apposite considering the news of some scientists claiming Earth is on the brink of its sixth extinction. But Ellison—in sunglasses looking like a Jordanian revolutionary—is only warming up to his theme—the importance of speculative fiction (or that dreaded word “science-fiction”) in imagining (shaping) the future. He has a very valid point—but again one that is made generation to generation-six years before this the writers of previous generations C. S. Lewis, Kingsley Amis and Brian Aldiss held an informal chat on the same subject where they agreed: ...that some science fiction really does deal with issues far more serious than those realistic fiction deals with; real problems about human destiny and so on. Harlan Ellison is one of those very rare writers who is always inspirational or thought-provoking in everything he writes or says. Like most people, I came to his work through TV before having the greater pleasure of reading him. His seminal episodes of Outer Limits, “Demon with a Glass Hand” and “Soldier” (which James Cameron later used as a basis for Terminator), or his script for Star Trek or “The Sort of Do-It-Yourself Dreadful Affair” and “The Pieces of Fate Affair” on The Man from U.N.C.L.E. stayed with me long after viewing and were cause for my seeking out his fiction. This interview comes from just after Ellison had edited the classic volume of speculative fiction Dangerous Visions, which he hoped might lead to a revolution in the mind of its readers. It probably did, but the revolution is always moving, changing, evolving. The conclusion of Harlan Ellison’s talk, after the jump… READ ON▸ Harlan Ellison describes himself as “a child of the Disney era,” whose first taste of the magic of cinema was Snow White and the Seven Dwarves. But Disney’s latest movie (made in collaboration with BBC Films) Saving Mr. Banks has so pissed off the already notably cantankerous Mr. Ellison that he has felt it necessary to post a rather disconnected (one might say rambling) video on YouTube calling out the film as “bullshit.” Saving Mr. Banks stars Tom Hanks as Walt Disney and Emma Thompson as P. L. Travers, the author of the book Mary Poppins, which was first published in 1934. The film concerns Disney’s attempts to convince Travers to allow him to film her famous novel. It took Disney over 20 years to achieve this, and eventually his company filmed Mary Poppins, with Julie Andrews and Dick Van Dyke, in 1964. Ellison has great praise for Hanks and Thompson in the film, but his main beef with Saving Mr. Banks is not the acting but a pivotal scene at the end of the movie, which he claims is bogus and bullshit. One can surmise what this scene may entail, as Ellison declares how Travers hated the movie, and went to her grave regretting her decision to ever allow Disney near her work. Ellison gets all fired up about this, which (I suppose) is understandable as Ellison is a writer who is deeply proud of his own work, and sees anything he writes as sacrosanct. However, I (like no doubt millions of others) have known for decades that P.L. Travers hated Disney’s Mary Poppins. It’s not new news. When musical impresario, Cameron Mackintosh asked Travers, who was then in her nineties, if he could produce a musical version of Mary Poppins, Travers stipulated (confirmed in her will) that this musical must be adapted by English writers and no Americans, or anyone involved with the film or the Disney empire were to be directly involved with the creative process of the musical. Mackintosh adhered to Travers’ wishes, and the musical opened in London’s West End in 2004, where it ran for four years. Okay, so it’s not news, but what Ellison is really getting at is his disdain for the… “...refurbishing of Disney’s god-like image, which he spent his entire life creating, and it is so fucking manipulative…” Particularly when this involves the misuse of a writer’s work, especially when that work is exploited and bastardized for commercial reward, and in this case, to create propaganda to “burnish” the image of Walt Disney. Which probably is something to be pissed-off about. Have you ever received a letter from a friend you haven’t heard from for a while, or even an email? And then you wanted to respond right away but you wanted to do it right, not just dash something off, so you put it off a day, and the next time you thought of it, eight days had passed, and it became a thing where too much time had passed for you to write the reply straight, and you felt awkward about it, so you put it off some more, and then every day that passed made it harder to respond forthrightly? And then it turned into this odd kind of guilt, and you found yourself actually harboring hostile feelings towards your friend for having put you in that position in the first place? Has anything like that ever happened to you? Because something quite like that happened to Harlan Ellison on the most colossal scale imaginable. The nightmare was primarily of his own making, and he didn’t handle it at all well. Before we get into this, Ellison is a tremendously talented and accomplished guy, and nothing I write here is intended to gainsay that premise. He’s also known for being kind of a difficult guy, and well, this story has a bunch of that. Strangely, this story revolves around a set of books that can be thought of as a kind of precursor to Dangerous Minds—the title of the project was almost identical. In addition to all of the tremendous short stories Ellison penned, one of the most impressive accomplishments on his C.V. was his involvement in publishing two highly influential and successful sci-fi anthologies. The first one was called Dangerous Visions (1967) and the second one was called Again, Dangerous Visions (1972). The debacle came when Ellison attempted to publish the third volume, which was to be called The Last Dangerous Visions. It was supposed to be published by about 1974 or so. At least 100 and maybe as many as 150 prominent and not-so-prominent sci-fi authors submitted stories with the expectation that something like that would happen. They’re still waiting—the ones who are still alive, anyway. Actually, truth be told, they’re probably not expecting anything to happen. In short, The Last Dangerous Visions became something like the Moby-Dick of science-fiction circles for a decade or two at least. In the 1960s something special was brewing in the world of sci-fi. After having been a ghetto for dime-store practitioners for a generation or so (with a few exceptions), science fiction was on the verge of crossing over, breaking through, becoming real literature with a grown-up audience to match. The first Dangerous Visions featured talents as notable as Carol Emshwiller and J.G. Ballard and Philip K. Dick and Roger Zelazny and Samuel R. Delany and, of course, Ellison himself. It was a massive critical and commercial success, a true turning point for the genre. Five years later, Again, Dangerous Visions was also a hit, featuring Ursula K. Le Guin and Kurt Vonnegut and Piers Anthony and Ray Bradbury and Andrew J. Offutt and James Sallis and so on. By this time the Dangerous Visions books had entered the culture—they had an authentic audience who was eager to hear the details of the third volume. The literary brouhaha that would ensue wasn’t something that took place among a mere coterie, which gives the whole affair that much more bite. Dangerous Visions, 1967 The events surrounding the massive and ever-delayed third volume, to be called The Last Dangerous Visions, were described with great vitriol by Christopher Priest, a British sci-fi writer who was just starting his career around the time The Last Dangerous Visions started to be a thing, in a 1987 pamphlet called The Last Deadloss Visions (it was later published by Fantagraphics under the title The Book on the Edge of Forever, an allusion to Ellison’s Star Trek episode “The City on the Edge of Forever”). Priest submitted a story, and then at some point withdrew it from the anthology. For writers whose pay depended on the royalties from anthologies, one of the main undercurrents of the The Last Dangerous Visions affair is that the many stories Ellison collected for it were essentially trapped as long as he had them—the writers couldn’t really shop them around anywhere else, as they grew more dated and less relevant with every passing year. The Last Deadloss Visions has existed in a couple different forms, but suffice to say that it’s very long and impassioned and well argued (you can read it on the Internet Archive). Again, Dangerous Visions, 1972 I’ll leave you to read it yourself—it takes an hour or so, and is well worth it—but I’ll divulge a few basic facts about it for those who don’t want to delve. What makes the situation surrounding The Last Dangerous Visions so jaw-dropping was the sheer scale of it—as many as 150 writers submitted stories, and by some calculations the number of words that the third book would have featured swelled as high as 1.3 million—this is twice as many as in War and Peace, or the same as perhaps an armful of regular-sized novels. According to Priest (his documentation is meticulous), Ellison on many occasions released statements to the effect that publication was just around the corner, he had “just dropped it off to the publisher” and so forth—none of which appears to have been true, and all of which had the effect of stringing the contributors along for another agonizing year or two. Ellison seems not to have behaved well in the affair, bullying, haranguing, and generally manipulating people, and even by 1975 or so—just three years—The Last Dangerous Visions had become something of a joke or an object of fascination in the sci-fi community. It’s the science fiction equivalent of Elastica’s second album, if you remember that length of that wait, although at least that album eventually was released. Lastly, I mentioned the death toll—which quickly became an index for the incredible time The Last Dangerous Visions was taking—by now the project is in its fourth decade, and the number of writers involved who have passed on to a different plane (according to Wikipedia) is forty-three. Remarkably, Ellison, who today is 79 years old, has stated as recently as 2007 that he intends to publish the book. It still hasn’t happened. Below, Isaac Asimov, Harlan Ellison and Gene Wolfe discuss science-fiction writing with Studs Terkel and Calvin Trillin on a program called Nightcap: Conversations on the Arts and Letters in 1982: Previously on Dangerous Minds: Harlan Ellison: Don’t Fuck With the Quote Years ago a friend wrote me a story about how we all started talking but in doing so, stopped listening to each other. It was a short and simple story, adapted I believe from its Aboriginal origins, that also explained how our ears developed their peculiar, conch-like shape. Like all the best tales, it began: Once upon a time, in a land not-so-very-far-away, we were all connected to each other by a long umbilical loop that went ear-to-ear-to-ear-to-ear. This connection meant we could hear what each of us was thinking, and we could share our secrets, hopes and fears together at once Then one day and for a whole lot of different reasons, these connections were broken, and the long umbilical loops dropped away, withered back, and creased into the folds of our ears. That’s how our ears got their shape. They are the one reminder of how we were once all connected to each other. It was the idea of connection - only connect, said playwright Dennis Potter, by way of E. M. Forster, when explaining the function of all good television. A difficult enough thing, but we try. It’s what the best art does - tells a story, says something. It’s what Rod Serling did. He made TV shows that have lived and grown with generations of viewers. Few can not have been moved to a sense of thrilling by the tinkling opening notes of The Twilight Zone. The music still fills me with that excitement I felt as a child, hopeful for thrills, entertainment and something a little stronger to mull upon, long after the credits rolled. Serling was exceptional, and his writing brought a whole new approach to telling tales on television that connected the audience one-to-the-other. This documentary on Serling, starts like an episode of The Twilight Zone, and goes on to examine Serling’s life through the many series and dramas he wrote for TV and radio, revealing how much of his subject matter came from his own personal experience, views and politics. As Serling once remarked he was able to discuss controversial issues through science-fiction: “I found that it was all right to have Martians saying things Democrats and Republicans could never say.” His work influenced other shows (notably Star Trek), and although there were problems, due to the demands of advertisers, Serling kept faith with TV in the hope it could connect with its audience - educate, entertain and help improve the quality of life, through a shared ideals. As writer Serling slowly “succumbed” to his art: ‘Writing is a demanding profession and a selfish one. And because it is selfish and demanding, because it is compulsive and exacting, I didn’t embrace it, I succumbed to it. In the beginning, there was a period of about 8 months when nothing happened. My diet consisted chiefly of black coffee and fingernails. I collected forty rejection slips in a row. On a writer’s way up, he meets a lot of people and in some rare cases there’s a person along the way, who happens to be around just when they’re needed. Perhaps just a moment of professional advice, or a boost to the ego when it’s been bent, cracked and pushed into the ground. Blanche Gaines was that person for me. I signed with her agency in 1950. Blanche kept me on a year, before I made my first sale. The sale came with trumpets and cheers. I don’t think that feeling will ever come again. The first sale - that’s the one that comes with magic.’ Like Richard Matheson, Philip K Dick, Stephen King, Ray Bradbury, Harlan Ellison, Serling is a hero who offered up the possible, for our consideration.
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wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	55	https://www.austinchronicle.com/books/2001-08-03/82507/	en	Beat Currencies	https://www.austinchroni…ature-10802.jpeg	https://www.austinchroni…ature-10802.jpeg	[ "https://www.facebook.com/tr?id=1796648420647973&ev=PageView&noscript=1", "https://www.austinchronicle.com/Images/logo-2020-h-white.png", "https://www.austinchronicle.com/Images/social/fb.png", "https://www.austinchronicle.com/Images/social/twitter.png", "https://www.austinchronicle.com/Images/social/print.png", "https://www.austinchronicle.com/Images/social/write.png", "https://www.austinchronicle.com/imager/b/newfeature/82507/adbfe5a8/books_feature-10802.jpeg", "https://www.austinchronicle.com/imager/b/newfeature/82507/688dd116/books_feature-10802.jpeg", "https://www.austinchronicle.com/imager/b/newfeature/82507/961162f3/books_feature-10802.jpeg", "https://www.austinchronicle.com/imager/b/newfeature/82507/1de0e3e7/books_feature-10802.jpeg", "https://www.austinchronicle.com/images/ding.gif", "https://www.austinchronicle.com/imager/b/blogindex/3174700/6381/29._Camera_Obscura_flier.png", "https://www.austinchronicle.com/imager/b/big/3175391/e6cc/dbh-Moody-Bank__Empire-Garage_071824_03.jpg", "https://pixel.quantserve.com/pixel/p-7apeS9pNVYMQo.gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "Book of Dreams", "Cities of the Re", "David Meltzer", "Diane di Prima", "Gary Snyder", "Jack Hirschman", "Jack Kerouac", "Jack Micheline", "Joanne Kyger", "Lew Welch", "Philip Whalen", "Robert Creeley", "San Francisco Beat: Talking With the Poets", "The Place of Dead Roads", "William S. Burroughs" ]	null	[]	2001-08-03T00:00:00	In a look at some recently reprinted classic works by the Beats, Chronicle writer Dale Smith examines why being on the road was such a dangerous place -- and why it no longer is.	en	/apple-icon-57x57.png?v=3		https://www.austinchronicle.com/books/2001-08-03/82507/	San Francisco Beat: Talking With the Poets edited by David Meltzer City Lights Books, 370 pp., $19.95 (paper) Book of Dreams by Jack Kerouac; introduction by Robert Creeley City Lights Books, 356 pp., $17.95 (paper)The Place of Dead Roads by William S. Burroughs Holt, 306 pp., $13 (paper)Cities of the Red Night by William S. Burroughs PicadorUSA, 332 pp., $14 (paper)Jack Kerouac Is Pregnant: Stories by Aurelie Sheehan Dalkey Archive Press, 190 pp., $11.95 (paper) Somehow, somewhere in the last decade or so, the liberating, bohemian vernacular of the Beats transformed itself into a digestive for popular consumption. Images of Jack Kerouac and Allen Ginsberg hailed passersby from urban billboards promoting khaki pants. In 1994, William S. Burroughs appeared in Nike ads hinged to a sagey epigram: "The purpose of technology is not to confuse the brain but to serve the body." In May, Colts owner James Irsay paid more than $2 million for the 120-foot scroll of paper Kerouac used to write the Beat Ür text, On the Road. That novel, with Burroughs' Naked Lunch and Ginsberg's long poem, "Howl," remains the defining prose expression for the spontaneous, street-smart, and culturally alienated group of artists, hustlers, addicts, and freakniks who survived at the fringe of postwar New York City. Sharing a literary ground with Walt Whitman's output, those books reached beyond socially acceptable limits of writing to present a broad and risky engagement with personal experience. (Both "Howl" and Naked Lunch were tried for obscenity by U.S. courts, thereby publicly testing the verbal limits of that experience.) Preoccupied with social liberation, ecstatic sexuality, and personal salvation, they expressed dread and paranoia of government, the military, and other social tyrannies that controlled McCarthy-era America. This grassroots literary movement hustled the streets instead of university halls at a time when the spoils of war bloated the self-image of a nation. Oddly, in time, these outsiders' words would come to embody the period and ultimately help spark the revolutions to come in the Sixties. But nothing since has surpassed the Beats' primal image of the road. The movement of bodies in space, "to put it country simple" (as Burroughs liked to say), is what Beat writing boils down to. Despite its high regard today as cultural capital and the appropriation of its hip style and fashion by younger generations of techno geeks, rewards to individual artists of the Beat generation have been slow coming. When I spoke with her recently, legendary poet Diane di Prima said, "If I'm a famous Beat poet, why can't I pay my rent?" Few if any of the Beat writers received secure academic posts, a reward expected by many writers today. Despite the masterful adaptation by David Cronenberg of Naked Lunch for the screen, there have been few attempts to translate Beat works into visual expressions. What sold was an attitude, a pose of liberation, while the personal visions and dangers of the road permanently negated monetary success on the cultural market. "The reclamation and reinvention for the Beats and Beat literature in the nineties is an international phenomena that at once recognizes the dissident spirit of the Beats and removes it from historical complexity, makes it safe, and turns it into projects and artifacts," writes San Francisco poet David Meltzer. "The more removed from history's discomfort, the easier it is to imagine and consume history without taking on its weight." Recent publications, or re-publications, complicate in some ways the reigning dogmas of Beat mythology. Edited by Meltzer, San Francisco Beat: Talking With the Poets gathers 17 interviews ranging in time nearly 30 years. The discussions focus on many of Meltzer's peers, including Diane di Prima, Gary Snyder, Joanne Kyger, and Philip Whalen. There also are lesser-known names of the Beat canon, like Jack Hirschman, Lew Welch, and Jack Micheline, significant contributors to a poetics of fierce engagement executed with humor and vernacular sensitivity. "I have no idea about the Beat movement," di Prima says in one response. "To this day, I find it very difficult, as I'm sure you do, or anyone does, that people assume that whatever we were doing then we are doing now." Comparing Fifties economic conditions to the present, she acknowledges, "It was OK for me. Look at how awful it is now for everybody. I mean, it is fucking difficult. Drugs have been given a bad name. Traveling freely on the road would be a form of insanity. Money is so tight, nobody works twenty hours a month and studies their art. ... There was some kind of wild permission that we took. ... Real life, as we lived it, is fading, so there's this terrific Beat fantasy." These interviews present an oral history of the creative Renaissance that exploded in the Fifties and Sixties. "There's not a real center of poetry anymore," poet Joanne Kyger declares. "I think of the readings of the late sixties, where we had 500 to 1,000 people at a reading. Poetry was the news, the cultural news, and I don't think we've had this kind of energy, these voices for a while." As a document of cultural history, San Francisco Beat should help place the Beats in perspective of the greater context of midcentury cultural history. It also counters in some ways the calcifying effect Beat mythology has played on popular consciousness. Jack Kerouac's expansive genius for language produced some provocative formal experiments. Book of Dreams, one of the more important examples, has been reissued recently with 200 additional dreams that weren't included in the first edition. In his introduction, Bollingen Prize-winning poet Robert Creeley grounds the intent of Kerouac's book for readers more familiar with traditional prose models of writing. "The 'Jack' I found in this book was not a consistent or necessarily integrated presence," he writes. "He was of necessity the multiple, the many in one, the all that being one is. ... He loved the muffling, displacing edge between consciousness, as it's called, and the dream-filled sleep one leaves to come back to it." Kerouac reveals a sublunary text of psychic vision, twilight confidentiality, and automatic transcription of images and conversation. "The reader should know that this is just a collection of dreams that I scribbled after I woke up from my sleep," he writes in the book's foreword. "They were all written spontaneously, nonstop, just like dreams happen, sometimes written before I was even awake." Composed of discrete paragraphs, unconventional punctuation, with sentence fragments sustained by dashes, the dream writing here at first seems unfocused, haphazard, and daunting. But a few pages into the flow of these rhythmic, musical passages and the sustained narrative of nocturnal transmissions reveals energy of extraordinary concentration. He gathers these images of the psyche with humble curiosity, presenting them as the found components of his unconscious. Sometimes strange, funny or mundane, at others difficult, appalling or revealing, the dream narratives here are sustained by frank observations and unlimited internal resources of self-perception: Earlier my father was back among the living -- very pale -- but sure of his own health -- and had just got a new job in New York -- but I know he's going to die -- especially from his face -- He's been down to the Union -- Meanwhile I'd been high on a great building overlooking infinitesimal harbors, unafraid -- The history of the Kerouacs in huge spectral dream New York. Most amazing in the clarity of this writing is his capacity for revealing that reservoir of images psychologist Carl Jung identified as the collective unconscious. "Our early childhood years are not years at all," Kerouac writes, "but a sweet outpouring of eyes." He establishes meaning in these pages through a stacking of imagery, finding the moral value of waking life in the darker recesses of his dreams. Almost as if reminding us of a forgotten platitude, he writes, "It is only when dreams lose their importance that the dirty business of evil begins." Here, in "the sweet small lake of the mind," dream narrative swerves into consciousness, breaking out against "one corner of vast America." With equal intensity of vivid visualization, two re-publications of William S. Burroughs' midcareer masterpieces afflict, disrupt, and suspend conventional senses of narrative. The Place of Dead Roads and Cities of the Red Night share themes of global intrigue, sexual convulsion, drug addiction, violence, and ritual murder. If you're familiar with Naked Lunch, consider these novels an extension of similarly far-out and autobiographical themes. The Place of Dead Roads opens with an old-time shoot-out. With deadpan humor and an immaculate eye for detail, Burroughs stuffs the Western genre with gangsters, space monsters, and addicts. In his perversion of the Old West, we see it fresh, violent, and raw. Imagine a movie starring John Wayne, beaten, sodomized, his guts blown out through the solar plexus. That's the territory Burroughs enters, extending a theme of North American expansion, debasement, and violence. From ancient Egyptian mythology to an accurate knowledge of weaponry, Burroughs borrows from multiple traditions to deepen his Western. Kim Carsons stars as the queer outlaw, and with his extended gang of "Johnsons" he seeks to establish safe havens for homosexuals, dope fiends, and gangsters. But Burroughs addresses the psychic content of the unconscious rather than appealing to the social conditions he finds stale and confining. In the opening scene, after Kim "shoots a hole in the moon," a sudden gathering of "father figures rush on stage": "STOP, MY SON!" "No son of yours, you worthless old farts." Kim lifts his gun. "YOU'RE DESTROYING THE UNIVERSE!" "What universe?" While Burroughs idealizes loners and the values of scrounging in an uncertain wilderness, he writes with surprising moral ardency. He's a kind of 20th-century Charles Dickens, but in reverse, assaulting stale moral assumptions to excavate an ethics of active human significance. His insights are gained through the moral resources of his characters, pitted as they are against abusive and abstract social conditions. Good and evil are inverted. The good a society is conditioned to do becomes an administered evil so great only an opposite condition nurtured within the individual can make it right. "Later," Burroughs says of his hero Kim Carsons, "when he becomes an important player, he will learn that people are not bribed to shut up about what they know. They are bribed not to find out. And if you are as intelligent as Kim, it's hard not to find things out. Now, American boys are told they should think. But just wait until your thinking is basically different from the thinking of a boss or a teacher. ... You will find out that you aren't supposed to think." Kim Carsons' Gnostic pursuit of good and evil leads him across the globe and into outer space (a favorite haunt for many of Burroughs' characters). The novel ends where it began, with a gunfight, and Kim's death, a kind of portal to Cities of the Red Night. Dedicated "to the Lord of Abominations, Humwawa, whose face is a mass of entrails," Cities of the Red Night is introduced with ritual magic to express a toxic imagination. With deep understanding of Aztec demonology and ritual practices, he issues a cautionary note to readers who would embark on his vile quest into extraordinary psychic states: "NOTHING IS TRUE. EVERYTHING IS PERMITTED." Written before news of the AIDS epidemic had become widely known, Burroughs writes with prophetic intuition of a sexually transmitted virus. In what is partly a detective story, partly sci-fi, characters debate "the wisdom of introducing Virus B-23 into contemporary America and Europe. Even though it might quiet the uh silent majority, who are admittedly becoming uh awkward, we must consider the biologic consequences." Of course, for Burroughs, this is also a human virus. "The whole quality of human consciousness, as expressed in male and female, is basically a virus mechanism." The imaginary cities of the red night (Tamaghis, Ba'dan, Yass-Waddah, Waghdas, Naufana, and Ghadis) host the psychic and physical events of Burroughs' narrative. Boys march through jungles, they "frisk by, singing." Others "in codpieces and leather jerkins carrying musical instruments from the Middle Ages invade American Express." The anatomically expressive language offers vivid images of glorious depravities. Strangulation, mutation, and masturbation occupy many of the narrative sequences as the battle for the psychic manipulation of these cities builds with dramatic tension. "All my books are all one book," Burroughs said in a rare 1974 interview. Both Cities of the Red Night and The Place of Dead Roads share extraordinary themes of psychic depth and explosive narrative accumulation. They also are picaresque tales in a narrative tradition that dates to antiquity. But Burroughs expands the geography to include inner, and outer, space. His ritual quests through language, sex, and graphic violence expose the humane condition of his heart. He is a visionary romantic, despite the calculated coldness of his writing. Unlike Burroughs' assault on social values, Aurelie Sheehan's recently reprinted (and carefully titled) collection, Jack Kerouac Is Pregnant, gathers 15 stories that focus primarily on relationships of young women to contemporary urban environments. They address youth, family, love affairs, pregnancy, and relations between the sexes. The title story has little to do with Jack Kerouac. Instead, it's about a young woman coming to terms with her pregnancy and the increased awareness of her confining situation. Subtitles to the story ironically spell out a kind of instruction manual of self-help: "How to Be a Passenger on a Motorcycle," "How to Be a Future Wife," and "How Not to Be a Pansy." The book's self-conscious prose, however, with calculated narrative disruptions of anxious significance, couldn't be further from the concerns of Kerouac or Burroughs. Not that this book should be compared to those others, either for criticism or comradeship, but its title begs some consideration in relation to the Beat oeuvre it invokes. Instead of spontaneity, vernacular accuracy, and narrative quests, Sheehan's prose moves from repressed circumstances to self-conscious liberation. It functions on a different scale, too, turning inward and reflective rather than extroverted with robust masculine attentions. Hers is a woman's perspective, of course, and formally resists Beat prose models. As a critical gesture in that regard, her prose does its job. "Ignore the baby mouse your cat brought into the bedroom," one character admonishes herself. "Read the advertisement for the perfume you are going to wear. Discuss it with your mother. Wear the dress you found on the side of the road during a light summer shower. Order something with herbs. Smile. Order a drink that reminds you of the lover. Look at your date's lips while he is speaking: wonder." Sheehan, who teaches writing at the University of Arizona, has written a provocative first book, wielding her knowledge with a careful deployment of craft. Her formal innovations are intrinsic to each story, and the book's title suggests explorations of considerable depth. She uses the cultural capital centered on Kerouac's name, however, to extend her own concerns, anchored meanwhile to a literary movement of some magnitude. This is not entirely her fault. There's a large body of contemporary literature that engages social issues of identity and gender by recycling and re-evaluating previous literary or historical models. While it's necessary to critique that cultural inheritance, it's important, too, to seek and retain what's useful in it. For the Beats, emotional knowledge extended from perceptive acts of great clarity and sincerity, not a sublimated, self-conscious prose style.
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	0	57	https://theportalist.com/new-wave-science-fiction	en	What Is New Wave Science Fiction?	https://orion-uploads.op…atheofheaven.jpg	https://orion-uploads.op…atheofheaven.jpg	[ "https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/port_logo.svg", "https://theportalist.com/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Forion-uploads.openroadmedia.com%2Fmd_0f22fb0db07d-latheofheaven.jpg&w=828&q=75 1x, /_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Forion-uploads.openroadmedia.com%2Fmd_0f22fb0db07d-latheofheaven.jpg&w=1920&q=75 2x", "https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/Camera-Icon.svg", "https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/sm_7affaae02076-novaexpress.jpg", "https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/md_7affaae02076-novaexpress.jpg", "https://d1pwnu15mzvjms.cloudfront.net/210x320/9781480461697.jpg", "https://d1pwnu15mzvjms.cloudfront.net/210x320/9781480461697.jpg", "https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/sm_5d512789f14d-slaughterhouse.jpeg", "https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/md_5d512789f14d-slaughterhouse.jpeg", "https://d1pwnu15mzvjms.cloudfront.net/210x320/9781626812628.jpg", "https://d1pwnu15mzvjms.cloudfront.net/210x320/9781626812628.jpg", "https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/sm_b1c2f328ad1e-crash.jpg", "https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/md_b1c2f328ad1e-crash.jpg", "https://d1pwnu15mzvjms.cloudfront.net/210x320/9781497617841.jpg", "https://d1pwnu15mzvjms.cloudfront.net/210x320/9781497617841.jpg", "https://d1pwnu15mzvjms.cloudfront.net/210x320/9781504050968.jpg", "https://d1pwnu15mzvjms.cloudfront.net/210x320/9781504050968.jpg", "https://d1pwnu15mzvjms.cloudfront.net/210x320/9781504062350.jpg", "https://d1pwnu15mzvjms.cloudfront.net/210x320/9781504062350.jpg", "https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/icon_fb.png", "https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/icon_insta.png", "https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/icon_x.png", "https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/icon_pinterest.png", "https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Archita Mittra" ]	2021-07-27T00:00:00+00:00	New Wave science fiction flourished in the 1960s and 1970s, and was characterized by social commentary, experimentation, and reflection on the politics of the time.	en	https://orion-uploads.openroadmedia.com/3-favicon.ico	theportalist.com	https://theportalist.com/new-wave-science-fiction	Broadly speaking, New Wave science fiction refers to an era in the genre that flourished in the 1960s and 1970s, and which consciously rejected the tropes from science fiction’s so-called Golden Age. The New Wave era focused on experimentation, social commentary, and literary merit, as opposed to hard science and stereotypical adventure plots. The writers associated with this movement, such as Ursula K. Le Guin, James Tiptree Jr., Samuel Delany, J.G. Ballard, Michael Moorcock, and Joanna Russ, among many others, used the typical science fiction elements—cyborgs, aliens, dystopias, advanced technology—to explore complex questions relating to politics, societies, cultures, and the human condition. But wait, isn’t that something science fiction has always tried to do? Well, yes and no. Want more sci-fi books? Sign up to get the best in SFF sent straight to your inbox! Science Fiction: A Very Brief History Science fiction has an eclectic past. Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein (1818) deals with some of the genre’s pet themes (a mad scientist, advanced technology, the ethics of scientific experimentation) and is often regarded as the first true science fiction novel. But stories with futuristic and scientific elements can be found further back in time, even in the epics of ancient cultures. Lucian of Samosata’s satirical True History (written sometime in second century AD) features space travel and alien encounters, while the Hindu epic The Ramayana includes flying machines and weapons of mass destruction. Nevertheless, science fiction as we understand it properly took off in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with the rise of the book market and the far-reaching impact of the Industrial and Scientific Revolutions on the literature of the times. Later, the genre was influenced and molded by the rising popularity of pulp magazines, superhero comics, and cheap paperbacks, alongside more mainstream literary and cultural movements, such as Modernism. Thus, by the 1960s, the genre of science fiction had already been established and redefined several times. Science Fiction's Golden Age The late 1930s to the early 1960s has been famously regarded as the Golden Age of Science Fiction, with writers like Isaac Asimov, Ray Bradbury, and Robert Heinlein predominating the field. This era gave birth to enduring tropes such as space travel, technological advances, and scientific achievement, all usually rooted in libertarian ideology. Sci-fi of this era often celebrated science as a cure-all to society’s troubles, and posited a “bright, shiny future,” with stories packed with typical action and adventure. RELATED: 5 Golden Age of Science Fiction Female Writers The Birth of New Wave Science Fiction The New Wave, which began in the 1960s, can be read as a grittier and darker take on the genre, and a rejection of many of the core values that characterized classic sci-fi. The New Wave was concerned with exploration and experimentation of the “inner space” as opposed to “outer space," tackling topics that may have been otherwise censored, and deconstructing familiar tropes. In 1964, Michael Moorcock became the editor for the New Worlds magazine, which soon began to publish more avant-garde material from writers such as Brian Aldiss and Thomas M. Disch. Just three years later in 1967, Harlan Ellison, who edited the anthology Dangerous Visions, called for admissions that would have been considered too controversial in other publications. Moreover, the New Wave writers began to look beyond the genre for inspiration. They drew upon diverse influences, such as the Modernist and Postmodernist literary movements, and beatnik writers such as William S. Boroughs. They also responded to the current trends in counter cultures, sexual liberation, and political uncertainty. The sci-fi was therefore experimental in terms of both subject and style, characterized by anti-heroes probing difficult topics with a sense of cynicism or ambivalence. By the 1980s, the movement had faded, yet its influence endured with the development of new subgenres that continued asking similar questions, such as cyberpunk and slipstream. Below are a few novels associated with New Wave science fiction. Featuring some familiar titles, alongside less-famous works, this list is by no means comprehensive, and is meant as a starting point for a deeper exploration into the genre. 1964 Nova Express By William S. Burroughs Nova Express is a stylistic experiment, which uses Borrough’s own version of the “cut-up method” to enclose snippets of different texts into one work. It is the third book is his Nova trilogy (preceded by The Soft Machine and The Ticket That Exploded) and is considered by some critics to be his best novel. A deeply metaphorical work, Nova Express is concerned with machine control on human life, positing a conflict between the Nova Criminals and the Nova Police, which cannot exist without the other. 1966 Babel-17 By Samuel R. Delany Delany’s short novel is built on a very interesting premise: the invention of a language that can be wielded as a weapon. Telepath Rydra Wong, who is recruited to investigate the traitors and probe into the language, realizes that the more she learns of “Babel- 17," the more likely she is to become a traitor herself. 1969 Slaughterhouse Five By Kurt Vonnegut Widely regarded as a cult classic, this Kurt Vonnegut novel is a whimsical and experimental foray into the mind of Billy Pilgrim, an American soldier and chaplain’s assistant turned unlikely time-traveler. The story is narrated in a non-linear fashion, as we witness Billy relive the horrors of war and his strange experiences after being abducted by aliens. 1971 The Lathe of Heaven By Ursula K. Le Guin When it comes to science fiction and fantasy, Ursula K. Le Guin is a household name, thanks to the enormous popularity of her fantastical Earthsea novels. But several of her adult novels remain as deeply relevant, with The Lathe of Heaven being one of them. The protagonist George Orr is a draftsman whose dreams can alter reality, and is addicted to drugs that prevent such changes. While undergoing treatment for his drug addiction, George encounters mysterious psychiatrist William Haber, who begins to use Orr for his own agenda. 1973 Crash By J.G. Ballard Crash is a rather challenging and controversial novel, centered on the figure of Robert Vaughan, who is sexually aroused by car crashes and whose definitive fantasy is to die in a collision accident with Elizabeth Taylor. Vaughan even gathers a group of faithful followers who are obsessed with enacting famous car crashes to satisfy their desires. Ballard’s novel is a daring exploration of perversion and technology. 1975 The Shockwave Rider By John Brunner Almost a decade before William Gibson published Neuromancer (1984) and long before the advent of the internet, Brunner wrote The Shockwave Rider, which imagines a dystopian world where computer networks link everyone. While citizens do not enjoy any privacy and are secretly controlled by the state apparatus, corporations run amok. The story follows Nick Haflinger, a proto-hacker, as he navigates and tries to escape this dangerous (but strangely prophetic) world. 1977 We Who Are About To . . . By Joanna Russ In this daring and challenging novel by feminist author Joanna Russ, a group of interstellar tourists crash-land on a hostile planet. As her fellow shipwrecked travelers attempt to make the best of their situation, one female passenger remains realistic about their chances for survival.
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wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	0	16	https://electricliterature.com/the-rise-of-science-fiction-from-pulp-mags-to-cyberpunk/	en	The Rise of Science Fiction from Pulp Mags to Cyberpunk	https://149349728.v2.pre…y4YNWZfG1hQ.jpeg	https://149349728.v2.pre…y4YNWZfG1hQ.jpeg	[ "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/logo@2x.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/menu.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/cancel-white.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/Search-teal.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/search-decor.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/search-decor.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/Search-white@2x.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/cancel-white.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/search-decor.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/search-decor.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/1T361na3O8C9y4YNWZfG1hQ.jpeg", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/share.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/share.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/17UktquNz_kLgNf1xmSZAoQ.jpeg", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/1CfkpweadjYWtoeQD5OeoUA.jpeg", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/1SFLbH5BhGuiSnkvcBtrDdQ.jpeg", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/1UDx77HrxIg2T6WnyOpowng.jpeg", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/1nUg5WKW7wrN0eHwPfB_uIQ.jpeg", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/1BqbPal1UqbtveTqXz5wXBA.jpeg", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/19Y5aimGlpYBTCEI1AXr5Yw.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/17SBrHu09y1wkPXd3glbk4w.jpeg", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/1J6dHwPbgHSVH4FLdMKleIQ.jpeg", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/1MkH85KvDGJDd-LeiUF2ZcA.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/1pQ7Sv2YQWRai6wzISK0GrQ.jpeg", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/1*auqW8Qcb6pC2b8kzu5R2Hg.jpeg", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/mariah-reever-TQe8ClKeA2k-unsplash-scaled.jpg", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/alfiano-sutianto-UjFFguMKeaI-unsplash-scaled.jpg", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Screenshot-2022-04-01-at-15-25-55-Everything-Everywhere-All-at-Once-2022.webp", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/cancel-white.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/element-verticle-white.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/themes/electric-lit/img/element-verticle-white.png", "https://149349728.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/logo@2x.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "electricliterature", "Jeff VanderMeer" ]	2016-12-22T17:10:45+00:00	This wide-ranging exploration of the impulses, movements, and unique voices in twentieth century science fiction originally appeared as the introduction to this year’s The Big Book of Science Fiction from Vintage Books. Ann and Jeff VanderMeer’s next project will be The Big Book of Classic Fantasy, also from Vintage. Since the days of Mary Shelley, Jules […]	en	https://149349728.v2.pre…/02/favicon.jpeg	Electric Literature	https://electricliterature.com/the-rise-of-science-fiction-from-pulp-mags-to-cyberpunk/	This wide-ranging exploration of the impulses, movements, and unique voices in twentieth century science fiction originally appeared as the introduction to this year’s The Big Book of Science Fiction from Vintage Books. Ann and Jeff VanderMeer’s next project will be The Big Book of Classic Fantasy, also from Vintage. Since the days of Mary Shelley, Jules Verne, and H. G. Wells, science fiction has not just helped define and shape the course of literature but reached well beyond fictional realms to influence our perspectives on culture, science, and technology. Ideas like electric cars, space travel, and forms of advanced communication comparable to today’s cell phone all first found their way into the public’s awareness through science fiction. In stories like Alicia Yáñez Cossío’s “The IWM 100” from the 1970s you can even find a clear prediction of Information Age giants like Google — and when Neil Armstrong set foot on the moon, the event was a very real culmination of a yearning already expressed through science fiction for many decades. Science fiction has allowed us to dream of a better world by creating visions of future societies without prejudice or war. Dystopias, too, like Ray Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451, have had their place in science fiction, allowing writers to comment on injustice and dangers to democracy. Where would Eastern Bloc writers have been without the creative outlet of science fiction, which by seeming not to speak about the present day often made it past the censors? For many under Soviet domination during those decades, science fiction was a form of subversion and a symbol of freedom. Today, science fiction continues to ask “What if?” about such important topics as global warming, energy dependence, the toxic effects of capitalism, and the uses of our modern technology, while also bringing back to readers strange and wonderful visions. No other form of literature has been so relevant to our present yet been so filled with visionary and transcendent moments. No other form has been as entertaining, either. Before now, there have been few attempts at a definitive anthology that truly captures the global influence and significance of this dynamic genre — bringing together authors from all over the world and from both the “genre” and “literary” ends of the fiction spectrum. The Big Book of Science Fiction covers the entire twentieth century, presenting, in chronological order, stories from more than thirty countries, from the pulp space opera of Edmond Hamilton to the literary speculations of Jorge Luis Borges, from the pre-Afrofuturism of W. E. B. Du Bois to the second-wave feminism of James Tiptree Jr. — and beyond! What you find within these pages may surprise you. It definitely surprised us. What Is the “Golden Age” of Science Fiction? Even people who do not read science fiction have likely heard the term “the Golden Age of Science Fiction.” The actual Golden Age of Science Fiction lasted from about the mid-1930s to the mid-1940s, and is often conflated for general readers with the preceding Age of the Pulps (1920s to mid-1930s). The Age of the Pulps had been dominated by the editor of Amazing Stories, Hugo Gernsback. Sometimes called the Father of Science Fiction, Gernsback was most famously photographed in an all-encompassing “Isolator” author helmet, attached to an oxygen tank and breathing apparatus. The Golden Age dispensed with the Isolator, coinciding as it did with the proliferation of American science fiction magazines, the rise of the ultimately divisive editor John W. Campbell at Astounding Science Fiction (such strict definitions and such a dupe for Dianetics!), and a proto-market for science fiction novels (which would only reach fruition in the 1950s). This period also saw the rise to dominance of authors like Isaac Asimov, Arthur C. Clarke, Poul Anderson, C. L. Moore, Robert Heinlein, and Alfred Bester. It fixed science fiction in the public imagination as having a “sense of wonder” and a “can-do” attitude about science and the universe, sometimes based more on the earnest, naïve covers than the actual content, which could be dark and complex. But “the Golden Age” has come to mean something else as well. In his classic, oft-quoted book on science fiction, Age of Wonders: Exploring the World of Science Fiction (1984), the iconic anthologist and editor David Hartwell asserted that “the Golden Age of Science Fiction is 12.” Hartwell, an influential gatekeeper in the field, was making a point about the arguments that “rage until the small of the morning” at science fiction conventions among “grown men and women” about that time when “every story in every magazine was a master work of daring, original thought.” The reason readers argue about whether the Golden Age occurred in the 1930s, 1950s, or 1970s, according to Hartwell, is because the true age of science fiction is the age at which the reader has no ability to tell good fiction from bad fiction, the excellent from the terrible, but instead absorbs and appreciates just the wonderful visions and exciting plots of the stories. This is a strange assertion to make, one that seems to want to make excuses. It’s often repeated without much analysis of how such a brilliant anthology editor also credited with bringing literary heavyweights like Gene Wolfe and Philip K. Dick to readers would want to (inadvertently?) apologize for science fiction while at the same time engaging in a sentimentality that seems at odds with the whole enterprise of truly speculative fiction. (Not to mention dissing twelve-year-olds!) Perhaps one reason for Hartwell’s stance can be found in how science fiction in the United States, and to some extent in the United Kingdom, rose out of pulp magazine delivery systems seen as “low art.” A pronounced “cultural cringe” within science fiction often combines with the brutal truth that misfortunes of origin often plague literature, which can assign value based on how swanky a house looks from the outside rather than what’s inside. The new Kafka who next arises from cosmopolitan Prague is likely to be hailed a savior, but not so much the one who arises from, say, Crawfordville, Florida. There is also something of a need to apologize for the ma-and-pop tradition exemplified by the pulps, with their amateurish and eccentric editors, who sometimes had little formal training and possessed as many eccentricities as freckles, and who came to dominate the American science fiction world early on. Sometimes an Isolator was the least of it. Yet even with regard to the pulps, evidence suggests that these magazines at times entertained more sophisticated content than generally given credit for, so that in a sense an idea like “the Golden Age of Science Fiction is 12” undermines the truth about such publications. It also renders invisible all of the complex science fiction being written outside of the pulp tradition. Therefore, we humbly offer the assertion that contrary to popular belief and based on all of the evidence available to us . . . the actual Golden Age of Science Fiction is twenty-one, not twelve. The proof can be found in the contents of this anthology, where we have, as much as possible, looked at the totality of what we think of “science fiction,” without privileging the dominant mode, but also without discarding it. That which may seem overbearing or all of a type at first glance reveals its individuality and uniqueness when placed in a wider context. At third or fourth glance, you may even find that stories from completely diffrent traditions have commonalities and speak to each other in interesting ways. Building a Better Definition of “Science Fiction” We evoked the names of Mary Shelley, Jules Verne, and H. G. Wells at the beginning of this introduction for a very specific reason. All three are useful entry points or origin points for science fiction because they do not exist so far back in time as to make direct influence seem ethereal or attenuated, they are still known in the modern era, and because the issues they dealt with permeate what we call the “genre” of science fiction even today. We hesitate to invoke the slippery and preternatural word influence, because influence appears and disappears and reappears, sidles in and has many mysterious ways. It can be as simple yet profound as reading a text as a child and forgetting it, only to have it well up from the subconscious years later, or it can be a clear and all-consuming passion. At best we can only say that someone cannot be influenced by something not yet written or, in some cases, not yet translated. Or that influence may occur not when a work is published but when the writer enters the popular imagination — for example, as Wells did through Orson Welles’s infamous radio broadcast of War of the Worlds (1938) or, to be silly for a second, Mary Shelley through the movie Young Frankenstein (1974). For this reason even wider claims of influence on science fiction, like writer and editor Lester del Rey’s assertion that the Mesopotamian Epic of Gilgamesh is the earliest written science fiction story, seem appropriative, beside the point, and an overreach for legitimacy more useful as a “tell” about the position of science fiction in the 1940s and 1950s in North America. But we brought up our triumvirate because they represent different strands of science fiction. The earliest of these authors, Mary Shelley, and her Frankenstein (1818), ushered in a modern sensibility of ambivalence about the uses of technology and science while wedding the speculative to the horrific in a way reflected very early on in science fiction. The “mad scientist” trope runs rife through the pages of the science fiction pulps and even today in their modern equivalents. She also is an important figure for feminist SF. Jules Verne, meanwhile, opened up lines of inquiry along more optimistic and hopeful lines. For all that Verne liked to create schematics and specific detail about his inventions — like the submarine in Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Sea (1870) — he was a very happy puppy who used his talents in the service of scientific romanticism, not “hard science fiction.” H. G. Wells’s fiction was also dubbed “scientific romanticism” during his lifetime, but his work existed somewhere between these two foci. His most useful trait as the godfather of modern science fiction is the granularity of his writing. Because his view of the world existed at an intersection of sociology, politics, and technology, Wells was able to create complex geopolitical and social contexts for his fiction — indeed, after he abandoned science fiction, Wells’s later novels were those of a social realist, dealing with societal injustice, among other topics. He was able to quantify and fully realize extrapolations about the future and explore the iniquities of modern industrialization in his fiction. The impulse to directly react to how industrialization has affected our lives occurs very early on in science fiction — for example, in Karl Hans Strobl’s cautionary factory tale “The Triumph of Mechanics” (1907) and even in the playful utopian visions of Paul Scheerbart, which often pushed back against bad elements of “modernization.” (For his optimism, Scheerbart perished in World War I, while Strobl’s “reward” was to fall for fascism and join the Nazi Party — in part, a kind of repudiation of the views expressed in “The Triumph . . .”) Social and political issues also peer out from science fiction from the start, and not just in Wells’s work. Rokheya Shekhawat Hossein’s “Sultana’s Dream” (1905) is a potent feminist utopian vision. W. E. B. Du Bois’s “The Comet” (1920) isn’t just a story about an impending science-fictional catastrophe but also the start of a conversation about race relations and a proto-Afrofuturist tale. The previously untranslated Yefim Zozulya’s “The Doom of Principal City” (1918) presages the atrocities perpetrated by the communism of the Soviet Union and highlights the underlying absurdities of certain ideological positions. (It’s perhaps telling that these early examples do not come from the American pulp SF tradition.) This kind of eclectic stance also suggests a simple yet effective definition for science fiction: it depicts the future, whether in a stylized or realistic manner. There is no other definitional barrier to identifying science fiction unless you are intent on defending some particular territory. Science fiction lives in the future, whether that future exists ten seconds from the Now or whether in a story someone builds a time machine a century from now in order to travel back into the past. It is science fiction whether the future is phantasmagorical and surreal or nailed down using the rivets and technical jargon of “hard science fiction.” A story is also science fiction whether the story in question is, in fact, extrapolation about the future or using the future to comment on the past or present. Thinking about science fiction in this way delinks the actual content or “experience” delivered by science fiction from the commodification of that genre by the marketplace. It does not privilege the dominant mode that originated with the pulps over other forms. But neither does it privilege those other manifestations over the dominant mode. Further, this definition eliminates or bypasses the idea of a “turf war” between genre and the mainstream, between commercial and literary, and invalidates the (weird ignorant snobbery of) tribalism that occurs on one side of the divide and the faux snobbery (ironically based on ignorance) that sometimes manifests on the other. Wrote the brilliant editor Judith Merril in the seventh annual edition of The Year’s Best S-F (1963), out of frustration: “But that’s not science fiction . . . !” Even my best friends (to invert a paraphrase) keep telling me: That’s not science fiction! Sometimes they mean it couldn’t be s-f, because it’s good. Sometimes it couldn’t be because it’s not about spaceships or time machines. (Religion or politics or psychology isn’t science fiction — is it?) Sometimes (because some of my best friends are s-f fans) they mean it’s not really science fiction — just fantasy or satire or something like that. On the whole, I think I am very patient. I generally manage to explain again, just a little wearily, what the “S-F” in the title of this book means, and what science fiction is, and why the one contains the other, without being constrained by it. But it does strain my patience when the exclamation is compounded to mean, “Surely you don’t mean to use that? That’s not science fiction!” — about a first-rate piece of the honest thing. Standing on either side of this debate is corrosive — detrimental to the study and celebration of science fiction; all it does is sidetrack discussion or analysis, which devolves into SF/not SF or intrinsically valuable/not valuable. And, for the general reader weary of anthologies prefaced by a series of “inside baseball” remarks, our definition hopefully lessens your future burden of reading these words. Consider Another Grand Tradition: The Conte Philosophique Inasmuch as we have put on our Isolator and already paid some tribute to the “dominant” strain of science fiction by briefly conjuring up the American pulp scene of the 1920s through 1940s, it is important before returning to that tradition to examine what the Loyal Opposition was up to in the first half of the twentieth century — and for this reason, it is important to turn our attention to an earlier form, the conte philosophique. Conte philosophique translates as “philosophical story” or “fable of reason.” The contes philosophiques were used for centuries in the West by the likes of Voltaire, Johannes Kepler, and Francis Bacon as one legitimate way for scientists or philosophers to present their findings. The conte philosophique employs the fictional frame of an imaginary or dream journey to impart scientific or philosophical content. In a sense, the fantastical or science-fictional adventure became a mental laboratory in which to discuss findings or make an argument. If we position some early science fiction as occurring outside of the American pulp tradition but also outside of traditions exemplified by Mary Shelley and H. G. Wells, what remains as influence is both extremely relevant to science fiction and also relevant to more dominant traditions. Early twentieth-century science fiction like Hossein’s “Sultana’s Dream,” Scheerbart’s utopian fables, or Alfred Jarry’s “Elements of Pataphysics” from his novel Exploits and Opinions of Dr. Faustroll, Pataphysician (1911; first published in English in the 1960s) makes infinitely more sense in this context. More importantly, these stories take their rightful place within the history of speculative literature. Instead of being considered outliers, they can be seen as the evolution of a grand tradition, one that inverts the usual ratio of the fictional to nonfictional found in a typical conte philosophique. It is a mode that certainly helps us better understand Jules Verne’s fiction. In many cases, Verne was taking his cue from the trappings of the conte philosophique — the fantastical adventure — and using that form as a vehicle for creating his entertainments. The conte philosophique, with its non/fictional fusion, also creates a fascinating link to Jorge Luis Borges and his essay-stories from the 1940s. These stories often serve as a vehicle for metaphysical exploration. Indeed, Borges’s work can in this context be seen as the perfect expression of and reconciliation of the (pulpish) adventure fiction he loved and the intellectual underpinnings of his narratives, which rely in part on severe compression into tale (coal into diamonds) rather than traditional short story. Other Latin American examples include Silvina Ocampo’s “The Waves” (1959) and Alicia Yáñez Cossío’s “The IWM 1000” (1975). Even Stanisław Lem in his Star Diaries voyages of the 1960s and 1970s is reimagining the contes philosophiques — there is the actual voyage (exciting enough!) but it is once again a pure delivery system for ideas about the world. Although this tradition is not as common in the pulps, “science fiction tales” like A. Merritt’s “The Last Poet and the Robots” (1935) and Frederik Pohl’s “Day Million” (1966) can be seen as a fusion of the “speculative fairy tale” and the conte philosophique, or simply a mutation of the conte philosophique, which was itself influenced by ancient myths of fantastical journeys. Ironically, some of these stories add in elements of “hard science fiction.” Interpreted charitably and not from a position espousing the superiority of the conte philosophique, this form infiltrates the pulps in the sense that the pulps showcase the physical actuality of the contes philosophiques — they are contes physiques into which can be reinjected or refed an abstract quality — “what/why/how/if?” And they can embody that quality or kind of inquiry as subtext. (Whereas on the mainstream side of the divide that subtext must manifest as metaphysics to be considered literature or be doomed in terms of approval — as would any non-character-based fiction.) In this context, whether just as a thought experiment to turn the tables and challenge dominant modes of thinking, or as a subversive “real” metaphorical or metaphysical construct, we could then come to see American pulp space-travel fiction as a kind of devolution — a mistake in which the scaffolding (or booster rockets) used to deliver the point of a conte philosophique (the journey) is brought to the foreground and the idea or scientific hypothesis (the “what if”) is deemphasized or subtextual only. A case of throwing out the baby to glorify the bathwater? Science fiction in the United States has often positioned itself as the “literature of ideas,” yet what is a literature of ideas if they can only be expressed through a select few “delivery systems”? Aren’t there ideas expressed in fiction that we can only see the true value of — good or bad, sophisticated or simple — if we admit that there are more than a few modes of expression with which to convey them? In examining the link between the conte philosophique and science fiction, we begin to grasp the outlines of the wider context: how many of these “alternative” approaches are — rather than being deformed or flat or somehow otherwise suspect as lesser modes — just different from the dominant model, not lesser, and as useful and relevant. (For example, where otherwise to fit Czechoslovakian writer Karel Čapek — both his 1920s robot plays and his gonzo novel War with the Newts from the 1930s?) Just like our definition of science fiction, this way of thinking about science fiction works both from the “literary mainstream” looking in or from genre looking out. The reason it works is that the position or stance — the perspective or vantage taken — is from outside of either. And this is in a sense pure or uncontaminated by the subjective intent — colonizing or foundationally assumed superior — of either “mainstream” literary or genre. In taking this position (on a mountaintop, from a plane, in a dirigible, from the moon, within a dream journey) much less is rendered invisible in general, and more “viable” science fiction can be recovered, uncovered, or discovered without being any less faithful about our core definition. Thus, too, in this anthology we have the actuality of exploration and the idea of it, because both thought and action expend energy and are both, in their separate ways, a form of motion. Perhaps the reason the conte philosophique to date has been undervalued as an influence on science fiction is because of the “cultural cringe” of the dominant American form of science fiction, which has consistently positioned itself in relationship to the literary mainstream by accepting the literary mainstream’s adherence to the short story as needing to have three-dimensional, psychologically convincing characters to be valid. Even reactions against this position (pre-Humanist SF) have in essence been defining science fiction in relationship to the über-domination of the mainstream. This is particularly ironic given that a fair amount of early science fiction fails at the task of creating three-dimensional characters (while displaying other virtues) and thus as the century progresses the self-punishment the science fiction genre parcels out to itself for not meeting a standard that is just one tradition within the mainstream looks increasingly odd, or even perverse, as are excuses like “the Golden Age of Science Fiction is 12.” The genre would have been far better off taking up the cause of traditions like the conte philosophique to bypass mainstream approbation rather than continually recycling the Mesopotamian Defense or the Hawthorne Maneuver (“Canon fodder Nathaniel Hawthorne was the first science fiction/fantasy writer”) to create legitimacy or “proof of concept” on the mainstream’s terms. Further Exploration of the Pulp Tradition Remember the Age of the Pulps and later Golden Age of Science Fiction (the 1920s to mid-1940s)? Collectively, this era successfully exported itself as a system of plots, tropes, story structures, and entanglements to either emulate or push back against. It was typified not so much by movements as by the hegemonies created by particular influential editors like H. L. Gold, the aforementioned Campbell, and Frederik Pohl (at Galaxy). Many of these editors, trying to create an advantage in the marketplace, created their own fiefdom, defended borders, laid down ground rules for what science fiction was and what it wasn’t. In some cases, it might be argued they had to because no one yet knew exactly what it was, or because enthusiasts kept encountering new mutations. These rules in the cutthroat and still-stuffy world of freelance writing could affect content quite a bit — Theodore Sturgeon reportedly stopped writing for a time because of one editor’s rules. Writers could make a living writing for the science fiction magazines in an era with no competition from television or video games — and they could especially make a living if they obeyed the dictates of their editor-kings. These editorial tastes would come to define, even under new editors, the focus of magazines like Amazing Stories, even if editorial tastes are not sound or rational systems of thought. Still, they shape taste and canon as much or more so than stable systems or concrete movements — in part because the influence of editors often exists out of the public eye and thus is less subject to open debate. In a few other cases, magazines like Weird Tales successfully forged identities by championing hybrid or new modes of fiction, to the point of becoming synonymous with the type of content they provided to readers. Dashing men in dashing machines having dashing adventures were not as prevalent in such magazines, nor in this Golden Age era. It was more likely that the dashing man might have a dashing accident and be dashed up on some malign alien world or be faced with some dashing Terrible Choice based on being dashed on the rocks of misfortune. In fact, much written in the mode of purely optimistic fiction has not aged well — in part because it simplified the complexities of a very complex world and the universe beyond. For example, with each decade what we know about what it takes to travel in space makes it more and more unlikely that we will make it out of our own solar system. Even one of the foremost supporters of terraforming, Kim Stanley Robinson, admitted that such travel is highly improbable in a 2014 interview. The other reason this brand of science fiction has mostly historical value is because the twentieth century included two world wars along with countless significant regional conflicts, the creation of the atom bomb, the spread of various viruses, ecological disaster, and pogroms in Europe, Asia, and Africa. Against such a growing tally, certain kinds of “gee-whiz” science fiction seem hopelessly out of date; we need escapism in our fiction because fiction is a form of play, but escapism becomes difficult to read when it renders invisible the march of history or becomes too disconnected from readers’ experience of science, technology, or world events. When you also throw in institutional racism in the United States, a subject thoroughly ignored by science fiction for a very long time, and other social issues dealt with skillfully by non-SF through the first five decades of the twentieth century, it perhaps makes sense that there is very little from the Golden Age of Science Fiction in this anthology. Our representative choices are ones where the predictive nature of the story or its sophistication stands up to the granularity of the present day. It is also worth remembering that in the wider world of literature writers outside of science fiction were trying to grapple with the changing nature of reality and technological innovation. After World War I, James Joyce, T. S. Eliot, Virginia Woolf, and others experimented with the nature of time and identity in ways that at times had a speculative feel to it. These were mainstream attempts to engage with science (physics) that only entered into the science fiction tradition as influence during the New Wave movement of the 1960s. This modernist experimentation and other, more recent evidence suggests that, despite frequent claims to the contrary, science fiction is not uniquely suited to interrogate industrialization or modern tech — many nonspeculative stories and novels have done so quite well — so much as it doesn’t seem as if science fiction could exist or have arisen without the products and inventions particular to industrialization. The physicality of science fiction depends on it in a way that other kinds of fiction do not (for example, historical fiction). Although a spaceship may be more or less a focal point, for example — potentially as unobtrusive as a cab (a ride to a destination) — this is in truth rarely the case. Because spaceships don’t exist yet, at least not in the way they are rendered in science fiction, as a literalization of the future. Even the most “adventure pulp” stories of early science fiction had to take a position: celebrate the extrapolated future of industrialization and ever-more-advanced technology or bemoan it, speak in terms of splendors and a “sense of wonder” or strike at the ideology behind such thinking through dystopia and examination of excesses. (In such a context, science fiction cannot be seen as escapist or nonpolitical so much as conformist when it does not ask “Why this?” in addition to “What if?”) Still, the pulp tradition as it matured was never as hackneyed or traditional or gee-whiz as it liked to think it was or as twelve-year-old readers fondly remember. It was not nearly as optimistic or crude as the covers that represented it and that science fiction outgrew. In part, this was due to the influx or infusion of a healthy dose of horror from near the start, via Weird Tales and its ilk. Magazines like Unknown also often published fusions of horror and science fiction, and as some of the author/story notes to early stories in this volume indicate, the “rise of the tentacle” associated with twentieth-century weird fiction (à la Lovecraft) first appeared in weird space operas by writers like Edmond Hamilton. Among stories from this period that have relevance, many have a depth derived from the darkness that drives them — a sense that the underpinnings of the universe are indeed more complex than we know. In short, cosmic horror has been around for longer than Lovecraft and has helped to sustain and lend depth to science fiction as well. Post–World War II: How Science Fiction Grew All the Way Up the Walls of the World Largely because it has no “movement” associated with it, the 1950s are sometimes seen as a transitional period, but Robert Silverberg rightly considered the 1950s the true Golden Age of Science Fiction. The full flowering of science fiction in the US and UK dates from this period, in part because opportunities through magazines, book publication, and anthologies proliferated and in part because new and more inclusive gatekeepers entered the field. The fiction of such highly literate and sophisticated writers like Fritz Leiber (mostly in fantasy and horror), James Blish, and Frederik Pohl came into its own in the 1950s, not just because these writers were encouraged by a much more vital publishing environment but also because of their background with the Futurians, a science fiction club, which had nurtured interests across a wide range of topics, not just genre fiction. Blish’s “Surface Tension” (1952) demonstrates the fruits of that sophistication in its exploration of fascinating ideas about terraforming humans. Philip K. Dick started to publish fiction in the early 1950s, too; in his very first story, “Beyond Lies the Wub” (1952), he staked a claim to that hallucinatory, absurdist, antiestablishment space in which he would later write classics like Ubik (1969) and Flow My Tears, the Policeman Said (1974). Arthur C. Clarke had been a fixture of the Golden Age but transitioned into the 1950s with such classic, dark stories as “The Star”(1955), as did Robert Heinlein. Ray Bradbury continued to write brilliant fiction, coming off of his success with The Martian Chronicles, and Robert Silverberg was extremely prolific in the 1950s, although our choice for a reprint from him was published much later. Several underrated writers published some of their best fiction, too, including James H. Schmitz, William Tenn, and Chad Oliver. Tom Godwin shook things up with his very long “The Cold Equations” (1954), a good story not included herein that would become an item of debate for Humanist SF writers, some of whom would try to replicate it. Tenn’s “The Liberation of Earth” (1953), a harsh satire of alien invasion inspired by the Korean War, was a touchstone for protesters during the Vietnam War and become a classic. Damon Knight began to establish his legacy with the unusual and strange alien contact story “Stranger Station” (1956). C. M. Kornbluth (another Futurian) published some of his best stories during this era, including “The Silly Season” (1950) and “The Marching Morons” (1951), although these tales have not dated well. Other notable writers from the era include Robert Sheckley, Avram Davidson, and Judith Merril (who would achieve lasting fame as an anthology editor). In hindsight, though, perhaps the most unique and important science fiction writer of the 1950s was Cordwainer Smith, who published most of his science fiction in the mid-1950s. His unique tales set on a far-future Earth and the surrounding universe came out of seemingly nowhere and had no clear antecedent. In “Scanners Live in Vain” (1950) and the story included herein, “The Game of Rat and Dragon” (1955), Smith revitalized space opera just as he remade so much else across an oeuvre as influenced by Jorge Luis Borges and Alfred Jarry as genre science fiction. Even today, Smith’s stories stand alone, as if they came from an alternate reality. Almost equaling Smith in terms of being sui generis, Theodore Sturgeon brought a willfully literary sensibility to his fiction and an empathy that could at times manifest as sentimentality. But in his best work, like “The Man Who Lost the Sea” (1959), Sturgeon displayed a much-needed pathos to science fiction. Sturgeon was also unafraid to explore horror and to take on controversial topics, and with each new story he published that pushed a boundary, Sturgeon made it easier for others to follow. Another interesting writer, James White, wrote about a galactic hospital in stories like “Sector General” (1957), which in their reliance on medical mysteries and situations pushed back against the standard conflict plots of the day. In White’s stories there are often no villains and sometimes no heroes, either. This allowed White to create fresh and different plots; one of his best hospital stories involves taking care of an alien child who manifests as a huge living boulder and who has vastly different feeding needs than human children. Neither Smith nor White was as popular as writers like Arthur C. Clarke, but their body of work stands out starkly from the surrounding landscape because it took such a different stance while still being relatable, entertaining, and modern. The fifties also saw more space made for brilliant woman writers like Katherine MacLean, Margaret St. Clair, and Carol Emshwiller. What MacLean, St. Clair, and Emshwiller all shared in their fiction was a fascination with either speculative sociology or extremes of psychological reality, within a context of writing unique female characters and using story structures that often came from outside the pulp tradition. MacLean in particular championed sociology and so-called soft science, a distinction from “hard” science fiction that would have seemed fairly radical at the time. St. Clair, meanwhile, with her comprehensive knowledge of horror and fantasy fiction as well as science fiction, crafted stories that could be humorous, terrifying, and sharply thought-provoking all at once. In some of her best stories, we can also see an attempt to interrogate our relationship to the animal world. Together, these three writers not only paved the way for the feminist science fiction explosion of the 1970s, they effectively created room for more unusual storytelling. Elsewhere in the world, Jorge Luis Borges was continuing to write fascinating, unique stories, and the tradition of the science fiction folktale or satire was used by Mexican writer Juan José Arreola to good effect in “Baby H.P.” and other flash fictions. Borges’s friend and fellow Argentine Silvina Ocampo even wrote science fiction, not a form of speculation she was known for, with “The Waves” (1959), translated into English herein for the first time. In France, Gérard Klein was just beginning to publish fiction, with early classic stories like “The Monster” (1958), his emergence presaging a boom in interesting French science fiction. And, even though Arkady and Boris Strugatsky (the Strugatsky brothers) wouldn’t achieve international fame until the 1970s, with the translation of Roadside Picnic (1979) and other books, they were publishing provocative and intelligent work like the alien-contact story “The Visitors” (1958) in the Soviet Union. That there was no particular unifying mode or theme of science fiction in the 1950s is in some ways a relief and afforded freedom for a number of unique writers. Clearly, the way was clear for science fiction to climb even farther up the walls of the world. But, in part, they would have to do it by tearing down what had come before. The New Wave and the Rise of Feminist Science Fiction The overriding story of science fiction in the 1960s would be the rise of the “New Wave,” largely championed at first by the UK magazine New Worlds, edited by Michael Moorcock, and then finding expression in the US through Harlan Ellison’s Dangerous Visions (1967) and Again, Dangerous Visions (1972) anthologies. New Wave fiction had many permutations and artistic ideologies associated with it, but at its core it was often formally experimental and sought to bring mainstream literary technique and seriousness to science fiction. In effect, the New Wave wanted to push the boundaries of what was possible while also embodying, in many cases, the counterculture of the 1960s. New Wave fiction tended to be antiestablishment and to look with a cold eye upon the Golden Age and the pulps. Sometimes, too, it turned that cold eye on the 1950s, with New Wave writers finding much of what had gone before too safe. But this opposition was sometimes forced on the New Wave by its detractors. For the average science fiction writer raised within the tradition of the pulps and existing within an era of plenty in the 1950s, especially with regard to the American book market, it must have been a rude awakening for writers from across the pond to suddenly be calling into question everything about their ecosystem, even if just by implication. The essential opposition also occurred because even though the 1950s had featured breakthroughs for many new voices, it had also solidified the hold upon the collective imagination of many Golden Age icons. Further, the New Wave writers had been either reading a fundamentally different set of texts or interpreting them far differently — such that the common meeting ground between New Wave and not–New Wave could be like first contact with aliens. Neither group spoke the other’s language or knew all of its customs. Even those who should have made common cause or found common understandings, like Frederik Pohl and James Blish, found themselves in opposition to the New Wave. In the event, however, the New Wave — whether writers and editors opposed it or lived within it and used it to create interesting work — would prove the single most influential movement within science fiction, with the concurrent and later rise of feminist science fiction a close second (and in some cases closely tied to the New Wave). Out of the New Wave came countless writers now unjustly forgotten, like Langdon Jones, Barrington Bayley (both reprinted herein), and John Sladek, but also giants of literature, starting with Michael Moorcock and J. G. Ballard, and including M. John Harrison and Brian Aldiss (actually from an earlier generation, but a hothouse party-crasher). Subversive publishers in the UK like Savoy fanned the flames. These writers were helped in their ascendency by the continued popularity of writers from outside of genre fiction whose work existed in sympathy to the New Wave, like Kurt Vonnegut Jr. and William S. Burroughs, and those within genre who were sympathetic and winning multiple Hugo Awards and Nebula Awards, like Harlan Ellison. Ellison’s own work fit the New Wave aesthetic to a T and his dual devotion to championing edgy work by both new and established writers in his anthologies created an undeniable New Wave beachhead in North America. American writers like Thomas Disch and Philip José Farmer received a clear boost to their careers because of the existence of the New Wave. Others, like Carol Emshwiller and Sonya Dorman, more or less wandered into the verdant (if also sometimes disaster-clogged) meadows of the New Wave by accident — having always done their own thing — and then wandered out again, neither better nor worse off. Unique eccentricists like David R. Bunch, whose Moderan stories only seem more prescient every day, could not have published their work at all if not for the largesse of daring editors and the aegis of the New Wave. (It is worth pointing out that his Moderan stories in this volume are the first reprints allowed in over two decades.) As or more important was the emergence of Samuel R. Delany as a major voice in the field, and the emergence of that voice linked to New Wave fiction with bold, unusual stories like “Aye, and Gomorrah” (1967). Delany just about matched Ellison Nebula Award for Nebula Award during this period and not only led by example in terms of producing sophisticated speculative fiction that featured diverse characters but also was, quite frankly, one of the only African-American or even nonwhite writers in the field for a very long time. Although the huge success of bestsellers like Dhalgren (1975) helped prolong the New Wave’s moment and furthered the cause of mature (and experimental) fiction within science fiction, it did not seem to help bring representative diversity with it. Indeed, by 1972, Terry Carr wrote in his introduction to volume 1 of The Best Science Fiction of the Year, By now the ‘new wave’ as such has come and gone; those stories that could stand on their merits have . . . These writers realize a truth basic to all art[:] Innovations are positive to the extent that they open doors, and an avant garde which seems to destroy rather than build will only destroy itself all the faster . . . Personally, I thought most of the work produced during the height of the ‘new wave’ was just as bad as bad science fiction has always been; if there has been an effective difference to me, it was only that I sometimes had to read a story more carefully to discover I disliked it. Terry Carr was a good and influential editor (who grew with the times), but wrong in this case, although it seems unlikely anyone could have understood how fundamentally the New Wave had changed the landscape. Despite a certain amount of retrenchment after the mid-1970s — at least in part because of the huge influence of Hollywood SF, like Star Wars, on the genre as a whole — New Wave fiction had enduring effects and created giants of culture and pop culture like J. G. Ballard (the most cited author on a variety of tech and societal topics since the 1970s). And, in fact, Carr was also wrong because the New Wave overlapped with another significant development, the rise of feminist science fiction, so the revolution was not in fact over. In some ways it was just beginning — and there was much work to do. In addition to conflict in society in general over the issues of women’s rights, the book culture had decided to cynically cater to misogynistic tendencies in readers by publishing whole lines of paperback fiction devoted to novels demonstrating how “women’s lib” would lead to future dystopias. If it feels like a bit of a misnomer to call this “rise” the “ascendency” of “feminist” SF, it is because to do so creates the danger of simplifying a complex situation. Not only did the fight to create more space for stories with positive and proactive women characters in science fiction need to be refought several times, but the arguments and the energy/impulse involved in “feminist” SF were also about representation: about creating a space for women writers, no matter what they wrote. And they were further complicated by the fact that identification of an author with “feminism” (just as identification with “New Wave”) can create a narrowed focus in how readers encounter and explore that writer’s work. Nor, largely, would this first focus on feminist science fiction address intersectional issues of race or of gender fluidity. (It is worth noting that in the milieu traversed by American surrealists of the 1960s and 1970s, a territory that existed parallel to science fiction, intersectionality appears to have been more central much earlier.) Kingsley Amis had pointed out in New Maps of Hell (1960), his influential book on science fiction published on the cusp of the New Wave, that “though it may go against the grain to admit it, [male] science-fiction writers are evidently satisfied with the sexual status quo.” This written in a context where few examples of complex or interesting women characters written by men seemed to exist, beyond a few stories by Theodore Sturgeon and John Wyndham (another one-off, marginally associated with the New Wave but, understandably and blissfully, enthralled by plants, fungi, lichen). By the 1970s, writers like Joanna Russ were giving bold and explicit voice to the cause of science fiction by featuring women. Russ accused science fiction, in her essay “The Image of Women in SF” (1970), of “a failure of imagination and ‘social speculation,’” making the argument that the paucity of complex female characters derived from accepting societal prejudices and stereotypes without thought or analysis. This echoed sentiments about clichés and stereotypes later expressed by Delany with regard to race. Feminist writers were concerned in part about the peculiar and unuseful way in which writers had for so long literalized archetypes, making women stand-ins and not individualized: Madonna/Whore, Mother Earth, etc. As the forever amazing and incisive Ursula K. Le Guin wrote in her essay “American SF and the Other” (1975), “The women’s movement has made most of us conscious of the fact that SF has either totally ignored women, or presented them as squeaking dolls subject to instant rape by monsters — or old-maid scientists desexed by hypertrophy of the intellectual organs — or, at best, loyal little wives or mistresses of accomplished heroes.” The irony of having to push back against misogynistic portrayals in science fiction should not be lost on anyone. Within a tradition of “what if,” a tradition not of realism but of supposedly dreaming true and of expressing the purest forms of the imagination, science fiction had still chosen in many cases to relegate women to second- or third-rate status. In such an atmosphere, without a revolution, how could anyone, male or female or gender-fluid, see clearly a future in which such prejudices did not exist? Therefore the rise of feminist SF was about the rise of unique, influential voices whose work could be overtly feminist but was not of interest solely for that reason. Writers like James Tiptree Jr. (Alice Sheldon), Russ, Josephine Saxton, Le Guin, and others were in some cases core New Wavers or were writing corrections of Golden Era simplifications, much as Delany sometimes did, and in other cases bringing sociology, anthropology, ecological issues, and more to the fore in a way that hadn’t yet been seen. Rather than being narrow in focus, this fiction opened up the world — and did so from within an American and British science fiction community that was at times resistant. The Important Role of International Fiction Sometimes it is useful to take a step back and examine the frenzy of enthusiasm about a particular era from a different perspective. While the New Wave and feminist science fiction were playing out largely in the Anglo world, the international scene was creating its own narrative. This narrative was not always so different from the Anglo one, in that in regions like Latin America women writers generally had to work twice as hard to achieve the same status as their male counterparts. For this reason, even today there are still women writers of speculative fiction being translated into English for the first time who first published work in the 1950s through 1970s. These roadblocks should not be underestimated, and future anthologists should make it a mission to discover and promote amazing work that may at this time be invisible to us. Frederik Pohl, Judith Merril, and Damon Knight, all three excellent writers, were at least as influential in putting on their editor hats and were particularly useful in bringing new, international voices into the English-language science fiction field. These gatekeepers and others, including the ubiquitous David Hartwell, were sympathetic to international science fiction, and as a result from the 1950s through the 1980s in particular stories in translation appeared with more frequency. (It is worth noting, though, that in many cases what was translated had to conform to Anglo ideas about what had value in the marketplace.) “International” science fiction may be a meaningless term because it both exoticizes and generalizes what should be normalized and then discussed in specifics country by country. But it is important to understand the overlay of non-Anglo fiction occurring at the same time as generally UK/US phenomena such as the New Wave and the rise of feminist SF — even if we can only focus on a few stories given the constraints of our anthology. For example, by the 1960s the Japanese science fiction scene had become strange and vital and energetic, as exemplified by work from Yoshio Aramaki and Yasutaka Tsutsui, but also so many other talented writers. Although it wouldn’t be clear until the publication of a score of English-language Macmillan Soviet science fiction anthologies and novels in the 1980s — many of them championed by Theodore Sturgeon and the Strugatsky brothers — Russian and Ukrainian science fiction came of age in the 1960s and 1970s. From 1960 to the mid-1970s, a number of writers little known in the West published fascinating and complex science fiction — some of it retranslated for this volume. For example, Valentina Zhuravlyova published “The Astronaut” (1960), which managed to escape being an advertisement for the Soviet space program by virtue of its intricate structure and commitment to the pathos of its space mission emergency. The fairly prolific Dmitri Bilenkin, who would appear in several English translations, wrote “Where Two Paths Cross,” an ecological contact story still unique and relevant today. With its alien collective, the story could be said to comment on the communist situation. Perhaps the most unlikely Russian writer of the time was Vadim Shefner, whose graceful fiction, with its deceptive lightness of touch, finds its greatest expression in “A Modest Genius” (1963). How this subversive and wise delicacy evaded the Soviet censors is a mystery, but readers everywhere should be glad it did. The best Soviet short-story writer of the era, however, was Sever Gansovsky, who wrote several powerful stories that could have been included in this anthology. Our choice, “Day of Wrath” (1964), updates the Wellsian “Dr. Moreau” trope while being completely original. Gansovsky was not as visionary as the Strugatsky brothers, whose Roadside Picnic would dominate discussion in the US and UK, but there is in his directness, clarity, grit, and sophistication much that compensates for that lack. Many examples of Latin American science fiction from the 1960s and 1970s are yet to appear in English, so the complete picture of that time period is unclear. We know that Borges and Ocampo were still publishing fiction that was speculative in nature, as was another major Argentine writer, Angélica Gorodischer. Adolfo Bioy Casares published occasional science fiction, such as “The Squid Chooses Its Own Ink” (1962), retranslated for this volume. The giant of Brazilian SF André Carneiro published his most famous story, “Darkness,” in 1965, a tale that stands comfortably alongside the best science fiction of the era. Alicia Yáñez Cossío’s “The IWM 1000” (1975) is another great example of Latin American SF from the period. Yet, as noted, our sample as readers in English is still not large enough to draw general conclusions. All we can say is that in this volume you will find both synergy with and divergence from 1960s and 1970s Anglo SF that adds immeasurable value to the conversation about science fiction. Cyberpunk, Humanism, and What Lay Beyond The New Wave and the rise of feminist SF would always be a difficult epoch to follow because such giants strode the Earth and expressed themselves willfully and with intelligent intent during that era. But the two movements most associated with the 1980s and 1990s, cyberpunk and Humanism, would in their own ways be both quietly and not-so-quietly influential. Cyberpunk as a term was popularized by editor Gardner Dozois, although first coined by Bruce Bethke in 1980 in his story “Cyberpunk,” subsequently published in a 1983 issue of Amazing Stories. Bruce Sterling then became the main architect of a blueprint for cyberpunk with his columns in his fanzine Cheap Truth. William Gibson’s stories appearing in Omni in the mid-1980s, including “Burning Chrome” and “New Rose Hotel” (reprinted herein), and his novel Neuromancer (1984) fixed the term in readers’ imaginations. The Sterling-edited Mirrorshades anthology (1986) provided a flagship. Cyberpunk usually fused noir tropes or interior design with dark tales of near-future technology in a context of weak governments and sinister corporations, achieving a new granularity in conveying elements of the Information Age. Trace elements of the recent punk movement in music were brought to the mix by writers such as John Shirley. Just as some New Wave and feminist SF authors, like Delany and Tiptree, had tried to portray a “realer” realism relative to traditional Golden Age science fiction elements or tropes, cyberpunk often tried to better show advances in computer technology and could be seen as naturally extending a Philip K. Dickian vision of the future, with themes of paranoia and vast conspiracies. The brilliant John Brunner’s The Shockwave Rider (1975) is sometimes also mentioned as a predecessor. (The Humanist equivalent would be Brunner’s Stand on Zanzibar.) Writers such as Rudy Rucker, Marc Laidlaw, Lewis Shiner, and Pat Cadigan published significant cyberpunk stories or novels, with Cadigan later editing The Ultimate Cyberpunk (2002), which contextualized cyberpunk within earlier influences (not always successfully) and also showcased post-cyberpunk works. “Humanist SF” at times seemed to just be a call for three-dimensional characters in science fiction, with feminism added on top, sometimes with an emphasis on the so-called soft sciences, such as sociology. But Carol McGuirk makes an interesting point in an essay in Fiction 2000 (1992) when she notes that the “soft science fiction” that predominated in the 1950s (remember MacLean?) strongly influenced the New Wave, cyberpunk, and Humanist SF, which she claims all arose, in part, out of this impulse. The difference is that whereas New Wave and cyberpunk fiction arose out of a starker, darker impulse (including the contes cruels) replete with dystopian settings, Humanist SF grew out of another strand in which human beings are front and center, with technology subservient, optimistically, to a human element. (Brothers and sisters often fight, and that seems to be the case here.) Practitioners of Humanist SF (sometimes also identified as Slipstream — ironically enough, a term coined by Sterling) include James Patrick Kelly, Kim Stanley Robinson, John Kessel, Michael Bishop (a stalwart hybrid who at times partook of the New Wave), and Nancy Kress, with Karen Joy Fowler’s work exhibiting some of the same attributes but too various to be pigeonholed or in any sense to be said to have done anything but flown the coop into rarefied and iconic realms. (The gonzo fringe of the impulse was best expressed by Paul Di Filippo, who would go so far as to pose naked for one book cover.) Humanism was initially seen as in opposition to cyberpunk, but in fact both factions “grew up” rather quickly and produced unique work that defied labels. Perhaps the most interesting aspect of the perceived conflict was that cyberpunk seemed to revel in its science fiction origins without particularly caring what the mainstream thought, perhaps because they had access to a wider audience through pop culture; see: Wired magazine. Humanists on the other hand generally identified with core genre but wanted to reach beyond it to mainstream readers and convince them of science fiction’s literary worth. Interestingly enough, the cause of Humanist SF would be championed either directly or indirectly by the legendary Damon Knight and Kate Wilhelm, whose Clarion and Sycamore Hill (for more advanced writers) writers’ workshops tended to be of most use for those kinds of writers. Critics of both “movements” argued that cyberpunk and Humanism were retrenchments or conservative acts after the radicalism of the New Wave of the 1960s and the rise of feminist SF in the 1970s — cyberpunk because it fetishized technology and deemphasized the role of governments even while critical of corporations. Readers from within the computer industry pointed to Gibson’s lack of knowledge about hacker culture in writing Neuromancer and suggested flaws in his vision were created by this lack. A fair amount of cyberpunk also promoted a more traditional idea of gender roles (imported from noir fiction) while providing less space for women authors. Yet around the same time in Argentina Angélica Gorodischer was publishing such incendiary feminist material as “The Unmistakable Smell of Wood Violets” (1985), and in the US one sui generis writer whose work pushed back against some of these ideas was Misha Nogha, whose Arthur C. Clarke Award finalist Red Spider White Web (1990; excerpted herein) portrays a nightmarish future in which artists are commodified but also exist in life-threatening conditions. Technology is definitely not fetishized and the hierarchies of power eventuate from every direction. The novel also features a unique and strong female main character who defies the gender stereotypes of the time. In this sense, Nogha’s groundbreaking novel pointed the way toward a more feminist vision of cyberpunk. The criticism leveled against Humanism, meanwhile, was that it gentrified both the New Wave and feminist impulses by applying middle-of-the-road and middle-class values. (The more radicalized third-wave feminism science fiction of the current era fits more comfortably with New Wave and 1970s feminism despite not always being quite as experimental.) Yet, whatever the truth, what actually happened is that the best Humanist writers matured and evolved over time or had only happened to be passing through on their way to someplace else. Arguably the most influential science fiction writers to come out of the 1980s and 1990s were Octavia Butler, Kim Stanley Robinson, William Gibson, Bruce Sterling, and Ted Chiang. In far different ways they would change the landscape of popular culture and how readers thought about technology, race, gender, and the environment. Ted Chiang’s influence exists mainly within the genre, but this may change due to forthcoming movie adaptations of his work. Karen Joy Fowler would begin to exert a similar influence via her nonspeculative novels like We Are All Completely Beside Ourselves (2013), which deals with the issue of animal intelligence and our relationship to that intelligence. Fowler’s example provides some inkling of how such prominence occurs: by having ideas or fiction that breaks out beyond core genre. Although Gibson and Sterling could be said to have founded cyberpunk, for example, it is their writings, both fiction and nonfiction, beyond the initial cyberpunk era that have the most relevance, as they have broadened and sharpened their interrogations of modern society and the technology age. Butler has undergone a resurgence in popularity and influence because her themes resonate with a new generation of writers and readers who value diversity and who are interested in postcolonial explorations of race, gender, and social issues. (And because she wrote wonderful, unique, complex science fiction unlike anyone in the field.) It is only Robinson who has achieved breakout influence and status while writing from within genre, forcing readers to come to him with a series of groundbreaking science fiction novels that are often referenced in the context of climate change. (Only Paolo Bacigalupi has come to close to being as influential since.) However, cyberpunk and Humanism were not the only significant impulses in science fiction during this period. Other types of inquiry existed outside of the Anglo world during this period and extending into the twenty-first century. For example, a significant window for Chinese science fiction in the early 1980s (closed shut by regime change) gave readers such interesting stories as “The Mirror Image of the Earth” by Zheng Wenguang and others collected in Science Fiction from China, edited by Dingbo Wu and Patrick D. Murphy (1989; with an introduction by the indefatigable Frederik Pohl). Other remarkable Chinese writers, like Han Song, created enduring fiction that either had no real Western antecedent or “cooked” it into something unique — and eventually Liu Cixin would break through with the Hugo Award–winning novel The Three-Body Problem (2014), both a critical and a commercial success. His novella “The Poetry Cloud” (1997), included in this volume, is a stunning tour de force that assimilates many different strands of science fiction and, in a joyful and energetic way, rejuvenates them.. It in effect renders much of contemporary science fiction obsolete. In Finland, Leena Krohn, one of her country’s most respected and decorated fiction writers, spent the 1980s and 1990s (and up to the present day) creating a series of fascinating speculative works, including Tainaron (1985), Pereat Mundus (1998), and Mathematical Creatures, or Shared Dreams (1992), from which we have reprinted “Gorgonoids.” Johanna Sinisalo has also been a creative powerhouse, and her Nebula Award finalist “Baby Doll” is included herein. Other fascinating Finnish writers include Anne Leinonen, Tiina Raevaara, Hannu Rajaniemi, Viivi Hyvönen, and Pasi Ilmari Jääskeläinen. Other science fiction in the wider world includes Kojo Laing’s “Vacancy for the Post of Jesus Christ” (1992), which is not an outlier for this speculative fiction writer from Ghana, and Tatyana Tolstaya’s “The Slynx.” Both are highly original and not atypical examples of a growing number of fascinating voices from places outside of the Anglo hegemony. Although not always thought of in a science fiction context so much as a dystopia one (The Handmaid’s Tale), Canadian Margaret Atwood contributed to the conversation with her MaddAddam Trilogy (2003–2013), which still holds up today as perhaps the single most significant and useful exploration of near-future ecological catastrophe and renewal. The significance of these novels in terms of mainstream acceptance of science fiction cannot be understated. Although science fiction had already conquered popular culture, without Atwood’s example the current trend of science fiction being published by mainstream literary imprints would be unlikely. This type of positioning also helps gain a wider, more varied readership for science fiction generally and accelerates the cultural influence of this kind of fiction. The growing diversity in the twenty-first century of the science fiction community, combined with the influx of international science fiction and the growing acceptance of science fiction within the mainstream literary world, promises to create a dynamic, vibrant, and cosmopolitan space for science fiction literature in the decades to come. Organizing Principles for This Anthology In compiling The Big Book of Science Fiction, we have thought carefully about what it means to present to the reader a century’s worth of short stories, from roughly 1900 to 2000, with some outliers. Our approach has been to think of this anthology as providing a space to be representative and accurate but also revelatory — to balance showcasing core genre fiction with a desire to show not just outliers, but “outliers” that we actually feel are more central to science fiction than previously thought. It has also seemed imperative to bring international fiction into the fold; without that element, any survey of an impulse or genre of fiction will seem narrow, more provincial and less cosmopolitan. Particular guidelines or thought processes include: • Avoiding the Great Certainty (interrogate the classics/canon) • Meticulous testing of previous anthologies of this type • Identifying and rejecting pastiche previously presented as canon • Overthrowing the tyranny of typecasting (include writers not known for their science fiction but who wrote superb science fiction stories) • Repairing the pointless rift (pay no attention to the genre versus literary origins of a story) • Repatriating the fringe with the core (acknowledge the role of cult authors and more experimental texts) • Crafting more complete genealogies (acknowledge the debt from surrealism and other sources outside of core genre) • Articulating the full expanse (as noted, explore permutations of science fiction from outside of the Anglo world, making works visible through translation) We also have wanted to represent as many different types of science fiction as possible, including hard science fiction, soft (social) science fiction, space opera, alternative history, apocalyptic stories, tales of alien encounters, near-future dystopia, satirical stories, and a host of other modes. Within this general context, we have been less concerned about making sure to include certain authors than we have about trying to give accurate overviews of certain eras, impulses, and movements. For this reason, most readers will no doubt discover a favorite story or author has been omitted . . . but also come across new discoveries and new favorites previously unknown to them. We have also weighed historical significance against readability in the modern era, with the guiding principle that most people picking up this anthology will be general readers, not academics. For this reason, too, we have endeavored to include humorous stories, which are a rich and deep part of the science fiction tradition and help to balance out the preponderance of dystopias depicted in many of the serious stories. Joke stories, on the other hand, and most twist stories have been omitted as too self-referential, especially stories that rely too heavily on referring to science fiction fandom or core genre. Because ecological and environmental issues have become increasingly urgent, if given the choice of two equally good stories by the same author, we have also chosen to favor stories featuring those themes. (For example, our selection from Ursula K. Le Guin.) One regret is not being able to include fiction by John Brunner, Frank Herbert, and other giants in the field whose novels are arguably much more robust and vital on this topic than their short fiction. In considering the broadness of our definition of science fiction, we have had to set limits. Most steampunk seems to us to have more in common with fantasy than science fiction, and stories of the very far future in which science is indistinguishable from magic also seem to us to belong to the fantastical. For this latter reason, Jack Vance’s Dying Earth stories and M. John Harrison’s Viriconium stories, and their ilk, will fall within the remit of a future anthology. In considering international fiction we have chosen (after hard-won prior experience) to take the path of least resistance. For example, we had more access to and better intel about Soviet-era and certain strands of Latin American science fiction than some other traditions. It therefore seemed more valuable to present relatively complete “through-lines” of those traditions than to try to provide one representative story for as many countries as possible. In addition, given our access to international fiction and a choice between equally good stories (often with similar themes) set in a particular country, one by an author from that country and one by an author from the US or UK, we have chosen to use the story by the author from the country in question. With regard to translations, we followed two rules: to be fearless about including stories not previously published in English (if deemed of high quality) and to retranslate stories already translated into English if the existing translation was more than twenty-five years old or if we believed the existing translation contained errors. The new translations (works never before published in English) included in this anthology are Paul Scheerbart’s “The New Overworld” (1907), Hanz Strobel’s “The Triumph of Mechanics” (1907), Yefim Zozulya’s “Doom of Principal City” (1918), Silvina Ocampo’s “The Waves” (1959), Angélica Gorodischer’s “The Unmistakable Smell of Wood Violets” (1985), Jacques Barbéri’s “Mondocane” (1983), and Han Song’s “Two Small Birds” (1988). The retranslated stories are Miguel de Unamuno’s “Mechanopolis” (1913), Juan José Arreola’s “Baby H.P.” (1952), Arkady and Boris Strugatsky’s “The Visitors” (1958), Valentina Zhuravlyova’s “The Astronaut” (1960), Adolfo Bioy Casares’s “The Squid Chooses Its Own Ink” (1962), Sever Gansovsky’s “Day of Wrath” (1965), and Dmitri Bilenkin’s “Where Two Paths Cross” (1973). In contextualizing all of this material we realized that no introduction could truly convey the depth and breadth of a century of science fiction. For this reason, we made the strategic decision to include expanded author notes, which also include information on each story. These notes sometimes convey biographical data and in other cases form miniature essays to provide general context. Sometimes these notes quote other writers or critics to provide firsthand recollections. In researching these author notes, we are very fortunate to have had access, in a synergistic way, to the best existing source about certain writers, The Encyclopedia of Science Fiction — with the blessing of its founders, John Clute, Peter Nicholls, and David Langford. Entries containing information from the encyclopedia as their nucleus are noted in the permissions acknowledgments (pages 000–000). Finally, as ever, certain stories could not be acquired for this anthology — or for anyone’s anthology due to the stance of the estates in question. The following stories should be considered an extension of this anthology: A. E. van Vogt’s “The Weapon Shop” (1942), Robert Heinlein’s “All You Zombies — ” (1959), and Bob Shaw’s “Light of Other Days” (1966). In addition, for reasons of space we have been unable to include E. M. Forster’s “The Machine Stops” (1909), an excerpt from Gustave Le Rouge’s strange novel about a mission to a Mars inhabited by vampires (1909), and an excerpt from Doris Lessing’s 1970s science fiction novels. If we have brought any particular value to the task of editing this anthology — and we will let others debate that question — it lies in three areas: 1) we love all kinds of fiction, in all of its many forms, and all kinds of science fiction; 2) we have built up an extensive (and still-growing) network of international literary contacts that allowed us to acquire unique content; and 3) we did not approach the task from the center of genre, which is where most editors of these kinds of anthologies have come from. We belong to no clique or group within the science fiction community and have no particular affiliation with nor disinclination to consider any writer in the field, living or dead. That said, we are also not coming to the task from the sometimes too elevated height of mainstream literary editors with no connection to their speculative subject matter. We do not care about making a case for the legitimacy of science fiction; the ignorance of those who don’t value science fiction is their own affliction and problem (as is the ignorance of those who claim science fiction is the be-all and end-all). Throughout our three-year journey of discovery for this project, we have also had to reconcile ourselves to what we call Regret Over Taxonomy (exclusion is inevitable but not a cause for relief or happiness) and Acknowledgment of the Inherent Imperfection of the Results. However, the corollary to this latter recognition is to never accept or resign oneself to the inherent imperfection of the results. Now we hope you will put aside this overlong introduction and simply immerse yourself in the science-fictional wonders here assembled. For they are many, and they are indeed wondrous and startling and, at times, darkly beautiful.
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"https://www.hilobrow.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/manga18-e1550012910998.jpg", "https://www.hilobrow.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/Dal-51-350x452.jpg", "https://www.hilobrow.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/random-roderick.jpg", "https://www.hilobrow.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/727753-e1540990442676.jpg", "https://www.hilobrow.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en			https://www.hilobrow.com/new-wave-sci-fi/	New Wave Sci-Fi: 75 Best Novels of 1964–1983 Science fiction’s so-called New Wave era began in approximately 1964. Writing in 2003 about that “cusp” year, Michael Moorcock noted: “It will [soon] be 40 years since JG Ballard published The Terminal Beach, Brian Aldiss published Greybeard, William Burroughs published Naked Lunch in the UK, I took over New Worlds magazine and Philip K Dick published The Three Stigmata of Palmer Eldritch.” The era lasted through approximately 1983 — giving way to the cyberpunk era, the kickoff of which we might as well date to the 1984 publication of William Gibson’s Neuromancer. What is New Wave science fiction? Moorcock describes it as the era during which the genre “rediscovered its visionary roots and began creating new conventions which rejected both modernism and American pulp traditions.” Right! The best sf adventures published during the Sixties (1964–1973) and Seventies (1974–1983) — my 75 favorites are listed on this page, but this is by no means an exhaustive list — are characterized by an ambitious, self-consciously artistic sensibility; they often concern themselves, at the level of content and form, with the nature of perception itself; and they will blow your mind. This page is a work in progress, subject to revision. — JOSH GLENN * NEW WAVE SCI-FI at HILOBROW: 75 Best New Wave (1964–1983) Sci-Fi Novels \| Back to Utopia: Fredric Jameson’s theorizing about New Wave sci-fi \| Douglas Adams \| Poul Anderson \| J.G. Ballard \| John Brunner \| William Burroughs \| Octavia E. Butler \| Samuel R. Delany \| Philip K. Dick \| Frank Herbert \| Ursula K. Le Guin \| Barry N. Malzberg \| Moebius (Jean Giraud) \| Michael Moorcock \| Alan Moore \| Gary Panter \| Walker Percy \| Thomas Pynchon \| Joanna Russ \| James Tiptree Jr. (Alice Sheldon) \| Kurt Vonnegut \| PLUS: Jack Kirby’s Golden Age and New Wave science fiction comics. JOSH GLENN’S BEST ADVENTURES LISTS: BEST 250 ADVENTURES OF THE 20TH CENTURY \| 100 BEST OUGHTS ADVENTURES \| 100 BEST RADIUM AGE (PROTO-)SCI-FI ADVENTURES \| 100 BEST TEENS ADVENTURES \| 100 BEST TWENTIES ADVENTURES \| 100 BEST THIRTIES ADVENTURES \| 75 BEST GOLDEN AGE SCI-FI ADVENTURES \| 100 BEST FORTIES ADVENTURES \| 100 BEST FIFTIES ADVENTURES \| 100 BEST SIXTIES ADVENTURES \| 75 BEST NEW WAVE SCI FI ADVENTURES \| 100 BEST SEVENTIES ADVENTURES \| 100 BEST EIGHTIES ADVENTURES \| 75 BEST DIAMOND AGE SCI-FI ADVENTURES \| 100 BEST NINETIES ADVENTURES \| NOTES ON 21st-CENTURY ADVENTURES. *** SOME GOLDEN AGE SCI-FI TITLES The following titles from science fiction’s so-called Golden Age (1934–1963) are listed here in order to provide historical context. Isaac Asimov’s I, Robot (1940–on; as a book, 1950) Ray Bradbury’s Martian Chronicles (1946–on; as a book, 1950) Ray Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451 (1953) Alfred Bester’s The Stars My Destination (1956) Kurt Vonnegut’s The Sirens of Titan (1959) Walter M. Miller, Jr.’s A Canticle for Leibowitz (1959) Robert Heinlein’s Stranger in a Strange Land (1961) Philip K. Dick’s The Man in the High Castle (1962) * NEW WAVE SF: 1964–1973 Philip K. Dick’s Martian Time-Slip (1964). One of my top favorite PKD novels, Martian Time-Slip is set in an arid Martian colony where Establishment-approved information is crammed into youthful heads by teaching machines. Forget the plot, which involves time travel… or a vision/hallucination of time travel, anyway. Dick presents the book’s action through flash-forwards and from the perspectives of the three main characters. At the level of form, we’re confronted with the question: What is reality? Ten-year-old Manfred Steiner, is labeled autistic because he doesn’t properly respond to the machines; in fact, he has precognition abilities. Jack Bohlen, a repairman, is hired to develop a device for communicating with Manfred; Bohlen, too, is disturbed by the teaching machines — because his schizophrenia reveals to him the machine-like quality of normal, well-adjusted people; and because he, like Manfred, perceives the passage of time in an unconventional way. A third character, union leader Arnie Kott, wants to use Manfred’s abilities to get the edge on a business deal. Meanwhile, the oppressed native Martians recognize the malleability of time — and therefore understand the value of Manfred’s gifts. Fun fact: The novel was first published under the title All We Marsmen, serialized in the August, October and December 1963 issues of Worlds of Tomorrow magazine. William Burroughs’s Nova Express (1964). Beginning in 1961, William Burroughs and Brion Gysin experimented with a “dreamachine” producing complex patterns of color behind one’s eyelids. As the user entered something like a hypnagogic state, the patterns would “read” as intensely meaningful — even if that meaning was inarticulable. The effect of Burroughs’s Nova Trilogy (1961’s The Soft Machine, 1962’s The Ticket That Exploded, and Nova Express) on readers is dreamachine-like; you don’t read it so much as soak in it. Even if you could un-do the “fold-in” technique that Burroughs employed, you wouldn’t discover a coherent plot: Instead, there are characters (Sammy The Butcher, The Brown Artist, Izzy The Push, and other members of the viral Nova Mob; Inspector Lee of the Nova Police), comedy bits, drug-induced hallucinations, and language experiments. All wired together by an overarching paranoia regarding the cultural, social, biological, and neurological mechanisms via which the many are conditioned and controlled by the few. The Nova Mob are “control addicts”; can Inspector Lee — who sees conspiracies everywhere — dismantle their diabolical word-and-imagery machine, aka culture itself? Fun fact: Together with The Soft Machine (1961) and The Ticket That Exploded (1962), this novel is part of The Nova Trilogy. Luc Sante sums up the message of the trilogy like so: “You are the host of a virus; the virus is life; you are fucked.” Jack Kirby’s pre-Fourth World sci-fi comics (1964–1970). Kirby’s proto-psychedelic photo collages were first seen in ’64; so we’ll date his pioneering contributions to New Wave science fiction to that year. Of course, Kirby was also a pioneering Golden Age science fiction artist — in the early ’40s he drew The Blue Beetle and Captain America; and he drew Challengers of the Unknown for DC, before co-ushering in (with Stan Lee) Marvel Comics’ Silver Age with, e.g., The Fantastic Four (1961), The Incredible Hulk (1962), Iron Man (1963), and The X-Men (1963). Beginning in 1964, Kirby introduced an ambitious, self-consciously artistic sensibility to his Marvel Comics work; he began to blow readers’ minds through his formal experimentation. Kirby’s proto-psychedelic energy fields, known to fans as the “Kirby Krackle,” which were first seen in ’66, are a signifier of his boundless, cosmic imagination. Kirby would end up writing, in addition to drawing, some terrific Marvel titles before leaving in 1970 for DC — who would publish his era-defining, multiple-series Fourth World epic. A prolific New Wave sci-fi genius! Brian Aldiss’s Greybeard (1964). At age 56, Algy Timberlane — our titular greybeard, is one of the world’s youngest men. At the beginning of this story, he and his wife, Martha, are living in an isolated community, in fairly primitive conditions, somewhere in southern England; a violent incident sends them fleeing along the Thames towards London — which they never reach. Along the way, Algy and Martha and their companions pass through the ruins of twentieth-century civilization, encounter various cults and communes populated by elderly survivors, and struggle — intellectually, emotionally — to comprehend the end of humanity. Via flashbacks, we discover that a nuclear-testing accident, a half century earlier, in 1981, has sterilized most higher mammals on the planet. Stoats have become a menace! Aldiss, who coined the term “cosy catastrophe” to describe post-apocalyptic novels in which the survivors are contented with their lot, because there are abundant resources for the taking, and the mechanized, organized, deodorized modern world has given way to a rural, human-scale one, has his characters debate whether or not they should mourn their fate. Algy broods over his bitter memories of civilization’s rapid decline, after the Accident — martial law, famine and disease, anarchy — but ultimately hopes that humankind will not die off. Fun facts: Michael Moorcock has described Greybeard as one of the first British New Wave sci-fi novels. When P.D. James’s novel The Children of Men was published in 1992, many sci-fi fans noted that the points of similarity between the novels are astonishing. J.G. Ballard‘s The Burning World (1964). A difficult book to read, in many respects — with the saving grace that it is not a Golden Age sci-fi “cozy catastrophe,” i.e., in which the apocalypse proves to be a kind of wish fulfillment for an alienated male protagonist. As the story begins, a British suburb begins to grapple with the fact that an unending drought — brought on by human pollution — will result in rivers running dry, crops failing, and humankind succumbing to famine and disease. Some years later, a small band of survivors from that suburb traverses vast salt plains in search of potable water. As in Beckett’s Endgame, our post-apocalyptic protagonist, the resigned and taciturn Dr. Ransom, and his companions — including a deranged architect who takes to wearing jeweled robes; and a crippled man who walks on stilts — discover that everything they’ve ever believed is meaningless. Fun fact: An expanded version, retitled The Drought, was published in 1965. Ballard’s other early catastrophe novels include The Wind from Nowhere (1961), The Drowned World (1962), and The Crystal World (1966). Frank Herbert’s Dune (1965). In the far future, interstellar travel is made possible thanks to the spice melange — the psychoactive properties of which allow pilots to safely route faster-than-light travel. Melange is also responsible for the witchy powers of the Bene Gesserit, an ancient sisterhood that has carried out a breeding program designed to produce the Kwisatz Haderach (a messiah-like figure). Dune, the first in a series of six best-selling novels, recounts how young Paul Atreides arrives on Arrakis, the only planet where spice is mined, only to see his father — the new governor of the planet — killed and his family’s (awesome) retainers scattered. With the help of his Bene Gesserit mother, not to mention the Fremen, the planet’s giant-worm-riding natives, Paul seeks revenge against the evil Baron Harkonnen… while discovering the truth about the Kwisatz Haderach. Dune is: a potboiler about a family’s declining empire, a fantasy about the founding of a new social order, a band-of-brothers yarn, and a criticism of humankind’s despoliation of nature. Wow! Fun fact: One of science fiction’s all-time best-selling titles; parts of it were first serialized in Analog. Dune was adapted into David Lynch’s cult 1984 movie of the same title. It won the inaugural Nebula Award for Best Novel. Philip K. Dick’s The Three Stigmata of Palmer Eldritch (1965). The Earth is badly over-heated, and the UN — the global governing body — is conscripting settlers to colonize unpleasant nearby planets. Mars’s settlers have become addicted to Can-D, a drug that allows them to escape into a collective Barbie-and-Ken-esque hallucination, the contours of which are shaped by figures and “layouts” they purchase… from Perky Pat, a corporate empire run by the ruthless Leo Bulero (who also secretly manufactures Can-D). Bulero’s hired telepaths discover that merchant adventurer Palmer Eldritch has returned from a crash on Pluto with Chew-Z, a superior drug, one which can put Perky Pat out of business. However, when Bulero attempts to assassinate Eldritch, he is plunged into a nightmarish odyssey of nested hallucations… which causes him to question the very nature of reality itself. What’s up with Eldritch’s three “stigmata” — and where did he get Chew-Z? Plus: double agents, time travel, devolution, alien possession, and Gnostic musings about the notion of an evil demiurge! Fun fact: A freaky classic of psychedelic literature. Considered one of Dick’s most important books. Samuel R. Delany’s Babel-17 (1966). This short, psychedelic, linguistics-inspired space opera describes a distant future in which humanity has spread itself — for better and worse — throughout the galaxy. An alien culture called The Invaders is up to something that could prove potentially catastrophic to the (human) Alliance… but what? Starship captain, codebreaker and telepath Rydra Wong discovers that a software code used by the Invaders’ hackers is actually a language… one which alters perception and thought, enhancing your abilities but turning you into a traitor! Wong is assisted by a kick-ass crew of genetically modified adventurers — including some who are essentially ghosts in the machine. Babel-17 is an adventure yarn — including everything from hand-to-hand combat to full-scale spaceship battles — but at the same time it’s a philosophical novel challenging the reader to imagine what kind of culture might speak a language lacking a pronoun for “I.” Fun fact: Babel-17 was joint winner of the Nebula Award in 1966 — along with Flowers for Algernon. Philip K. Dick’s The Unteleported Man (1966). War between the US and the Soviet Union has led to UN rule of the planet, renamed Terra. Theodoric Ferry, a capitalist mogul, is teleporting millions to Whale’s Mouth, the universe’s only other inhabitable planet, a Garden of Eden where Terrans can start over. Freya Holm, an agent with the private police agency Listening Instructional Educational Services (LIES), Inc., speculates that Ferry may be an alien… and that Whale’s Mouth may not be all that it seems. (See: Edgar Rice Burroughs’s The Gods of Mars.) Rachmael Ben Applebaum, owner of an outer-space freighter company that has been disintermediated by teleportation technology, decides to travel to Whale’s Mouth the old-fashioned way… i.e., he will be the only unteleported man. The UN, meanwhile, attempts to defeat Ferry via a mind-control device of their own: a pulp sci-fi novel! Fun fact: Originally published as a novella, in 1964, by Fantastic. I’ve written more about this novel in my essay “The Black Iron Prison” (n+1, July 2004). J.G. Ballard’s The Crystal World (1966). Some readers find this novel too “action-adventurey” for their liking, others find it too surgical and psychological; I think it strikes a provocative balance between these tendencies. In an African colony, Sanders, a British doctor, discovers that entrance to the forest is being discouraged. Seeking his friends, who run a leper colony (to which he is strangely attracted), he travels upriver — echoes of Heart of Darkness are intentional — and discovers that trees, grass, water, animals and men are slowly being encased in glittering crystals. The universe, its myriad of possibilities, is crystallizing into sameness! Which, in a way, is just a literalization of a process already underway — the separation of alienated individuals from one another, industrial capitalism forcing everything and everyone to become the same. If leprosy is about entropy and decay, this crystallization is a kind of antidote… right? Ballard’s descriptions are eerily beautiful. Fun fact: Serialized in the first Moorcock-edited issue of New Worlds. This is Ballard’s third psychedelic-apocalyptic work, the first two being The Drowned World (1962) and The Burning World (1964). Philip K. Dick’s Now Wait for Last Year (1966). In the near future, Terra — a unified Earth, the elected dictator of which is UN Secretary General Gino “the Mole” Molinari — has become entangled in a war between an insect race (the reegs) and a humanoid race (the ’Starmen, from the planet Lilistar). Terra is on the wrong side of the war; their allies, the fascistic ’Starmen, may be out to exploit Terra’s natural resources. Dr. Eric Sweetscent, an organ-transplant surgeon asked to secretly tend to Molanari, who has developed a psychosomatic ailment in which he suffers along with anyone near who him who is in any kind of pain, gets involved in Terra-Lilistar politics. His wife Kathy, meanwhile, becomes addicted to JJ-180, a new hallucinogen (which may have been invented by the reegs as a chemical weapon) that causes her to move forwards, backwards, and sideways through time… and she is forced to spy on Sweetscent — by the ’Starmen. Sweetscent and Molinari time-travel, as well… leading them to wonder how valuable the intel they’re picking up from alternative past and present histories is for their current situation. Fun fact: Dick was very fond of his Molinari character, whom he described as a blend of Christ, Lincoln, and… Mussolini, for whom he harbored a certain (non-fascist) sympathy. Ursula K. Le Guin’s Rocannon’s World (1966). When ethnologist Gaveral Rocannon visits the primitive planet Fomalhaut II, his ship is destroyed by agents of Faraday, an upstart planet threatening the peaceful galaxy. Rocannon sets out to find the enemy’s secret base on the planet — so he can infiltrate it, and use their “ansible” to communicate with galactic authorities. As he journeys across the planet, he encounters various Tolkien-esque species, including the dwarfish Gdemiar, the elven Fiia, and the nightmarish Winged Ones; his advanced technology makes him a Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur’s Court-type wizard. As he travels, and engages in various battles, Rocannon becomes a figure of legend. However, when he reaches the enemy base he must revert to a sophisticated interstellar op. Fans of Iain M. Banks: the Culture begins here. A fun foray into Three Hearts and Three Lions-esque science-fantasy, for Le Guin. Fun fact: This is the debut installment in Le Guin’s Hainish Cycle. Other authors, including Orson Scott Card, Vernor Vinge, and Kim Stanley Robinson, would borrow the “ansible” tech from this book. Samuel R. Delany’s The Einstein Intersection (1967). Love it or hate it (Delany’s eighth novel has zealous fans and detractors), The Einstein Intersection is fascinating. Forty thousand years in the future, Lobey, a village herder and musician, goes on an Orpheus-like quest into the underworld — in search of his slain lover, Friza. As it turns out, this is a puppet-show of sorts: Lobey is a member of a (three-gendered) alien race who’ve taken on (two-gendered) human forms, and inherited human cultural myths as well. Of the latter, the aliens have made a hodge-podge: the stories of Orpheus, the Minotaur, Billy the Kid, Jean Harlow, Ringo Starr, Jesus Christ — these and other traditions of all dead generations weigh like a nightmare on the brains of the living. This conceit alone might have made for a terrific mythopoetic sci-fi novel; however, Delaney introduces myriad other issues: genetics, radiation, identity and difference, rural and urban ways of life, perception and reality, life and death, dragons… too much, perhaps, for a relatively short novel. Delany’s prose style, too, confounds: sometimes improvisational and snappy, sometimes ham-fisted pulp fiction. The Einstein Intersection is pretentious — but in the best possible way. Don’t give up on it! Once you encounter Kid Death, you’ll be hooked. Fun fact: Winner of the 1967 Nebula Award for Best Science Fiction Book. Roger Zelazny’s Lord of Light (1967). On a planet colonized long ago by the South Asian crew and passengers of the spaceship Star of India (hailing from “vanished Urath”), some of the humans artificially evolve themselves into immortal, godlike beings — who conquer the planet’s indigenous races (characterized as “demons”) and force the descendants of the un-evolved crew and colonists into a Hindu-like caste system. All of this occurs over a vast span of time; the book is epic in scope — in fact, two of the chapters were first published as stand-alone novellas in the Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction. Eventually, the crew members assume the powers and names of Hindu deities; their main concern is preventing enlightenment, and scientific or technological advancement among their human subjects. However, one of the crewman rejects godhood, and — again, over time — introduces Buddhism to the masses as a liberatory wake-up call. Fun fact: Winner of the 1968 Hugo Award for Best Novel. Gordon Dahlquist describes Lord of Light as “dedicated to dragging all wizards out from behind their curtains.” Harlan Ellison’s (ed.) Dangerous Visions (1967). This is not a novel, but a collection of original science fiction stories by 30+ contributors. I include it on this list because it was influential on the genre’s New Wave movement; however, by the time I read it, in the mid-1980s, what was most shocking about these stories was the sexism and racism. Still, Philip K. Dick’s “Faith of Our Fathers” is a fascinating mashup about Chinese communism, psychedelics, and the truth of religion; Robert Silverberg’s graphic “Flies,” in which aliens experiment on a spaceman in order to learn about what makes humanity tick — and get it wrong, is a fun thriller; Samuel R. Delany’s “Aye, and Gomorrah…” conjures up a new sexual perversion involving a neutered astronaut; and Ellison’s own “The Prowler in the City at the Edge of the World” is something of a tour de force — about Jack the Ripper’s disappointment when he escapes to the 31st century. Fritz Leiber’s “Gonna Roll the Bones” is a chilling, funny fable… but Leiber wasn’t a New Wave writer, nor were some of the collection’s other contributors (Pohl, Anderson). I should also mention John T. Sladek’s “The Happy Breed,” which presciently describes our emotional dependence on apps. Fun facts: “Gonna Roll the Bones” won both a Hugo Award and a Nebula Award for Best Novelette; and “Aye, and Gomorrah…” won the Nebula for Best Short Story. Ellison published a sequel, Again, Dangerous Visions, in 1972; a third, as yet unpublished sequel, is now infamous. Anna Kavan’s Ice (1967). Brian Aldiss writes, of Kafka’s oeuvre: “the baffling atmosphere, the paranoid complexities, the alien motives of others, make the novels a sort of haute sf.” Anna Kavan’s cult classic, Ice, closes the gap in that equation. As a new Ice Age dawns (sparked by a nuclear holocaust?), western civilization finds itself hemmed in by advancing ice-scapes. War and revolution break out everywhere. Against this apocalyptic backdrop, an unnamed narrator — a globe-trotting, Indiana Jones-esque anthropologist-explorer-soldier, as far as we can make out — pursues an unnamed woman with whom he has long been obsessed. He intends to rescue her, first from her brutal husband, then from a Ruritanian-ish despot who is on his way to becoming one of the world’s new tyrants; however, the “girl” doesn’t want to be rescued — and seems terrified of the narrator. Plot possibilities unfurl, only to furl back up again; is the narrator insane? A hallucinatory, image-rich adventure that doesn’t omit guns and car chases. Fun fact: “The book’s nearest cousins,” writes Jonathan Lethem in his introduction to the Penguin Classics reissue of Ice, “are Crash, Ballard’s most narratively discontinuous and imagistic book, or cinematic contemporaries like Alain Resnais’s Last Year at Marienbad.” Chester Anderson’s The Butterfly Kid (1967). In this metafictional cult classic, set in the near future, not long after the Bicentennial, when video phones and personal hovercraft are common, a ragtag group of Greenwich Village hippies discover that their acid trips are beginning to come true. In fact, everyone in New York is hallucinating, and all of their hallucinations are made manifest — it’s chaos! Chester Anderson, who shares the author’s name, and Michael Kurland, who shares the name of another hippie sci-fi author, discover that New York’s water supply has been laced with a drug — brought to Earth by giant blue lobster-esque aliens — designed to make Earthlings easy to conquer. Can these drug-addled pacifists thwart the alien invasion? Fun fact: The blog io9.com listed The Butterfly Kid as No. 1 on the list of “weirdest science fiction novels that you’ve never read.” Its sequels are The Unicorn Girl, by Michael Kurland, and The Probability Pad, by T.A. Waters. Anderson later moved to San Francisco, invested his royalties from this novel in a mimeograph machine, and founded The Diggers’ publishing outfit, Communications Company. Samuel R. Delany’s Nova (1968). In the year 3172, interstellar human society is divided into three constellations — each of which was originally colonized by different Earth socio-economic classes. Draco, which includes Earth and other wealthy planets, is an aristocratic constellation ruled by the (caucasian) Red family, whose Red-Shift Limited is the sole manufacturer of faster-than-light drives; the Pleiades Federation, a middle-class constellation, is the home of operations for the rival (mixed-race) Von Rays. The Outer Colonies, settled by working-class Earthlings, are the source of the important energy source illyrion, a superheavy element essential to starship travel and terraforming planets. Our protagonist is Lorq Von Ray, a playboy who — years earlier — was attacked and scarred by Prince Red. Now a nihilistic, revenge-obsessed adventurer, Lorq puts together an Argonauts-inflected squad of hippie-ish misfits — the Mouse, Lynceos, Idas, Tyÿ, Sebastian, Katin — and takes them on a demented voyage to the heart of an imploding star… in order to capture an enormous amount of illyrion, and in so doing destroy Draco’s control of the Outer Colonies. Though the plot is only intermittently thrilling (in a space-opera way), the language is gorgeous, the meta-textual references (to Moby Dick, Arthurian mythos, and more) are pretty fun, and there’s a whole Tarot-really-works conceit that’s almost persuasive. If Delany weren’t an experimentalist, this could have been a Dune; I’m glad it isn’t. Fun facts: There’s a cyberpunk tech aspect to the book that I can’t get into, here; William Gibson’s Neuromancer alludes to Nova. After this book, Delany didn’t publish again until Dhalgren appeared in 1975. John Brunner’s Stand on Zanzibar (1968). Borrowing the kaleidoscopic narrative technique of John Dos Passos’ U.S.A., Brunner paints a comprehensive portrait of the over-populated America of 2010. There is a central story line, with recurring characters (including Shalmaneser, a super-computer). For example, Norman Niblock House, an African-American VP of General Technics, is negotiating for his company to assume management of an African country; his roommate is a spy. Meanwhile, a Southeast Asian country has achieved a breakthrough in genetic engineering. We briefly meet many other characters, via fragmented, information-rich chapters devoted solely to world-building. Political slogans, advertising, song lyrics, journalism, and slang (recorded in a glossary titled The Hipcrime Vocab, by sociologist Chad C. Mulligan), help us experience the social, economic, and cultural consequences of unchecked population growth. Social programming, interactive TV, genetically modified microorganisms… many of Brunner’s predictions are disturbingly prescient. Fun fact: Winner of the 1969 Hugo Award for Best Novel. In 1968, the prolific Brunner also published Bedlam Planet, Catch a Falling Star, Father of Lies, and Into the Slave Nebula, as well as a story collection. Philip K. Dick’s Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep? (1968). In a post-apocalyptic San Francisco, bounty hunter Rick Deckard is charged with “retiring” six escaped androids — one of whom, named Pris, moved into a derelict apartment building inhabited only by John Isidore, an intellectually challenged man who attempts to befriend her. Although there are plenty of thrills and chills here (for example, Deckard is seduced by an android whose mission it is to make it impossible for him to kill Pris), this is as much a philosophical novel about empathy as it as an adventure. The androids have no emotions — the only way that Deckard can tell them apart from humans is by giving them empathy tests. The androids, meanwhile, are on a mission to disprove a popular pseudo-religion called “Mercerism,” in which grasping the handles of an electronic Empathy Box allows you to “encompass every other living thing.” (“Mercerism is a swindle,” the androids insist. “The whole experience of empathy is a swindle.”) Deckard must prove them wrong… though he begins to wonder whether he, too, is an android. Fun facts: The theatrical-release version of Blade Runner, Ridley Scott’s souped-up adaptation of Dick’s novel, doesn’t lead viewers to question Deckard’s humanity (or does it). And the 2017 sequel, Blade Runner 2049, further muddies the waters. Richard Brautigan’s In Watermelon Sugar (1968). Our unnamed narrator, a writer, lives outside an unnamed town, on the fringes of a commune called iDEATH. The commune features a trout hatchery (which produces oil used to light their lamps) and a watermelon works (which produces multicolored sugars used to fashion every sort of commodity), not to mention huge statues of vegetables, and shacks to which those who want to spend time alone can retreat. The setting is idyllic, but also somehow post-apocalyptic. The sun shines a different color each day; reference is made to talking, singing, yet violent “tigers” who used to inhabit the area; and there is a vast junkyard — the Forgotten Works — of objects manufactured before… whatever happened. There isn’t much of a plot: a drunkard named inBOIL leads a short-lived rebellion against iDEATH (Is he right about everything?, this reader wonders); the narrator falls in love with Pauline, the commune’s cook, which may or may not cause his former lover, Margaret, to go off the rails. The mood is elegiac, light-hearted, sad, and critical all at the same time. Fun facts: In Watermelon Sugar is an important reference in Ray Mungo’s 1970 back-to-the-land chronicle Total Loss Farm; it’s also the inspiration for Neko Case’s 2006 song “Margaret versus Pauline.” Thomas M. Disch’s Camp Concentration (1968). In an authoritarian near-future America, President Robert McNamara — Secretary of Defense, at the time Disch was writing — has embroiled the country in an illegal war… against the world. We are reading the diary of an imprisoned conscientious objector, the poet Louis Sacchetti, who has been sent to Camp Archimedes, the inmates of which are dosed (unwittingly) with a strain of syphilis as part of a military experiment. (With Ignatius J. Reilly, Sacchetti is one of the great obese fictional characters.) The treatment increases the patients’ intelligence, while shortening their lives. Does God exist? Does alchemy work? Do we humans create Hell for ourselves? If genius is a matter of breaking down the mind’s rigid categories, then are all geniuses insane? Sacchetti, an erudite wordsmith and deep thinker, has much to say on these and other topics… particularly as his own mind’s rigid categories begin to break down. Fun fact: Serialized in New Worlds in 1967. In 1972, Philip K. Dick wrote a paranoid letter to the FBI suggesting that there were coded messages in Camp Concentration. Anne McCaffrey’s The Ship Who Sang (1969). Before Iain M. Banks’s (or Becky Chambers’ or Ann Leckie’s) independent AI starships there was The Ship Who Sang. Our protagonist is Helva, who was born with an exceptional brain and severe physical disabilities… so she was raised as an indentured servant destined to be a starship brain. One with a lamentable tendency to fall in love with her human co-pilot (known as the “brawn” to her “brain”) as they travel the galaxy on various missions of mercy. What happens if the brawn loves her back… and wants to have sex with her? Helva’s feelings of love and loss are poignant; however, the whole set-up is also a bit creepy and offensive! If you think about the sex scenes in McCaffrey’s Dragonriders of Pern series, you’ll begin to see why. Fun fact: The book’s first five chapters were originally published as “The Ship Who Sang” (1961; McCaffrey’s own favorite story), “The Ship Who Mourned” (1966), “The Ship Who Killed” (1966), “Dramatic Mission” (1969), and “The Ship Who Disappeared” (1969); the sixth chapter is original to the novel. In the 1990s, McCaffrey and co-authors produced six sequels. Vladimir Nabokov’s Ada, or Ardor (1969). When he is fourteen, Van Veen, who will grow up to be a psychologist and renegade scholar, falls in love with his eleven-year-old cousin, Ada; they begin a life-long sexual affair, despite later discovering that they are half-siblings. The story begins in the early 19th century, though characters discuss airplanes, motion pictures, and other anachronistic technologies; everything is powered by water, and it is forbidden to mention electricity. Reference is made to an historical catastrophe referred to as “the L disaster,” which has somehow “everted” (I borrow the term from a 1975 essay about this novel in Science Fiction Studies) time, earth, and sexual gender. Van and Ada — who are maybe somehow, respectively, Eve and Adam — live on a planet known as Antiterra, which is geographically similar to Earth, although politically England has conquered most of it, and American culture is influenced by Russia. Nineteen-Sixties culture is, somehow, a myth from the past. Trippy! Fun facts: Ted Gioia has compared Ada to Philip K. Dick’s The Man in the High Castle and other alternate-history works of science fiction. I might include works by Samuel R. Delany and Michael Moorcock in which the Beatles become mythical figures. Philip K. Dick’s Ubik (1969). Joe Chip works for Runciter Associates, which employs “inertials” — telepaths and precogs with the ability to block the powers of other, less scrupulous telepaths and precogs — to protect the privacy of their clients. He’s one of Dick’s “minor men,” unable to manage his own life; in fact, he owes money to his own front door! Joe has a thing for his new colleague, Pat, who can change the past in such a way that people don’t realize it. Sent to Luna in search of criminal telepaths, Joe and Pat and the rest of their team is caught in an explosion… after which nothing is ever the same again. Are they moving backwards in time? Are they in some other reality? Are they caught up in a cosmic battle between the forces of light and the forces of darkness — and if so, what is the ultimate source of these forces? Every interpretation that they posit is frustrated; meaning remains elusive. Each chapter is prefaced with an advertisement for Ubik, salvation in a spray can. This is, perhaps, the ultimate example of one of Dick’s apophenic sci-fi potboilers. Fun fact: Ubik inspired France’s Alfred Jarry-inspired Collège du Pataphysique to elect Dick as an honorary member. John Lennon, at one point, was interested in adapting the film version. Kurt Vonnegut’s Slaughterhouse-Five, or The Children’s Crusade: A Duty-Dance with Death (1969). Much like the bumbling protagonist of Jaroslav Hašek’s pioneering antiwar novel The Good Soldier Švejk (1921–1923), Billy Pilgrim is an ill-trained, disoriented, cowardly chaplain’s assistant. During the Battle of the Bulge in 1944, he is captured and transported to Dresden. In 1945, as British and American bombers dropped several thousand tons of high-explosive bombs and incendiary devices on the city, Pilgrim and his fellow prisoners and their guards take refuge in a cellar beneath Schlachthof-fünf, the titular “slaughterhouse five”; they are among the only survivors of the (still-controversial) attack. We experience all of this in flash-backs or flash-forwards, because Billy has become “unstuck in time,” not to mention in space. At one point, years later, on his daughter’s wedding night, Billy is captured by aliens and transported to Tralfamadore, the fatalistic residents of which can observe all points in the space-time continuum simultaneously. Like them, Billy becomes a philosophical ironist because — thanks to his time-traveling — the entire human experience strikes him as absurd. Is he crazy, or a visionary? Fun facts: As a prisoner of war in 1945, Vonnegut experienced the Dresden firebombing; the narrator of Slaughterhouse-Five is the author, speaking in his own voice. The 1972 film adaptation, directed by George Roy Hill (in between directing Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid and The Sting), won the Prix du Jury at the 1972 Cannes Film Festival. Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Left Hand of Darkness (1969). This is the second of the author’s so-called Hainish Cycle, set in a galaxy whose human population evolved on Hain, then spread outwards to many other planets (including Earth) before, at some distant point in the past, losing contact. Efforts have been mounted to re-establish a galactic civilization; some eighty planets have organized themselves into a union called the Ekumen. In this novel, Genly Ai, an agent of The Ekumen, has spent a frustrating couple of years as an envoy to the frozen planet Gethen. Ai’s efforts to recruit Gethen into the Ekumen have failed… because his supposedly enlightened worldview is structured by binary oppositions. Gethenians, because they are ambisexual — they only adopt sexual attributes once a month, during a period of sexual receptiveness and high fertility — see the world in an entirely different way. Ai only begins to empathize with the Gethenian worldview once he escapes from prison with Estraven, an exiled Gethenian politician, who not only helps Ai survive a trek across the planet’s wintry wilderness, but helps him understand his own deep-seated prejudices and assumptions about gender and gender roles. Fun facts: The Left Hand of Darkness is one of the first feminist sci-fi novels, though some feminists have argued that it does not go far enough in critiquing gender stereotypes. Harold Bloom said, of this book, which won both the Hugo and Nebula Awards: “Le Guin, more than Tolkien, has raised fantasy into high literature, for our time.” Jane Gaskell’s A Sweet, Sweet Summer (1969). Enormous alien spacecrafts are hovering over London, Birmingham, and Manchester, sealing Britain off from the outside world; one of the aliens’ first demonstrations of power was the public execution of Ringo Starr. It’s a weird scene: “People rush under [the alien craft] when the rain starts so municipal authorities have erected seats and slot-machine arcades under them and charge you for using them.” The country descends into anarchy, as communist and fascist militias battle in the streets, and hoodlums terrorize the defenseless. Our narrator, Rat, is an unpleasant, misogynistic character who runs a tiny London boarding house and brothel. The alien invasion is the best thing that ever happened to him, so when his charismatic, gender-ambiguous, proto-punk cousin, Frijja, shows up and attempts to free London from alien oppression, Rat does what he can to thwart her — while also strugling to defend his turf from a marauding gang… with whose thuggish leader he is disturbingly fascinated. Fun fact: An exceedingly difficult book to find! China Miéville says that A Sweet, Sweet Summer “perfectly combines psychological perspicacity and social critique in an unusual dystopian future London.” Gaskell also wrote a seminal YA vampire novel: 1964’s freaky The Shiny Narrow Grin. Brian Aldiss’s Barefoot in the Head (1969). A far-out, experimentalist novel — many readers find it too much so — set in a future Europe devastated by Acid Warfare. Muslims, it seems, have released “psycho-chemical aerosols” into the environment, and now tens of thousands of Europeans (except the neutral French) are tripping constantly, veering between extreme joy and abject terror… and talking in gorgeous, Finnegans Wake-esque word salads (see also: Disch’s Camp Concentration). Social norms have collapsed. Colin Charteris, a young Serbian who has been working in UN refugee camps in Italy, travels to England… where he falls under the influence of the hallucinogenics and finds himself hailed as a prophet by the pharmaceuticalized populace. Preaching a trippy Gurdjieffian gospel, Charteris could usher in a utopian social order… or perhaps his movement will help European civilization utterly devolve. Peppered with poems and song lyrics from the characters, it’s reminiscent of the excellent 1968 youthsploitation movie Wild in the Streets, as well as Richard Fariña’s Been Down So Long It Looks Like Up to Me (1966), though more world-historical than these. Fun facts: The novel was assembled from Aldiss’s stories in New Worlds and elsewhere. One of the inside jokes, here, is running meta-commentary on the works of Aldiss’s fellow sci-fi writers. Josephine Saxton’s The Hieros Gamos of Sam and An Smith (1969). In this experimentalist, poetic work, a 14-year-old boy rescues a baby girl when her mother dies in childbirth. He raises her in a world devoid of other humans. What has happened? Buildings remain, food dispensers dispense food, store shelves are replete with supplies… but Sam and An are, more or less, this Eden-like post-apocalyptic space’s only inhabitants. (The few individuals who make an appearance inhabit the outskirts of town, and they are phantom-like figures — are they hallucinations? Are Sam and An being studied by them? Who is leaving them messages — and what do the messages mean?) This is, in some respects, a Bildungsroman; we watch Sam mature, as he cares for his charge, and we’re interested to discover what books — Nietzsche, Jung, Blake, science fiction — he reads. As An grows older, sexuality introduces itself to this strange idyll. Anachronistically, it could be described as The Truman Show and Lost mashed up with Blue Lagoon. Fun fact: The first novel by Saxton, who is also remembered for Vector for Seven: The Weltanschaung of Mrs Amelia Mortimer and Friends (1970), Group Feast (1971), and the super-unsettling Queen of the States (1986). Philip K. Dick’s A Maze of Death (1970). “My books (& stories) are intellectual (conceptual) mazes,” Dick would later reflect in his Exegesis, “& I am in an intellectual maze in trying to figure out our situation (who we are & how we look into the world, & world as illusion, etc.) because the situation is a maze.” This proto-gnostic apophenic thriller, written in 1968 and inspired in part by the author’s only LSD trip, is perhaps Dick’s maze-iest. One by one, fourteen human colonists, none of whom understands their collective mission, are transferred to the planet Delmak-O — which is populated by gelatinous cubes who offer advice in the form of I Ching-like anagrams. A naturalist, a linguist, a geologist, a theologian, a physician, a pyschologist, and so forth: They are each eccentric and disgruntled, particularly once they begin to die off. What is the factory-like building towards which they are drawn? Are they trapped in a maze — being observed and experimented upon? Or are they perhaps dead — or in some kind of limbo state? Lost fans, read this one. Fun fact: Except for Ubik, this is the book Dick most frequently references in his Exegesis. John Sladek’s The Müller-Fokker Effect (1970). In the near future Bob Shairp, writer and dreamer and government worker, agrees to be a guinea-pig in a military experiment — to determine whether a human being can be reconstituted like orange juice. However, as his persona is being uploaded to computer tapes in the form of data, his body is accidentally destroyed. Shairp’s persona-data then becomes a computer virus, which leads to a series of absurd, paranoia-inducing scenarios. Sladek’s novel satirizes right-wing military, evangelical, militantly anticommunist forces in late-Sixties America — where Ronald Reagan, of all people, is president! — who seek to control the tapes. The book, which doesn’t have much of a plot, abounds with racists, conspiracy theorists, and eccentric millionaires, so yeah… it all too accurately predicts today’s America. Fun fact: The book’s title is an obscene pun. When asked, in 1982, whether he’d considered what trouble he caused young people asking librarians for the book, Sladek replied, tongue-in-cheek: “Young persons have no business reading such a book, which contains sex, violence and anagrams.” J.G. Ballard’s The Atrocity Exhibition (written 1967, published 1970). Less a novel than a collection of linked stories or novellas, The Atrocity Exhibition confronts us with surreal fantasies, absurdities, and grotesqueries — “Plans for the Assassination of Jacqueline Kennedy,” “Love and Napalm: Export USA,” “Why I Want to Fuck Ronald Reagan” — recounted by an unstable narrator, a mental-hospital psychiatrist whose name keeps changing (Talbert, Traven, Travis, Talbot, etc.). Like the French philosopher and theorist Jean Baudrillard, who started publishing in the late Sixties, and who can himself be considered a New Wave sci-fi author manqué, in The Atrocity Exhibition we find Ballard writing proleptically. That is to say, the book represents future social and cultural developments — for instance, the death of affect (because of prolonged exposure to sex and violence via pop culture and advertising); the triumph of kitsch culture; the banalization of celebrity; disaster porn; endless movies about the Vietnam War — as if they’ve happening now (in the late Sixties). The protagonist’s ultimate goal? To start a World War III… of the mind! Fun fact: The pieces collected here had appeared elsewhere, in various forms, previously. William Burroughs, a writer whom Ballard admired and emulated, wrote the book’s introduction. The first US edition was published in 1972 by Grove Press, after an earlier edition was cancelled because the publisher feared lawsuits. The book inspired the Joy Division song of the same name from their 1980 album Closer. Stanislaw Lem’s’s Ze wspomnien Ijona Tichego Kongres futurologiczny (The Futurological Congress, 1971). A tall tale in which the space explorer Ijon Tichy, whose previous exploits Lem chronicled in The Star Diaries (1957), attends a shambolic World Futurological Congress held at an absurdly luxurious hotel in San Jose, Costa Rica. As riots break out in the streets, the government introduces psychoactive drugs into the drinking water; Tichy escapes to the sewers beneath the hotel, only to be evacuated several times — each of which turns out to be a hallucination — and then shot, and placed by doctors into a cryogenic coma. He wakes up in a transformed world; Lem is affectionately parodying H.G. Wells’s 1899 technocratic utopian novel When the Sleeper Wakes, here. Tichy is introduced to this brave new world — in which most people take a drug that instills a strong work-ethic, not to mention drugs that mask the true nature of reality; and the inhabitants of which speak a language he can’t understand — in stages. Has the world become an overpopulated hellscape threatened by a new Ice Age? Or is this, too, all one of Tichy’s hallucinations? Fun facts: First published along with a collection of short stories (shown above). Ari Folman’s 2013 live-action/animated movie The Congress, starring Robin Wright, was a pretty great adaptation. Ursula K. LeGuin’s The Lathe of Heaven (1971). Operating under the influence of Philip K. Dick, LeGuin wrote an uncanny, thought-provoking novella about George Orr, a Portland, Oregon man who has begun self-medicating in an attempt to prevent himself from dreaming. Why? Because some of his dreams have been altering reality — and George is the only one who notices. (For everyone else, things have always been the way they are now.) Visiting the well-meaning psychologist and sleep researcher Dr. Huber, George is persuaded to embark on a program of “effective dreaming” aimed at improving the state of the world. Unforeseen consequences ensue. (This will not surprise fans of LeGuin’s fantasy and science fiction, which stresses the ambiguity of every utopian ideal, and the dark forces at work within even the noblest soul.) For example, in an effort to dream about peace on Earth, Orr conjures up a fleet of invading alien spacecraft… which does unite humankind, but at what cost? Also — does the “real world” exist at all, or did Orr dream it up after a 1998 nuclear war? Fun fact: First serialized in Amazing Science Fiction Stories, March 1971 and May 1971. The book has sci-fi elements — it’s set in 2002, Dr. Huber employs a device called the Augmentor — but it’s fantastical. The 1980 PBS production of The Lathe of Heaven was well-regarded; LeGuin was closely involved. Walker Percy’s Love in the Ruins (1971). The protagonist of this proto-postmodernist philosophical novel, Dr. Tom More, a hard-drinking psychiatrist in the affluent town of Paradise, Louisiana, has diagnosed his fellow Americans with the malady of “angelism/bestialism” — an extremist tendency towards either spirit-like abstraction or animal appetite, brought on by contemporary America’s sociocultural placidity and flacidity. In the near future of the 1990s, politics have become fragmented to the point of neo-tribalism, mainline churches have become secularized to the point of banality or else overly dogmatic, and liberals and conservatives alike are prone to shocking acts of (what they imagine to be justified) violence. In an effort to restore a sense of moderation, More invents the Ontological Lapsometer, a handheld device that can not only diagnose precisely how spiritually screwed-up you are… but also, with the twist of a dial, treat you for it. Meanwhile, African Americans stage an armed uprising, and college-educated young whites gather in swamp communes. When chaos engulfs Paradise, More retreats to an abandoned motel… with three beautiful women. Fun fact: “Beware Episcopal women who take up with Ayn Rand and the Buddha. A certain type of Episcopal girl has a weakness that comes on them just past youth…. They fall prey to Gnostic pride, commence buying antiques, and develop a yearning for esoteric doctrine.” Jack Kirby‘s Fourth World comics (1971–1974). When Jack Kirby left Marvel Comics for DC in 1970, he launched a science-fictional epic revolving around aliens with superhuman abilities arriving on Earth. Hailing from the planets Apokolips and New Genesis, the ontogeny of the so-called New Gods — their fantastic powers, even their names — recapitulated Kirby’s imaginative billion-year phylogeny, during which three previous eras (“worlds”) had seen the rise and fall of the Old Gods, legends of whom live on in humankind’s mythologies. So sweeping was Kirby’s weltanschauung that it couldn’t be contained in the New Gods comic (#1–11 written and illustrated by Kirby, 1971–72). So he also wrote and illustrated Forever People (#1–11, 1971–72) and Mister Miracle (#1–18, 1971–74), not to mention a reimagined Superman’s Pal Jimmy Olsen. These proto-postmodernist comics are a volatile admixture of religion (the character Izaya evokes the biblical Isaiah), ancient-astronaut theories, sci-fi technology (the Boom Tube, the Mobius Chair, the Mother Box), and 1960s culture (the Forever People are cosmic hippies). Kirby’s 1940s-era teen characters, the Newsboy Legion, were resurrected; and Don Rickles made a cameo appearance. Truly awesome. Fun fact: The Fourth World storyline was intended to be a finite series, which would end with the deaths of the characters Darkseid and Orion. M. John Harrison’s The Pastel City (1971). In the distant future, a medieval-style way of life has risen from the ashes of civilization. There is a barbarian Queen of the North; and, ruling over Viriconium, the ever-changing Pastel City, a beautiful Queen of the South. Scavengers scour the ruins for power blades, energy cannons, and airboats. When news comes that the North plans to deploy scavenged alien automata against the South, a brooding poet-warrior, Lord tergeus-Cormis, travels with a mercenary, Birkin Grif, in search of a mad dwarf who is expert in ancient weaponry. The adventurers encounter mechanical birds, brain eaters, and a wizard of sorts; and they discover that a complex, lethal technology from the past lives on. This is an affectionate, but also sardonic reimagining of the fantasy genre — nothing is resolved, things get murkier instead of more clear, heroes are unheroic. Fun fact: Harrison’s Viriconium series — it includes A Storm of Wings (1980), In Viriconium (also known as The Floating Gods, 1982), and the story collection Viriconium Nights (1985) — has been aptly described as “fantasy without the magic and science fiction without the ‘future’.” Arkady and Boris Strugatsky’s Пикник на обочине (1972; Piknik na obochine; translated as A Roadside Picnic). Near the (fictitious) Canadian town of Harmont, a five-square-kilometer “Zone” has been off-limits ever since unexplained phenomena occurred there some years earlier. After the incidents, universally assumed to have been an alien visitation, bizarre artifacts have been discovered. The novel’s title comes from an analogy proposed, by one of the characters, that the extraterrestrials may have just been on a “picnic,” and left trash behind. The United Nations has attempted to keep the Zone sealed off, but Red Schuhart and other “stalkers” sneak in to steal whatever they can find, for profit… despite the risk that they may pass mutated genetic material on to their children. Red smuggles “hell slime” out of the Zone, and sells it to arms dealers, because he needs money to care for his daughter, “Monkey,” a devolved humanoid. Once he gets out of prison, Red discovers that the bodies of those buried within the Zone — including his father’s — have become reanimated! So he embarks on one last mission, a quixotic effort to make everything come out right. Fun facts: Roadside Picnic was refused publication in book form in the Soviet Union for eight years due to government censorship. The 1979 Soviet sci-fi art film Сталкер (Stalker), directed by Andrei Tarkovsky, is loosely based on the novella; the screenplay was written by Arkady and Boris Strugatsky. Gene Wolfe’s The Fifth Head of Cerberus (1972). Three subtly interlinked stories set on Ste. Anne and Ste. Croix — twin Earth-colony planets circling one another. The first tale is a memoir narrated unreliably by “Number 5,” the son of an insane genius, who recounts how he and his brother were raised in a brothel by a robot teacher, and how he was eventually forced to reckon with his own identity — and challenge his father. The second story, written by a visiting anthropologist from Earth studying the planets’ supposedly extinct race of shapeshifters, is narrated in the style of an aboriginal folktale about estranged brothers; the protagonist embarks on a quest, traveling between real world and dreamworld… though the reader can’t always tell them apart. The third story also concerns the anthropologist, who runs afoul of local authorities and is imprisoned for years — we learn the bizarre details through snippets from his increasingly unhinged (or truthful) journals — and from interrogation tapes being revised by a bored police agent. Fun fact: The first story, “The Fifth Head of Cerberus,” was included in the 1973 anthology Nebula Award Stories Eight. Though not his first novel, Wolfe considered it his first good one. John Brunner’s The Sheep Look Up (1972). Brunner wrote a lot of forgettable pot-boilers, and a couple of terrific books — this proto-cyberpunk eco-catastrophe is one of the latter. Raw materials are running out, and insects and micro-organisms have become resistant to efforts to eradicate them. Disaster could be averted if world governments and the wealthy were willing to make sacrifices; instead, the rich live obliviously in gated communities while the right-wing US administration, headed by an idiot president, is in thrall to corporations seeking only to maximize shareholder value. The media, meanwhile, focuses on entertainment and delivers fake news. Environmental and social-justice activists are dismissed as un-American hippies. (Yes, it’s almost too prescient.) We learn all of this through fractured vignettes about multiple characters, headlines, reports. As both government and corporate services break down, and as food is poisoned, rioting and civil unrest sweep the United States. Fun fact: The novel’s title is a quotation from Milton’s “Lycidas.” “The hungry sheep look up, and are not fed,/But swollen with wind and the rank mist they draw,/Rot inwardly, and foul contagion spread…” Michael Moorcock’s The English Assassin (1972). The third of Moorcock’s four novels featuring dandy, scientist, rock star, and adventurer (Buckaroo Banzai, eat your heart out) Jerry Cornelius is subtitled A Romance of Entropy. This is true in two senses: Cornelius is an agent of the cosmic force that opposes culture, civilisation, empire, religion, and other manifestations of order; and the book itself is entropic — a pastiche of stories working at cross-purposes. Cause and effect are out of whack, here; ambiguity is the whole point. Unlike running, jumping, shooting action heroes, Jerry Cornelius is an idler; at the beginning of The English Assassin, he is fished out of the ocean — dead (eat your heart out, Jason Bourne) — and he can barely be bothered to get out of bed, despite such goings-on as a nuclear attack on India and a Scottish war of independence fought with zeppelins… each apocalyptic scenario set on a different version of the Earth. He does stop a peace conference — violently — though. We spend a lot of time with Cornelius’s coterie, including the titular assassin (IMHO) Una Persson. The book’s message, if any, is delivered by Catherine: “Goodbye, England.” Fun fact: The Cornelius Quartet includes The Final Programme (1968), A Cure for Cancer (1971), and The Condition of Muzak (1977). There are other Cornelius stories, too. Robert Silverberg’s Dying Inside (1972). This brilliantly written sci-fi yarn/bildungsroman set in (then-)present-day New York concerns David Selig, a middle-aged telepath who has squandered his abilities. He’s spent his life prying into other people’s hearts and minds, probing their secrets for his own pleasure; and also for (minor) profit: he reads the minds of college students so that he can ghost-write reports on their behalf. Now, Selig’s power is beginning to fade. Silverberg imaginatively depicts what the lived experience of telepathy might be like, for better or worse; in the tradition of Radium Age sci-fi telepath stories, it’s mostly worse. Selig has failed to develop meaningful relationships, or to carve a purposeful place for himself in society. The novel’s plot is beside the point; and Selig is a loser — not only neurotic and directionless, but prejudiced. Stick around for wild scenarios, including a telepath’s vicarious experience of: his girlfriend’s acid trip, a young couple having sex, a hen laying an egg… and a very spiritual farmer. Fun facts: Silverberg is perhaps most famous today for his science-fantasy Majipoor series, beginning with Lord Valentine’s Castle (1980). But I’m more a fan of his New Wave sci-fi, including Thorns (1967), To Open the Sky (1967), The Masks of Time (1968), To Live Again (1969), Downward to the Earth (1970), and The World Inside (1971). Barry N. Malzberg’s Beyond Apollo (1972). A two-man mission to Venus fails, and its captain is killed; NASA inters Harry M. Evans, the surviving astronaut, in an insane asylum — and interrogates him. What went wrong? We’ll never know: Evans’s story shifts constantly. He killed the Captain; the Captain tried to kill him; Venusians killed the Captain; there are no Venusians; he is the Captain, disguised as Evans. (Was there a Captain, in the first place)? Humankind, the reader begins to infer, isn’t mentally equipped to cope with the claustrophobia and dislocation of space exploration. Evans, or “Evans,” who confesses to wanting to write a novel, has become a story-generating machine, recounting memories (or fabricated memories), dream conversations, possible explanations and endings, sexual fantasies (or realities), and cryptograms. Is Evans’s approach to truth/reality — playful, evasive, inconclusive, a thousand flashes of illumination rather than a reliable source of light — a step forward in human evolution? Or is he just insane? Don’t read this book for the plot; read it for the exercise. Fun facts: Beyond Apollo won the inaugural John W. Campbell Memorial Award for Best Science Fiction Novel. Detractors claimed that this was an insult to the memory of Campbell, the Golden Age sci-fi author and editor whose name was synonymous with the wonder of space exploration. David Bowie‘s The Rise and Fall of Ziggy Stardust and the Spiders from Mars (1972). Bowie’s fifth studio effort wasn’t originally intended to be a concept album, but over the course of its recording the idea of “Ziggy Stardust” — an androgynous rock star who may or may not be an extraterrestrial — metastasized from a single song into first a publicity stunt and then, ultimately, an enduring mythos. The album’s tremendous first track, “Five Years,” announces the imminent destruction of Earth; “Moonage Daydream” introduces a “space invader” who preaches a cosmo-religious message of sex, love, and rock’n’roll; and the “Over the Rainbow”-ish “Starman” describes a teenager’s discovery — via late-night radio — that a starman waiting in the sky approves of youthful rebellion and pleasure-seeking. On side two, we meet Ziggy Stardust himself: Is this kabuki cat truly “the Naz” (Lenny Bruce’s hipster slang for Jesus), or merely a Vince Taylor-esque teen idol who (in his band’s estimation, anyway) has developed delusions of grandeur? The album’s bricolage mythography encourages us to actively participate in parsing the Ziggy myth for ourselves. Philip K. Dick, whose 1981 novel VALIS features a Ziggy-inspired character, took Bowie up on the challenge; so did the inspired prankster who’s recently pointed out that Kanye West, whose name seems to float above Bowie’s head on the cover of Ziggy Stardust, was born five years after the release of “Five Years.” Yes! Fun facts: The album features contributions from the Spiders from Mars, Bowie’s backing band: Mick Ronson, Trevor Bolder, and Mick Woodmansey. A “Ziggy Stardust” concert film, directed by D. A. Pennebaker, was recorded in 1973; it’s well worth viewing. J.G. Ballard’s Crash (1973). If Ballard’s early novels — 1964’s The Burning World, for example — were sardonic inversions of survivalist cozy catastrophes, then Crash might be read as a sardonic inversion of another Adventure genre: the picaresque. In fact, the episodic, shambolic plot of Crash, in which the protagonist falls under the influence of a charismatic, wildly unconventional kook, and immerses himself in an automobile-centric world of transgressive kicks, feels to this reader like a pessimistic, avant-garde response to the all-American optimism of Kerouac’s On the Road. (Ballard himself described Crash as a “warning against that brutal, erotic, and overlit realm that beckons more and more persuasively to us from the margins of the technological landscape.”) In this anti-optimistic morality play, “James Ballard” is maimed in a car crash, which leaves the other driver dead; he is subsequently drawn into the orbit of Dr. Vaughan, a car-wreck enthusiast who heads up a kind of sex cult of fellow fetishists. Vaughan, Ballard, and others — Seagrave, a crossdressing stuntman; Gabrielle, a lesbian opium-addict and amputee; Helen, the widow of Ballard’s victim — engage in Sadean sex rites in crashed and about-to-be-crashed cars. If Ballard’s earlier novels are cataclysms set in the future; Crash takes place in a cataclysmic present, i.e., one in which catastrophe has become normalized. Fun facts: The Normal’s 1978 song “Warm Leatherette” was inspired by Crash; Gary Numan’s 1979 song “Cars” may have been, as well. In 1996, Crash was adapted as a film of the same name by David Cronenberg; it stars James Spader, Deborah Kara Unger, Elias Koteas, Holly Hunter, and Rosanna Arquette. Thomas Pynchon’s Gravity’s Rainbow (1973). Set during the waning days of WWII, Pynchon’s infamous masterpiece — considered by some to be one of the greatest American novels; considered by others to be unreadable — is an apophenic espionage adventure revolving around the quest to uncover the secret of a mysterious device, or MacGuffin, which is to be installed in a German V-2 rocket. (The book’s title refers to the parabolic trajectory of a V-2, as well as to the introduction of randomness into physics via quantum mechanics.) Gravity’s Rainbow is also a picaresque adventure, featuring over 400 characters, which follows Tyrone Slothrop, a naive Allied Intelligence operative, as he wanders — under covert surveillance, by his own comrades, who are interested in his sexual activities — around London, then a casino on the recently liberated French Riviera, and then in “The Zone,” which is to say, Europe’s post-war wasteland. What does Margherita Erdmann, former star of a traveling sado-masochistic sex show, know about the device? Why do the Schwarzkommando, African rocket technicians brought to Europe by German colonials, worship the V-2? Why is Slothrop being tailed by Major Duane Marvy, a sadistic American, and Vaslav Tchitcherine, a drug-addled Soviet intelligence officer? Slothrop discovers that he may have been experimented on, as an infant; does this have something to do with German occult warfare shenanigans? Plus: silly songs, 1940s pop culture references, kazoos. Here’s the key: “If there is something comforting — religious, if you want — about paranoia,” we read, “there is still also anti-paranoia, where nothing is connected to anything, a condition not many of us can bear for long.” Fun facts: Winner of the National Book Award for 1974, and nominated for both a Pulitzer Prize and a Nebula Award. NEW WAVE SF: 1974–1983 If adventure novels in the Sixties troubled their readers’ faith in fixed, universal categories, and in certainty, Seventies adventure replaced these relics with difference, process, anomaly. The science fiction of the era — Ursula K. LeGuin’s The Dispossessed, Samuel R. Delany’s Trouble on Triton, Philip K. Dick’s A Scanner Darkly, Christopher Priest’s Inverted World, Olivia E. Butler’s Wild Seed — was as far-out as it gets, the final flourish of New Wave before the advent of cyberpunk. All binary oppositions (past/present, liberal/conservative, innocent/guilty, utopian/anti-utopian) are overthrown. Ambivalence, indeterminacy, and undecidability of things: In Seventies adventures, these are the anti-anti-utopian new normal. Philip K. Dick’s Flow My Tears, the Policeman Said (1974). A typically dystopian, disorienting, and dashed-off Philip K. Dick joint — but one which is more emotionally resonant than his Fifties and Sixties oeuvre; in this sense, Flow My Tears points the way forward to Dick’s late masterpieces, A Scanner Darkly (1977) and VALIS (1981). The year is 1988; in the aftermath of a Civil War, the USA has become a police state; African-Americans have been all but exterminated; college students have become underground guerrillas; people use their smartphones to seek hook-ups (via the Phone-Grid Transex Network) and advice (via Cheerful Charlie, an app); and recreational drug use has been normalized. When a crazed ex-lover sics a “gelatinlike Callisto cuddle sponge” on Jason Taverner, the famous pop star (“Nowhere Nuthin’ Fuck-up” is his latest hit) and TV host wakes up in a motel to discover that… no one knows who he is. Taverner takes drugs, seeks assistance from a series of women — an unstable old flame; a leather-clad lesbian; a sweet-tempered potter — and desperately attempts to figure out what might have caused him to become a non-person. The titular policeman? He’s the twin brother and lover of the leather-clad lesbian, and a powerful authority figure who learns an important lesson in humility and empathy for others. Fun fact: Winner of the John W. Campbell Memorial Award for Best Science Fiction Novel in 1975. Dick would later paordy this novel, in VALIS, as The Android Cried Me a River. Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Dispossessed (1974). Shevek, a brilliant young physicist, lives on the peaceful anarchistic planet Anarres, whose inhabitants value voluntary cooperation, local control, and mutual tolerance. This is a richly imagined world — with a language, for example, that cannot readily express “propertarian” or “egoist” concepts. The downside of this utopia is an entrenched bureaucracy that stifles innovation, particularly if it seems to challenge the prevailing political and social ethos. Shevek’s new temporal theory, and the resulting “Ansible” that he hopes to develop (which will allow instantaneous communication between any two points, no matter how many light-years apart; and which will therefore make possible a galactic network of civilizations), may never see the light of day. So he relocates to Urras, a nearby world (Annares is its moon) where disruptive new theories and technologies are welcomed. Once there, however, Shevek is dismayed and disgusted by Urras’s two largest states: the USA-like A-Io, which is capitalist, sexist, wasteful, exploitative, and tumultuous — forever on the verge of revolution or war; and the authoritarian, USSR-like Thu. While the author is clearly sympathetic to the ideals of Annares, The Dispossessed is a pointed critique of typical utopian narratives; the dichotomies that Le Guin describes are not readily surmounted — it’s a negative-dialectical romance. Fun fact: Although this was the fifth novel published in Le Guin’s Hainish Cycle, chronologically it is the first. The Dispossessed won the Nebula and Hugo Awards for Best Novel. Later editions of the book are subtitled “An Ambiguous Utopia.” Christopher Priest’s Inverted World (1974). Having reached the mature age of “650 miles,” Helward Mann becomes an apprentice Future Surveyor — which means that he must help choose the best route for his city, “Earth,” which appears to be an Earth colony on an alien world. The city is winched along, at about eight miles per day, along tracks that are then picked up and re-used; the city’s goal is a perhaps nonexistent “optimum” destination somewhere to the north. Many of the city’s citizens (including Helward’s wife, Victoria) are unaware that the city is mobile; a decrease in the birthrate obliges the city to capture native women from the villages they pass en route. When Helward leaves the city, he discovers how truly strange the outside world is; time itself works differently, within the city vs. outside, and to the north vs. the south. Also, he finds himself pulled southward by a mysterious, ever-increasing force. Eventually, he meets a woman who claims to have come from England recently; in fact, she claims that they’re on Earth! What is actually going on? Fun fact: Expanded from a short story by the same title included in New Writings in SF 22 (1973). The Encyclopedia of Science Fiction calls Inverted World “one of the two or three most impressive pure-sf novels produced in the United Kingdom since World War II.” John Crowley’s The Deep (1975). A checkerboard-like medieval kingdom is housed on a circular plane balanced atop a pillar that emerges from The Deep, an abyss inhabited by an entity known as The Leviathan. Although Crowley’s first novel is not a particularly long one, its scope is truly epic. Through the eyes of a strange visitor from off-world, a genderless android who immediately loses its memory, we witness a complex War of the Roses-esque struggle between “Red” and “Black” factions, not to mention musket-wielding rebels (The Just) and a fractured nobility (The Protectors); there are many characters, each of whom will interact with every other character before all is said and done. The Visitor is a kind of recording angel; was it sent here by Leviathan (God)? If not, what is its purpose? What’s outside this world? Is this all some kind of puppet show or game? One is reminded not only of George R.R. Martin’s Westeros series, but of the recent Westworld remake. Crowley’s writing is lyrical, and there are thrills and chills galore: swords and sorcery, a rooftop escape, a journey through a marsh, a climb towards the edge of the world! Fun fact: Crowley is best known for his amazing 1981 novel Little, Big, which has been called “a neglected masterpiece” by Harold Bloom, and other works of fantasy. His earliest novels, however, including Beasts (1976) and Engine Summer (1979), were science fictions. Cordwainer Smith‘s Norstrilia (1975, in complete form). In the far future, as we know from Smith’s other stories (collected in the volume The Rediscovery of Man), once all of humankind’s needs have been met — thanks to advanced technology, peace and prosperity, and the use of animal-derived “underpeople” for the few remaining physical jobs — a galaxy-wide administrative body known as the Instrumentality will intervene, in order to make life worth living again. How? By reintroducing cultural and language differences, for example, or even by encouraging the underpeople to revolt. Rod McBan the 151st, a young farmer on the planet Norstrilia — which had long ago been colonized by Australians, and which alone produces the immortality drug stroon — comes to the attention of the Instrumentality because of his unusually powerful, yet difficult-to-control psionic abilities. They help save him from a Norstrilian rite of passage that could otherwise have proven fatal, and when Rod uses an ancient, illegal computer to corner the galactic market for stroon, they help smuggle him back to Earth, humankind’s homeworld, before he can be assassinated or kidnapped. Rod is disguised as an underperson — a cat-man — and C’mell, Earth’s most beautiful cat-woman, becomes his protector. Sympathizing with the underpeople, Rod sacrifices his fortune for them. Fun facts: Norstrilia is the only novel published by Paul Linebarger, a scholar and diplomat expert in psychological warfare, as “Cordwainer Smith.” Its two parts were published, separately, in Galaxy in 1964; both were then published as novellas. They weren’t combined into one volume until 1975. Samuel R. Delany’s Dhalgren (1975). Dhalgren is set in Bellona, somewhere in the American Midwest (Kansas?) — where a very local, very strange catastrophe has happened. A city block burns down, but a week later it’s intact again; time passes differently for different people; there seem to be two moons in the night sky. Although most of Bellona’s inhabitants have abandoned the bewildering, surreal city, various marginalized Americans — including the Kid, a multiracial, bisexual, possibly schizophrenic drifter — find themselves drawn to it. Some readers (including Philip K. Dick, who threw it away) have found Dhalgren‘s meandering, apophenic, and epic plot boring or maddening; if you hated Richard Linklater’s 2001 movie Waking Life, in which a man discusses the meaning of the universe as he shuffles through a hallucinatory landscape, then you’ll hate this book. Other readers have enjoyed the text’s postmodernist twists and turns, its digressions on the nature of poetry and art, and its pursuit of wonder and beauty in the face of disaster, even if they find the foul language and explicit sex scenes distasteful or (at this point) dated. Note that the Kid — an Orpheus-like figure, whose only hope of making sense of his experiences is to become an author of the book we’re reading, or at least a version of it — would most likely agree with both sorts of readers. Fun fact: Dhalgren is Delany’s most popular book. William Gibson has referred to it as “A riddle that was never meant to be solved”; other commentators have noted the book’s debt — cf., mythological resonances, Moebius-strip plot form — to James Joyce’s Ulysses. Someone should make a movie! J.G. Ballard’s High-Rise (1975). Philip K. Dick’s notion of a “conapt” — a densely populated, self-sufficient human habitat, isolated and isolating — was already a dystopian one, when he introduced it in The Three Stigmata of Palmer Eldritch in 1965. Here, Ballard offers a kind of blood-spattered parable built around a pun: When the social order of his high-rise London apartment complex becomes violently dysfunctional, Richard Wilder, a documentary film-maker who lives on one of the building’s lower floors, literally becomes a social climber — scaling his way upward, to the luxurious penthouse suite. Anthony Royal, the building’s architect, perches there, awaiting his fate with a certain oblivious detachment. Our protagonist, Robert Laing, lives in-between these two characters; although he aspires to be as coolly uninvolved as Royal, Laing gets caught up in and enjoys the regressive mayhem: fighting in gangs, raiding and vandalizing other floors, killing pets, taking women. (It’s all straight out of David Bowie’s 1974 song “Diamond Dogs.”) As in Crash (1973) and Concrete Island (1974), Ballard is concerned about the deleterious effects of our advanced mode of life; note that life outside the titular high-rise goes on as usual. Fun fact: High-Rise was one of Joy Division singer Ian Curtis’s favorite books. It was adapted into a 2015 film of the same name, starring Tom Hiddleston, Jeremy Irons, and Sienna Miller, by director Ben Wheatley. Samuel R. Delany‘s Trouble on Triton: An Ambiguous Heterotopia (1976). Part novel, part treatise, Triton brilliantly (if sometimes maddeningly) deploys post-structuralist theory in order to both illuminate and subvert the story of an unpleasant protagonist’s struggle to acculturate himself to life in a utopian colony on Triton, Neptune’s largest moon. Bron Helstrom, who had previously worked on Mars as a male prostitute, should be happy on Triton — where no one goes hungry, and where one can change one’s physical appearance, gender, sexual orientation, and even specific patterns of likes and dislikes. Helstrom’s problem is that he is an unregenerate individual, an asshole even, in a culture that deprioritizes the notion of the individual. (Shades of Stanislaw Lem’s Return from the Stars.) But Triton is less about Bron, in the end, than it is a critique of utopia, an exploration of the Foucauldian notion of heterotopia, and a semiotic intervention into science fiction’s unexamined ideologies. Should we feel sympathy for Bron, and reject Triton’s social order; or the other way around? Yes and no. PS: Almost forgot to mention that there is a destructive interplanetary war, between Triton and Earth, too. Fun fact: Originally published under the title Triton, the novel’s themes and formal devices are also explored in Delany’s 1977 essay collection, The Jewel-Hinged Jaw. Joanna Russ’s We Who Are About To… (serialized 1976; in book form, 1977).. A brutal, nihilistic — but beautifully written — novella that might perhaps best be categorized as an anti-Robinsonade. When a spaceship crash-lands on an uninhabitable and uncharted planet, the crash survivors rally and begin to make plans for starting an impromptu colony; even if they aren’t rescued, perhaps their descendants will be. Our unnamed protagonist, however, refuses to buy into this nonsense. Not only will the group not survive, she realizes, but — as a fertile woman — she will essentially become a breeding slave. In fact, the others do beat her, tie her up, and make plans to forcibly impregnate her via rape if she doesn’t come around to their way of thinking. What the would-be colonists fail to realize is that our protagonist is a bad-ass who cannot be controlled. She escapes — taking less than her fair share of rations and supplies with her, because she doesn’t intend to prolong the agony of her own inevitable death by starvation. When the others pursue her, she opens up a can of whoop-ass. Finally, she records recollections of her life — and feminist musings on the nature of subjectivity — among other things, as she wastes away. Fun fact: Samuel R. Delany has described this novella as “a damningly fine analysis of the mechanics of political and social decay,” and a refutation of the notion that reproduction — as opposed to the quality of your life — is the point of living. Moebius‘s Le Garage Hermétique (The Airtight Garage, 1976–1979). Le Garage Hermétique is one of the two great capricious comic strips of the Seventies (1974–1983); Gary Panter’s Dal Tokyo, which first appeared in 1983, is the other. Over a four year period, Moebius cranked out two to four pages per month; each month, he challenged himself to solve continuity problems that he’d playfully introduced previously, while also creating new problems. The main plot, to the extent that there is one, concerns the efforts of Major Grubert to prevent outside entities from invading the Garage Hermétique — an asteroid housing a pocket universe, which features, e.g., desert and forest biomes, a city, and a world made of machines. One of these invaders is Jerry Cornelius, a trickster figure whom Moebius lifted from Michael Moorcock’s sci-fi novels; Grubert and Cornelius join forces, eventually, to face a threat to the Airtight Garage. Each installment of the strip, many of which focus on Grubert and Cornelius’s hapless allies, is its own self-contained epic; they don’t necessarily add up to anything larger. Fun fact: Le Garage Hermétique first appeared, from 1976–1979, in issues 6 through 41 of the Franco-Belgian comics magazine Métal Hurlant; Americans first read it in the magazine Heavy Metal, starting in 1977. Philip K. Dick’s A Scanner Darkly (1977). Set in a barely futuristic Los Angeles of 1994, Scanner tells the story of “Fred,” an undercover narc who gets a kick out of the counter-cultural addicts with whom — as “Bob” — he dwells. Fred’s abuse of Substance D (street name: “Death”) contributes to a brain psychosis complicated by his latest assignment… spying on Bob! Whose motivations Fred finds opaque. Dick mines humor and pathos out of the druggies’ lifestyle: paranoid conversations among low-lifes who actually are being spied on; crack-ups that feel like break-throughs. Also, this is a neo-noir crime novel — one in which we sympathize with the criminals, who are spirited free-thinkers, and despise the manipulative, cold-hearted cops. When Fred is sent to a detox facility, he cracks the secret of Substance D… too late? The book ends with a dramatic dedication to Dick’s many friends who’d been killed or permanently damaged by drug abuse; the author’s own name is on the list. Fun facts: In 2006, I wrote a Slate essay about the novel and Richard Linklater’s adaptation. Which I still haven’t seen. Gary Panter’s comic Jimbo (serialized 1977–present). Panter’s “ratty line” illustrations helped define the style of L.A. punk. But the appeal of Jimbo — an all-American, snub-nosed, freckle-faced punkoid wandering through Dal Tokyo, a planet-wide sprawl of a city founded on Mars by Japanese and Texans — is timeless. Jimbo is a high-lowbrow antihero, equally at home in the pages of the L.A. music zine Slash, where he first appeared, and in the artsy RAW. The early post-apocalyptic/surrealist comics (has Jimbo’s girlfriend been kidnapped by giant cockroaches?) have since given way to elaborate graphic novels that employ the character as an Everyman puzzling his way through religious/pop culture allegorical landscapes. But don’t try to understand the plot of Panter’s stories; the medium is the message. Panter’s protean style — which changes from page to page, sometimes exploding into sheer abstraction — demands that the reader participate actively in making sense of Jimbo’s… mission? Fun facts: Jimbo comics have been collected in Jimbo (1982), Invasion of the Elvis Zombies (1984), Jimbo: Adventures in Paradise (1988), and Jimbo’s Inferno (2006). Panter is now working on a collection of his Jimbo mini-comics. John Varley’s The Ophiuchi Hotline (1977). Before William Gibson, Iain M. Banks, and the Cornershop album When I Was Born for the 7th Time, there was… this oddball achievement. In the year 2618, four hundred years after the human race was displaced from the Earth by alien invaders (who consider aquatic mammals more advanced), humankind scrabbles for survival on the Moon and other off-world colonies. Thanks to the Hotline, a stream of data from a distant star system, the human survivors have mastered bioengineering techniques such as cloning, memory recording, adding and subtracting body parts, changing one’s sex whenever one chooses, and forming new life forms with intelligent symbiotes. Lilo, a rebel geneticist, faces execution for violating laws of humankind’s Eight Worlds; she escapes — or does she commit suicide, while a clone with her memories downloaded take her place? Lilo and her clones are soon embroiled in a plot to battle the invaders… using a black hole! Meanwhile, whoever has been sending information via the Hotline suddenly demands payment. Fun facts: This is the author’s first book, and the first (novel-length) installment in his Eight Worlds series. Vonda N. McIntyre’s Dreamsnake (1978). In the far future, many years after a devastating nuclear war, genetic manipulation of plants and animals is routine, and humankind has reverted (evolved) into a neo-tribalist social order. Snake, a healer immune to snakebites, carries with her three snakes — Grass, Sand, and Mist — whose venom she uses in her potions. When fearful nomads cripple Grass, a small and rare “dreamsnake” from off-world, whose venom is capable of inducing heroin-like torpor and LSD-like hallucinations, Snake embarks, across a desert of black sand on a quest. Along with a patient who is suffering from radiation sickness — there are pockets of radiation left here and there — Snake heads to the city of Center, in hopes of persuading the Otherworlders who visit there to sell her a new dreamsnake. Hers is a picaresque journey involving a desert-dwelling dreamsnake-venom addict, a handsome young lover, an abused 12-year-old girl, a giant bandit, a character whose sex is never specified, and many hallucinations. Fun facts: Dreamsnake started as a story called “Of Mist, and Grass, and Sand,” which won a Nebula Award. The novel version won the 1979 Hugo Award. James Tiptree Jr.‘s Up the Walls of the World (1978). Where to begin? Here on Earth, a group of troubled men and women with telepathic abilities are being studied like lab rats by the (paranoid, drug-addicted) Dr. Dann, as part of a US Navy experiment; Dr. Omaili, with whom Dr. Dann falls in love, is a computer scientist of African descent who has been unable to make meaningful connections since her teens, due to a ritual cliterodectomy administered by her stepfather. Meanwhile, Tivonel, a manta ray-like young female on a far-off planet (Tyree), resents the males of her powerfully psionic species — who are charged with the all-important task of parenting, while the females freely sail the air currents; she is more concerned, however, when Tyree’s scientists report that a wave of death is spreading across the galaxy and headed their way. And then there’s The Destroyer, a solar system-sized, network-structured, sentient inhabitant of deep space, which muses sadly (IN ALL CAPS) on its solitude and inability to fulfill its mysterious duty… while absent-mindedly destroying the galaxy. In an effort to save her species, Tivonel “invades” Earth — telepathically. The minds of Dr. Dann, Dr. Omaili, and their test subjects are transported into the bodies of Tivonel’s inhabitants… where they are uniquely able to flourish. But what can they do to stop the Destroyer? Fun facts: “James Tiptree Jr.” was the pen name of pioneering female sci-fi author Alice Sheldon. In the 1940s, she was an officer in the Air Force’s photo-intelligence group; in the ’50s and ’60s, she earned a doctorate in Experimental Psychology. Already well-known for her sci-fi stories, Up the Walls of the World was her first novel. John Crowley’s Engine Summer (1979). A beautifully written, trippy novella set in a post-apocalyptic America, where relics of the past confound and amaze our protagonist, young Rush That Speaks. He’s grown up in Little Belaire, an idyllic, tribalist community of “true speakers” who fled society’s collapse (specifically, they appear to have fled Bel Air, California) in the distant past. This reader could have happily explored Little Belaire and its traditions along with Rush That Speaks for a longer stretch, but when Once a Day, the girl he loves, absconds to live with a cat-like society called Dr. Boots’s List, Little Rush heads out after her. First, however, he spends time living with Blink, a “saint,” in a treehouse, gathering more intel about the high-tech, unhappy prelapsarian world of the vanished “angels.” Once he’s taken in by Dr. Boots’s List, Rush That Speaks undergoes a mind-meld with Dr. Boots — from which he will never fully recover. At which point, an “angel” drops from the sky, and much is made clear to us. As with Riddley Walker, published the following year, Engine Summer is among other things a riddle, requiring readers to puzzle out secrets of the past (our near-future, perhaps) that the book’s characters themselves will never truly understand. The book’s ending is a deeply poignant one. Fun facts: Crowley is best known as the author of Little, Big (1981), a much-admired fantasy novel, and for his Ægypt series of novels (1987–2007). I like these books, too, but strongly urge science fiction fans to revisit his early work. Octavia E. Butler‘s Kindred (1979). In this realistic (visceral, even) sci-fi/fantasy hybrid yarn, which Butler modeled on grim North American slave narratives by the likes of Harriet Tubman, Dana, a young, educated African-American woman in contemporary Los Angeles, finds herself shunted back in time to an antebellum Maryland plantation. (Unless she’s just hallucinating?) Dana, who is married to a white man in the present, discovers in the past her own ancestors — a white planter and a black freewoman who has been forced into slavery. Her ontogeny — as a black woman fully conscious of slavery’s legacy in contemporary America — recapitulates the phylogeny of her ancestor, who loses her innocence, faces harsh punishment, develops strategies of resistance, and ultimately develops the ability to escape from a repressive, racist white society. Kindred unflinchingly interrogates the intersection of power, gender, and race, but the narrative is far from simple: Dana’s ancestors, Rufus and Alice, were childhood friends, and Dana ends up developing sympathy for Rufus, despite the fact that he grows up to be a monster. She also encounters Sarah, an angry slave who only appears to be a submissive “mammie,” and other characters who fail to conform to previous depictions of slavery, from Gone with the Wind to Roots. The time travel narrative is also complex, as Dana — and, sometimes, her husband — ricochets back and forth from the present to various points in Alice and Rufus’s life stories. Fun facts: Kindred was a bestseller, and remains popular today; it is often chosen as a text for community-wide reading programs and high school and college courses. It was adapted as a 2017 graphic novel by Damian Duffy and John Jennings. Alejandro Jodorowsky and Jean Giraud (Moebius)’s graphic novel The Incal (1980–1988). In the capital city of a planet within a galactic empire dominated by humans (and humanoid aliens known as Bergs), a mercurial private investigator, John DiFool, is nearly murdered by masked assassins. They’re seeking a crystal of enormous power, the Light Incal, which has gone missing; and so is: Animah, the keeper of the Light Incal; Tanatah, leader of a rebel group (and Animah’s sister); the city’s corrupt government; the Bergs; and the Technopriests, a cult that worships a different crystal, the Dark Incal. Jodorowsky’s space opera — drawn brilliantly by Giraud — is a satirical, dystopian admixture of intergalactic travel, political conspiracy, sex, drugs, and messianism. (If this description reminds you of Dune, it should: in 1975, Giraud provided concept art for Jodorowsky’s never-made film adaption of Frank Herbert’s novel.) Accompanied by Deepo, his loyal “concrete seagull,” and the Metabaron, a mercenary super-warrior, DiFool embarks on a quest to prevent the Technopriests from launching a sun-eating Dark Egg. It’s also a recursive mystic parable, of sorts. Fun facts: Originally published in installments in Métal Hurlant (1980–1988); The Incal was followed by Before the Incal (1988–1995, with Zoran Janjetov), After the Incal (2000, with Jean Giraud), and Final Incal (2008–2014, with José Ladrönn). Octavia E. Butler’s Wild Seed (1980). In this prequel to Butler’s Patternist epic, a 1976–1984 series of novels recounting the rise of a mutant species of networked telepaths who will — in the far future — come to enslave “mute” humankind (while struggling against the Clayarks, a species of extraterrestrial plague-mutated humanoids), our protagonist is Anyanwu, a 350-year-old shapeshifter living peacefully in Africa… until she meets Doro, a telepathic spirit so powerful that he can possess any body. Doro, who was born in Egypt during the reign of the Pharaohs, intends to breed a race of telepaths under his control; he has been collecting people with unusual abilities and breeding them, and Anyanwu is his next target. Although she vehemently disagrees with Doro’s contemptuous, utilitarian treatment of his experimental subjects, Anyanwu is persuaded to leave her home for America… where she will struggle to rebel against Doro’s manipulative coercion. The book’s timeline begins in the late 17th century and ends in the early 19th century, and Anyanwu and Doro take the Middle Passage to the New World aboard a slave ship… yet Butler complicates this quasi-slave narrative by showing how Doro protects his “seeds” from Indian attacks and White racism alike. In the end, it’s a book about a woman who fights to protect her family from a cruel, paternalistic man — using love and self-sacrifice, not violence. Fun facts: The other Patternist books, in order of publication, are Patternmaster (1976), Mind of My Mind (1977), Survivor (1978), and Clay’s Ark (1984). Russell Hoban’s Riddley Walker (1980). “Our woal life is a idear we dint think of nor we dont know what it is.” Although its degraded dialect is not to every reader’s taste, and although it’s not particularly action-packed, Riddley Walker is one of the greatest of all post-apocalyptic adventures — and a brilliant, deep, mysterious, tragicomic piece of writing that amply rewards re-reading. When twelve-year-old Riddley’s father dies, he becomes his community’s “connexion man” — tasked with teasing out the social, religious, and political implications of the ever-evolving puppet shows staged — in primitive towns across “Inland” (England) — by church/government propagandists. A cataclysm happened, a couple of thousand years ago, reducing the world to an Iron Age level of technology — leaving nothing but myths, turns of phrase (“hes getting his serkits jus that little bit over loadit”), and artifacts to be puzzled over by inquisitive types. A power struggle is going on, we discover — one whose outcome may lead to humankind’s progress forward out of the ashes, or to utter ruin. The chance finding of an ancient relic gets Riddley involved in this momentous struggle… and sends him on the run! Though it’s often compared to A Clockwork Orange and A Canticle for Leibowitz, I’d describe Riddley Walker as a sequel to Cicely Hamilton’s Theodore Savage, and a companion-piece to John Crowley’s Engine Summer. Fun facts: Harold Bloom included this book in his list of works comprising the Western Canon; and George Miller’s 1985 movie Mad Max Beyond Thunderdome pays homage to Riddley Walker. Hoban is best known as the author of Bedtime for Frances (1960, ill. Garth Williams) and sequels, as well as for the older children’s novel The Mouse and His Child (1967). Philip K. Dick’s VALIS (1981). Our narrator, Phil, a brilliant, self-reflexive sci-fi author who may be crazy, explores his own ideas… as well as those of the book’s protagonist, Horselover Fat, a brilliant, self-reflexive sci-fi author who may be crazy. Fat, it seems, has received a beam of pure reason from “God” — perhaps an alien satellite orbiting Earth — which has allowed him to see that 1970s California is an illusion; actually, we’re all slaves blindly toiling in a Black Iron Prison. So… the ancient Gnostics were right! (Right?) The true nature of the universe is a Vast Active Living Intelligence System. Superhumans living anonymously among us use pop culture to stay in touch with one another; the pulp novels of Philip K. Dick may be on to something; the writings of Heraclitus, Schopenhauer, Freud and Jung must now be recontextualized. (Right?) Fat sets off, with a few friends, to find answers: about God, suffering, art, the mind, the secret history of humankind, and — naturally — about David Bowie, particularly his 1976 movie The Man Who Fell to Earth. Fun fact: VALIS is the first installment in a never-completed trilogy of novels fictionalizing the philosophical explorations Dick made into this experience via a rambling treatise, The Exegesis. It isn’t necessary, in order to enjoy VALIS, to know this, but: in 1974 Dick experienced a series of hallucinations which presented themselves as encounters with a gnostic version of the divine. John Wagner, Alan Grant, and Carlos Ezquerra’s Judge Dredd adventures “Block Mania” (serialized 10/31/1981 to 12/26/81) and “The Apocalypse War” (1/2/82 to 6/26/82). In 1977, writer John Wagner and artist Carlos Ezquerra created Judge Dredd — a violent sci-fi comic strip spoofing American action movies (military, cop, western, vigilante) of the Seventies — for British readers of the weekly magazine 2000 AD. In the 22nd century, the titular judge-jury-and-executioner character and his colleagues police Mega-City One, which is subdivided into gigantic towers known as City Blocks stretching from Boston to Key West. In “The Apocalypse War,” Russkies from East Meg One, a Soviet citystate, invade Mega-City One. Hundreds of millions of Mega-City One citizens are killed, and ninety percent of the city is captured — while Dredd tries to organize a guerrilla resistance movement. Failing that, he must consider the option of completely obliterating East Meg One! “Block Mania,” the prologue to “The Apocalypse War,” demonstrates how Mega-City One was softened up for invasion: a massive conflict between City Blocks is engineered by an East Meg One agent, Orlok, who infects the water supply with a psychotropic drug. Orlok also kills Dredd’s sidekick, Judge Giant, in an almost casual way — which was shocking to even the shock-proof readers of 2000 AD. Fun fact: Via his excellent Dredd Reckoning blog, Douglas Wolk notes just how dark the humor of this storyline is: “It’s a story about genocide with comedy relief interludes — the Walter-and-Maria slapstick routines, the Country Joe-type folksinger getting splattered by a missile.” In 1987, Games Workshop produced a board game, set in the Judge Dredd universe, called Block Mania; players take on the role of rival City Blocks — and use spray paint, guns, flamethrowers and heavy lasers to vandalize and destroy neighboring blocks. Alan Moore’s dystopian graphic novel V for Vendetta (serialized 1982–1989). Illustrated by David Lloyd. In the near future, following a nuclear war, the United Kingdom has become a fascist state run by the Norsefire Party. V, a flamboyant anarchist terrorist and vigilante whose face is never seen — he wears a Guy Fawkes mask — begins a campaign to bring down the government (and all governments); it’s like Nineteen Eighty-Four with a happy ending. V, we discover ov
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All you need to know about this book: 1- It is the companion volume to the most influenti…	en	/favicon.ico	Goodreads	https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/600350.Again_Dangerous_Visions	June 2, 2017 Again, Dangerous Visions was split into two for its mass market paperback release in 1973. This first half contains a few knockout stories, some pretty good ones, and a lot of mediocre ones. At twice the length of the original Dangerous Visions, I can’t help but think that maybe Ellison should’ve trimmed the fat a little more here. One large book full of great stories beats two mediocre editions any day. If I average my scores for each story, the collection ends up just slightly lower than 2.5 stars altogether. I’m rounding this up to 3, because the handful of terrific stories contained within—plus the unique opportunity for cultural examination of early 70s western social movements and politics through an SF lens—makes this a wholeheartedly worthwhile read, even in 2015. The stories that either missed the mark for me, or don’t hold up anymore, seem to be those that valued shock over storytelling. What was shocking in the western world of 1972, isn’t always so 40+ years later. Good storytelling however, remains good storytelling. Standouts: The Word for World is Forest, by Ursula K. Le Guin The Funeral, by Kate Wilhelm When it Changed, by Joanna Russ Monitored Dreams and Strategic Cremations, by Bernard Wolfe Bottom of the Barrel: Ching Witch, by Ross Rocklynne Time Travel for Pedestrians, by Ray Nelson King of the Hill, by Chad Oliver Harry the Hare, by James B. Hemesath Individual Story Reviews: The Counterpoint of View, by John Heidenry: 1/5 Q: Who really wrote this story/essay, was it me The Author or you The Reader? A: It was you, The (pretentious) Author. Somebody read Don Quixote recently. sigh Ching Witch, by Ross Rocklynne: 1/5 Earth blows up, and it’s last remaining human goes to another planet to teach them various dances and live in luxury. Pointless, and meandering. The Word for World is Forest: 5/5 Terrific novella, obviously influential to James Cameron's Avatar (which I now believe can be 100% constructed from elements of Old Man's War & The Word for World is Forest). Also very influential to the Ewoks in Return of the Jedi. It's a moralistic story, and it had some insightful things to say about dangerous ideas entering the public consciousness. Basically, there is no going back. Here, specifically in relation to the concept of murder. For Value Received, by Andrew J. Offutt: 3/5 A short little bit of absurdism, entertaining enough, but not particularly great. Mathoms From the Time Closet, by Gene Wolfe: 2/5 I usually like Gene Wolfe a lot, but this was just two little pointless stories filled with pretentious bullshit, sandwiching one that was sort of fun, almost a mermaid tale in the sky. Time Travel for Pedestrians, by Ray Nelson: 1/5 Weird little hallucination of a story. Christ, Old Student in a New School, by Ray Bradbury: 3/5 A poem, not sure the meaning exactly but it seemed to allude to mankind imprisoning itself through religion. King of the Hill, by Chad Oliver: 1/5 This story tried way, way too hard and failed absolutely to be dangerous or remotely visionary. The 10:00 Report is Brought to you by..., by Edward Bryant: 4/5 While it was overly obvious from the first couple pages what was going on, it was still a deeply disturbing vision of the possible future of journalism in a society like ours that fetishizes suffering as a spectator sport. The Funeral, by Kate Wilhelm: 5/5 Another deeply disturbing story, but it had a genuine point to make, and it made it well. Harry the Hare, by James B. Hemesath: 1/5 Totally pointless. Soapbox opinion bullshit about cartoons and copyrights. Literary equivalent of Old Man Yells at Cloud. When it changed, by Joanna Russ: 5/5 Terrific. I need to track down more of her work. Very impressed with this one. The Big Space Fuck, by Kurt Vonnegut: 3/5 Yep, it's weird and Vonneguty all right. Bounty, by T. L. Sherred: 2/5 Too self congratulatory. Not dangerous or visionary. Still-life, by K. M. O'Donnell: 1/5 Terrible. Skip it. Stoned Council, by H. H. Holis: 3/5 Lawyers do a ton of drugs and then battle their cases out with their minds. Sort of a proto cyberpunk story. Original at least. Monitored Dreams and Strategic Cremations, by Bernard Wolfe: 5/5 This is really two stories, 1. The Bisquit Position, 2. The Girl with Rapid Eye Movements. They're both excellent, and exactly the kind of stories I was looking for in this collection. Vietnam social commentary, with some slight SF backings. With a Finger in My I, by David Gerrold: 3/5 Very nearly a bedtime story; a comedy of errors and literal/figurative mix ups. Some social commentary about belief, and self fulfilling prophesy as well. In The Barn, by Piers Anthony: 2/5 I get it, I do.. but it's cliche even by 70s standards. Want to read January 25, 2017 This copy is signed by Harlan Ellison . October 18, 2019 Sometime between the first Dangerous Visions anthology and the second, Harlan Ellison jumped the shark. Perhaps in those four years, he started to believe his own hype. It is true that the first anthology did seem to set a fire under a number of writers, both old and new, to experiment and try new things, and it happened because Ellison championed it. But in the preparation of the second volume, Ellison took on much more than a simple championing role—he became a dangerous vision of himself. But before I get to the real criticism of this volume, let me note that it still contains a couple of the greatest short fiction stories ever published: Ursula K. Le Guin’s “The Word for World is Forest,” a piece that merges environmentalism and racism in such a talented way that it’s as hard to read it as, Le Guin says in her afterword, it was easy for her to write it; and Joanna Russ’s “When It Changed,” one of the best feminist science fiction stories, posting a world where the men died off and the women did what they had to do to continue, then the ramifications of being “rediscovered” by the rest of humanity. Both of these stories are as powerful today as they were forty years ago, because the problems remain. To be entirely frank, I’ve never been a fan of either writer, some of whose other stories set my teach on edge. But there’s no disputing that these stories are worthy of being read by every reader, especially any reader who wants to understand the power of science fiction when it’s done well and done correctly. There are some other good stories in this 46 story anthology as well. “Ching Witch” by Ross Rocklynne is one of the funniest stories that incorporates a cat. H. H. Hollis’ “Stoned Counsel” is an interesting idea of how legal work could be transformed in the future through hallucinogens. The two stories by Bernard Wolfe, “The Bisquit Position” and “The Girl With Rapid Eye Movements,” are unusual and strange in their mixture of 70s cultural themes (Vietnam war, sleep research) with 50s era style (world-weary protagonists caught up in weirdness). Gregory Benford’s “And the Sea Like Mirrors” predates Stephen King by a decade, containing much of what has become King’s stock-in-trade: a horrific world in which an “everyman” tries to survive. But the majority of these stories are simply “meh,” and in some instances, downright awful. One story in particular, Richard Lupoff’s “With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old Alabama,” was so annoying (i.e., made-up language similar to Russell Hoban’s Riddley Walker), I skimmed it after the first section. And it’s not hard to discover why this may be, because the very process of putting this anthology together can be pieced together from the introductions and afterwords. The culprit: Ellison’s increasing need to grandstand, to puff up the book and himself. One of the earliest things you learn is that this huge volume comprises only half of what Ellison had accepted and bought, and that it became so large, he and the publisher agreed to release this volume and then one called The Last Dangerous Visions later—so much later that it never appeared. Grandstanding? The best example of which can be read in the introduction and afterword to “Bed Sheets are White“ by Evelyn Lief, which is more of a story than the story itself. Basically, Ellison shows up at Clarion determined to be a holy terror to the students by tearing apart their stories on the first day of his week. In the afterword, Lief reports that Ellison said this about her story that first morning, "This story is trite and schoolgirlish. It's the perfect example of every single thing that can be done wrong, all in one piece of writing." She goes back to her room and writes “DAMN YOU, HARLAN ELLISON” on a sign and hangs it above her typewriter and then proceeds to write something that he will like. He likes it and immediately buys it for Again, Dangerous Visions. And that would be a beautiful story if “Bed Sheets are White” was any good, but it’s not. It’s short enough that you can forgive it for being mediocre, but Ellison lauds it as on par with Le Guin or Russ or Benford? Sorry, not even close. What the foreword by Ellison and afterword by Lief depict is Ellison’s increasing role in the creation of not only the book, but the stories themselves, as he started to see himself as the great savior of literature, challenging both established authors and beginning students, and becoming their benefactor, muse, and daemon. It becomes all about him, both from his standpoint and the author’s. And thus, when it fails to be about the story, things fall apart. Unlike others before me who’ve laid criticism at Ellison’s feet, his recent departure from this world means I have no fear of a late night phone call or sharply worded threat made in a public place. The thing is, I’ve always liked Ellison’s writing—his short story and essay collections were meat and potatoes to me in my formative years, and I loved his zeal and passion to champion perceived and real injustices in the world. In particular, his essays in The Glass Teat and The Other Glass Teat were early influences on how I viewed popular entertainment and the role of the critic. The Dangerous Visions anthologies were a great idea, and the two that were published had an impact that could be felt beyond the SFF world. Yet the warning signs for the project going off the rails could clearly be seen in A,DV even if Locus picked it as the best original anthology published in 1972. It’s probably for the best that The Last Dangerous Visions never appeared, because it simply could not have lived up to its hype. What’s sad is that the stories got bumped into that stillborn volume never had the opportunity to feed their author’s careers aside from cover letters where they might have been listed as a sale. The other sad part of the whole debacle is how it continually cast a cloud over Ellison’s career, even until the very end. June 19, 2014 Sometimes the worst thing that can happen is to be successful. Because your next thing has to surpass your first success. Just ask the guy who came up with the idea of pet rocks. Harlan Ellison probably knows what I am talking about. Dangerous Visions was a raging success. It is still the definitive sci-fi anthology of the last half of the 20th century. It was a risk and a risk well taken. So of course there had to be a sequel. But in Again, Dangerous Visions the writers know the score. Be ground-breaking. Be controversial. Be different. So what we get is 46 authors in 800 plus pages trying to out-innovate the others and trying too hard. The result is an uneven set of stories that pale to the original collection. That isn't to say there are not some nice tales here. It just isn't Dangerous Visions. Update: Today I took this off my shelf and looked at the inscription Ellison wrote for me on the title page. It reads "I never wanted to edit this book!". Pretty much sums it up January 11, 2015 Man, most of these stories are extremely bad. Some of the standouts include the Le Guin and the Tiptree and the Hollis and perhaps the Vonnegut, but even then, man, I don't know. There is one fun bagatelle about the legal implications of cryogenics that reads like droll sci-fi Thackeray, and H.H. Hollis' story about LSD lawyering was also spry, but these do not justify the many many bad stories you will read. Really, the only reason to read this collection is if you have any kind of fascination with the kinetic and utterly self-involved world of seventies sci-fi, a world that is rather dead now, and which was charming without ever actually being very relevant or producing any stand-out writers. I have such a fascination; reading this collection was my own fault. There is a Piers Anthony story about a PARALLEL DIMENSION where all dairy products come from milking human women that is pretty jaw-dropping and would make a great short film for Lars Von Trier perhaps, but which cannot be taken seriously on its own merits at all, no matter what dimension you are from. Reading the explanation in the afterword of this piece, where it is explained that it is a parable about animal cruelty, I was uh...unpersuaded...that it was not just an elaborate, disturbing, specific, jolly fucked-up sex fantasy. I liked it on that level, I guess, but DAMN... who was this story for? Now we have Smashwords for such "dangerous visions," I guess. I like reading bad books, but I cannot recommend this to anyone unless you like journeying into REALMS OF THE MISGUIDED AND CRANKY AND SELF-INDULGENT AND DEAD IN SPIRIT. August 24, 2009 I watched a TV documentary on Harlan Ellison recently, a larger-than-life writer who seems to put Hemingway and Hefner to shame. His science fiction anthology Dangerous Visions was often mentioned in the program. I could not get the book at the library by instead found "Again, Dangerous Visions" - the sequel ( I believe even a third anthology was compiled due to its popularity at the time). I read a dozen stories from the 46 presented in the sequel, and it gave me my dose of speculative, edgy fiction that was termed the "new science fiction" of the time. It was quaint reading SF written in the late sixties, where several of the predictions have now become "science fact" - including propositions that children would sue their parents for improper upbringing, the frustrations of navigating the labyrinthine confines of a super-department store in search of sexual aids (some of these aids haven't been invented yet, I believe), executing children after the maximum two-child limit had been reached (didn't many unoficial executions take place in parts of the world where "one child" was the limit, leaving us with the legacy today of a nation of spoilt children?) Many of the writers -juxtaposed between a few heavyweights like Ray Bradbury and Kurt Vonnegut Jr. - were newbies at the time, in their twenties and thirties, some being published for the first time in this anthology. Ellison is generous in giving each writer a personally written copious introduction (the most revealing parts of the book, I think) and lots of praise, and affording each writer an afterword at the end of his/her story. Some writers needed the afterword as their stories were'nt very coherent to me. One writer actually said that he set out to confuse and frustrate the reader! What happened to entertaining, educating and enlightening us? Nevertheless, in an era when the Internet was still a closely guarded military secret, and online forms of shameless self-promotion were not available to the writer, Ellison tirelessly goes out to beat the bushes on behalf of his authors, doing his bit to grow the next generation of SF writers, revealing frank stories about how he met his contributors, nutured them, browbeat them when required, and extracted their best work from them. One writer was so overcome that she wrote Harlan a note back saying "F... you Harlan Ellison you don't know so goddam much". She was still published and I'm sure that more than a few careers were made subsequently. What threw me off was the rough writing - inelegant prose in exchange for mind bending premises. It was hard to find a writer, perhaps Vonnegut was the exception, who combined clear prose with an intriguing premise. Perhaps that is why 12 stories was enough for me. November 27, 2016 It's been years since I've read this, and I'm still thinking about it. This really raised some potent and hard-hitting questions about gender roles and life in general. Really wish this had been a whole novel. December 29, 2019 Wow. I set myself up to read 100 books this year and then give myself this doorstopper in December. Smart, self. Some day I'll find a copy of "Dangerous Visions" which is what I was recommended to read and why I picked up its sequel. The introductions frequently reference a third volume called "Last Dangerous Visions" but it doesn't appear to have been made, or if made, didn't have that title. The premise of the collection is "Stories too taboo for traditional markets." And I suppose taboos were pretty tight in 1972 because most of the stories just have a little sex in them and tons of misogyny but I sadly don't think that was taboo in 1972. There are some gems in here. Joanna Russ' excellent "When It Changed" which is often reprinted, Monitored Dreams & Strategic Cremations"--really two stories by Bernard Wolfe, has a real literary feel, the first "Bisquit Position" is an excellent short play on the horrors on napalm, and I hope in the second story "The Girl With Rapid Eye Movements" the author meant for us to feel the misogyny internalized by said girl that she doesn't realize she's the smartest and most creative person in the story, however the author's afterword was pure bunk about 'the muse'. "Eye of the Beholder" by Burt K. Filer had a good mix of cool invention and motorcycle chases, plus a female character who is competent at something --shockingly rare-- though of course the two women in the story are both marked for how they can't do something the men do. At this point in the collection I was wondering if men used to only use female characters when they wanted a character to fail at something, because gosh they couldn't bear to see a man do that. "Moth Race" by Richard Hill was a good classic SF piece. For me it really captures the ineffable joy and madness of sports. "In Re Glover" by Leonard Tushnet is pure hard sf for lawyers. Reads like a legal brief but fascinating! "Zero Gee" by Ben Bova has moments of "hey maybe this is toxic masculinity" insight but I felt the ending robbed its meaning. "With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama" will stay with me but I'm not sure if for good or ill... military SF with New Haiti fighting New Alabama, and the Haitians are written in standard English and the New Alabamans in thick dialect. Problematical things all over the board. Are the Alabaman's being gay meant to be a slur against them or just an example of hypocrisy? Did I lose a character in there? Some of the people run together. It's a long piece and... yeah ok I see why this one is a dangerous vision, if only for all the use of the N-word. "Ozymandias" by Terry Carr is lovely, one of those stories that says a lot that isn't on the page. "The Milk of Paradise" is classic Tiptree, so beautiful writing, but the story itself felt a little weak and rapey. Mostly rapey. Those are the ones I liked. Among the ones I didn't like there were a few that were so awful... I suppose Harlan would be glad to hear that. But not awful in the way he'd think. I love sex and drugs and taboo-breaking. I loathe flat characterizations and lack of structure. Now about the introductions and afterwords. Like a good completionist, I read them all, and as is usual when I force myself to read things just because I can't bear to skip stuff, I regret almost every single one. You know what the worst type of wedding toast is? The one that begins "I met Kevin when..." You know this wedding toast. It's a painful ten minutes of personal exposition saying nothing interesting but giving the toaster a chance to talk about himself. Almost all of Harlan's intros are like that. Also, more than half of the afterwards are "Harlan made me write an afterward and I hate afterwards my work should stand on its own." So skim those at will, my friends, or just read the ones for your favorite authors because you want to know more about them. November 29, 2019 For a good part of my senior year of high school (1973) I carried a copy around with my notebook, sneaking reads when I could. It did more to prepare me for the future I would soon be living in than all my boring classes. It would deeply disturb today's high schoolers, but it would do them a lot of good. Age-appropriate is for losers. July 4, 2009 I have to say that this massive anthology of science fiction novellas and short stories completely blew me away in the early 1970's. I read this one before the original "Dangerous Visions." Editor/author Harlan Ellison encouraged contributing writers to cut loose with their most daring and provocative ideas. In so doing, he not only pushed the boundaries of what was being published in those days, he expanded his readers' ideas of what was possible in the genre. This book helped to kick off what I would say was the third great era of science fiction in the 1970s. The first was its invention by Mary Shelley, Jules Verne, H. G. Wells, Doc Smith and Edgar Rice Burroughs, and the second period, known as the Golden Era, began in the 1940's with Heinlein, Asimov, Clarke, etc. "Again, Dangerous Visions" was also my introduction to Ursula Le Guin, who wrote "The Word for the World is Forest." I thought this was one of the most amazingly well-written science fiction stories I had ever read. March 24, 2024 The "Use Your Illusion" (or "The Fragile", you choose) of SF anthologies: a few timeless pieces of work surrounded by hectares of mediocrity and some outright garbage. There's no reason this book needed to be even half its length save for Ellison's metastatic ego. An extra star awarded for Le Guin's "The Word For World Is Forest", but you can get that one elsewhere. November 1, 2021 Perhaps overall weaker than the predecessor, but probably because of the sheer amount of material. And also, because Ellison's introductions are less inspired (he doesn't have the same familiarity with these writers as the last group -- a ton of them he hadn't even met yet.) As with DV, most stories are middling to bad, a few particularly bad, and a small handful are absolutely worth reading. The stories I found rewarding were: -The Funeral by Kate Wilhelm, is hardly a great story, but it is an example of Wilhelm as a great writer -- approachable and entertaining. -When It Changed by Joanna Russ, is a story I have read before and I will happily read it again -- perhaps right after I finish writing this -- because it is so immense. Masterfully composed, with such staggering weight despite being remarkably concise. It's known as a classic for a reason, and it's a rightful one. -The Bisquit Position by Bernard Wolfe, is the better of Wolfe's two selections, and a total fucking barnstormer. It has nestled itself into my brain, and it just pops up as a nightmarish mental image fairly routinely. While it does (purposefully, I suppose) on tedium a bit, it sticks the ending so well it's something of a miracle. I quickly bought a copy of Wolfe's Limbo on the strength of this story alone. -In the Barn by Piers Anthony, is laudable for just how far it manages to take the idea -- for the pure commitment to the shtick. Additionally, it delivers the supplemental brain-tickle of knowing as you read it that real people out there have most definitely masturbated while reading this absolutely nauseating piece of snickering body horror. Most people will hate this one, but I found it nothing but sickeningly delightful. -Soundless Evening by Lee Hoffman, is hardly remarkable, but it is brief and effectively somber. -And the Sea Like Mirrors by Gregory Benford, deals with less tired and familiar topics than so many of the other stories, and held my interest greatly. I found it smart and rousing. -Moth Race by Richard Hill, is, to the contrary, very typical, but no less cute for that fact. -Things Lost by Thomas Disch, is a delight. I've been meaning to read Disch forever, but this is the first time that I've actually done so. The story is confounding in a way that is highly gratifying, and exciting. It sparked my interest enough that I am sure I will be digging into his major works pronto. -Lamia Mutable by M John Harrison, is a delight. I've been meaning to read Harrison forever, but this is the first time that I've actually done so. The story is confounding in a way that is highly gratifying, and exciting. It sparked my interest enough that I am sure I will be digging into his major works pronto. (hehehe) -The Milk of Paradise by James Tiptree Jr, is (along with the Russ) the collection's best story (Ellison claims this his favorite). Enormously powerful stuff that will knock around in my brain for a long time I'm sure. This is one of those rare, great science-fiction short stories that manages to build a world with compelling details while telling an engaging narrative in but a few clear and artful pages. It is a similar type of story (and something of a counter-part) to Delany's stand-out from DV, and it is of a similar caliber (and I fucking love the Delany). Almost every other story I actively loathed or found completely unremarkable. Lupoff's novella is admirable for its prose experimentations (which I got a kick out of), but I didn't like much of anything about it besides that. Saxton, Sallis, Bernott, Oliver and Gene Wolfe offer stories that have some merit. I absolutely adore Gene Wolfe, so I was somewhat shocked that I didn't care all that much for his selections (although they are -- as with the Sallis pieces -- clearly the work of an immensely gifted writer). I know the LeGuin novella is acclaimed, and I typically love LeGuin, but I found it trite and cliche and melodramatic in an unappealing way. The Vonnegut story fucking sucks. May 30, 2022 Harlan Ellison was the enfant terrible of the sf/f/h industry for most of his writing life. I often viewed him as the anti-Robert Silverberg. Both flooded the market because they wrote so much and submitted so much they couldn't help but be published as often as possible. Many markets now have a "no multiple submissions" policy and I wonder how either Ellison or Silverberg would fare. It quickly became obvious to me why many of the stories in Dangerous Visions, Again made it. They hit all the historical Ellison buttons. When Ellison was good he was brilliant, but his other mode was WTF? I scratched my head in disbelief as often as I sat back wowed by his work. There are some massive standouts in Again, Dangerous Visions (Le Guin's The Word for World is Forest is one, Russ' When It Changed is another. A blow-me-away standout is Bernard Wolfe's two-fer Monitored Dreams & Strategic Cremations, which is a graduate course (no pun intended if you've read it) on dialogue and character development (and would probably come with trigger warnings if published today) I'd read the first two in other anthologies so, while still entertaining and good reads, they weren't revelatory. Some stories I really wondered about. Vonnegut's entry is pure Vonnegut; amusing and (to me) only included because Vonnegut was Vonnegut when this anthology came to be and if you didn't include Vonnegut you were a fool or an idiot (several stories are from authors in this category. SF/F was making it's mainstream push at this time. Specific to Vonnegut, the industry spent lots of time and money trying to make Vonnegut fit in the sf/f author category. He didn't accept it as anything sf/fish made up only a small part of his work). Some stories are beautifully written but don't do anything or go anywhere. I read many purely on the strength of the writing only to finish them wondering "What was this about, again?" The other side of this is remembering what the SF/F community was like during the period this anthology came to be; seeking validity, seeking recognition, wanting desperately to reach beyond its original audience of geeks and nerds (before such terms existed), and disenfranchised, pimply-faced teenage males. An example of this is a story about a third of the way through which has the following words in its first paragraph (of only seven lines): glissando, paroxysmal, deliquesce. I'm positive these words gave many original audience members pause. But they do go a long way to establishing some kind of effetery, don't they? David Gerrold's With a Finger in my I was, to me, well-written dreck. A few stories later one finds "Eye of the Beholder" by Burt K. Filer. This one story is so standout I'm not sure what it's doing in the anthology. Brilliant, brilliant, brilliant. The gem is, of course, James Tiptree, Jr.'s The Milk of Paradise and here I confess a bias. Everything I've ready by her is brilliant, amazing, breathtaking and The Milk of Paradise is no exception. She grabs you in the first sentence and doesn't let go or let you breathe until the end. The book could easily have been a third shorter if Ellison didn't feel the need to introduce each story, something he recognizes in his intro to Tiptree's piece with "For those of you who hate my introductions, you'll have decided to forego them at this point, ..." I read the stories and, as I always do when reading anthologies (including those in which my work appears), wonder what caught the editor's eye. About 4/5ths through, I began to notice an oft occurring thread of effete intelligence. Many of the stories (not all, simply a lot) were snarky smart, what I would call an in-your-face intelligent, almost an arrogance. Yeah, well, nobody ever accused Ellison of that. But that led me to "What was going on that such was the vogue?" and I remembered something my high school sophomore year English teacher, Mrs. Baraniak, told the class one day, "I love it when Time magazine comes in the mail because I know I'm going to have an afternoon's good reading and I'll need a dictionary, a thesaurus, and a couple of foreign language dictionaries to get me through." Time magazine was muchly different than it is today. And she was exhilarated just from anticipating the next issue based on memories of past issues. It enlivened her. Being intellectually challenged excited her. Such were the 1960's-70's. The world was in chaos (when isn't it? And most of it man made), we beat the Russians to the moon, we lost Jimmy and Janis, Nixon was a liar and a thief, ... What a marvelous escape that must have been, escaping into arrogance (which is an alternate spelling of "ignorance" in my dictionary). May 7, 2024 This was an extraordinarily chauvinist time in SF. I didn’t realize this when I was reading it when it came out, it was just the culture of the time, but now and then when I go back to read some stories from this time, it’s pretty shocking how one sided it is. The SF of the 50s and early 60s was quite chauvinist, but with the late 60s sexual revolution, male fantasy as the plot or subplot got seriously out of control. These are stories written by men for men where women are here to constantly please them sexually. Also, I’m using the term women merely to refer to the to the female sex as one of the stories features an older man and a ten year old “woman”. Beyond the sexual imbalance there is a lot story telling experimentation and it’s definitely worth reading to find the gems among the many fails. I will admit that even though I’m a big fan of Harlan Ellison, I did skip most of the story introductions. I did, however, read many of the afterwords by the authors. These are people playing around with things, experimenting with what is possible, and I appreciate that, but not all experiments are successful, and that’s fine too, because some are very successful. For what it’s worth, following are my ratings for each story, which run the gamut from DNF to 4 stars. How do you give a single rating to a collection of stories from different authors who are all trying to push the boundaries of late 1960’s SF? Also, I tried to rate the stories from the perspective of craft rather than my uncomfortableness with their treatment of women. - THE COUNTERPOINT OF VIEW - 1 - CHING WITCH! - 2 - THE WORD FOR WORLD IS FOREST - 4 - FOR VALUE RECEIVED - 2 - MATHOMS FROM THE TIME CLOSET - 2 - TIME TRAVEL FOR PEDESTRIANS - 3 - CHRIST, OLD STUDENT IN A NEW SCHOOL - 2 1/2 - KING OF THE HILL - 3 - THE 10:00 REPORT IS - BROUGHT TO YOU BY….. - 3 - THE FUNERAL - 4 - HARRY THE HARE - 2 - WHEN IT CHANGED - 3 - THE BIG SPACE FUCK - 2 - BOUNTY - 2 - STILL-LIFE - 3 1/2 - STONED COUNSEL - DNF - MONITORED DREAMS & STRATEGIC CREMATIONS - Dreams 2, Cremations 3 - WITH A FINGER IN MY I - 3 - IN THE BARN - 3 1/2 - SOUNDLESS EVENING - 4 - GAHAN WILSON - 3 - THE TEST-TUBE CREATURE, AFTERWARD - 3 - AND THE SEA LIKE MIRRORS - 2 1/2 - BED SHEETS ARE WHITE - 2 - TISSUE - 1 1/2 - ELOUISE AND THE DOCTORS OF THE PLANET PERGAMON - 2 - CHUCK BERRY, WON'T YOU PLEASE COME HOME - DNF - EPIPHANY FOR ALIENS - 3 - EYE OF THE BEHOLDER - 3 - MOTH RACE - 3 - IN RE GLOVER - 2 1/2 - ZERO GEE - 3 - A MOUSE IN THE WALLS OF THE GLOBAL VILLAGE - 3 - GETTING ALONG - 3 - TOTENBÜCH - 2 - THINGS LOST - 2 1/2 - WITH THE BENTFIN BOOMER BOYS ON LITTLE OLD NEW ALABAMA - 3 - LAMIA MUTABLE - 3 - LAST TRAIN TO KANKAKEE - 3 - EMPIRE OF THE SUN - 4 - OZYMANDIAS - 3 1/2 - THE MILK OF PARADISE - 3 1/2 Shelved as 'dnf' August 2, 2023 - The Counterpoint of View (John Heidenry): ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ - Ching Witch! (Ross Rocklynne): 😶 - The Word for World Is Forest (Ursula K. Le Guin): 😶 - For Value Received (Andrew J. Offutt): ⭐️⭐️ - Mathoms from the Time Closet (Gene Wolfe): ⭐️⭐️? - Time Travel for Pedestrians (Ray Nelson): 😶 - Christ, Old Student in a New School (Ray Bradbury): ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ - King of the Hill (Chad Oliver): ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ - The 10:00 Report is Brought to You By... (Edward Bryant): 😶 - The Funeral (Kate Wilhelm): 😶 - Harry the Hare (James B. Hemesath): ⭐️⭐️ - When It Changed (Joanna Russ): ⭐️⭐️ (R) - The Big Space Fuck (Kurt Vonnegut, Jr.): ⭐️ - Bounty (T. L. Sherred): ⭐️✨? - Still-Life (Barry N. Malzberg [as K.M. O'Donnell]): 😶 - Stoned Counsel (H.H. Hollis): 😶 - Monitored Dreams and Strategic Cremations (Bernard Wolfe): 😶 - With a Finger in My I (David Gerrold): ⭐️⭐️⭐️? - In the Barn (Piers Anthony): 😶 - Soundless Evening (Lee Hoffman): ⭐️⭐️⭐️ - █ (Gahan Wilson): ? - The Test-Tube Creature, Afterward (Joan Bernott): ⭐️⭐️? - And the Sea Like Mirrors (Gregory Benford): 😶 - Bed Sheets Are White (Evelyn Lief): ⭐️⭐️? - Tissue (James Sallis): 😶 - Elouise and the Doctors of the Planet Pergamon (Josephine Saxton): ⭐️⭐️? - Chuck Berry, Won't You Please Come Home? (Ken McCullough): ⭐️⭐️? - Epiphany for Aliens (David Kerr): 😶 - Eye of the Beholder (Burt K. Filer): 😶 - Moth Race (Richard Hill): 😶 - In re Glover (Leonard Tushnet): 😶 - Zero Gee (Ben Bova): 😶 - A Mouse in the Walls of the Global Village (Dean R. Koontz): 😶 - Getting Along (James Blish and Judith A. Lawrence): 😶 - Totenbüch (A. Parra (y Figueredo)): 😶 - Things Lost (Thomas M. Disch): 😶 - With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama (Richard A. Lupoff): 😶 - Lamia Mutable (M. John Harrison): 😶 - Last Train to Kankakee (Robin Scott Wilson): 😶 - Empire of the Sun (Andrew Weiner): ⭐️⭐️? - Ozymandias (Terry Carr): 😶 - The Milk of Paradise (James Tiptree, Jr.): 😶 September 7, 2023 Again, Dangerous Visions, published in 1972, was the follow up to the successful anthology Dangerous Visions. Each story has an introduction written by Ellison and an afterword written by the author. In some cases, the introduction and afterword are longer than the story itself. In many of the introductions, Ellison tells us a third anthology in the series titled The Last Dangerous Visions is going to be published soon, and even shares the names of some of the authors who will appear. Alas, this third volume was never published during his lifetime. I get the impression Ellison wanted to include every prominent science fiction author of the time in these three volumes, but wasn't able to pull it off since new writers kept coming along. (Ellison's executor, J. Michael Straczynski, announced plans to publish a slimmed-down version of The Last Dangerous Visions in 2020, but it still hasn't seen the light of day as of this writing.) With 46 stories, each with its own introduction and afterword, Again, Dangerous Visions is quite a hefty volume. The stories were written in the late 1960s and early 1970s and certainly show their age, especially in how female characters are treated. Male authors outnumber female authors about 5 to 1. The Dangerous Visions series was meant to showcase stories which couldn't get published in traditional venues due to shocking content, however, with a few exceptions, these read like normal sci-fi stories you could read anywhere. Maybe they were shocking by 1970s standards? There's a lot of big name writers included. Some were big names at the time and others became big names later. I personally rank 17 of these stories as above average, 7 as average, and 22 as below average, but of course, your own rankings will vary. I won't review all 46 stories, just the ones that stood out to me. One of the worst stories in the collection is "In the Barn" by Piers Anthony. A man travels to a parallel universe in which human woman are milked like cows. Our "hero" even has non-consensual sex with one of them. Charming. Another of the worst stories is "And the Sea Like Mirrors" by Gregory Benford. A man and woman are adrift on a life raft surrounded by alien creatures in the water. The man routinely beats the woman for being stupid but he's supposed to be the hero of the story. In his introduction to "Bed Sheets are White" by Evelyn Lief, Ellison tells us Lief was a writing student of his. After she wrote a bad story, he threatened to beat her and shove the story up her ass if she wrote another horrible story like it. She left the room crying and immediately wrote this story, which was so good he bought it. Was Ellison trying to be funny by telling us this or does he think threatening writing students is the best way to get them to write better? Ellison looks bad either way. In Kurt Vonnegut, Jr.'s contribution, Earth is doomed due to pollution, overpopulation, and many extinct species. Swearing is no longer considered bad and everyone does it. The people of Earth fire a rocket full of jizzum into space in order to continue the human race. In this world, children can sue parents for not raising them right. It's kind of funny, I guess, but it reads like it was written by a twelve-year-old. Definitely one of the subpar stories in this collection. K. M. O’Donnell's "Still-Life" focuses on the domestic problems of an astronaut. He has non-consensual sex with his wife and assaults the babysitter, but neither of these acts is portrayed as a bad thing. Overall, an average story. Another average story, Leonard Tushnet's "In Re Glover", at least made me think. The Supreme Court tries to decide if a cryogenically frozen man should be considered alive or dead, but the case is rendered moot when a power outage kills him. I can't help wondering what would happen if this came up in real life. Should a person in suspended animation be considered legally dead or not? Ben Bova's "Zero Gee" is another average story in which an astronaut assigned to go to space with a photographer is looking forward to being the first man to have sex in zero g. However, he first has to deal with a a second woman assigned to the mission who might stand in his way. It didn't end up being as bad as I thought it would be. "Ching Witch!" by Ross Rocklynne was a fun story. The only man to survive the destruction of Earth travels to the planet Zephyrus where he's an instant celebrity. He doesn't tell them Earth has been destroyed, just that Earth doesn't hold a grudge against them anymore. The teenagers of the planet want to know the latest Earth slang and dances. They ride low gravity brooms for fun. There's a lot of funny parts. It's a bit creepy that he's into teenage girls, though. "Time Travel for Pedestrians" by Ray Nelson is one of the few stories a traditional outlet wouldn't have published due to its sex, violence, cussing, and sacrilegious nature. I didn't think much of it until the end which made me like it. It's a reincarnation story. The narrator lives several lives. Mary Magdalene expressed the interesting idea that if Jesus wanted a book written about him, he would have written it himself. There's no need for a book when God can speak directly to us. Those who love a book more than God are able to justify committing all manner of atrocities. H. H. Hollis is a lawyer and his story "Stoned Counsel" has a science fiction legal setting. The narrator's opponent is defending a company responsible for pollution. Hallucinogens are used in court to learn the truth. Opposing lawyers share a hallucination full of trippy images. Fascinating. Bernard Wolfe provided two stories. "Biscuit Position" isn't a science fiction story at all, but rather literary fiction. In it, a war reporter flirts with a married woman and discusses the Vietnam War at a dinner party. A dog dies a gruesome, drawn-out death which will stick with you for a while. The characters exchange witty repartee throughout, but I thought it was poor taste when the narrator said something witty about the dead dog. His second story, "The Girl With Rapid Eye Movements", features a creative writing teacher who has trouble relating to his stoner student who wants to write rock lyrics. Their discussions are reminiscent of the dialog in Philip K. Dick's Through a Scanner Darkly. It's really fun. Two characters have the ability to influence each other's dreams when they sleep in proximity to each other (I think a machine is also involved somehow). The author claims this isn't a science fiction story even though it clearly is. (What's realistic about two different people sharing the same dream?) In his afterword, the author bad mouths scientists and science fiction authors for being slaves to capitalism. It seems strange to bad mouth sci-fi in a sci-fi anthology. I quite liked "Eye of the Beholder" by Burt K. Filer in which a sculptor's artistic work is used to achieve weightlessness. Art gets turned into science, which is a neat idea. In "Moth Race" by Richard Hill, people are able to vicariously experience what celebrities eat and drink. They can even experience sex vicariously, but it's not exactly the same as the real thing. People take pills that keep them happy and also keep them from being prejudiced. Everyone in the world has enough to eat, a sexual partner, and a comfortable life, but not everyone gets to have children. Normal people's food is not as good as what celebrities get. People compete in a death race for a chance to become a celebrity, but only one man has ever lived through it. A good story. James Blish (with Judith Ann Lawrence) wrote "Getting Along" which details the erotic adventures of a woman who visits various relatives who turn out to be a vampire, Dr. Frankenstein, Dr. Moreau, a Lovecraftian horror, etc. It's funny in places. In his introduction to "The Milk of Paradise" by James Tiptree, Jr., Ellison says he saved the best story for last. (It's the last story in the collection, however I'm reviewing them out-of-order, saving my favorite stories for the end of my review.) Ellison says Tiptree is the man to beat, a shoo-in for the Hugo Award. (He didn't know at the time that Tiptree was a pseudonym for female writer Alice Sheldon, which amuses me.) The story itself is about a man raised by aliens who is disgusted by humans. However, he finds going home isn't what he remembered either. It's a pretty good story. The title for Gahan Wilson's story is a picture of a spot or inkblot. A man discovers a stain in his house that disappears when you stop looking at it, but reappears somewhere else, bigger than it was before. It appears to be two dimensional, but actually has depth. Spooky. "Chuck Berry, Won't You Please Come Home" by Ken McCullough has a narrator who keeps bugs as pets. He once walked a wasp around on a thread which, started a fad at his school. In the present, he's feeding a tick he named Chuck Berry from a cadaver which gave him a wink. He gives the tick drugs and it grows big. His writing style reminded me of William S. Burroughs. I was surprised to find Dean R. Koontz had a story in this collection. It's titled "A Mouse in the Walls of the Global Village". In the story, empathy circuits installed in the brain make everyone telepathic, except for a few who are called Stunted. Even in utopia, some unfortunates will fall through the cracks and get discriminated against. It's really well written. "Ozymandias" by Terry Carr is another one of the good stories. To protect against grave robbers, cryogenically frozen people are placed in tombs rigged with traps. Superstitious grave robbers think they need to dance in a certain way to avoid the traps. Great world building. In "The Funeral" by Kate Wilhelm, 14-year-old Carla has never seen a male before and has no last name. She is considered property of the state. She is a student in a school, assigned to become a teacher. This story has really impressive world building, revealing how things work a little at a time. Creepy. In her afterword, Wilhelm complains that store clerks and soda jerks serve middle-aged people before teenagers who were waiting longer. I hadn't realized discrimination against teenagers like this was a thing. Earthlings colonize a planet called New Tahiti in "The Word for World is Forest" by Ursula K. Le Guin. Many animals back on Earth have gone extinct and the colonists are cutting down trees and making animals go extinct on this new planet. Evolution on New Tahiti happened similarly to how it happened on Earth, but the humans died out on this planet. Green monkeys called creechies are the closest thing this planet has to humans. The creechies are used for slave labor and sex. They don't require sleep because they dream while they're awake. The story alternates between different points of view: a human in favor of colonization, a creechie, and a human opposed to colonization. Le Guin does a great job of writing from different points of view. The principle conflict, that humans don't have lumber on Earth, doesn't make a lot of sense, but I suppose lumber is just a stand in for resources in general. One of the best stories in this collection. Despite Ellison predicting a different story in this collection would get the award, this story won the Hugo Award for Best Novella. "When it Changed" by Joanna Russ won the Nebula Award for Best Short Story. In the introduction to this story, Ellison admits that he was a male chauvinist in the past, calls out a fellow sci-fi writer for being a chauvinist, and declares "the best writers in sf today are the women." (Which makes you wonder why he included so few women in this collection.) He also praises the women's lib movement and declares, "I see more kindness and rationality in the average woman than in the average man." This surprised me, since every story in Ellison's collection "I Have No Mouth, and I Must Scream" was quite sexist. Although, to be fair, that was written a few years before this. Russ's story takes place on a planet in which all the men died 30 generations ago. The women live in a steam-powered, agricultural, honor-based society in which duels are common. A group of men from Earth arrive and want to reintroduce men to the planet. The narrator feels small for the first time in her life since the men are bigger than her. The men are clearly sexist, but claim sexual equality has been reestablished on Earth. This story has great characterization. I loved this line: "When one culture has the big guns and the other has none, there is a certain predictability about the outcome." In her afterword, Russ mentions that men get served on airplanes before women. It's easy to forget how many ways society has progressed over the years. May 18, 2023 Overall grade: B+/A- Video review: https://youtu.be/-V8QSmgXbek I actually enjoyed this book more than I enjoyed Dangerous Visions. I think Dangerous Visions is still in print, while this one is not. I also think dangerous visions is more widely read today than its sequel, which is a shame. There are more big names in DV than in ADV but the overall quality of the stories was better and there was a higher percentage of enjoyable and actually dangerous stories. DV really leaned in on being religiously blasphemous, while this one did not really have near as many stories with that focus. I think there were more big names in DV but ADV had some of my favorite authors like Gene Wolfe and Ursuka K Le Guin and Vonnegut, whereas the only author I am obsessive about from DV is JG Ballard. Ellison’s introductions were again kinda annoying and presumptuous and pretentious. Some of them were somewhat useful but most of them were basically just filler and platforms for Ellison to brag about either being friends with the author or having taught the author. There were more women included in this one. This is a good thing. I’m unsure of how many people of color were included but there are at least two stories written by Jewish authors. Anthologies are always going to be somewhat hit or miss and I can’t think of an anthology where I enjoyed every single story. Overall there are few very few misses in this book and a lot of solid stories. Some of the stories are spectacular, though, and the highs of this book are higher than DV or any other anthology I have read. Favorites 1 the word for world is forest - Ursula k Le guin 2 With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama", novella by Richard A. Lupoff 3 Time Travel for Pedestrians - Ray Nelson 4 [A spot], by Gahan Wilson 5 Bed Sheets Are White", by Evelyn Lief 6 The Big Space Fuck", by Kurt Vonnegut 7 For Value Received - Andy offutt 8 Stoned Counsel", by H. H. Hollis 9 When It Changed", by Joanna Russ 10 Still-Life", by Barry N. Malzberg (as K. M. O'Donnell) Least favorites 1 "Christ, Old Student in a New School", poem by Ray Bradbury 2 Totenbüch", by Albert Parra, as A. Parra (y Figueredo) 3 In the Barn", by Piers Anthony 4 Chuck Berry, Won't You Please Come Home", by Ken McCullough 5 Harry the Hare", by James B. Hemesath Individual stories 1 Keynote: The Counterpoint of View - John Heidenry - B/B+ Really just a Borges pastiche, which it wears on its sleeve. Too short to really have much of an impact. Kinda an odd keynote or intro given that there is only one other metafictional story in the book. 2 Ching-Witch by Ross Rocklynne - B/B+ Solid story. Seems like a commentary on youth culture in the late 60s and early 70s and how quickly fads pass. Kinda reads like old white guy wish fulfillment. 3 The Word for World is Forest - Ursula k Le guin - A/A+ I did a stand alone video for this novella. I had read it once before separate from ADV. at heart it’s a piece of protest literature that seems to condemn the Vietnam War. Basically a companion piece to Lathe of Heaven. Check out my other video for more about the book. 4 For Value Received - Andy offutt - A-/A About a girl being born. she lives in the hospital until she is in her 20s because her parents found their hospital bill exorbitant. A send up of health insurance and non socialized health care and how ridiculous health care costs are in this country. 5 Mathoms From the Time Closet - Gene Wolfe - B+/A- - comprises "Robot's Story", "Against The Lafayette Escadrille", and "Loco Parentis" 3 flash fiction pieces all dealing with time travel in one way or another. That being said, the stories read like literary fiction rather than sci fi. Typical Wolfe: literary and inventive but not as spectacular as some of his other books and stories. 6 Time Travel for Pedestrians - Ray Nelson - A-/A A fucking trip. Super trippy and very dangerous. I have to imagine that this one caused a stir. Seems to describe a drug trip caused by something like datura or morning glory seeds, which are both very strong deliriant. The narrator jumps around in time experiencing a variety of different scenarios, mainly focusing on various types of western mysticism. I’ve seen it described as past life regression but that’s not clear in the story. A mixture of druggy montage and spiritual exploration. I wish this one was a novel length story. Apparently Nelson wrote the story that They Live is based on. 7 "Christ, Old Student in a New School", poem by Ray Bradbury - F Didnt even finish this one. Why was a poem even included? I didn’t understand this one or why it was included. 8 King of the Hill", by Chad Oliver - B/B+ Seems to predict climate change and some of its effects. Only somewhat prescient. The story concerns overpopulation and rampant extinction. The story does meander some. I found it inventive and well-executed. 9 "The 10:00 Report is Brought to You By...", by Edward Bryant - B/B+ The story is about a news station paying to be the first to report a story by paying criminals to commit crimes then documenting the crimes. There is a rape scene in this one, which is quite haunting. Seems like a precursor to stuff like Nightcrawler. One of the more dangerous visions in this book. 10 "The Funeral", by Kate Wilhelm - B+/A- I found this story to be fairly mysterious and difficult to pin down. Seems like a reaction to the hippie youth movement and a parody of the 1950s in America. What I’ve read of Wilhelm seems like it was pretty influential in the sci fi genre. 11 "Harry the Hare", by James B. Hemesath - C+/B- A flash fiction piece. Seems like an ode to cartoons, also a commentary on copyright law. I was kinda unsure of what was going on in this story. There is some gore and violence but it’s not a particularly dangerous vision. 12 "When It Changed", by Joanna Russ (Nebula Award for Best Short Story) - B+/A- About a colonized planet where men have gone extinct and there have only been women for hundreds of years. Men from Earth show up and fuck up the status quo. The story kinda subverts the expectations of someone who has just heard the summary, though. 13 "The Big Space Fuck", by Kurt Vonnegut - A-/A The tone and plot of this story are very Vonnegut. It’s like it is almost logical, but not quite. About earth going to shit and humanity trying to artificially inseminate the universe. The story reminded me of Ariana Grande’s song “NASA”. 14 "Bounty", by T. L. Sherred - B/B+ About vigilantism being legalized and rewarded monetarily, so people bait others into crimes that they can be rewarded for violently stopping. People also kill themselves so their families will get paid. Short and disturbing and misanthropic. 15 "Still-Life", by Barry N. Malzberg (as K. M. O'Donnell) - B+/A- About an astronaut slowly going crazy and eventually leaving 2 other astronauts on the moon and going home. The main character rapes his wife in the story’s opening. The main character is basically a villain: short tempered and self centered. Seems like a commentary on how bureaucracy drives you crazy, as he really doesn’t like how nasa tells him not to swear during his mission to the moon. 16 "Stoned Counsel", by H. H. Hollis - B+/A- This story is trippy and vivid and super inventive. It reminded me of an adult version of adventure time. It’s about 2 lawyers doing drugs and then mind melding as they fight over a legal case. It’s almost a climate fiction story as well. 17 "Monitored Dreams and Strategic Cremations", by Bernard Wolfe—comprises "The Bisquit Position" and "The Girl With Rapid Eye Movements" - B/B+ Two stories connected by them both having the same main character. The first story is about a rich journalist helping a woman with a husky cheat on her husband, who is heavily tied up in the military industrial complex. The dog accidentally dies in a demonstration of the effects of napalm. It reminded me of Joan Didion’s play it as it lays. The second story is concerned with incomprehensible rock lyrics and how dreams affect reality. Seems to parody songs like “In A Gadda Da Vida”. The story is much more playful and absurd than the first one. Both seem to protest the vietnam war and capitalism. Some parts are really funny. 18 "With A Finger in My I", by David Gerrold - B/B+ Maybe a B-/B. It’s a lot like Borges’ tlon uqbar story. Mass hysteria and hallucinations, how the quirks of our perceptions color the world around us. Too peculiar to be incisive and rather unfocused. 19 "In the Barn", by Piers Anthony - C+/B- This one is a dangerous vision. It is also pretty damn disgusting. It’s basically about vegetarianism and veganism and how we would never treat humans like we treat people. Kinda reminded me of Michel Faber’s Under the Skin. 20 "Soundless Evening", by Lee Hoffman - B/B+ Solid and rather innocuous. Basically about a society with limits on how many children you can have. You can still have as many babies as you want but they are killed at the age of 5 if you have more than two. It’s too short and low stakes to really affect you emotionally. 21 [A spot], by Gahan Wilson - A-/A Really fucking good. Inventive and silly and absurd. A simple idea but it’s very well executed. Basically about a spot on a wall growing and eventually consuming everything. Almost an A/A+ but just a bit too short to have that kind of impact on me. 22 "The Test-Tube Creature, Afterward", by Joan Bernott - B/B+ A piece of flash fiction. About a genetically engineered pet that other causing or stopping its owners suicide. It reeks of depression and anhedonia. Definitely a dangerous vision. 23 "And the Sea Like Mirrors", by Gregory Benford -B/B+ Pretty close to a B+/A- but way too misogynistic. stated to be a response to Heinlein’s competent man. Reminded me of the show Yellowjackets and the book the Kar Chee reign. A literary thriller, sf-lite. It explores madness and toxic masculinity. 24 "Bed Sheets Are White", by Evelyn Lief - A-/A Reminded me of the long walk by Richard Bachman slash Stephen king. It is hallucinatory and very of its time. Some of it is about white nationalism, some of it seems like a dream sequence. Short and sweet and no excess language. Seems like it’s a memory but it couldn’t be, as the world of the story is completely alien, 25 "Tissue", by James Sallis—comprises "At the Fitting Shop" and "53rd American Dream" - B-/B Thot these were just fine. The first story is about a teenage boy getting lost in a department store shopping for a new penis. The second story is about the highs and lows of parenting. Lot of shock value and subversion in this one. 26 Elouise And The Doctors of the Planet Pergamon", by Josephine Saxton - B+/A- A haunting and and disgusting visceral story. Kinda ballardian, as it’s the closest thing to the atrocity exhibition I’ve ever read, besides gravitys rainbow. About a perfectly healthy woman on a planet where everyone has grotesque disabilities and horrible illnesses. Kinda like a Beckett play. 27 "Chuck Berry, Won't You Please Come Home", by Ken McCullough - C+/B- Too low stakes for me. Not really dangerous and not really sci fi. It’s about a guy growing a tick to a humongous size. Very stylized and repetitive. 28 "Epiphany For Aliens", by David Kerr - B/B+ About a team of scientists that discover a group of Neanderthals that are still alive in Europe. It has its own logic. The woman who sacrifices herself for science seems like a stand in for bleeding heart liberal types. Perhaps somewhat racist. 29 "Eye of the Beholder", by Burt K. Filer - B/B+ About an artist who creates sculptures that are mathematically impossible, as they defy the rules of gravity. The cia and a female scientist are quite interested in creating an insterstellar engine from the sculptures. It reminded me of Ballard’s early stories and explores the differences between art and science, 30 Moth Race", by Richard Hill- B+/A- This story is seemingly about a utopia where everyone is given everything they need by the government. A man goes to watch a race where the drivers have to survive racing around a track with randomly generated obstacles. The only one to ever conquer the track is called the champion and he lives like a modern celebrity. The main character is part of the race’s audience and drunkenly tries to participate in the race. 31 "In Re Glover", by Leonard Tushnet - B/B+ Solid and vaguely funny story, comedic but not hilarious. Somewhat kafkaesque, in that it portrays endless and convoluted bureaucracies. It is more or less about the legal ramifications of cryogenesis tech. Could’ve been more in depth. 32 "Zero Gee", by Ben Bova - B-/B About a male astronaut trying to be the first human being to have sex in outer space. The woman he is supposed to fuck is a time life photographer, a civilian in a nasa space station. Too long and technical and meandering. Not very exciting as a story. 33 A Mouse in the Walls of the Global Village", by Dean R. Koontz - B/B+ This is the only thing I’ve ever read by Koontz. I didn’t realize he wrote sci fi. The story is about a world where almost everyone can communicate telepathically and centers on one of the few who has to communicate normally. His life is quite hellish, as he is beat up and abused for making sounds. The narrator sometimes can’t stop himself from screaming and crying. A visceral story. 34 Getting Along", by James Blish and Judith Ann Lawrence - B/B+ A series of 9 letters detailing a woman’s super odd family and her search for a home. It apparently parodies 9 or 10 different genre fiction authors, which I wouldn’t have realized if not for Ellison’s intro to the story. The concept and idea of the story are better than the actual execution. Seems somewhat random and weird for the sake of being weird. 35 Totenbüch", by Albert Parra, as A. Parra (y Figueredo) - D+/C- I didn’t understand this story at all. I found it confusing and faux deep and random and unfocused. I had no idea what was going on or what I was supposed to take away. 36 Things Lost", by Thomas M. Disch - B+/A- I didn’t understand what the point of the story was but I enjoyed it a lot. It’s about a generation ship populated by old immortal people. It’s ostensibly the journal of a scientist whose claim to fame is mapping the genome of mice. He is an amateur author who wants to start writing a novel. There’s a lot of references to Proust. Breezy and low stakes. 37 With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama", novella by Richard A. Lupoff - A-/A I really hated this story at first but I grew to love it. I didnt understand ellison comparing it to riders of the purple wage until a while into the story but that is actually a pretty good comparison. Parts of it are written in a mixture of good ol boy talk and phonetic spelling like in finnegans wake. It’s basically about a war between the planets New Alabama and New Haiti, although there’s a lot of more details than that, as there are zombies and some avatar type stuff. A supremely odd story but it is super inventive and consistently surprising. 38 "Lamia Mutable", by M John Harrison - B-/B I’m not sure I understood this story. It seems somewhat random, also apocalyptic. Just okay, maybe too referential and reliant on allusions. Kinda disappointing as I have heard really good things about the author. 39 Last Train to Kankakee", by Robin Scott - B/B+ About a con artist who dies and gets frozen and then reincarnated. He can’t find a purpose and kills himself multiple times, and eventually succeeds. His cells are then spread into the universe. Solid and low stakes. Does mention rape and murder. 40 "Empire of the Sun", by Andrew Weiner - B+/A- A hallucinatory montage that plays by its own rules. About a man drafted into a war on mars where he is really just fighting other conscripts from earth. The war might be meant to lower earths population. Parts of it are a dream sequence I think. Solid story. 41 "Ozymandias", by Terry Carr - B/B+ Post apocalyptic tomb robbers journey to an area like the valley of the kings in Egypt. Once there they loot a vault. I didn’t necessarily understand why this one was so long and why some stuff was included. There were some cool details tho. Pretty solid story. 42 "The Milk of Paradise", by James Tiptree, Jr B/B+ I feel similarly about this one as to how I felt about the story by the author included in nova 2 (and I have come upon this place by most ways). I felt it was solid and pretty good, not amazing, and I’m not sure I fully understood it. Think it’s about a human slave revealing the name and location of its home world. The people who got that info go to the home world and are disappointed, so they kill the slave. I felt like there should’ve been more description and more worldbuilding. Overall grade: B+/A- Same grade as DV but I liked this one more. More on the A- side while DV was more on the B+ side. December 16, 2019 I won't write on everything in the collection. I wrote about "The Word for World is Forest" by Le Guin on the novella's own page, since it was so long and fantastic on its own. On an interesting side note, these stories are certainly of an era, with a good number of them concerned greatly by overpopulation and many also being environmentally focused. It makes sense, given the publication date and years during which the stories were written. Plenty also seem to comment on Vietnam, cryogenics, and other topics that were controversial or cutting-edge at the time. Ellison's extensive intros to each piece are very hit or miss and often just feel like him bragging about how cool his friends are but mostly make me think these maybe aren't necessarily good stories, just good chances to give favors to some authors. On an infuriating side note, the Kindle version of this collection screws you over on one piece that was meant to include, indeed shouldn't be read without, some drawings. It's a major bummer, because the story, by Gahan Wilson, is a very enjoyable horror story about a black dot that suddenly appears in a very fastidious man's home. The first two stories, "The Counterpoint of View" by John Heidenry and "Ching Witch!" by Ross Rocklynne were good, enjoyable shorts, but nothing I care to write about extensively. Heidenry's is a very post modern, experimental short on writing and religion and more, just poking fun and asking questions of many things but offering nothing in way of answers. Rocklynne's story is a fun romp through a strange future where Earth explodes but a part-cat man survives and jets off to a new planet before it, going so fast he has a few years before this planet will know what happened. He enjoys a life there feeling like a king, as this planet loves Earth and those from it. Yet, in the end, he finds he has been lied to as he lied to them. He has been watched and around mostly beings from a third planet, who want to take him back to their planet as a pet. It's fun, but it doesn't really say much beyond portraying the levels of lies and the impacts of loneliness and isolation. The first short in this collection I'd like to write about is "For Value Received" by andrew j. offutt. To begin, Ellison's extensive foreward to the short is as hilarious and wonderful as the story itself. offutt is a rebel against capitalism, bureaucracy, and American governance both in life and in writing. In the story, he tells of a man who puts his wife in a nice, private room for the birth of his third child. Upon time to check out, he decides he wants the bill mailed to him instead of settling it then and there. The hospital refuses, saying the patient cannot be discharged until he pays. He leaves the baby there, calling their bluff. Except they don't bluff; they keep her until she's 21 and a med school grad. She takes over her debts, works at the hospital as an intern to cover the costs of the original bill, and moves out. It appears it will work too, the hospital board happy to have a way out of the stalemate. Most speaking characters here idolize the father for sticking to his principles, calling him a hero. However, it's absurd for both a father and a hospital to refuse to bend on such small matters to such large consequences, which makes the satire. offutt tells the story with great humor throughout, reminding me of Vonnegut, one of my favorites. Both of these writers like to write satirically to question America, capitalism, and other aspects of life people usually assume are positive or neutral - if they ever consider them at all. Next came three shorts overall titled "Mathoms from the Time Closet." Gene Wolfe writes them, and all three deal with odd timelines of some kind. First, "Robot's Story" has a time-travelling robot named Robot telling an odd story about a man landing on a grassy planet and quickly deciding to enslave himself to the first woman he meets. After the story, Robot is asked to go buy some weed for the kids he was just talking to. He's from a different time and thinking on a different level than the kids. The story he tells shows men being stupid for lust in a very predictable way. Robot himself shows similar issues but was made by man to serve. It shows how similar we are to what we make. Next comes "Against the Lafayette Escadrille," a nice little story about a hobbyist that made a nearly perfect replica of an old triplane. One day out flying it, he sees a woman in a balloon with everything perfectly replicated. He never finds her again though, so she's likely somehow time traveled. Nevertheless, he continues to dream of her. The last story is titled "Loco Parentis" and examines parenting in only script-style dialogue. The parents each question their son's reality: is he theirs? is he a genetically modified ape? is he a robot? These concerns flash forward throughout their life with him, likely the couple's shared anxiety dream. Then we're chucked back to them meeting their son. They both quickly agree that he is, in fact, fully theirs. This suggests, to me, that parents have their doubts about the alien things they raise, but just as surely take any and all signs that the child is theirs to heart, even if these signs are actually ambiguous and meaningless. Bradbury's poem "Christ, Old Student in a New School" warrants much more time, thinking, and writing than I feel like giving it. To be as brief as I can, it's a poem in which Christ/man sees all the suffering, realizes it was done by himself/mankind, and decides to start again, renewed, in space. Something like that. A similar story follows, although not written in poetry: "King of the Hill" by Chad Oliver. Oliver's story brings us an Earth on the brink of collapse via overpopulation and environmental negligence. The richest man on Earth, though, spends years and billions finding the best place to send some animal DNA to start life somewhere else. He doesn't send humans. However, raccoons appear to begin taking humanity's place. It's somewhat hopeful for life and intelligent life, but also quite stark for mankind and even the hinted cyclical nature of life. "The 10:00 Report Is Brought to You by..." comes next, written by Edward Bryant. It's a chilling take on how terribly humans are willing to be for money or fame or whatever enjoyment they seek. In the story, a news station pays a gang to violently destroy a town for their own ratings increase. People that work for the station do nothing. Even the guy that resigns over it asks for a job back. The men doing the violence enjoy it and the money. It's a sad little story, really. Kate Wilhelm's "The Funeral" threw me for a loop. It's like Margaret Atwood, which means it's very good speculative fiction, often with a healthy dose of feminism. In this story, the matriarch of a school dies, aged 120 or more. She was instrumental in turning the education system into a rigid, system that actually controls most of society after some vague annihilation of the youth. The society has specific jobs that men and women are placed into by the schools. The protagonist thinks she wants to be a Lady, but later is shown what that means (presumably being used for sex). She is selected by the matriarch's protege to be a Teacher. During the extensive process of a funeral for the dead Teacher, the protagonist Carla learns more truths of society and finds a way to escape in a hidden room the same way the dead Teacher escaped from one of the annihilations. This story looks down on how we "mold" children in our own image out of our hate for them. It also suggests that young people have an innate moral compass that will guide them to rebel against adult BS no matter how strictly we attempt to control them. Vonnegut's contribution to the collection, "The Big Space Fuck," is dark and satirical in deliciously Vonnegutian style. It's quite short, but lambastes overpopulation, pollution, materialism, and more. It's a fun one, which is strange to say because it's effectively about the end of the world due to humanity's horrors. In T.L. Sherred's "Bounty," we get an interesting prophecy on how gun violence may finally end in America. An unnamed wealthy person or group places an ad in the paper, paying anyone that stops an armed robbery or that dies in said attempt. People start killing everyone with a visible gun. Vigilantes take over everything. Then, with a new President, guns are entirely outlawed, even for police. This seems to suggest we can end gun violence with greed and gun violence. Or something like that. A later story in the collection, titled "In the Barn," kept me guessing. Written by Piers Anthony, the universe has multiple parallels and "Earth-Prime" - our Earth - is the only one able to go to and from these parallels. We follow an inspector's visit to #772, which is warless and also animal-less. The inspector goes into a barn, on the pretense of being a new farmhand. He finds cows and bulls of humans instead of cattle. He does the work only to finally break the rules and save a "calf" to bring back to EP. At first, I expected this to be a feminist story about women being oppressed. But the bull was male and the society also had non-cow women as well. This society drew the moral line at how terrible it would be to eat filthy creatures and decided using their own mammal kind is better, cleaner. When the inspector returns to EP, he's in a normal barn, and muses on whether or not he did the right thing and if EP is doing the better thing, subjecting a different species to tortures and slavery. The peace of the other world seems to suggest the "evils" of their domesticated-human farming system may be a better way to go than our own system. Chilling, thought-provoking stuff. A quite short but quite thought-provoking romp was "The Test-Tube Creature, Afterward" by Joan Bernott. In this one, a man lives alone with a large cat that we learn is quite intelligent and capable of speech. It takes a turn toward a sad sort of isolation though, when a girlfriend calls him, but he declines and breaks up with her, preferring to spend the evening with his cat. He avoids human love because "Somehow, this, the easier way, was also better." Another chilling one! Gregory Benford brings an interesting survivalist and psychological thriller type story with "And the Sea Like Mirrors." In this story, a man and woman are stranded on a raft in the Pacific with alien dolphin things attacking them. It's just their young forms though. The older forms are trying to communicate with and help them apparently. In the process of surviving and meeting aliens, the characters follow their gender stereotypes. The man takes charge, stays logical, and uses violence and intelligence to survive and adapt. The woman submits, becomes "hysterical," and irrationally seems to side with the murderous aliens. It's a cool concept all around, even in execution. The end leaves the woman dead after stupidly trying to swim to an island obviously covered with the carnivorous aliens, while the man happily ignores her screams and continues toward the older forms of alien life, leaving the only human behind. At nearly the end of the collection comes Carr's "Ozymandias." This post-apocalyptic gem of a story tickled me in all the right ways. First, the subtle world building of the short teaches us that this world has vaults that robbers dance to in order to attain tools and food and such. Later, we learn that thinkers of this tribe were all just murdered, save one thinker-in-training that was spared as he was not technically a thinker yet. Once the unique, ritualized dance-ascent was completed, the robbers made the remaining thinker pick a vault. The thinkers said all vaults were empty, but robbers disagreed. The robbers also thought picking the wrong vault can kill you (and maybe everyone), so chose this dispensable thinker. The thinker, however, knows something the robbers do not, so picks an empty vault for safety. He gets them to open a secret bottom to the vault, which contains an Immortal. The immortal wakes up, giant of a man. The thinker, who has a special empath power, feels the immortal wants to be killed, so he kills him. This short manages to damn the rich and their hyper-modern cryogenic pyramids while also pointing to a human tendency toward violence and against knowledge, when that knowledge is inconvenient. "The Milk of Paradise" by James Tiptree, Jr. ends the collection in style. Tiptree's story follows a man not named Timor and his struggles to rejoin humanity after living his first several years on a different planet with his father. Having been raised there, he learned to love and make love with these aliens, and finds humans repulsive. He is kidnapped by another human who wants to see "Paradise" like Timor describes. Timor is drugged and gives him enough information that they find it. It turns out that Timor's memory is greatly skewed by his being young and small at the time. To the kidnapper, these aliens are small, ugly gray blobs, not the tall, gorgeous beings that Timor remembers and, shortly, sees. Timor appears to then kill the kidnapper and is able to live happily from then on in "Paradise." Hidden a bit below the surface, it seems these beings may drug people with similar drugs that the kidnapper used on Timor, since their radio said something about a medical recall. It appears Timor is safe, the rest of the humans knowing enough to avoid the addictive aliens. It's a strange and delightful meditation on what true beauty and art and pleasure truly are, and how much of that is nature or nurture. This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers. August 20, 2017 Man, this was extremely disappointing. Now, I know it's been a lot of years, but I have a hard time believing most of these stories were particularly dangerous or compelling even at the time. There are a few standouts, but most of the stories are just vague, boring, or (worst) standard. And Harlan Ellison drives me absolutely batty with his introductions--there are a lot of sci-fi writers I would love to hear talk about things, but I've never read someone so full of grandiosity and empty promises. I guess the most damning thing I can say is that I don't even remember most of the stories. I remember a lot of poor endings, particularly on stories that seemed to be building to something which didn't pay off. I remember a few stories that seemed like deep Borges-style stories, playing with reality somehow, but, upon examination, I couldn't make sense of them. I don't know if that's me or just a bad story. Flipping back through the table of contents, here are the stories I can say something good about: le Guin's story, "The Word for World is Forest" is good, but too drawn out. offutt's "For Value Received" was excellently funny, although maybe not really sci-fi. Bryant's "The 10:00 Report is Brought to You By" was actually (conceivably) dangerous, telling about the exploitative nature of newscasting; this was a good one. Joanna Russ' "When It Changed" was a nice little story about a planet populated only by women, but it's really a story about gender roles; one of the few stories to really fit in such a volume. Sherred's "Bounty" about regular people's capacity for vengeance and violence. Hollis' "Stoned Council" at least has an interesting premise, even if it's written in a fairly standard drug-addled way that doesn't make it worth remembering, particularly. Bernard Wolfe has two nice stories in here, neither of which really fit in the volume, and a rather long afterword about how terrible science fiction is; this is, unfortunately, some of the best writing in the book. Anthony's "In the Barn" seemed much more dangerous when I read it a few years ago--now it didn't seem nearly so, but certainly interesting and worthy of inclusion. Gahan Wilson's story was original, at least in genre. Benford's "And the Sea Like Mirrors" was one of the first I read. It's well-written, extremely compelling, and appears to be missing the finale. Unfortunately, there's' a lot of that in this book. Burt Filer's "Eye of the Beholder" is probably the strongest entry, about a scientist and an artist who are studying the same thing, without realizing it. It's a discussion of the boundaries between art and science, and what happens if one wins. Tushnet's "In Re Glover" is a nice little story about the legal ramifications of cryogenics. Blish's "Getting Along" is an exercise in genre, mimicking the writing styles of some classic scifi authors. It's not a particularly excellent story, but it's fun to read and try to identify the authors in question. Lupoff's "With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama" has an excellent setup, and an amazing use of language (reminiscent of Clockwork Orange), but the finale doesn't really do the story justice. The rest of the stories are either entirely forgettable or bad. (And by forgettable, I mean that even picking up the book and skimming some sentences through the story, I can't remember it.) So that's like 15 stories worth mentioning out of a book of about 45. And, frankly, only a handful of those 15 are really worth remembering. Add in Ellison's annoying essays, and I've certainly read much better (and more dangerous!) collections. September 3, 2014 As with the first volume, there are some very good stories, some average ones, and a whole lot that made me wonder what Ellison had in his pipe when he was assembling this anthology. I'll just talk about some of the ones I liked. A pair of stories by Bernard Wolfe, under the collective title "Monitored Dreams and Strategic Cremations." The first of these, "The Bisquit Position," is probably the most dangerous story in the volume, even today. Just try criticizing the military and see what happens. This story should disabuse the reader of any lingering notion that it has anything to do with honor. "With a Finger in My I" by David Gerrold: An unsettling, surreal and funny story that takes place in a world where ideas can literally change the world. I've read this story several times and never get tired of it's wordplay and weirdness. "█" by cartoonist Gahan Wilson: Another funny and slightly creepy story that plays with the prose format by introducing a graphical element (the title actually resembles an ink blot; the above is as close as I could come in text format.) "The Word for World is Forest" by Ursula K. Le Guin: A story of planetary rape that I'm pretty sure James Cameron swiped for Avatar. "The 10:00 Report is Brought to You by..." by Edward Bryant: A satire of news media as entertainment. Not far off these days, sadly. "In the Barn" by Piers Anthony: An inter-dimensional traveler arrives on an alternate Earth where humans are bred as farm animals. Would have been better had it not been in Anthony's typical, leering tone. (Is it me or does he always sound like he's typing with one hand down his pants?) "In Re Glover" by Leonard Tushnet: A humorous story examining the legalities of cryogenics. Well, those are the ones I remember best. Looking back over these, it seems like the better stories are mostly in the first half, but it might be that I had gotten so weary of the avant garde nature of many of the entries that my patience was wearing thinner the further I got. Still, it undoubtedly would have been a much stronger collection at half its length. July 23, 2016 This book has stories from several of my favorite authors- so it pains me to say that it was absolutely awful. Harlan Ellison's introductions are snarky, pompous, and condescending; and he wrote several page intros for each one. I was thinking about reading some of his own books after this, but now I'm not so sure. Everything about this sounds like it was written on panes of acid; and not in a good or fascinating way. The stories in here were previously unpublished, and it's clear why. All good authors have throwaway stories....and Ellison has conveniently collected them in one giant volume. I'm sorry, Kurt and Ray; I never thought I would dislike- so much- anything that you guys were involved in. I need an SF palate-cleanser September 2, 2019 Note: Goodreads has merged my review of "When it Changed" by Joanna Russ with the larger anthology in which it once appeared. Russ says it best in her afterword: stories about societies of women are often either power-mad, sexually insatiable male fantasies or boring, unrealistic utopias. Here Russ is mindful of the fact that women are people, and people build homes and families, make art, make love, get drunk and fight on Saturday night, piss off their neighbors, shelve their dreams to pay the bills, and every other activity on the spectrum of human possibility. And that human texture fuels a very interesting first contact story about two cultures with very different assumptions. July 1, 2007 Still one the best original sf anthologies ever, with terrific stories by Ursula K. LeGuin and many others. My favorite is still Richard Lupoff's "With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama." Ellison's long introductions are the best thing about it. In the introduction it is promised that THE LAST DANGEROUS VISIONS will appear six months after this volume; many people remain hopeful. April 5, 2008 This is quite as good as Harlan Ellison's 1969 anthology, Dangerous Visions. July 29, 2022 Mankind is a joke but animals should be saved shoot them into spaaaace! May 18, 2023 Overall grade: B+/A- Video review: https://youtu.be/-V8QSmgXbek I actually enjoyed this book more than I enjoyed Dangerous Visions. I think Dangerous Visions is still in print, while this one is not. I also think dangerous visions is more widely read today than its sequel, which is a shame. There are more big names in DV than in ADV but the overall quality of the stories was better and there was a higher percentage of enjoyable and actually dangerous stories. DV really leaned in on being religiously blasphemous, while this one did not really have near as many stories with that focus. I think there were more big names in DV but ADV had some of my favorite authors like Gene Wolfe and Ursuka K Le Guin and Vonnegut, whereas the only author I am obsessive about from DV is JG Ballard. Ellison’s introductions were again kinda annoying and presumptuous and pretentious. Some of them were somewhat useful but most of them were basically just filler and platforms for Ellison to brag about either being friends with the author or having taught the author. There were more women included in this one. This is a good thing. I’m unsure of how many people of color were included but there are at least two stories written by Jewish authors. Anthologies are always going to be somewhat hit or miss and I can’t think of an anthology where I enjoyed every single story. Overall there are few very few misses in this book and a lot of solid stories. Some of the stories are spectacular, though, and the highs of this book are higher than DV or any other anthology I have read. Favorites 1 the word for world is forest - Ursula k Le guin 2 With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama", novella by Richard A. Lupoff 3 Time Travel for Pedestrians - Ray Nelson 4 [A spot], by Gahan Wilson 5 Bed Sheets Are White", by Evelyn Lief 6 The Big Space Fuck", by Kurt Vonnegut 7 For Value Received - Andy offutt 8 Stoned Counsel", by H. H. Hollis 9 When It Changed", by Joanna Russ 10 Still-Life", by Barry N. Malzberg (as K. M. O'Donnell) Least favorites 1 "Christ, Old Student in a New School", poem by Ray Bradbury 2 Totenbüch", by Albert Parra, as A. Parra (y Figueredo) 3 In the Barn", by Piers Anthony 4 Chuck Berry, Won't You Please Come Home", by Ken McCullough 5 Harry the Hare", by James B. Hemesath Individual stories 1 Keynote: The Counterpoint of View - John Heidenry - B/B+ Really just a Borges pastiche, which it wears on its sleeve. Too short to really have much of an impact. Kinda an odd keynote or intro given that there is only one other metafictional story in the book. 2 Ching-Witch by Ross Rocklynne - B/B+ Solid story. Seems like a commentary on youth culture in the late 60s and early 70s and how quickly fads pass. Kinda reads like old white guy wish fulfillment. 3 The Word for World is Forest - Ursula k Le guin - A/A+ I did a stand alone video for this novella. I had read it once before separate from ADV. at heart it’s a piece of protest literature that seems to condemn the Vietnam War. Basically a companion piece to Lathe of Heaven. Check out my other video for more about the book. 4 For Value Received - Andy offutt - A-/A About a girl being born. she lives in the hospital until she is in her 20s because her parents found their hospital bill exorbitant. A send up of health insurance and non socialized health care and how ridiculous health care costs are in this country. 5 Mathoms From the Time Closet - Gene Wolfe - B+/A- - comprises "Robot's Story", "Against The Lafayette Escadrille", and "Loco Parentis" 3 flash fiction pieces all dealing with time travel in one way or another. That being said, the stories read like literary fiction rather than sci fi. Typical Wolfe: literary and inventive but not as spectacular as some of his other books and stories. 6 Time Travel for Pedestrians - Ray Nelson - A-/A A fucking trip. Super trippy and very dangerous. I have to imagine that this one caused a stir. Seems to describe a drug trip caused by something like datura or morning glory seeds, which are both very strong deliriant. The narrator jumps around in time experiencing a variety of different scenarios, mainly focusing on various types of western mysticism. I’ve seen it described as past life regression but that’s not clear in the story. A mixture of druggy montage and spiritual exploration. I wish this one was a novel length story. Apparently Nelson wrote the story that They Live is based on. 7 "Christ, Old Student in a New School", poem by Ray Bradbury - F Didnt even finish this one. Why was a poem even included? I didn’t understand this one or why it was included. 8 King of the Hill", by Chad Oliver - B/B+ Seems to predict climate change and some of its effects. Only somewhat prescient. The story concerns overpopulation and rampant extinction. The story does meander some. I found it inventive and well-executed. 9 "The 10:00 Report is Brought to You By...", by Edward Bryant - B/B+ The story is about a news station paying to be the first to report a story by paying criminals to commit crimes then documenting the crimes. There is a rape scene in this one, which is quite haunting. Seems like a precursor to stuff like Nightcrawler. One of the more dangerous visions in this book. 10 "The Funeral", by Kate Wilhelm - B+/A- I found this story to be fairly mysterious and difficult to pin down. Seems like a reaction to the hippie youth movement and a parody of the 1950s in America. What I’ve read of Wilhelm seems like it was pretty influential in the sci fi genre. 11 "Harry the Hare", by James B. Hemesath - C+/B- A flash fiction piece. Seems like an ode to cartoons, also a commentary on copyright law. I was kinda unsure of what was going on in this story. There is some gore and violence but it’s not a particularly dangerous vision. 12 "When It Changed", by Joanna Russ (Nebula Award for Best Short Story) - B+/A- About a colonized planet where men have gone extinct and there have only been women for hundreds of years. Men from Earth show up and fuck up the status quo. The story kinda subverts the expectations of someone who has just heard the summary, though. 13 "The Big Space Fuck", by Kurt Vonnegut - A-/A The tone and plot of this story are very Vonnegut. It’s like it is almost logical, but not quite. About earth going to shit and humanity trying to artificially inseminate the universe. The story reminded me of Ariana Grande’s song “NASA”. 14 "Bounty", by T. L. Sherred - B/B+ About vigilantism being legalized and rewarded monetarily, so people bait others into crimes that they can be rewarded for violently stopping. People also kill themselves so their families will get paid. Short and disturbing and misanthropic. 15 "Still-Life", by Barry N. Malzberg (as K. M. O'Donnell) - B+/A- About an astronaut slowly going crazy and eventually leaving 2 other astronauts on the moon and going home. The main character rapes his wife in the story’s opening. The main character is basically a villain: short tempered and self centered. Seems like a commentary on how bureaucracy drives you crazy, as he really doesn’t like how nasa tells him not to swear during his mission to the moon. 16 "Stoned Counsel", by H. H. Hollis - B+/A- This story is trippy and vivid and super inventive. It reminded me of an adult version of adventure time. It’s about 2 lawyers doing drugs and then mind melding as they fight over a legal case. It’s almost a climate fiction story as well. 17 "Monitored Dreams and Strategic Cremations", by Bernard Wolfe—comprises "The Bisquit Position" and "The Girl With Rapid Eye Movements" - B/B+ Two stories connected by them both having the same main character. The first story is about a rich journalist helping a woman with a husky cheat on her husband, who is heavily tied up in the military industrial complex. The dog accidentally dies in a demonstration of the effects of napalm. It reminded me of Joan Didion’s play it as it lays. The second story is concerned with incomprehensible rock lyrics and how dreams affect reality. Seems to parody songs like “In A Gadda Da Vida”. The story is much more playful and absurd than the first one. Both seem to protest the vietnam war and capitalism. Some parts are really funny. 18 "With A Finger in My I", by David Gerrold - B/B+ Maybe a B-/B. It’s a lot like Borges’ tlon uqbar story. Mass hysteria and hallucinations, how the quirks of our perceptions color the world around us. Too peculiar to be incisive and rather unfocused. 19 "In the Barn", by Piers Anthony - C+/B- This one is a dangerous vision. It is also pretty damn disgusting. It’s basically about vegetarianism and veganism and how we would never treat humans like we treat people. Kinda reminded me of Michel Faber’s Under the Skin. 20 "Soundless Evening", by Lee Hoffman - B/B+ Solid and rather innocuous. Basically about a society with limits on how many children you can have. You can still have as many babies as you want but they are killed at the age of 5 if you have more than two. It’s too short and low stakes to really affect you emotionally. 21 [A spot], by Gahan Wilson - A-/A Really fucking good. Inventive and silly and absurd. A simple idea but it’s very well executed. Basically about a spot on a wall growing and eventually consuming everything. Almost an A/A+ but just a bit too short to have that kind of impact on me. 22 "The Test-Tube Creature, Afterward", by Joan Bernott - B/B+ A piece of flash fiction. About a genetically engineered pet that other causing or stopping its owners suicide. It reeks of depression and anhedonia. Definitely a dangerous vision. 23 "And the Sea Like Mirrors", by Gregory Benford -B/B+ Pretty close to a B+/A- but way too misogynistic. stated to be a response to Heinlein’s competent man. Reminded me of the show Yellowjackets and the book the Kar Chee reign. A literary thriller, sf-lite. It explores madness and toxic masculinity. 24 "Bed Sheets Are White", by Evelyn Lief - A-/A Reminded me of the long walk by Richard Bachman slash Stephen king. It is hallucinatory and very of its time. Some of it is about white nationalism, some of it seems like a dream sequence. Short and sweet and no excess language. Seems like it’s a memory but it couldn’t be, as the world of the story is completely alien, 25 "Tissue", by James Sallis—comprises "At the Fitting Shop" and "53rd American Dream" - B-/B Thot these were just fine. The first story is about a teenage boy getting lost in a department store shopping for a new penis. The second story is about the highs and lows of parenting. Lot of shock value and subversion in this one. 26 Elouise And The Doctors of the Planet Pergamon", by Josephine Saxton - B+/A- A haunting and and disgusting visceral story. Kinda ballardian, as it’s the closest thing to the atrocity exhibition I’ve ever read, besides gravitys rainbow. About a perfectly healthy woman on a planet where everyone has grotesque disabilities and horrible illnesses. Kinda like a Beckett play. 27 "Chuck Berry, Won't You Please Come Home", by Ken McCullough - C+/B- Too low stakes for me. Not really dangerous and not really sci fi. It’s about a guy growing a tick to a humongous size. Very stylized and repetitive. 28 "Epiphany For Aliens", by David Kerr - B/B+ About a team of scientists that discover a group of Neanderthals that are still alive in Europe. It has its own logic. The woman who sacrifices herself for science seems like a stand in for bleeding heart liberal types. Perhaps somewhat racist. 29 "Eye of the Beholder", by Burt K. Filer - B/B+ About an artist who creates sculptures that are mathematically impossible, as they defy the rules of gravity. The cia and a female scientist are quite interested in creating an insterstellar engine from the sculptures. It reminded me of Ballard’s early stories and explores the differences between art and science, 30 Moth Race", by Richard Hill- B+/A- This story is seemingly about a utopia where everyone is given everything they need by the government. A man goes to watch a race where the drivers have to survive racing around a track with randomly generated obstacles. The only one to ever conquer the track is called the champion and he lives like a modern celebrity. The main character is part of the race’s audience and drunkenly tries to participate in the race. 31 "In Re Glover", by Leonard Tushnet - B/B+ Solid and vaguely funny story, comedic but not hilarious. Somewhat kafkaesque, in that it portrays endless and convoluted bureaucracies. It is more or less about the legal ramifications of cryogenesis tech. Could’ve been more in depth. 32 "Zero Gee", by Ben Bova - B-/B About a male astronaut trying to be the first human being to have sex in outer space. The woman he is supposed to fuck is a time life photographer, a civilian in a nasa space station. Too long and technical and meandering. Not very exciting as a s
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	0	61	https://www.cs.cmu.edu/afs/cs.cmu.edu/user/ehn/Web/release/BurroughsLetter	en	Letter From A Master Addict To Dangerous Drugs			[]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null	British Journal of Addiction, Vol. 53, No. 2 August 3rd, 1956 Venice Dear Doctor, Thanks for your letter. I enclose that article on the effects of various drugs I have used. I do not know if it is suitable for your publication. I have no objection to my name being used. No difficulty with drinking. no desire to use any drug. General health excellent. Please give my regards to Mr.----. I use his system of exercises daily with excellent results. I have been thinking of writing a book on narcotic drugs if I could find a suitable collaborator to handle the technical end. Yours, William Burroughs. The use of opium and opium derivatives leads to a state that defines limits and describes "addiction"--(The term is loosely used to indicate anything one is used to or wants. We speak of addiction to candy, coffee, tobacco, warm weather, television, detective stories, crossword puzzles). So misapplied the term loses any useful precision of meaning. The use of morphine leads to a metabolic dependence on morphine. Morphine becomes a biologic need just as water and the user may die if he is suddenly deprived of it. The diabetic will die without insulin, but he is not addicted to insulin. His need for insulin was not brought about by the use of insulin. He needs insulin to maintain a normal metabolism, and so avoid the excruciatingly painful return to a normal metabolism. I have used a number of "narcotic" drugs over a period of twenty years. Some of these drugs are addicting in the above sense. Most are not: Opiates.--Over a period of twelve years I have used opium, smoked and taken orally (injection in the skin causes abscesses. Injection in the vein is unpleasant and perhaps dangerous), heroin injected in skin, vein, muscle, sniffed (when no needle was available), morphine, dilaudid, pantopon, eukodol, paracodine, dionine, codeine, demerol, methodone. They are all habit forming in varying degree. Nor does it make much difference how the drug is administered, smoked, sniffed, injected, taken orally, inserted in rectal suppositories, the end result will be the same: addiction. And a smoking habit is as difficult to break as an intravenous injection habit. The concept that injection habits are particularly injurious derives from an irrational fear of needles--("Injections poison the blood stream"-- as though the blood stream were any less poisoned by substances absorbed from the stomach, the lungs or the mucous membrane). Demerol is probably less addicting than morphine. It is also less satisfying to the addict, and less effective as a pain killer. While a demerol habit is easier to break than a morphine habit, demerol is certainly more injurious to the health and specifically to the nervous system. I once used demerol for three months and developed a number of distressing symptoms: trembling hands (with morphine my hands are always steady), progressive loss of coordination, muscular contractions, paranoid obsessions, fear of insanity. Finally I contracted and opportune intolerance for demerol--no doubt a measure of self preservation--and switched to methodone. Immediately all my symptoms disappeared. I may add that demerol is quite as constipating as morphine, that it exerts an even more depressing effect on the appetite and the sexual functions, does not, however, contract the pupils. I have given myself thousands of injections over a period of years with unsterilized, in fact dirty, needles and never sustained an infection until I used demerol. Then I came down with a series of abscesses one of which had to be lanced and drained. In short demerol seems to me a more dangerous drug than morphine. Methodone is completely satisfying to the addict, an excellent pain killer, at least as addicting as morphine. I have taken morphine for acute pain. Any opiate that effectively relieves pain to an equal degree relieves withdrawal symptoms. The conclusion is obvious: Any opiate that relieves pain is habit forming, and the more effectively it relieves pain the more habit forming it is. The habit forming molecule, and the pain killing molecule of morphine are probably identical, and the process by which morphine relieves pain is the same process that leads to tolerance and addiction. Non habit forming morphine appears to be a latter day Philosopher's Stone. On the other hand variations of apomorphine may prove extremely effective in controlling the withdrawal syndrome. But we should not expect this drug to be a pain killer as well. The phenomena of morphine addiction are well known and there is no reason to go over them here. A few points, it seems to me, have received insufficient attention: The metabolic incompatibility between morphine and alcohol has been observed, but no one, so far as I know, has advanced an explanation. If a morphine addict drinks alcohol he experiences no agreeable or euphoric sensations. There is a feeling of slowly mounting discomfort, and the need for another injection. The alcohol seems to be short-circuited perhaps by the liver. I once attempted to drink in a state of incomplete recovery from an attack of jaundice (I was not using morphine at this time). The metabolic sensation was identical. In one case the liver was partly out of action from jaundice, in the other preoccupied, literally, by a morphine metabolism. In neither case could it metabolize alcohol. If an alcoholic becomes addicted to morphine, morphine invariably and completely displaces alcohol. I have known several alcoholics who began using morphine. They were able to tolerate large doses of morphine immediately (1 grain to a shot) without ill effects, and in a matter of days stopped taking alcohol. The reverse never occurs. The morphine addict can not tolerate alcohol when he is using morphine or suffering from morphine withdrawal. The ability to tolerate alcohol is a sure sign of disintoxication. In consequence alcohol can never be substituted for morphine directly. Of course a disintoxicated addict may start drinking and become an alcoholic. During withdrawal the addict is acutely aware of his surroundings. Sense impressions are sharpened to the point of hallucination. Familiar objects seem to stir with a writhing furtive life. The addict is subject to a barrage of sensations external and visceral. He may experience flashes of beauty and nostalgia, but the overall impression is extremely painful--(Possibly his sensations are painful because of their intensity. A pleasurable sensation may become intolerable after a certain intensity is reached.) I have noticed two special reactions of early withdrawal: (1) Everything looks threatening; (2) mild paranoia. The doctors and nurses appear as monsters of evil. In the course of several cures, I have felt myself surrounded by dangerous lunatics. I talked with one of Dr. Dent's patients who had just undergone disintoxication for a pithidine habit. He reported an identical experience, told me that for 24 hours the nurses and the doctor "seemed brutal and repugnant." And everything looked blue. And I have talked with other addicts who experienced the same reactions. Now the psychological basis for paranoid notions during withdrawal is obvious. The specific similarity of these reactions indicates a common metabolic origin. The similarity between withdrawal phenomena and certain states of drug intoxication, is striking. Hashish, Bannisteria Caapi (Hamaline), Peyote (Mescaline) produce states of acute sensitivity, with hallucinatory viewpoint. Everything looks alive. Paranoid ideas are frequent. Bannisteria Caapi intoxication specifically reproduces the state of withdrawal. Everything looks threatening. Paranoid ideas are marked, especially with overdose. After taking Bannisteria Caapi, I was convinced that the Medicine Man and his apprentice were conspiring to murder me. It seems that metabolic states of the body can reproduce the effects of various drugs. In the U.S.A. heroin addicts are receiving an involuntary reduction cure from the pushers who progressively dilute their wares with milk sugar and barbiturates. As a result many of the addicts who seek treatment are lightly addicted so they can be completely disintoxicated in a short time (7 to 8 days). They recover rapidly without medication. Meanwhile any tranquilizing, anti-allergic, or sedative drug, will afford some relief, especially if injected. The addict feels better if he knows that some alien substance is coursing through his blood stream. Tolserol, Thorazine and related "tranquillizers," every variety of barbiturate, Chloral and Paraldehyde, anti-histamines, cortisone, reserpine, even shock (can lobotomy be far behind?) have all been used with results usually described as "encouraging." My own experience suggests that these results be accepted with some reserve. Of course, symptomatic treatment is indicated, and all these drugs (with possible exception of the drug most commonly used: barbiturates) have a place in the treatment of the withdrawal syndrome. But none of these drugs is in itself the answer to withdrawal. Withdrawal symptoms vary with individual metabolism and physical type. Pigeon chested, hay fever and asthma liable individuals suffer greatly from allergic symptoms during withdrawal: running nose, sneezing, smarting, watering eyes, difficulty in breathing. In such cases cortisone, and anti-histamine drugs may afford definite relief. Vomiting could probably be controlled with anti-nausea drugs like thorazine. I have undergone ten "cures" in the course of which all these drugs were used. I have taken quick reductions, slow reductions, prolonged sleep, apomorphine, antihistamines, a French system involving a worthless product known as "amorphine," everything but shock. (I would be interested to hear results of further experiments with shock treatment on somebody else.) The success of any treatment depends on the degree and duration of addiction, the stage of withdrawal (drugs which are effective in late or light withdrawal can be disastrous in the acute phase) individual symptoms, health, age, etc. A method of treatment might be completely ineffective at one time, but give excellent results at another. Or a treatment that does me no good may help someone else. I do not presume to pass any final judgements, only to report my own reactions to various drugs and methods of treatment. Reductions Cures.--This is the commonest form of treatment, and no method yet discovered can entirely replace it in cases of severe addiction. The patient must have some morphine. If there is one rule that applies to all cases of addiction this is it. But the morphine should be withdrawn as quickly as possible. I have taken slow reduction cures and in every case the result was discouragement and eventual relapse. Imperceptible reduction is likely to be endless reduction. When the addict seeks cure, he has, in most cases, already experienced withdrawal symptoms many times. He expects an unpleasant ordeal and he is prepared to endure it. But if the pain of withdrawal is spread over two months instead of ten days he may not be able to endure it. It is not the intensity but the duration of pain that breaks the will to resist. If the addict habitually takes any quantity, however small, of any opiate to alleviate the weakness, insomnia, boredom, restlessness, of late withdrawal, the withdrawal symptoms will be prolonged indefinitely and complete relapse is almost certain. Prolonged Sleep.--The theory sounds good. You go to sleep and wake up cured. Industrial doses of chloral hydrate, barbiturates, thorazine, only produced a nightmare state of semi-consciousness. Withdrawal of sedation, after 5 days, occasioned a severe shock. Symptoms of acute morphine deprivation supervened. The end result was a combined syndrome of unparalleled horror. No cure I ever took was as painful as this allegedly painless method. The cycle of sleep and wakefulness is always deeply disturbed during withdrawal. To further disturb it with massive sedation seems contraindicated to say the least. Withdrawal of morphine is sufficiently traumatic without adding to it withdrawal of barbiturates. After two weeks in the hospital (five days sedation, ten days "rest") I was still so weak that I fainted when I tried to walk up a slight incline. I consider prolonged sleep the worst possible method of treating withdrawal. Anti-histamines.--The use of anti-histamines is based on the allergic theory of withdrawal. Sudden withdrawal of morphine precipitates and overproduction of histamine with consequent allergic symptoms. (In shock resulting from traumatic injury with acute pain large quantities of histamine are released in the blood. In acute pain as in addiction toxic doses of morphine are readily tolerated. Rabbits, who have a high histamine content in the blood, are extremely resistant to morphine.) My own experience with anti-histamines has not been conclusive. I once took a cure in which anti-histamines were used, and the results were good. But I was lightly addicted at that time, and had been without morphine for 72 hours when the cure started. I have frequently used anti-histamines since then for withdrawal symptoms with disappointing results. In fact they seem to increase my depression and irritability (I do not suffer from typical allergic symptoms). Apomorphine.--Apomorphine is certainly the best method of treating withdrawal that I have experienced. It does not completely eliminate the withdrawal symptoms, but reduces them to an endurable level. The acute symptoms such as stomach and leg cramps, convulsive or manic states are completely controlled. In fact apomorphine treatment involves less discomfort than a reduction cure. Recovery is more rapid and more complete. I feel that I was never completely cured of the craving for morphine until I took apomorphine treatment. Perhaps the "psychological" craving for morphine that persists after a cure is not psychological at all, but metabolic. More potent variations of the apomorphine formula might prove qualitatively more effective in treating all forms of addiction. Cortisone.--Cortisone seems to give some relief especially when injected intravenously. Thorazine.--Provides some relief from withdrawal symptoms, but not much. Side effects of depression, disturbances of vision, indigestion offset dubious benefits. Reserpine.--I never noticed an effect whatever from this drug except a slight depression. Tolserol.--Negligible results. Barbiturates.--It is common practice to prescribe barbiturates for the insomnia of withdrawal. Actually the use of barbiturates delays the return of normal sleep, prolongs the whole period of withdrawal, and may lead to relapse. (The addict is tempted to take a little codeine or paregoric with his nembutal. Very small quantities of opiates, that would be quite innocuous for a normal person, immediately re-establish addiction in a cured addict.) My experience certainly confirms Dr. Dent's statement that barbiturates are contraindicated. Chloral and paraldehyde.--Probably preferable to barbiturates if a sedative is necessary, but most addicts will vomit up paraldehyde at once. I have also tried on my own initiative, the following drugs during withdrawal: Alcohol.--Absolutely contraindicated at any stage of withdrawal. The use of alcohol invariably exacerbates the withdrawal symptoms and leads to relapse. Alcohol can only be tolerated after metabolism returns to normal. This usually takes one month in cases of severe addiction. Benzedrine.--May relieve temporarily the depression of late withdrawal, disastrous during acute withdrawal, contraindicated at any stage because it produces a state of nervousness for which morphine is the physiological answer. Cocaine.--The above goes double for cocaine. Cannabis indica (marijuana).--In late or light withdrawal relieves depression and increases the appetite, in acute withdrawal an unmitigated disaster. (I once smoked marijuana during early withdrawal with nightmarish results.) Cannabis is a sensitizer. If you feel bad already it will make you feel worse. Contraindicated. Peyote, Bannisteria caapi.-- I have not ventured to experiment. The thought of Bannisteria intoxication superimposed on acute withdrawal makes the brain reel. I know of a man who substituted peyote during late withdrawal, claimed to lose all desire for morphine, ultimately died of peyote poisoning. In cases of severe addictions, definite, physical, withdrawal symptoms persist for one month at least. I have never seen or heard of a psychotic morphine addict, I mean anyone who showed psychotic symptoms while addicted to an opiate. In fact addicts are drearily sane. Perhaps there is a metabolic incompatibility between schizophrenia and opiate addiction. On the other hand the withdrawal of morphine often precipitates psychotic reactions--usually mild paranoia. Interesting that drugs and methods of treatment that give results in schizophrenia, are also of some use in withdrawal: anti-histamines, tranquillizers, apomorphine, shock. Sir Charles Sherington defines pain as "the psychic adjunct of an imperative protective reflex." The vegetative nervous system expands and contracts in response to visceral rhythms and external stimuli, expanding to stimuli which are experienced as pleasurable--sex, food, agreeable social contacts, etc.--contracting from pain, anxiety, fear, discomfort, boredom. Morphine alters the whole cycle of expansion and contraction, release and tension. The sexual function is deactivated, peristalsis inhibited, the pupils cease to react in response to light and darkness. The organism neither contracts from pain nor expands to normal sources of pleasure. It adjusts to a morphine cycle. The addict is immune to boredom. He can look at his shoe for hours or simply stay in bed. He needs no sexual outlet, no social contacts, now work, no diversion, no exercise, nothing but morphine. Morphine may relieve pain by imparting to the organism some of the qualities of a plant. (Pain could have no function for plants which are, for the most part, stationary, incapable of protective reflexes.) Scientists look for a non-habit forming morphine that will kill pain without giving pleasure, addicts want--or think they want--euphoria without addiction. I do not see how the functions of morphine can be separated, I think that any effective pain killer will depress the sexual function, induce euphoria and cause addiction. The perfect pain killer would probably be immediately habit forming. (If anyone is interested to develop such a drug, dehydro-oxyheroin might be a good place to start.) The addict exists in a painless, sexless, timeless state. Transition back to the rhythms of animal life involves the withdrawal syndrome. I doubt if this transition can ever be made in comfort. Painless withdrawal can only be approached. Cocaine.--Cocaine is the most exhilarating drug I have ever used. The euphoria centres in the head. Perhaps the drug activates pleasure connections directly in the brain. I suspect that an electric current in the right place would produce the same effect. The full exhilaration of cocaine can only be realised by an intravenous injection. The pleasurable effects do not last more than five or ten minutes. If the drug is injected in the skin, rapid elimination vitiates the effects. This goes double for sniffing. It is standard practice for cocaine users to sit up all night shooting cocaine at one minute intervals, alternating with shots of heroin, or cocaine and heroin mixed in the same injection to form a "speed ball." (I have never known an habitual cocaine user who was not a morphine addict.) The desire for cocaine can be intense. I have spent whole days walking from one drug store to another to fill a cocaine prescription. You may want cocaine intensely , but you don't have any metabolic need for it. If you can't get cocaine you eat, you go to sleep and forget it. I have talked with people who used cocaine for years, then were suddenly cut off from their supply. None of them experienced any withdrawal symptoms. Indeed it is difficult to see how a front brain stimulant could be addicting. Addiction seems to be a monopoly of sedatives. Continued use of cocaine leads to nervousness, depression, sometimes drug psychosis with paranoid hallucinations. The nervousness and depression resulting from cocaine use are not alleviated by more cocaine. They are effectively relieved by morphine. The use of cocaine by a morphine addict, always leads to larger and more frequent injections of morphine. Cannabis Indica (hashish, marijuana).--The effects of this drug have been frequently and luridly described: disturbance of space-time perception, acute sensitivity to impressions, flight of ideas, laughing jags, silliness. Marijuana is a sensitizer, and the results are not always pleasant. It makes a bad situation worse. Depression becomes despair, anxiety panic. I have already mentioned my horrible experience with marijuana during acute morphine withdrawal. I once gave marijuana to a guest who was mildly anxious about something ("On bum kicks" as he put it). After smoking half a cigarette he suddenly leapt to his feet screaming "I got the fear!" and rushed out of the house. An especially unnerving feature of marijuana intoxication is a disturbance of the affective orientation. You do not know whether you like something or not, whether a sensation is pleasant or unpleasant. The use of marijuana varies greatly with the individual. Some smoke it constantly, some occasionally, not a few dislike it intensely. It seems to be especially unpopular with confirmed morphine addicts, many of whom take a puritanical view of marijuana smoking. The ill effects of marijuana have been grossly exaggerated in the U.S. Our national drug is alcohol. We tend to regard the use of any other drug with special horror. Anyone given to these alien vices deserves the complete ruin of his mind and body. People believe what they want to believe without regard for the facts. Marijuana is not habit forming. I have never seen evidence of any ill effects from moderate use. Drug psychosis may result from prolonged and excessive use. Barbiturates.--The barbiturates are definitely addicting if taken in large quantities over any period of time (about a gramme a day will cause addiction). Withdrawal syndrome is more dangerous than morphine withdrawal, consisting of hallucinations with epilepsy type convulsions. Addicts often injure themselves flopping about on concrete floors (concrete floors being a usual corollary of abrupt withdrawal). Morphine addicts often take barbiturates to potentiate inadequate morphine rations. Some of them become barbiturate addicts as well. I once took two nembutal capsules (one an a half grain each) every night for four months and suffered no withdrawal symptoms. Barbiturate addiction is a question of quantity. It is probably not a metabolic addiction like morphine, but a mechanical reaction from excessive front brain sedation. The barbiturate addict presents a shocking spectacle. He can not coordinate, he staggers, falls off bar stools, goes to sleep in the middle of a sentence, drops food out of his mouth. He is confused, quarrelsome and stupid. And he almost always uses other drugs, anything he can lay hands on: alcohol, benzedrene, opiates, marijuana. Barbiturate users are looked down on in addict society: "Goof ball bums. They got no class to them." The next step down is coal gas and milk, or sniffing ammonia in a bucket--"The scrub woman's kick." It seems to me that barbiturates cause the worst possible form of addiction, unsightly, deteriorating, difficult to treat. Benzedrene.--This is a cerebral stimulant like cocaine. Large doses cause prolonged sleeplessness with feelings of exhilaration. The period of euphoria is followed by a horrible depression. The drug tends to increase anxiety. It causes indigestion and loss of appetite. I know of only one case where definite symptoms followed the withdrawal of benzedrene. This was a woman of my acquaintance who used incredible quantities of benzedrene for six months. During this period she developed a drug psychosis and was hospitalized for ten days. She continued the use of benzedrene, but was suddenly cut off. She suffered an asthma type seizure. She could not get her breath and turned blue. I gave her a dose of anti-histamine (thepherene) which afforded immediate relief. The symptoms did not return. Peyote (mescaline).--This is undoubtedly a stimulant. It dilates the pupils, keeps one awake. Peyote is extremely nauseating. Users experience difficulty keeping it down long enough to realize the effect, which is similar, in some respects, to marijuana. There is increased sensitivity to impression, especially to colours. Peyote intoxication causes a peculiar vegetable consciousness or identification with the plant. Everything looks like a peyote plant. It is easy to understand why the Indians believe there is a resident spirit in the peyote cactus. Overdose of peyote may lead to respiratory paralysis and death. I know of one case. There is no reason to believe that peyote is addicting. Bannisteria caapi (Harmaline, Banisterine, Telepathine). -- Bannisteria caapi is a fast growing vine. The active principle is apparently found throughout the wood of the fresh cut vine. The inner bark is considered most active, and the leaves are never used. It takes a considerable quantity of the vine to feel the full effects of the drug. About five pieces of vine each eight inches long are needed for one person. The vine is crushed and boiled for two or more hours with the leaves of a bush identified as Palicourea sp. rubiaceae. Yage or Ayuahuaska (the most commonly used Indian names for Bannisteria caapi) is a hallucinating narcotic that produces a profound derangement of the senses. In overdose it is a strong convulsant poison. The antidote is a barbiturate or other strong, anti-convulsant sedative. Anyone taking Yage for the first time should have a sedative ready in the even of an overdose. The hallucinating properties of Yage have led to its use by Medicine Men to potentiate their powers. They also use it as a cure-all in the treatment of various illnesses. Yage lowers the body temperature and consequently is of some use in the treatment of fever. It is a powerful antihelminthic, indicated for treatment of stomach or intestinal worms. Yage induces a state of conscious anaesthesia, and is used in rites where the initiates must undergo a painful ordeal like whipping with knotted vines, or exposure to the sting of ants. So far as I could discover only the fresh cut vine is active. I found no way to dry, extract or preserve the active principal. No tinctures proved active. The dried vine is completely inert. The pharmacology of Yage requires laboratory research. Since the crude extract is such a powerful, hallucinating narcotic, perhaps even more spectacular results could be obtained with synthetic variations. Certainly the matter warrants further research.[1] I did not observe any ill effects that could be attributed to the use of Yage. The Medicine Men who use it continuously in the line of duty seem to enjoy normal health. Tolerance is soon acquired so that one can drink the extract without nausea or other ill effect. Yage is a unique narcotic. Yage intoxication is in some respects similar to intoxication with hashish. In both instances there is a shift of viewpoint, an extension of consciousness beyond ordinary experience. But Yage produces a deeper derangement of the senses with actual hallucinations. Blue flashes in front of the eyes is peculiar to Yage intoxication. There is a wide range of attitude in regard to Yage. Many Indians and most White users seem to regard it simply as another intoxicant like liquor. In other groups it has ritual use and significance. Among the Jivaro young men take Yage to contact the spirits of their ancestors and get a briefing for their future life. It is used during initiations to anaesthetize the initiates for painful ordeals. All Medicine Men use it in their practice to foretell the future, locate lost or stolen objects, name the perpetrator of a crime, to diagnose and treat illness. The alkaloid of Bannisteria caapi was isolated in 1923 by Fisher Cardenas. He called the alkaloid Telepathine alternately Banisterine. Rumf showed that Telepathine was identical with Harmine, the alkaloid of Perganum Harmala. Bannisteria caapi is evidently not habit forming. Nutmeg.--Convicts and sailors sometimes have recourse to nutmeg. About a teaspoon is swallowed with water. Results are vaguely similar to marijuana with side effects of headache and nausea. Death would probably supervene before addiction if such addiction is possible. I have only taken nutmeg once. There are a number of narcotics of the nutmeg family in use among the Indians of South America. They are usually administered by sniffing a dried powder of the plant. The Medicine Men take these noxious substances, and go into convulsive states. Their twitching and mutterings are thought to have prophetic significance. A friend of mine was violently sick for three days after experimenting with a drug of the nutmeg family in South America. Datura-scopolamine.--Morphine addicts are frequently poisoned by taking morphine in combination with scopolamine. I once obtained some ampoules each of which contained one-sixth grain of morphine and one-hundredth grain of scopolamine. Thinking that one-hundredth grain was a negligible quantity, I took six ampoules in one injection. The result was a psychotic state lasting some hours during which I was opportunely restrained by my long suffering landlord. I remembered nothing the following day. Drugs of the datura group are used by the Indians of South America and Mexico. Fatalities are said to be frequent. Scopolamine has been used by the Russians as a confession drug with dubious results. The subject may be willing to reveal his secrets, but quite unable to remember them. Often cover story and secret information are inextricably garbled. I understand that mescaline has been very successful in extracting information from suspects. Morphine addiction is a metabolic illness brought about by the use of morphine. In my opinion psychological treatment is not only useless it is contraindicated. Statistically the people who become addicted to morphine are those who have access to it: doctors, nurses, anyone in contact with black market sources. In Persia where opium is sold without control, 70 per cent of the adult population is addicted. So we should psycho-analyser several million Persians to find out what deep conflicts and anxieties have driven them to the use of opium? I think not. According to my experience most addicts are not neurotic and do not need psychotherapy. Apomorphine treatment and access to apomorphine in the event of relapse would certainly give a higher percentage of permanent cures than any programme of "psychological rehabilitation." 1 Since this was published I have discovered that the alkaloid of Bannisteria are closely related to LSD6, which has been used to produce experimental psychosis. I think they are up to LSD25 already.
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	63	http://www.castaliahouse.com/delusion-for-a-dragon-slayer/	en	Delusion for a Dragon Slayer	http://www.castaliahouse.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/ch-logo-thumbnail.png	http://www.castaliahouse.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/ch-logo-thumbnail.png	[ "http://www.castaliahouse.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/copy-cropped-ch_slider_blue.jpg", "http://www.castaliahouse.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/FSF-Ellison-issue0001-690x1024.jpg", "http://www.castaliahouse.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Knight_v05n08_1966-09_0000.jpg", "http://www.castaliahouse.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Creepy-32-756x1024.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2018-07-01T04:30:55+00:00	Castalia House is a Finland-based publisher that has a great appreciation for the golden age of science fiction and fantasy literature. The books that we publish honor the traditions and intellectual authenticity exemplified by writers such as J.R.R. Tolkien, C.S. Lewis, Robert E. Howard, G.K. Chesterton, and Hermann Hesse. We are consciously providing an alternative to readers who increasingly feel alienated from the nihilistic, dogmatic science fiction and fantasy being published today. We seek nothing less than a revolution in genre literature.		http://www.castaliahouse.com/wp-content/themes/blue-peace-modified/favicon.ico	castaliahouse.com	http://www.castaliahouse.com/delusion-for-a-dragon-slayer/	Harlan Ellison died this past Thursday, apparently in his sleep, at age 84. I had just read a few weeks earlier that he had a stroke and was not in good health. I first became aware of him as our little library had a book called Living in Fear: A History of Horror in the Mass Media by Les Daniels. There was a cover reproduced in the book for an issue of Creepy magazine by Frank Frazetta for a Harlan Ellison story, “Rockgod.” The library had Deathbird Stories in hardback. I read some of the contents but really nothing grabbed me. I also looked Dangerous Visions interested in the Fritz Leiber and Robert Bloch stories but little else. I had a subscription to The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction for a year in 1977-1978 as a result of a neighbor kid selling magazine subscriptions for school. I did not read those issues when I was in 8th and 9th grades but I did that summer after sophomore year of college. One issue was the special Harlan Ellison issue. “Jeffty is Five” is about a five year old boy who does not age. The world around him is that of the past. The narrator knew him when he was five and later does things with him. I liked this part of the story: “In September we enjoyed the first installment of the new Robert E. Howard Conan novel, ISLE OF THE BLACK ONES, in Weird Tales; and in August were only mildly disappointed by Edgar Rice Burroughs’ fourth novella I the Jupiter series featuring John Carter of Barsoom– “Corsairs of Jupiter. But the editor of Argosy All-Story Weekly promised there would be two more stories in the series.” The story ends with Jeffty dying after getting beaten to a pulp in a movie theater. That issue of The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction also contained “Working with the Little People.” I can remember a friend of mine in the 1980s saying “That is the only cute story he has ever written.” That issue also has a full page ad for the forthcoming book, The Prince of Sleep, “his first new novel in over fifteen years, a major work of fantasy for 1978.” That book never appeared. I came away from that Harlan Ellison issue with the perception that it was more about the personality of “Harlan Ellison” than about the prose. I picked up some Ellison collections over the years but can’t say he was ever a favorite. More of a curiosity. I would hear the stories about Last Dangerous Visions and the unwritten novels. I saw Ellison in summer 1988 in Cleveland at the 50 year anniversary celebration of Superman. I was more interested in talking to Jack Williamson, the man who wrote Golden Blood! James Doohan of Star Trek was there and he looked like he had imbibed some adult beverages. That was entertaining seeing Scotty lit. It was either Steve Tompkins or James van Hise who mentioned probably in a mailing of the Robert E. Howard United Press Association that Ellison had written a sword and sorcery story. My interest was piqued. Turned out I had it but did not remember it– “Delusion for a Dragon Slayer.” “Delusion for a Dragon Slayer” first appeared in the magazine Knight in September 1966. There were some lower level imitations of Playboy back then that ran fiction. Ellison also had some stories in Adam. The story starts out in too much detail how a wrecking ball came to kill William Glazer Griffin. Ellison spent three pages out of 19 just setting it up. Griffin is a middle aged accountant running late on his way to work who decides to take a short cut through an alley. He wakes up on a ship. “The body that extended down to the polished deck was a handsome instrument. Composed of the finest bronzed skin tone, the most sculptured anthracite-hard musculature, proportions just the tiniest bit exaggerated, he was lovely and godlike, extremely godlike. Turning slowly, he caught his reflection in the burnished smoothness of a warrior’s bronze shield, hung on a peg at the forecastle. He was Nordic blond, aquiline-nosed, steely-eyed. No one can be that Aryan, was his only thought, flushed with amazement, as he saw the new face molded to the front of his head.” A wizard tells him this is Heaven, based on his dreams. Heaven is achieved with the intents and ethics of your life. Griffin will get heaven if he can sail the ship through the shoals, overcome the foam-devil that guards the girl, and win her love. First the ship is wrecked on the reef and sinks with the crew lost. He wakes on the shore. Griffin discovers the girl who is having a liaison with the mist-devil. Ellison engages in 2 pages describing this in faux-pulp overwriting. Griffin stabs it from behind and then rapes the girl. Cowardice, lust, brute desire were the real substances of his nature. These were things he silently worshipped “at the altar of evil.” He looks up as seventy-eight-foot dragon opens its mouth and “grinds him to senseless pulp.” I think this story would have been better had Griffin not been so nebbish but a bastard. Had he been an unscrupulous financier, stock broker, corporate take-over enabler, it would have had more punch. What did Harlan Ellison have against nebbish accountants? Someone at a William S. Burroughs board asked Ellison in 2007 if some of the writing was influence by Burroughs. Ellison replied: “I do not think Burroughs had much of an impact on me, and I know with absolute certainty there is no conscious resonance with Burroughs in “Delusion for a Dragon-Slayer” where I was VERY consciously channeling both Robert E. Howard and Clark Ashton Smith, who DID have an appreciable thump on my style … at least in that special instance. So. I like(d) Burroughs, no we never met that I recall, and no, I think what you’re picking up is the influences of Howard and Smith on Burroughs. Ha! Didn’t think of THAT permutation, did’ja?” The Aryan reference made me think this story might a case of critique of culture. I also think that Ellison was attracted to Robert E. Howard and Clark Ashton Smith. Ellison wrote some straight up adventure science fiction in the 1950s that have a directness to them. By this time, he would be incapable of writing a straight sword and sorcery story. The only way he could anything approximating sword and sorcery would be to invert it. The near constant gamma rage was Ellison’s trademark by this point. I see this sort of cognitive dissonance with millennials all the time. Someone said to me that Ellison was writing a parody of bad sword and sorcery. This story actually predates the first Lancer Conan paperback by a month. The big sword and sorcery boom was not launched yet. Ellison did take a stab at Lin Carter in a review of Harry Harrison and Leon Stover’s Stonehenge in 1974 when he said this book was no Thongor at the Mounds of Venus. Perhaps Harlan and Lin’s paths crossed and not in a good way. So, “Delusion for a Dragon Slayer” is a curiosity. The story could have been better. Last night when rereading the story, my copy of the Dell paperback edition of Deathbird Stories split in two. The book is 42 years old now. I picked it up used somewhere along the way. There is some sort of symbolism somewhere.
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	0	36	https://www.theguardian.com/books/booksblog/2014/feb/11/junky-william-burroughs-heroin-moral-reading-group	en	Junky and William Burroughs' oblique moral vision	https://i.guim.co.uk/img…17ee2e2ff04c6bc0	https://i.guim.co.uk/img…17ee2e2ff04c6bc0	[ "https://sb.scorecardresearch.com/p?c1=2&c2=6035250&cv=2.0&cj=1&cs_ucfr=0&comscorekw=William+Burroughs%2CBooks%2CFiction%2CDrugs%2CSociety%2CCulture", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/2/11/1392114211804/William-Burroughs-011.jpg?width=465&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/2/20/1392910273918/William-Burroughs---a-goo-013.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/BOOKS/Pix/pictures/2014/2/3/1391425661623/William-Burroughs-012.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/2/18/1392720048840/Narcotic-Agent-and-Junky-009.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/1/30/1391112796138/William-S-Burroughs-008.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Arts/Arts_/Pictures/2009/1/6/1231234353102/William-Burroughs-004.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/2/4/1391532694628/William-Burroughs-006.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Sam Jordison", "www.theguardian.com" ]	2014-02-11T00:00:00	<p><strong>Sam Jordison: </strong>Its apparently impassive descriptions of a heroin addict's life still lay out rights and wrongs pretty plainly</p>	en	https://assets.guim.co.u…e-touch-icon.svg	the Guardian	https://www.theguardian.com/books/booksblog/2014/feb/11/junky-william-burroughs-heroin-moral-reading-group	Early on in an interview with the Paris Review, William Burroughs speaks about the process of writing Junky and his thoughts on the end results: "I didn't feel compelled. I had nothing else to do. Writing gave me something to do every day. I don't feel the results were at all spectacular. Junky is not much of a book, actually. I knew very little about writing at that time." Personally, I read plenty of compulsion in this vivid catalogue of withdrawal and fix, scores and sales. It's a head-first and fully immersed plunge into the junk underworld, the people in it, the techniques of obtaining and taking drugs, of dodging jail and turning doctors. But perhaps we can take Burroughs at face value. Possibly he was just writing to battle boredom. After all, if you believe his account, he started taking heroin for similar reasons: "You become a narcotics addict because you do not have strong motivations in any other direction. Junk wins by default. I tried it as a matter of curiosity … " Where I would dare to argue with Burroughs is in the notion that Junky is not much of a book. A century after his birth, 60 years after first publication, it is more than holding its own. Its sharp, specific depictions of time, places and species of humanity seem more fascinating the more they recede into the rearview mirror. His prose has dated with the style and grace of the best film noir. There's period charm to his hard-boiled prose, clipped sentences and way with plosives ("Junk is not a kick"). But this writing still bites and scratches. To give a very literal example: The cat screamed and clawed me, then started spraying piss all over my pants. I went on hitting the cat, my hands bloody from scratches. The animal twisted loose and ran into the closet where I could hear it groaning and whimpering with fright. "Now I'll finish the bastard off," I said, picking up a heavy painted cane … It's apparently dispassionate, superficially funny – but essentially horrific. Burroughs walks the tightrope over these emotional chasms throughout the book, and barely puts a foot wrong. In his 1977 introduction, Allen Ginsberg wrote in his inimitable style: "It is a notable accomplishment; there is no sentimentality here, no attempt at self-exculpation but the most candid, no romanticisation of the circumstances, the dreariness, the horror, the mechanical beatness and evil of the junk life as lived." It's good, in short. Although, of course, "good" is hardly an apposite word to use with reference to Junky. The book remains so interesting, and still repays serious reading after all these years, partly because it lays down such challenges to conventional ideas of good and bad. Aesthetically it throws the pieces in the air, suggesting all the compulsions of art and sex and pleasure are easily forgotten when you measure out your life in spoons and needles. Morally, meanwhile, it isn't for the faint-hearted. He has taken a position in the darkness beyond the conventional lines and limits. Cat torture isn't the half of it. When Junky was first published (as Junkie), it came packaged in caveats and obfuscations to blunt the sharpness of its attack. It was sold in a back-to-back edition ("69'd," as Ginsberg neatly put it) with a book from a former narcotics agent, as if to rebalance the scales. It bore a subtitle implying moral turpitude: "Confessions of an unredeemed drug addict". It carried footnotes pointing out statements Burroughs made that weren't supported by "scientific" evidence. Its editor, Carl Solomons, also wrote a "worried introduction" (Ginsberg's phrase again) explaining: "From its very first lines, Junkie strips down the addict without shame in all his nakedness … There has never been a criminal confession better calculated to discourage imitation by thrill-hungry teens … His own words tell us that he is a fugitive from the law; that he has been diagnosed as a schizophrenic, paranoid; that he is totally without moral values." Worried indeed. And misleading. Burroughs "own words" also tell us that he wasn't schizophrenic, even if that was how he was diagnosed. Nor is it all "calculated" to discourage imitation, as Burroughs himself explained in a letter to Allen Ginsberg: I don't mean it as justification or deterrent or anything but an accurate account of what I experienced while I was on the junk. You might say it was a travel book more than anything else. It starts where I first make contact with junk, and it ends where no more contact is possible. Finally, while the narrator of this book may take a very different moral position from most of us, that doesn't make it amoral. Even though Burroughs may admit to torturing his cat, that doesn't mean he approves of it. The fact that he describes it in such chilling detail might even be taken to show that he doesn't. There's an even more upsetting scene in the book where Burroughs and a friend called Roy attempt to steal money from a sleeping "mooch". He wakes, fights back and so the narrator starts to hit him and when his friend tells him to "kick his head off", he kicks him in the side and hears his rib snap. Again, no judgement is made in the text beyond the fact that the horror of the beating makes his mouth go dry. But again, the fact that he deems the episode worthy of reporting is enough. It's quite possible to see these scenes as, as Homer Simpson says, "just a bunch of stuff that happened". It's possible to see self-excoriation and a condemnation of Burroughs himself, or of heroin, or criminalisation. But the major force of the book suggests that the real ass is the law. Would the narrator have committed crimes without the difficulties of maintaining reliable supplies; without the stigma, isolation and pressure of the outlaw life? Junkies do terrible things out of desperation throughout the book. But the authorities do worse, almost for fun. Burroughs doesn't ask us to like addicts, but he does ask us to look at the world through their eyes and see it anew: "Kick is seeing things from a special angle." Yes, that includes understanding that people like Burroughs have a life lived in the gutter and on the fringes. But it also helps us realise that the drug laws don't work in the interests of the average punter. At most, it becomes an all-encompassing metaphor for society and the means of control. Heroin has the narrator in its grip – but he isn't the only one who's lost control of his destiny. The outraged law is a far more dangerous, far crazier master than heroin, with few of its compensations. Is it better to accept the shackles of the status quo, or at least to live, as the narrator intends, with "momentary freedom from the claims of the aging, cautious, nagging, frightened flesh"?
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	75	https://dmrbooks.com/test-blog/2019/7/23/buzz-dixon-the-dmr-interview	en	The DMR Interview — DMR Books	http://static1.squarespace.com/static/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/59ffbed364265f6a40381e6b/5d3745b4bd912a0001fc652b/1563976829166/Buzz+Dixon+online+PR+photo+2015.jpg?format=1500w	http://static1.squarespace.com/static/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/59ffbed364265f6a40381e6b/5d3745b4bd912a0001fc652b/1563976829166/Buzz+Dixon+online+PR+photo+2015.jpg?format=1500w	[ "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/1600616185109-IBCDOLMA9WW4C7C24WK8/Website+Header.png?format=1500w", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/1563904425002-P5ATB9G81841KV0MYA5B/Buzz+Dixon+online+PR+photo+2015.jpg", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/1563904547555-0Z7T13A1D60XU67GZ0O6/Thundarr.jpg", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/1563905251607-HTP5DKXJYE86V0I57HYV/Penthouse+Comix.jpg", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/1563906393785-1HYRJ4NVMLOVXEX03X7S/dd%26dcover.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "D.M. Ritzlin" ]	2019-07-23T00:00:00	You may not be familiar with the name Buzz Dixon, but you’re definitely familiar with his work. Buzz has worked on everything from the Transformers and Dungeons and Dragons cartoons to Penthouse Comix! Since his novella “Q’a the Librarian” appears in the DMR Books anthology Death Dealers & D	en	https://assets.squarespace.com/universal/default-favicon.ico	DMR Books	https://dmrbooks.com/test-blog/2019/7/23/buzz-dixon-the-dmr-interview	Before you became a writer for cartoons, you’d written short stories. What genre were they? Were any of them ever published? I was a sci-fi / fantasy / horror fan from my early teens (even earlier if you count Famous Monsters and dinosaur comics), so almost everything I wrote fell in one of those genres. While I placed several articles in fanzines in the late 60s / early 70s, and reviews in pro & semi-prozines such as Science Fiction Review, Locus, and Cinefantastique, I hadn’t sold any fiction prior to being discharged from the Army in 1978. To make a very long story short, I came to L.A. with the intent of attending USC’s film school, looked for a job in the industry in order to get my feet wet while waiting for school to start, knocked on doors until I worked my way down to Filmation Studios and met Arthur Nadel, who was the live action producer there. Arthur was a wonderful, nice man and when he heard my background asked to see some of the stories I’d written. He recommended me to studio head Lou Scheimer and while I didn’t crack the live action field at that point, I did end up as a staff writer on their animated series. Never did make it to film school, however. You were one of half a dozen people listed in the credits for “story” for each episode of Thundarr the Barbarian. What was the writing process like? Did one person come up with a script and the others added their ideas to it, or was it a more collaborative process? Most animation studios at that time used “gang credits” for writers and storyboard artists. That’s to say everybody who worked on a show in a particular capacity got lumped together in the credits, regardless if you just sold a story idea (two or three paragraphs) or wrote several full scripts. Steve Gerber as the co-creator and story editor was the driving creative force in the writing department on that show, but as you note we also had Roy Thomas, Marty Pasko, Mark Evanier, Ted Pedersen, Chris Vane, Bill Wray, and Jeff Scott contributing to it, all of whom had extensive animation writing credits. The writing process was typically a group meeting with producer Joe Ruby and maybe the late John Dorman (head of Ruby-Spears’ storyboard department), and Jack Kirby (whom Steve Gerber persuaded Joe to hire to help design the look of the series; good call, if I say so myself). We’d kick around several story ideas, everybody chipping in suggestions, then we’d divvy them up among the staff writers (freelancers typically got to write at least the first draft script of any idea they pitched to Steve and sold). One time Jack came in with a sketch of a vehicle that would be seen in the background of one episode, an aircraft carrier flight deck lashed to a giant log raft. I took one look at it and said, “Oh, no, we’re not wasting this on a throwaway shot” and built an entire script around it, “Treasure Of The Moks”. You worked with Roy Thomas on both Thundarr and The Plastic Man Comedy/Adventure Show. What was it like working with the creator of the Conan comic books? Any funny or interesting stories you’d like to share? I had very little contact with Roy on Plastic Man; he was writing the main portion of the show and I was doing Mighty Man & Yukk segments (Mighty Man was a doll-sized superhero and Yukk was the world’s ugliest dog, a canine so hideous he had to wear a doghouse on his head or else wreak havoc on society). When Steve came on board, I got to meet a lot more of the comics creators through him. Roy and his wife Dann were animal lovers, and the house they had in San Pedro had been converted into a haven for small animals and birds. They removed the ceiling in the living room so it now extended up to the peak of the roof, and draped a large net to form a giant tube from floor to roof in which dozens of parrots, parakeets, and cockatoos could fly freely. They built an observation deck across the top of the roof you could reach via outside staircase, and converted their backyard into a near-jungle environment. They’re wonderful, sweet people and a delight to know. The Dungeons & Dragons episode you wrote, “Quest of the Skeleton Warrior,” seems to have struck a nerve with a lot of viewers. What sort of reaction were you hoping it would get? To be honest, the one we got! One of my frustrations in animation writing up to that point was that there was very little emotional weight to the stories we told. To use an extreme example, on a show like Super-Friends the Joker might steal the Eiffel Tower and Batman & Robin would have to get it back. I’d ask, “Who’s going to miss a meal if the Eiffel Tower is stolen? Who’s going to have their life significantly changed?” While I tried to have a little more emotional resonance to my Thundarr stories, it was still absolute good vs. absolute evil. When the Dungeons & Dragons show came along, I saw a chance to do a story with a little more depth, forcing our heroes to face their greatest fears, and an adversary who, while working for the bad guy, nonetheless possessed a rational and understandable reason for doing so. It was a great opportunity for me to stretch as a writer, and to my delight it did indeed strike a chord with many fans. Were you familiar with the D&D game before you wrote “Skeleton Warrior”? Why didn’t you write any more episodes for the show? I was aware of the game, and by that time had met Flint Dille, with whom I worked on a number of TSR related projects later. I forget the exact sequence of events, but I seem to recall I was one of the last writers to pitch to the show; in fact, it may have officially closed to pitches at that point but they let me come in based on my reputation and (to be honest) my working relationships with Mark Evanier (who wrote the pilot) and Michael Reaves (who story edited the show). A lot of people who later ended up at Sunbow working on G.I. Joe and Transformers first passed through Ruby-Spears and also the Dungeons & Dragons show, so those experiences were kind of a funnel for shaping the rest of my career. In general, how much creative leeway did you have? Did you have to butt heads with network executives or censors? It varied, and I had a reputation in the 1980s of being somewhat of a firebrand when it came to trying to push the envelope on shows. When we started work on the second season of Thundarr the Barbarian, we were told we’d have to tone the violence waaaaay down for the next batch of episodes. Joe Ruby fretted over this, realizing that would disappoint the show’s many fans. Based on my experience at Filmation (where CBS approved rotoscoped footage of Tarzan judo-throwing a guy in one season, then rejected the very same rotoscoping only with a different color costume in the next!), I told Joe we had to give them a season opener that was so crammed with over-the-top violence that no matter how badly they censored it, we’d still be left with an action packed show that we could point to in the future and say “You let us do that in the season opener.” “Who can we get to write that episode?” Joe asked, and every eye in the room turned to me… So I wrote “Wizard War”, a script so violent that even Joe Ruby blanched and said “We can’t send this in” and trimmed it before sending it out. Well, they did hack it to shreds, but as planned we kept the action level high enough to get us through the rest of the season. Steve Gerber edited the script and told me I was the only person he knew who could write a 45-page fight scene without repeating himself once. You wrote a couple episodes for the Garbage Pail Kids cartoon, which was infamous for being cancelled before it ever aired. Was the show as gross and outrageous as upset parents assumed it would be? Boy howdy! In the mid-‘90s you started writing for Penthouse Comix. Worlds away from what you’d done before! Were you sick of children’s cartoons, or did you just want to try something different? Another long and involved story, and I’ll try to keep it short. After Sunbow’s G.I. Joe and Transformers, I hit a serious lull in my career. A couple of projects I was slated for did not get off the ground, I was fired and subsequently blackballed at another studio for basically doing my job when the line producer had us sitting around twiddling our thumbs. I had a house to pay for, a family to feed, and when George Caragonne, an animation writer I knew who left L.A. with some mutual friends to crack comics publishing in NYC, sold the concept of Penthouse Comix to Bob Guccione, he called me up to come on board. I did so reluctantly, not really wanting to leave L.A., but needing the money (and Penthouse promised to pay me more than I’d ever made before in a single year). Unfortunately, in the intervening years between when I last saw George in L.A. and meeting him again in NYC, he’d gone from a big, goofy fun-loving huggable bear of a guy to a really dark and depraved individual fully consumed by his inner demons. He was a genuine bona fide drug fiend, literally. There was not a chemical he did not smoke / snort / drink / swallow / inject / or otherwise ingest. His weight ballooned up to 450 lbs., and with his drug buddies in the company (about 1/4 to 1/3 of the staff & regular contributors) he grew more and more unpredictable and dangerous. I describe my time there as a 90-day bathyspheric excursion into the bowels of hell. I realized somebody was going to end up in jail, in the hospital, or in the morgue and it wasn’t going to be me. I finally told him I liked him too much to stay until I started despising him, quit, and wished him good fortune. About ten days later he jumped off the top of the Marriott Marquis atrium, plunging 44 floors to his death. Out of all the cartoon episodes you’ve written, which are your favorites? “The Traitor” for G.I. Joe probably tops the list, followed by “Quest of the Skeleton Warrior” for Dungeon & Dragons, and "C Flat or B Sharp" for Tiny Toons. That was the weirdest story I ever wrote, at least in terms of format. I pitched it by saying “The Tiny Toons deliver a piano to the tune of Hungarian Rhapsody No. 2” and they bought the idea immediately. The problem came in how to write it so it fit the music. I bought an LP of the Franz Liszt composition and recorded myself describing the action in time to the music. They handed that tape to the animators who did the show based off that! I have to say there are two things about "C Flat or B Sharp" that irritate me to this day, however: First off, somebody goofed on the title card and ruined the joke; it was supposed to be “C Sharp or B Flat”. Second, it was selected by the L.A. Philharmonic to be shown with live musical accompaniment at a special concert at the Hollywood Bowl and nobody at Warner Bros. told me about it! Was it difficult to adjust from writing TV scripts to prose? Not really. You get to open up a little more of the interior landscape by describing what a character thinks or feels, but it’s still the same basic discipline. The biggest challenge is finding your “voice” in prose, a way of expressing yourself that comes across as natural and unforced. You can gravitate to the extreme loquaciousness of H.P. Lovecraft or the pure simplicity of Ray Bradbury, but it has to sound right for you. Your story “Q’a the Librarian” features wizards who sell their services as demon summoners, acting as middlemen between the demons and the customers who wish to make pacts with them. How did you come up with this idea? There’s a couple of cartoons floating around the Internet labeled “Conan the Librarian” showing Schwarzenegger in full Conan regalia sitting behind a modern library desk or something similar. I got to thinking, “Well, what kind of library would Conan work in?” Obviously, if set in a mythical ancient world it had to be something on the scale of the legendary Library of Alexandria. Why would a library need Conan? Well, if it’s a magic library they want somebody on hand to deal with any entities they might summon up that need putting down. Problem: Conan is trademarked. All the best known heroic adventure characters are, so I realized I needed to create my own. Since I didn’t want to do a flat out copy of Conan, I created a female barbarian character from the equivalent of sub-Sahara Africa: Q’a. When I started writing it, I thought it would be a fun little short story 2,500-3,000 words long, 3,500 tops. Instead it clocked in at 16,000+ and inspired an as yet unsold 29,000+ sequel! I’m planning at least two more novellas to finish off her story and possibly a stage play in which she and a party of travelers are trapped in a cave in a blizzard, only the cave is already claimed by a very unpleasant inhabitant… What new projects have you been working on lately? I have two Young Adult novels coming out soon, plus a mainstream social satire I’ve been working on for some time. This year I set a goal of trying to write one short story a week and while I haven’t always met that goal, I’ve got three dozen stories in circulation and so far this year have sold five (including “Q’a the Librarian”). The stories range from sci-fi to fantasy to horror to mystery to crime to just plain off the wall. Name one newer and one older book you have read and enjoyed recently. (“Newer” meaning from the past year or so, and “older” meaning written before 1980.) I’m reading Call Me Burroughs: A Life, by Barry Miles, a biography of William S. Burroughs, one of the legendary Beat Generation writers (I’ve long been fascinated with the Beats). For an older book, I recently re-read Dangerous Visions, edited by Harlan Ellison, and plan to be blogging about that at length. Any final words? “Zoo” and “zygote” (those are the final two words in the reverse dictionary I keep by my writing desk).
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"https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51M9NnHMN6L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51M9NnHMN6L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51l092oxcfL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51l092oxcfL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51M0RFD9R7L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51M0RFD9R7L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51G13NXQK3L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51G13NXQK3L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/41PRlMR454L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/41PRlMR454L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/517xzr6tT-L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/517xzr6tT-L._SL250_.jpg", "https://www.addall.com/images/bookcover.jpg", "https://www.addall.com/images/bookcover.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Editorial" ]	2022-03-24T20:23:12-07:00	The fascinating, and largely autobiographical, sequel to J G Ballard's prize winning 'Empire of the Sun', that follows Jim to post war England. 'The Kindness	en		Books In Order	https://www.addall.com/books-in-order/j-g-ballard/	Empire Of The Sun Books In Publication Order Standalone Novels In Publication Order Short Stories/Novellas In Publication Order Collections In Publication Order Non-Fiction Books In Publication Order Mervyn Peake Collections In Publication Order Anthologies In Publication Order Empire Of The Sun Book Covers Standalone Novels Book Covers Short Stories/Novellas Book Covers Collections Book Covers Non-Fiction Book Covers Mervyn Peake Collections Book Covers Anthologies Book Covers J.G. Ballard Books Overview Related Authors
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	22	https://www.sffworld.com/forum/threads/anthologies-best-ofs-and-historic-sf-collections.59500/	en	Anthologies, "Best Ofs" and historic SF collections.	https://www.sffworld.com…sffworld_box.jpg	https://www.sffworld.com…sffworld_box.jpg	[ "https://www.sffworld.com/img/sff_logo_small.jpg", "https://www.sffworld.com/img/sff_logo_small.jpg", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/0/591.jpg?1585496512", "https://3.bp.blogspot.com/-goKQwUIsF6k/TXnQb2yILoI/AAAAAAAAAxU/l14cdZYKTM8/s1600/fantasy_and_science_fiction_197910.jpg", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/0/591.jpg?1585496512", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/0/591.jpg?1585496512", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://pictures.abebooks.com/isbn/9780523000626-us.jpg", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/974e43a3544cb89b098818cb71c0e1be?s=96", "https://sciencefictionruminations.files.wordpress.com/2016/05/screen-shot-2016-05-10-at-6-32-23-pm.png", "https://i.redd.it/bebp73s6uiz11.jpg", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/0/591.jpg?1585496512", "https://www.sffworld.com/forum/data/avatars/m/49/49692.jpg?1607583051", "https://www.sffworld.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/810.jpg", "https://www.sffworld.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/patreon.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "pogopossum" ]	2023-01-31T00:00:00	Having looked at the Arbor collection of Great Sf Novellas, it occurred to me to start a discussion of classic collections. Rules: There aren't any. I will...	en	/img/sffworld_box.jpg	Science Fiction and Fantasy World	https://www.sffworld.com/forum/threads/anthologies-best-ofs-and-historic-sf-collections.59500/	Having looked at the Arbor collection of Great Sf Novellas, it occurred to me to start a discussion of classic collections. Rules: There aren't any. I will post what seems to be of interest - to me. My fond wish is that anyone taking the time to glance at the thread will do the same. Disagreements, additions, comments, reactions, statements of personal interest, will add to what I hope might be a conversation. When I did a miniscule bit of investigation I was overwhelmed by others comments, lists and actual research on historic publications. I have published a grand total of one academic paper on SF. This ain't really in depth research. collections So. What I will post about is what seem to me to be classic, both single shot and some best of the year series. To get things started, Adventures in Time and Space Hardcover – 1957. Healy & McComas Republished by the Book of the Month Club, I found it in my living room when I was twelve. I struggled through it, opening new worlds. Since then I have learned that it was ground breaking, not only as a pub to the non SF world. but for the quality of the stories. Heinlein, Stuart, Campbell, Harry Bates, and a plethora of familiar and forgotten authors. The Best Science Fiction Stories Bleiler & Dikty. 1949 through 1954. The title changed to include "Novels" in 55. for another three years. So essentially it was a nine year series. I was not familiar with this in my youth. Bumped into them while looking for Judith Merrill anthologies some years ago. Interesting as a precursor to later greats. More later. The Blieler/Dikty was, as far as I can determine, the first published series to cover individual years. Each volume contains a rundown of the SF year plus an index of everything published that year. If you are interested in what was in each volume, you will find links in the Wikipedia entry for T. E. Dikty. He and Blieler were enmeshed in the field. He was married to Julian May. Who, I discovered, was the first woman to chair a Worldcon (10th, 1952) way before she was known as an author. It does not go back as far as another series, Before the Golden Age. ed by Isaac Asimov. The Asimov gives coverage of stories written in the 30s by stalwarts such as Edmond Hamilton, Clifford Simak, Jack Williamson and others. The first volume came out in 74'. A continuing series edited by the good doctor and Martin Greenberg Isaac Asimov Presents The Great SF Stories 1 (1939)(pub. in 79) starts a 25 book sequence that with it's overall coverage includes what is (I think) is the most impressive collection under one aegis. Book 1 starts with I Robot, which in his intro, Dr Asimov points out, is not by him, but by "Eadndo Binder" a pair of brothers well known in the field. A paragraph penned by one or both of the editors, gives a chatty introduction to each of the stories. Of particular note is that Marty Greenberg edited hundreds of collections, often with a name author, making him, I believe, one of the three great Sf anthologists. It would be difficult to overstate the importance of the above mentioned Adventures In Time and Space. To recapitulate, not only its wide distribution, but the quality of the stories by authors such as Heinlein, Asimov, Kuttner, van Vogt, Campbell, it captured the imagination of fan and non fan alike. HERE is a Wikipedia link with a list of the stories. Before Adventures, starting in 1947 with, The Best of Science Fiction, Groff Conklin published several large hardcovers, each including 40 or so stories. Best ---(1946), Treasury of Science Fiction (1948), The Big Book of Science Fiction (1950), Omnibus of Science Fiction (1952). Huge and substantial, they were published by Crown, for $2.95 (!!!) each. I own three of them, and it is notable that two of mine were reprints under different titles. As you would expect, the books contained stories by all of the then current authors, although Conklin was not above throwing in a (very) few classic stories by Poe and others. HERE is a fan article about all of the Conklin anthologies. To ignore the general comments, scroll down and you will find a complete list of all of his books' contents. After his huge compilations, Conklin published dozens of other collections, well into the 60s. One that I remember with affection was 50 Short Science Fiction Tales (1953) (with I. Asimov). Browsing back through my copies I was struck by their stories' quality. There are stereotypes about scientists, women (who are mostly ignored) and frequent GEE, GOSH, WOW reactions by characters as action develops, but, perhaps due to my age, I found them fun and straightforward at a level not practiced by most of today's sophisticated authors. Next? Judith Merril. The Year's Best Science Fiction and Fantasy (1956-1968). Judith Merril published her first Science Fiction story in 1948. Merril was highly thought of as an author, receiving plaudits from luminaries such as Groff Conklin, Tony Boucher, Francis McComas and others. For several years she was book editor for the Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction and edited a number of anthologies before her epochal series. But it is for her Best series that she is mostly remembered. Later she drew back from most participation in American publishing due to her move to Canada in opposition to the Vietnam war. Merril was a member of the Futurians along with Fred. Pohl (who she briefly married), Cyril Kornbluth, Damon Knight, Isaac Asimov, Donald Wollheim and a bunch of others. Not only did her cohorts become famous in the field, but within a decade of the group's founding, members thereof were editing more than half the SF mags being published. At first a pb original, pub by Dell and then published in limited hardcover edition by Gnome Press & then in pb. by Dell, the series received huge praise from both inside the field and pubs. that included the NYT as the best Best out there. HERE is a link to vol. 1 (1955). And HERE is a general link to all of Merril's collections, with contents links. Copyright dates and vol. nos. distinguish different years albeit not clearly. The Internet Speculative Fiction Database will also give you slightly more difficult access to the stories in the collections. Notably volume's one's introduction is by Orson Welles. What I like about her series is that every SF author that you ever heard of from the period is represented. Also many, many that you have not. But she does not stop there, Volumes have pieces by authors such as Howard Fast, William Burroughs, and Lawrence Durrell. Also a few cartoons by Jules Feiffer and one by WALT KELLY!!! (If you don't know him, look up my name.) Poems by Tuli Kupferberg. There are a few thought pieces about writing. Most volumes have summaries of the year in SF written by Merrill, a few by Anthony Boucher. But the strong majority of the books are stories from SF periodicals. So if you want to know what was going on, find copies. And here is a list of stories anthologized by Merril, blatantly ripped off from a thread that I started elsewhere. The Golem - Avram Davidson The Hoofer - Walter M. Miller, Jr. One Ordinary Day, with Peanuts - Shirley Jackson The Country of the Kind - Damon Knight Silent Brother - Algis Budrys Stranger Station - Damon Knight Prima Belladonna - J. G. Ballard The Anything Box - Zenna Henderson The Fly - George Langelaan Now Let Us Sleep - Avram Davidson The Edge of the Sea - Algis Budrys The Prize of Peril - Robert Sheckley The Yellow Pill - Rog Phillips Casey Agonistes - Richard McKenna Space-Time for Springers - Fritz Leiber Or All the Seas with Oysters - Avram Davidson The Handler - Damon Knight Flowers for Algernon - Daniel Keyes A Death in the House - Clifford D. Simak The Sound Sweep - J. G. Ballard The Man Who Lost the Sea - Theodore Sturgeon I Remember Babylon - Arthur C. Clarke Mine Own Ways - Richard McKenna Old Hundredth - Brian W. Aldiss The Ship Who Sang - Anne McCaffrey A Planet Named Shayol - Cordwainer Smith Seven-Day Terror - R. A. Lafferty The Face in the Photo - Jack Finney Such Stuff - John Brunner The Man Who Made Friends with Electricity - Fritz Leiber Kings Who Die - Poul Anderson A Miracle of Rare Device - Ray Bradbury All the Sounds of Fear - Harlan Ellison Puppet Show - Fredric Brown Home from the Shore - Gordon R. Dickson Bernie the Faust - William Tenn Fortress Ship - Fred Saberhagen They Don't Make Life Like They Used to - Alfred Bester The Faces Outside - Bruce McAllister Eight O'Clock in the Morning - Ray Nelson Hot Planet - Hal Clement Drunkboat - Cordwainer Smith A Rose for Ecclesiastes - Roger Zelazny The Terminal Beach - J. G. Ballard The Last Lonely Man - John Brunner Slow Tuesday Night - R. A. Lafferty Eyes Do More Than See - Isaac Asimov The Circular Ruins - Jorge Luis Borges The Drowned Giant - J. G. Ballard Traveller's Rest - David I. Masson The Cloud-Sculptors of Coral D - J. G. Ballard Light of Other Days - Bob Shaw When I Was Miss Dow - Sonya Dorman An Ornament to His Profession - Charles L. Harness Narrow Valley - R. A. Lafferty The Winter Flies - Fritz Leiber The Star Pit - Samuel R. Delany It includes some of my favorite stories ever. The collection was my introduction to Cordwainer Smith, William Tenn, Avram Davidson (or was that in F&sf? been a long time), with reintroductions to a host of other favorites. Next up? There are many collections thematic, original (The Star series ed, by Fred, Pohl comes prominently to mind). Instead of going there (feel free to do so everyone.) I thought that I would mention another one of the many "Bests" series. This one started shortly before the last volume of Merril's and since the initiator was a friend or long term acquaintance, I suspect that was not a coincidence. I noticed this when I was pulling my Merrils off the shelf. Donald Wollheim was a seminal presence in Science Fiction. He was the moving presence in the founding of the Futurians and one of the first to establish a presence in mainstream book publishing, first at ACE and then by founding DAW books. Quoting from Wikipedia, " "Robert Silverberg said that Wollheim was "one of the most significant figures in 20th century American science fiction publishing," adding, "A plausible case could be made that he was the most significant figure—responsible in large measure for the development of the science fiction paperback, the science fiction anthology, and the whole post-Tolkien boom in fantasy fiction." - "Wollheim also helped develop Marion Zimmer Bradley, Robert Silverberg, Avram Davidson, Fritz Leiber, Andre Norton, Thomas Burnett Swann, Jack Vance, and Roger Zelazny," He convinced the owner of ACE to go into SF. For 20 years he oversaw their SF publication including the invention of the Ace doubles. I could go on about his hugely influential career, but the Wikipedia HEREdoes an excellent job. Relevant to this discussion, he started a 7 year best of series for ACE, co-edited by Terry Carr, with World's Best Science Fiction 1965. HERE is a link to the volumes and the stories. He continued that series after leaving ACE to start his own publishing house, with 19 years of the Annual worlds Best SF (1972-1990) Here is a link to those volumes and their contents. It is not easy to get chatty about the contents. I still pull one or another of the volumes off the shelf when the mood strikes, Unfortunately I usually read a familiar author, missing the many who are less familiar. But the wealth of stories is staggering. Hardly any commentary about the state of SF in the volumes. I had to look at several to find any, Did not notice much that diverged from the standard magazines, with the addition of a few from men's skin mags that published a bit of SF. But the stories! The obvious anthology for the best or most recognized stories would be The Science Fiction Hall of Fame, Vols 1, Two A, and Two B. Voted by the Science Fiction Writers of America, ed by Silverberg (Vol. 1) (short stories) and Ben Bova (vols 2A & B) (novellas) Although they are all time greats, a quick browse of the indices had all six of the stories written between 1940 and the 1960s parameters.The selection vote was for stories from before 1966, the start of the Nebula annual series. The problem with the collections is that the stories are TOO well known (and you probably have the books anyway) HERE is the wikipedia for vol 1 with the stories. And HERE is the link for IIA & IIB. Personally I have enjoyed collections specific to various magazines. When a grabbed a few from the shelf I realized that I hadn't looked at them in decades. So I have to admit that my recommendations are based on somewhat distant memories. Unknown Worlds: Tales from Beyond. ed by Stanley Schmidt and Martin Greenburg The stories are from the 1939- 1943s. Not surprisingly the list of authors looks like the same old same old. A lot of the stories will be familiar. Here's the LINK Galaxy: Thirty Years of Innovative Science Fiction. eds. Pohl, Greenberg & Olander. 7 of the stories are post 60s. Here's the LINK Prologue to Analog. ed. by Campbell. Stories from 1953-61. Glancing at the contents page I do remember it as being not quite as much fun as the others. But it has an intro by Campbell and is illustrative of that editors very influential style. LINK The Best From Fantasy and Science Fiction. A Special 25th Anniversary Anthology. ed. by Ed Ferman. I am pushing it with this one, as two of the six stories are from the 70s. But it is a marvelous book. Each of the six stories is followed by an appreciation of the author's work and then by a bibliography.Judith Merril writes about Theodore Sturgeon and Fritz Leiber. William Nolan about Ray Bradbury.L. Sprague De Camp about Isaac Asimov. Gordon Dickson about Poul Anderson. Robert Lowndes about James Blish. The bibs seem complete, through the 60s, each taking about five pages (except Asimov which includes non-fic. His takes eight) Here's the LINK The Unknown Worlds is the only one that really gets into the 40s. For more you have to go to the Asimov Greats series mentioned at the start of the thread or Blieler/Dikty. or other collections. I own few, any more. Suggestions? I could list the stories from this F&Sf that are among my favorites ever, but - - - What's with but? I like and remember others. but my all star list includes from this issue - - - Fondly Fahrenheit • (1954) • novelette by Alfred Bester And Now the News ... • (1956) • novelette by Theodore Sturgeon Flowers for Algernon • (1959) • novelette by Daniel Keyes A Canticle for Leibowitz • [Saint Leibowitz] • (1955) • novelette by Walter M. Miller, Jr. Through Time and Space with Ferdinand Feghoot (F&SF, October 1979) The Women Men Don't See • (1973) • novelette by James Tiptree, Jr. "All You Zombies ..." • (1959) • short story by Robert A. Heinlein Jeffty Is Five • (1977) • short story by Harlan Ellison The Gnurrs Come from the Voodvork Out • [Schimmelhorn] • (1950) • short story by Reginald Bretnor Ararat • [The People] • (1952) • novelette by Zenna Henderson We Can Remember It for You Wholesale • (1966) • novelette by Philip K. Dick The Quest for Saint Aquin • (1951) • novelette by Anthony Boucher Aw hell. I like the others too. Read em all. I would have listed this compilation, but it somehow got dumped when I gave away 9/10ths of my collection. Thank you Mark. I have a hodgepodge of pb best of the year collections, In addition to the three series that I highlighted above, Numerous authors have taken a stab at pulling collections together. These include Lester del Rey, Terry Carr, Harry Harrison, Robert Silverberg, Frederick Pohl, Brian Aldiss, David Hartwell and Gardner Dozois. I am probably missing others due to to the unsystematic way that I bought them. Dozois went on from continuing a Lester del Rey series for ACE,. to his epochal 1984-2018 collections for St. Martins which won the Locus prize for best anthology approx. 20 times and was runner up another ten. Even without the Dozois, these comprise a truly intimidating set of stories. Not surprising since "Best" series have multiplied since Judith Merrill got out of the business in 68. In an entirely unsystematic survey I arbitrarily picked a story from each of the volumes that I own (excepting the Dozois), not favoring familiar names, not avoiding them. (I start with which ever story is on page 100) Two or three were real clunkers. Another 22 were well worth the reading. I shouldn't be surprised as these were "Bests" collections, right? Still striking as tastes change. An added fillup is the discussions by the editors. Read a bunch. More on that later. Any series that struck you over the years? Or collection? Or tendency? Fred Pohl's Star six volume series (53-59) was probably the earliest. There were of course many others. In addition to the above aforementioned Silverberg and Bulmer/Carnell series, Terry Carr did a 17 vol. Universe (1971-81) set., Harry Harrison did a four volume series, Nova (1970-74). I am sure that there were other short lived anthology series. Doing a minimal bit of research. it seems that the most impactful was Orbit. In his intro to the eighth annual Best Science Fiction of the Year, Gardner Dozois lists 19 highly respected authors who were either introduced in the series or who did "Their best work" there. Of course this was as of way back in 79' but it includes Kate Wilhem, Ursula Le Guin Johanna Russ, Tom Disch and a wealth of others. The SFDB differs,, pointing out that Carr's Universe as the most impactful, it having won six Hugo or Nebulas for its authors over the period of it's existence. The real point of this is, to me. that anthologies published once a year were responsible for as much expansion and quality in the field as the great bulk of contemporaneous SF mags. edit: I should have mentioned New Dimensions, (1971-) 10 volumes editer by Robert Silverberg (two more by Marta Randall) Again. , Chock full of great original stories and prize winners. Posting on this thread made me look at my shelf where, I picked up an old anthology, ed by Damon Knight. The stories are dated but original in their time. Enjoying the re-read. Perhaps it's Knight's taste, but I appreciate that humour seems more common in classics. Here are the stories: Introduction (First Contact) • (1971) • essay by Damon Knight First Contact • (1945) • novelette by Murray Leinster Doomsday Deferred • (1949) • short story by Murray Leinster [as by Will F. Jenkins] The Hurkle Is a Happy Beast • (1949) • short story by Theodore Sturgeon Not Final! • [Jovians • 1] • (1941) • short story by Isaac Asimov The Blind Pilot • (1960) • short story by Nathalie Henneberg (trans. of Au pilote aveugle 1959) [as by Charles Henneberg] The Silly Season • (1950) • short story by C. M. Kornbluth Goldfish Bowl • (1942) • novelette by Robert A. Heinlein [as by Anson MacDonald] In Value Deceived • (1950) • short story by H. B. Fyfe The Waveries • (1945) • short story by Fredric Brown In the Abyss • (1896) • short story by H. G. Wells Above, Hobbit mentioned a classic magazine anthology, I mentioned the impact that Adventures in Time & Space had on me. There are literally hundreds of SF works edited by Greenbug, Knight, or Silverberg without even getting into the hundreds (thousands?) of other editors' anthologies and collections. Anyone want to mention ones that had impacts due to quality or when you read them? edit: In addition there are single author collections, tribute anthologies, thematic anthologies, the aforementioned annual best series (I gave up trying to track them down when I got up to 30 different ones. I listed what seemed to be the most important early ones above), anthologies from specific magazine sources, retro series of bests from specific past years, and, I am sure, other types. Again, I wonder if other collections of sf moved you in the past. As part of my ongoing reviews of New Worlds Magazine over at Galactic Journey (just reviewed March 1968) I've read all of these stories. I will be very surprised if readers like everything - I certainly didn't! - but that may be the point. They are very different to what was in the US magazines at the time, although Harlan Ellison's anthology Dangerous Visions is pretty close - and IMO not always successful - but they certainly make you think. More allegory, less spaceships. And these 2 anthologies are a pretty good summary of what was going on there at the time.
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https://platform.vox.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2024/07/2571_D038_00298RV2_CROP_641680.jpg?quality=90&strip=all&crop=2.5833608451634%2C0%2C94.833278309673%2C100&w=1440 1440w, https://platform.vox.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2024/07/2571_D038_00298RV2_CROP_641680.jpg?quality=90&strip=all&crop=2.5833608451634%2C0%2C94.833278309673%2C100&w=1920 1920w, https://platform.vox.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2024/07/2571_D038_00298RV2_CROP_641680.jpg?quality=90&strip=all&crop=2.5833608451634%2C0%2C94.833278309673%2C100&w=2048 2048w, https://platform.vox.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2024/07/2571_D038_00298RV2_CROP_641680.jpg?quality=90&strip=all&crop=2.5833608451634%2C0%2C94.833278309673%2C100&w=2400 2400w" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Sean Illing" ]	2018-02-19T00:00:00	4 trips in 4 days was the best — and worst — thing I’ve ever done.	en	/static-assets/icons/favicon.ico	Vox	https://www.vox.com/first-person/2018/2/19/16739386/ayahuasca-retreat-psychedelic-hallucination-meditation	When I finally puked on the fourth night, I felt an odd sense of pride. Inside the loud, stuffy ceremony room, people were laughing, crying, chanting, gyrating, and, yes, vomiting, around me. When my time finally comes, I think: Just aim for the bucket and keep your ass above your head like the shaman told you. I try to wipe my face but can’t grab the tissue paper because it melts every time I reach for it. Nearby, a man starts to scream. I can’t make out what he’s saying on account of the shaman singing beautiful Colombian songs in the other room. I finish vomiting and start crying and laughing and smiling all at once. Something has been lifted in this “purge,” something dark and deep I was carrying around for years. Relief washes over me, and I slowly make my way back to my mattress on the floor. For four consecutive nights, a group of 78 of us here at a retreat center in Costa Rica have been drinking a foul-tasting, molasses-like tea containing ayahuasca, a plant concoction that contains the natural hallucinogen known as DMT. We’re part of a wave of Westerners seeking out ayahuasca as a tool for psychological healing, personal growth, or expanding consciousness. I flew to Costa Rica hoping to explode my ego. And I was not prepared for what happened. Ayahuasca turned my life upside down, dissolving the wall between my self and the world. I also stared into what I can only describe as the world’s most honest mirror. It was a Clockwork Orange-like horror show, and it was impossible to look away. But I saw what I needed to see when I was ready to see it. Ayahuasca exposes the gap between who you think you are and who you actually are. In my case, the gap was immense, and the pain of seeing it for the first time was practically unbearable. An ayahuasca boom Ayahuasca remains a fringe psychological medicine, but it’s slowly working its way into the mainstream. Until fairly recently, you had to travel to South America if you wanted to experiment with the plant, but now ayahuasca ceremonies are popping up in the United States and Europe. Indigenous people in countries like Colombia and Peru have been brewing the concoction for thousands of years, mostly for religious or spiritual purposes. It’s considered a medicine, a way to heal internal wounds and reconnect with nature. It wasn’t until 1908 that Western scientists acknowledged its existence; British botanist Richard Spruce was the first to study it and write about the “purging” it invokes. He was mainly interested in classifying the vines and leaves that made up the magic brew, and in understanding its role in Amazonian culture. Ever wonder how your mind works? Watch The Mind, Explained, our 5-part miniseries on the workings of the brain. Available to stream now on Netflix. Ayahuasca emerged again in the early 1960s with the counterculture movement. Beat writers like William Burroughs, Allen Ginsberg, and Jack Kerouac all described their experiences with ayahuasca, most famously in Burroughs’s book The Yage Letters. Scientist-hippies like Terence McKenna and Timothy Leary then went to South America to research and experience the drug firsthand. All of this helped bring ayahuasca into Western culture, but it was never truly popularized. Today, the tea is having a bit of a moment. Celebrities like Lindsay Lohan, Sting, and Chelsea Handler have spoken about their experiences with it. “I had all these beautiful images of my childhood and me and my sister laughing on a kayak, and all these beautiful things with me and my sister,” Handler told the New York Post after her first ayahuasca trip. “It was very much about opening my mind to loving my sister, and not being so hard on her.” Handler’s experience appears to be common. The scientific evidence on ayahuasca is limited, but it is known to activate repressed memories in ways that allow people to come to a new understanding of their past. In some cases, it helps people work through memories of traumatic events, which is why neuroscientists are beginning to study ayahuasca as a treatment for depression and PTSD. (There are physical and psychological risks to taking it as well — it can interfere with medication and exacerbate existing psychiatric conditions.) What I was looking for My interest in ayahuasca was specific: I wanted to cut through the illusion of selfhood. Psychedelics have a way of tearing down our emotional barriers. You feel plugged into something bigger than yourself, and — for a moment, at least — the sensation of separation melts away. Buddhists, cognitive scientists, and philosophers have all made persuasive arguments that there is nothing like a “fixed self,” no thinker behind our thoughts, no doer behind our deeds. There is only consciousness and immediate experience; everything else is the result of the mind projecting into the past or the future. But this is a difficult truth to grasp in everyday life. Because you’re conscious, because it’s like something to be you, it’s very easy to believe that a wall exists between your mind and the world. If you’re experiencing something, then there must be a “you” doing the experiencing. But the “you” in this case is just an abstraction; it’s in your mind, not out there in the world. One way to escape this trap, I hope, is to get the hell out of my head I spent about five years as a philosophy graduate student and another few as a teacher. I understood these arguments in intellectual terms but not in experiential terms. I’ve tried meditating, and I’m terrible at it. My mind is a parade of discordant thoughts, and as a result, I’m rarely present — in conversations, during meditation, in daily life. One way to escape this trap, I hope, is to get the hell out of my head. There are many ways to reach the truth of non-selfhood. Think of it as a mountain peak, with meditators and certain spiritual traditions ascending different sides. Psychedelic drugs offer a kind of shortcut; you get a glimpse of this higher truth without all those years of serious, disciplined practice. That shortcut is what I was after. Night 1: dread The approach at this retreat center, called Rythmia, is all-encompassing. During the day they pamper you with all the luxuries of a wellness retreat — massages, volcanic mud baths, organic food, yoga classes, colonic cleanses. Then at night, you drink ayahuasca and put yourself through emotional and physical hell. One of the first things I was told is that I had to enter the ayahuasca ceremony with a clear goal or question in mind: What do you want to learn about yourself? The trained facilitators who led the ceremonies recommend that you begin with a simple request: Show me who I’ve become. The question implies that at some point you lost yourself, that when you were a child, your soul was pure, open, uncorrupted by culture. As you enter society, you lose that childlike love for the world. You start to judge yourself by external standards. You compare yourself to friends, neighbors, and peers. You develop an ego, an identity, and your well-being becomes bound up with these constructs. Do I really want to see what I’ve become? I’m pretty sure I won’t like the answer. There’s nothing new about these ideas, but they strike me as true all the same. So I decide to focus on self-discovery. It’s now 5:15 pm, and the first ceremony starts in 15 minutes. I’m terrified. “Do I really want to see what I’ve become?” I keep asking. I’m pretty sure I won’t like the answer — almost no one does, it seems. The doors open, and all 78 of us here for this week-long session pour into the ceremony room, called the “flight deck.” The room is big, divided into three sections, and there are two bathrooms on each side. It’s dimly lit, and mattresses are lined up on the floor against the walls. The beds are only a few inches apart. At the foot of each mattress is a roll of toilet paper and a blue or red bucket. I pounce on the first mattress I see; it’s near the door and just a few feet from the bathroom. I feel safe here. To my right is Chad, a photographer from Ontario who looks as nervous as I am but somehow seems more prepared for this. To my left is a giant window that opens to a view of the courtyard. The stuff is nasty, like a cup of motor oil diluted with a splash of water There’s a nervous collective energy. Almost everyone here is doing ayahuasca for the first time, and we’re all scared shitless. They announce the first call to drink, and I make my way to the front of the line. One by one, we take our cups, silently reflect on the intention for the evening, and then drink. It’s my turn to drink. The stuff is nasty, like a cup of motor oil diluted with a splash of water. I throw it back like a shot of cheap bourbon. We’re instructed to sit up and lean against the wall after the first cup. The tea takes at least 30 minutes to work its way through the body. I sit quietly for 45 minutes, maybe an hour, and then I lie down on my mattress and wait. Nothing happens. I feel a little dizzy but nothing overwhelming. I go outside, walk around a bit, feel my feet in the grass. Then they announce a call for the second drink. I remember the mantra here: “Drink, don’t think.” If you can hear the call, if you can move your body, you drink. So I awkwardly drag myself out of bed and head to the front for a second cup. About 30 minutes pass, and I start to feel ... strange. I can see colors, shapes, and shifting shadows on the wall. I’m nervous that something is about to happen, so I go outside and gather myself. I settle in one of the hammocks and stare at the stars. Suddenly the stars start to spin in a clockwise direction. Then a little faster. Then, for reasons that escape me, I start yelling at the moon. So it goes, for what feels like an hour or two. I keep hurling those two questions at the heavens but get no answers, no insights, just silence and spinning. I walk back inside and collapse in my bed. For the rest of the night, I see sporadic visions of geometric figures, a few flashes of light, but that’s about it. Then one of the assistants starts to ring a gentle bell. It’s 2 am, and it’s time to close the ceremony. Night 2: “Don’t fight the medicine” The next day I realize why I had no great revelations on the first night. I couldn’t let go. I thought I was prepared for the trip, but anxiety got the better of me. As soon as I thought something — anything — was about to happen, I tried to think myself out of the experience. Tonight will be different. I’m going to stay in the moment, stay with my breath, and see what happens. The facilitator is Brad, a kind, aggressively tanned guy from Indianapolis who was trained in ayahuasca by a tribe in Peru. The facilitators play an important role each night, even though there isn’t much one-on-one interaction. They set the tone, guide the ceremony, explain where the medicine came from and how it works, and they assist the people who need it throughout the night. Brad tells us to let go and give in. “Don’t fight the medicine,” he says. “Just listen.” It’s cooler tonight, but there’s a warm breeze rolling through the room. Most of the people around me are scribbling last-minute notes in their journals; others are sitting stoically waiting for the first call. I take my first drink around 7:30 pm, though I can’t know for sure because phones and electronics are shut down as soon as you enter the flight deck. My intention is the same as it was the first night: Show me who I’ve become. I can tell quickly that this will be different. It’s 30 or 40 minutes after the first drink, and already my senses are overwhelmed. Every time I open my eyes, the space around me starts to fold, kind of like what Einstein describes in his theory of relativity. But it also looks like a tightly woven spider web, and when I move my hand it starts to bend. Before I know it, they make the call for a second drink. “Don’t think, drink,” I keep telling myself. So I stumble to the front and drink another cup. Then things get weird. All of a sudden, Andrea has 40 or 50 yellow snakes gushing out of her mouth and into mine I roll onto my right side and see Andrea, a woman from Toronto, struggling to vomit. Brad, the facilitator, had said the Peruvian and Columbian tribes that use ayahuasca see purging — vomiting, diarrhea, crying, laughing, and yawning — as a vital part of the healing the drug brings. When you purge, you’re expelling all the nastiness — the stress, the anxieties, the fears, the regrets, the hatred, the self-loathing. All of a sudden, Andrea has 40 or 50 yellow snakes gushing out of her mouth and into mine. And then I’m immediately racked with the worst nausea I’ve ever experienced. First I curl up in the fetal position and then I spring onto all fours and try to puke. But I can’t get it out. I stay on my knees for another five or 10 minutes waiting for something to happen. Nothing. Then I lie back down, roll onto my left shoulder, and am flooded with a resounding message for the rest of the night: It’s not about you! Andrea’s pain and suffering — the snakes — had passed into me, and that was the whole point. For the rest of the night, maybe another three hours or so, I lie there thinking about how selfish I often am, and about the symbolism of the snakes. The feeling was so powerful that I started to cry. (Side note: people cry a lot on ayahuasca.) The next day, Andrea tells me that she never managed to purge but that her nausea suddenly disappeared, after which she drifted into a peaceful half-sleep. I don’t know if that occurred around the time I saw those snakes, but the thought of it kept me up that night. I’m not bothered by the thought of taking on her pain; it’s the whole wild scene — the snakes, the nausea, the visions. I can’t explain any of it and yet it was unshakably authentic. Night 3: making love to my wife for the first time — again I’m halfway through this thing, and so far it’s not at all what I expected. I still haven’t had to confront my past in the way I anticipated I would. The third ceremony is led by two women. The facilitator is Abby, a young, quietly authoritative woman from Cincinnati who’s assisted by Kat from Montana. Both trained in Peru. Abby begins by telling us that tonight is about the feminine spirit. “It’s a celebration of creation,” she says, “of birth and renewal.” The idea is calming. I strike up a conversation with the guy next to me. His name is Brad and he’s another Canadian, a publisher from Toronto. This is his second trip to Rythmia, and he tells me that he plans to sell his business after this. “My whole identity is tied up in that,” he says, and “I don’t want that anymore.” Before I can respond, there’s the first call to drink. The brew is thicker tonight, and it tastes like wax and vinegar. It hits hard and fast. I am hallucinating within 20 or 30 minutes. I see myself floating in my mother’s womb, suspended in fluids and flesh. And then I see her life — it’s not quite like a movie; it’s more like a series of flashing visions that are just clear enough to resonate. I see her pain, her confusion. I see how hard it was for her to have me at 20 years old, and how little I’d thought about that. I see her and my father, in a college apartment, wondering what the hell they’re going to do next. I realize how fucking terrified I would have been in that spot at that age. A wave of compassion washes over me; whatever resentments I was holding on to drop away. Then the call for a second drink comes. I drink, walk outside, and then go right back to bed. The scene shifts and I’m floating in what I assume is a kind of primordial soup. I think I’m a vibrating particle now, and string theory suddenly makes sense in a way I could never explain (I suck at math). Abby starts to sing songs called icaros, which are performed in ayahuasca ceremonies throughout the Amazon. I sink deeper into a trance. My mind is speeding, and my body is frozen stiff. But a calm takes over me, and I start to smile and laugh. I start to see every moment of our relationship in which she reached out to me and I missed it I roll back onto my right side, and suddenly I see my wife’s face. I relive the first time we made love. We’re in college near a lake on campus. I can see our bikes behind us, the water in front of us, the blanket beneath us, and the grass all around us. I can smell the air. I relive this moment, understanding finally what made it so special. There was no ego. I wasn’t an isolated “I,” a separate person with a separate consciousness. The feeling, I imagine, isn’t much different from what advanced meditators experience when their sense of self disappears. You simply have no awareness of anything but your body and the moment. But then the vision turns dark. I start to see every moment of our relationship in which she reached out to me and I missed it. I see her asking me to go to a meditation class, and I decline. I see her pause to ask me to connect at the peak of a mountain after a long hike in Boulder, Colorado, and I shrug it off. I see her ask me to go dancing at a show near our apartment, and I watch myself mindlessly decline. I see myself stuck in my own head, my own thoughts, my own impulses. And I see the disappointment on her face. I see her see me miss an opportunity to reconnect. Then I relive all those moments again, and this time I see myself do or say what I should have done or said. And I see the joy on her face. I see it so clearly that it hurts. I see how much time I wasted, how much love I withheld. I’m crying again, this time even louder, and the smile on my face is so big that my jaw hurt the next day. And I think about how I’m going to look at my wife when I get back home, and how she’ll know I’m seeing her — really seeing her — for the first time all over again. Then the bells start to ring, and it’s time to close the ceremony. Night 4: the most honest mirror you’ll ever see I knew the fourth night would be rough when I saw the ayahuasca brew (each night it’s a slightly different recipe from a different tribe or region or tradition). It was so thick and oily that you couldn’t drink it. Instead, you had to force it down like paste. The shaman, an Israeli man named Mitra, tells us that it was a 5,000-year-old recipe taken from one of the oldest Amazonian tribes in Colombia, where Mitra was trained. He’s tall, with a shaved head and an assured demeanor. He looks like he could demystify the cosmos and dunk a basketball at the same time. I see how much time I wasted, how much love I withheld This final ceremony is longer than the rest. Normally, we gather around 5:30 pm and finish by 1 or 2 am. This time we meet around 7:30 pm and don’t finish until sunrise the next day. Mitra hands me my first cup, and I fall back to my mattress. I think it’s maybe half an hour before I slip into what I can only describe as the most vivid lucid dream. I watch my entire life unfold as though it were projected on a movie screen. But it wasn’t my whole life; it was every lie, every counterfeit pose, every missed opportunity to say or do something true, every false act and ingratiating gesture, every pathetic attempt to be seen in a certain light. The highlight reel is way longer than I imagined. I see myself as a child groveling for attention from the “popular kids.” I see my 12-year-old self throwing a tantrum in the mall because my dad wouldn’t buy me the Nautica shirt that all those popular kids were wearing. I see myself in high school pretending to be something I was not, and I see all the doubts piling up inside me. I see all the times I self-censored purely out of fear of judgment. I see myself building my identity based on what I thought would impress other people. On it went — one trivial act after another building up an edifice of falsehood. I should note how unpleasant it is to see yourself from outside yourself. Most of us aren’t honest with ourselves about who we are and why we do what we do. To see it so clearly for the first time is painful. The movie rages on into college and adult life, with my self-consciousness expanding. I see myself not looking into the eyes of the person I’m talking to because I’m playing out all the ways they might be judging me. I see myself pretending like my hair wasn’t thinning years ago and all the times I tried to hide it. And every time, the reason for posing was the same: I cared too much about what other people thought. The experience made me aware of how often we all do this. We do it at home, at work, at the grocery store, at the gym. Most interactions are either transactional or performative. No one wants to make eye contact, and most of the time people freak out if you really try. We’re too self-conscious to listen. We’re thinking about what we’ll say next or how we’re being perceived. All the posturing destroys any chance for a genuine connection. The movie ends, and I’m exhausted. The meaning of the previous two nights is clearer now. I needed to feel small and connected before I could appreciate the absurdity of self-involvement. I had to relive those fleeting moments of union to see what made them so transcendent. And I had to go straight through my shame and regret to get beyond it. When the ceremony finally ended, I sat up in my bed and starting scribbling notes to myself. Before I could finish, Mitra walked up to me and asked how I was doing. I tried to explain what happened, but I couldn’t. He just kneeled, put his hand on my head, and said, “Happy birthday.” The day after I leave the retreat center around 11 am on Saturday to board a shuttle to the airport. With me are three people from my group. One of them is Alex, a garrulous guy from London. I think he’s in his mid-30s, though I can’t recall. He’s got this dazed look on this face, like he just saw God. His eyes are on fire with excitement, and he’s already planning his next visit. “When are you coming back?” he asks me. “I don’t know,” I say. He doesn’t quite believe me. Everyone, he assumes, is coming back, either here or to some other place like this. I’m still processing what happened; the thought of the next “trip” hasn’t even occurred to me yet. In four nights, I feel like I let go of a lifetime’s worth of anger and bitterness We reach the airport, say our goodbyes, and then part ways. I’m standing in line waiting to go through customs, and I’m surprised at how relaxed I am. The line is long and slow, and everyone around me is annoyed. But I’m moving along, passport in hand, smiling for no particular reason. Typically, I am one inconvenience removed from rage. Today is different, though. When a loud man rolls his heavy suitcase over my open toe, I shrug it off. Brief encounters with strangers like that are pleasant; the awkwardness is gone. I’m not in my head, and so things aren’t happening to me; they’re just happening. It’s probably too much to say that my ego was gone — I don’t think it works like that. But seeing myself from a different perspective offered a chance to reassert control over it. People say that a single ayahuasca trip is like a decade of therapy packed into a night. That’s probably an overstatement, but it’s not altogether wrong. In four nights, I feel like I let go of a lifetime’s worth of anger and bitterness. What now? At the time of this writing, I’ve been home three weeks. The ecstasy I felt in the days immediately after the trip has worn off as I’ve slipped back into my regular life. A tension has emerged that I still don’t quite understand. I’m happier and less irritable than I was when I left. The tedium of everyday life feels less oppressive. Part of the reason is that I’m less anxious, less solipsistic. I really do find it easier to see what’s in front of me. But there’s something gnawing at me. I want to go back to Costa Rica, and not for the reasons you might expect. Forget about the ayahuasca, forget about the tropical vistas, forget about all that. This experience was possible because a group of people came together with a shared intention. That creates an emotional intensity that’s hard to find elsewhere. Every person looks right at you, and you look right back. But real life isn’t like that. I ride the Metro to work every day, and lately I’ve tried talking to random people. It’s a lot harder than you think. Do you pay a price for taking this kind of shortcut? A man sat across from me the other day wearing a Tulane hat (from the university in New Orleans). I used to live in the area, so I looked at him until he looked back, assuming I’d strike up a conversation. But once we locked eyes, I could sense his agitation and we both turned our heads. Nothing weird or hostile — just clumsy. I’ve spent years making an heroic effort to avoid awkward exchanges, so I get it. But I’m honestly worried that in a few weeks or months, I’ll be that guy again. And in retrospect, this whole journey will feel like a brief holiday of awareness. I asked my wife the other day if I seem different to her after the trip. She said that she always felt like she had to force me to offer my attention, especially in those quiet, simple moments, and that now I give it freely. I do find it easier to listen since I returned, and it’s amazing what a difference that can make. I keep thinking about this idea that a night of ayahuasca is like a decade of therapy. Do you pay a price for taking this kind of shortcut? Are the effects short-lived? Maybe. I know it’s hard to be in the world without being of the world. And the world is a lonely place full of lonely people. You can’t change that, but you can change your orientation to it. In my case, psychedelics made that a little easier. And what of the self and the ego? I believed these things to be illusions before I took ayahuasca, and now I’m certain that they are. But what does that actually mean in day-to-day life? Not as much as it should. The ego might be a fiction or a construct or whatever you want to call it, but the sensation of it is near impossible to shake. Even after taking what is arguably the most powerful ego-dissolving medicine on the planet, I still live in a world that reinforces the story of me all the time. There’s no easy way around all that. I don’t know what life will be like in six months or a year, but I think ayahuasca was the greatest thing that has happened to my marriage. It wasn’t about becoming a better person; it was about appreciating the role my wife — and other relationships — play in my life. I had to escape my head to see that. Now that I’ve had some time to think about it, I’d say ayahuasca is the best and worst thing I’ve ever done. I spent a week staring down all my bullshit and all my insecurities and it was totally liberating. But it was also terrifying and not something I want — or need — to see again. A question worth asking: If you looked into the world’s most honest mirror, what would you see? Editor’s note: this story was originally published on February 19, 2018.
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	0	98	https://www.facebook.com/jamajournal/videos/mentored-by-a-madman-the-william-burroughs-experiment/10155052128843341/	en	World-renowned Parkinson's Disease researcher Andrew Lees explains the outsize influence of William S. Burroughs, the postmodern novelist, science...	https://scontent.xx.fbcd…LFxA&oe=66A8E19F	https://scontent.xx.fbcd…LFxA&oe=66A8E19F	[]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	World-renowned Parkinson's Disease researcher Andrew Lees explains the outsize influence of William S. Burroughs, the postmodern novelist, science...	de	https://static.xx.fbcdn.net/rsrc.php/yT/r/aGT3gskzWBf.ico		https://www.facebook.com/jamajournal/videos/mentored-by-a-madman-the-william-burroughs-experiment/10155052128843341/
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	59	https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/2018/01/29/la-legado-vivo-with-l-l-soares/	en	La legado vivo! With L.L. Soares!	https://neparacoolmondo.…/51akt1p5apl.jpg	https://neparacoolmondo.…/51akt1p5apl.jpg	[ "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/13174206_1009838235759979_1817627589225287144_n.jpg?w=240&h=300", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/41vfa0-8g2l.jpg?w=217&h=326&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/515tdfl-b6l.jpg?w=217&h=326&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/81bky45p1tl.jpg?w=218&h=326&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/51akt1p5apl.jpg?w=217&h=326&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/51nsrvsa1ol.jpg?w=211&h=326&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/51dd0ux4yel.jpg?w=546&h=820&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/518qtvnyv5l.jpg?w=546&h=820&ssl=1", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/cinema-knife-fight-front.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/llsoareslogo1-760x200.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/bridwell-monster.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/lovecraft_sarnath.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/famousmonsters.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/ballard-crash.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/dangerousvisions.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/9780451075802-us.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/bugjackbarron.png?w=1100", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/ballard_highrise.jpg?w=548&h=824&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/91ekvzuuq8l.jpg?w=544&h=824&ssl=1", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/miller_tropicofcancer.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/bukowski_hamonrye.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/moore_sagaofswampthing.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/thompson-killer-550.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/thompson-savagenight.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/books-of-blood.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/sammon-splatterpunks.jpg?w=1100", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/garton-livegirls.jpg?w=524&h=850&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/ketchum_girlnextdoor.jpg?w=568&h=850&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/mcdowell-blackwater-theflood.jpg?w=357&h=593&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/norton-abomination.jpg?w=366&h=593&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/gates_grimmmemorials.jpg?w=365&h=593&ssl=1", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/cormier_tenderness.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/dudar_requiem.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/saunders-tenthofdecember.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/gordon_girlinaband.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/11712-0.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/jackson-hauntingofhillhouse.jpg?w=1100", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/sturgeon-morethanhuman.jpg?w=1100", "https://0.gravatar.com/avatar/91731406f45cbb75aa5b78e967bb2490201139261c86dd50a093e72c742cf6c2?s=80&d=identicon&r=G", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/cropped-16864309_10211517057618021_3031331733818865510_n2.jpg?w=50", "https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/cropped-16864309_10211517057618021_3031331733818865510_n2.jpg?w=50", "https://pixel.wp.com/b.gif?v=noscript" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Ryan Lieske" ]	2018-01-29T00:00:00	L.L. Soares is the Bram Stoker Award-winning author of the novel Life Rage, which was published by Nightscape Books in the fall of 2012. His other books include the short story collection In Sickness (with Laura Cooney) and the novels Rock 'N' Roll, Hard, and his latest book, Buried in Blue Clay, which came out…	en	https://neparacoolmondo.…5510_n2.jpg?w=32	Nepara cool mondo	https://neparacoolmondo.wordpress.com/2018/01/29/la-legado-vivo-with-l-l-soares/	L.L. Soares is the Bram Stoker Award-winning author of the novel Life Rage, which was published by Nightscape Books in the fall of 2012. His other books include the short story collection In Sickness (with Laura Cooney) and the novels Rock ‘N’ Roll, Hard, and his latest book, Buried in Blue Clay, which came out in 2017 from Post Mortem Press. He has written dozens of short stories, most recently for the anthologies Zippered Flesh 2: Yet More Tales of Body Enhancements Gone Bad!, edited by Weldon Burge and The Forsaken: Stories of Abandoned Places, edited by Joe McKinney and Mark Onspaugh. He also co-writes the horror movie review column Cinema Knife Fight. To keep up on all his endeavors, go to www.llsoares.com. RYAN LIESKE: What is the first book you remember reading, or having read to you? L.L. SOARES: I remember in grammar school, there was this book club where kids could order books every few weeks. I don’t remember getting too many, but one I just had to have was something called How to Care for Your Monster. That’s the first book I remember wanting to buy, wanting to have, as a kid. RL: What is the book that sealed your fate as a lifelong reader? LLS: I remember being obsessed with Lovecraft in eighth grade, and Ballantine Books had just come out with a series of books of his short stories. The first one I remember getting was The Doom That Came to Sarnath and Other Stories. I still have it. Lovecraft was definitely a gateway drug when it came to becoming a lifelong reader. I still enjoy Lovecraft, but not to the degree that I did back then. I think I appreciate his concepts and ideas (e.g., a hierarchy of ancient gods and his own mythology) more than his writing style now. But back then, I was just a sucker for the worlds he created. RL: A lot of people tell me that, even if they were a voracious reader as a child, it was their middle-school and high-school years that had the most impact on the reader they are today. Would you say this is true for you? LLS: The first thing that really grabbed my imagination as a kid was movies. I was obsessed with old movies, especially horror movies. The first time I saw the 1931 Frankenstein with Boris Karloff, that was it. So, a lot of my early reading was books about monster movies. That led to getting Famous Monsters of Filmland magazine as soon as I discovered it. I tried to get it regularly. Then, fiction-wise, it was Poe and Lovecraft in middle school, then I got into science fiction. That’s when I really started to read voraciously. I think it began with H.G. Wells and then I branched out to more modern writers like Isaac Asimov, Fritz Leiber, Theodore Sturgeon, Frank Herbert, A.E. van Vogt, Philip Jose Farmer, and several others. In fact, I wrote letters to many of these writers (mailed to the care of their publishers), and several wrote back to offer advice and kind words, which was exciting and inspiring. I also got heavily into comics at this time. I had been reading comics earlier, mostly the monster-oriented stuff, or The Incredible Hulk or Man-Thing (which were both sort of monsters). Early on, I gravitated to Steve Gerber, who was writing Man-Thing, and The Defenders, and he wrote the great satirical comic Howard the Duck (which was completely ruined in the movie version – they jettisoned everything that made the comic great). Gerber was experimental and used metafiction before it had a name, and was so different from everyone else writing comics at the time. He was definitely an influence. In high school, I discovered Harlan Ellison and really got hooked. I just loved his “voice” as a writer. That’s when I discovered the whole “new wave” of science fiction, which is definitely my favorite subgenre. People like Ellison, Norman Spinrad (Bug Jack Barron was my favorite novel for a long time), Michael Moorcock (the Elric and Jerry Cornelius books, especially), John Brunner, Brian Aldiss, Barry N. Malzberg, Joanna Russ, and J.G. Ballard, who was a huge inspiration because he straddled the fence between sf and more “transgressive” literature, with novels like Crash (probably my favorite novel of all time, now). Another big milestone for me was when I discovered the anthology Dangerous Visions, edited by Ellison. What an amazing book! From fairly early on, I was drawn to two kinds of fiction, genre fiction (mainly horror and science fiction) and transgressive fiction which sought to break taboos and boundaries. And Dangerous Visions (and Again, Dangerous Visions) achieved both of these goals, although most of the stories seem pretty tame now. RL: What was it about taboo-breaking that particularly appealed to you? And can you talk more about Bug Jack Barron? I’m not familiar with that book. Why was it your favorite for so long? And what is it about Crash (a personal fave of mine, too) that makes it your favorite? LLS: I’ve just always liked art that tries to break down boundaries, that takes risks. In art, I don’t think there should be limitations, for the most part, and I was just always drawn to that sort of stuff. Part of it is the thrill of transgression. Bug Jack Barron takes place in a not-too-distant future, and it’s the name of a TV show. Jack Barron is the host, and the point is to call in and “bug” him, to give him a reason to fight against something, usually some social injustice. He takes on all comers and has big ratings, and then the powers that be find a way, they think, to get him under their thumb, via a new medical treatment that results in immortality. I really liked the world Jack Barron lives in, which, for the most part, is just as relevant now as it was in 1969, when the novel came out. The book has a strong counterculture vibe, and there are little details like the fact that you can pick up a pack of marijuana cigarettes at the equivalent of the Seven Eleven, and the way the book treats sex is very natural and comfortable, that makes it all work. The main struggle is inside Jack, whether he’ll maintain his integrity or if he’ll sell out to the Man. It was one of my favorite novels of the whole sf “new wave” of the time. As for Crash, I really like the way Ballard presents us with a group of people who are obsessed with car crashes, the whole sexualization of automobiles, and the character of Vaughn, who is the charismatic leader of the cult, who the narrator, Jim Ballard, comes under the spell of. It just works on so many levels that it transcends genre, creating a genre all its own. That’s around the same time period he was writing some of his most seminal speculative fiction novels, like Concrete Island and High-Rise, all from the early-to-mid 70s. His work had a big impact on me when I first became aware of him. An impact that endures. RL: Speaking of this time period, were you one of those kids who went rogue from the curriculum and read whatever you wanted, sometimes even ignoring what was assigned to read altogether? LLS: Well, I guess if there was a curriculum, then I’d read those books. I was always open to new stuff and wanted to discover writers I hadn’t read before. But there was a whole alternate curriculum of my own that I was reading at the same time. The stuff that really mattered to me. RL: What are some standouts from your alternative curriculum? And was there anything from the school curriculum that you really loved that has stuck with you, and why? LLS: Well, we’re already talking about books that would be part of that “alternative curriculum.” As for school curriculum books that stuck with me, there were great ones like 1984, Watership Down, Kafka’s The Metamorphosis, Lord of the Flies, books like that, that stood out. RL: Reading is inherently a solitary activity, so did your reading life ever supersede or cause conflict with your social life growing up? Were you more apt to hide out in the library at school, or stay home on a Saturday night to read a book? LLS: I was an only child, so I had a lot of solitary time, which I’d spend watching old movies or reading. So, it didn’t really cause a conflict. I was never a very social person—I related to adults more than other kids my age, and the friends I did have, the friendships usually started because of shared interests (they were as much into horror movies and comic books and books as I was). While I didn’t have a lot of friends as a kid, the friendships I had were pretty strong. I’d spend a lot of time in my room as a kid. This was way before the Internet, so I’d be watching a tiny black and white TV or reading. On a Saturday night, I’d most likely be staying up late watching creature features, or, in the mid-70s on, watching Saturday Night Live in its earliest days, which I was a huge fan of. RL: And then comes college. What new books, literary styles, or genres were you exposed to in college? LLS: In college, I finally got a copy of Henry Miller’s Tropic of Cancer after hearing about it for so long, and that opened a new kind of door. Also, the Beat writers: Jack Kerouac, Ginsberg, William S. Burroughs. Burroughs was the one who struck the loudest chord, and the one I stuck with. His “writer’s voice” was so unique, so powerful, and often very funny. And he transcended the Beat movement, to influence so much else, from writing to music to movies. I guess you could call this period my immersion in more straightforward transgressive literature. I’d include Charles Bukowski to that list. I hadn’t heard of him until the movie Barfly came out, and then I was obsessed. Another writer with a very strong, fearless voice. I was much more attracted to writers who faced taboos head-on and who broke barriers. Of course, writers like Ballard and Ellison, who I found earlier, fit right in with this group as well. Comics were a big deal at the time, as well. This was when Frank Miller was writing and drawing Daredevil for Marvel, and then The Dark Knight Returns for DC, the series that made him a superstar. This was also the time when Alan Moore was writing Swamp Thing, which was in essence a really well-written horror series, rather than a superhero comic, and then he became huge with Watchmen. A very exciting time for comics—suddenly there was a group of really terrific writers and artists. Neil Gaiman not long after. People like Moore and Gaiman showed me you could write comics and still write stuff that’s literary, for lack of a better word. Later, it was Garth Ennis (Preacher!), Warren Ellis, and Grant Morrison. And even after college, I continued to explore, tried to find more writers that I’d enjoy, regardless of genre. For example, I found James Ellroy back when L.A. Confidential (the book) came out, and got drawn into crime fiction. I became a huge Jim Thompson fan – his very dark crime fiction is just amazing, and often had surreal elements. And writers like Raymond Chandler, Charles Willeford, Patricia Highsmith, John D. MacDonald, James Sallis, and Elmore Leonard. What made me kind of drift away from science fiction and totally embrace horror again was Clive Barker’s Books of Blood series. He was big in England at the time, and just catching on over here, so I got into his stuff early on. I have a couple of the British editions. Barker was another one who straddled the fence between genre fiction and the transgressive. I also remember finding a lot of horror writers I liked through Paul M. Sammon’s Splatterpunks anthologies in the 90s, which I liked a lot. These were mostly reprints, as opposed to Ellison’s Dangerous Visions books, where the stories were new to the volumes. But, once again, these were stories that were transgressive, and a perfect way to pull me completely into horror fiction. I discovered a whole bunch of horror writers to embrace, like Ray Garton, Joe R. Lansdale, Skipp and Spector, Poppy Z. Brite, David J. Schow, T.E.D. Klein, Richard Laymon, Jack Ketchum, Dennis Etchison, Lucy Taylor, Karl Edward Wagner, Kathe Koja, Edward Lee, and so many more. Amazing writers all. A few other books that really stood out for me were Abomination by Michael C. Norton (what an amazing book, I know of only one other novel Norton wrote, Blizzard, which is also excellent. I really wish he’d written more stuff); I Am Legend by Richard Matheson, which is such an important classic; Grimm Memorials by R. Patrick Gates, which is incredibly dark stuff; the Blackwater books, which were originally released as six short paperback novels, by the great Michael McDowell, a dark family saga that takes place over many years in a small town in Alabama, which would make a great TV miniseries; and anything you can find by a writer named Tom Reamy, who wrote some amazing short stories (and one novel, Blind Voices) and then died way too soon, his collection San Diego Lightfoot Sue and Other Stories is especially terrific. RL: Talk to me about your first bookstore experiences. LLS: As a kid, I used to go to the mall (the North Dartmouth Mall in Dartmouth, MA) a lot and to the Walden Books there, mostly hanging around the science fiction center. I don’t live anywhere near there now, and doubt that the store even still exists. There also was a place called Dwyer’s News Service, where I used to get comic books. This was before there were specialty stores that sell nothing but comic books. RL: Did you find, as you grew older, that the books of your youth began to mean less to you? Or do you still enjoy all the types of books you’ve been exposed to throughout your life? Are there certain authors, genres, or books that make you cringe remembering how you used to love them? LLS: Nothing that really makes me cringe. I never real gravitated toward YA literature (something I’m actually trying to correct now, going back and reading writers like S.E. Hinton and Robert Cormier), and kind of jumped into books for adults early on, I never really went through a period where I read stuff I would later regret. RL: Which book by Cormier did you particularly like? I’m a huge fan of Fade. LLS: One time the writer John McIlveen (who wrote the great book Hannahwhere) gave me a Cormier book called Tenderness. He’d just read it, and wanted to pass it on, and it really surprised me, really made me want to seek out other stuff by him. It’s about a girl who runs away with a psychopath. After that, I went back and read The Chocolate War, which I’d never read before, and I Am The Cheese. RL: How has your reading life survived adulthood? LLS: I’d say that nowadays the main place I read is on the train, commuting to work, in the morning and on the way home at night. So, I always find time to read. And whenever I leave the house, I pretty much always have a book (or my Kindle) on me. Whenever I have to stand in line, or just about kill time in any capacity, I prefer to do it with a book. RL: Currently, what types of books are you mostly drawn to? LLS: There are a lot of really good writers working in horror now who deserve to be sought out, people like Bryan Smith, Gene O’Neill, Peter N. Dudar, Mercedes M. Yardley, Michael Louis Calvillo, J.F. Gonzales, Nate Southard, Kurt Newton, Brian Keene, and Paul Tremblay, just to name a few, But while I write mostly horror, I more often read outside of the genre than in it. Lately, I’ve been going back and forth between newer fiction (often mainstream or literary fiction) like George Saunders, Roxanne Gay, and Carmen Maria Machado (there’s a real renaissance going on in short story collections lately) and older, “classic” stuff that I have been meaning to read, like Philip Jose Farmer’s Riverworld series. There also seem to be a lot of memoirs by rock n’roll musicians lately, especially from the punk scene of the 70s and 80s, so I’ve been reading several of those, too. Music is another thing I’ve been heavily into since high school. RL: Any of those memoirs that particularly stand out? LLS: I read Kim Gordon’s book Girl in a Band, about her life, and her time in the great band Sonic Youth, which I liked a lot, and Steve Jones’ book, Lonely Boy: Tales From a Sex Pistol. I was totally immersed in punk rock growing up, and it’s kind of interesting to go back at those days now. Although it’s an older book, I really enjoyed Legs McNeil’s classic, Please Kill Me, about the early New York punk scene and CBGB’s. I also enjoyed Lizzy Goodman’s recent book Meet Me in the Bathroom: Rebirth and Rock and Roll in New York City 2001-2001, about a lot of cool bands that started in the early 2000’s, like the Strokes, LCD Soundsystem, and Interpol. RL: How do you share your love of books with others? Do you buy books for people, loan them out? Are you a part of any book clubs? LLS: I don’t tend to loan books out, and I don’t belong to book clubs. But I do try to promote books that I’ve enjoyed, try to spread the word on social media. RL: Do you have any horror stories about books you did loan out that came back in less than satisfactory condition, which is why you no longer do it? LLS: I once lent an ex-girlfriend an early paperback of Fritz Leiber’s first novel Conjure Wife. It was a collector’s item, one of the first printings, but I didn’t think much of it at the time, and I never saw it again. I wasn’t going to let that happen again. RL: I’m one of those people who reads several books at a time. I’ve been called a “reading polygamist.” Are you? Our are you pretty monogamous when it comes to reading? LLS: I try to read one book at a time, focus on one thing. But that can differ based on things like, can I get a seat on the train (I often can’t), and is it difficult to open up a hardcover book while I’m standing, being squished in a crowd? Would it be easier to pull out my Kindle, so I don’t have to hold a bulky book or physically turn pages? Things like that may lead to me reading more than one book at a time, via different media. RL: This one could apply to all art, really, but in terms of writing, what are your thoughts on “genre?” Ultimately, do you think genre labeling even matters? Does it matter to you? LLS: I guess genre matters in that—if you like a particular theme or sensibility, then it makes it easier to find more things like that. I don’t necessarily hate genre categories, nor do I love them. I try to be pretty eclectic with what I read (and what kinds of music I listen to). But labels don’t really bother me. RL: Are you a physical copy person, or do you prefer other ways of “reading” books, such as e-books or audio? LLS: I don’t know if physical books will always be around, but I think they’ll be around a lot longer than a lot of people predicted. There’s just something pleasurable about a physical book. It’s a simple delivery system that works. For the longest time I resisted reading ebooks. I had a Kindle but never really used it. Then I finally took the plunge, and wondered what I was so resistant to. Reading is reading. While I prefer a physical book, I learned the hard way (by moving apartments, etc.) how much of a pain in the ass it is to have a lot of books. A Kindle can hold hundreds of books in one place and takes up very little space. I can appreciate that. RL: Do you take a book with you wherever you go? LLS: As I mentioned earlier, yeah, I bring a book wherever I go. There’s no point in waiting in a line, or on a train or a bus, or in a waiting room, and just sit there. That’s the perfect time to be reading. RL: Do you collect books? Have shelves laden with them? Why is it important to you to have a collection of books in your home? LLS: Yeah, I have way too many books, and bookcases overflowing with them. For a while I collected signed hardcover editions of books, but it got to be too expensive, and the books took up too much room. I think the whole “comic book collecting” thing also influenced me a lot, putting comics in mylar bags to keep them in good condition. So, I had the collector’s mentality from an early age. But I’m not as gung ho about collecting as I used to be. RL: What are your favorite books of all time, and why? LLS: A few of my all-time favorite books would be: J.G. Ballard’s Crash Shirley Jackson’s The Haunting of Hill House and We Have Always Lived in the Castle. Just about everyone reads her short story “The Lottery” in school, and it’s great, but her novels are wonderful. I just think she’s one of the best writers of all time. Jim Thompson’s The Killer Inside Me and Savage Night—Thompson was just such a unique talent. And so dark. Almost nothing works out well for his protagonists. Jack Ketchum’s The Girl Next Door—just a powerful, disturbing book. William S. Burroughs’ Naked Lunch and Nova Express—Burroughs has such a singular voice, and his stuff is insane. Charles Bukowski’s Factotum and Ham on Rye—Another writer whose voice is just addictive. Fritz Leiber’s Our Lady of Darkness—the best of his novels, and he wrote so many great novels. And he was so good in so many different genres – horror, fantasy, science fiction. Harlan Ellison’s Deathbird Stories and The Beast That Shouted Love at the Heart of the World: Stories—I could have chosen just about any of his collections. All his stories are terrific. And those intimate introductions he writes are as compelling as his fiction. Philip Jose Farmer’s A Feast Unknown—one of the more experimental science fiction writers of his time. This book features a confrontation between characters who are thinly-veiled versions of Tarzan and Doc Savage, two of the great pulp heroes, with a surreal and very sexually explicit story line. Writers like him and Sturgeon and Leiber pushed the genre in a much more adult direction. Theodore Sturgeon’s More Than Human—probably my favorite science fiction novel of all time, and the first time I really became aware of the concept of “mutants.” I could go on. There are lots and lots of “favorite” books. I’m sure they’ve all had some kind of influence on me, either as a writer or a person. Even the bad books have some kind of effect. RL: Have you ever read a book that made you cry? If so, which one(s) and why? And, have you ever read a book that truly, deep down in your soul or psyche, disturbed you or went too far and made you not want to finish it? If so, which one(s) and why? LLS: No, I haven’t ever read a book that made me cry. I read a few that made me laugh out loud, especially books by David Sedaris. I don’t think I’ve read a book that “went too far.” I remember feeling that Jack Ketchum’s The Girl Next Door was pretty intense, and packed a wallop, but certainly not in a way that made me want to stop reading. I actually don’t mind feeling disturbed or uncomfortable. I think good horror should make you feel that way sometimes. The only time I haven’t finished a book is when something just doesn’t click with me at all, or if something is boring. I used to always read a book to the end, no matter how long it took. It was almost a compulsive thing. But, like a lot of people, I find as I get older that I just don’t have the time or the patience to stay with a book I’m not enjoying. I have no problem closing a book and putting it away unfinished now. There are so many other books I want to get to. I don’t have time to waste on something that’s not bringing me pleasure. RL: Lastly, just for fun, what is the one book—be it a widely lauded classic, or bestselling popular phenom—do you find absolutely unreadable? LLS: I can’t think of the last time I read something that I truly hated. I’ve been pretty lucky about what I read, finding stuff I know I’ll probably enjoy. I don’t come across many clunkers, because I read about a lot of books before I actually get them, and I can tell if it’s something I want to read. It’s not often that I just try something blindly without knowing a little something about it beforehand. I don’t go out of my way to read books that are popular, that everyone else is reading. I seek out stuff that I know that I’m going to like. Life’s too short. I read books that I want to read—and there are plenty of them. FIND L.L. SOARS ONLINE: OFFICIAL WEBSITE
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	1	17	https://www.smashwords.com/interview/Ernestohogan	en	Smashwords – Interview with Ernest Hogan			[ "https://dwtr67e3ikfml.cloudfront.net/static/1/swlogo.png", "https://dwtr67e3ikfml.cloudfront.net/avatars/31136addErnestohogan" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	/static/img/swlogo57x57.png		null	Interview with Ernest Hogan Published 2013-11-02. Do you remember the first story you ever wrote? I actually started drawing stories, then went on to doing comics. When I got my first typewriter I wrote, "The Day the Lawn Revolted" in which a boy used his lawnmower to save the world of an alien life force that was making his lawn grow out of control. There may have been earlier prose experiments, but I don't remember any details. What is your writing process? I'm always being hit by ideas, like sniper's bullets. I'll scribble some notes, start a computer file, start working. Since I work for a living, I'm always running the gauntlet of being constantly interrupted, so it there's no telling how long it will talk me to finish something. If I think it has a good chance of selling to a particular market, I can get something done pretty fast -- but if it's just a weird story that I'm enjoying noodling around with, it could take me years. I'm always walking around with stories growing in my brain, which can be dangerous. How do you approach cover design? I try to create something that will snag eyeballs, and interest people in reading -- and buying -- the book. I'm an artist, so it allows me to stretch those muscles, and I can talk myself into working cheap. I keep in mind that an ebook cover is usually seen thumbnail-size, so it has to "read" at a small size. I also try to come up with something that doesn't look like every other cover out there, and will stand out. What are your five favorite books, and why? In so particular order, and subject to change without notice: FEAR AND LOATHING IN LAS VEGAS by Hunter S. Thompson. I keep re-reading it. There's something about the whole gonzo journalism thing that appeals to me. I use that technique in my own writing. I like that way it isn't really a story, and only seems to have a plot the way a surrealist painting fools you into believing the impossible. THE CALIPH'S HOUSE by Tahir Shah. Anything by Shah is great. His nonfiction reads like excellent fantastic fiction, but are also grounded in reality. They will have you rethinking everything. And they're fun. CALIPH'S HOUSE is one of the best books about living in the post-9/11 21st century. It weaves the warring world together, and is where we all live now. NAKED LUNCH by William S. Burroughs. The badass book of the 20th century. Narrative itself is torn apart. It takes you incredible places, and it turns out a lot of is real. And kids, don't try this at home! MUMBO JUMBO by Ishmael Reed. The Great American NeoHoodoo Novel. Reconstructs what Burroughs tore apart. Ishmael Reed is the father of Postcolonialism, Afrofuturism, and all the other isms that are about to turn genre fiction upside down any day now. Is that revolution in the air? DANGEROUS VISIONS edited by Harlan Ellison. Throw in AGAIN, DANGEROUS VISIONS for good measure. Those books changed my life, opened up my mind to possibilities of what writing and speculative fiction could be. It also made me a rampaging monster in high school. And set me on the crazy course that my life too. Teen dystopia fans, ya wanna see something really scary? What do you read for pleasure? Make mine weird. None of this cozy, routine, just-a-good read stuff for me. It can range from nonfiction about things I'm curious about, to antediluvian pulp fiction. Recently, I've enjoyed WITCHCRAFT IN THE SOUTHWEST by Marc Simmons, MUSICA TEJANA by Manuel Peña,THE COMANCHEROS by Paul Wellman, THE QUIXOTE CULT by Genaro Gonzalez, ALL SHOT UP by Chester Himes, AFRO-6 by Hank Lopez, and THE SPACE MERCHANTS by Frederik Pohl and C.M. Kornbluth. What is your e-reading device of choice? I had a iPod touch, but it died. I'm saving my pennies of a new one. Meanwhile, I can always read on my desktop. What book marketing techniques have been most effective for you? It's hard to tell what works, so I keep trying. I blog, do Facebook and Twitter, go to conventions. Lately, I've learned that sometimes taking it easy, and coming off as a human being works better than a constant blitz of BUY MY BOOKS! BUY MY BOOKS! BUY MY BOOKS! The ain't no sure-fire instructions to follow. And one thing I'm sure about, doing what "everybody" tells you to do, usually doesn't work. Check me out on Facebook and Twitter, or mondoernesto.com, and my Chicanonautica column every second and third Thursday at labloga.blogspot.com. If something works, or doesn't, I'll mention it! Describe your desk A magnificent art deco monster that gathers notebooks, reference materials, electronic gadgets, dust, and takes all the abuse I heap on it. Where did you grow up, and how did this influence your writing? I was born in East L.A., and grew up in West Covina, California. I'm a Chicano even though I have an Irish name that I share with the father of ragtime. While I was still in the womb, my parents took me the grand opening of Disneyland. After Eastlos, W.C. was like something out of Ray Bradbury's THE MARTIAN CHRONICLES, with healthy does of Philip K. Dick, and Frank Zappa. Some people can't tell my nonfiction from my science fiction -- maybe it's the way I see things. When I try to write "mainstream" (whateverthehell it may be) editors say it's too weird. I tend to prefer warm weather and disorganized environments. My writing is an organic part of my eclectic life. When did you first start writing? Some during Junior High, I made the transition from cartooning to writing. The showed us film, RAY BRADBURY: STORY OF A WRITER, and I thought, "Wow! That's how I want earn a living." It seemed more practical than cartooning, which everybody thought I was nuts for pursuing. They thought I was a little less nuts for wanting to be a writer. I'm still trying, Ray! Anyway, I started writing a lot crummy little stories on the portable typewriter that my parents got me to do homework on. They got better as time went on. If I don't publish a few things every year, I get cranky. What's the story behind your latest book? I'm trying to finish PACO COHEN IS ALIVE AND WELL AND LIVING ON MARS before the end of the year. It will include to stories that appeared in ANALOG: "The Rise and Fall of Paco Cohen and Mariachis of Mars" and "Death and Dancing in New Las Vegas." I promised Ben Bova that I would write a novel about Paco, and was trying to do it as a series of short stories that I would eventually publish as a novel. After finishing another Paco story, I realized that it might take me decades to finish the damn thing this way, so I decided to make it priority. Besides, I've got all these other stories and novels buzzing around my brain . . . What motivated you to become an indie author? New York turned it's back on me years ago. I've been publishing short fiction regularly, but that doesn't really make money. And I've got a cult following. People kept asking where they could get my books. It was frustrating as all hell. Some people even thought I was dead. Getting paid is better than not getting paid, but getting published is also better than not getting published. And now, when people ask about my books I can start telling them about how they can order the ebooks of CORTEZ ON JUPITER, HIGH AZTECH, and SMOKING MIRROR BLUES . . . How has Smashwords contributed to your success? I'm no longer hopelessly obscure, and it's great to available on a wide variety of devices. What is the greatest joy of writing for you? Making all this craziness in my head come to life with words, and hearing from people who read it, and get it. What do your fans mean to you? If it wasn't for them, I'd probably get depressed, and wouldn't live very long. What are you working on next? Besides, PACO COHEN IS ALIVE AND WELL AND LIVING ON MARS, I'm working on another story about cyber-enhanced Mexican wrestler called Steelsnake. He currently appears in a story called "Novaheads" in the anthology SUPER STORIES OF HEROES AND VILLAINS edited by Claude Lalumière. The idea is to do a series of novella-length stories about Steelsnake, and release them as ebooks. Who knows maybe it'll become a franchise that will support me in my old age! Who are your favorite authors? Hunter S. Thompson. Tahir Shah. Ishmael Reed. William S. Burroughs. Harlan Ellison. James Crumley. James Ellroy. Elmore Leonard. Philip K. Dick. Chester Himes. Ray Bradbury. Henry Miller. No particular order. Subject to change without notice. When you're not writing, how do you spend your time? Read, pursue things I'm curious about (hopefully, not always online), watch weird movies, go on roads trips with my wife, keep an eye out for things new and wonderful, and of course, go to work to pay for it all. How do you discover the ebooks you read? A lot of people send their ebooks to me -- I know a lot of writers. Social media let me know about others. I listen to what friends recommend. I tend to be hunter/gatherer when it comes to reading material . . . Do you remember the first story you ever read, and the impact it had on you? No. I was into TV and comics as a kid. They made me read a lot stuff that bored me at school. What inspires you to get out of bed each day? I usually have something to do.
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	2	9	https://onscenes.weebly.com/philosophy/burroughss-writing-machines	en	Burroughs’s 'Writing Machines'	http://onscenes.weebly.com/uploads/9/8/6/5/98654918/published/burroughs-typewriter.jpeg?1529695429	http://onscenes.weebly.com/uploads/9/8/6/5/98654918/published/burroughs-typewriter.jpeg?1529695429	[ "https://onscenes.weebly.com/uploads/9/8/6/5/98654918/published/burroughs-typewriter.jpeg?1529695429", "https://cdn2.editmysite.com/images/old/bg_feed.gif", "https://cdn2.editmysite.com/images/site/footer/footer-toast-published-image-1.png" ]	[ "https://app.commentsplugin.com/widget-weebly.html?platform=weebly&site=140526642836447060&element=d8afb52c-5715-49a7-915e-14cc961a0434&autosize=comments-iframe-d8afb52c-5715-49a7-915e-14cc961a0434" ]	[]	[ "philosophy", "philosophers", "society", "controls", "media", "fascism", "desire", "power", "anarchism", "communism" ]	null	[]	null	Business itself is also represented as an essentially hopeless process, in which useless products are endlessly waiting to be passed through customs	en		OnScenes	http://onscenes.weebly.com/17/post/2017/04/burroughss-writing-machines.html	by Anthony Enns In January 1953, William S. Burroughs traveled to South America in search of yagé, a drug he hoped would allow him to establish a telepathic link with the native tribes. He documented this trip in a series of letters to Allen Ginsberg which he wrote on typewriters rented by the hour in Bogotà and Lima and which he eventually published as a book ten years later. Critics have interpreted this period as a seminal point in Burroughs’s career, largely due to the fact that the transcriptions of his drug experiences became the starting point for Naked Lunch. However, this experience also seems significant because it reveals Burroughs’s desire to achieve a primitive, pre-literate state—a goal which remained central to his work, but which later manifested in his manipulations of media technologies. Burroughs’s work thus offers a perfect illustration of Marshall McLuhan’s claim that the electric age would effect a return to tribal ways of thinking: ‘[S]ince the telegraph and the radio, the globe has contracted, spatially, into a single large village. Tribalism is our only resource since the electro-magnetic discovery’ (1962:219). And Burroughs’s rented typewriters seem to stand somewhere between these two worlds, as he used them to translate his primitive/mythic experiences into a printed book, a commodity more appropriate to Western culture and the civilized world of ‘typographic man’. In this chapter, I argue that the representations of writing machines in Burroughs’s work, as well as his manipulations of writing machines in his working methods, demonstrate the effects of the electric media environment on subjectivity, as well as its broader impact on the national and global level. I further argue that McLuhan’s theories provide an ideal context for understanding the relationship between media, subjectivity, and globalization in Burroughs’s work, because they explain how the impact of the electric media environment on human consciousness is inherently linked to a wider array of social processes whose effects can be witnessed on both mental and geopolitical states. McLuhan and Burroughs were also contemporaries, and there is ample evidence that they drew ideas from one another’s work. McLuhan, for example, was the first critic to note that Burroughs’s novels effectively replicate the experience of the electric media environment (1964a:517), and he explicitly borrowed the term ‘mosaic’ from Naked Lunch to describe the format of television programming (1964b:204). In the original, unpublished version of The Third Mind, which Burroughs and Brion Gysin assembled from 1964 to 1965, Burroughs also included a paragraph from McLuhan’s The Gutenberg Galaxy, which claimed that electric media technologies were producing new mental states by releasing the civilized world from the visual emphasis of print (McLuhan 1962:183). However, despite the fact that Burroughs was clearly influenced by McLuhan, he also distanced himself from the overt optimism of McLuhan’s ‘global village’, thus avoiding the problem of technological determinism. In other words, rather than claiming that the electric media environment would automatically improve the human condition by enabling a greater degree of involvement and democracy, Burroughs repeatedly emphasized that this possibility was dependent on our ability to take control of the media. Burroughs’s representations and manipulations of writing machines thus prefigure much of the contemporary work concerning the potential uses of the Internet and the worldwide web as either corporate environments or new tools of democracy. WRITING MACHINES AND THE ELECTRIC MEDIA ENVIRONMENT Although several critics have already discussed Burroughs’s work in terms of the impact of media on subjectivity, these discussions generally focus on electric media technologies such as sound and film recording, and they often overlook mechanical machines like the typewriter. In her book How We Became Posthuman, for example, N. Katherine Hayles examines the impact of media on subjectivity in The Ticket that Exploded through Burroughs’s use of sound recording technology. She argues that Burroughs’s novel represents the tape recorder as a metaphor for the human body, which has been programmed with linguistic ‘pre-recordings’ that ‘function as parasites ready to take over the organism’ (1999:211). She also points out that the tape recorder subverts the disciplinary control of language by externalizing the mind’s interior monologue, ‘recording it on tape and subjecting the recording to various manipulations’, or by producing new words ‘made by the machine itself’ (1999:211). These manipulations reveal the ways in which electric media are capable of generating texts without the mediation of consciousness, thus enabling ‘new kinds of subjectivities’ (1999:217). Hayles therefore suggests that information technologies, for Burroughs, represent the threat of language to control and mechanize the body; at the same time, they can be employed as potential tools for subverting those same disciplinary forces. Hayles’s conclusions could be amplified, however, by also examining Burroughs’s use of writing machines, which play a larger role in his work and in his working method. Hayles notes, for example, that Burroughs performed some of the tape recorder experiments he describes in The Ticket that Exploded, such as his attempts to externalize his sub-vocal speech or his experiments with ‘inching tape’, which are collected in the album Nothing Here Now but the Recordings, but even she admits that ‘paradoxically, I found the recording less forceful as a demonstration of Burroughs’s theories than his writing’ because ‘the aurality of his prose elicits a greater response than the machine productions it describes and instantiates’ (1999:216). This paradox is resolved, however, if one considers the typewriter as Burroughs’s primary tool for manipulating and subverting the parasitical ‘word’, and thus as the essential prototype for many of his theoretical media interventions. Throughout his life, Burroughs repeatedly emphasized that he was dependent on the typewriter and was incapable of writing without one: ‘I can hardly [write] with the old hand’ (Bockris 1981:1). Burroughs once attempted to use a tape recorder for composition, but this experiment proved to be a failure: ‘In the first place, talking and writing are quite different. So far as writing goes I do need a typewriter. I have to write it down and see it rather than talk it’ (Bockris 1981:6). When giving advice to young writers, Burroughs was also fond of quoting Sinclair Lewis: ‘If you want to be a writer, learn to type’ (AM 36). James Grauerholz notes that in 1950, Burroughs himself wrote his first book, Junky, ‘longhand, on lined paper tablets’, which were then typed up by Alice Jeffreys, the wife of a friend; however, Burroughs was soon ‘disappointed with Jeffreys’ work on the manuscripts […] which he felt she had overcorrected, so he bought a typewriter and learned to type, with four fingers: the index and middle finger of each hand’ (Grauerholz 1998:40). From the very beginning of his career, therefore, Burroughs was aware of the influence of writing technologies on the act of writing itself, and all of his subsequent works were mediated by the typewriter. This machine thus became a privileged site where the effects of media technologies were both demonstrated and manipulated. The notion that the typewriter is inherently linked to the electric media environment—and, by extension, the digital media environment—has also become a popular theme in contemporary media studies. Friedrich Kittler, for example, argues that there was a rupture at the end of the nineteenth century when writing was suddenly seen as deficient and was stripped of its ability to store acoustic and optical information, resulting in their separation into three different media technologies: gramophone, film and typewriter (1999:14). Kittler also claims that the typewriter ‘unlinks hand, eye, and letter’, thus replicating the disembodying effects of electric media technologies (1990:195), and that the ultimate impact of this separation is that ‘the act of writing stops being an act […] produced by the grace of a human subject’ (1999:203–4). Scott Bukatman similarly points out that ‘[w]hat first characterizes typing as an act of writing is an effect of disembodiment’ (1993:634), and he extends this argument to the digital realm by suggesting that the typewriter ‘produces an information space divorced from the body: a proto-cyberspace’ (1993:635). Burroughs’s work repeatedly illustrates the notion that writing machines have an effect on subjectivity by mediating the act of writing, and writers are repeatedly described as disembodied agents, ‘recording instruments’, or even ‘soft typewriters’, who simply transcribe and store written information. While writing Naked Lunch, for example, Burroughs claimed that he was an agent from another planet attempting to decode messages from outer space, and within the novel itself he describes the act of writing as a form of spiritual ‘possession’ (NL 200). This notion is not simply a metaphor for creativity, but rather it reappears in descriptions of his own writing process: ‘While writing The Place of Dead Roads, I felt in spiritual contact with the late English writer Denton Welch […] Whole sections came to me as if dictated, like table-tapping’ (Q xviii). The writer is thus removed from the actual composition of the text, and the act of writing becomes the practice of taking dictation on a typewriter. In the essay ‘The Name Is Burroughs’, Burroughs also reports a recurring ‘writer’s dream’ in which he reads a book and attempts to remember it: ‘I can never bring back more than a few sentences; still, I know that one day the book itself will hover over the typewriter as I copy the words already written there’ (AM 9). In ‘The Retreat Diaries’, he claims that ‘[w]riters don’t write, they read and transcribe’ (BF 189), and he also describes dreams in which he finds his books already written: ‘In dreams I sometimes find the books where it is written and I may bring back a few phrases that unwind like a scroll. Then I write as fast as I can type, because I am reading, not writing’ (190). Burroughs even incorporates these dreams into the narrative of The Western Lands, where a writer lies in bed each morning watching ‘grids of typewritten words in front of his eyes that moved and shifted as he tried to read the words, but he never could. He thought if he could just copy these words down, which were not his own words, he might be able to put together another book’ (WL 1–2). The act of typing thus replaces the act of writing, because the words themselves have already been written and the writer’s job is simply to type them out. By disembodying the user and creating a virtual information space, Burroughs’s writing machines also prefigure the globalizing impact of electric media technologies. John Tomlinson, for example, argues that contemporary information technologies have a ‘deterritorializing’ effect because ‘they lift us out of our cultural and indeed existential connection with our discrete localities and, in various senses, open up our lifeworlds to a larger world’ (1999:180). McLuhan also points out that the electric media environment not only fragments narrative and information, but also reconfigures geopolitical power. According to McLuhan, for example, the visual emphasis of typography led to both individualism and nationalism, because the printed book introduced the notion of point of view at the same time that it standardized languages: ‘Closely interrelated, then, by the operation and effects of typography are the outering or uttering of private inner experience and the massing of collective national awareness, as the vernacular is rendered visible, central, and unified by the new technology’ (1962:199). Electric media, on the other hand, represent a vast extension of the human nervous system, which emphasize the auditory over the visual and global awareness over individual experience: ‘[W]ith electricity and automation, the technology of fragmented processes suddenly fused with the human dialogue and the need for over-all consideration of human unity. Men are […] involved in the total social process as never before; since with electricity we extend our central nervous system globally, instantly interrelating every human experience’ (McLuhan 1964b:310–11). This leads to a greater degree of interdependence and a reduction in national divisions, because ‘[i]n an electrically configured society […] all the critical information necessary to manufacture and distribution, from automobiles to computers, would be available to everyone at the same time’, and thus culture ‘becomes organized like an electric circuit: each point in the net is as central as the next’ (McLuhan and Powers 1989:92). The absence of a ‘ruling center’, McLuhan continues, allows hierarchies to ‘constantly dissolve and reform’, and information technologies therefore carry the threat of ‘politically destabilizing entire nations through the wholesale transfer of uncensored information across national borders’ (McLuhan and Powers 1989:92). Rather than seeing this development as essentially negative, however, McLuhan adds that it will result in ‘a dense electronic symphony where all nations—if they still exist as separate entities—may live in a clutch of spontaneous synesthesia, painfully aware of the triumphs and wounds of one other’ (McLuhan and Powers 1989:95). Burroughs also illustrates the deterritorializing effects of media technologies, and he frequently refers to the construction of national borders and identities as simply a function of global systems of control and manipulation. In his essay ‘The Bay of Pigs’, for example, Burroughs writes: There are several basic formulas that have held this planet in ignorance and slavery. The first is the concept of a nation or country. Draw a line around a piece of land and call it a country. That means police, customs, barriers, armies and trouble with other stone-age tribes on the other side of the line. The concept of a country must be eliminated. (BF 144) The process of nation-building, in other words, is nothing more than the exercise of control. In ‘The Limits of Control’, Burroughs also points out that ‘the mass media’ has the power to spread ‘cultural movements in all directions’, allowing for the cultural revolution in America to become ‘worldwide’ (AM 120). The mass media therefore presents the possibility of an ‘Electronic Revolution’, which would not only cross national borders but also eliminate them (Job 174–203). By creating a sprawling, virtual information space, Burroughs’s novels illustrate the ways in which media technologies could potentially fragment national identities and global borders; they also reveal the interconnections between information technologies and world markets, where cultural and economic exchanges gradually become inseparable. THE ADDING MACHINE AND BUREAUCRATIC POWER Bukatman’s claim that the virtual information space of the typewriter is linked to the modern development of cyberspace can be most clearly seen by tracing the history of the Burroughs Adding Machine, which was patented by Burroughs’s paternal grandfather in 1885. The Adding Machine was a device for both calculating and typing invoices, and thus it shared many common features with the typewriter, including a ribbon reverse that later became standard on all typewriters. Although the typewriter was often seen as a separate technology because it was designed for business correspondence rather than accounting, a brief look at the history of the Burroughs Adding Machine Company indicates that the divisions between calculating and typing machines were never that clearly defined. In the 1920s, for example, the company also marketed the MoonHopkins machine, which combined the functions of an electric typewriter and a calculating machine, and in 1931 it even began producing the Burroughs Standard Typewriter. This merging of calculating and typing machines reached its full realization with the development of business computers in the early 1950s, and the Burroughs Adding Machine Company was also involved in the earliest stages of this transition. In 1951, for example, it began work on the Burroughs Electronic Accounting Machine (BEAM), and in 1952 it built an electronic memory system for the ENIAC computer. In 1961 it also introduced the B5000 Series, the first dual-processor and virtual memory computer, and in 1986 it merged with Sperry to form the Unisys Corporation, which released the first desktop, single-chip mainframe computers in 1989. The Adding Machine and the typewriter thus both stand at the beginning of a historical trajectory, where the distinction between words and numbers became increasingly blurred and where typing gradually transformed into ‘word processing’. Burroughs clearly shares the legacy of this joint development of calculating and typing machines, as well as the development of a powerful corporate elite in America. The adding machine makes frequent appearances in his work, where it often represents the manipulative and controlling power of information. In The Ticket that Exploded, for example, Burroughs defines ‘word’ itself as ‘an array of calculating machines’ (TE 146). The novel also employs the linear, sequential and standardizing functions of calculating and typing machines as a metaphor to describe the mechanization of the body, or ‘soft typewriter’. The narrator claims, for example, that the body ‘is composed of thin transparent sheets on which is written the action from birth to death—Written on “the soft typewriter” before birth’ (TE 159). Tony Tanner points out that the ‘ticket’ in the title of the novel also ‘incorporates the idea that we are all programmed by a prerecorded tape which is fed into the self like a virus punchcard so that the self is never free. We are simply the message typed onto the jelly of flesh by some biological typewriter referred to as the Soft Machine’ (1971:135). The ‘soft typewriter’ therefore represents the body as an information storage device, upon which the parasitical ‘word’ has been inscribed. The fact that the Burroughs Adding Machine Company also produced ticketeers and was an early innovator in computer punch card technology further emphasizes this notion of the parasitical ‘word’ as a machine or computer language—a merging of words and numbers into a system of pure coding designed to control the functions of the machine. There are also moments in Burroughs’s work when writing machines appear synonymous with the exercise of bureaucratic power, as can be seen in his description of the nameless ‘Man at The Typewriter’ in Nova Express, who remains ‘[c]alm and grey with inflexible authority’ as he types out writs and boardroom reports (NE 130). This connection between machines and bureaucratic power is also illustrated in The Soft Machine, where Mayan priests establish an oppressive regime based on an information monopoly. They employ a regimented calendar in order to manipulate the bodies and minds of the population, and access to the sacred codices is strictly forbidden: ‘[T]he Mayan control system depends on the calendar and the codices which contain symbols representing all states of thought and feeling possible to human animals living under such limited circumstances—These are the instruments with which they rotate and control units of thought’ (SM 91). The narrator repeatedly refers to this system as a ‘control machine’ for the processing of information, which is emphasized by the fact that the priests operate it by pushing ‘buttons’ (SM 91), like a typewriter or a computer. This connection between writing machines and bureaucratic authority is extended even further when the narrator goes to work at the Trak News Agency, whose computers actually invent news rather than record it. The narrator quickly draws a parallel between the Mayan codices and the mass media: ‘I sus [sic] it is the Mayan Caper with an IBM machine’ (SM 148). In other words, like the Mayan priests, who exercise a monopoly over written information in order to control and manipulate the masses, the Trak News Agency similarly controls people’s perception of reality through the use of computers: ‘IBM machine controls thought feeling and apparent sensory impressions’ (SM 148–9). The notion that the news industry manipulates and controls people’s perceptions of reality is a recurring theme throughout Burroughs’s work. In The Third Mind, for example, he writes: ‘Reality’ is apparent because you live and believe it. What you call ‘reality’ is a complex network of necessity formulae…association lines of word and image presenting a prerecorded word and image track. How do you know ‘real’ events are taking place right where you are sitting now? You will read it tomorrow in the windy morning ‘NEWS’…(3M 27) He also cites two historical examples where fabricated news became real: ‘Remember the Russo-Finnish War covered from the Press Club in Helsinki? Remember Mr. Hearst’s false armistice closing World War I a day early?’ (3M 27). In the chapter ‘Inside the Control Machine’, Burroughs more explicitly argues that the world press, like the Mayan codices, functions as a ‘control machine’ through the same process of repetition and association: By this time you will have gained some insight into the Control Machine and how it operates. You will hear the disembodied voice which speaks through any newspaper on lines of association and juxtaposition. The mechanism has no voice of its own and can talk indirectly only through the words of others…speaking through comic strips…news items…advertisements…talking, above all, through names and numbers. Numbers are repetition and repetition is what produces events. (3M 178) Like the Mayan codices, therefore, the modern media also illustrates the merging of words and numbers in a machinic language of pure control. Burroughs adds, however, that the essential difference between these two systems is that the ‘Mayan control system required that ninety-nine percent of the population be illiterate’ while ‘the modern control machine of the world press can operate only on a literate population’ (3M 179). In other words, the modern control machine is an extension of the printing press because it uses literacy in order to maintain social hierarchies and keep readers in a passive state of detachment. In order to overthrow these hierarchies, it is therefore necessary not simply to develop the literacy skills the Mayans lacked, but also to subvert the control machine itself and the standards of literacy it enforces. THE ‘FOLD-IN’ METHOD AND AUDITORY SPACE The narrator of The Soft Machine quickly discovers that understanding the nature of the Trak News Agency’s control machine is the first step to defeating it: ‘Whatever you feed into the machine on subliminal level the machine will process—So we feed in “dismantle thyself” […] We fold writers of all time in together […] all the words of the world stirring around in a cement mixer and pour in the resistance message’ (SM 149). In other words, the narrator is able to dismantle the control system by manipulating the writing machine and disrupting its standard, linear sequence of information. This manipulation involves the use of a technique Burroughs referred to as the ‘cut-up’ or ‘foldin’ method: ‘A page of text—my own or someone else’s—is folded down the middle and placed on another page—The composite text is then read across half one text and half the other’ (3M 95–6). Burroughs frequently employed this method in his own work, and it is perhaps the clearest example of how the typewriter creates ‘new kinds of subjectivity’ by displacing the author as the controlling consciousness of the text. In a 1965 Paris Review interview, Burroughs explained the essential difference between this method and simply free associating at the typewriter: ‘Your mind simply could not manage it. It’s like trying to keep so many chess moves in mind, you just couldn’t do it. The mental mechanisms of repression and selection are also operating against you’ (Knickerbocker 1965:25). The ultimate goal of this technique, in other words, is to short-circuit the literate mind and use the typewriter to achieve a more primitive state of awareness, which McLuhan describes as precisely the effect of the electric media environment. Burroughs’s justification for the ‘fold-in’ method also emphasizes the basic inadequacy of print in comparison to developments in other media: ‘[I]f writing is to have a future it must at least catch up with the past and learn to use techniques that have been used for some time past in painting, music and film’ (3M 95). Burroughs thus saw this method as enabling the typewriter to manifest the properties of other media, including sound recording. This connection between the typewriter and sound may appear confusing, as his novels remain essentially visual, but McLuhan points out that the distinction between visual and auditory space actually refers to the way in which media technologies structure information: Television, radio and the newspaper […] deal in auditory space, by which I mean that sphere of simultaneous relations created by the act of hearing. We hear from all directions at once; this creates a unique, unvisualizable space. The all-at-once-ness of auditory space is the exact opposite of lineality, of taking one thing at a time. It is very confusing to learn that the mosaic of a newspaper page is ‘auditory’ in basic structure. This, however, is only to say that any pattern in which the components coexist without direct lineal hook-up or connection, creating a field of simultaneous relations, is auditory, even though some of its aspects can be seen. The items of news and advertising that exist under a newspaper dateline are interrelated only by that dateline. They have no interconnection of logic or statement. Yet they form a mosaic or corporate image whose parts are interpenetrating […] It is a kind of orchestral, resonating unity, not the unity of logical discourse. (McLuhan 1963:43) Burroughs’s ‘fold-in’ method thus transforms standardized, linear texts into a ‘mosaic’ of information, which parallels the structure of television, radio, and newspapers. Even though Burroughs’s ‘cut-up’ novels remain essentially visual, they create an auditory space because they provide connections between texts that are not based on ‘logic or statement’, and they behave more like the ‘sphere of simultaneous relations created by the act of hearing’. Such an understanding of auditory space helps to explain Burroughs’s notion of the ‘fold-in’ method as manifesting the properties of music, or McLuhan’s paradoxical notion of the typewriter as both a tool that regulates spelling and grammar and ‘an oral and mimetic instrument’ that gives writers the ‘freedom of the world of jazz’ (1964b:230). The function of this method can be most clearly seen in The Ticket that Exploded, where the narrator describes a ‘writing machine’ that shifts one half one text and half the other through a page frame on conveyor belts […] Shakespeare, Rimbaud, etc. permutating through page frames in constantly changing juxtaposition the machine spits out books and plays and poems—The spectators are invited to feed into the machine any pages of their own text in fifty-fifty juxtaposition with any author of their choice any pages of their choice and provided with the result in a few minutes. (TE 65) The machine thus performs the ‘fold-in’ method by fragmenting and rearranging texts, and it further disrupts the written word through the use of ‘calligraphs’: ‘The magnetic pencil caught in calligraphs of Brion Gysin wrote back into the brain metal patterns of silence and space’ (TE 63). The possibility of ‘silence and space’, therefore, is represented through a break with print technology. This is most clearly illustrated on the last page of the novel—an actual calligraph composed by Brion Gysin, in which English and Arabic words alternate in various permutations of the phrase ‘Silence to say good bye’ (TE 203). The function of the machine is thus mirrored in the construction of the book itself, which was also composed using the ‘fold-in’ method and contains passages spliced in from other authors, including lines from Shakespeare’s The Tempest. Because the novel contains the formula for its own selfgenerating reproduction, Gérard-Georges Lemaire uses the term ‘writing machine’ interchangeably to refer to both the content and method of Burroughs’s work, and he points out that Burroughs’s machine not only ‘escapes from the control of its manipulator’, but ‘it does so in that it makes it possible to lay down a foundation of an unlimited number of books that end by reproducing themselves’ (3M 17). In other words, the parasitical ‘word’ is externalized from the writer’s own consciousness and reproduces itself in a series of endless permutations. TYPESETTING EXPERIMENTS, THREE-COLUMN CUT-UPS AND THE GRID Another method Burroughs employs to transform the printed word into an auditory space can be seen in his typesetting experiments, which were clearly inspired by the structure of newspapers and magazines. By presenting a series of unrelated texts in parallel columns, the newspaper suggests interconnections which are not based on logic or reason, and many of Burroughs’s stories from the 1960s and early 1970s reveal a growing interest in the effects of typesetting, one example being ‘The Coldspring News’. When this piece was originally published in White Subway, it was divided into two columns, and the sections contained bold titles, thus imitating newspaper headlines (WS 39, see BF for a reprint without the threecolumn format). The title of the story was also designed to resemble a masthead, with Burroughs listed as ‘Editor’ rather than author (WS 39). Subsequent editions removed this formatting, but Robert Sobieszek points out that Burroughs continued these experiments in his collages, many of which ‘were formatted in newspaper columns and often consisted of phrases rearranged from front pages of the New York Times along with photos or other illustrations’ (1996:55). Sobieszek also notes that in 1965 Burroughs created his own version of Time magazine, including a Time cover of November 30, 1962, collaged over by Burroughs with a reproduction of a drawing, four drawings by Gysin, and twenty-six pages of typescripts comprised of cut-up texts and various photographs serving as news items. One of the pages is from an article on Red China from Time of September 13, 1963, and is collaged with a columnal typescript and an irrelevant illustration from the ‘Modern Living’ section of the magazine. A full-page advertisement for JohnsManville products is casually inserted amid all these texts; its title: ‘Filtering’. (1996:37) These experiments therefore offer another illustration of the ways in which the press mediates or ‘filters’ our experience of reality, and because the typewriter enables such interventions, allowing writers to compose texts in a standardized font that is easily reproducible, these collages offer a perfect illustration of McLuhan’s claim that ‘[t]he typewriter fuses composition and publication’ (1964b:228). A similar kind of typesetting experiment can be seen in Burroughs’s film scripts, such as The Last Words of Dutch Schultz (1975), where he uses multiple columns to describe the sound and image tracks of a non-existent film about the gangster Dutch Schultz. By using Hollywood terminology, as well as employing various gangster film clichés, Burroughs effectively imitates the language and style of Hollywood films. The script also includes photographs from Hollywood films and press clippings concerning the actual Schultz, thus blurring the boundaries between fictional and documentary sources and exposing the ways in which the mass media, including both the film industry and the world press, effectively determines and controls people’s perceptions of reality. The script also performs a similar kind of intervention as his earlier typesetting experiments by employing separate columns for sounds and images. In other words, rather than following the strict format of traditional screenplays, Burroughs’s script simultaneously represents both an imitation and a subversion of yet another institutional form of textual production. The sound and image columns are also reminiscent of the ‘Exhibition’ in The Ticket that Exploded, which isolates and manipulates sound and image tracks in order to create random and striking juxtapositions that draw the spectator’s attention to the constructed nature of the media itself (TE 62–8). The purpose of these interventions, therefore, is ultimately not to participate in the mass media but rather to subvert and dismantle its methods of presenting information. This is most apparent in Burroughs’s three-column cut-ups, in which three separate columns of text are combined on the same page. Although these cut-ups resemble Burroughs’s newspaper and magazine collages, the purpose of the juxtaposed columns is ultimately to subvert the newspaper format, not to replicate it. This method is clearly based on the theoretical tape recorder experiment Burroughs describes in The Ticket that Exploded, where he suggests recording various sides of an argument onto three tape recorders and allowing them to argue with each other (TE 163). The purpose of this experiment is to externalize language and remove it from the body, while at the same time deflating the power of words through their simultaneous and overlapping transmission in a nonsensical cacophony of sound. Like the three tape recorders, the three columns of text also produce multiple, competing voices simultaneously vying for the reader’s attention, and the reader has to choose whether to read the columns in sequence from beginning to end, to read the individual pages in sequence, jumping between columns at the bottom of each page, or to read across the page from left to right, jumping between columns on every line. These compositions thus represent a radically new kind of information space—a proto-hypertext—in which the role of the author is displaced and linear structure is disrupted. In some of these compositions, such as ‘Who Is the Third That Walks Beside You’, Burroughs even decenters his own authority by combining found documents with excerpts from his novels (BF 50–2). He effectively makes these already cut-up passages even more disorienting by removing them from their original context, resplicing them into new arrangements and setting them in juxtaposition to one another. As if to emphasize the purpose behind this procedure, he also includes a passage from The Ticket that Exploded, in which he encourages the reader to ‘disinterest yourself in my words. Disinterest yourself in anybody’s words, In the beginning was the word and the word was bullshit’ [sic] (BF 51). Burroughs’s grids represent yet another method of manipulating written information. The grids follow the same logic as Burroughs’s three-column cut-ups, although the vertical columns are also divided horizontally into a series of boxes, thus multiplying the number of potential links the reader is able to make between the blocks of text. Burroughs employs this method in many of his collages, such as To Be Read Every Which Way, in which he divides four vertical columns of text into nine rows, thus creating 36 boxes of text which can be read in any order (Sobieszek 1996:27). Much of this work was compiled for the original edition of The Third Mind, which was never published; however, in his essay ‘Formats: The Grid’, Burroughs describes this method as ‘an experiment in machine writing that anyone can do on his own typewriter’ (Burroughs 1964:27), and he illustrates the process using material taken from reviews of Naked Lunch: I selected mostly unfavorable criticism with a special attention to meaningless machine-turned phrases such as ‘irrelevant honesty of hysteria,’ ‘the pocked dishonored flesh,’ ‘ironically the format is banal,’ etc. Then ruled off a grid (Grid I) and wove the prose into it like start a sentence from J. Wain in square 1, continue in squares 3, 5 and 7. Now a sentence from Toynbee started in squares 2, 4 and 6. The reading of the grid back to straight prose can be done say one across and one down. Of course there are many numbers of ways in which the grid can be read off. (Burroughs 1964:27) Like the ‘fold-in’ method, therefore, the grid illustrates the displacement of the author as the controlling consciousness of the text; other than choosing which texts to use, the author has little to no control over the ultimate arrangement. Burroughs adds, for example, that ‘I found the material fell into dialogue form and seemed to contain some quite remarkable prose which I can enthuse over without immodesty since it contains no words of my own other than such quotations from my work as the critics themselves had selected’ (1964:27). Burroughs also notes that these textual ‘units are square for convenience on the typewriter’, but that this grid represents ‘only one of many possible grids […] No doubt the mathematically inclined could progress from plane to solid geometry and put prose through spheres and cubes and hexagons’ (1964:27). Like his three-column cut-ups, therefore, the grids also represent a kind of proto-hypertext, where the number of possible pathways and links between blocks of text are multiplied even further and the potential number of mathematical permutations seems virtually limitless. The grids are thus a logical extension of the auditory space created by the ‘fold-in’ method, and they seem to resemble Oulipian writing experiments, such as Raymond Queneau’s Cent Mille Millard de Poemes, a sonnet containing 10 possible choices for each of the 14 lines, thus comprising 1014 potential poems. WRITING MACHINES AND THE GLOBAL VILLAGE Burroughs’s writing machines not only illustrate the manipulation and subversion of information as a way of dismantling hierarchies of control, but they also illustrate the impact of media technologies on national identities and global borders by revealing the ways in which the electric media environment also reconfigures space and time. The revolutionary potential of the ‘fold-in’ method is even more pronounced in The Soft Machine, for example, because the act of shifting between source texts is played out within the narrative as shifts across space and time. ‘The Mayan Caper’ chapter opens with an astounding claim: ‘I have just returned from a thousandyear time trip and I am here to tell you […] how such time trips are made’ (SM 81). The narrator then offers a description of the procedure, which begins ‘in the morgue with old newspapers, folding in today with yesterday and typing out composites’ (SM 81). In other words, the ‘fold-in’ method is itself a means of time travel, because ‘when I fold today’s paper in with yesterday’s paper and arrange the pictures to form a time section montage, I am literally moving back to yesterday’ (SM 82). The narrator is then able to overthrow the Mayan control machine by employing the ‘fold-in’ method on the sacred codices and calendars. By once again altering the time sequence, the priests’ ‘order to burn [the fields] came late, and a year’s crop was lost’ (SM 92). Soon after, the narrator leads the people in a rebellion against the priests: ‘Cut word lines […] Smash the control machine—Burn the books—Kill the priests—Kill! Kill! Kill!’ (SM 92–3). This scene is perhaps the clearest illustration of Burroughs’s notion that the electric media environment allows for the spread of cultural revolution worldwide, as media technologies like the newspaper enable information to be conveyed rapidly across space and time, regardless of national borders, thus emphasizing group awareness over individual experience and global interdependence over national divisions. Because the borders between the blocks of text in Burroughs’s grids are so fluid, they also seem to function as a corollary to the spatial architecture of the transnational ‘Interzone’ in Naked Lunch. This ‘Composite City’ is described as a vast ‘hive’ of rooms populated by people of every conceivable nation and race (NL 96). Because these inhabitants have clearly been uprooted from their ‘discrete localities’ and placed in a labyrinthine space, which appears completely removed from space and time, Interzone would appear to be the most perfect illustration of Tomlinson’s notion of the deterritorializing effect of media technologies. Burroughs also describes Interzone as ‘a single, vast building’, whose ‘rooms are made of a plastic cement that bulges to accommodate people, but when too many crowd into one room there is a soft plop and someone squeezes through the wall right into the next house’ (NL 162). Interzone therefore represents a kind of virtual grid, in which people are converted into units of information that pass freely across barriers without resistance. The transfer of bodies through walls thus serves as a metaphor for the structure of the text itself, which contains rapid shifts and jumps that allow characters to travel inexplicably across space and time. These shifts are largely due to the method with which the book was originally written. Burroughs wrote the sections in no particular order, and the final version of the novel was ultimately determined by the order in which the pages were sent to the compositor. This process once again reflects the structure of hypertexts in that linearity is absent and the reader is free to choose multiple pathways: ‘You can cut into Naked Lunch at any intersection point’ (NL 203). Burroughs also emphasizes that the beginning and the ending of the novel are artificial constructs and that the novel includes ‘many prefaces’ (NL 203). The fact that the virtual information space of the text is essentially a product of writing machines is made even more explicit when Burroughs describes these shifts as the effect of ‘a broken typewriter’ (NL 86). This rapidly shifting and disorienting atmosphere also reflects the drug-induced state in which Burroughs began writing the novel. His description of the city, for example, quickly merges with his description of the effects of yagé, which is further reflected in his apparently random and disconnected prose style: ‘Images fall slow and silent like snow […] everything is free to enter or to go out […] Everything stirs with a writhing furtive life.…The room is Near East, Negro, South Pacific, in some familiar place I cannot locate.… Yage is space-time travel’ (NL 99). This passage would seem to support McLuhan’s claim that Burroughs’s drug use represents a ‘strategy of by-passing the new electric environment by becoming an environment oneself’ (1964a:517), an interpretation which Burroughs rejects in his 1965 Paris Reviewinterview: ‘No, junk narrows consciousness. The only benefit to me as a writer […] came to me after I went off it’ (Knickerbocker 1965:23). Subsequent critics, such as Eric Mottram, have attempted to reconcile this disagreement by turning the discussion away from the effects of media on mental states and arguing instead that the essential similarity between Burroughs and McLuhan is their mutual interest in the globalizing power of electric media: ‘Burroughs corrects McLuhan’s opinion that he meant that heroin was needed to turn the body into an environment […] But his books are global in the sense that they envisage a mobile environmental sense of the network of interconnecting power, with the purpose of understanding and then attacking it’ (Mottram 1971:100). This disagreement can be resolved, however, by considering the difference between heroin, which ‘narrows consciousness’, and yagé, which eliminates individualism and effects a return to tribal ways of thinking. At the same time that Burroughs rejects McLuhan’s claim, for example, he also adds that he wants ‘to see more of what’s out there, to look outside, to achieve as far as possible a complete awareness of surroundings’ (Knickerbocker 1965:23). These are precisely the reasons why Burroughs sought yagé, and it is only under the influence of this drug that he effectively reproduces the conditions of the electric media environment within his own body. The auditory space of the text therefore parallels the physical geography of Interzone, and any sense of the individual—including any sense of the author as the controlling consciousness of the text—dissolves in a larger awareness of human unity. Such a reading might imply that Interzone illustrates McLuhan’s notion of a ‘global village’, which enables a greater degree of equality between nations. The narrator adds, however, that Interzone is also ‘a vast silent market’, whose primary purpose is to conduct business transactions (NL 96). Interzone therefore not only represents a deterritorialized space marked by fluid borders and rapid transfers, but it also illustrates the essential link between cultural and economic exchange because it is impossible to separate the sharing of cultural ideas and differences from the exchange of goods and services. According to Fredric Jameson, for example, the term ‘globalization’ itself refers to the combined effect of both new information technologies and world markets, and it ‘affirms a gradual de-differentiation of these levels, the economic itself gradually becoming cultural, all the while the cultural gradually becomes economic’ (1998:70). McLuhan was also aware that the effects of electric media technologies would be far more devastating on the Third World than on Western culture: ‘In the case of the First World […] electronic information dims down nationalism and private identities, whereas in its encounter with the Third World of India, China, and Africa, the new electric information environment has the effect of depriving these people of their group identities’ (McLuhan and Powers 1989:165). Because Interzone illustrates both the economic and cultural effects of globalization, it is perhaps easy to understand why Interzone does not represent a more harmonious and egalitarian ‘global village’. The loss of group identities and economic stability, and the constant presence of European colonials, only seem to heighten the level of corruption and inefficiency already present in the city, such as the ‘drunken cop’ who registers new arrivals ‘in a vast public lavatory’, where the ‘data taken down is put on pegs to be used as toilet paper’ (NL 98). Business itself is also represented as an essentially hopeless process, in which useless products are endlessly waiting to be passed through customs, and embassies direct all inquiries to the ‘We Don’t Want To Hear About It Department’ (NL 163). Like the ‘global village’, therefore, Interzone represents a virtual or deterritorialized space in which people of every imaginable nationality and race are able to meet and exchange information. But unlike the ‘global village’, Interzone is a labyrinth of both communication and economic exchange, which ultimately subdues and disempowers its inhabitants. The key to liberating the global space of the electric media environment, according to Burroughs, is to subvert and manipulate the media technologies themselves, thus drawing the hypnotized masses out of their waking dream and making them more aware of the degree to which media technologies condition their perceptions of reality. In Naked Lunch, for example, Burroughs states that the ultimate purpose of conventional narrative transitions is ‘to spare The Reader stress of sudden space shifts and keep him Gentle’ (NL 197). By manipulating the linear function of his own writing machines, Burroughs attempts to reject these conventions and transform the gentle reader into a potential revolutionary, who would no longer be passive and detached but rather aware and involved. CONCLUSION Burroughs most clearly represents the manipulation and subversion of electric media technologies through his own experimental methods of constructing texts. Burroughs also repeatedly represents writing machines within his work to illustrate the effects of information technologies on subjectivity, as well as their potential use for either positive or negative ends—as control machines or weapons of resistance. Burroughs similarly depicts the global impact of the electric media environment by illustrating the ways in which writing machines are capable of spreading either cultural revolution or cultural imperialism, depending on whether or not people are capable of appropriating and manipulating them. The texts which I have focused on in this chapter, which include examples of Burroughs’s work from the 1950s to the early 1970s, can therefore be seen as exposing and subverting the influence of writing machines on the material conditions of their own production in order to provide a model of technological reappropriation that could potentially be extended on a global scale. Burroughs’s work thus retains an empowering notion of human agency while also complicating the divisions between self and other. REFERENCES Bockris, V. (1981) With William Burroughs: A Report from the Bunker, rev. edition (New York: St. Martin’s Griffin, 1996). Bukatman, S. (1993) ‘Gibson’s Typewriter’, South Atlantic Quarterly 92(4), pp. 627–45. Burroughs, William S. (1964) ‘Formats: The Grid’, Insect Trust Gazette, 1, p. 27. —(1975) The Last Words of Dutch Schultz: A Fiction in the Form of a Film Script (New York: Viking), pp. 37–46. Grauerholz, J. (1998) ‘A Hard-Boiled Reporter’, IN WV pp. 37–46. Hayles, N. K. (1999) How We Became Posthuman: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics, Literature, and Informatics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press). Jameson, F. (1998) ‘Notes on Globalization as a Philosophical Issue’, IN Jameson, F., and Miyoshi, M. eds, The Cultures of Globalization (Durham, NC: Duke University Press), pp. 54–77. Kittler, F. (1990) Discourse Networks 1800/1900, Cullens, C., and Metteer, M. trans. (Stanford: Stanford University Press). —(1999) Gramophone, Film, Typewriter, Winthrop-Young, G., and Wutz, M. trans. (Stanford: Stanford University Press). Knickerbocker, C. (1965) ‘William Burroughs: An Interview’, Paris Review 35, pp. 13–49. McLuhan, M. (1962) The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (Toronto: University of Toronto Press). — (1963) ‘The Agenbite of Outwit’, Location 1(1), 41–4. — (1964a) ‘Notes on Burroughs’, The Nation 28 December 1964, pp. 517–19. — (1964b) Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man (New York: McGraw-Hill) — (1963) ‘The Agenbite of Outwit’, Location 1(1), 41–4. —— (1964a) ‘Notes on Burroughs’, The Nation 28 December 1964, pp. 517–19. — (1964b) Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man (New York: McGraw-Hill) Mottram, E. (1971) William Burroughs: The Algebra of Need (Buffalo, NY: Intrepid). Sobieszek, R. (1996) Ports of Entry: William S. Burroughs and the Arts (Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art/Thames & Hudson). Tanner, T. (1971) City of Words: American Fiction 1950–70 (London: Jonathan Cape). Tomlinson, J. (1999) Globalization and Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press)
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	2	8	https://onscenes.weebly.com/philosophy/interview-with-william-s-burroughs	en	Interview With William S. Burroughs	http://onscenes.weebly.com/uploads/9/8/6/5/98654918/published/will-s.jpg?1552733735	http://onscenes.weebly.com/uploads/9/8/6/5/98654918/published/will-s.jpg?1552733735	[ "https://onscenes.weebly.com/uploads/9/8/6/5/98654918/published/will-s.jpg?1552733735", "https://cdn2.editmysite.com/images/old/bg_feed.gif", "https://cdn2.editmysite.com/images/site/footer/footer-toast-published-image-1.png" ]	[ "https://app.commentsplugin.com/widget-weebly.html?platform=weebly&site=140526642836447060&element=a44e5eaa-7d71-452a-ac9e-650d6646f38c&autosize=comments-iframe-a44e5eaa-7d71-452a-ac9e-650d6646f38c" ]	[]	[ "philosophy", "philosophers", "society", "controls", "media", "fascism", "desire", "power", "anarchism", "communism" ]	null	[]	null	Precisely what is a dream? A certain juxtaposition of word and image.	en		OnScenes	http://onscenes.weebly.com/17/post/2017/05/interview-with-william-s-burroughs.html	BURROUGHS: I don't know about where fiction ordinarily directs itself, but I am quite deliberately addressing myself to the whole area of what we call dreams. Precisely what is a dream? A certain juxtaposition of word and image. I've recently done a lot of experiments with scrapbooks. I'll read in the newspaper something that reminds me of or has relation to something I've written. I'll cut out the picture or article and paste it in a scrapbook beside the words from my book. Or I'll be walking down the street and I'll suddenly see a scene from my book and I'll photograph it and put it in a scrapbook. I've found that when preparing a page, I'll almost invariably dream that night something relating to this juxtaposition of word and image. In other words, I've been interested in precisely how word and image get around on very, very complex association lines. I do a lot of exercises in what I call time travel, in taking coordinates, such as what I photographed on the train, what I was thinking about at the time, what I was reading and what I wrote; all of this to see how completely I can project myself back to that one point in time. INTERVIEWER: In Nova Express you indicate that silence is a desirable state. BURROUGHS: The most desirable state. In one sense a special use of words and pictures can conduce silence. The scrapbooks and time travel are exercises to expand consciousness, to teach me to think in association blocks rather than words. I've recently spent a little time studying hieroglyph systems, both the Egyptian and the Mayan. A whole block of associations—boonf!—like that! Words—at least the way we use them—can stand in the way of what I call nonbody experience. It's time we thought about leaving the body behind. INTERVIEWER: Marshall McLuhan said that you believed heroin was needed to turn the human body into an environment that includes the universe. But from what you've told me, you're not at all interested in turning the body into an environment. BURROUGHS: NO, junk narrows consciousness. The only benefit to me as a writer (aside from putting me into contact with the whole carny world) came to me after I went off it. What I want to do is to learn to see more of what's out there, to look outside, to achieve as far as possible a complete awareness of surroundings. Beckett wants to go inward. First he was in a bottle and now he is in the mud. I am aimed in the other direction: outward. INTERVIEWER: Have you been able to think for any length of time in images, with the inner voice silent? BURROUGHS : I'm becoming more proficient at it, partly through my work with scrapbooks and translating the connections between words and images. Try this: Carefully memorize the meaning of a passage, then read it; you'll find you can actually read it without the words' making any sound whatever in the mind's ear. Extraordinary experience, and one that will carry over into dreams. When you start thinking in images, without words, you're well on the way. INTERVIEWER: Why is the wordless state so desirable? BURROUGHS: I think it's the evolutionary trend. I think that words are an around-the-world, ox-cart way of doing things, awkward instruments, and they will be laid aside eventually, probably sooner than we think. This is something that will happen in the space age. Most serious writers refuse to make themselves available to the things that technology is doing. I've never been able to understand this sort of fear. Many of them are afraid of tape recorders and the idea of using any mechanical means for literary purposes seems to them some sort of a sacrilege. This is one objection to the cut-ups. There's been a lot of that, a sort of superstitious reverence for the word. My God, they say, you can't cut up these words. Why can't I? I find it much easier to get interest in the cut-ups from people who are not writers— doctors, lawyers, or engineers, any open-minded, fairly intelligent person—than from those who are. INTERVIEWER: HOW did you become interested in the cut-up technique? BURROUGHS: A friend, Brion Gysin, an American poet and painter, who has lived in Europe for thirty years, was, as far as I know, the first to create cut-ups. His cut-up poem, "Minutes to Go," was broadcast by the BBC and later published in a pamphlet. I was in Paris in the summer of 1960; this was after the publication there of Naked Lunch. I became interested in the possibilities of this technique, and I began experimenting myself. Of course, when you think of it, "The Waste Land" was the first great cut-up collage, and Tristan Tzara had done a bit along the same lines. Dos Passos used the same idea in "The Camera Eye" sequences in U.S.A. I felt I had been working toward the same goal; thus it was a major revelation to me when I actually saw it being done. INTERVIEWER: What do cut-ups offer the reader that conventional narrative doesn't? BURROUGHS: Any narrative passage or any passage, say, of poetic images is subject to any number of variations, all of which may be interesting and valid in their own right. A page of Rimbaud cut up and rearranged will give you quite new images. Rimbaud images—real Rimbaud images—but new ones. INTERVIEWER: YOU deplore the accumulation of images and at the same time you seem to be looking for new ones. BURROUGHS: Yes, it's part of the paradox of anyone who is working with word and image, and after all, that is what a writer is still doing. Painter too. Cut-ups establish new connections between images, and one's range of vision consequently expands. INTERVIEWER: Instead of going to the trouble of working with scissors and all those pieces of paper, couldn't you obtain the same effect by simply free-associating at the typewriter? BURROUGHS: One's mind can't cover it that way. Now, for example, if I wanted to make a cut-up of this [picking up a copy of the Nation], there are many ways I could do it. I could read crosscolumn; I could say: "Today's men's nerves surround us. Each technological extension gone outside is electrical involves an act of collective environment. The human nervous environment system itself can be reprogrammed with all its private and social values because it is content. He programs logically as readily as any radio net is swallowed by the new environment. The sensory order." You find it often makes quite as much sense as the original. You learn to leave out words and to make connections. [Gesturing] Suppose I should cut this down the middle here, and put this up here. Your mind simply could not manage it. It's like trying to keep so many chess moves in mind, you just couldn't do it. The mental mechanisms of repression and selection are also operating against you. INTERVIEWER: YOU believe that an audience can be eventually trained to respond to cut-ups? BURROUGHS: Of course, because cut-ups make explicit a psychosensory process that is going on all the time anyway. Somebody is reading a newspaper, and his eye follows the column in the proper Aristotelian manner, one idea and sentence at a time. But subliminally he is reading the columns on either side and is aware of the person sitting next to him. That's a cut-up. I was sitting in a lunchroom in New York having my doughnuts and coffee. I was thinking that one does feel a little boxed in in New York, like living in a series of boxes. I looked out the window and there was a great big Yale truck. That's cut-up—a juxtaposition of what's happening outside and what you're thinking of. I make this a practice when I walk down the street. I'll say, When I got to here I saw that sign, I was thinking this, and when I return to the house I'll type these up. Some of this material I use and some I don't. I have literally thousands of pages of notes here, raw, and I keep a diary as well. In a sense it's traveling in time. Most people don't see what's going on around them. That's my principal message to writers: For Godsake, keep your eyes open. Notice what's going on around you. I mean, I walk down the street with friends. I ask, "Did you see him, that person who just walked by?" No, they didn't notice him. I had a very pleasant time on the train coming out here. I haven't traveled on trains in years. I found there were no drawing rooms. I got a bedroom so I could set up my typewriter and look out the window. I was taking photos, too. I also noticed all the signs and what I was thinking at the time, you see. And I got some extraordinary juxtapositions. For example, a friend of mine has a loft apartment in New York. He said, "Every time we go out of the house and come back, if we leave the bathroom door open, there's a rat in the house." I look out the window, there's Able Pest Control. INTERVIEWER: The one flaw in the cut-up argument seems to lie in the linguistic base on which we operate, the straight declarative sentence. It's going to take a great deal to change that. BURROUGHS: Yes, it is unfortunately one of the great errors of Western thought, the whole either-or proposition. You remember Korzybski and his idea of non-Aristotelian logic. Either-or thinking just is not accurate thinking. That's not the way things occur, and I feel the Aristotelian construct is one of the great shackles of Western civilization. Cut-ups are a movement toward breaking this down. I should imagine it would be much easier to find acceptance of the cut-ups from, possibly, the Chinese, because you see already there are many ways that they can read any given ideograph. It's already cut up. INTERVIEWER: What will happen to the straight plot in fiction? BURROUGHS: Plot has always had the definite function of stage direction, of getting the characters from here to there, and that will continue, but the new techniques, such as cut-up, will involve much more of the total capacity of the observer. It enriches the whole aesthetic experience, extends it. INTERVIEWER: Nova Express is a cut-up of many writers? BURROUGHS: Joyce is in there. Shakespeare, Rimbaud, some writers that people haven't heard about, someone named Jack Stern. There's Kerouac. I don't know, when you start making these fold-ins and cut-ups you lose track. Genet, of course, is someone I admire very much. But what he's doing is classical French prose. He's not a verbal innovator. Also Kafka, Eliot, and one of my favorites is Joseph Conrad. My story "They Just Fade Away" is a fold-in (instead of cutting, you fold) from Lord Jim. In fact, it's almost a retelling of the Lord Jim story. My Stein is the same Stein as in Lord Jim. Richard Hughes is another favorite of mine. And Graham Greene. For exercise, when I make a trip, such as from Tangier to Gibraltar, I will record this in three columns in a notebook I always take with me. One column will contain simply an account of the trip, what happened: I arrived at the air terminal, what was said by the clerks, what I overheard on the plane, what hotel I checked into. The next column presents my memories: that is, what I was thinking of at the time, the memories that were activated by my encounters. And the third column, which I call my reading column, gives quotations from any book that I take with me. I have practically a whole novel alone on my trips to Gibraltar. Besides Graham Greene, I've used other books. I used The Wonderful Country by Tom Lea on one trip. Let's see... and Eliot's The Cocktail Party; In Hazard by Richard Hughes. For example, I'm reading The Wonderful Country and the hero is just crossing the frontier into Mexico. Well, just at this point I come to the Spanish frontier, so I note that down in the margin. Or I'm on a boat or a train and I'm reading The Quiet American; I look around and see if there's a quiet American aboard. Sure enough, there's a quiet sort of young American with a crew cut, drinking a bottle of beer. It's extraordinary, if you really keep your eyes open. I was reading Raymond Chandler, and one of his characters was an albino gunman. My God, if there wasn't an albino in the room. He wasn't a gunman. Who else? Wait a minute, I'll just check my coordinate books to see if there's anyone I've forgotten—Conrad, Richard Hughes, science fiction, quite a bit of science fiction. Eric Frank Russell has written some very, very interesting books. Here's one, The Star Virus; I doubt if you've heard of it. He develops a concept here of what he calls Deadliners, who have this strange sort of seedy look. I read this when I was in Gibraltar, and I began to find Deadliners all over the place. The story of a fish pond in it, and quite a flower garden. My father was always very interested in gardening. INTERVIEWER: In view of all this, what will happen to fiction in the next twenty-five years? BURROUGHS : In the first place, I think there's going to be more and more merging of art and science. Scientists are already studying the creative process, and I think the whole line between art and science will break down and that scientists, I hope, will become more creative and writers more scientific. And I see no reason why the artistic world can't absolutely merge with Madison Avenue. Pop art is a move in that direction. Why can't we have advertisements with beautiful words and beautiful images? Already some of the very beautiful color photography appears in whiskey ads, I notice. Science will also discover for us how association blocks actually form. INTERVIEWER: DO you think this will destroy the magic? BURROUGHS: Not at all. I would say it would enhance it. INTERVIEWER: Have you done anything with computers? BURROUGHS: I've not done anything, but I've seen some of the computer poetry. I can take one of those computer poems and then try to find correlatives of it—that is, pictures to go with it; it's quite possible. INTERVIEWER: Does the fact that it comes from a machine diminish its value to you? BURROUGHS: I think that any artistic product must stand or fall on what's there. INTERVIEWER: Therefore, you're not upset by the fact that a chimpanzee can do an abstract painting? BURROUGHS: If he does a good one, no. People say to me, "Oh, this is all very good, but you got it by cutting up." I say that has nothing to do with it, how I got it. What is any writing but a cut-up? Somebody has to program the machine; somebody has to do the cutting up. Remember that I first made selections. Out of hundreds of possible sentences that I might have used, I chose one.
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All you need to know about this book: 1- It is the companion volume to the most influenti…	en	/favicon.ico	Goodreads	https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/600350.Again_Dangerous_Visions	June 2, 2017 Again, Dangerous Visions was split into two for its mass market paperback release in 1973. This first half contains a few knockout stories, some pretty good ones, and a lot of mediocre ones. At twice the length of the original Dangerous Visions, I can’t help but think that maybe Ellison should’ve trimmed the fat a little more here. One large book full of great stories beats two mediocre editions any day. If I average my scores for each story, the collection ends up just slightly lower than 2.5 stars altogether. I’m rounding this up to 3, because the handful of terrific stories contained within—plus the unique opportunity for cultural examination of early 70s western social movements and politics through an SF lens—makes this a wholeheartedly worthwhile read, even in 2015. The stories that either missed the mark for me, or don’t hold up anymore, seem to be those that valued shock over storytelling. What was shocking in the western world of 1972, isn’t always so 40+ years later. Good storytelling however, remains good storytelling. Standouts: The Word for World is Forest, by Ursula K. Le Guin The Funeral, by Kate Wilhelm When it Changed, by Joanna Russ Monitored Dreams and Strategic Cremations, by Bernard Wolfe Bottom of the Barrel: Ching Witch, by Ross Rocklynne Time Travel for Pedestrians, by Ray Nelson King of the Hill, by Chad Oliver Harry the Hare, by James B. Hemesath Individual Story Reviews: The Counterpoint of View, by John Heidenry: 1/5 Q: Who really wrote this story/essay, was it me The Author or you The Reader? A: It was you, The (pretentious) Author. Somebody read Don Quixote recently. sigh Ching Witch, by Ross Rocklynne: 1/5 Earth blows up, and it’s last remaining human goes to another planet to teach them various dances and live in luxury. Pointless, and meandering. The Word for World is Forest: 5/5 Terrific novella, obviously influential to James Cameron's Avatar (which I now believe can be 100% constructed from elements of Old Man's War & The Word for World is Forest). Also very influential to the Ewoks in Return of the Jedi. It's a moralistic story, and it had some insightful things to say about dangerous ideas entering the public consciousness. Basically, there is no going back. Here, specifically in relation to the concept of murder. For Value Received, by Andrew J. Offutt: 3/5 A short little bit of absurdism, entertaining enough, but not particularly great. Mathoms From the Time Closet, by Gene Wolfe: 2/5 I usually like Gene Wolfe a lot, but this was just two little pointless stories filled with pretentious bullshit, sandwiching one that was sort of fun, almost a mermaid tale in the sky. Time Travel for Pedestrians, by Ray Nelson: 1/5 Weird little hallucination of a story. Christ, Old Student in a New School, by Ray Bradbury: 3/5 A poem, not sure the meaning exactly but it seemed to allude to mankind imprisoning itself through religion. King of the Hill, by Chad Oliver: 1/5 This story tried way, way too hard and failed absolutely to be dangerous or remotely visionary. The 10:00 Report is Brought to you by..., by Edward Bryant: 4/5 While it was overly obvious from the first couple pages what was going on, it was still a deeply disturbing vision of the possible future of journalism in a society like ours that fetishizes suffering as a spectator sport. The Funeral, by Kate Wilhelm: 5/5 Another deeply disturbing story, but it had a genuine point to make, and it made it well. Harry the Hare, by James B. Hemesath: 1/5 Totally pointless. Soapbox opinion bullshit about cartoons and copyrights. Literary equivalent of Old Man Yells at Cloud. When it changed, by Joanna Russ: 5/5 Terrific. I need to track down more of her work. Very impressed with this one. The Big Space Fuck, by Kurt Vonnegut: 3/5 Yep, it's weird and Vonneguty all right. Bounty, by T. L. Sherred: 2/5 Too self congratulatory. Not dangerous or visionary. Still-life, by K. M. O'Donnell: 1/5 Terrible. Skip it. Stoned Council, by H. H. Holis: 3/5 Lawyers do a ton of drugs and then battle their cases out with their minds. Sort of a proto cyberpunk story. Original at least. Monitored Dreams and Strategic Cremations, by Bernard Wolfe: 5/5 This is really two stories, 1. The Bisquit Position, 2. The Girl with Rapid Eye Movements. They're both excellent, and exactly the kind of stories I was looking for in this collection. Vietnam social commentary, with some slight SF backings. With a Finger in My I, by David Gerrold: 3/5 Very nearly a bedtime story; a comedy of errors and literal/figurative mix ups. Some social commentary about belief, and self fulfilling prophesy as well. In The Barn, by Piers Anthony: 2/5 I get it, I do.. but it's cliche even by 70s standards. Want to read January 25, 2017 This copy is signed by Harlan Ellison . October 18, 2019 Sometime between the first Dangerous Visions anthology and the second, Harlan Ellison jumped the shark. Perhaps in those four years, he started to believe his own hype. It is true that the first anthology did seem to set a fire under a number of writers, both old and new, to experiment and try new things, and it happened because Ellison championed it. But in the preparation of the second volume, Ellison took on much more than a simple championing role—he became a dangerous vision of himself. But before I get to the real criticism of this volume, let me note that it still contains a couple of the greatest short fiction stories ever published: Ursula K. Le Guin’s “The Word for World is Forest,” a piece that merges environmentalism and racism in such a talented way that it’s as hard to read it as, Le Guin says in her afterword, it was easy for her to write it; and Joanna Russ’s “When It Changed,” one of the best feminist science fiction stories, posting a world where the men died off and the women did what they had to do to continue, then the ramifications of being “rediscovered” by the rest of humanity. Both of these stories are as powerful today as they were forty years ago, because the problems remain. To be entirely frank, I’ve never been a fan of either writer, some of whose other stories set my teach on edge. But there’s no disputing that these stories are worthy of being read by every reader, especially any reader who wants to understand the power of science fiction when it’s done well and done correctly. There are some other good stories in this 46 story anthology as well. “Ching Witch” by Ross Rocklynne is one of the funniest stories that incorporates a cat. H. H. Hollis’ “Stoned Counsel” is an interesting idea of how legal work could be transformed in the future through hallucinogens. The two stories by Bernard Wolfe, “The Bisquit Position” and “The Girl With Rapid Eye Movements,” are unusual and strange in their mixture of 70s cultural themes (Vietnam war, sleep research) with 50s era style (world-weary protagonists caught up in weirdness). Gregory Benford’s “And the Sea Like Mirrors” predates Stephen King by a decade, containing much of what has become King’s stock-in-trade: a horrific world in which an “everyman” tries to survive. But the majority of these stories are simply “meh,” and in some instances, downright awful. One story in particular, Richard Lupoff’s “With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old Alabama,” was so annoying (i.e., made-up language similar to Russell Hoban’s Riddley Walker), I skimmed it after the first section. And it’s not hard to discover why this may be, because the very process of putting this anthology together can be pieced together from the introductions and afterwords. The culprit: Ellison’s increasing need to grandstand, to puff up the book and himself. One of the earliest things you learn is that this huge volume comprises only half of what Ellison had accepted and bought, and that it became so large, he and the publisher agreed to release this volume and then one called The Last Dangerous Visions later—so much later that it never appeared. Grandstanding? The best example of which can be read in the introduction and afterword to “Bed Sheets are White“ by Evelyn Lief, which is more of a story than the story itself. Basically, Ellison shows up at Clarion determined to be a holy terror to the students by tearing apart their stories on the first day of his week. In the afterword, Lief reports that Ellison said this about her story that first morning, "This story is trite and schoolgirlish. It's the perfect example of every single thing that can be done wrong, all in one piece of writing." She goes back to her room and writes “DAMN YOU, HARLAN ELLISON” on a sign and hangs it above her typewriter and then proceeds to write something that he will like. He likes it and immediately buys it for Again, Dangerous Visions. And that would be a beautiful story if “Bed Sheets are White” was any good, but it’s not. It’s short enough that you can forgive it for being mediocre, but Ellison lauds it as on par with Le Guin or Russ or Benford? Sorry, not even close. What the foreword by Ellison and afterword by Lief depict is Ellison’s increasing role in the creation of not only the book, but the stories themselves, as he started to see himself as the great savior of literature, challenging both established authors and beginning students, and becoming their benefactor, muse, and daemon. It becomes all about him, both from his standpoint and the author’s. And thus, when it fails to be about the story, things fall apart. Unlike others before me who’ve laid criticism at Ellison’s feet, his recent departure from this world means I have no fear of a late night phone call or sharply worded threat made in a public place. The thing is, I’ve always liked Ellison’s writing—his short story and essay collections were meat and potatoes to me in my formative years, and I loved his zeal and passion to champion perceived and real injustices in the world. In particular, his essays in The Glass Teat and The Other Glass Teat were early influences on how I viewed popular entertainment and the role of the critic. The Dangerous Visions anthologies were a great idea, and the two that were published had an impact that could be felt beyond the SFF world. Yet the warning signs for the project going off the rails could clearly be seen in A,DV even if Locus picked it as the best original anthology published in 1972. It’s probably for the best that The Last Dangerous Visions never appeared, because it simply could not have lived up to its hype. What’s sad is that the stories got bumped into that stillborn volume never had the opportunity to feed their author’s careers aside from cover letters where they might have been listed as a sale. The other sad part of the whole debacle is how it continually cast a cloud over Ellison’s career, even until the very end. June 19, 2014 Sometimes the worst thing that can happen is to be successful. Because your next thing has to surpass your first success. Just ask the guy who came up with the idea of pet rocks. Harlan Ellison probably knows what I am talking about. Dangerous Visions was a raging success. It is still the definitive sci-fi anthology of the last half of the 20th century. It was a risk and a risk well taken. So of course there had to be a sequel. But in Again, Dangerous Visions the writers know the score. Be ground-breaking. Be controversial. Be different. So what we get is 46 authors in 800 plus pages trying to out-innovate the others and trying too hard. The result is an uneven set of stories that pale to the original collection. That isn't to say there are not some nice tales here. It just isn't Dangerous Visions. Update: Today I took this off my shelf and looked at the inscription Ellison wrote for me on the title page. It reads "I never wanted to edit this book!". Pretty much sums it up January 11, 2015 Man, most of these stories are extremely bad. Some of the standouts include the Le Guin and the Tiptree and the Hollis and perhaps the Vonnegut, but even then, man, I don't know. There is one fun bagatelle about the legal implications of cryogenics that reads like droll sci-fi Thackeray, and H.H. Hollis' story about LSD lawyering was also spry, but these do not justify the many many bad stories you will read. Really, the only reason to read this collection is if you have any kind of fascination with the kinetic and utterly self-involved world of seventies sci-fi, a world that is rather dead now, and which was charming without ever actually being very relevant or producing any stand-out writers. I have such a fascination; reading this collection was my own fault. There is a Piers Anthony story about a PARALLEL DIMENSION where all dairy products come from milking human women that is pretty jaw-dropping and would make a great short film for Lars Von Trier perhaps, but which cannot be taken seriously on its own merits at all, no matter what dimension you are from. Reading the explanation in the afterword of this piece, where it is explained that it is a parable about animal cruelty, I was uh...unpersuaded...that it was not just an elaborate, disturbing, specific, jolly fucked-up sex fantasy. I liked it on that level, I guess, but DAMN... who was this story for? Now we have Smashwords for such "dangerous visions," I guess. I like reading bad books, but I cannot recommend this to anyone unless you like journeying into REALMS OF THE MISGUIDED AND CRANKY AND SELF-INDULGENT AND DEAD IN SPIRIT. August 24, 2009 I watched a TV documentary on Harlan Ellison recently, a larger-than-life writer who seems to put Hemingway and Hefner to shame. His science fiction anthology Dangerous Visions was often mentioned in the program. I could not get the book at the library by instead found "Again, Dangerous Visions" - the sequel ( I believe even a third anthology was compiled due to its popularity at the time). I read a dozen stories from the 46 presented in the sequel, and it gave me my dose of speculative, edgy fiction that was termed the "new science fiction" of the time. It was quaint reading SF written in the late sixties, where several of the predictions have now become "science fact" - including propositions that children would sue their parents for improper upbringing, the frustrations of navigating the labyrinthine confines of a super-department store in search of sexual aids (some of these aids haven't been invented yet, I believe), executing children after the maximum two-child limit had been reached (didn't many unoficial executions take place in parts of the world where "one child" was the limit, leaving us with the legacy today of a nation of spoilt children?) Many of the writers -juxtaposed between a few heavyweights like Ray Bradbury and Kurt Vonnegut Jr. - were newbies at the time, in their twenties and thirties, some being published for the first time in this anthology. Ellison is generous in giving each writer a personally written copious introduction (the most revealing parts of the book, I think) and lots of praise, and affording each writer an afterword at the end of his/her story. Some writers needed the afterword as their stories were'nt very coherent to me. One writer actually said that he set out to confuse and frustrate the reader! What happened to entertaining, educating and enlightening us? Nevertheless, in an era when the Internet was still a closely guarded military secret, and online forms of shameless self-promotion were not available to the writer, Ellison tirelessly goes out to beat the bushes on behalf of his authors, doing his bit to grow the next generation of SF writers, revealing frank stories about how he met his contributors, nutured them, browbeat them when required, and extracted their best work from them. One writer was so overcome that she wrote Harlan a note back saying "F... you Harlan Ellison you don't know so goddam much". She was still published and I'm sure that more than a few careers were made subsequently. What threw me off was the rough writing - inelegant prose in exchange for mind bending premises. It was hard to find a writer, perhaps Vonnegut was the exception, who combined clear prose with an intriguing premise. Perhaps that is why 12 stories was enough for me. November 27, 2016 It's been years since I've read this, and I'm still thinking about it. This really raised some potent and hard-hitting questions about gender roles and life in general. Really wish this had been a whole novel. December 29, 2019 Wow. I set myself up to read 100 books this year and then give myself this doorstopper in December. Smart, self. Some day I'll find a copy of "Dangerous Visions" which is what I was recommended to read and why I picked up its sequel. The introductions frequently reference a third volume called "Last Dangerous Visions" but it doesn't appear to have been made, or if made, didn't have that title. The premise of the collection is "Stories too taboo for traditional markets." And I suppose taboos were pretty tight in 1972 because most of the stories just have a little sex in them and tons of misogyny but I sadly don't think that was taboo in 1972. There are some gems in here. Joanna Russ' excellent "When It Changed" which is often reprinted, Monitored Dreams & Strategic Cremations"--really two stories by Bernard Wolfe, has a real literary feel, the first "Bisquit Position" is an excellent short play on the horrors on napalm, and I hope in the second story "The Girl With Rapid Eye Movements" the author meant for us to feel the misogyny internalized by said girl that she doesn't realize she's the smartest and most creative person in the story, however the author's afterword was pure bunk about 'the muse'. "Eye of the Beholder" by Burt K. Filer had a good mix of cool invention and motorcycle chases, plus a female character who is competent at something --shockingly rare-- though of course the two women in the story are both marked for how they can't do something the men do. At this point in the collection I was wondering if men used to only use female characters when they wanted a character to fail at something, because gosh they couldn't bear to see a man do that. "Moth Race" by Richard Hill was a good classic SF piece. For me it really captures the ineffable joy and madness of sports. "In Re Glover" by Leonard Tushnet is pure hard sf for lawyers. Reads like a legal brief but fascinating! "Zero Gee" by Ben Bova has moments of "hey maybe this is toxic masculinity" insight but I felt the ending robbed its meaning. "With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama" will stay with me but I'm not sure if for good or ill... military SF with New Haiti fighting New Alabama, and the Haitians are written in standard English and the New Alabamans in thick dialect. Problematical things all over the board. Are the Alabaman's being gay meant to be a slur against them or just an example of hypocrisy? Did I lose a character in there? Some of the people run together. It's a long piece and... yeah ok I see why this one is a dangerous vision, if only for all the use of the N-word. "Ozymandias" by Terry Carr is lovely, one of those stories that says a lot that isn't on the page. "The Milk of Paradise" is classic Tiptree, so beautiful writing, but the story itself felt a little weak and rapey. Mostly rapey. Those are the ones I liked. Among the ones I didn't like there were a few that were so awful... I suppose Harlan would be glad to hear that. But not awful in the way he'd think. I love sex and drugs and taboo-breaking. I loathe flat characterizations and lack of structure. Now about the introductions and afterwords. Like a good completionist, I read them all, and as is usual when I force myself to read things just because I can't bear to skip stuff, I regret almost every single one. You know what the worst type of wedding toast is? The one that begins "I met Kevin when..." You know this wedding toast. It's a painful ten minutes of personal exposition saying nothing interesting but giving the toaster a chance to talk about himself. Almost all of Harlan's intros are like that. Also, more than half of the afterwards are "Harlan made me write an afterward and I hate afterwards my work should stand on its own." So skim those at will, my friends, or just read the ones for your favorite authors because you want to know more about them. November 29, 2019 For a good part of my senior year of high school (1973) I carried a copy around with my notebook, sneaking reads when I could. It did more to prepare me for the future I would soon be living in than all my boring classes. It would deeply disturb today's high schoolers, but it would do them a lot of good. Age-appropriate is for losers. July 4, 2009 I have to say that this massive anthology of science fiction novellas and short stories completely blew me away in the early 1970's. I read this one before the original "Dangerous Visions." Editor/author Harlan Ellison encouraged contributing writers to cut loose with their most daring and provocative ideas. In so doing, he not only pushed the boundaries of what was being published in those days, he expanded his readers' ideas of what was possible in the genre. This book helped to kick off what I would say was the third great era of science fiction in the 1970s. The first was its invention by Mary Shelley, Jules Verne, H. G. Wells, Doc Smith and Edgar Rice Burroughs, and the second period, known as the Golden Era, began in the 1940's with Heinlein, Asimov, Clarke, etc. "Again, Dangerous Visions" was also my introduction to Ursula Le Guin, who wrote "The Word for the World is Forest." I thought this was one of the most amazingly well-written science fiction stories I had ever read. March 24, 2024 The "Use Your Illusion" (or "The Fragile", you choose) of SF anthologies: a few timeless pieces of work surrounded by hectares of mediocrity and some outright garbage. There's no reason this book needed to be even half its length save for Ellison's metastatic ego. An extra star awarded for Le Guin's "The Word For World Is Forest", but you can get that one elsewhere. November 1, 2021 Perhaps overall weaker than the predecessor, but probably because of the sheer amount of material. And also, because Ellison's introductions are less inspired (he doesn't have the same familiarity with these writers as the last group -- a ton of them he hadn't even met yet.) As with DV, most stories are middling to bad, a few particularly bad, and a small handful are absolutely worth reading. The stories I found rewarding were: -The Funeral by Kate Wilhelm, is hardly a great story, but it is an example of Wilhelm as a great writer -- approachable and entertaining. -When It Changed by Joanna Russ, is a story I have read before and I will happily read it again -- perhaps right after I finish writing this -- because it is so immense. Masterfully composed, with such staggering weight despite being remarkably concise. It's known as a classic for a reason, and it's a rightful one. -The Bisquit Position by Bernard Wolfe, is the better of Wolfe's two selections, and a total fucking barnstormer. It has nestled itself into my brain, and it just pops up as a nightmarish mental image fairly routinely. While it does (purposefully, I suppose) on tedium a bit, it sticks the ending so well it's something of a miracle. I quickly bought a copy of Wolfe's Limbo on the strength of this story alone. -In the Barn by Piers Anthony, is laudable for just how far it manages to take the idea -- for the pure commitment to the shtick. Additionally, it delivers the supplemental brain-tickle of knowing as you read it that real people out there have most definitely masturbated while reading this absolutely nauseating piece of snickering body horror. Most people will hate this one, but I found it nothing but sickeningly delightful. -Soundless Evening by Lee Hoffman, is hardly remarkable, but it is brief and effectively somber. -And the Sea Like Mirrors by Gregory Benford, deals with less tired and familiar topics than so many of the other stories, and held my interest greatly. I found it smart and rousing. -Moth Race by Richard Hill, is, to the contrary, very typical, but no less cute for that fact. -Things Lost by Thomas Disch, is a delight. I've been meaning to read Disch forever, but this is the first time that I've actually done so. The story is confounding in a way that is highly gratifying, and exciting. It sparked my interest enough that I am sure I will be digging into his major works pronto. -Lamia Mutable by M John Harrison, is a delight. I've been meaning to read Harrison forever, but this is the first time that I've actually done so. The story is confounding in a way that is highly gratifying, and exciting. It sparked my interest enough that I am sure I will be digging into his major works pronto. (hehehe) -The Milk of Paradise by James Tiptree Jr, is (along with the Russ) the collection's best story (Ellison claims this his favorite). Enormously powerful stuff that will knock around in my brain for a long time I'm sure. This is one of those rare, great science-fiction short stories that manages to build a world with compelling details while telling an engaging narrative in but a few clear and artful pages. It is a similar type of story (and something of a counter-part) to Delany's stand-out from DV, and it is of a similar caliber (and I fucking love the Delany). Almost every other story I actively loathed or found completely unremarkable. Lupoff's novella is admirable for its prose experimentations (which I got a kick out of), but I didn't like much of anything about it besides that. Saxton, Sallis, Bernott, Oliver and Gene Wolfe offer stories that have some merit. I absolutely adore Gene Wolfe, so I was somewhat shocked that I didn't care all that much for his selections (although they are -- as with the Sallis pieces -- clearly the work of an immensely gifted writer). I know the LeGuin novella is acclaimed, and I typically love LeGuin, but I found it trite and cliche and melodramatic in an unappealing way. The Vonnegut story fucking sucks. May 30, 2022 Harlan Ellison was the enfant terrible of the sf/f/h industry for most of his writing life. I often viewed him as the anti-Robert Silverberg. Both flooded the market because they wrote so much and submitted so much they couldn't help but be published as often as possible. Many markets now have a "no multiple submissions" policy and I wonder how either Ellison or Silverberg would fare. It quickly became obvious to me why many of the stories in Dangerous Visions, Again made it. They hit all the historical Ellison buttons. When Ellison was good he was brilliant, but his other mode was WTF? I scratched my head in disbelief as often as I sat back wowed by his work. There are some massive standouts in Again, Dangerous Visions (Le Guin's The Word for World is Forest is one, Russ' When It Changed is another. A blow-me-away standout is Bernard Wolfe's two-fer Monitored Dreams & Strategic Cremations, which is a graduate course (no pun intended if you've read it) on dialogue and character development (and would probably come with trigger warnings if published today) I'd read the first two in other anthologies so, while still entertaining and good reads, they weren't revelatory. Some stories I really wondered about. Vonnegut's entry is pure Vonnegut; amusing and (to me) only included because Vonnegut was Vonnegut when this anthology came to be and if you didn't include Vonnegut you were a fool or an idiot (several stories are from authors in this category. SF/F was making it's mainstream push at this time. Specific to Vonnegut, the industry spent lots of time and money trying to make Vonnegut fit in the sf/f author category. He didn't accept it as anything sf/fish made up only a small part of his work). Some stories are beautifully written but don't do anything or go anywhere. I read many purely on the strength of the writing only to finish them wondering "What was this about, again?" The other side of this is remembering what the SF/F community was like during the period this anthology came to be; seeking validity, seeking recognition, wanting desperately to reach beyond its original audience of geeks and nerds (before such terms existed), and disenfranchised, pimply-faced teenage males. An example of this is a story about a third of the way through which has the following words in its first paragraph (of only seven lines): glissando, paroxysmal, deliquesce. I'm positive these words gave many original audience members pause. But they do go a long way to establishing some kind of effetery, don't they? David Gerrold's With a Finger in my I was, to me, well-written dreck. A few stories later one finds "Eye of the Beholder" by Burt K. Filer. This one story is so standout I'm not sure what it's doing in the anthology. Brilliant, brilliant, brilliant. The gem is, of course, James Tiptree, Jr.'s The Milk of Paradise and here I confess a bias. Everything I've ready by her is brilliant, amazing, breathtaking and The Milk of Paradise is no exception. She grabs you in the first sentence and doesn't let go or let you breathe until the end. The book could easily have been a third shorter if Ellison didn't feel the need to introduce each story, something he recognizes in his intro to Tiptree's piece with "For those of you who hate my introductions, you'll have decided to forego them at this point, ..." I read the stories and, as I always do when reading anthologies (including those in which my work appears), wonder what caught the editor's eye. About 4/5ths through, I began to notice an oft occurring thread of effete intelligence. Many of the stories (not all, simply a lot) were snarky smart, what I would call an in-your-face intelligent, almost an arrogance. Yeah, well, nobody ever accused Ellison of that. But that led me to "What was going on that such was the vogue?" and I remembered something my high school sophomore year English teacher, Mrs. Baraniak, told the class one day, "I love it when Time magazine comes in the mail because I know I'm going to have an afternoon's good reading and I'll need a dictionary, a thesaurus, and a couple of foreign language dictionaries to get me through." Time magazine was muchly different than it is today. And she was exhilarated just from anticipating the next issue based on memories of past issues. It enlivened her. Being intellectually challenged excited her. Such were the 1960's-70's. The world was in chaos (when isn't it? And most of it man made), we beat the Russians to the moon, we lost Jimmy and Janis, Nixon was a liar and a thief, ... What a marvelous escape that must have been, escaping into arrogance (which is an alternate spelling of "ignorance" in my dictionary). May 7, 2024 This was an extraordinarily chauvinist time in SF. I didn’t realize this when I was reading it when it came out, it was just the culture of the time, but now and then when I go back to read some stories from this time, it’s pretty shocking how one sided it is. The SF of the 50s and early 60s was quite chauvinist, but with the late 60s sexual revolution, male fantasy as the plot or subplot got seriously out of control. These are stories written by men for men where women are here to constantly please them sexually. Also, I’m using the term women merely to refer to the to the female sex as one of the stories features an older man and a ten year old “woman”. Beyond the sexual imbalance there is a lot story telling experimentation and it’s definitely worth reading to find the gems among the many fails. I will admit that even though I’m a big fan of Harlan Ellison, I did skip most of the story introductions. I did, however, read many of the afterwords by the authors. These are people playing around with things, experimenting with what is possible, and I appreciate that, but not all experiments are successful, and that’s fine too, because some are very successful. For what it’s worth, following are my ratings for each story, which run the gamut from DNF to 4 stars. How do you give a single rating to a collection of stories from different authors who are all trying to push the boundaries of late 1960’s SF? Also, I tried to rate the stories from the perspective of craft rather than my uncomfortableness with their treatment of women. - THE COUNTERPOINT OF VIEW - 1 - CHING WITCH! - 2 - THE WORD FOR WORLD IS FOREST - 4 - FOR VALUE RECEIVED - 2 - MATHOMS FROM THE TIME CLOSET - 2 - TIME TRAVEL FOR PEDESTRIANS - 3 - CHRIST, OLD STUDENT IN A NEW SCHOOL - 2 1/2 - KING OF THE HILL - 3 - THE 10:00 REPORT IS - BROUGHT TO YOU BY….. - 3 - THE FUNERAL - 4 - HARRY THE HARE - 2 - WHEN IT CHANGED - 3 - THE BIG SPACE FUCK - 2 - BOUNTY - 2 - STILL-LIFE - 3 1/2 - STONED COUNSEL - DNF - MONITORED DREAMS & STRATEGIC CREMATIONS - Dreams 2, Cremations 3 - WITH A FINGER IN MY I - 3 - IN THE BARN - 3 1/2 - SOUNDLESS EVENING - 4 - GAHAN WILSON - 3 - THE TEST-TUBE CREATURE, AFTERWARD - 3 - AND THE SEA LIKE MIRRORS - 2 1/2 - BED SHEETS ARE WHITE - 2 - TISSUE - 1 1/2 - ELOUISE AND THE DOCTORS OF THE PLANET PERGAMON - 2 - CHUCK BERRY, WON'T YOU PLEASE COME HOME - DNF - EPIPHANY FOR ALIENS - 3 - EYE OF THE BEHOLDER - 3 - MOTH RACE - 3 - IN RE GLOVER - 2 1/2 - ZERO GEE - 3 - A MOUSE IN THE WALLS OF THE GLOBAL VILLAGE - 3 - GETTING ALONG - 3 - TOTENBÜCH - 2 - THINGS LOST - 2 1/2 - WITH THE BENTFIN BOOMER BOYS ON LITTLE OLD NEW ALABAMA - 3 - LAMIA MUTABLE - 3 - LAST TRAIN TO KANKAKEE - 3 - EMPIRE OF THE SUN - 4 - OZYMANDIAS - 3 1/2 - THE MILK OF PARADISE - 3 1/2 Shelved as 'dnf' August 2, 2023 - The Counterpoint of View (John Heidenry): ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ - Ching Witch! (Ross Rocklynne): 😶 - The Word for World Is Forest (Ursula K. Le Guin): 😶 - For Value Received (Andrew J. Offutt): ⭐️⭐️ - Mathoms from the Time Closet (Gene Wolfe): ⭐️⭐️? - Time Travel for Pedestrians (Ray Nelson): 😶 - Christ, Old Student in a New School (Ray Bradbury): ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ - King of the Hill (Chad Oliver): ⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️⭐️ - The 10:00 Report is Brought to You By... (Edward Bryant): 😶 - The Funeral (Kate Wilhelm): 😶 - Harry the Hare (James B. Hemesath): ⭐️⭐️ - When It Changed (Joanna Russ): ⭐️⭐️ (R) - The Big Space Fuck (Kurt Vonnegut, Jr.): ⭐️ - Bounty (T. L. Sherred): ⭐️✨? - Still-Life (Barry N. Malzberg [as K.M. O'Donnell]): 😶 - Stoned Counsel (H.H. Hollis): 😶 - Monitored Dreams and Strategic Cremations (Bernard Wolfe): 😶 - With a Finger in My I (David Gerrold): ⭐️⭐️⭐️? - In the Barn (Piers Anthony): 😶 - Soundless Evening (Lee Hoffman): ⭐️⭐️⭐️ - █ (Gahan Wilson): ? - The Test-Tube Creature, Afterward (Joan Bernott): ⭐️⭐️? - And the Sea Like Mirrors (Gregory Benford): 😶 - Bed Sheets Are White (Evelyn Lief): ⭐️⭐️? - Tissue (James Sallis): 😶 - Elouise and the Doctors of the Planet Pergamon (Josephine Saxton): ⭐️⭐️? - Chuck Berry, Won't You Please Come Home? (Ken McCullough): ⭐️⭐️? - Epiphany for Aliens (David Kerr): 😶 - Eye of the Beholder (Burt K. Filer): 😶 - Moth Race (Richard Hill): 😶 - In re Glover (Leonard Tushnet): 😶 - Zero Gee (Ben Bova): 😶 - A Mouse in the Walls of the Global Village (Dean R. Koontz): 😶 - Getting Along (James Blish and Judith A. Lawrence): 😶 - Totenbüch (A. Parra (y Figueredo)): 😶 - Things Lost (Thomas M. Disch): 😶 - With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama (Richard A. Lupoff): 😶 - Lamia Mutable (M. John Harrison): 😶 - Last Train to Kankakee (Robin Scott Wilson): 😶 - Empire of the Sun (Andrew Weiner): ⭐️⭐️? - Ozymandias (Terry Carr): 😶 - The Milk of Paradise (James Tiptree, Jr.): 😶 September 7, 2023 Again, Dangerous Visions, published in 1972, was the follow up to the successful anthology Dangerous Visions. Each story has an introduction written by Ellison and an afterword written by the author. In some cases, the introduction and afterword are longer than the story itself. In many of the introductions, Ellison tells us a third anthology in the series titled The Last Dangerous Visions is going to be published soon, and even shares the names of some of the authors who will appear. Alas, this third volume was never published during his lifetime. I get the impression Ellison wanted to include every prominent science fiction author of the time in these three volumes, but wasn't able to pull it off since new writers kept coming along. (Ellison's executor, J. Michael Straczynski, announced plans to publish a slimmed-down version of The Last Dangerous Visions in 2020, but it still hasn't seen the light of day as of this writing.) With 46 stories, each with its own introduction and afterword, Again, Dangerous Visions is quite a hefty volume. The stories were written in the late 1960s and early 1970s and certainly show their age, especially in how female characters are treated. Male authors outnumber female authors about 5 to 1. The Dangerous Visions series was meant to showcase stories which couldn't get published in traditional venues due to shocking content, however, with a few exceptions, these read like normal sci-fi stories you could read anywhere. Maybe they were shocking by 1970s standards? There's a lot of big name writers included. Some were big names at the time and others became big names later. I personally rank 17 of these stories as above average, 7 as average, and 22 as below average, but of course, your own rankings will vary. I won't review all 46 stories, just the ones that stood out to me. One of the worst stories in the collection is "In the Barn" by Piers Anthony. A man travels to a parallel universe in which human woman are milked like cows. Our "hero" even has non-consensual sex with one of them. Charming. Another of the worst stories is "And the Sea Like Mirrors" by Gregory Benford. A man and woman are adrift on a life raft surrounded by alien creatures in the water. The man routinely beats the woman for being stupid but he's supposed to be the hero of the story. In his introduction to "Bed Sheets are White" by Evelyn Lief, Ellison tells us Lief was a writing student of his. After she wrote a bad story, he threatened to beat her and shove the story up her ass if she wrote another horrible story like it. She left the room crying and immediately wrote this story, which was so good he bought it. Was Ellison trying to be funny by telling us this or does he think threatening writing students is the best way to get them to write better? Ellison looks bad either way. In Kurt Vonnegut, Jr.'s contribution, Earth is doomed due to pollution, overpopulation, and many extinct species. Swearing is no longer considered bad and everyone does it. The people of Earth fire a rocket full of jizzum into space in order to continue the human race. In this world, children can sue parents for not raising them right. It's kind of funny, I guess, but it reads like it was written by a twelve-year-old. Definitely one of the subpar stories in this collection. K. M. O’Donnell's "Still-Life" focuses on the domestic problems of an astronaut. He has non-consensual sex with his wife and assaults the babysitter, but neither of these acts is portrayed as a bad thing. Overall, an average story. Another average story, Leonard Tushnet's "In Re Glover", at least made me think. The Supreme Court tries to decide if a cryogenically frozen man should be considered alive or dead, but the case is rendered moot when a power outage kills him. I can't help wondering what would happen if this came up in real life. Should a person in suspended animation be considered legally dead or not? Ben Bova's "Zero Gee" is another average story in which an astronaut assigned to go to space with a photographer is looking forward to being the first man to have sex in zero g. However, he first has to deal with a a second woman assigned to the mission who might stand in his way. It didn't end up being as bad as I thought it would be. "Ching Witch!" by Ross Rocklynne was a fun story. The only man to survive the destruction of Earth travels to the planet Zephyrus where he's an instant celebrity. He doesn't tell them Earth has been destroyed, just that Earth doesn't hold a grudge against them anymore. The teenagers of the planet want to know the latest Earth slang and dances. They ride low gravity brooms for fun. There's a lot of funny parts. It's a bit creepy that he's into teenage girls, though. "Time Travel for Pedestrians" by Ray Nelson is one of the few stories a traditional outlet wouldn't have published due to its sex, violence, cussing, and sacrilegious nature. I didn't think much of it until the end which made me like it. It's a reincarnation story. The narrator lives several lives. Mary Magdalene expressed the interesting idea that if Jesus wanted a book written about him, he would have written it himself. There's no need for a book when God can speak directly to us. Those who love a book more than God are able to justify committing all manner of atrocities. H. H. Hollis is a lawyer and his story "Stoned Counsel" has a science fiction legal setting. The narrator's opponent is defending a company responsible for pollution. Hallucinogens are used in court to learn the truth. Opposing lawyers share a hallucination full of trippy images. Fascinating. Bernard Wolfe provided two stories. "Biscuit Position" isn't a science fiction story at all, but rather literary fiction. In it, a war reporter flirts with a married woman and discusses the Vietnam War at a dinner party. A dog dies a gruesome, drawn-out death which will stick with you for a while. The characters exchange witty repartee throughout, but I thought it was poor taste when the narrator said something witty about the dead dog. His second story, "The Girl With Rapid Eye Movements", features a creative writing teacher who has trouble relating to his stoner student who wants to write rock lyrics. Their discussions are reminiscent of the dialog in Philip K. Dick's Through a Scanner Darkly. It's really fun. Two characters have the ability to influence each other's dreams when they sleep in proximity to each other (I think a machine is also involved somehow). The author claims this isn't a science fiction story even though it clearly is. (What's realistic about two different people sharing the same dream?) In his afterword, the author bad mouths scientists and science fiction authors for being slaves to capitalism. It seems strange to bad mouth sci-fi in a sci-fi anthology. I quite liked "Eye of the Beholder" by Burt K. Filer in which a sculptor's artistic work is used to achieve weightlessness. Art gets turned into science, which is a neat idea. In "Moth Race" by Richard Hill, people are able to vicariously experience what celebrities eat and drink. They can even experience sex vicariously, but it's not exactly the same as the real thing. People take pills that keep them happy and also keep them from being prejudiced. Everyone in the world has enough to eat, a sexual partner, and a comfortable life, but not everyone gets to have children. Normal people's food is not as good as what celebrities get. People compete in a death race for a chance to become a celebrity, but only one man has ever lived through it. A good story. James Blish (with Judith Ann Lawrence) wrote "Getting Along" which details the erotic adventures of a woman who visits various relatives who turn out to be a vampire, Dr. Frankenstein, Dr. Moreau, a Lovecraftian horror, etc. It's funny in places. In his introduction to "The Milk of Paradise" by James Tiptree, Jr., Ellison says he saved the best story for last. (It's the last story in the collection, however I'm reviewing them out-of-order, saving my favorite stories for the end of my review.) Ellison says Tiptree is the man to beat, a shoo-in for the Hugo Award. (He didn't know at the time that Tiptree was a pseudonym for female writer Alice Sheldon, which amuses me.) The story itself is about a man raised by aliens who is disgusted by humans. However, he finds going home isn't what he remembered either. It's a pretty good story. The title for Gahan Wilson's story is a picture of a spot or inkblot. A man discovers a stain in his house that disappears when you stop looking at it, but reappears somewhere else, bigger than it was before. It appears to be two dimensional, but actually has depth. Spooky. "Chuck Berry, Won't You Please Come Home" by Ken McCullough has a narrator who keeps bugs as pets. He once walked a wasp around on a thread which, started a fad at his school. In the present, he's feeding a tick he named Chuck Berry from a cadaver which gave him a wink. He gives the tick drugs and it grows big. His writing style reminded me of William S. Burroughs. I was surprised to find Dean R. Koontz had a story in this collection. It's titled "A Mouse in the Walls of the Global Village". In the story, empathy circuits installed in the brain make everyone telepathic, except for a few who are called Stunted. Even in utopia, some unfortunates will fall through the cracks and get discriminated against. It's really well written. "Ozymandias" by Terry Carr is another one of the good stories. To protect against grave robbers, cryogenically frozen people are placed in tombs rigged with traps. Superstitious grave robbers think they need to dance in a certain way to avoid the traps. Great world building. In "The Funeral" by Kate Wilhelm, 14-year-old Carla has never seen a male before and has no last name. She is considered property of the state. She is a student in a school, assigned to become a teacher. This story has really impressive world building, revealing how things work a little at a time. Creepy. In her afterword, Wilhelm complains that store clerks and soda jerks serve middle-aged people before teenagers who were waiting longer. I hadn't realized discrimination against teenagers like this was a thing. Earthlings colonize a planet called New Tahiti in "The Word for World is Forest" by Ursula K. Le Guin. Many animals back on Earth have gone extinct and the colonists are cutting down trees and making animals go extinct on this new planet. Evolution on New Tahiti happened similarly to how it happened on Earth, but the humans died out on this planet. Green monkeys called creechies are the closest thing this planet has to humans. The creechies are used for slave labor and sex. They don't require sleep because they dream while they're awake. The story alternates between different points of view: a human in favor of colonization, a creechie, and a human opposed to colonization. Le Guin does a great job of writing from different points of view. The principle conflict, that humans don't have lumber on Earth, doesn't make a lot of sense, but I suppose lumber is just a stand in for resources in general. One of the best stories in this collection. Despite Ellison predicting a different story in this collection would get the award, this story won the Hugo Award for Best Novella. "When it Changed" by Joanna Russ won the Nebula Award for Best Short Story. In the introduction to this story, Ellison admits that he was a male chauvinist in the past, calls out a fellow sci-fi writer for being a chauvinist, and declares "the best writers in sf today are the women." (Which makes you wonder why he included so few women in this collection.) He also praises the women's lib movement and declares, "I see more kindness and rationality in the average woman than in the average man." This surprised me, since every story in Ellison's collection "I Have No Mouth, and I Must Scream" was quite sexist. Although, to be fair, that was written a few years before this. Russ's story takes place on a planet in which all the men died 30 generations ago. The women live in a steam-powered, agricultural, honor-based society in which duels are common. A group of men from Earth arrive and want to reintroduce men to the planet. The narrator feels small for the first time in her life since the men are bigger than her. The men are clearly sexist, but claim sexual equality has been reestablished on Earth. This story has great characterization. I loved this line: "When one culture has the big guns and the other has none, there is a certain predictability about the outcome." In her afterword, Russ mentions that men get served on airplanes before women. It's easy to forget how many ways society has progressed over the years. May 18, 2023 Overall grade: B+/A- Video review: https://youtu.be/-V8QSmgXbek I actually enjoyed this book more than I enjoyed Dangerous Visions. I think Dangerous Visions is still in print, while this one is not. I also think dangerous visions is more widely read today than its sequel, which is a shame. There are more big names in DV than in ADV but the overall quality of the stories was better and there was a higher percentage of enjoyable and actually dangerous stories. DV really leaned in on being religiously blasphemous, while this one did not really have near as many stories with that focus. I think there were more big names in DV but ADV had some of my favorite authors like Gene Wolfe and Ursuka K Le Guin and Vonnegut, whereas the only author I am obsessive about from DV is JG Ballard. Ellison’s introductions were again kinda annoying and presumptuous and pretentious. Some of them were somewhat useful but most of them were basically just filler and platforms for Ellison to brag about either being friends with the author or having taught the author. There were more women included in this one. This is a good thing. I’m unsure of how many people of color were included but there are at least two stories written by Jewish authors. Anthologies are always going to be somewhat hit or miss and I can’t think of an anthology where I enjoyed every single story. Overall there are few very few misses in this book and a lot of solid stories. Some of the stories are spectacular, though, and the highs of this book are higher than DV or any other anthology I have read. Favorites 1 the word for world is forest - Ursula k Le guin 2 With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama", novella by Richard A. Lupoff 3 Time Travel for Pedestrians - Ray Nelson 4 [A spot], by Gahan Wilson 5 Bed Sheets Are White", by Evelyn Lief 6 The Big Space Fuck", by Kurt Vonnegut 7 For Value Received - Andy offutt 8 Stoned Counsel", by H. H. Hollis 9 When It Changed", by Joanna Russ 10 Still-Life", by Barry N. Malzberg (as K. M. O'Donnell) Least favorites 1 "Christ, Old Student in a New School", poem by Ray Bradbury 2 Totenbüch", by Albert Parra, as A. Parra (y Figueredo) 3 In the Barn", by Piers Anthony 4 Chuck Berry, Won't You Please Come Home", by Ken McCullough 5 Harry the Hare", by James B. Hemesath Individual stories 1 Keynote: The Counterpoint of View - John Heidenry - B/B+ Really just a Borges pastiche, which it wears on its sleeve. Too short to really have much of an impact. Kinda an odd keynote or intro given that there is only one other metafictional story in the book. 2 Ching-Witch by Ross Rocklynne - B/B+ Solid story. Seems like a commentary on youth culture in the late 60s and early 70s and how quickly fads pass. Kinda reads like old white guy wish fulfillment. 3 The Word for World is Forest - Ursula k Le guin - A/A+ I did a stand alone video for this novella. I had read it once before separate from ADV. at heart it’s a piece of protest literature that seems to condemn the Vietnam War. Basically a companion piece to Lathe of Heaven. Check out my other video for more about the book. 4 For Value Received - Andy offutt - A-/A About a girl being born. she lives in the hospital until she is in her 20s because her parents found their hospital bill exorbitant. A send up of health insurance and non socialized health care and how ridiculous health care costs are in this country. 5 Mathoms From the Time Closet - Gene Wolfe - B+/A- - comprises "Robot's Story", "Against The Lafayette Escadrille", and "Loco Parentis" 3 flash fiction pieces all dealing with time travel in one way or another. That being said, the stories read like literary fiction rather than sci fi. Typical Wolfe: literary and inventive but not as spectacular as some of his other books and stories. 6 Time Travel for Pedestrians - Ray Nelson - A-/A A fucking trip. Super trippy and very dangerous. I have to imagine that this one caused a stir. Seems to describe a drug trip caused by something like datura or morning glory seeds, which are both very strong deliriant. The narrator jumps around in time experiencing a variety of different scenarios, mainly focusing on various types of western mysticism. I’ve seen it described as past life regression but that’s not clear in the story. A mixture of druggy montage and spiritual exploration. I wish this one was a novel length story. Apparently Nelson wrote the story that They Live is based on. 7 "Christ, Old Student in a New School", poem by Ray Bradbury - F Didnt even finish this one. Why was a poem even included? I didn’t understand this one or why it was included. 8 King of the Hill", by Chad Oliver - B/B+ Seems to predict climate change and some of its effects. Only somewhat prescient. The story concerns overpopulation and rampant extinction. The story does meander some. I found it inventive and well-executed. 9 "The 10:00 Report is Brought to You By...", by Edward Bryant - B/B+ The story is about a news station paying to be the first to report a story by paying criminals to commit crimes then documenting the crimes. There is a rape scene in this one, which is quite haunting. Seems like a precursor to stuff like Nightcrawler. One of the more dangerous visions in this book. 10 "The Funeral", by Kate Wilhelm - B+/A- I found this story to be fairly mysterious and difficult to pin down. Seems like a reaction to the hippie youth movement and a parody of the 1950s in America. What I’ve read of Wilhelm seems like it was pretty influential in the sci fi genre. 11 "Harry the Hare", by James B. Hemesath - C+/B- A flash fiction piece. Seems like an ode to cartoons, also a commentary on copyright law. I was kinda unsure of what was going on in this story. There is some gore and violence but it’s not a particularly dangerous vision. 12 "When It Changed", by Joanna Russ (Nebula Award for Best Short Story) - B+/A- About a colonized planet where men have gone extinct and there have only been women for hundreds of years. Men from Earth show up and fuck up the status quo. The story kinda subverts the expectations of someone who has just heard the summary, though. 13 "The Big Space Fuck", by Kurt Vonnegut - A-/A The tone and plot of this story are very Vonnegut. It’s like it is almost logical, but not quite. About earth going to shit and humanity trying to artificially inseminate the universe. The story reminded me of Ariana Grande’s song “NASA”. 14 "Bounty", by T. L. Sherred - B/B+ About vigilantism being legalized and rewarded monetarily, so people bait others into crimes that they can be rewarded for violently stopping. People also kill themselves so their families will get paid. Short and disturbing and misanthropic. 15 "Still-Life", by Barry N. Malzberg (as K. M. O'Donnell) - B+/A- About an astronaut slowly going crazy and eventually leaving 2 other astronauts on the moon and going home. The main character rapes his wife in the story’s opening. The main character is basically a villain: short tempered and self centered. Seems like a commentary on how bureaucracy drives you crazy, as he really doesn’t like how nasa tells him not to swear during his mission to the moon. 16 "Stoned Counsel", by H. H. Hollis - B+/A- This story is trippy and vivid and super inventive. It reminded me of an adult version of adventure time. It’s about 2 lawyers doing drugs and then mind melding as they fight over a legal case. It’s almost a climate fiction story as well. 17 "Monitored Dreams and Strategic Cremations", by Bernard Wolfe—comprises "The Bisquit Position" and "The Girl With Rapid Eye Movements" - B/B+ Two stories connected by them both having the same main character. The first story is about a rich journalist helping a woman with a husky cheat on her husband, who is heavily tied up in the military industrial complex. The dog accidentally dies in a demonstration of the effects of napalm. It reminded me of Joan Didion’s play it as it lays. The second story is concerned with incomprehensible rock lyrics and how dreams affect reality. Seems to parody songs like “In A Gadda Da Vida”. The story is much more playful and absurd than the first one. Both seem to protest the vietnam war and capitalism. Some parts are really funny. 18 "With A Finger in My I", by David Gerrold - B/B+ Maybe a B-/B. It’s a lot like Borges’ tlon uqbar story. Mass hysteria and hallucinations, how the quirks of our perceptions color the world around us. Too peculiar to be incisive and rather unfocused. 19 "In the Barn", by Piers Anthony - C+/B- This one is a dangerous vision. It is also pretty damn disgusting. It’s basically about vegetarianism and veganism and how we would never treat humans like we treat people. Kinda reminded me of Michel Faber’s Under the Skin. 20 "Soundless Evening", by Lee Hoffman - B/B+ Solid and rather innocuous. Basically about a society with limits on how many children you can have. You can still have as many babies as you want but they are killed at the age of 5 if you have more than two. It’s too short and low stakes to really affect you emotionally. 21 [A spot], by Gahan Wilson - A-/A Really fucking good. Inventive and silly and absurd. A simple idea but it’s very well executed. Basically about a spot on a wall growing and eventually consuming everything. Almost an A/A+ but just a bit too short to have that kind of impact on me. 22 "The Test-Tube Creature, Afterward", by Joan Bernott - B/B+ A piece of flash fiction. About a genetically engineered pet that other causing or stopping its owners suicide. It reeks of depression and anhedonia. Definitely a dangerous vision. 23 "And the Sea Like Mirrors", by Gregory Benford -B/B+ Pretty close to a B+/A- but way too misogynistic. stated to be a response to Heinlein’s competent man. Reminded me of the show Yellowjackets and the book the Kar Chee reign. A literary thriller, sf-lite. It explores madness and toxic masculinity. 24 "Bed Sheets Are White", by Evelyn Lief - A-/A Reminded me of the long walk by Richard Bachman slash Stephen king. It is hallucinatory and very of its time. Some of it is about white nationalism, some of it seems like a dream sequence. Short and sweet and no excess language. Seems like it’s a memory but it couldn’t be, as the world of the story is completely alien, 25 "Tissue", by James Sallis—comprises "At the Fitting Shop" and "53rd American Dream" - B-/B Thot these were just fine. The first story is about a teenage boy getting lost in a department store shopping for a new penis. The second story is about the highs and lows of parenting. Lot of shock value and subversion in this one. 26 Elouise And The Doctors of the Planet Pergamon", by Josephine Saxton - B+/A- A haunting and and disgusting visceral story. Kinda ballardian, as it’s the closest thing to the atrocity exhibition I’ve ever read, besides gravitys rainbow. About a perfectly healthy woman on a planet where everyone has grotesque disabilities and horrible illnesses. Kinda like a Beckett play. 27 "Chuck Berry, Won't You Please Come Home", by Ken McCullough - C+/B- Too low stakes for me. Not really dangerous and not really sci fi. It’s about a guy growing a tick to a humongous size. Very stylized and repetitive. 28 "Epiphany For Aliens", by David Kerr - B/B+ About a team of scientists that discover a group of Neanderthals that are still alive in Europe. It has its own logic. The woman who sacrifices herself for science seems like a stand in for bleeding heart liberal types. Perhaps somewhat racist. 29 "Eye of the Beholder", by Burt K. Filer - B/B+ About an artist who creates sculptures that are mathematically impossible, as they defy the rules of gravity. The cia and a female scientist are quite interested in creating an insterstellar engine from the sculptures. It reminded me of Ballard’s early stories and explores the differences between art and science, 30 Moth Race", by Richard Hill- B+/A- This story is seemingly about a utopia where everyone is given everything they need by the government. A man goes to watch a race where the drivers have to survive racing around a track with randomly generated obstacles. The only one to ever conquer the track is called the champion and he lives like a modern celebrity. The main character is part of the race’s audience and drunkenly tries to participate in the race. 31 "In Re Glover", by Leonard Tushnet - B/B+ Solid and vaguely funny story, comedic but not hilarious. Somewhat kafkaesque, in that it portrays endless and convoluted bureaucracies. It is more or less about the legal ramifications of cryogenesis tech. Could’ve been more in depth. 32 "Zero Gee", by Ben Bova - B-/B About a male astronaut trying to be the first human being to have sex in outer space. The woman he is supposed to fuck is a time life photographer, a civilian in a nasa space station. Too long and technical and meandering. Not very exciting as a story. 33 A Mouse in the Walls of the Global Village", by Dean R. Koontz - B/B+ This is the only thing I’ve ever read by Koontz. I didn’t realize he wrote sci fi. The story is about a world where almost everyone can communicate telepathically and centers on one of the few who has to communicate normally. His life is quite hellish, as he is beat up and abused for making sounds. The narrator sometimes can’t stop himself from screaming and crying. A visceral story. 34 Getting Along", by James Blish and Judith Ann Lawrence - B/B+ A series of 9 letters detailing a woman’s super odd family and her search for a home. It apparently parodies 9 or 10 different genre fiction authors, which I wouldn’t have realized if not for Ellison’s intro to the story. The concept and idea of the story are better than the actual execution. Seems somewhat random and weird for the sake of being weird. 35 Totenbüch", by Albert Parra, as A. Parra (y Figueredo) - D+/C- I didn’t understand this story at all. I found it confusing and faux deep and random and unfocused. I had no idea what was going on or what I was supposed to take away. 36 Things Lost", by Thomas M. Disch - B+/A- I didn’t understand what the point of the story was but I enjoyed it a lot. It’s about a generation ship populated by old immortal people. It’s ostensibly the journal of a scientist whose claim to fame is mapping the genome of mice. He is an amateur author who wants to start writing a novel. There’s a lot of references to Proust. Breezy and low stakes. 37 With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama", novella by Richard A. Lupoff - A-/A I really hated this story at first but I grew to love it. I didnt understand ellison comparing it to riders of the purple wage until a while into the story but that is actually a pretty good comparison. Parts of it are written in a mixture of good ol boy talk and phonetic spelling like in finnegans wake. It’s basically about a war between the planets New Alabama and New Haiti, although there’s a lot of more details than that, as there are zombies and some avatar type stuff. A supremely odd story but it is super inventive and consistently surprising. 38 "Lamia Mutable", by M John Harrison - B-/B I’m not sure I understood this story. It seems somewhat random, also apocalyptic. Just okay, maybe too referential and reliant on allusions. Kinda disappointing as I have heard really good things about the author. 39 Last Train to Kankakee", by Robin Scott - B/B+ About a con artist who dies and gets frozen and then reincarnated. He can’t find a purpose and kills himself multiple times, and eventually succeeds. His cells are then spread into the universe. Solid and low stakes. Does mention rape and murder. 40 "Empire of the Sun", by Andrew Weiner - B+/A- A hallucinatory montage that plays by its own rules. About a man drafted into a war on mars where he is really just fighting other conscripts from earth. The war might be meant to lower earths population. Parts of it are a dream sequence I think. Solid story. 41 "Ozymandias", by Terry Carr - B/B+ Post apocalyptic tomb robbers journey to an area like the valley of the kings in Egypt. Once there they loot a vault. I didn’t necessarily understand why this one was so long and why some stuff was included. There were some cool details tho. Pretty solid story. 42 "The Milk of Paradise", by James Tiptree, Jr B/B+ I feel similarly about this one as to how I felt about the story by the author included in nova 2 (and I have come upon this place by most ways). I felt it was solid and pretty good, not amazing, and I’m not sure I fully understood it. Think it’s about a human slave revealing the name and location of its home world. The people who got that info go to the home world and are disappointed, so they kill the slave. I felt like there should’ve been more description and more worldbuilding. Overall grade: B+/A- Same grade as DV but I liked this one more. More on the A- side while DV was more on the B+ side. December 16, 2019 I won't write on everything in the collection. I wrote about "The Word for World is Forest" by Le Guin on the novella's own page, since it was so long and fantastic on its own. On an interesting side note, these stories are certainly of an era, with a good number of them concerned greatly by overpopulation and many also being environmentally focused. It makes sense, given the publication date and years during which the stories were written. Plenty also seem to comment on Vietnam, cryogenics, and other topics that were controversial or cutting-edge at the time. Ellison's extensive intros to each piece are very hit or miss and often just feel like him bragging about how cool his friends are but mostly make me think these maybe aren't necessarily good stories, just good chances to give favors to some authors. On an infuriating side note, the Kindle version of this collection screws you over on one piece that was meant to include, indeed shouldn't be read without, some drawings. It's a major bummer, because the story, by Gahan Wilson, is a very enjoyable horror story about a black dot that suddenly appears in a very fastidious man's home. The first two stories, "The Counterpoint of View" by John Heidenry and "Ching Witch!" by Ross Rocklynne were good, enjoyable shorts, but nothing I care to write about extensively. Heidenry's is a very post modern, experimental short on writing and religion and more, just poking fun and asking questions of many things but offering nothing in way of answers. Rocklynne's story is a fun romp through a strange future where Earth explodes but a part-cat man survives and jets off to a new planet before it, going so fast he has a few years before this planet will know what happened. He enjoys a life there feeling like a king, as this planet loves Earth and those from it. Yet, in the end, he finds he has been lied to as he lied to them. He has been watched and around mostly beings from a third planet, who want to take him back to their planet as a pet. It's fun, but it doesn't really say much beyond portraying the levels of lies and the impacts of loneliness and isolation. The first short in this collection I'd like to write about is "For Value Received" by andrew j. offutt. To begin, Ellison's extensive foreward to the short is as hilarious and wonderful as the story itself. offutt is a rebel against capitalism, bureaucracy, and American governance both in life and in writing. In the story, he tells of a man who puts his wife in a nice, private room for the birth of his third child. Upon time to check out, he decides he wants the bill mailed to him instead of settling it then and there. The hospital refuses, saying the patient cannot be discharged until he pays. He leaves the baby there, calling their bluff. Except they don't bluff; they keep her until she's 21 and a med school grad. She takes over her debts, works at the hospital as an intern to cover the costs of the original bill, and moves out. It appears it will work too, the hospital board happy to have a way out of the stalemate. Most speaking characters here idolize the father for sticking to his principles, calling him a hero. However, it's absurd for both a father and a hospital to refuse to bend on such small matters to such large consequences, which makes the satire. offutt tells the story with great humor throughout, reminding me of Vonnegut, one of my favorites. Both of these writers like to write satirically to question America, capitalism, and other aspects of life people usually assume are positive or neutral - if they ever consider them at all. Next came three shorts overall titled "Mathoms from the Time Closet." Gene Wolfe writes them, and all three deal with odd timelines of some kind. First, "Robot's Story" has a time-travelling robot named Robot telling an odd story about a man landing on a grassy planet and quickly deciding to enslave himself to the first woman he meets. After the story, Robot is asked to go buy some weed for the kids he was just talking to. He's from a different time and thinking on a different level than the kids. The story he tells shows men being stupid for lust in a very predictable way. Robot himself shows similar issues but was made by man to serve. It shows how similar we are to what we make. Next comes "Against the Lafayette Escadrille," a nice little story about a hobbyist that made a nearly perfect replica of an old triplane. One day out flying it, he sees a woman in a balloon with everything perfectly replicated. He never finds her again though, so she's likely somehow time traveled. Nevertheless, he continues to dream of her. The last story is titled "Loco Parentis" and examines parenting in only script-style dialogue. The parents each question their son's reality: is he theirs? is he a genetically modified ape? is he a robot? These concerns flash forward throughout their life with him, likely the couple's shared anxiety dream. Then we're chucked back to them meeting their son. They both quickly agree that he is, in fact, fully theirs. This suggests, to me, that parents have their doubts about the alien things they raise, but just as surely take any and all signs that the child is theirs to heart, even if these signs are actually ambiguous and meaningless. Bradbury's poem "Christ, Old Student in a New School" warrants much more time, thinking, and writing than I feel like giving it. To be as brief as I can, it's a poem in which Christ/man sees all the suffering, realizes it was done by himself/mankind, and decides to start again, renewed, in space. Something like that. A similar story follows, although not written in poetry: "King of the Hill" by Chad Oliver. Oliver's story brings us an Earth on the brink of collapse via overpopulation and environmental negligence. The richest man on Earth, though, spends years and billions finding the best place to send some animal DNA to start life somewhere else. He doesn't send humans. However, raccoons appear to begin taking humanity's place. It's somewhat hopeful for life and intelligent life, but also quite stark for mankind and even the hinted cyclical nature of life. "The 10:00 Report Is Brought to You by..." comes next, written by Edward Bryant. It's a chilling take on how terribly humans are willing to be for money or fame or whatever enjoyment they seek. In the story, a news station pays a gang to violently destroy a town for their own ratings increase. People that work for the station do nothing. Even the guy that resigns over it asks for a job back. The men doing the violence enjoy it and the money. It's a sad little story, really. Kate Wilhelm's "The Funeral" threw me for a loop. It's like Margaret Atwood, which means it's very good speculative fiction, often with a healthy dose of feminism. In this story, the matriarch of a school dies, aged 120 or more. She was instrumental in turning the education system into a rigid, system that actually controls most of society after some vague annihilation of the youth. The society has specific jobs that men and women are placed into by the schools. The protagonist thinks she wants to be a Lady, but later is shown what that means (presumably being used for sex). She is selected by the matriarch's protege to be a Teacher. During the extensive process of a funeral for the dead Teacher, the protagonist Carla learns more truths of society and finds a way to escape in a hidden room the same way the dead Teacher escaped from one of the annihilations. This story looks down on how we "mold" children in our own image out of our hate for them. It also suggests that young people have an innate moral compass that will guide them to rebel against adult BS no matter how strictly we attempt to control them. Vonnegut's contribution to the collection, "The Big Space Fuck," is dark and satirical in deliciously Vonnegutian style. It's quite short, but lambastes overpopulation, pollution, materialism, and more. It's a fun one, which is strange to say because it's effectively about the end of the world due to humanity's horrors. In T.L. Sherred's "Bounty," we get an interesting prophecy on how gun violence may finally end in America. An unnamed wealthy person or group places an ad in the paper, paying anyone that stops an armed robbery or that dies in said attempt. People start killing everyone with a visible gun. Vigilantes take over everything. Then, with a new President, guns are entirely outlawed, even for police. This seems to suggest we can end gun violence with greed and gun violence. Or something like that. A later story in the collection, titled "In the Barn," kept me guessing. Written by Piers Anthony, the universe has multiple parallels and "Earth-Prime" - our Earth - is the only one able to go to and from these parallels. We follow an inspector's visit to #772, which is warless and also animal-less. The inspector goes into a barn, on the pretense of being a new farmhand. He finds cows and bulls of humans instead of cattle. He does the work only to finally break the rules and save a "calf" to bring back to EP. At first, I expected this to be a feminist story about women being oppressed. But the bull was male and the society also had non-cow women as well. This society drew the moral line at how terrible it would be to eat filthy creatures and decided using their own mammal kind is better, cleaner. When the inspector returns to EP, he's in a normal barn, and muses on whether or not he did the right thing and if EP is doing the better thing, subjecting a different species to tortures and slavery. The peace of the other world seems to suggest the "evils" of their domesticated-human farming system may be a better way to go than our own system. Chilling, thought-provoking stuff. A quite short but quite thought-provoking romp was "The Test-Tube Creature, Afterward" by Joan Bernott. In this one, a man lives alone with a large cat that we learn is quite intelligent and capable of speech. It takes a turn toward a sad sort of isolation though, when a girlfriend calls him, but he declines and breaks up with her, preferring to spend the evening with his cat. He avoids human love because "Somehow, this, the easier way, was also better." Another chilling one! Gregory Benford brings an interesting survivalist and psychological thriller type story with "And the Sea Like Mirrors." In this story, a man and woman are stranded on a raft in the Pacific with alien dolphin things attacking them. It's just their young forms though. The older forms are trying to communicate with and help them apparently. In the process of surviving and meeting aliens, the characters follow their gender stereotypes. The man takes charge, stays logical, and uses violence and intelligence to survive and adapt. The woman submits, becomes "hysterical," and irrationally seems to side with the murderous aliens. It's a cool concept all around, even in execution. The end leaves the woman dead after stupidly trying to swim to an island obviously covered with the carnivorous aliens, while the man happily ignores her screams and continues toward the older forms of alien life, leaving the only human behind. At nearly the end of the collection comes Carr's "Ozymandias." This post-apocalyptic gem of a story tickled me in all the right ways. First, the subtle world building of the short teaches us that this world has vaults that robbers dance to in order to attain tools and food and such. Later, we learn that thinkers of this tribe were all just murdered, save one thinker-in-training that was spared as he was not technically a thinker yet. Once the unique, ritualized dance-ascent was completed, the robbers made the remaining thinker pick a vault. The thinkers said all vaults were empty, but robbers disagreed. The robbers also thought picking the wrong vault can kill you (and maybe everyone), so chose this dispensable thinker. The thinker, however, knows something the robbers do not, so picks an empty vault for safety. He gets them to open a secret bottom to the vault, which contains an Immortal. The immortal wakes up, giant of a man. The thinker, who has a special empath power, feels the immortal wants to be killed, so he kills him. This short manages to damn the rich and their hyper-modern cryogenic pyramids while also pointing to a human tendency toward violence and against knowledge, when that knowledge is inconvenient. "The Milk of Paradise" by James Tiptree, Jr. ends the collection in style. Tiptree's story follows a man not named Timor and his struggles to rejoin humanity after living his first several years on a different planet with his father. Having been raised there, he learned to love and make love with these aliens, and finds humans repulsive. He is kidnapped by another human who wants to see "Paradise" like Timor describes. Timor is drugged and gives him enough information that they find it. It turns out that Timor's memory is greatly skewed by his being young and small at the time. To the kidnapper, these aliens are small, ugly gray blobs, not the tall, gorgeous beings that Timor remembers and, shortly, sees. Timor appears to then kill the kidnapper and is able to live happily from then on in "Paradise." Hidden a bit below the surface, it seems these beings may drug people with similar drugs that the kidnapper used on Timor, since their radio said something about a medical recall. It appears Timor is safe, the rest of the humans knowing enough to avoid the addictive aliens. It's a strange and delightful meditation on what true beauty and art and pleasure truly are, and how much of that is nature or nurture. This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers. August 20, 2017 Man, this was extremely disappointing. Now, I know it's been a lot of years, but I have a hard time believing most of these stories were particularly dangerous or compelling even at the time. There are a few standouts, but most of the stories are just vague, boring, or (worst) standard. And Harlan Ellison drives me absolutely batty with his introductions--there are a lot of sci-fi writers I would love to hear talk about things, but I've never read someone so full of grandiosity and empty promises. I guess the most damning thing I can say is that I don't even remember most of the stories. I remember a lot of poor endings, particularly on stories that seemed to be building to something which didn't pay off. I remember a few stories that seemed like deep Borges-style stories, playing with reality somehow, but, upon examination, I couldn't make sense of them. I don't know if that's me or just a bad story. Flipping back through the table of contents, here are the stories I can say something good about: le Guin's story, "The Word for World is Forest" is good, but too drawn out. offutt's "For Value Received" was excellently funny, although maybe not really sci-fi. Bryant's "The 10:00 Report is Brought to You By" was actually (conceivably) dangerous, telling about the exploitative nature of newscasting; this was a good one. Joanna Russ' "When It Changed" was a nice little story about a planet populated only by women, but it's really a story about gender roles; one of the few stories to really fit in such a volume. Sherred's "Bounty" about regular people's capacity for vengeance and violence. Hollis' "Stoned Council" at least has an interesting premise, even if it's written in a fairly standard drug-addled way that doesn't make it worth remembering, particularly. Bernard Wolfe has two nice stories in here, neither of which really fit in the volume, and a rather long afterword about how terrible science fiction is; this is, unfortunately, some of the best writing in the book. Anthony's "In the Barn" seemed much more dangerous when I read it a few years ago--now it didn't seem nearly so, but certainly interesting and worthy of inclusion. Gahan Wilson's story was original, at least in genre. Benford's "And the Sea Like Mirrors" was one of the first I read. It's well-written, extremely compelling, and appears to be missing the finale. Unfortunately, there's' a lot of that in this book. Burt Filer's "Eye of the Beholder" is probably the strongest entry, about a scientist and an artist who are studying the same thing, without realizing it. It's a discussion of the boundaries between art and science, and what happens if one wins. Tushnet's "In Re Glover" is a nice little story about the legal ramifications of cryogenics. Blish's "Getting Along" is an exercise in genre, mimicking the writing styles of some classic scifi authors. It's not a particularly excellent story, but it's fun to read and try to identify the authors in question. Lupoff's "With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama" has an excellent setup, and an amazing use of language (reminiscent of Clockwork Orange), but the finale doesn't really do the story justice. The rest of the stories are either entirely forgettable or bad. (And by forgettable, I mean that even picking up the book and skimming some sentences through the story, I can't remember it.) So that's like 15 stories worth mentioning out of a book of about 45. And, frankly, only a handful of those 15 are really worth remembering. Add in Ellison's annoying essays, and I've certainly read much better (and more dangerous!) collections. September 3, 2014 As with the first volume, there are some very good stories, some average ones, and a whole lot that made me wonder what Ellison had in his pipe when he was assembling this anthology. I'll just talk about some of the ones I liked. A pair of stories by Bernard Wolfe, under the collective title "Monitored Dreams and Strategic Cremations." The first of these, "The Bisquit Position," is probably the most dangerous story in the volume, even today. Just try criticizing the military and see what happens. This story should disabuse the reader of any lingering notion that it has anything to do with honor. "With a Finger in My I" by David Gerrold: An unsettling, surreal and funny story that takes place in a world where ideas can literally change the world. I've read this story several times and never get tired of it's wordplay and weirdness. "█" by cartoonist Gahan Wilson: Another funny and slightly creepy story that plays with the prose format by introducing a graphical element (the title actually resembles an ink blot; the above is as close as I could come in text format.) "The Word for World is Forest" by Ursula K. Le Guin: A story of planetary rape that I'm pretty sure James Cameron swiped for Avatar. "The 10:00 Report is Brought to You by..." by Edward Bryant: A satire of news media as entertainment. Not far off these days, sadly. "In the Barn" by Piers Anthony: An inter-dimensional traveler arrives on an alternate Earth where humans are bred as farm animals. Would have been better had it not been in Anthony's typical, leering tone. (Is it me or does he always sound like he's typing with one hand down his pants?) "In Re Glover" by Leonard Tushnet: A humorous story examining the legalities of cryogenics. Well, those are the ones I remember best. Looking back over these, it seems like the better stories are mostly in the first half, but it might be that I had gotten so weary of the avant garde nature of many of the entries that my patience was wearing thinner the further I got. Still, it undoubtedly would have been a much stronger collection at half its length. July 23, 2016 This book has stories from several of my favorite authors- so it pains me to say that it was absolutely awful. Harlan Ellison's introductions are snarky, pompous, and condescending; and he wrote several page intros for each one. I was thinking about reading some of his own books after this, but now I'm not so sure. Everything about this sounds like it was written on panes of acid; and not in a good or fascinating way. The stories in here were previously unpublished, and it's clear why. All good authors have throwaway stories....and Ellison has conveniently collected them in one giant volume. I'm sorry, Kurt and Ray; I never thought I would dislike- so much- anything that you guys were involved in. I need an SF palate-cleanser September 2, 2019 Note: Goodreads has merged my review of "When it Changed" by Joanna Russ with the larger anthology in which it once appeared. Russ says it best in her afterword: stories about societies of women are often either power-mad, sexually insatiable male fantasies or boring, unrealistic utopias. Here Russ is mindful of the fact that women are people, and people build homes and families, make art, make love, get drunk and fight on Saturday night, piss off their neighbors, shelve their dreams to pay the bills, and every other activity on the spectrum of human possibility. And that human texture fuels a very interesting first contact story about two cultures with very different assumptions. July 1, 2007 Still one the best original sf anthologies ever, with terrific stories by Ursula K. LeGuin and many others. My favorite is still Richard Lupoff's "With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama." Ellison's long introductions are the best thing about it. In the introduction it is promised that THE LAST DANGEROUS VISIONS will appear six months after this volume; many people remain hopeful. April 5, 2008 This is quite as good as Harlan Ellison's 1969 anthology, Dangerous Visions. July 29, 2022 Mankind is a joke but animals should be saved shoot them into spaaaace! May 18, 2023 Overall grade: B+/A- Video review: https://youtu.be/-V8QSmgXbek I actually enjoyed this book more than I enjoyed Dangerous Visions. I think Dangerous Visions is still in print, while this one is not. I also think dangerous visions is more widely read today than its sequel, which is a shame. There are more big names in DV than in ADV but the overall quality of the stories was better and there was a higher percentage of enjoyable and actually dangerous stories. DV really leaned in on being religiously blasphemous, while this one did not really have near as many stories with that focus. I think there were more big names in DV but ADV had some of my favorite authors like Gene Wolfe and Ursuka K Le Guin and Vonnegut, whereas the only author I am obsessive about from DV is JG Ballard. Ellison’s introductions were again kinda annoying and presumptuous and pretentious. Some of them were somewhat useful but most of them were basically just filler and platforms for Ellison to brag about either being friends with the author or having taught the author. There were more women included in this one. This is a good thing. I’m unsure of how many people of color were included but there are at least two stories written by Jewish authors. Anthologies are always going to be somewhat hit or miss and I can’t think of an anthology where I enjoyed every single story. Overall there are few very few misses in this book and a lot of solid stories. Some of the stories are spectacular, though, and the highs of this book are higher than DV or any other anthology I have read. Favorites 1 the word for world is forest - Ursula k Le guin 2 With the Bentfin Boomer Boys on Little Old New Alabama", novella by Richard A. Lupoff 3 Time Travel for Pedestrians - Ray Nelson 4 [A spot], by Gahan Wilson 5 Bed Sheets Are White", by Evelyn Lief 6 The Big Space Fuck", by Kurt Vonnegut 7 For Value Received - Andy offutt 8 Stoned Counsel", by H. H. Hollis 9 When It Changed", by Joanna Russ 10 Still-Life", by Barry N. Malzberg (as K. M. O'Donnell) Least favorites 1 "Christ, Old Student in a New School", poem by Ray Bradbury 2 Totenbüch", by Albert Parra, as A. Parra (y Figueredo) 3 In the Barn", by Piers Anthony 4 Chuck Berry, Won't You Please Come Home", by Ken McCullough 5 Harry the Hare", by James B. Hemesath Individual stories 1 Keynote: The Counterpoint of View - John Heidenry - B/B+ Really just a Borges pastiche, which it wears on its sleeve. Too short to really have much of an impact. Kinda an odd keynote or intro given that there is only one other metafictional story in the book. 2 Ching-Witch by Ross Rocklynne - B/B+ Solid story. Seems like a commentary on youth culture in the late 60s and early 70s and how quickly fads pass. Kinda reads like old white guy wish fulfillment. 3 The Word for World is Forest - Ursula k Le guin - A/A+ I did a stand alone video for this novella. I had read it once before separate from ADV. at heart it’s a piece of protest literature that seems to condemn the Vietnam War. Basically a companion piece to Lathe of Heaven. Check out my other video for more about the book. 4 For Value Received - Andy offutt - A-/A About a girl being born. she lives in the hospital until she is in her 20s because her parents found their hospital bill exorbitant. A send up of health insurance and non socialized health care and how ridiculous health care costs are in this country. 5 Mathoms From the Time Closet - Gene Wolfe - B+/A- - comprises "Robot's Story", "Against The Lafayette Escadrille", and "Loco Parentis" 3 flash fiction pieces all dealing with time travel in one way or another. That being said, the stories read like literary fiction rather than sci fi. Typical Wolfe: literary and inventive but not as spectacular as some of his other books and stories. 6 Time Travel for Pedestrians - Ray Nelson - A-/A A fucking trip. Super trippy and very dangerous. I have to imagine that this one caused a stir. Seems to describe a drug trip caused by something like datura or morning glory seeds, which are both very strong deliriant. The narrator jumps around in time experiencing a variety of different scenarios, mainly focusing on various types of western mysticism. I’ve seen it described as past life regression but that’s not clear in the story. A mixture of druggy montage and spiritual exploration. I wish this one was a novel length story. Apparently Nelson wrote the story that They Live is based on. 7 "Christ, Old Student in a New School", poem by Ray Bradbury - F Didnt even finish this one. Why was a poem even included? I didn’t understand this one or why it was included. 8 King of the Hill", by Chad Oliver - B/B+ Seems to predict climate change and some of its effects. Only somewhat prescient. The story concerns overpopulation and rampant extinction. The story does meander some. I found it inventive and well-executed. 9 "The 10:00 Report is Brought to You By...", by Edward Bryant - B/B+ The story is about a news station paying to be the first to report a story by paying criminals to commit crimes then documenting the crimes. There is a rape scene in this one, which is quite haunting. Seems like a precursor to stuff like Nightcrawler. One of the more dangerous visions in this book. 10 "The Funeral", by Kate Wilhelm - B+/A- I found this story to be fairly mysterious and difficult to pin down. Seems like a reaction to the hippie youth movement and a parody of the 1950s in America. What I’ve read of Wilhelm seems like it was pretty influential in the sci fi genre. 11 "Harry the Hare", by James B. Hemesath - C+/B- A flash fiction piece. Seems like an ode to cartoons, also a commentary on copyright law. I was kinda unsure of what was going on in this story. There is some gore and violence but it’s not a particularly dangerous vision. 12 "When It Changed", by Joanna Russ (Nebula Award for Best Short Story) - B+/A- About a colonized planet where men have gone extinct and there have only been women for hundreds of years. Men from Earth show up and fuck up the status quo. The story kinda subverts the expectations of someone who has just heard the summary, though. 13 "The Big Space Fuck", by Kurt Vonnegut - A-/A The tone and plot of this story are very Vonnegut. It’s like it is almost logical, but not quite. About earth going to shit and humanity trying to artificially inseminate the universe. The story reminded me of Ariana Grande’s song “NASA”. 14 "Bounty", by T. L. Sherred - B/B+ About vigilantism being legalized and rewarded monetarily, so people bait others into crimes that they can be rewarded for violently stopping. People also kill themselves so their families will get paid. Short and disturbing and misanthropic. 15 "Still-Life", by Barry N. Malzberg (as K. M. O'Donnell) - B+/A- About an astronaut slowly going crazy and eventually leaving 2 other astronauts on the moon and going home. The main character rapes his wife in the story’s opening. The main character is basically a villain: short tempered and self centered. Seems like a commentary on how bureaucracy drives you crazy, as he really doesn’t like how nasa tells him not to swear during his mission to the moon. 16 "Stoned Counsel", by H. H. Hollis - B+/A- This story is trippy and vivid and super inventive. It reminded me of an adult version of adventure time. It’s about 2 lawyers doing drugs and then mind melding as they fight over a legal case. It’s almost a climate fiction story as well. 17 "Monitored Dreams and Strategic Cremations", by Bernard Wolfe—comprises "The Bisquit Position" and "The Girl With Rapid Eye Movements" - B/B+ Two stories connected by them both having the same main character. The first story is about a rich journalist helping a woman with a husky cheat on her husband, who is heavily tied up in the military industrial complex. The dog accidentally dies in a demonstration of the effects of napalm. It reminded me of Joan Didion’s play it as it lays. The second story is concerned with incomprehensible rock lyrics and how dreams affect reality. Seems to parody songs like “In A Gadda Da Vida”. The story is much more playful and absurd than the first one. Both seem to protest the vietnam war and capitalism. Some parts are really funny. 18 "With A Finger in My I", by David Gerrold - B/B+ Maybe a B-/B. It’s a lot like Borges’ tlon uqbar story. Mass hysteria and hallucinations, how the quirks of our perceptions color the world around us. Too peculiar to be incisive and rather unfocused. 19 "In the Barn", by Piers Anthony - C+/B- This one is a dangerous vision. It is also pretty damn disgusting. It’s basically about vegetarianism and veganism and how we would never treat humans like we treat people. Kinda reminded me of Michel Faber’s Under the Skin. 20 "Soundless Evening", by Lee Hoffman - B/B+ Solid and rather innocuous. Basically about a society with limits on how many children you can have. You can still have as many babies as you want but they are killed at the age of 5 if you have more than two. It’s too short and low stakes to really affect you emotionally. 21 [A spot], by Gahan Wilson - A-/A Really fucking good. Inventive and silly and absurd. A simple idea but it’s very well executed. Basically about a spot on a wall growing and eventually consuming everything. Almost an A/A+ but just a bit too short to have that kind of impact on me. 22 "The Test-Tube Creature, Afterward", by Joan Bernott - B/B+ A piece of flash fiction. About a genetically engineered pet that other causing or stopping its owners suicide. It reeks of depression and anhedonia. Definitely a dangerous vision. 23 "And the Sea Like Mirrors", by Gregory Benford -B/B+ Pretty close to a B+/A- but way too misogynistic. stated to be a response to Heinlein’s competent man. Reminded me of the show Yellowjackets and the book the Kar Chee reign. A literary thriller, sf-lite. It explores madness and toxic masculinity. 24 "Bed Sheets Are White", by Evelyn Lief - A-/A Reminded me of the long walk by Richard Bachman slash Stephen king. It is hallucinatory and very of its time. Some of it is about white nationalism, some of it seems like a dream sequence. Short and sweet and no excess language. Seems like it’s a memory but it couldn’t be, as the world of the story is completely alien, 25 "Tissue", by James Sallis—comprises "At the Fitting Shop" and "53rd American Dream" - B-/B Thot these were just fine. The first story is about a teenage boy getting lost in a department store shopping for a new penis. The second story is about the highs and lows of parenting. Lot of shock value and subversion in this one. 26 Elouise And The Doctors of the Planet Pergamon", by Josephine Saxton - B+/A- A haunting and and disgusting visceral story. Kinda ballardian, as it’s the closest thing to the atrocity exhibition I’ve ever read, besides gravitys rainbow. About a perfectly healthy woman on a planet where everyone has grotesque disabilities and horrible illnesses. Kinda like a Beckett play. 27 "Chuck Berry, Won't You Please Come Home", by Ken McCullough - C+/B- Too low stakes for me. Not really dangerous and not really sci fi. It’s about a guy growing a tick to a humongous size. Very stylized and repetitive. 28 "Epiphany For Aliens", by David Kerr - B/B+ About a team of scientists that discover a group of Neanderthals that are still alive in Europe. It has its own logic. The woman who sacrifices herself for science seems like a stand in for bleeding heart liberal types. Perhaps somewhat racist. 29 "Eye of the Beholder", by Burt K. Filer - B/B+ About an artist who creates sculptures that are mathematically impossible, as they defy the rules of gravity. The cia and a female scientist are quite interested in creating an insterstellar engine from the sculptures. It reminded me of Ballard’s early stories and explores the differences between art and science, 30 Moth Race", by Richard Hill- B+/A- This story is seemingly about a utopia where everyone is given everything they need by the government. A man goes to watch a race where the drivers have to survive racing around a track with randomly generated obstacles. The only one to ever conquer the track is called the champion and he lives like a modern celebrity. The main character is part of the race’s audience and drunkenly tries to participate in the race. 31 "In Re Glover", by Leonard Tushnet - B/B+ Solid and vaguely funny story, comedic but not hilarious. Somewhat kafkaesque, in that it portrays endless and convoluted bureaucracies. It is more or less about the legal ramifications of cryogenesis tech. Could’ve been more in depth. 32 "Zero Gee", by Ben Bova - B-/B About a male astronaut trying to be the first human being to have sex in outer space. The woman he is supposed to fuck is a time life photographer, a civilian in a nasa space station. Too long and technical and meandering. Not very exciting as a s
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"https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51M9NnHMN6L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51M9NnHMN6L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51l092oxcfL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51l092oxcfL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51M0RFD9R7L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51M0RFD9R7L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51G13NXQK3L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51G13NXQK3L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/41PRlMR454L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/41PRlMR454L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/517xzr6tT-L._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/517xzr6tT-L._SL250_.jpg", "https://www.addall.com/images/bookcover.jpg", "https://www.addall.com/images/bookcover.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Editorial" ]	2022-03-24T20:23:12-07:00	The fascinating, and largely autobiographical, sequel to J G Ballard's prize winning 'Empire of the Sun', that follows Jim to post war England. 'The Kindness	en		Books In Order	https://www.addall.com/books-in-order/j-g-ballard/	Empire Of The Sun Books In Publication Order Standalone Novels In Publication Order Short Stories/Novellas In Publication Order Collections In Publication Order Non-Fiction Books In Publication Order Mervyn Peake Collections In Publication Order Anthologies In Publication Order Empire Of The Sun Book Covers Standalone Novels Book Covers Short Stories/Novellas Book Covers Collections Book Covers Non-Fiction Book Covers Mervyn Peake Collections Book Covers Anthologies Book Covers J.G. Ballard Books Overview Related Authors
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	1	16	https://www.theguardian.com/books/2014/feb/01/william-burroughs-junky-will-self	en	William Burroughs - the original Junkie	https://i.guim.co.uk/img…b8c85fe45e9e279a	https://i.guim.co.uk/img…b8c85fe45e9e279a	[ "https://sb.scorecardresearch.com/p?c1=2&c2=6035250&cv=2.0&cj=1&cs_ucfr=0&comscorekw=William+Burroughs%2CBooks%2CCulture", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/GUARDIAN/Pix/pictures/2014/1/30/1391091508919/William-Burroughs-011.jpg?width=465&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/GUARDIAN/Pix/pictures/2014/1/30/1391091674166/Junkie-001.jpg?width=445&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Arts/Arts_/Pictures/2009/1/6/1231234353102/William-Burroughs-004.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/BOOKS/Pix/pictures/2014/2/3/1391425661623/William-Burroughs-012.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/2/20/1392910273918/William-Burroughs---a-goo-013.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/2/4/1391532694628/William-Burroughs-006.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/1/23/1390498272045/William-Burroughs-self-po-014.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/2/18/1392720048840/Narcotic-Agent-and-Junky-009.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/2/11/1392114211804/William-Burroughs-011.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2014/1/30/1391112796138/William-S-Burroughs-008.jpg?width=220&dpr=1&s=none" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Will Self", "www.theguardian.com", "will-self" ]	2014-02-01T00:00:00	On the centenary of William Burroughs' birth, <strong>Will Self</strong> on why he was the perfect incarnation of late 20th‑century western angst – self-deluded, narcissistic yet perceptive about the sickness of the world	en	https://assets.guim.co.u…e-touch-icon.svg	the Guardian	https://www.theguardian.com/books/2014/feb/01/william-burroughs-junky-will-self	Entitled Junkie: Confessions of an Unredeemed Drug Addict and authored pseudonymously by "William Lee" (Burroughs' mother's maiden name – he didn't look too far for a nom de plume), the Ace original retailed for 35 cents, and as a "Double Book" was bound back-to-back with Narcotic Agent by Maurice Helbrant. The two-books-in-one format was not uncommon in 1950s America, but besides the obvious similarity in subject matter, AA Wyn, Burroughs' publisher, felt that he had to balance such an unapologetic account of drug addiction with an abridgement of the memoirs of a Federal Bureau of Narcotics agent, which originally appeared in 1941. Since, in the hysterical, anti-drug culture of postwar America, potential censure could easily induce self-censorship, it's remarkable that Junky (as it was published under his own name) found a publisher at all. Despite its subhead, Wyn did think the book had a redemptive capability, as the protagonist made efforts to free himself of his addiction, but he also insisted that Burroughs preface the work with an autobiographical sketch that would explain to the reader how it was that someone such as himself – a Harvard graduate from a Social Register family – came to be a drug addict. Both Junkie and Narcotic Agent have covers of beautiful garishness, featuring 1950s damsels in distress. On the cover of Junkie a craggy-browed man is grabbing a blond lovely from behind; one of his arms is around her neck, while the other grasps her hand, within which is a paper package. The table beside them has been knocked in the fray, propelling a spoon, a hypodermic, and even a gas ring, into inner space. This cover illustration is, in fact, just that: an illustration of a scene described by Burroughs in the book. "When my wife saw I was getting the habit again, she did something she had never done before. I was cooking up a shot two days after I'd connected with Old Ike. My wife grabbed the spoon and threw the junk on the floor. I slapped her twice across the face and she threw herself on the bed, sobbing … " That this uncredited and now forgotten hack artist should have chosen one of the few episodes featuring the protagonist's wife to use for the cover illustration represents one of those nastily serendipitous ironies that Burroughs himself almost always chose to view as evidence of the magical universe. From double book to stand alone; from Ace Original to Penguin Modern Classic; from unredeemed confession to cult novel; from a cheap shocker to a refined taste – the history of this text in a strange way acts as an allegory of the way the heroin subculture Burroughs depicted has mutated, spread and engrafted itself with the corpus of the wider society, in the process irretrievably altering that on which it parasitises. Just as – if you turn to his glossary of junk lingo and jive talk – you will see how many arcane drug terms have metastasised into the vigorous language. Burroughs wrote Junky on the very brink of a transformation in western culture. His junkies were creatures of the depression, many of whose addictions predated even the Harrison Act of 1922, which outlawed the sale of heroin and cocaine in the US. Burroughs viewed the postwar era as a Götterdämmerung and a convulsive re-evaluation of values. With his anomic inclinations and his Mandarin intellect, he was in a paradoxical position vis a vis the coming cultural revolution of the 1960s. An open homosexual and a drug addict, his quintessentially Midwestern libertarianism led him to eschew any command economy of ethics, while his personal inclinations meant he had to travel with distastefully socialist and liberal fellows. For Burroughs, the re-evaluation was both discount and markup, and perhaps it was this that made him such a great avatar of the emergent counterculture. Janus-faced, and like some terminally cadaverous butler, Burroughs ushers in the new society of kicks for insight as well as kicks' sake. In the final paragraph of Junky he writes: "Kick is seeing things from a special angle. Kick is momentary freedom from the claims of the ageing, cautious, nagging, frightened flesh." Let's return to that cover illustration with its portrayal of "William Lee" as Rock Hudson and his common-law wife, Joan Vollmer, as Kim Novak. When I say Burroughs himself must have regarded the illustration – if he thought of it at all – as evidence of the magical universe he conceived of as underpinning and interpenetrating our own, it is because the first draft of the book was completed in the months immediately preceding his killing of Vollmer on 6 September 1951 in Mexico City. Burroughs wrote in his 1985 foreword to Queer (which was completed in the year after Vollmer's death, but remained unpublished until 34 years later), "I am forced to the appalling conclusion that I would never have become a writer but for Joan's death, and to a realisation of the extent to which this event has motivated and formulated my writing." Much has been written and even more conjectured about the killing. Burroughs himself described it as "the accidental shooting death"; and although he jumped bail, he was only convicted – in absentia by the Mexican court – of homicide. However, to my mind this rings false with the way he characterised his life, and his writing, thereafter: "I live with the constant threat of possession and the constant need to escape from possession, from Control." Burroughs saw the agent of possession implicated in the killing as external to him, "a definite entity". He went further, hypothesising that such an entity might devise the modern, psychological conception of possession as a function of the subject's own psyche: "since nothing is more dangerous to a possessor than being seen as a separate invading creature by the host it has invaded". Personally, I think Burroughs' definition of "possession" was tantamount to an admission of intent. Certainly, the hypothesis of murderous impulsiveness squares better with the impromptu "William Tell act" (whereby he called upon Vollmer to place a glass upon her head, which he would then shoot off) than his own bewilderment in the face of an act of such cruel stupidity and fatal rashness. (He knew the gun to shoot low, and what would have happened to the glass shards even if he had succeeded? There were others in the room.) I belabour these events for two reasons. First, because I think an understanding of the milieu within which Burroughs and Vollmer operated, and the nature of their life together, is essential in disentangling the post hoc mythologising of the writer and his life from the very grim reality of active drug addiction that constitutes the action of Junky. When Burroughs was off heroin he was a bad, blackout drunk (for evidence you need look no further than his own confirmation in Junky). However much he cared for Vollmer, their life together was clearly at an impasse (their sexuality was incompatible and she was even beginning to object to his drug use); and what could be more natural – if only momentarily – than to conceive of ridding himself of an obvious blockage? Second, although the bulk of Junky was in place before the killing, Burroughs continued to revise the text at least as late as July 1952, including current events such as the arrival from New York of his old heroin-dealing partner Bill Garver (whose name is changed to "Bill Gains" in the text). The meat of the text of Junky is as close as Burroughs could get to a factual account of his own experience of heroin. In a letter to Allen Ginsberg (who had worried that the book constituted a justification of Burroughs' addiction), he inveighed: "As a matter of fact the book is the only accurate account I ever read of the real horror of junk. But I don't mean it as justification or deterrent or anything but an accurate account of what I experienced while I was on the junk. You might say it was a travel book more than anything else. It starts where I first make contact with junk, and it ends where no more contact is possible." All of which is by way of saying: Junky is not a novel at all, it is a memoir; "William Lee" and William Burroughs are one and the same person. Burroughs' own conception of himself was essentially fictional, and it's not superfluous to observe that before he began to write with any fixity he had already become a character in other writers' works, most notably in Jack Kerouac's On the Road. He also signed his letters to Ginsberg, Kerouac et al with his nom de plume, as well as using his correspondence as a form of work in progress, peppering his epistles to the Beats with his trademark riffs and routines. By the time Burroughs was living in Tangier in the late 1950s, his sense of being little more than a cipher, or a fictional construct, had become so plangent that he practised the art of insubstantiality with true zeal, revelling in the moniker "El Hombre Invisible". Burroughs was the perfect incarnation of late 20th-century western angst precisely because he was an addict. Self-deluding, vain, narcissistic, self-obsessed, and yet curiously perceptive about the sickness of the world if not his own malaise, Burroughs both offered up and was compelled to provide his psyche as a form of Petri dish, within which were cultured the obsessive and compulsive viruses of modernity. Burroughs never managed to recover from his addiction at all, and died in 1997 physically dependent on the synthetic opiate methadone. I find this a delicious irony: the great hero of freedom from social restraint, himself in bondage to a drug originally synthesised by Nazi chemists, and dubbed "Dolophine" in honour of the Fuhrer; the fearless libertarian expiring in the arms of an ersatz Morpheus, actively promoted by the federal government as a "cure" for heroin addiction. In the prologue to Junky and the introduction to The Naked Lunch, Burroughs writes of his own addiction as if it were a thing of the past, but this was never the case. In a thin-as-a-rake's progress that saw him move from America to Mexico, to Morocco, to France, to Britain, back to New York, and eventually to small-town Kansas, Burroughs was in flight either from the consequences of his chemical dependency, or seeking to avoid the drugs he craved. As for the text itself, it reads today as fresh and unvarnished as it ever has. Burroughs' deadpan reportage owes as much to the hard-boiled style of the detective thriller writer Dashiell Hammett as it does to his more elevated philosophical inclinations. In eschewing rhetorical flourish or adjectival excess, Burroughs sought to remain silent about what could not be said, just like the drug subculture he was so enchanted by: "She shoved the package of weed at me. 'Take this and get out,' she said. 'You're both mother fuckers.' She was half asleep. Her voice was matter-of-fact as if referring to actual incest." What it isn't is any kind of true analysis of the nature of addiction itself. Burroughs' own view – that "you become a narcotics addict because you do not have strong motivations in any other direction. Junk wins by default" – is a deceptively thin, Pandora's portfolio of an idea that raises the question: for what kind of person could drug addiction represent a "strong motivation"? Surely only one for whom alienation, and a lack of either moral or spiritual direction, was inbuilt. Indeed, this is the great sadness of Junky (and Burroughs himself) as I conceive it. You can reread this entire text, assuming the hypothesis of addiction as a latent pathology, present in the individual prior to his having any direct experience of chemical dependency, and everything that Burroughs says about habitual heroin use begins to make perfect sense. But taking him at his own, self-justifying estimation (predicated on a renunciation of drugs that never came), Burroughs' Junky becomes the very archetype of the romanticisation of excess that has so typified our era: "I loosened the tie, and the dropper emptied into my vein. Coke hit my head, a pleasant dizziness and tension, while the morphine spread through my body in relaxing waves. 'Was that alright?' asked Ike, smiling. 'If God made anything better, he kept it for himself,' I said." It is Burroughs' own denial of the nature of his addiction that makes this book capable of being read as a fiendish parable of modern alienation. For, in describing addiction as "a way of life", Burroughs makes of the hypodermic a microscope, through which he can examine the soul of man under late 20th-century capitalism. His descriptions of the "junk territories" his alter ego inhabits are, in fact, depictions of urban alienation itself. And just as in these areas junk is "a ghost in daylight on a crowded street", so his junkie characters - who are invariably described as "invisible", "dematerialized" and "boneless" - are, like the pseudonymous "William Lee" himself, the sentient residue left behind when the soul has been cooked up and injected into space.
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	58	https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1466072/reviews	en	William S. Burroughs: A Man Within (2010)	https://m.media-amazon.c…630,1200_AL_.jpg	https://m.media-amazon.c…630,1200_AL_.jpg	[ "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/M/MV5BMjIxODUzNjUyM15BMl5BanBnXkFtZTcwOTQzNjc5Mw@@._V1_UX67_CR0,0,67,98_AL_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/S/sash/mwwP38NFnDXdP7H.png", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/S/sash/mwwP38NFnDXdP7H.png", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/S/sash/8ZhQrGnWn9cWUVQ.png", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/S/sash/8ZhQrGnWn9cWUVQ.png", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/S/sash/8ZhQrGnWn9cWUVQ.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "Reviews", "Showtimes", "DVDs", "Photos", "User Ratings", "Synopsis", "Trailers", "Credits" ]	null	[]	null	William S. Burroughs: A Man Within (2010) on IMDb: Movies, TV, Celebs, and more...		https://m.media-amazon.c…B1582158068_.png	IMDb	https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1466072/reviews
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	1	41	https://www.depauw.edu/sfs/birs/bir93.htm	en	Books in review: #93			[ "https://www.depauw.edu/sfs/birs/moonbut.gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null	#93 = Volume 31, Part 2 = July 2004 BOOKS IN REVIEW Masculinity is a Gender Too. Brian Attebery. Decoding Gender in Science Fiction. New York: Routledge, 2002. xi + 210 pp. $85 hc; $22.95 pbk. Brian Attebery’s Decoding Gender in Science Fiction is a welcome addition to the list of key texts—Sarah Lefanu’s In the Chinks of the World Machine (1988), Marleen Barr’s Feminist Fabulation (1992), Jenny Wolmark’s Aliens and Others (1994), and Justine Larbalestier’s The Battle of the Sexes in Science Fiction (2002)—that address science fiction’s problematic relationship with gender. What makes Attebery’s contribution unique is that both males and females are marked by gender in his analysis. This sets his work apart from the earlier examples whose focus is more clearly on the spaces that science fiction has opened up for women to explore strange new worlds alternative to the patriarchal and heterosexist one we have been given. Attebery’s text does cover this familiar ground as well, exploring feminist utopias, androgynous characters, and women’s access (or lack thereof) to publication within the field. Beyond this, however, Attebery also explores the way in which science fiction has simultaneously created a very specific image of ideal masculinity. His dual focus allows Attebery to provide a much more inclusive reading of the various ways in which gender and science fiction intersect and also to situate these concerns within a broader historical context than the above-cited works, which tend to focus on the 1970s boom of feminist writing. He accomplishes this in a mere nine chapters. The overall organizing principle behind this volume is a desire to understand both gender and science fiction as sign systems, “cultural systems that allow us to generate forms of expression and assign meaning to them” (2). In his introductory chapter, Attebery outlines with admirable clarity the parallels he perceives between the codes of gendered performance that mark one as belonging to a recognized category and codes of generic convention that similarly structure our expectations of normal or appropriate science fiction. Both sets of conventions, he demonstrates, are arbitrary, constructed, malleable, and historically variable. Further and more importantly, both sets of conventions share a concern with “discovery, power, desire, selfhood, and alienness” (9), central categories for mediating our understanding of the world. Reflecting on the various ways in which science fiction and gender ideology coalesce and conflict, Attebery concludes that “gender is not merely a theme in SF,” but is rather “an integral part of the genre’s intellectual and aesthetic structure” (10). In order to work through the evidence supporting this claim, Attebery provides us with what he characterizes as “an alternative history of SF” (10), a history designed to illuminate rather than elide the role of gender in shaping the genre from its earliest days. Chapter 1, “Secret Decoder Ring,” provides the theoretical framework; Chapter 2, “From Neat Idea to Trope,” explores the gothic heritage; Chapter 3, “Animating the Inert: Gender and Science in the Pulps,” is centered around a reading of 1937 as a representative year; Chapter 4, “Super Men,” looks at extraordinary men in the print fiction tradition; Chapter 5, “Wonder Women,” examines extraordinary women in the tradition; Chapter 6, “Women Alone, Men Alone,” explores gender-segregated futures; Chapter 7, “Androgyny as Difference,” androgynous characters; Chapter 8, “‘But Aren’t Those Just ... You Know, Metaphors?’”, sf that engages with postmodern theories of gender difference; and Chapter 9, “Who Farms the Future?,” the responsiveness of the genre to accepting a revised, gender-centric history as indicated by assessments of recently published anthologies It is no small task to provide such a sweeping revision in a mere 200 or so pages, and the magnitude of the task that Attebery sets for himself is revealing of both the strengths and the weaknesses of this volume. Since my assessment is overwhelmingly favorable, I’ll begin with the strengths. The mere existence of such breadth itself is helpful, as the broad range of topics considered allows Attebery to provide not only specific readings of certain sf texts that illuminate gender ideology but also an assessment of how these isolated texts fit into a larger conversation among fans, writers, and scholars, and across decades. Thus, a reader is alerted to how a seminal (yes, pun intended) work such as The Left Hand of Darkness (1969) is marked by the longer history of representations of masculinity and femininity, a history insuring that Le Guin’s characters emerge out of an assumption of masculinity as the norm. Attebery’s analysis of this text and of Theodore Sturgeon’s Venus Plus X (1960) leads to one of the more significant and interesting conclusions in the book. He makes a distinction between, on the one hand, androgyny as a fusion of sexes that is an addition or expansion from a singular sex and, on the other, a more anxious merger he calls gynandry, in which the merger of the sexes is seen as a loss or dilution of some essential masculine quality through the addition of the female. The clarity with which Attebery presents sophisticated and complex ideas is another admirable quality. Without ever deviating from a conversational—and often amusing—tone, he skillfully weaves together a discussion of sf texts with references to theory ranging from Freudian psychology, through poststructuralist language theory, to feminist studies of science. Attebery never simplifies the ideas in order to present them in clear language, but he similarly never resorts to jargon as a substitute for clear thinking. The fiction dominates the analysis and serves to clarify the theoretical concerns through its example rather than merely as matter upon which to “apply” a theory. The part of the work I most admire is the chapter examining gendered representations in the pulps, taking 1937 as its representative year. While working on this chapter, Attebery read all the original science fiction published in this year in its original version. What strikes me as particularly valuable about this approach and the analysis emerging from it is that seeking out the texts in their original contexts reinforces the point that both gender and science fiction are representational codes among other codes circulating in a complex material world that shapes what we see and how we interpret it. By situating his readings of specific stories within the context of the other stories, letters, and advertisements with which they originally were published, Attebery is able to foreground in revealing ways the relationship between the gender codes within the genre and those in the larger culture. This method produces, for example, the insight that the masculinity of science fiction heroes of this period is integrally related to the masculinity of science as a discipline, of the presumed masculinity of the commanding gaze of scientific investigation. This chapter is where Attebery most successfully demonstrates his thesis that gender is not simply one theme among many in science fiction, but is in fact an essential part of the genre’s shape through the gendering of science itself. Further, by restoring the context of letters and other fan contributions to the field, Attebery also makes clear that, from the earliest days of the genre, the normative codes of gender were challenged as often as they were repeated. I found the last two chapters of the book to be the weakest. Chapter 8, “‘But Aren’t Those Just ... You Know, Metaphors?’” takes as its topic science fiction that explicitly engages with poststructuralist theories of language and identity. While I found Attebery’s readings here—of Gwyneth Jones’s Aleutian Trilogy (1991-97) and James Morrow’s Godhead Trilogy (1994-99)—both interesting and insightful, I did not find that the analysis in this chapter sufficiently advanced the book’s central concern with gender and science fiction. The chapter successfully makes the point that the marked body influences how we see the world and thus that metaphors based on a different embodied experience could lead to a different account of selfhood and a new relationship between self and Other. Attebery demonstrates the degree to which the very metaphors we use to describe the world and assign value to it are intertwined with our ideologies of gender as a cultural system. However, given that he develops this argument based on Mark Johnson and George Lakoff’s analysis of the relationship among embodiment, metaphor, and philosophical concepts, what was lacking here, I found, was a compelling explanation of why gendered difference was any more primary than race, sexual orientation, or other kinds of embodied differences. The final chapter takes a backward glance over the alternative history of science fiction that Attebery has constructed through the lens of gender. It makes the important point that the history of sf and gender is not simply a history of how writers have engaged with gender; in addition, the influence of fans through conventions, ’zines, awards, and the like is acknowledged. It concludes with a look at the critical response to a number of recently published sf anthologies, a response that indicates that the battle to determine the “true” history of science fiction is alive and well. Attebery suggests that some of the negative responses to The Norton Book of Science Fiction (1993), which he co-edited with Ursula K. LeGuin, betray anxiety that the “political correctness” of feminism distorts the genre’s proper history. While Attebery does prove his point that some of the negative responses to the anthology were a response to the editorial principles that included more women writers than the “standard” history of sf classics might include, he also provides equally compelling evidence that some of the negative response arose because of the volume’s Norton imprint and the sense that academe was contaminating and distorting the genre. I did not find that the strands of anxiety regarding gender and sf were successfully sorted out from the strands of anxiety about literary or academic influence on the genre, and hence the material in this chapter was not as well connected to an analysis of gender as the rest of the volume. I also thought that at times the extremely broad reach of the book did not serve its project as well as I would have liked. I found myself wanting more analysis at certain points rather than a rush on to the next chapter and the next perspective provided by the ever-shifting kaleidoscope of gender codes. I experienced this sense of frustration particularly near the end of the book where the organizational strategy for presenting the material shifts. In early chapters, Attebery pursues his alternative history of sf in a linear, chapter-by-chapter move from the past toward the present. By Chapter 6, “Women Alone, Men Alone,” this pattern is abandoned, and instead the book presents a mini-history within each chapter beginning with the earliest appearance of a particular trope (in this case, separatist futures) and traces its development through readings of specific texts that Attebery offers as markers of key shifts in the trope. This pattern is easy to follow within the individual chapters that use it (Chapters 6, 7, and 9) but it breaks the larger historical flow of the overall work and also makes Chapter 8, a chapter dealing only with recent sf, quite disconnected from the chapters around it. This concern with organization, however, is a minor quibble. Chapter 6, “Women Alone, Men Alone,” might break with the structure followed thus far in the book, but it also provides a strong overview of groundbreaking work that emerged during the 1970s and of patterns of gender in eutopic and dystopic fiction generally. This survey leads to the intriguing insight that there is a “gap” in masculinist eutopias written by men since the 1970s, a phenomenon Attebery theorizes in a number of ways, the most convincing of which to me is the observation that “men have less reason than women to question cultural assumptions about gender” (124). The very fact that this gap has not generated comment up until the present brings me back to my original point. Decoding Gender in Science Fiction is vital precisely because it theorizes gender as a dual system rather than conflating the study of gender with the study of the female. —Sherryl Vint, St. Francis Xavier University Re(a)d Ken. Andrew Butler and Farah Mendlesohn, eds. The True Knowledge of Ken MacLeod. Reading, UK: Science Fiction Foundation, 2003 (c/o 22 Addington Rd., Reading RG1 5PT, UK). xiii + 136pp. $40.00 hc. Within the space of roughly 140 pages, The True Knowledge of Ken MacLeod manages to incorporate an introduction, two essays by MacLeod himself, two interviews with MacLeod, four reviews of MacLeod’s novels, and six critical studies of his work. To say the least, there is a lot here. But then, there is a lot of MacLeod’s work, and a lot to it. In less than a decade, he has published a tetralogy, a children’s book, a volume of poems and essays, a stand-alone novella, a trilogy, and a stand-alone novel. That work has shown him to be one of the most political writers working in sf in general, and in British sf in particular (to be sure, no small feat). MacLeod’s fiction is saturated in the political: it is the medium in which his characters live and breathe and have their being, and he devotes the same care to his political extrapolations and speculations that he does to his technological extrapolations and speculations. Informed by Marx, Trotsky, and a host of other left-wing thinkers, his political vision is idiosyncratic, challenging, and entertaining. At the same time, at the level of local narrative, MacLeod’s fiction participates in many of the conceits currently dominating sf, especially those related to the Singularity (AIs, uploaded intelligence, etc.); at the global level, his books participate in such sf forms as the Future History, the Alternate History, and the (New) Space Opera. (The Singularity is Vernor Vinge’s term for the moment when computers exceed the humans who create them, and for the complications thereof.) He makes interesting use of narrative structure, arranging a number of his novels in chapters that alternate between two, ultimately connected, plots. He employs first-person point of view to intriguing effect. His prose varies from information-rich, Gibsonesque density to a clearer and almost surprisingly lyrical style. All of which is to say that Andrew M. Butler and Farah Mendlesohn, the editors of the first collection to address MacLeod’s oeuvre, have their work cut out for them. By and large, they meet that challenge, assembling what is essentially a casebook on MacLeod. This casebook portrays a range of responses to the writer. MacLeod’s own understanding of his project(s) and of sf in general are represented by the interviews and by his two essays. The immediate critical reaction to his novels is captured by the four book reviews. The ongoing reception of his work emerges in the half-dozen critical articles. In combination, the contents of this anthology offer a snapshot of the initial reaction to MacLeod’s work, and it is no surprise to discover that that reaction has focused, by and large and in a variety of ways, on MacLeod’s political vision and its place in his fiction. In a sense, MacLeod himself sets the stage for this in his first short piece in the anthology, “Phlebas Reconsidered,” an introduction to the German edition of his friend Iain M. Banks’s Consider Phlebas (1987). After placing the novel in its sf traditions, MacLeod discusses its relation to the events of 1980s Afghanistan, suggesting the way in which it can be read as an (apparently) sympathetic coded portrait of heroic mujahedin struggling against godless communists. Only at the very end of his short introduction does MacLeod hint that all is not as it seems in Banks’s novel. He does not retract his decoding of the book, only suggests that a vast irony permeates Banks’s text, and therefore its politics. The other piece by MacLeod, “Socialism: Millenarian, Utopian, and Science-Fictional,” an expansion of his guest-of-honor speech at the 2002 SFRA conference in Scotland, develops the connection between sf and the political in a more general way, discussing the links among millenarianism, Marxist thought, and the sf genre. Emphasizing sf’s critical potential, the essay includes an interesting critique of the politics of the Singularity, arguing that this meta-trope is just the latest example of millenarian thought. In this light, it is no surprise to see both Andrew Butler and Andy Sawyer, in their respective interviews, questioning MacLeod on the place of politics in his work. Butler’s “Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of the Post-Human” is the more far-reaching of the two; Butler discusses with MacLeod his Scottishness, his relationship with Iain Banks, his influences, his understanding of his own politics, and the development of the Fall Revolution series (The Star Fraction [1995], The Stone Canal [1996], The Cassini Division [1998], and The Sky Road [1999]). Sawyer’s “Ken MacLeod in Conversation” is briefer, covering much the same ground as Butler’s interview—MacLeod’s personal writing history, his relationship to Marxist thought, his reflection on the Fall Revolution books— and adding brief remarks about the genesis of Cosmonaut Keep (2000). The interviews reveal MacLeod to be gracious and articulate and, together with the essays by him, they nicely round out our view of the author. The four reviews of MacLeod’s fiction included in the collection display an interesting consistency in their responses to his work. John Newsinger’s review of The Star Fraction enthuses over the book’s comic aspects, but concludes with an evaluation of it as among the best leftist works of sf in recent memory. Farah Mendlesohn’s review of The Cassini Division is much less happy: after the moral and political complexities of MacLeod’s first two novels, Mendlesohn finds his third novel overly simplistic, a cheap thriller whose ending rather too simply endorses genocide. John Newsinger’s second review of a MacLeod novel is also less happy: while he pays lip service to Cosmonaut Keep as a superior novel, he too takes MacLeod to task, this time for not being sufficiently politically engaged in what Newsinger considers the proper way. Finally, Neil Baker’s review of Dark Light (2001) is also unhappy with the book under consideration, though this is more because of Baker’s general unhappiness with the middle books in trilogies. Indeed, with the exception of Newsinger’s original review of MacLeod’s first novel, one comes away from these reviews with the feeling that MacLeod’s previous novel is always the one the reviewer prefers. It is easy enough to quibble with the various reviewers in retrospect; the significance of the reviews lies in the way they demonstrate a recurrent concern with the politics fueling the novels in question. Not one of them is disengaged from the subject at hand, a testament to MacLeod’s abilities as a writer. The six critical articles take that concern with MacLeod’s politics and run with it. Of them, Farah Mendlesohn’s “Impermanent Revolution: The Anarchic Utopias of Ken MacLeod” and Adam Frisch’s “Tension and Progress in Ken MacLeod’s Engines of Light Series” are the high points. Mendlesohn presents the Fall Revolution books as “postmodern utopias,” which is to say, books in which utopia is a process (and not a place) that embraces pluralism. Tracing the different utopian traditions on which MacLeod draws in each of the Fall Revolution books, Mendlesohn has produced an invaluable guide to the ideas at play in the series. Frisch’s essay addresses itself to the ways in which the Engines of Light trilogy (Cosmonaut Keep [2000], Dark Light [2001], and Engine City [2002]) employs dialectical configurations throughout its narrative, from the level of character to the level of metaphor; indeed, Frisch’s analysis of MacLeod’s metaphors is one of the high points of his discussion. His essay also considers the role of women in the series, and the ways in which they become the hinges on which MacLeod’s plot turns. Frisch’s essay is more diffuse than Mendlesohn’s, but for future study of the Engines of Light books will prove no less valuable. Like Adam Frisch, Joan Gordon is concerned with MacLeod’s aesthetics: specifically, with his use of a less-than-reliable narrator in The Cassini Division. In “Utopiant: Ken MacLeod’s The Cassini Division,” Gordon focuses on MacLeod’s narrative strategies in his third novel and the ways in which they intersect and interact with the book’s politics. Her discussion of the rhetoric of MacLeod’s fiction is perceptive and provocative, and signposts an avenue down which one hopes future interpreters will travel further. John Arnold and Andy Wood’s “Nothing is Written: Politics, Ideology and the Burden of History in the Fall Revolution Quartet” examines the functioning of history and historical interpretation in the Fall Revolution tetralogy. At the center of these books, Arnold and Wood argue, is a deep concern with the individual’s relation to the past: as a source of knowledge, as a basis for future action, and as a burden. Their essay makes interesting use of Jacques Derrida’s ideas about the work of mourning to read the dilemmas that MacLeod’s characters face in relation to the past, and the ways in which they attempt to move past that past. It is informative to place this essay alongside the collection’s longest piece, James Brown’s “Not Losing the Plot: Politics, Guilt, and Storytelling in Banks and MacLeod.” Brown begins by contrasting the universe of Banks’s Culture novels (seven books beginning with Consider Phlebas in 1987 and ending most recently with Look to Windward in 2000) with that of MacLeod’s Fall Revolution tetralogy, emphasizing the difference between the limitless plenty and plurality of Banks’s setting(s) and the more drastic and reduced circumstances in which MacLeod’s characters find themselves. One might think such settings would symbolize the respective series’ politics, but, in fact, Brown argues, the politics the series evince are in almost direct opposition to their settings. Banks’s universe of plenty is haunted by guilt and moral paralysis, while MacLeod’s more stringent settings are places of hope and possibility. Brown takes a bit more time than he needs to deliver his analysis, but his effort to view MacLeod alongside perhaps his closest contemporary is worth the time. Together with Arnold and Wood, Brown’s essay emphasizes MacLeod’s recurrent concern with the Clutean “slingshot” ending, the final moment that races the narrative forward into a new universe of possibilities. In the midst of these discussions of Ken MacLeod’s sf novels, K.V. Bailey’s “A Planet Engagingly Lived Through/Ironically Observed: Poems of Experience in a Polemical Setting” seems something of an anomaly. Addressing itself to MacLeod’s Poems and Polemics (2001), a slim volume containing eight poems and ten prose pieces, Bailey’s essay attempts to draw together the politics revealed in the essays with the poems. It is not a bad idea, but the discussion suffers from a tendency to view the poems themselves as little more than polemics, so that one comes away from the essay with little understanding of why MacLeod has chosen to embody these ideas in poetry, as opposed to writing another essay. If there is a complaint to be made about this collection, it is its comparative neglect of MacLeod’s aesthetics. While there can be no doubt that MacLeod is a thoroughly political animal, he is also a novelist, and a rather complex one at that, and not enough attention has been paid to this side of his achievement. That said, this collection represents only the first step in the ongoing assessment of MacLeod’s career, and, as such, it succeeds admirably. For those first-time readers looking for greater understanding of a challenging novelist, or those critics looking to contribute to the discussion of his work, The True Knowledge of Ken MacLeod is an invaluable resource. —John Langan, CUNY Graduate Center A Storyteller’s Delight. Edgar Rice Burroughs. The Eternal Savage: Nu of the Neocene. Intro. Tom Deitz. Bison Frontiers of Imagination. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 2003. xv + 204 pp. $11.95 pbk. Robert W. Fenton. Edgar Rice Burroughs and Tarzan: A Biography. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2003. vii + 212 pp. $35 hc. Edgar Rice Burroughs is back. In the past five years, we have had John Taliaferro’s biography Tarzan Forever (1999), as well as numerous reprints of Burroughs’s Tarzan, Mars, Venus, and Pellucidar novels, most of them by the University of Nebraska Press. There are several possible reasons for Burroughs’s resurgence. Tastes in literature are far more catholic than they were a generation ago. The idea of the reclaimed author launched anew into cultural respectability, originally the preserve of women’s and African-American writing, has been extended to all areas of literature. On a more concrete level, one could point to the increased interest of university presses in printing titles that will actually sell to people outside academia. The books of a popular sf/fantasy author, a crowd-pleaser like Burroughs, certainly fit this description. There is also the cultural-studies factor. Burroughs’s texts can be used, much in the manner of H. Rider Haggard’s African novels, to explore questions of race, gender, and biological identities. But what should not be missed is that Burroughs is back because he is entertaining. Burroughs was a born storyteller, and this comes through even today. The Eternal Savage (1914) is an early work of Burroughs’s. It was written after only the first two Tarzan novels had been published and it postdates only the first serialized Mars story, “Under the Moons of Mars” (1912). It was published in book form as The Eternal Lover in 1925 and (no surprise) was pirated by Ace Books in the 1960s. Nebraska’s Bison Books imprint has reissued it handsomely with an entertaining introduction by the fantasy novelist Tom Deitz. Deitz candidly admits he read the book only because he had been asked to write the introduction. But he makes up for this unfamiliarity by witticisms such as this comment on the names of some of the book’s characters: “Oo and Ur were perhaps not gifted with an etymology as contextually consistent or carefully derived as, say, Glorfindel or Mithrandir” (viii). Nu is a Neocene savage. The book’s subtitle, “Nu of the Neocene,” referring to a geological era, is so syntactically similar to another Burroughs title, Llana of Gathol (1948), in which “Gathol” refers to a place name, that it makes us see how space-travel and time-travel converge in Burroughs. For him, the past truly is a different country. Nu is hunting a saber-toothed tiger, with as routine an air as it is possible for a novelist to project, when an earthquake occurs. Suddenly, the “startled troglodyte” (11) is hurled forward into the world of the Tarzan series. This is, as we know well, an alternate, colonial-era Africa. Here, we meet an American woman, Victoria Custer from Beatrice, Nebraska (the name and place are a surfeit of significations in themselves!). Victoria has repelled all suitors and is waiting for her dream man, a dark-haired giant. Victoria, an Isabel Archer-like figure, finds in Nu, the displaced troglodyte, a more deserving love interest than was achieved by her Jamesian original. Nu, who arrives in the twentieth century still bearing the head of the saber-toothed tiger he has just killed, is disoriented. He can talk to the monkeys but most of the flora and fauna of his day are gone. Furthermore, he thinks the prim Victoria is the beauteous Nat-Ul, his beloved from what is “now” scores of millennia ago. But it turns out that Victoria, whom Nu liberates from momentary capture by (unusually southward-venturing) Arabs, is indeed Nat-Ul—or, rather, that Nat-Ul’s identity is atavistically layered beneath her own as a kind of deep, proto-Jungian unconscious. Nu learns English quickly and is about to undertake a Tarzan-like courtship of Victoria, when he is re-displaced back to his own time. The “original” Nat-Ul is, in a stunning, almost crystalline plot move, far more assertive and less the passive damsel than we have been led to believe. Several other men are after her, and she handles her situation with daring and aplomb. Though Victoria’s soul has not literally transmigrated back, we have a sense that past and present are again communicating on some subterranean level. The book’s conclusion, which again involves Oo, the saber-toothed tiger, takes full advantage of the dual layers of time that Burroughs has provided. Though the book cannot be said to be high art, to call it unsophisticated would be wrong; many of the ideas and much of the plotting are ingenious. Despite all the times when the reader is tempted to make fun of it, the book ends up being a moving time-travel love story. (The book’s original title, The Eternal Lover, is thus superior, especially since to call Nu a “lover” is a more measured anthropological judgment than to call him a “savage.”) Nu intuitively understands the dilemma of his having known both past and future. In the wake of this realization, he takes an honorable and valorous course. The drama here is compelling, remarkable especially for so early a work in Burroughs’s canon. The brief presence of Tarzan in the story also evinces an early premonition of Burroughs’s interest in crossovers between his various worlds, later seen in Tarzan At The Earth’s Core (1930), although, wisely, the Tarzan and Barsoom series never crossed. Another reason we end up admiring rather than mocking this book is its anti-racism. Nu, though “white” himself, is treated as a savage by the whites, and realizes that there is more than one level of whiteness. Nu resents how badly the black population of Africa—here the Waziri—are treated. The Eternal Savage, though written in 1914 and filled with many character stereotypes, is not racist. Nor does it endorse imperialism or flatter the ego of the white race. Burroughs’s fundamental anti-racism is well captured in Robert W. Fenton’s reissued biography, Edgar Rice Burroughs and Tarzan, originally published as The Big Swingers in 1967. This book began informed assessment of Burroughs. It was followed quickly by Irwin Porges’s mammoth 1975 biography, Edgar Rice Burroughs: The Man Who Created Tarzan and by Richard Lupoff’s 1976 Barsoom, an enjoyable study that did for Burroughs’s Mars books what Fenton does for the Tarzan series. The Mars (Barsoom) series, always gathering a more intellectual following, seemed to be far more sf than the Tarzan series. But recent discussions of the modeling of sf’s representation of alien life on earthly colonial encounters, and the concurrent realization of the uncanny aspects of the imperial construction of the colonized, make Tarzan’s world seem now far more sf in nature. Notwithstanding primitivist stereotypes of Africa in the Tarzan books (made more severe in the films), the fundamental humanity of Africans is affirmed, as occurs in The Eternal Savage. The Germans disliked Burroughs already as Tarzan had been made to fight against the Kaiser’s men in the First World War. Furthermore, the permeability between Africa and white civilization disturbed Nazi ideas of racial purity, or, as the Nazi film board unctuously clouded it in doublespeak, “official propaganda and enlightenment” with regards to race (86). Burroughs was also, unsurprisingly given his simian interests, pro-evolution. Yet his dismissal of religious fundamentalism did not lead Burroughs in the other direction of Darwinist racialism. Tarzan and John Carter of Mars are heroes, but neither is an Ubermensch, at least not in the negative sense of that term. For all the naiveté we are inclined to see in him, Burroughs was a modern man, and one resistant to both Nazism and racism. Burroughs’s genial expositor, Robert W. Fenton, was not an academic but a journalist who was an unabashed Burroughs fan. (Burroughs fandom in the 1960s was in many ways similar to contemporary sf fan culture.) He provides the reader with vital information, including a full chronology and primary Burroughs bibliography and a complete glossary of the ape-language of the Tarzan books. In twenty-five short chapters, themselves divided into bite-size parcels, Fenton tells the story of how Burroughs became a successful, world-famous writer from very meager beginnings. Not at all to the manor born, not remotely part of the literary establishment, Burroughs persisted through a series of sputtering hopes and temporary jobs. Only at thirty-five did he aspire to write for the pulp magazines. Quickly, he became a best-selling author. In only a decade and a half, he was able to become the squire of the new Los Angeles-area suburban development named by him “Tarzana.” During the Second World War, in his late sixties, Burroughs functioned very effectively as a war correspondent in the Pacific. Among his contributions, according to Fenton, was encouraging the members of the Honolulu Rotary Club to loosen up and reveal their inner Tarzan. Though more scholarly books, such as John Taliaferro’s Tarzan Forever: The Life of Edgar Rice Burroughs, Creator of Tarzan, eventually appeared, Fenton, who died the year after his book was first published, was the pioneer. His unabashed delight gives the reader a sense of the joy that Burroughs’s books, for all their undeniable lack of literary polish, continue to provide. —Nicholas Birns, New School University Two Mars Adventures. Edgar Rice Burroughs. Under the Moons of Mars. Intro. James P. Hogan. Bison Frontiers of Imagination. Lincoln: U Nebraska P, 2003. xvii + 505 pp. $16.95 pbk. Edwin L. Arnold. Gullivar of Mars. Commemorative Edition. Intro. Richard A. Lupoff. Bison Frontiers of Imagination. Lincoln: U Nebraska P, 2003. xvi + 193 pp. $15.95 pbk. When I first embarked upon rereading ERB’s Mars novels, I was filled with mixed feelings: curiosity, amusement, nostalgia, and, I must admit, some sense of dread. Having been an avid reader of early science fiction (Verne, Wells, Burroughs, Merritt) at the age of 11—and a collector of Ace and Ballantine paperback editions of these authors’ works—I had fond memories of exploring the works of Burroughs, but also recalled the occasional density of his prose. What I best remembered, though, was the sense of adventure in these paperback editions (not to mention the outrageous Frank Frazetta artwork that adorned their covers). Now, nearly 40 years later, I reembarked on an adventure with John Carter to Barsoom (Mars) in the Bison edition of Under the Moons of Mars, a 500-page edition of Burroughs’s work that includes the novels A Princess of Mars (1917), The Gods of Mars (1918), and The Warlord of Mars (1919). Regarding the mixed feelings described above, I must report that the sense of dread has now disappeared. The novels are quite impressive: one never gets the feeling that the author was anything less than enthusiastic. Burroughs’s characterization of his hero John Carter is, of course, old-fashioned, the stuff male adolescent fantasies are made of, as are most of the depictions of his female characters. And those who have said over the years that Burroughs’s novels are weak science fiction but strong adventure stories might have a point, laden as they are with strange beasts, sword fights, and princesses in peril. All in all, I expected to be cringing at the puerility of the novels; rarely did I, however. On the contrary, Burroughs’s Mars novels are crisp, action-packed, occasionally corny and filled with masculine braggadocio, and, most importantly, a hell of a lot of fun, which is more than one can say about some current science fiction. Having finished the Mars novels, I then turned to Edwin L. Arnold’s 1905 novel Gullivar of Mars, also brought to print once again by Bison. While Arnold’s novel is worthy enough to deserve study in and of itself, most of the critical print about the novel has concerned whether or not the book was the—or one of the—inspirations for Burroughs’s Mars novels. Years ago, Richard A. Lupoff dared to suggest Arnold’s novel was a source of inspiration for Burroughs’s works, an assertion to which Burroughs’s hardcore fans took extreme exception. While Burroughs’s debt to Arnold might be entirely possible, my response to this debate, which has been going on since the 1960s, is, so what? Do the Burroughs fanatics really believe that their favorite author existed in a vacuum and read nothing? Surely he was influenced by Verne, Wells, and the author he most reminds me of, H. Rider Haggard. The debate is silly, and it does a disservice to both Burroughs and Arnold. Gullivar of Mars is a wonderful novel, one that certainly has its own inspirations and influences. As Gary Hoppenstand persuasively points out in his Afterward to the Bison edition, Arnold’s novel owes much to both the gothic tradition and to H.G. Wells’s The Time Machine (1895). Arnold’s Hither and Thither people seem derived from the Eloi and Morlocks: one tribe is brutal, the other rather fey. Unlike Wells, though, Arnold’s sympathies lie with the more primitive race. But Arnold’s principal influence, it seems to me, although rather obvious, has been, if not ignored, at least undervalued: Jonathan Swift. Unlike Burroughs’s work, Arnold’s novel is a satire. (Swift was also an influence on Wells, though one might hesitate to call Wells’s “scientific romances” satires.) Arnold’s hero’s first name is Gullivar; the original title of the novel was Lieut. Gullivar Jones: His Vacation; and our hero travels to Mars via flying carpet! Clearly, from just these matters, we are asked to see the novel as in the tradition of Gulliver’s Travels (1726). Like Gulliver, Gullivar Jones is far from the near perfect specimen of male hero found in Burroughs’s novels. Gulliver is gullible; Gullivar is ineffective, at best. Swift’s protagonist and Arnold’s main lead both encounter different races that suit their authors’ specific satirical purposes. And even Arnold’s last paragraph sounds like a typical (if less barbed) Swiftian address to his readership: “The compact was sealed in the most approved fashion; and here, indulgent reader, is the artless narrative that resulted—an incident so incredible in this prosaic latter-day world that I dare not ask you to believe, and must humbly content myself with hoping that if I fail to convince yet I may at least claim the consolation of having amused you” (181). The “adventure” elements are here—complete with a princess, who, incidentally, our hero does not win, instead returning to Earth to marry his earthling Polly—but the reader who craves fast-moving action would probably prefer Burroughs’s works. Like Gulliver’s Travels (again), Gullivar of Mars is a slow albeit thoroughly worthwhile read. Who influenced whom? Who didn’t? I repeat: who cares? Genre fans should ignore such trifles and rejoice in the fact that these early science-fiction writers are responsible for bringing innumerable young readers into the sf/fantasy fold. And speaking for myself, though I continue to think Wells the best of the early authors, it was the Burroughs novels (with the Frank Frazetta covers) that got me hooked. —Allen C. Kupfer, Nassau Community College Essential Takes on the Essence of SF Scott Bukatman. Matters of Gravity: Special Effects and Supermen in the 20th Century. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2003. xvi + 279pp. $21.95 pbk. Here’s a stretch, but let’s call it a “thought experiment.” Read Jonathan Lethem’s marvelous story “Super Goatman” in the April 5, 2004 New Yorker (68-75), then morph the details of this story just enough so that it becomes “Super Theoryman,” and then imagine that Super Theoryman is actually Scott Bukatman, eight of whose remarkable essays on film, sf, comics, and techno-culture are now collected in Matters of Gravity, a book that contains much worth thinking about for cultural-studies scholars, sf scholars, and those of us who just like thinking about the world around us. OK, this particular thought experiment may not be the best way to link Bukatman’s writing with Lethem’s, but the link needs to be made and the project is, I believe, instructive. Both have carved out important careers writing at once as sf insiders and as sf outsiders, reminding us of the value of slipstream vision to the larger understanding of the uses and value of sf thinking. Both teach us something worth learning—even when we disagree with them—with almost every word they write. Both share an abiding nostalgia for a theorized and fictionalized New York as the model for urban utopianism. And, of course, both have given us splendidly insightful meditations on superheroes. Bukatman works the critical side of the street in his Terminal Identity—a 1993 book ahead of its time in so many ways—and essays such as “X-Bodies: The Torment of the Mutant Superhero” and “The Boys in the Hoods: A Song of the Urban Superhero,” both collected in Matters of Gravity. Lethem works the fictional side of the street in his novel Fortress of Solitude (2003) and now in “Super Goatman.” It’s no secret that Lethem is not just a fabulously talented novelist, but also a fabulously talented closet academic, and anyone who has read much of Bukatman’s writing is likely to agree with Bruce Sterling’s view that, “if you insist on reading stuff like this, you ought to read Scott Bukatman. He’s much smarter and funnier than most of his theory-surfing colleagues” (<www.well.com/conf/mirrorshades/books.html>). Talk about your Dynamic Duos! The essays gathered in Matters of Gravity originally appeared in venues addressing audiences as different as those implied by journals such as October, South Atlantic Quarterly, and IRIS ,and by anthologies whose focus differed as widely as did that of Mark Dery’s Flame Wars (1994) from Vivian Sobchack’s Meta-Morphing (1999). Bukatman’s ostensible subjects range from superheroes to cinema special effects to film musicals about New York to the technology and phenomenology of the typewriter, re-seen through the lens of cyberspace. Each of the essays in this collection, however, references or re-enforces issues approached in many or most of the other essays and all of them share in Bukatman’s larger project of resituating the human body and human identity in a technosphere that threatens both. Indeed, read together, these essays call attention to the fact that Bukatman’s writing is essentially and gloriously recuperative, whether he is trying to valorize or rehabilitate popular media, urban space, technologized motion, or the role of the hip and liberated cultural studies scholar. The overlap of his concerns, the uniqueness of his vision, and the delights of his prose can be glimpsed in the following excerpt from “The Boys in the Hoods,” the essay that both closes this collection and reveals why “Syncopated City,” the seemingly out-of-place preceding essay on film musicals, not only belongs in this volume but also reminds us that, in the hands of a gifted cultural critic, parataxis becomes almost inspirational. The superhero city is founded on the relationship between grids and grace. The city becomes a place of grace by licensing the multitude of fantasies that thrived against the “constraining” ground of the grid. Grace is a function of elegant precision but also implies a virtuostic transcendence of the purely functional, and the city thus possesses a grace of its own. Superheroes are physically graceful, but they are graced through their freedom, their power, and their mobility. Superhero comics embody the grace of the city; superheroes are graced by the city. Through the superhero, we gain a freedom of movement not constrained by the ground-level order imposed by the urban grid. The city becomes legible through signage and captions and the hero's panoramic and panoptic gaze. It is at once a site of anonymity and flamboyance. Above all, soaring above all, the superhero city is a place of weightlessness, a site that exists, at least in part, in playful defiance of the spirit of gravity. (188) That final sentence also foregrounds the contrast between weightlessness and gravity—considered literally and figuratively—that inspires and sometimes haunts this volume. From his reference in “Syncopated City” to special-effects musical sequences that feature weightless dancing on ceilings and otherwise unlikely surfaces to images cited in “Boys in the Hoods” of superheroes effortlessly swinging, flinging, or otherwise flying through the upper reaches of a cityscape, Bukatman invites us to recognize the inherent similarities between physical escapes from gravity depicted in musicals and in superhero productions, and the inherent tension between those deliriously liberating constructions and the horrific, inescapable gravity of the events of September 11, 2001. Bukatman celebrates and interrogates “fantasied escapes from gravity” as experienced or imagined or imaged in cyberspace, in “the dances on the ceiling in Royal Wedding [1951] and 2001 [1968],” in amusement park rides, in film, and in the leaps, bounds, and flights of superheroes, casting all as occasions for us to “recall our bodies to us by momentarily allowing us to feel them differently” (xiii). It is Bukatman’s goal to locate the phenomenology of these “fantasied escapes” in the “spaces of industrial and electronic capitalism” (3), and to do so in a way that avoids the technophilic excesses of constructing our technologized environment as utopian carnival and the technophobic excesses of constructing it as control mechanism. As Bukatman puts it, “There has to be something between the carnival and the panopticon” (5), and his essays consistently explore ways in which media (broadly construed) provide “a set of tactics for negotiating modernity” (4). His project then, while grounded in film studies and usually focused more on popular than on more “dignified” cultural phenomena, can be seen as sharing broad concerns with the work of Cecelia Tichi, as seen in her Shifting Gears: Technology, Literature, Culture in Modernist America (1987), and of David Nye in his The American Technological Sublime (1995) and his Narratives and Spaces: Technology and the Construction of American Culture (1997). Only Bukatman approaches modernist anxieties about technology from the future looking backward, while Nye and Tichi generally approach the future looking forward from nineteenth and early-twentieth-century anxieties and celebrations. Bukatman always acknowledges science fiction’s conceptual investment in this effort, while Nye and Tichi generally theorize technoculture as if sf had never existed. Bukatman organizes the essays in this book under the categories of “Remembering Cyberspace,” “Kaleidoscopic Perceptions,” and “The Grace of Beings,” explaining that the essays “move from a consideration of the body as constructed by spectacular experience to an emphasis on the performing body moving within the built-environment of the American city” (6-7). “Remembering Cyberspace” offers three essays in the general vein of the argument of Terminal Identity, focusing on the plight of the human subject in a digital culture that more and more seems to promote, if not to demand, disembodiment. This section includes Bukatman’s “There’s Always ... Tomorrowland,” a tour de force, if not always a persuasive linking of Disney theme parks with cyberpunk, a movement whose central concerns provide the ironic counterpoint to the emblematic dead tech so thoughtfully interrogated in the second essay in this section, Bukatman's classic “Gibson’s Typewriter.” I’m not completely sure how “X-Bodies: The Torment of the Mutant Superhero” advances our understanding of human subjectivity in a digital age, but it’s a compelling analysis of the body as constructed in superhero comics, and it represents Bukatman’s disarmingly personal style at its most engaging, opening with his claim that he probably isn’t as worried about his dick as he used to be and closing with his admission that he is worried about finding a niche in the academy. “Kaleidoscopic Perceptions,” the second part of Matters of Gravity, contains two essays on film special effects and the appeal of the techno-sublime that should be must-reads for anyone interested in understanding the appeal of sf literature and film. “The Artificial Infinite: On Special Effects and the Sublime” traces the special effects of contemporary cinema back through numerous stages of immersive experiences such as “‘Renaissance’ and elevated perspectives, panoramas, landscape paintings, kaleidoscopes, diorama” and the cinema of attractions (91). Situating technological spectacle within the larger contours of the sublime, Bukatman argues that “the presence of the sublime in science fiction, a deeply American genre, implies that our fantasies of superiority emerge from our ambivalence regarding technological power rather than nature’s might (as Kant originally had it)” (101). In “The Ultimate Trip: Special Effects and Kaleidoscopic Perception,” Bukatman develops his notion of kaleidscopic spectatorial experience (“the headlong rush, the rapid montage, and the bodily address”[3]) to argue that spectacularly kinetic special-effects sequences in recent sf cinema in themselves “articulate a utopian discourse of possibility,” leading him to this provocative conclusion: “Science fiction is a notoriously rationalist genre, but in the kinetic delirium of many effects sequences, the genre detaches from disembodied, desensationalized knowledges” (130). Buy the book if only for these two magnificent essays. But wait—there’s more! Section three, “The Grace of Beings,” contains essays that expand our consideration of morphing to include its racial valence, that rethink film musicals in terms of their constructions of a New York as a “delirious urban celebration,” and that then rethink that urban celebration in terms of the urban imagery of superhero comics. It was while I was rereading “Taking Shape: Morphing and the Performance of Self,” the first essay in the section, however, that I started noticing something about Bukatman’s criticism I had previously missed: for all his cultural and theoretical hipness, there’s a touch of the unreconstructed modernist in Bukatman’s writing. His interrogations of technological culture all seem to rest on an apparently timeless modernist concern that the technologized world inexorably creates anxiety in its inhabitants. Count the number of times that “anxiety” or “anxieties” appear in these essays. And that anxiety, in Bukatman’s criticism, seems essentially timeless and unchanging—just as pervasive at the beginning of the twenty-first century as it was at the end of the nineteenth. Moreover, while his work occasionally nods toward possibilities of resistance in viewers and readers, the possibility of truly transgressive agency on the part of those on the receiving end of technological spectacle never seems to get much consideration in these essays. While Henry Jenkins offers a powerful appreciation of Bukatman’s work on the jacket of Matters of Gravity, I found myself wondering why “spectatorial poaching” isn’t as likely as “textual poaching,” and whether the denizens of Thirteenth Gen, Fourteenth Gen, and beyond really respond to technology and technologized spectacle in ways that continue to be illuminated by Schivelbusch, Koolhaas, Simmel, and the host of critics looking at modernist anxieties to whom Bukatman turns again and again. Just a thought—and a heretical one at that, since I also love those critics, also turn to them again and again, habitually try to make similar historicizing moves in my own attempts to understand digital culture, and just wish I could do so with half the panache and insight that Bukatman brings to all he writes. But how much, finally, can world’s fairs tell us about hypertext, and how much can Hale’s Tours tell us about whatever will come next in cinema special effects? Gibsonian virtual reality makes a cameo or two in these essays, but if the web, much less web culture, got even a mention, I missed it. Which is just to suggest that, while this set of Bukatman’s fascinating and rewarding essays helps us to embrace and understand our technological recent past, they may not point us toward embracing and understanding our digital future. While Bukatman has been at the worthwhile task of unpacking and explaining the “power of a good daydream” in mass and popular culture since the early 1990s, it is clear from his Preface to this volume that the horrible and real spectacle of September 11, 2001, now challenges him to rethink the ontological status of the contrived technological spectacles so frequently the subject of his essays. This admirable, important, essential, and almost certainly premature effort to bring the events of September 11 into the discourse of theory leads Bukatman to the poignant suggestion that we reread and rethink his essays as “in defiance of the spirit of gravity, but with a new cognizance of gravity’s irresistible pull” (xiii). One more reason to respect Bukatman’s unique critical sensibility. —Brooks Landon, University of Iowa Confronting the Violent Sublime. Elana Gomel. Bloodscripts: Writing the Violent Subject. The Theory and Interpretation of Narrative Series, ed. James Phelan and Peter J. Rabinowitz. Columbus, OH: Ohio State UP, 2003. xlvii + 234 pp. $74.95 hc; $25.95 pbk; $9.95 cd. Elana Gomel’s Bloodscripts: Writing the Violent Subject explores the nexus of violence, the subject, and narrative in the “violent sublime,” a term she defines as “the unrepresentable that clamors for representation, ... that which exceeds language but provokes speech” (xxviii). That quote exemplifies the clear, balanced sentences that form summarizing epigrams throughout the book. Indeed, two of the great pleasures of Bloodscripts are its clarity and its elegant prose. In Gomel’s “Introduction: Stories to Die For,” she posits that “the ellipsis of the violent subject’s life-story is a scar of the sublime. Violence both wounds the narrative and stimulates its recovery” (xxix). She then identifies three patterns for the performance of the violent sublime—“the subject of torture, the subject of discipline, and the subject of ideology” (xxviii)—that will structure the book as a whole. The subject of torture, the monster of horror fiction, experiences an ellipsis, a gap, at the site of motive—he cannot say why he commits violence. The subject of discipline, in the classic detective story, experiences this ellipsis before the body of the victim, “eliminating not only graphic descriptions of violence but desire, contingency, and accident” (xliv). The subject of ideology, the utopian “creator of monsters”—Dr. Moreau and Dr. Mengele—experiences his gap in “the open secret: the knowledge that is held in suspension between acceptance and denial” (121). The following six chapters will explore these three patterns, as well as “intermediate” or “transitional” types (xliii). Throughout, Gomel reminds us, “The second general concern ... is the relation between body and narrative.” In another elegant turn, she clarifies: “While the body is indeed constructed in discourse, it also constructs discourse” (xlvii). Her consistent focus on the body, in its vulnerability and temporality, means the discussion is never coldly academic or cold-bloodedly theoretical but humanely academic and responsibly theoretical. Chapter One, “The Visible Man,” talks about horror fiction, using as its texts Wells’s The Invisible Man (1896), Wilde’s The Picture of Dorian Gray (1891), several of Clive Barker’s stories, and, of course, Stoker’s Dracula (1897). The list indicates two of the few weaknesses of Bloodscripts: first, that Gomel’s choices of fiction suggest a limited range of knowledge about the genres under consideration (horror, fantasy, science fiction, and detective fiction, among others); and second, that she selects works to fit her theories, rather than the other way around. I am not entirely convinced, however, that the latter is necessarily a weakness, although it would be a weakness in, say, scientific method. In my old age, as I consider how order may arise out of chaos, and as I read more books such as this one, it becomes easier to forgive and even welcome the approach. As for the first problem, the limited range, it is a weakness but not one damaging to Gomel’s arguments. Instead, the lack of breadth in reading represents opportunities for the reader to add to the discussion. The perceived lack of breadth may be an active choice, I would note, since Gomel has, according to a cursory search, also written about the Strugatsky brothers, Octavia Butler, Kim Stanley Robinson, and J.R.R. Tolkien. Possible weaknesses aside, Gomel has stimulating things to say about the monster of horror fiction in her first chapter. She calls it “a living oxymoron, created by the collapse of binary dichotomy, such as linving [sic]/dead ... or human/animal.” Citing Judith Butler and others, she discusses how the monster is “a subject beyond humanity” not only physically but ethically” (2). Gomel’s insight is to see that “The monster expresses the commonality of the flesh that underlies violence: we are all books of blood” and that the monster displays both “the ruined corporeality of the victim and the ruined subjectivity of the perpetrator” (2). “The true seduction of the violent sublime,” she claims convincingly, “is the escape from the slippery discriminations of morality into the incontestable materiality of the body” (3). This goes a long way toward explaining the horrible fascination we have with the Grand Guignol, not only in horror fiction and film, but in history: my class in literature of the Holocaust is always filled. Chapter Two, “Serial Killing and the Dismemberment of Identity,” about both fictional and non-fictional serial killer narratives, looks at the argument over whether such moral monsters as Hannibal Lecter and Ted Bundy are born (monstrous creations) or made (victims of monstrous circumstance). Gomel sees each of these paradigms as “problematic legally and morally,” but “even more so narratively” (50). “If the monstrous creation paradigm fails to account for the killer’s similarity to the ordinary run of humanity, the victimization paradigm cannot explain his difference” (57). Gomel concludes that “choice is the one element of the narrative that cannot be predicted in advance since it does not obey the law of causality” (61). When she says that this “free choice of violence ... means abandoning their [serial killers’] commitment to the scientific paradigm of rational explanations” (62), she approaches another scientific paradigm—of chaos or complexity theory—but stops short. Perhaps for this reason, perhaps because of the limitations of the serial killer genre, perhaps because this is a chapter about an “intermediate type,” it is less impressive than the first chapter, though still provocative. “The Library of the Body,” Gomel’s third chapter, considers classic detective stories from Poe’s source texts, through Arthur Conan Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes stories, to Agatha Christie’s Hercule Poirot and G.K. Chesterton’s Father Brown. Here she sees “the dominant feature of the detective story: its repression of the sublime and the projection of the perfectly disciplined subject of violence” (65). However disciplined the subject, and the examining detective, “the generic specificity of the detective story is created precisely by the sustained tension between its smooth and precise narrative exterior and its dark Gothic core.... [C]rime and logic are kept in constant creative tension” (67). Having approached chaos in the previous chapter, here Gomel arrives, seeing the orderliness of the detective story’s narrative surface as covering the chaos of the violent sublime, while the detective’s role is to discover the order hidden in that chaos: “This literary striptease is the detective writer’s greatest skill: to admit just enough of the Real but never too much” (75). Violence, and sexuality as well, are repressed chaos in the detective story; thus, “the paradox of the detective: the Thinking Machine locked in the cage of ‘meat’” (83). There is much more in this rich chapter, and much of it is applicable to science fiction—to the Asimovian/Spock logical hero, for instance, to the complex mind/body speculations and attitudes of cyberpunk, and beyond. “Utopia Noir,” the fourth chapter, begins with a comparison between Le Guin’s “The Ones Who Walk Away from Omelas (1976) and Dostoevskii’s Crime and Punishment (1866) to illustrate two kinds of subjects, those of ideology “who thrive on torture,” and those of discipline “who are appalled by it.” “What,” she asks, “is the secret of Omelas? Or, in the light of the twentieth-century experiments in utopian politics, what is the secret of Auschwitz ...? It is Raskolnikov, with his violence-nurtured Idea, who can answer this question” (100). This chapter has much of value to say for utopian and dystopian criticism. Gomel’s discussion of the New Man is particularly stimulating. He is, she claims, “a dangerous dream of healing the wound of separation between body and mind, public and private, individual and collective, consciousness and desire” (105). And what is the New Man’s greatest enemy? It is, she says, “democracy, which was consistently perceived in terms of a stable set of metaphors: disease, femininity, chaos, swamp, and rot” (109). “Stable” is the operant word, for the New Man abhors contingency, “multiplicity to the New Man’s hard-won unity; randomness to his control.... The femininity of democracy links the chaos of desire with the chaos of history” (110). I found this chapter both frustrating and extremely useful for my own work. On the one hand, Gomel’s seeming lack of breadth in science fiction made for some peculiar choices of texts, and some equally peculiar omissions, more noticeable in this chapter than in others. She focused on what she called investigative dystopias, exemplified by books by Robert Harris, Donald James, and Paul Johnston, and I admit that I was familiar with none of them. I wondered if Philip K. Dick’s Ubik (1969) or James Morrow’s City of Truth (1992) might qualify. Had she provided a clear definition, some more familiar examples, and coherent and brief synopses of her own choices, I would have had a clearer understanding. Nevertheless, her application of the idea of the open secret to the New Man and the fascist dystopian utopias of twentieth century history was very valuable. “Both in the Third Reich and Stalinist Soviet Union, the body in pain was simultaneously displayed and denied.... The suffering body was forced into the cultural Imaginary” (122). These cogent points continue the discussion of the convergence of utopia, genocide, and the other that James Berger explores with regard to apocalyptic literature in his superb After the End (1999) and that I explored with regard to science fiction in “Utopia, Genocide, and the Other” (Edging Into the Future, ed. Hollinger and Gordon, 2002). Like chapter four, chapter five—“Doctor Death: From Moreau to Mengele”—has direct relevance to sf criticism. Its extensive readings of Wells’s The Island of Dr. Moreau (1896) and Lucius Shepard’s “Mengele” (1986) are among the best in the book. Gomel sees that “the transformation of Dr. Moreau into Dr. Mengele parallels the development of the New Man from an aesthetic possibility to a political goal” (134). Further, “the bio-ideologies of Social Darwinism and eugenics” generate “‘the biological sublime,’ a particular modality of the violent sublime that combines the ecstasy of murder with the instrumental rationality of science” (134-35). The margins of my copy of the book are filled with stars indicating especially cogent and neatly expressed points in this chapter. Let me cite a few examples. “The New Man incorporates Darwinism’s dizzying denial of essential humanness, while at the same time neutralizing its potentially anarchic emphases on randomness, heterogeneity, and accident” (136). “History is not a disease that can be warded off by intellectual quarantine” (138). “The torturer becomes a vampire of transcendence” (143). Of The Island of Dr. Moreau: “If the House of Pain is meant to teach obedience, the only one to learn the lesson is Prendick whose body escapes Moreau’s knife. The victims rebel; the witness becomes a collaborator” (154). “Pain becomes a just punishment for the ability to feel pain” (157). “The torturer must keep himself pure from imputations of being like the tortured; otherwise, pain spreads across the sterile edge of the scalpel and corrodes power rather than creates it” (158). At this point, it is clear that an important motive for the sometimes odd choices of text is their ability to illuminate issues of genocide, particularly the Holocaust, but this chapter, rather than seeming limited because of its textual choices, instead inspired me to extend its insights to consider, for example, much of the work of Gene Wolfe and China Miéville. Chapter Six, “The Singularity of History,” inspired by the Wilkomirski affair, tackles the use and abuse of memory in narrating the violent sublime. Gomel examines the recovered memory movement, Wilkomirski’s false memoir Fragments (1996), stories by Borges (of course) and Dan Simmons, some detective novels, Levi’s Survival in Auschwitz (1958; transl. 1961), movies about the Holocaust, Shoshana Felman’s defense of Paul DeMan’s collaborationist writing during World War II, and an sf novel called Days of Cain (1998) by J.R. Dunn. These works from many genres directly refer to the Holocaust, confirming that Gomel’s scheme is to find texts to support her theories rather than the reverse, and that her theories focus upon the Holocaust. The confirmation clarifies and to a great extent justifies her limited and apparently eccentric range of choices throughout the book. Gomel uses the variety of sources to illustrate important insights about “the connection between memory and desire” (169). Noting the fragmentary and disordered nature of traumatic memory, she identifies it as “the nemesis of narration” (164) and laments that its fragmentary nature forms “the new criteria of authenticity, which have supplanted outdated notions of accuracy and objectivity” (162). Disturbingly, as Wilkomirski’s fabulated yet possibly sincere memoir shows, “for shards of memory to draw blood they need not have been shattered by any real event” (162) and, therefore, “the vortex of the violent sublime lying at the heart of the uncritical celebration of traumatic memory threatens to consume history” (163). Gomel seeks to restore history and, in so doing, return the body to the narrative of pain. This is an important ethical stand, since “The separation of memory from the discourse of historical truth ... devalues trauma and cheapens suffering” (167). She continues her physics metaphors in this chapter with “the ultimate fragmentation of both space and time: the black hole” as “the master trope at the intersection of history, memory, and trauma (163). This chapter has wise and pointed things to say about the comfortable space that reliving an event provides, allowing one to escape responsibility and action. A discussion of “Holocaust fairy tales” (182) such as Jane Yolen’s The Devil’s Arithmetic (1990) and Cherry Wilder’s “The House on Cemetery Street” (1988) is also fine. Of them, she says that “The process of storytelling itself ... constitutes a defense against the black hole of violence” (184). Throughout the chapter, Gomel insists upon the ethical responsibilities of all participants in the violent sublime—subjects, victims, and narrators. Evoking Levinas, she condemns that “which denies the independent existence and the ethical stature of the Other” (185). Gomel’s brief (12-page) conclusion dismantles the idea that the Enlightenment and the bureaucrat were responsible for the Holocaust. Instead, “utopian and apocalyptic ideologies generate mass-scale violence not as a by-product of their functioning, but as their raison d’être” (202). Her answer is to confront horror and the violent sublime in narrative. Violence, she says, “is not a contagion.... It is a human possibility” (204-205) and we choose it. The “bloodscripts” of narrative provide a way to explore, “express, define, and delimit violence” (208) and bring us to the terrible truth beneath the delicious horror of the violent sublime, the abject body. Bloodscripts is an excellent example of recent criticism that combines theory and commitment, literature and ethics, criticism that applies to a variety of texts within and beyond our own field of sf, within and beyond the written word. Hybrid or indeterminate, this criticism lets the whole world provide grist for its mill. Thus, science fiction scholars can find stimulating criticism in many places without sf signposts. Along with the work of Judith Butler and Allucquère Rosanne Stone, N. Katherine Hayles and Anne Balsamo, I would put some recent works published in 2003 and reviewed in these pages: Cary Wolfe’s Animal Rites (SFS #92, 31:1[March 2004]), Steven Shaviro’s Connected, and Scott Bukatman’s Matters of Gravity (both reviewed in this issue). As genres bend and blend, so does criticism, and Bloodscripts exemplifies the vivifying potential of this trend.—JG From Earth to Mars, With Love: Who Will Define Eden? Robert Markley, Harrison Higgs, Michelle Kendrick, and Helen Burgess, eds. Red Planet: Scientific and Cultural Encounters with Mars. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 2001. $39.95 DVD-ROM. Pedal to the metal as you tear across the Martian landscape, dodging alien fire and green tentacled creatures lashing out at you, red dust flaring up, sparks trailing an overheating, heavily armored dune buggy—no, sorry, that’s not what you experience when you open a window on the world of Red Planet. Forget the “off-road” vehicle dream. But that doesn’t mean forget the dream this DVD inspires: a dream of life on Mars, eventual human life, that is. Far more exciting even than looking at the latest pictures from NASA’s Martian toy-like rover, Red Planet is serious stuff for those with a spark within—and the DVD stokes the fire. Lights out and shades drawn, watching the DVD, you feel like a passenger on a group tour bus, which is not necessarily a bad thing. It connotes a controlled, steady feel, no bumps—no direct interaction with the Martian “environment,” never really feeling like you leave the confines of the bus—but an understated confidence relaxes you and sustains your interest. While the look and feel are somewhat antiseptic, such as the predominantly white background on text pages, reminiscent of the clean suits engineers wear while working on a space-faring piece of technology, the simplicity of design serves as a sort of inverted drop-shadow to the content: the medium does not interfere with the message. The utilitarian style restricts interference on the tech learning side to the problem of trying to solve your own computer’s hiccups and glitches (such as occasional audio collapses and video clips not playing). Navigational controls are minimal and standardized, such as left, right, and up arrows. The slightest bit of experimentation with the controls reveals their plain purpose. Aside from stoking that inner fire, Red Planet may also warm those of us bred on the liberal-arts end of the academic spectrum by supplying content carefully scripted according to traditional rules of writing. A literate learner will easily recognize the full range of “rhetorical modes,” as the presentation begins topically through classification and division, and stories gently unfold in manageable chunks through a combination of process-analysis, exemplification, cause-effect, definition, narration, and description. From “chapter” headings such as “Early Views” and “Canals of Mars” to “The War of the Worlds” and “Missions to Mars,” the Earth-bound virtual tourist can explore the Martian historical and geological landscapes with scientists and science-fiction writers. The flip side, though, to a liberal-arts learner’s instant “essay pattern recognition” (and self-congratulations), is the acknowledgment of the accompanying weakness we art-bred and -fed types often suffer from, more so, perhaps, than science-suckled students: a greater degree of ecological angst. The liberal-arts learner’s lens on Earth’s environmental crises is generally chaotic and quixotic, but the Martian landscapes and lore related by the scientists and novelists (yes, novelists, who perhaps have liberal-arts lifelines) featured on Red Planet grind and refocus that lens. Liberal-arts learners may wish to begin with the “Dying Planet” section, which features a large portion of the “encounters” with fiction writers on this virtual bus tour. Unfortunately, the encounters are just that—in many cases only the briefest interludes with a host of sf writers (including Arthur C. Clarke, Kenneth Gantz, D.G. Compton, and Ben Bova) who seem to step onto the bus, wave, and leave. Others are singled out with a hundred-and-fifty or so words of text and occasional audio-supplemented commentary. These include Kantian philosopher Kurd Lasswitz and Alexander Bogdanov, both of whom offered different takes on European society’s shortcomings; Alexei Tolstoy and his Aelita (1922), which exported the Russian Revolution to Mars; Edgar Rice Burroughs, author of eleven novels about Mars from 1913 to 1944; as well as Ray Bradbury, P. Schuyler Miller, Judith Merril, Robert Heinlein, Philip K. Dick, and Kim Stanley Robinson, who is also the subject of an interview. If the “Dying Planet” section is not tempting, then where does one begin at this science and science-fiction multimedia smorgasbord when one does not have to begin at the beginning (and “Dying Planet” is not “at the beginning”)? Why not begin at the end? Or anywhere? To truly appreciate the deeply philosophical implications of this multimedia experience—and not be bored because of knee-jerk selections of seemingly overly technical details—try to work in a patient, linear fashion. Thumb through the contents; explore and experiment. Eventually, though, when you settle on something that looks interesting, use the back arrow to catch the beginning of the discussion. Once you slide into a passenger seat and cruise a content area such as “Life on Mars,” deeply philosophical implications light up the tour. The history of Martian science may not readily inspire confidence and, indeed, may fuel angst about government, technology, scientific experimentation, and science in general—if you’re a cynic. An optimist will probably blame the lack of consistent, abundant funding for Mars-related programs and insist upon strict adherence to future mission deadlines. But a holistic reaction, from a liberal-arts learner, might be amusement: Martian history is theater—comedy, in fact. Comedy allows us to examine ourselves satirically, to improve upon the way we do things. (Tragedy always has an unhappy ending, and the ending in the Mars story is far from being written.) And as a new chapter in the exploration of Mars script has just begun, it is healthier to be optimistic. Looking back on the stage of history, comedic material abounds, from wild speculations of seasonal vegetative growth patterns, to polar-bear-like animals roaming the surface (from a young Carl Sagan), to super-advanced beings constructing canals, to mistaken experiments on probes, to underfunded programs and failed NASA mission moments. The nationwide panic instigated by the Orson Welles 1938 radio production of H.G. Wells’s The War of the Worlds (in the section unsurprisingly named “War of the Worlds”) seems inconsequential when compared to the unbroken war of words among scientists, arguing over—clinging to—nineteenth-century speculation of life on Mars as perceived by Percival Lowell (presented in the “Canals of Mars” section). Lowell, whose diplomatic training no doubt at least in part accounted for his poetic prose, touched the hearts and minds of many scientists after him. (The Flagstaff, Arizona, observatory which bears his name was built to satisfy his curiosity—and others’—about Mars.) Scientists seemed locked in a fruitless loop of idle speculation about life on Mars, relying on somewhat fancifully extrapolated sketches of the planet’s surface, based on modest images seen through Lowell’s telescope. Lowell says, “Unnatural regularity, the observations showed, betrays itself in everything to do with the lines [on the Martian surface]: in their surprising straightness, their amazing uniformity throughout, their exceeding tenuity, and their immense length. These traits, instead of disappearing, the better the canals have been seen, as was confidently prophesied, have only come out with greater insistence.” Lowell argued that a Martian race “could be recognized only by the imprint it made on the face of Mars.” Such a race, he further suggested, needed to build canals to drive water from the poles to an otherwise dry surface. His merry logic leaped extraordinarily, from science to what we would call science fiction, concluding that canal-creating on a planetary-wide scale required enormous efforts and cooperation. These aliens “must labor,” he said, “harmoniously to a common aim,” and thus to a higher social and political plane than we humans do. The DVD does well to delve into Wells’s stunningly dark satirical novel on Darwinian-derived social theories and our predator mentality, and which also pokes fun at Lowell’s “benevolent” Martian race theory. The War of the Worlds (1898) landed amid a public apparently primed for anything Martian. This not quite so technologically sophisticated alien race was hungry for resources—and for human blood. These ravenous aliens, reflecting humanity’s ugly side, were ultimately undone by Earthly microorganisms. (Oh, if only the hotly debated Martian nanofossils had still been alive to boost alien immunity!) To trace the route of Martian science-fiction roots, peek into the “Early Views” section. Featured is a cursory mention of a few ancient myths as well as of early scientists who inspired Lowell and others, such as the Italian Mars-seeking luminary Gian Domenico Cassini, who in 1666 drew the first detailed images of the planet’s surface, and Dutch scientist Christian Huygens who speculated on the similarities between Mars and Earth. Also featured is England’s William Herschel who, about a century later, correctly observed that Mars had a relatively thin atmosphere, basing his observation on the lack of change of two stars as they aligned against its atmosphere. Interestingly, Herschel stubbornly ignored his own findings and suggested that Mars was like Earth—and could support Earth-like people. The “planet has a considerable but moderate atmosphere, so that its inhabitants probably enjoy a situation in many respects similar to our own.” Jump another century into the “Canals of Mars” section and dream of straight-line “canali”—“canals”—on the Martian surface with Italian scientist Giovanni Schiaparelli. “Mars is a small version of the Earth, with seas, an atmosphere, clouds and wind, and polar caps; and it promises ... a good deal more,” he said, but stopped short of claiming artificially-built canals, although that did not stop Lowell from dreaming further. Far more modest than the Mars images seen through Lowell’s scope were the blurry early-Renaissance telescopic images that once frustrated geniuses like Galileo, who only receives a tiny DVD marquee space as an early red planet tracker. These same fuzzy and fleeting images of Mars from long ago seem to capture vividly and to express in (unintentional) satirical cartoon-panel style Martian science and exploration history to this day: imperfection and the lack of hard data are the only constants throughout. The ambiguity surrounding the tiny image of Mars seen then is our own bone-deep ambiguity now about survival issues; how will we deal with so many potentially looming ecological crises here on Earth (let alone those we may create on Mars)? What the DVD reveals is the scientific depth of ignorance about Mars throughout most of the twentieth century (until the various Mars missions) and the political depths to which scientists seem willing to sink to pummel each other, and us, with a theory (Mars Scientist Mud Wrestling Channel?). Over the decades, arguments spilled into or were fought in the media and splashed the general public—good theater, no more harmful and no less intriguing than The War of the Worlds. Today, with the chapter on idle speculation (or for the optimists, “imagination”) nearly closed and the new chapter on exploration opened, we should be underway at making the most accurate study ever of the red planet. Lest, though, we theatergoers be forced to watch comedy reruns, we must ask the new generation of Martian science scriptwriters to avoid the dangers of non-dispassionate blind faith and to avoid the appearance of wrapping themselves—and the American public—in the Martian flag. DVD users touring the Martian historical terrain, however, can find comfort (if not escape from all their angst) in the mindful paths charted by today’s fiction writers, such as Kim Stanley Robinson, who have eyes set on the past, present, and future of both Earth and Mars, even as scientists seem to nano-debate nano-fossils. (That debate centers on a rock—one of the many apparently Martian-rooted rocks that have pelted Earth—discovered in 1984, en route to who-knows-where when it was conveniently intercepted by our atmosphere and rerouted to Antarctica some 13,000 years ago. This rock, ALH84001, seems, according to some, to have fused within it microscopic fossilized life forms, resembling similar looking critters here on Earth that huddle in micro-environments more than a mile beneath the surface.) The scientists and fiction writers presented on Red Planet generously speculate about terraforming, reshaping Mars in the image of Earth, or in some other image, for better or worse, and colonizing the planet. (Such has been the speculation of fiction writers for more than a century.) If we terraform Mars the wrong way, though, might we erase the perhaps as yet undiscovered descendants of the alleged fused remains of red planet bacteria? As we think about how to shape the surface of Mars, we shape the soul of Earth; Mars is a metaphor for this world, an apparently dead planet for a living one. Mars is more than a cost-benefit analysis, a faster-better-cheaper victim, a product waiting to be exploited, a world of nano-fossils. It is an Eden. —Randy Hayman, Nassau Community College Alisdair Gray in Living Color Phil Moores, ed. Alisdair Gray: Critical Appreciations and a Bibliography. British Library: London, 2002. Available through U Toronto P. xii + 241 pp. $40 hc. Alisdair Gray illustrated the interiors and covers of this book, lending to it the unmistakable strong lines of his art. This, combined with fifteen color illustrations, on eight pages, of Gray’s murals and portraiture, ensure that the reader not only enjoys the critical appreciations of Gray’s writing but also his first and ongoing career as an artist. Beside the Review of Contemporary Fiction special issue (115.2 [1995]) covering Gray and Stanley Elkin, this is only the third scholarly treatment of Gray’s work after Crawford and Nairn’s The Arts of Alisdair Gray (Edinburgh UP, 1991) and Alisdair Gray by Stephen Bernstein (Bucknell UP, 1999). Crawford and Nairn’s work covers only the period up until 1990, however, while Bernstein’s covers only Gray’s novels. Critical Appreciations, therefore, can be seen as the first overarching appreciation of Gray’s oeuvre. Will Self begins the volume with his “part reverie, part parody, part fantasy” Introduction (4). Self abstains from adding an essay of glosses of the forthcoming essays but rather writes of the impact of Gray on UK literature and of the impact of Lanark (1981) on an Amazon.com reviewer who “seemingly in response to one of the novel’s own Fantastical Conceits ... found myself growing in a matter of days, two superb reptilian nether limbs.” Self adds, “Any encomium I could add to this would be worse than pathetic” (4). Self, as others do within these pages, wonders why Gray is not more well known but stops himself from going further in this direction with a pithy question: “Literary art is not a competition of any kind at all; what could it be like to win?” (3). Self’s essay is smart, self-aware without being ill at ease, and his respect for Gray and his work sets the tone for the rest of the volume. The first essay is University of Glasgow Emeritus Professor Philip Hobsbaum’s “Arcadia and Apocalypse: The Garden of Eden and the Triumph of Death.” Hobsbaum considers Gray’s novels Lanark, 1982 Janine (1984), and Poor Things (1992), and the collection Unlikely Stories, Mostly (1983) in light of critiques of Gray’s work as eccentric, modernist, and grotesque. Hobsbaum identifies Gray’s literary antecedents as Swift and Sir Thomas Urquhart, a seventeeth-century “pamphleteer and scholiast” (19) whom Gray uses in a story in Unlikely Stories, Mostly. Hobsbaum admits to Gray’s “bleak view of human possibility” (25) but suggests that the exuberance with which Gray writes means that reviewers, forced into shorthand by the limits of word counts, who identify Gray’s work as eccentric, modernist, and grotesque are only touching on the most superficial parts of his writing. He encourages readers to find their own joys in Gray’s texts. Hobsbaum makes his points clearly and well with illustrations taken from Gray’s texts. “Alisdair Gray’s Personal Curriculum Vitae” follows and lists events from his father’s birth in 1897 up until 2002, as well as a list of books “Containing Fragments of Autobiography” (44) and an email address (morag@ mcalpine44.freeserve.co.uk) from which they can be ordered. Gray notes that he has annotated the three entries preceding his birth in 1934 “more than most others because they show why I know that Socialism can improve social life, that the work we like best is not done for money, and that books and art are liberating” (33). His typically dry notes focus on family events and influences, childhood reading, early work experience, and so on, until he begins to regularly publish his work. Gray’s unmistakable voice, politics, and juxtaposition of misery and joie de vivre (as explicated in Hobsbaum’s essay) add much to the volume; indeed, it is hard to imagine this book without his contributions. In “Alisdair Gray Interviewed by Kathy Acker: 1986–A Public Interview at the ICA, London,” Gray’s answers have been corrected and neatened, while the late Acker’s introduction and questions remain unchanged. At the time of the interview Gray was 50 years old and his third novel, The Fall of Kelvin Walker (1986), had just been published. Acker begins by asking about Lanark and Gray’s early years as a writer before moving on to Kelvin Walker. When asked about his next book, Gray, showing a happy lack of foresight, states, “I don’t think I’m going to write more fiction” (54). An audience member asks about his eccentric (and influential) typography and Gray responds that it “started in the epilogue to Lanark” and was “especially addressed to critics of the novel’s pretensions” (55). Acker ends by asking Gray about the role of God in his fiction, something that Hobsbaum touched on in his essay but that would certainly make an interesting essay (or thesis) all on its own. Acker’s interview stands the test of time, still having much of interest almost twenty years later. Novelist Jonathan Coe’s “1994, Janine” is a short personal essay on the inspiration and influence Coe found in Gray’s second novel, 1982 Janine. While reading 1982 Janine, Coe realized that, despite his boredom with most fiction of the day, Gray showed that “contemporary fiction could still be a vivid and vital way of interpreting the world” (65). Coe’s essay, the shortest contribution, is the also the lightest and, while a pleasant read, it is not much more. Gray’s poetry, especially his two major collections, Old Negatives (1989) and Sixteen Occasional Poems (2000), is considered in S.B. Kelly’s broad and enlightening “‘An Equal Acceptance of Larks and Cancer’: The Poetry and Poetics of Alisdair Gray.” Before 1989, most readers would be hard-pressed to find Gray’s poetry as it was either published in small chapbooks or magazines. These two collections (and the ubiquity of the Internet) have changed that and Gray is now better known as the polymath he is. Kelly’s interpretations of Gray’s poetry are generous and patient and he gracefully notes both Gray’s technical accomplishments and his sharp and disconcerting work on relationships between the sexes. After Gray’s poetry, Elspeth King contributes the longest essay in the collection, “Art for the Early Days of a Better Nation,” on Gray’s art. King worked with Gray three times in the period from 1977 to 1996—an especially turbulent time politically, with heavy job losses as industry moved abroad and the English Tory government seemed to be following myopic policies concerning “North Britain.” To those who know Gray as a gritty and fabulist writer, this essay will be a revelation. Gray went to art school at the age of 18 and chafed at the limitations. By the age of 20 he had begun his first mural—he has since painted nine more—and ten years later he was the subject of an episode of the BBC program, Monitor. King also touches on Gray’s book illustrations, decorations, and typography. Perhaps because of King’s personal connection and knowledge of Gray, his work, and the various responses he and his work have received, the essay makes for fascinating reading. Angus Calder’s discursive “Politics, Scotland and Prefaces: Alisdair Gray’s Non-Fiction” (adapted from a review of Gray’s The Book of Prefaces [2000]) leads off by stating that a “peculiarity of Scottish literary culture is that leading creative writers quite commonly sound off in extenso on general as well as particular political issues” (125). Gray’s work has always been highly politicized—his first mural was painted on the walls of the Scotland-USSR Friendship Society (now the Scotland-Russia Society)—and in 1992 he jumped into politics with the publication of a long pamphlet Independence: Why the Scots Should Rule Scotland. Calder is quick to point out that—running against the Scottish stereotype—while Gray’s stance is pro-Scots, it is “not anti-English” (134), and he uses Gray’s The Book of Prefaces, where Gray admiringly glosses prefaces from many famous English novels, as proof. Calder’s essay touches on many aspects of Gray’s work, his political beliefs and activism, and the culture in which he lives. However, enjoyable as it is, its wide-ranging nature does not quite carry through on its promise so that we might wish he had chosen to focus either on The Book of Prefaces or on Gray’s politics instead of on both. In “Doing as Things Do With You: Alisdair Gray’s Minor Novels,” Stephen Bernstein (Alisdair Gray [1999]) uses Gray’s four plays turned into novels, The Fall of Kelvin Walker, McGrotty and Ludmilla, A History Maker, and Mavis Belfrage, to illustrate Gray as a comic, and an historical optimist, observing that in Gray’s books the “lesson is always in progress, its completion ... attendant upon his characters doing the hardest thing, the thing they do not like” (162). Besides Lanark, A History Maker is Gray’s only obviously sf novel and Bernstein’s is the only essay to really touch on it. A History Maker is set in a post-necessity matriarchal 23rd-century Scotland. The chief protagonist, Wat, “the most complex character in these four novels” (154), is bored as the utopian future has degenerated into voluntary clan wars. When the balance is broken, Gray explores what happens to those who “would try to control others (or crave that control) without taking sufficient account of how history ... already controls them” (157). Bernstein’s easy familiarity with Gray’s work gives him such a breadth and depth of commentary that, despite the subject being Gray’s “minor” novels, this stands with Hobsbaum’s “Arcadia and Apocalypse” as one of the two major essays of the collection. The final essay, “Under the Influence,” by writer and editor Kevin Williamson, provides a loose personal and socioeconomic contextualization of Gray’s debut masterpiece, Lanark (“a futuristic sc-fi novel set in an unnamed Scottish city” [166]), sketches Gray’s subsequent career, and gives an almost writer-by-writer listing of those writers whom Williamson feels Gray has influenced. Williamson’s unrestricted, free-flowing style allows him to roam freely through the social and literary history of the last two decades of the twentieth century. He is an enthusiastic and infectious reader, sf fan, and fan and promoter of the short-story form, and he sees Gray’s work influencing and being one of the reasons for the ongoing popularity of reading, sf, and the short-story form. Editor Phil Moores’s “An Alisdair Gray Bibliography” is a rich and detailed listing of Gray’s collections (fiction and poetry), novels, magazine and anthology publications, plays, nonfiction, essays, catalogs, audio recordings, and book design and illustration. Moores provides the usual bibliographic information as well as invaluably full notes on limitations to editions and commentary on illustrations, covers, and differences between US and UK editions. Moores believes “the bibliography to be complete as far as Alisdair Gray’s major work is concerned, though less so in the case of materials published in magazines and anthologies”(189). Many collectors and scholars will find Alisdair Gray worth acquiring for this bibliography alone. The final piece is to some degree an answer for any who have wondered what working with someone as talented (and no doubt as detail-oriented) as Gray would be like. Joe Murray’s short story, “A Short Tale of Woe! ...,” “adapted from a joke” (241), concerns the impossibilities of typesetting Gray’s The Book of Prefaces and serves to emphasize both the playful and personal aspects of this book. Critical Appreciations and a Bibliography is a wonderfully rich and detailed look at Alisdair Gray’s work and the book itself is an object of physical beauty. While Bernstein’s and Hobsbaum’s essays are as detailed as one might wish, one more deep essay on Gray’s fiction would not have gone amiss. King’s essay on Gray’s art and Kelly’s on his poetry add much to the book and serve notice to scholars and future biographers that all aspects of Gray’s work should receive equal weight and consideration. The book suffers badly from its lack of an index. Even given that lack, however, it is a very enjoyable selection for any reader of Gray. It will be both a solid introduction to Gray for those unfamiliar with his work and a high-water mark for future Gray scholars. —Gavin J. Grant, Small Beer Press Additional Editions. Robert Louis Stevenson. Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde.Ed. Katherine Linehan. Norton Critical Editions. New York: Norton, 2002. xv + 222 pp. $9.25 pbk. Anne Williams, ed. Three Vampire Tales: Bram Stoker, Dracula; Sheridan Le Fanu, Carmilla; John Polidori, The Vampyre. New Riverside Editions. New York: Houghton, 2003. viii + 481 pp. $9.96 pbk. Judith Wilt, ed. Making Humans: Mary Shelley, Frankenstein; H.G. Wells, The Island of Doctor Moreau. New Riverside Editions. New York: Houghton, 2003. viii + 355 pp. $8.76 pbk. The growth in student numbers over the last decade or so and the expansion of the curriculum to include works of science fiction, fantasy, and cognate genres has led to an increased number of competing imprints publishing public domain works. I remember a class a few years ago in which we had ten different editions of Sons and Lovers in the room: Penguins of various vintages, a couple of Lawrence omnibuses and two different versions from the cutprice Wordsworth. Despite an early loyalty to Penguin Classics, my critical edition of choice has largely been the Oxford World’s Classics series, and these have thus been the yardstick against which I have measured competitors. These tend to have a solid introduction, notes for further reading, a chronology of the author’s life, a note on the text, and substantial notes at the end. The question posed when faced with the three new editions in front of me is whether I would be weaned off my preferences, and whether I would choose to teach from them. The New Riverside Editions are descendants of the earlier Riverside Editions—I have complete editions of Chaucer and Shakespeare under that imprint—which tended to collect the work of British and American poets, and now include novels and other fiction from writers marginal to the canon. The decision to include a number of titles in one volume is striking, as if they are aspiring to be entire courses in themselves. Three Vampire Tales and Making Humans show both the strengths and pitfalls of such an approach. John Polidori’s “The Vampyre” (1819) goes better with Sheridan Le Fanu’s “Carmilla” (1871) and Bram Stoker’s Dracula (1897) than Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein (1818) does with H.G. Wells’s The Island of Doctor Moreau (1896) (both have dubious scientists at their heart), but might “The Vampyre” not also go with Frankenstein as joint products of the Villa Diodati ghost-story competition? Three Vampire Tales also includes part of Byron’s “The Giaour” (1813), which also appears in the New Riverside Three Oriental Tales. Three Vampire Tales begins with a brief introduction, nodding toward respectability with mention of Bertha from Jane Eyre (1847) and toward popularity with mention of Buffy the Vampire Slayer and Sesame Street. Then the context is provided for the history of the literary vampire from “The Giaour” to Dracula, including the ghost-story competition and Polidori’s borrowing of Byron’s characteristics for his vampyre Lord Ruthven, which leaves two paragraphs for the origins of “Carmilla” and one for Dracula. It concludes with a summary of theoretical approaches to vampires from the last quarter century. The note on the texts is brief and includes mention of some but not all of the secondary materials—Coleridge’s “Christabel” is included from the manuscript that Polidori, Byron, and the Shelleys would have read in 1816 rather than the version actually published that year, although the reader needs to locate that work to find the changes. The note seems to attribute the Introduction and “An Extract of a Letter from Geneva” to Polidori, whilst the Oxford World’s Classics edition of The Vampyre and Other Macabre Tales questions this and notes several possible candidates. We are also told in the note on the texts that “Carmilla” first appeared with other novellas in In a Glass Darkly (1872), but no details are given. Part One of the book—“The Vampire Comes to England”—gathers together Byron’s Vampire Curse from “The Giaour,” his fragment of a novel (1816), part of the “
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	0	76	https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/other-life/id1195362330	en	âOther Life on Apple Podcasts	https://is1-ssl.mzstatic…g/1200x630wp.png	https://is1-ssl.mzstatic…g/1200x630wp.png	[ "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif", "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif", "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif", "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif", "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif", "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif", "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif", "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif", "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif", "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif", "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif", "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif", "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif", "https://podcasts.apple.com/assets/artwork/1x1-42817eea7ade52607a760cbee00d1495.gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "Other Life", "@@artistName@@", "podcast show", "listen", "download", "apple podcasts" ]	null	[ "Justin Murphy" ]	2024-03-04T00:00:00	I study the lives of the wildest writers who ever lived.	en		Apple Podcasts	https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/other-life/id1195362330	A personal reflection and update on my 5-year journey to design a new kind of scholarly life for the internet era. In a previous podcast, I shared how the Other Life company hit some hard times. Here I explain what I learned from that, and how I've turned it around. I share some meditations on the pursuit of weird goals, finding one's own path, and some new things I've come to learn about entrepreneurship. The ultimate meaning and purpose of the "other life" concept has really come home to me in the past few months. Other Life â¦ Subscribe to the coolest newsletter in the world https://OtherLife.co IndieThinkers.org â¦ If you're working on independent creative work, join the next cohort of https://IndieThinkers.org (00:00) - A Late Night Message (01:19) - On authenticity (04:12) - Creativity vs. Business (10:51) - The Creator Economy and Power (11:50) - Network Power (14:46) - The Fear of Failure (16:19) - What is the Other Life? (18:53) - On Truth (19:17) - The Future of Other Life I'm joined by author William Egginton to discuss his new book The Rigor of Angels. We talk Borges, Kant, and Heisenbergâand the big idea(s) they had in common. We discuss the antimonies of knowledge and the possibility that art is their solution. We discuss Coltrane, intelligence, creativity, biography, academia, and specialization vs. generalism. At the end, we discuss writing and publishing, the changing landscape of the book publishing industry, and how to think about writing for different audiences. Chapters:(0:00:00) - The Rigor of Angels(0:10:43) - The Antinomies of Knowledge(0:19:55) - Impact of Great Art and Thinkers(0:23:41) - Curiosity and Conviviality(0:30:31) - Creativity and Intelligence(0:43:28) - The Future of Writing and Publishing(0:49:27) - Academic vs. Popular Writing William Egginton:â¦ Buy the Rigor of Angels: https://amzn.to/3Rj3fDVâ¦ William on Twitter: https://twitter.com/WilliamEgginton Other Lifeâ¦ Subscribe to the coolest free newsletter in the world. https://otherlife.coâ¦ Become a member. https://otherlife.co/upgrade IndieThinkers.orgâ¦ If you're an independent writer, join the next cohort of https://IndieThinkers.org We dissect the complex life of Ezra Pound, one of the most interesting and controversial poetic geniuses of the 20th century. You'll gain insight into: Why Pound was so influential, his extraordinary talent-spotting skills, and his knack for turning vibrant social scenes into artistic movements. However, be prepared for a rollercoaster ride, as we also delve into the darker sides of Pound's life, including his descent into Fascism and anti-semitism. I believe the story is a cautionary tale about resentment, the modern passion par excellence, and a dangerous trap for people who rebel against institutions. This podcast will help you understand Pound's poetic and cultural innovations, including Imagism and Vorticism, and how his strong opinions and unique perspective propelled him, despite his controversial and often off-putting personality. We'll recount his turbulent career during WWI and WWII, his friendship with W.B. Yeats, the launch of Blast Magazine, and much more. This podcast is based on a close reading of Ezra Pound: The Solitary Volcano (1987) by John Tytell. Chapters (0:00:00) - Intro(0:04:04) - Summary of Lessons From Ezra Pound's Life(0:17:22) - Dense Networks and Creative Success(0:26:26) - Imagism and Vorticism(0:37:05) - Wyndham Lewis and Blast Magazine(0:42:41) - A Restless and Controversial Personality(0:53:07) - Taste, Talent-Spotting, and Pound's Extreme Generosity(1:04:52) - Downward Spiral(1:18:29) - Ezra Pound's Reflections Late in Life(1:22:07) - Final LessonsOther Lifeâ¦ Subscribe to the coolest newsletter in the world. https://otherlife.coâ¦ Join the community and get the bi-annual print edition by becoming a member. https://otherlife.co/upgrade IndieThinkers.org â¦ If you're working on independent intellectual work, join the next cohort of https://IndieThinkers.org (00:00) - Overview (04:04) - Summary of Lessons From Ezra Pound's Life (17:22) - Intense Friendships and Creative Success (26:26) - Imagism and Vorticism (37:05) - Wyndham Lewis, Blast Magazine (42:41) - A Restless and Controversial Personality (53:07) - Taste, Talent-Spotting, and Pound's Extreme Generosity (01:04:52) - Downward Spiral Into Fascism (01:18:29) - Ezra Pound's Reflections Late in Life (01:22:07) - Final Lessons A deep dive into the life of William S. Burroughs based on a close reading of Ted Morgan's 1988 biography, Literary Outlaw: The Life and Times of William S. Burroughs. Burroughs is one of the most independent creative spirits of the 20th century. My goal is to understand how he did it; how he remained so free but was also so influential and successful. I discuss his transformation from a heroin addict living off his parents' allowance to an internationally acclaimed writer, who was inducted into the Academy and Institute of Arts and Letters in 1983. Hear about his unique brand of conservative anarchism, his significant influence on the counterculture of the '60s and '70s, his parenting, and the social-psychological correlates of his creative freedom. Burroughs was a blend of the Yankee inventor and the fire-and-brimstone Methodist preacher. We explore his grandfather's invention of the arithmometer and his uncle Ivy Lee's career as a public relations expert. These stories shed light on the roots of Burroughs' radical literary career, which combined a penchant for invention with a desire to go his own way and attack the respectable order of things. I also discuss Burroughs' late entry into writing and his experiences as a heroin user and a criminal, which taught him a lot about how the world works. I explore his failed attempt to build a commercial farm, his theory of 'factualism', which anticipates Nick Land and Deleuze, and much more. What did you think of this format, dedicated to a close reading of a great writer's biography? I'd love to hear from you. Chapters 00:00 William S Burroughs' Unconventional Life06:30 Burroughs' Complex Heritage16:55 Burroughs' Late Blooming30:40 The Critical Importance of Small Private Friend Groups43:49 Lessons From Burroughs' Life50:25 What Wild Looks Like: An Anecdote59:08 Did Burroughs Murder his Wife?07:35 The Controversial Success of Burroughs' Novels15:27 More Lessons From the Life of BurroughsOther Lifeâ¦ Quit your passive media consumption and read great books every day. https://otherlife.coâ¦ Get the bi-annual print edition and other perks by becoming a dues-paying member. https://otherlife.co/upgrade IndieThinkers.org â¦ If you're working on your own writing, join the next cohort of https://IndieThinkers.org (00:00) - - William S Burroughs' Unconventional Life (06:30) - - Burroughs' Complex Heritage (16:55) - - Burroughs' Late Blooming (30:40) - - The Critical Importance of Small Private Friend Groups (43:49) - - Lessons From Burroughs' Life (50:25) - - What Wild Looks Like: An Anecdote (59:08) - - Did Burroughs Murder his Wife? (07:35) - - The Controversial Success of Burroughs' Novels (15:27) - - More Lessons From the Life of Burroughs
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	0	21	https://www.theparisreview.org/interviews/4424/the-art-of-fiction-no-36-william-s-burroughs	en	The Art of Fiction No. 36	https://www.theparisrevi…um/burroughs.jpg	https://www.theparisrevi…um/burroughs.jpg	[ "https://www.theparisreview.org/il/00be81bae8/large/burroughs.jpg", "https://www.theparisreview.org/dist/theme/issue_248/current-issue-stack.png", "https://www.theparisreview.org/il/b1d27d4d62/medium/Issue035_3D.png", "https://www.theparisreview.org//blog/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/img-9484-scaled.jpg", "https://www.theparisreview.org//blog/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/oj-simpson.jpeg", "https://www.theparisreview.org//blog/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/screenshot-2024-07-16-at-22248pm.png", "https://www.theparisreview.org//blog/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/dickson-fig3-1-scaled-e1721153516485.jpg", "https://www.theparisreview.org/il/6b5ed9f297/medium/img-2681.jpg", "https://www.theparisreview.org/il/f51062ffa7/medium/Overheard.jpg", "https://www.theparisreview.org/il/03bc5ac001/medium/zinkdiary.jpg", "https://www.theparisreview.org/il/9f07206b4b/medium/fortrrkitchen.jpg", "https://www.theparisreview.org/il/3962ae7d3c/TPR248_PullQuote_ProseBroadside_1000px.png", "https://www.theparisreview.org/dist/theme/issue_248/hadada-hover.jpg", "https://www.theparisreview.org/dist/theme/issue_248/rower.png", "https://www.theparisreview.org/blog/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/img-9484-1024x768.jpg", "https://www.theparisreview.org/dist/theme/issue_248/rower.png", "https://www.theparisreview.org/dist/theme/issue_248/lightpost.png", "https://www.theparisreview.org/dist/theme/issue_248/rower.png", "https://www.theparisreview.org/images/jpg/footer-illo_1x.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "Paris Review", "writers", "quotes", "biography", "interviews", "artists", "critics", "short stories", "novelist", "memoir" ]	null	[]	2020-02-20T13:02:35-05:00	Firecrackers and whistles sounded the advent of the New Year of 1965 in St. Louis. Stripteasers ran from the bars in Gaslight Square to dance in the street when midnight came. Burroughs, who had watched television alone that night, was asleep in his room at the Chase Park Plaza Hotel, St....	en	/images/favicons/apple-touch-icon.png	The Paris Review	https://www.theparisreview.org/interviews/4424/the-art-of-fiction-no-36-william-s-burroughs	In 1970 a novel by an unknown Albanian writer took literary Paris by storm. The General of the Dead Army was the story of an Italian general who goes back to Albania after the Second World War to find the bodies of the Italian soldiers killed there and take them back to Italy for burial. It was hailed as a masterpiece and its author was invited to France, where he was welcomed by French intellectuals as an original and powerful voice from behind the Iron Curtain. The General was translated into a dozen languages and inspired two films: one under the same title starring Michel Piccoli, the other Bernard Tavernier’s outstanding Life and Nothing Else (La Vie et rien d’autre). Since then over a dozen of his novels and several collections of his poetry and essays have been translated into French, English, and other languages. He is considered one of the world’s major writers and has been suggested for the Nobel Prize several times. His French publishers are currently publishing his complete works in six volumes, in both French and the original Albanian. The first three have already appeared. Ismail Kadaré was born and raised in the town of Gjinokastër in Albania. He read literature at the University of Tiranë and spent three years doing postgraduate work at the Gorky Institute in Moscow. The General was his first novel, published on his return to Albania in 1962, when he was twenty-six. Kadaré has been compared to Kafka and Orwell, but his is an original voice, at once universal and deeply rooted in his own soil. For over forty years Albania lived under the Communist dictatorship of Enver Hoxha, whose particularly vicious brand of Stalinism lasted longer than in any other Eastern European country. Kadaré used a variety of literary genres and devices—allegory, satire, historical distancing, mythology—to escape Hoxha’s ruthless censorship and deadly reprisals against any form of dissent. His work is a chronicle of those terrible decades though the stories are often situated in the distant past and in different countries. Two of his most famous novels, The Palace of Dreams and The Pyramid, take place respectively during the Ottoman Empire and in ancient Egypt, while The Great Winter and The Concert clearly refer to Hoxha’s break with Russia under Khrushchev and with China after Mao’s death. Ismail Kadaré left Albania in 1990 and settled in Paris. In 1996 he was elected an associate member of the French Academy of Moral and Political Sciences (L’Académie des Sciences Morales et Politiques), replacing Austrian-born British philosopher Karl Popper, who died that year. He lives with his wife and daughter in the Latin Quarter, in a spacious and bright apartment overlooking Luxembourg Gardens; he often travels to Albania. This interview took place at his home in February and October of 1997, with telephone conversations in between. Kadaré has the reputation of not suffering fools gladly, but I found him gentle, courteous, and rather patient with someone who does not know his country and its literature, both of which he cares about passionately. He speaks French fluently with a distinct accent in a quiet measured voice. INTERVIEWER You are the first contemporary Albanian writer to achieve international fame. For the majority of people, Albania is a tiny country of three and a half million inhabitants on the edge of Europe. So my first question concerns the Albanian language. What is it? ISMAIL KADARÉ Half of the Albanian population lives next door in Yugoslavia, in the region of Kosovo. In all, ten million people in the world speak Albanian, which is one of the basic European languages. I’m not saying this out of national pride—it is a fact. Linguistically speaking, there are six or seven fundamental families of languages in Europe: Latin, Germanic, Slavic, Baltic (spoken in Latvia and Estonia), and three languages without families, so to speak—Greek, Armenian, and Albanian. Therefore the Albanian language is more considerable than the little country where it is spoken, since it occupies an important place in Europe’s linguistic cartography. Hungarian and Finnish are not Indo-European languages. Albanian is also important for being the only descendant of the ancient Ilyrians’ language. In antiquity there were three regions in southern Europe: Greece, Rome, and Ilyria. Albanian is the only survivor of the Ilyrian languages. That is why it has always intrigued the great linguists of the past. The first person to make a serious study of Albanian was the German philosopher Gottfried Leibnitz in 1695. INTERVIEWER The one Voltaire parodied in Candide as Dr. Pangloss, who said, “All is well in this the best possible of worlds.” KADARÉ Exactly. Yet Albania did not exist at that time as a separate entity; it was part of the Ottoman Empire like the rest of the Balkans, including Greece. But this German genius found the language interesting. After him, other German scholars produced long studies of Albanian—Franz Bopp for example, whose book is very detailed. INTERVIEWER What about Albanian literature? What is its origin? Is there an Albanian Dante, Shakespeare, or Goethe? KADARÉ Its sources are essentially oral. The first literary book in Albanian was published in the sixteenth century, and it was a translation of the Bible. The country was then Catholic. After that there were writers. The founding father of Albanian literature is the nineteenth-century writer Naim Frasheri. Without having the greatness of Dante or Shakespeare, he is nonetheless the founder, the emblematic character. He wrote long epic poems, as well as lyrical poetry, to awaken the national consciousness of Albania. After him came Gjergj Fishta. We can say that these two are the giants of Albanian literature, the ones that children study at school. Later came other poets and writers who produced perhaps better works than those two, but they don’t occupy the same place in the nation’s memory. INTERVIEWER The Turks took Constantinople in 1454, and then the rest of the Balkans and Greece. What was the impact of Turkish on Albanian? KADARÉ Hardly any. Except in the administrative vocabulary or in cooking—words like kebab, café, bazaar. But it had no influence on the structure of the language for the simple reason that they are two totally different machines, and one can’t use the spare parts of one for the other. The Turkish language was not known anywhere outside Turkey. Modern Turkish has been constructed by Turkish writers of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, while the dry, administrative Turkish was not a living language and therefore could not have any influence on the other languages of the Ottoman Empire. I have met Turkish writers who have told me that they have problems with their language. INTERVIEWER On the other hand, a great deal of foreign vocabulary has entered Turkish—Persian, Arabic, French, among others. Before modern times, Turkish authors wrote in Persian, or in Arabic if the subject was theology. KADARÉ For me as a writer, Albanian is simply an extraordinary means of expression—rich, malleable, adaptable. As I have said in my latest novel, Spiritus, it has modalities that exist only in classical Greek, which puts one in touch with the mentality of antiquity. For example, there are Albanian verbs that can have both a beneficent or a malevolent meaning, just as in ancient Greek, and this facilitates the translation of Greek tragedies, as well as of Shakespeare, the latter being the closest European author to the Greek tragedians. When Nietzsche says that Greek tragedy committed suicide young because it only lived one hundred years, he is right. But in a global vision it has endured up to Shakespeare and continues to this day. On the other hand, I believe that the era of epic poetry is over. As for the novel, it is still very young. It has hardly begun. INTERVIEWER Yet the death of the novel has been foretold for fifty years! KADARÉ There are always people who talk a lot of nonsense! But in a universal perspective, if the novel is to replace the two important genres of epic poetry—which has disappeared— and of tragedy—which continues—then it has barely begun and still has two thousand years of life left. INTERVIEWER It seems to me that in your oeuvre you have tried to incorporate Greek tragedy into the modern novel. KADARÉ Exactly. I have tried to make a sort of synthesis of the grand tragedy and the grotesque, of which the supreme example is Don Quixote—one of the greatest works of world literature.
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	74	https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/	en	William S. Burroughs — The Frisco Kid He Never Returns	https://thetangerinepress.com/favicon.ico	https://thetangerinepress.com/favicon.ico	[ "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/custom_logo_img_p199_n3.jpg", "https://www.paypalobjects.com/en_GB/i/scr/pixel.gif", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/gallery_featured_image_img_59.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/image_256_538.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/image_256_539.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/image_256_540.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/image_256_541.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/image_256_542.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/image_256_543.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/image_256_544.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/image_256_545.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/image_256_546.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/image_256_547.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/image_256_548.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/image_stack_img_526.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/stacks-image-d6d5581.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/card_image_topper_508.jpg", "https://www.thetangerinepress.com/FICTION/WSB-TFKHNR/files/card_image_topper_527.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	William S. Burroughs' The Frisco Kid He Never Returns. Handbound, limited edition.	en	https://thetangerinepress.com/favicon.ico		null	50 numbered/signed copies £130 plus shipping 32pp. Format, approx. 8”/200mm wide, 11”/280mm tall. Handbound at the Tangerine workshop with acid-free boards, conservation glue and linen thread; foil embossed front cover artwork; colour title page. ISBN: 978-1-910691-88-5 Quarter bound with Canson Mi-Tientes 'golden rod' paper covered boards and Japanese silk spine (odd numbers), also Fabriano Tiziano 'vesuvio red' paper covered boards and Japanese silk spine (even numbers); front cover artwork embossed in black; Fabriano Tiziano endpapers (alternating mixed 'pistachio' and 'vesuvio red'); acid-free text paper; spine label paste down. The Frisco Kid tri-fold Text printed on alternate stock, with 1965 illustration. EXTRA MATERIAL Exclusive to the 50-copy edition Custom envelope, embossed by hand in red. Contains prints as follows: Iain Sinclair's portrait of WSB, 1995; reproductions of WSB cover letter and two surviving sheets of The Frisco Kid text, all 1963; full landscape version of 'Beat Hotel with Window' 1960s, inc WSB, Brion Gysin and Ian Sommerville. (cropped version in the main block) WITH THREE 'SHADOW ROUTINES' BY IAIN SINCLAIR SIGNED BY IAIN SINCLAIR SOLD OUT No reviews solicited . . . REVIEWS FOR THE TANGERINE PRESS EDITION OF BLADE RUNNER: A MOVIE "[Blade Runner: A Movie] is set in a near-future dystopian US, where free healthcare is available to all provided they undergo sterilisation and forego various other genetic liberties..." —Guardian "Reading Blade Runner: A Movie four decades on from its original 1979 publication, certain themes from Burroughs’ vision appear to be eerily prescient, with a government concerned about overpopulation and gaining control over the private citizen. This is achieved through the ability to withhold essential services including work, credit, housing, retirement benefits and medical care through computerisation..." —Quietus "[Blade Runner: A Movie is set in] a future where the only way to receive medical treatment is to be sterilized to stop any further progeny polluting the world. This draconian bargain leads to a blackmarket of doctors operating on patients who refuse to be sterilized." —Dangerous Minds "[The title of the film 'Blade Runner'] brings along with it a weird backstory that tells us something about how the Burroughs virus spreads around, infecting nearly everything science fictional and countercultural over the past half-century or so. That’s William S. Burroughs, of course, author of — among a few other things — a 1979 novelistic film treatment called Blade Runner: A Movie." —Open Culture William S. Burroughs was born on February 5, 1914, in St. Louis, Missouri, and became one of the founding figures of the Beat Movement. An addict for years, he crafted books like Junky and Naked Lunch, which were harrowing, often grotesque looks at drug culture. He is cited as a major influence on counter-cultural figures in the world of music as well and worked on several recording projects. In 2019, Tangerine Press published a new edition of Blade Runner: A Movie. Mr Burroughs died in Lawrence, Kansas in 1997. Iain Sinclair has lived in Hackney since 1968, working at a variously titled London project. It has always felt, since the Dublin day when the contribution arrived from Burroughs in Tangier, that a certain undefined duty, towards that text, and the force of underground and independent publishing, had been laid upon him.
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	1	https://maniadelight.com/2023/09/07/again-dangerous-visions-edited-by-harlan-ellison/	en	Again, Dangerous Visions edited by Harlan Ellison	https://maniadelight.com…023/09/image.png	https://maniadelight.com…023/09/image.png	[ "https://maniadelight.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/image.png?w=672", "https://0.gravatar.com/avatar/?s=48&d=identicon&r=PG", "https://1.gravatar.com/avatar/4ae627e52de86cc24b17ac259fb415e5ee1c09620eb27e75d1a2dad304b50bbb?s=48&d=identicon&r=PG", "https://2.gravatar.com/avatar/ed91dfd5742de6a4aadeaf5532d85bc6d2e115be9e9abb524b9323a65cce2995?s=48&d=identicon&r=PG", "https://0.gravatar.com/avatar/?s=48&d=identicon&r=PG", "https://2.gravatar.com/avatar/ed91dfd5742de6a4aadeaf5532d85bc6d2e115be9e9abb524b9323a65cce2995?s=48&d=identicon&r=PG", "https://s2.wp.com/i/logo/wpcom-gray-white.png", "https://s2.wp.com/i/logo/wpcom-gray-white.png", "https://pixel.wp.com/b.gif?v=noscript" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "~ D. J. Moore" ]	2023-09-07T00:00:00	Again, Dangerous Visions, published in 1972, was the follow up to the successful anthology Dangerous Visions. Each story has an introduction written by Ellison and an afterword written by the author. In some cases, the introduction and afterword are longer than the story itself. In many of the introductions, Ellison tells us a third anthology…	en	https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico	Mania Delight	https://maniadelight.com/2023/09/07/again-dangerous-visions-edited-by-harlan-ellison/	Again, Dangerous Visions, published in 1972, was the follow up to the successful anthology Dangerous Visions. Each story has an introduction written by Ellison and an afterword written by the author. In some cases, the introduction and afterword are longer than the story itself. In many of the introductions, Ellison tells us a third anthology in the series titled The Last Dangerous Visions is going to be published soon, and even shares the names of some of the authors who will appear. Alas, this third volume was never published during his lifetime. I get the impression Ellison wanted to include every prominent science fiction author of the time in these three volumes, but wasn’t able to pull it off since new writers kept coming along. (Ellison’s executor, J. Michael Straczynski, announced plans to publish a slimmed-down version of The Last Dangerous Visions in 2020, but it still hasn’t seen the light of day as of this writing.) With 46 stories, each with its own introduction and afterword, Again, Dangerous Visions is quite a hefty volume. The stories were written in the late 1960s and early 1970s and certainly show their age, especially in how female characters are treated. Male authors outnumber female authors about 5 to 1. The Dangerous Visions series was meant to showcase stories which couldn’t get published in traditional venues due to shocking content, however, with a few exceptions, these read like normal sci-fi stories you could read anywhere. Maybe they were shocking by 1970s standards? There’s a lot of big name writers included. Some were big names at the time and others became big names later. I personally rank 17 of these stories as above average, 7 as average, and 22 as below average, but of course, your own rankings will vary. I won’t review all 46 stories, just the ones that stood out to me. One of the worst stories in the collection is “In the Barn” by Piers Anthony. A man travels to a parallel universe in which human woman are milked like cows. Our “hero” even has non-consensual sex with one of them. Charming. Another of the worst stories is “And the Sea Like Mirrors” by Gregory Benford. A man and woman are adrift on a life raft surrounded by alien creatures in the water. The man routinely beats the woman for being stupid but he’s supposed to be the hero of the story. In his introduction to “Bed Sheets are White” by Evelyn Lief, Ellison tells us Lief was a writing student of his. After she wrote a bad story, he threatened to beat her and shove the story up her ass if she wrote another horrible story like it. She left the room crying and immediately wrote this story, which was so good he bought it. Was Ellison trying to be funny by telling us this or does he think threatening writing students is the best way to get them to write better? Ellison looks bad either way. In Kurt Vonnegut, Jr.’s contribution, Earth is doomed due to pollution, overpopulation, and many extinct species. Swearing is no longer considered bad and everyone does it. The people of Earth fire a rocket full of jizzum into space in order to continue the human race. In this world, children can sue parents for not raising them right. It’s kind of funny, I guess, but it reads like it was written by a twelve-year-old. Definitely one of the subpar stories in this collection. K. M. O’Donnell’s “Still-Life” focuses on the domestic problems of an astronaut. He has non-consensual sex with his wife and assaults the babysitter, but neither of these acts is portrayed as a bad thing. Overall, an average story. Another average story, Leonard Tushnet’s “In Re Glover”, at least made me think. The Supreme Court tries to decide if a cryogenically frozen man should be considered alive or dead, but the case is rendered moot when a power outage kills him. I can’t help wondering what would happen if this came up in real life. Should a person in suspended animation be considered legally dead or not? Ben Bova’s “Zero Gee” is another average story in which an astronaut assigned to go to space with a photographer is looking forward to being the first man to have sex in zero g. However, he first has to deal with a second woman assigned to the mission who might stand in his way. It didn’t end up being as bad as I thought it would be. “Ching Witch!” by Ross Rocklynne was a fun story. The only man to survive the destruction of Earth travels to the planet Zephyrus where he’s an instant celebrity. He doesn’t tell them Earth has been destroyed, just that Earth doesn’t hold a grudge against them anymore. The teenagers of the planet want to know the latest Earth slang and dances. They ride low gravity brooms for fun. There’s a lot of funny parts. It’s a bit creepy that he’s into teenage girls, though. “Time Travel for Pedestrians” by Ray Nelson is one of the few stories a traditional outlet wouldn’t have published due to its sex, violence, cussing, and sacrilegious nature. I didn’t think much of it until the end which made me like it. It’s a reincarnation story. The narrator lives several lives. Mary Magdalene expressed the interesting idea that if Jesus wanted a book written about him, he would have written it himself. There’s no need for a book when God can speak directly to us. Those who love a book more than God are able to justify committing all manner of atrocities. H. H. Hollis is a lawyer and his story “Stoned Counsel” has a science fiction legal setting. The narrator’s opponent is defending a company responsible for pollution. Hallucinogens are used in court to learn the truth. Opposing lawyers share a hallucination full of trippy images. Fascinating. Bernard Wolfe provided two stories. “Biscuit Position” isn’t a science fiction story at all, but rather literary fiction. In it, a war reporter flirts with a married woman and discusses the Vietnam War at a dinner party. A dog dies a gruesome, drawn-out death which will stick with you for a while. The characters exchange witty repartee throughout, but I thought it was poor taste when the narrator said something witty about the dead dog. His second story, “The Girl With Rapid Eye Movements”, features a creative writing teacher who has trouble relating to his stoner student who wants to write rock lyrics. Their discussions are reminiscent of the dialog in Philip K. Dick’s Through a Scanner Darkly. It’s really fun. Two characters have the ability to influence each other’s dreams when they sleep in proximity to each other (I think a machine is also involved somehow). The author claims this isn’t a science fiction story even though it clearly is. (What’s realistic about two different people sharing the same dream?) In his afterword, the author bad mouths scientists and science fiction authors for being slaves to capitalism. It seems strange to bad mouth sci-fi in a sci-fi anthology. I quite liked “Eye of the Beholder” by Burt K. Filer in which a sculptor’s artistic work is used to achieve weightlessness. Art gets turned into science, which is a neat idea. In “Moth Race” by Richard Hill, people are able to vicariously experience what celebrities eat and drink. They can even experience sex vicariously, but it’s not exactly the same as the real thing. People take pills that keep them happy and also keep them from being prejudiced. Everyone in the world has enough to eat, a sexual partner, and a comfortable life, but not everyone gets to have children. Normal people’s food is not as good as what celebrities get. People compete in a death race for a chance to become a celebrity, but only one man has ever lived through it. A good story. James Blish (with Judith Ann Lawrence) wrote “Getting Along” which details the erotic adventures of a woman who visits various relatives who turn out to be a vampire, Dr. Frankenstein, Dr. Moreau, a Lovecraftian horror, etc. It’s funny in places. In his introduction to “The Milk of Paradise” by James Tiptree, Jr., Ellison says he saved the best story for last. (It’s the last story in the collection, however I’m reviewing them out-of-order, saving my favorite stories for the end of my review.) Ellison says Tiptree is the man to beat, a shoo-in for the Hugo Award. (He didn’t know at the time that Tiptree was a pseudonym for female writer Alice Sheldon, which amuses me.) The story itself is about a man raised by aliens who is disgusted by humans. However, he finds going home isn’t what he remembered either. It’s a pretty good story. The title for Gahan Wilson’s story is a picture of a spot or inkblot. A man discovers a stain in his house that disappears when you stop looking at it, but reappears somewhere else, bigger than it was before. It appears to be two dimensional, but actually has depth. Spooky. “Chuck Berry, Won’t You Please Come Home” by Ken McCullough has a narrator who keeps bugs as pets. He once walked a wasp around on a thread which started a fad at his school. In the present, he’s feeding a tick he named Chuck Berry from a cadaver which gave him a wink. He gives the tick drugs and it grows big. His writing style reminded me of William S. Burroughs. I was surprised to find Dean R. Koontz had a story in this collection. It’s titled “A Mouse in the Walls of the Global Village”. In the story, empathy circuits installed in the brain make everyone telepathic, except for a few who are called Stunted. Even in utopia, some unfortunates will fall through the cracks and get discriminated against. It’s really well written. “Ozymandias” by Terry Carr is another one of the good stories. To protect against grave robbers, cryogenically-frozen people are placed in tombs rigged with traps. Superstitious grave robbers think they need to dance in a certain way to avoid the traps. Great world building. In “The Funeral” by Kate Wilhelm, 14-year-old Carla has never seen a male before and has no last name. She is considered property of the state. She is a student in a school, assigned to become a teacher. This story has really impressive world building, revealing how things work a little at a time. Creepy. In her afterword, Wilhelm complains that store clerks and soda jerks serve middle-aged people before teenagers who were waiting longer. I hadn’t realized discrimination against teenagers like this was a thing. Earthlings colonize a planet called New Tahiti in “The Word for World is Forest” by Ursula K. Le Guin. Many animals back on Earth have gone extinct and the colonists are cutting down trees and making animals go extinct on this new planet. Evolution on New Tahiti happened similarly to how it happened on Earth, but the humans died out on this planet. Green monkeys called creechies are the closest thing this planet has to humans. The creechies are used for slave labor and sex. They don’t require sleep because they dream while they’re awake. The story alternates between different points of view: a human in favor of colonization, a creechie, and a human opposed to colonization. Le Guin does a great job of writing from different points of view. The principle conflict, that humans don’t have lumber on Earth, doesn’t make a lot of sense, but I suppose lumber is just a stand in for resources in general. One of the best stories in this collection. Despite Ellison predicting a different story in this collection would get the award, this story won the Hugo Award for Best Novella. “When it Changed” by Joanna Russ won the Nebula Award for Best Short Story. In the introduction to this story, Ellison admits that he was a male chauvinist in the past, calls out a fellow sci-fi writer for being a chauvinist, and declares “the best writers in sf today are the women.” (Which makes you wonder why he included so few women in this collection.) He also praises the women’s lib movement and declares, “I see more kindness and rationality in the average woman than in the average man.” This surprised me, since nearly every story in Ellison’s collection I Have No Mouth, and I Must Scream was quite sexist. Although, to be fair, that was written a few years before this. Russ’s story takes place on a planet in which all the men died 30 generations ago. The women live in a steam-powered, agricultural, honor-based society in which duels are common. A group of men from Earth arrive and want to reintroduce men to the planet. The narrator feels small for the first time in her life since the men are bigger than her. The men are clearly sexist, but claim sexual equality has been reestablished on Earth. This story has great characterization. I loved this line: “When one culture has the big guns and the other has none, there is a certain predictability about the outcome.” In her afterword, Russ mentions that men get served on airplanes before women. It’s easy to forget how many ways society has progressed over the years.
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	0	37	https://granta.com/rub-out-the-words-letters-from-william-burroughs/	en	Rub Out The Words: Letters from William Burroughs	https://granta.com/wp-co…am-burroughs.jpg	https://granta.com/wp-co…am-burroughs.jpg	[ "https://litbreaker.nui.media/pipeline/517985/0/vc?z=litbreaker&dim=514838,514839&kw=&click=", "https://litbreaker.nui.media/pipeline/517985/0/vc?z=litbreaker&dim=514838,514839&kw=&click=", "https://litbreaker.nui.media/pipeline/664348/0/vc?z=litbreaker&dim=519606&kw=&click=", "https://litbreaker.nui.media/pipeline/664348/0/vc?z=litbreaker&dim=519606&kw=&click=", "https://granta.com/wp-content/themes/granta/img/granta-nav-logo.webp", "https://granta.com/wp-content/themes/granta/img/granta-nav-logo.webp", "https://granta.com/wp-content/themes/granta/img/granta-nav-logo.png", "https://granta.com/wp-content/themes/granta/img/granta-nav-logo.png", "https://granta.com/wp-content/themes/granta/img/granta-nav-logo.webp", "https://granta.com/wp-content/themes/granta/img/granta-nav-logo.webp", "https://granta.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/extraction-feature-1-100x100.jpg", "https://granta.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/extraction-feature-1-100x100.jpg", "https://granta.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/extraction-feature-2-100x100.jpg", "https://granta.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/extraction-feature-2-100x100.jpg", "https://granta.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/extraction-feature-3-100x100.jpg", "https://granta.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/extraction-feature-3-100x100.jpg", "https://granta.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/extraction-feature-4-100x100.jpg", "https://granta.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/extraction-feature-4-100x100.jpg", "https://granta.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/legris-feature-image-100x100.jpg", "https://granta.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/legris-feature-image-100x100.jpg", "https://litbreaker.nui.media/pipeline/665458/0/vc?z=litbreaker&dim=514841&kw=&click=", "https://litbreaker.nui.media/pipeline/665458/0/vc?z=litbreaker&dim=514841&kw=&click=", "https://granta.com/wp-content/themes/granta/img/closed-lock.png", "https://granta.com/wp-content/themes/granta/img/closed-lock.png", "https://granta.com/wp-content/themes/granta/img/granta-logo-footer.svg", "https://granta.com/wp-content/themes/granta/img/granta-logo-footer.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Tech Management" ]	2011-10-27T11:43:40+00:00	‘In order to earn my reputation I may have to start drinking my tea from a skull since this is the only vice remaining to me.’	en	https://granta.com/wp-co…h-icon-57x57.png	Granta	https://granta.com/rub-out-the-words-letters-from-william-burroughs/	In December 1959, an American man in his mid-forties in Paris wrote to his best friend, a younger man in New York City, to explain why a planned Christmas-time visit to the US to see his elderly parents in Florida, and his friend in New York, might not be possible, after all: Temporary hitch.. My Old Lady [the man’s 73-year-old mother] read the Life article and has thrown off her shop keeper weeds and revealed her hideous rank in Matriarch, Inc.: “I Queen Bee Laura of Worth Avenue.. Stay out of my territory, punk..” She has, in fact, forbidden me to set foot in Palm Beach on pain of Orpheus.. And won’t send me money to come home. Almost forty-six years old, William Burroughs still had to write home for money. Laura Lee Burroughs ran a high-toned ‘gift shop’ in Palm Beach after she and her husband moved from St. Louis in spring 1952, with their five-year-old grandson, William S., Jr. – whom they were raising because his mother was accidentally shot and killed by their son, William, in Mexico six months before. That scandal made the newspapers all over the USA, and the Burroughses’ social standing in St. Louis County suburban ‘high society’ had become too awkward for them to remain. The ‘Life article’ mentioned is Paul O’Neil’s ‘Sad but Noisy Rebels,’ in the 30 November 1959 issue. Better known today by its slug title (‘The Only Rebellion Around; But the Shabby Beats Bungle the Job in Arguing, Sulking and Bad Poetry’), the lengthy, photo-illustrated article mocked and dismissed Ginsberg, Kerouac, McClure, and others – including Burroughs: For sheer horror no member of the Beat Generation has achieved effects to compare with William S. Burroughs, who is regarded by many seekers after coolness as the ‘the greatest writer in the world.’ [ . . . ] a pale, cadaverous and bespectacled being who has devoted most of his adult life to a lonely pursuit of drugs and debauchery [and] has rubbed shoulders with the dregs of a half-dozen races. All of this (which was not even the half of it, if the full truth could not have been published in writing then), came as a complete and total shock to Laura Burroughs. Billy (William) was always her favourite, her precocious paragon of scientific learning; he later remembered her saying once, ‘I worship the ground you walk on.’ Of course, Life’s sudden blush of Beat scandal in 1959 was – as Laura would live long enough to know, until her death in 1970 – only the beginning of her son’s garish, worldwide notoriety. William S. Burroughs [Paris] to Laura Lee Burroughs [Palm Beach, FL] ca. December 1959 Dear Mother, I counted to ten before answering your letter and I hope you have done the same since nothing could be more unworthy than a quarrel between us at this point.. Yes I have read the article in Life and after all.. a bit silly perhaps.. but it is a mass medium.. and sensational factors must be played up at the expense often of fact.. In order to earn my reputation I may have to start drinking my tea from a skull since this is the only vice remaining to me.. four pots a day and heavy sugar.. Did nurse make tea all the time? Its an English practice that seems to come natural to me.. I hope I am not ludicrously miscast as The Wickedest Man Alive a title vacated by the late Aleister Crowley – who by the way could have had his pick of Palm Beach invitations in a much more straight laced era despite publicity a great deal more extreme.. And remember the others who have held the title before.. Byron Baudelaire Poe people are very glad to claim kinship now..But really anyone in the public eye that is anyone who enjoys any measure of success in his field is open to sensational publicity.. If I visit a waterfront bar in Tangier – half a block from my house – I am ‘rubbing shoulders with the riff raff of the world’.. You can do that in any neighborhood bar USA and not least in Palm Beach.. A rundown on some of the good burghers of Palm Beach would quite eclipse the Beatniks.. Personally I would prefer to avoid publicity but it is the only way to sell books.. A writer who keeps his name out of the papers doesn’t publish and doesn’t make money if he does manage to publish.. As regard my return to the family hearth perhaps we had best both shelve any decision for the present.. Please keep me informed as to Dad’s condition and give him my heart felt wish for his recovery.. Love Bill Burroughs As a child in 1920s St. Louis, William Burroughs was a constant reader – a trait he shared with his devoted mother, who was even known to dabble in such daring writers as Aldous Huxley and Thomas Mann, not to mention her fascination with telepathy, magic and séances. Little Willy also devoured Brave Jungle Explorer-type stories (a very popular genre then, since the 1890s), and took an early interest in drugs that affect one’s consciousness. He recalled his mother telling him, after he’d been given morphine by the dentist removing his wisdom teeth, that the man remarked: ‘I had to give almost an adult dose!’ And Burroughs never forgot his ‘nurse’ (mentioned in the riposte to Laura) telling him that ‘opium brings you sweet dreams’. Billy was plagued by nightmares, and he resolved to take opium someday . . . which he certainly did, as well as every other mind-altering drug he heard about and could get his hands on. Burroughs had first tried mescaline in Mexico City in 1952, in the company of the young American ‘hipsters’ who were by then flocking to D.F. Writing about it in Junky, Burroughs was thinking in terms of addiction, not cultural revolution: Peyote high is something like benzedrine high. [ . . . ] I couldn’t sleep until the next morning at dawn, and then I had a nightmare every time I dozed off. In one dream [ . . . ] I had a chlorophyll habit. Me and about five other chlorophyll addicts are waiting to score on the landing of a cheap Mexican hotel. We turn green and no one can kick a chlorophyll habit. [ . . . ] We are turning into plants. On 5 January 1961, Burroughs received his first letter from ‘Dr Timothy Leary, director of the Center for Research in Personality, Department of Social Relations, Harvard University,’ as the stationery of his first letter to Burroughs proclaimed. A serious scientist, and at Burroughs’s own alma mater, no less! Leary offered Burroughs a sketch of the political situation, vis-à-vis psychedelics: ‘Medicine has already pre-empted LSD, marijuana is the football for two other powerful groups – Bohemia and the narcotics agents. Mescaline and psilocybin are still up for grabs and it is our hope to keep them ungrabbed, uncontrolled, available.’ Music to Burroughs’ ears. He was quick to reply to Leary, and as their correspondence began, Leary mailed him some Psilocybe extract in March. Burroughs was said to find it ‘made him nauseated and irritable, and the visions he had were not pleasant—he saw green boys with purple fungoid gills.’ By April, Burroughs was in Tangier for the summer. The young expatriate hip crowd there put some ‘Prestonia’ in his hands; the active ingredient was DMT, dimethyltryptamine, and Burroughs described his horrific trip this way: Trips to the ovens like white hot bees through your flesh. But I was only in the ovens for thirty seconds [ . . . ] showed me around a very small planet. William S. Burroughs [Tangier, Morocco] to Timothy Leary [Cambridge, MA] May 6, 1961 Cargo U.S. Consulate Tangier Morocco Dear Dr. Leary: I would like to sound a word of urgent warning with regard to the hallucinogen drugs with special reference to N-dimethyltryptamine [Prestonia]. I had obtained a supply of this drug synthesized by a chemist friend in London. My first impression was that it closely resembled psilocybin in its effects. I had taken it perhaps ten times – this drug must be injected and the dose is about one grain but I had been assured that there was a wide margin of safety – with results sometimes unpleasant but well under control and always interesting when the horrible experience occurred which I have recorded in allegorical terms and submitted for publication in Encounter. I am sending along to you pertinent sections of this manuscript and I think you will readily see the danger involved. I do not know if you are familiar with apomorphine which is the only drug that acts as a metabolic regulator. I think if I had not had this drug to hand the result could have been lethal and this was not more than a grain and a half. While I have described the experience in allegorical terms it was completely and horribly real and involved unendurable pain. A metabolic accident? Perhaps. But I have wide experience with drugs, and excellent constitution and I am not subject to allergic reactions. So I can only urge you to proceed with caution and to familiarize yourself with apomorphine. Doctor John Dent of London has written a book on the apomorphine treatment for alcoholics and drug addicts ― it is the only treatment that works but the U.S. Health Dept will not use it. His book is called Anxiety and Its Treatment. I can ask him to send you a copy if you are interested. Let me hear from you William Burroughs Leary wrote to invite him to address a symposium of the American Psychiatric Association, that coming September. Burroughs replied that Leary should first come visit him in Tangier. In late July Leary arrived . . . with psilocybin for everyone. That included a very complicated crowd around Burroughs at the time: Ian Sommerville, his younger lover since late 1959; the even-younger English beauty, Mikey Portman, their friend and undetachable hanger-on; Gregory Corso, whose lovable but truculent unpredictability was already well-known to Burroughs, from New York and Paris days; Peter Orlovsky, Ginsberg’s bisexual blaue Blüme since 1955; and Allen himself. The first group mushroom trip went, for Burroughs, badly again. He retreated to his room in the Villa Muniriya, and as Leary later tried to convey his remarks, said: I’m not feeling too well. I was struck by juxtaposition of purple fire mushroomed from the pain banks. Urgent warning. I think I’ll stay here in shrivelling envelopes of larval flesh [ . . . ] You fellows go down to the [street] fair and see film and brain waves tuning in on soulless insect people. In light of these experiences, it is astonishing that Burroughs nevertheless left Tangier for Cambridge and Harvard in early August, to participate in the promised symposium. He arrived on 23 August, 1961, and remained until 28 September. What Burroughs made of Leary’s scene in Newton and Cambridge went into the letters he wrote to his old friends Paul Bowles (in Tangier) and Brion Gysin (in Paris). William S. Burroughs [Newton, MA] to Paul Bowles [Tangier, Morocco] ca. late August or early September 1961 General Delivery Newton, Mass. USA Dear Paul: This country is a shambles. I don’t know when I’ve seen anything so nasty. Staying in Leary’s house. Enough food to feed a regiment left out to spoil in the huge kitchen by Leary’s over-fed, undisciplined children. Unused TV sets, cameras, typewriters, toys, books, magazines, furniture, stacked to the ceiling. A nightmare of stupid surfeit. The place is sick sick sick. And disgusting. Like a good European I am stashing away all the \$ I can lay hands to with one thought in mind. Walk don’t run to the nearest exit. Have you taken those mushrooms? Seems to me about the same as Prestonia. Nothing will ever get another psilocybin pill down this throat. I am of course not expressing my feelings on the subject to Leary lest he cut off the \$. Just how precise and definite my feelings on the subject are I hesitate to express to anyone. Saw Hiroshima Mon Amour the other night with Leary. See it if you get the chance. Interesting and revealing. I have just been playing your tape. For which I can not thank you enough. It is almost life saving in the blighted suburb. Michael Portman may return to Morocco. I have suggested he take a long trip South and perhaps you could help with the indicated itinerary. Thanks again to you and Christopher [Wanklyn]. And give my best to Jane [Bowles] Bonne Chance Bill B. William S. Burroughs [New York] to Brion Gysin [Paris] pre-September 28, 1961 General Delivery Newton, Mass. USA Dear Brion: The scene here is really frantic. Leary has gone berserk. He is giving mushrooms to hat check girls, cab drivers, waiters, in fact anybody who will stand still for it. However Gerald Heard and your correspondent have taken a firm stand. We both refuse to take any more mushrooms under any circumstances. Heard is certainly the most intelligent and well intentioned person connected with this deal. He gave a great talk at the symposium about LSD and paranoid sensations. The last barrier: PANIC! To God Pan. I managed to do all right too, fortified by two joints and the whole symposium came off very well. Michael [Portman] wants to come here now and I have written to dissuade him. Let me explain that I really put in a lot of overtime on that boy and thought I had managed to separate him from his deplorable connections. Then something happened and there he was with a cold sore and I lost my patient and my patience as well. I’m not complaining but I have been under considerable pressure trying to sort out and assess hundreds of conflicting reports and demands pleasing no one of course so maybe I goofed. In any case he is now in an impossible condition. Imagine having Eileen Garrett, Mary Cooke, Old Lady Luce in the same room with you. It is absolutely intolerable and I don’t propose to tolerate it. Otherwise the situation here is not too bad. At least I have room to work and there is much to be said for American conveniences. I can get good food out of the ice box and take a bath and wear clean clothes at least. Seems to be plenty of pot around NY and nobody worries about the heat. Its like they all have the fix in. Of course I have to keep clean in Cambridge. Flying back on Sunday. Please write what your plans are. I wish you could arrange to come here. Like I say NY is really a great scene and a goodly crowd is there. And more expected momentarily. Please write. Love, Bill P.S. Very pleasant visit with the family. As Leary wrote to Ginsberg at the time: From the moment Bill hit the USA he started putting mushrooms down. A crazy situation developed. We were facing a rising storm of opposition here and Bill was saying dreadful things about the mushrooms within our group. This left his research work in an ambiguous state. [ . . . ] I admire Burroughs’ game. Tremendously. But only one can play. In October, Burroughs summed up his side of the whole fiasco in a letter he wrote from New York City to Allen Ginsberg, now with Orlovsky in Athens. William S. Burroughs [New York] to Allen Ginsberg [Athens, Greece] Oct 26, 1961 Cargo Grove Press 64 University Place NYC Dear Allen: I have severed all connections with [Timothy] Leary and his project which seems to me completely ill intentioned. I soon found out that they have the vaguest connection with Harvard University, that the money comes from Madame Luce and other dubious quarters, that they have utterly no interest in any serious scientific work, no equipment other than a faulty tape recorder and no intention of acquiring any or making any equipment available to me, that I was supposed to sell the beatniks on the mushrooms. When I flatly refused to push the mushrooms but volunteered instead to work on flicker and other non-chemical methods, the money and return ticket they had promised me was immediately withdrawn. I received not one cent from Leary beyond the fare to Boston. And I hope never to set eyes on that horse’s ass again. A real wrong number. Harry Smith another wrong number. He fancies himself a black magician and does manage to give out some nasty emanations. Was it William the Second who said in regard to black magic, ‘Whether their spells are effective or not they deserve hanging for their bad intentions’?? So living in Spanish neighborhood in complete seclusion. NY literary cocktail parties are unmitigated horrors. Still shuddering from the last one I attended. In fact I can find nothing good to say of life in America except the food which I dig Horn and Hardarts the greatest. Would leave tomorrow but short of the ready pending publication of Naked Lunch or other windfall. See Iris Owens from time to time. Have not seen Lucien [Carr]. Met Irving Rosenthal who is most charming. Please write me about life in Athens. Any word from Peter [Orlovsky]? Writing a lot. Nothing else to do. No pot no sex no money. Well I should have known better than to come here without a return trip ticket in my pocket. Whenever you hear, ‘We don’t think much about money on this project’ you are about to get a short count. One thing is sure, Leary isn’t getting any short count. Twenty thousand a year plus expenses. For doing exactly what? Pushing his pestiferous mushrooms ― Well like I say, I should have known better. Write soon. Love Bill Leary was right about the Burroughs Game: Only one could play. Rub Out The Words: The Letters of William S. Burroughs 1959-1974 was published in the US by Ecco and in the UK by Penguin, in 2012. Photo by Richard Avedon
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	42	https://blog.pmpress.org/2022/07/19/impact-of-new-wave-science-fiction-2/	en	Impact of New Wave Science Fiction	https://blog.pmpress.org…rop-1024x683.jpg	https://blog.pmpress.org…rop-1024x683.jpg	[ "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/pmpresslogo.jpg", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/Dangerous_visions_crop.jpg", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Dangerous_visions_and_new_worlds-787x1024.jpg", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/fighting-times-3d-crop-380x250.png", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/Screenshot-2024-07-16-at-8.50.35 PM-380x250.png", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Crossroads-crop-380x250.jpg", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/NoMeansNo-3-380x250.jpg", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/positive-force-feature-crop-copy-380x250.jpeg", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/1717931903-150x150.png", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/fighting-times-3d-crop-150x150.png", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/Screenshot-2024-07-19-at-1.07.17 PM-150x150.png", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/Screenshot-2024-07-16-at-8.50.35 PM-150x150.png", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Screenshot-2024-03-18-at-2.27.08 PM-150x150.png", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Crossroads-crop-150x150.jpg", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/Screenshot-2024-07-12-at-11.10.00 AM-150x150.png", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/1717931903-150x150.png", "https://blog.pmpress.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/NoMeansNo-3-150x150.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Stephanie Pasvankias" ]	2022-07-19T00:00:00	a radical re-evaluation By Rich Dana (Ricardo Feral) The Fifth Estate Magazine # 411, Spring, 2022 a review ofDangerous Visions and New Worlds: Radical Science Fiction, 1950-1985 Edited by Andrew Nette and Ian McIntyre. PM Press, 2021 In the last several years, Science Fiction, or SF as it is known among fans of the literary […]	en		PM Press	https://blog.pmpress.org/2022/07/19/impact-of-new-wave-science-fiction-2/	a radical re-evaluation By Rich Dana (Ricardo Feral) The Fifth Estate Magazine # 411, Spring, 2022 a review of Dangerous Visions and New Worlds: Radical Science Fiction, 1950-1985 Edited by Andrew Nette and Ian McIntyre. PM Press, 2021 In the last several years, Science Fiction, or SF as it is known among fans of the literary genre, has been the subject of several excellent critiques. In 2018, Alec Nevalla-Lee’s Astounding: John W Campbell, Isaac Asimov, Robert A. Heinlein, L. Ron Hubbard, and the Golden Age of Science Fiction presented an in-depth analysis of the cultural impact of pulp magazines and the purveyors of the genre’s myth of “the competent man.” Last year, Representations of Political Resistance and Emancipation in Science Fiction, edited by Judith Grant and Sean Parson, brought together essays by historians and social theorists examining the speculative politics of SF. The latest entry is a new release from PM Press, Dangerous Visions and New Worlds, in which editors Andrew Nette and Ian McIntyre take a deep-dive into the highly influential and equally underappreciated works of the SF New Wave, whose more famous members included Ursula K Le Guin, Octavia Butler, William Burroughs, Joanna Russ, Samuel R. Delaney, J.G. Ballard, and Philip K. Dick. The book’s title is drawn from Harlan Ellison’s anthology Dangerous Visions and the UK SF magazine, New Worlds, edited in its heyday by Michael Moorcock. The subtitle of the book references the years 1950-1985, which in SF are the period between the decline of the so-called Golden Age and the rise of the Cyberpunk era. The book focuses primarily on the period from the late 1950s to the early 1970s known as “the long sixties.” During this period of worldwide cultural upheaval, art, film, literature, and science were all rocked from their foundations. Science fiction (or speculative fiction as its more literary purveyors sometimes describe it) played a significant role as a testbed for exploring potential political scenarios while testing the boundaries of cultural norms. The SF New Wave of the long sixties was influenced by the Beats’ literary experiments, the Situationists’ tactics, and psychedelia’s aesthetics. In turn, it continues to influence both popular culture and fine art to the present day. In the introduction, the editors write: “The impact of New Wave science fiction has, in turn, extended long beyond the heyday of the 1960s and 1970s. Although an explicit and heavy focus on technology returned with cyberpunk in the 1980s, the literary, thematic, and stylistic challenges and innovations presented in the preceding period were largely absorbed and refined rather than removed and rejected. While broader society has significantly changed and moral attitudes shifted, many of the social issues addressed by New Wave authors either remain or have been intensified, giving this body of work continued relevance.” The book is visually stunning and graphically rich. In the introduction, the editors point to the changes in publishing that brought about the decline of pulp magazines and the rise of the paperback novel. The role that paperback cover art played during this period cannot be overstated, and the plethora of illustrations are a joy to experience. From classic 1950s commercial illustration to full-on psychedelia, Italian Futurist-inspired abstractions to medieval heraldry, the cover artists of the New Wave era drew readers to the revolving wire bookracks at newspaper stands across the world. The selections are excellent, and the full-color reproductions are good. They are so good that if I have one criticism of the book, it is that there isn’t an essay dedicated to the cover artists, without whom many paperback masterpieces would have never caught the eye of the novice reader. For the SF fan, the scholar, or the casual reader, the relatively short and very entertaining essays in the book cover all the bases and introduce most of the significant players of the era. Butler, Moorcock, PKD, Delaney, and Le Guin are featured prominently, but so are less mainstream talents like R.A. Lafferty, Judith Merril, Hank Lopez, and the Strugatsky brothers. Race and gender, nuclear holocaust and environmental catastrophe, pop culture and technology, sex, drugs, and rock and roll all receive thoughtful discussion. Among the highlights for me were Cameron Ashley’s essay “The Future Is Going To Be Boring,” or J.G. Ballard’s “Speculative Fuckbooks: The Brief Life of Essex House” by Rebecca Baumann, and Ian McIntyre’s unexpected “Doomwatchers: Calamity and Catastrophe in UK Television Novelizations.” The editors note that while some of the writers of the New Wave “…took part in public demonstrations and political action, most opted to undertake activism and sedition via literary expression. In keeping with the anti-authoritarianism of the counterculture, visions for real-world reform and revolution were either fuzzy or aligned most strongly with anarchism and radical forms of feminism.” No one in the movement was more closely aligned with anarchist thought than Judith Merril. Kat Clay does an excellent job of introducing readers to this underappreciated writer and anthologist in her entry, “On Earth the Air Is Free: The Feminist Science Fiction of Judith Merril.” On a personal level, I’m grateful for the inclusion of Mike Stax’s essay on Mick Farren, the iconoclastic British prankster, gonzo journalist, SF writer, and frontman of the protopunk band the Deviants. In the mid-1980s, I became friends with Mick during his time in New York, and later, when I started OBSOLETE! Magazine, Mick was OBSOLETE!’s most consistent contributor. His last SF short story “What is your problem, Agent X9?” appeared in my magazine shortly before he died (onstage, performing with the Deviants.) Stax does an excellent job of placing Farren in the historical context of the New Wave. Farren’s collaborative nature and lack of mainstream success could lead some to mistake Mick for a dilettante. But one only needs to read Farren’s autobiography, Give the Anarchist a Cigarette, to understand that, more than anyone else, he was a quintessential chronicler of this brief, but essential moment, when art, literature, politics, and technology slammed together in a high-speed freeway pile-up, and post-modern popular culture rose from the wreckage.
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"https://sciencefictionruminations.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/cropped-la-ballata-di-beta-2-galassia-122-1.jpg?w=50", "https://pixel.wp.com/b.gif?v=noscript" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Joachim Boaz" ]	2021-11-21T00:00:00	I've recently conducted a binge read of my ARC of Dangerous Visions and New Worlds: Radical Science Fiction, 1950-1985, ed. Andrew Nette and Iain McIntyre (2021). It is a must buy for any SF fan of the era interested in exploring the larger world behind the texts. Considering the focus of my website and most…	en	https://sciencefictionru…a-122-1.jpg?w=32	Science Fiction and Other Suspect Ruminations	https://sciencefictionruminations.com/2021/11/21/updates-the-introduction-to-dangerous-visions-and-new-worlds-radical-science-fiction-1950-1985-ed-andrew-nette-and-iain-mcintyre-2021/	I’ve recently conducted a binge read of my ARC of Dangerous Visions and New Worlds: Radical Science Fiction, 1950-1985, ed. Andrew Nette and Iain McIntyre (2021). It is a must buy for any SF fan of the era interested in exploring the larger world behind the texts. Considering the focus of my website and most of my reading adventures over the last decade, I can unabashedly proclaim myself a fan of the New Wave SF movement–and this edited volume is the perfect compliment to my collection and interests. The editors and PM Press have graciously provided me with the introduction to the volume. Perhaps it’ll convince you to purchase your own copy! Relevant links: Amazon USA, Amazon UK, and the publisher website. Dangerous Visions and New Worlds An Introduction The “long sixties,” an era which began in the late 1950s and extended into the 1970s, has become shorthand for a period of trenchant social change, most explicitly demonstrated through a host of liberatory and resistance movements focused on class, racial, gender, sexual, and other inequalities. These were as much about cultural expression and social recognition as economic redistribution and formal politics. While the degree to which often youthful insurgents achieved their goals varied greatly, the global challenge they presented was a major shock to the status quo. Science fiction, with its basis in speculation, possibilities, and the future, became the ideal vessel for expression in an era in which the focus of many was on the questioning and refusal of established power and social relations, on the one hand, and the exhortation and exploration of radical scenarios, on the other. The genre intrinsically reflected upon both lived and alternative realities—past, present, and future. A “New Wave” of writers who captured the utopian and dystopian zeitgeist leapt to prominence in the 1960s, coming to largely dominate the field by the 1970s. Resistance to change came from authors, fans, and editors, often dubbed the “Old Guard,” who were wedded to the conventions of the so-called “Golden Age” of science fiction. This was the period, generally recognized to stretch from 1938 to the late 1940s, when the genre first began to attract major public attention. Despite some important exceptions, key examples of which can be found in this book, the strictures and censorship of long-running science fiction magazines, such as well-known conservative John Campbell’s Astounding, dominated the field during the high sales period of the 1950s and continued on into the 1960s. A focus on scientific progressivism, prim sexual morality, and linear narratives resulted in tales focused upon technological breakthroughs and space-conquering male heroes. In their place came a flood of new work that challenged and destabilized the conservative norms of narrative and expression, as well as outlook and belief. Chafing at the way in which past conventions continued to weigh upon the present, some authors sought to distance themselves altogether by defining their innovative work as “speculative” rather than “science” fiction. This shift in focus was as much aesthetic as political. Influenced by modernist prose and poetry, William S. Burroughs and the Beats, New Journalism, psychedelics, and the quest for consciousness expansion, modes of expression became more disjointed and experimental and topics shifted to the state of inner rather than outer space. The New Wave still had its astronauts and interstellar explorers, but now they could be found psychologically crumbling under the physical and mental pressure of space flight and the directives of the oppressive military bureaucratic apparatus behind it. Elsewhere, the brave heroes of the past gave way to a new range of characters: genocidal antiheroes, cynical or conflicted over their role in imperial power games and corporate domination; overworked (or underworked) drones strung out on psychotropic or other mind-altering substances; those left in a deep state of confusion by the all-encompassing spectacle of modern mass media culture or made paranoid by pervasive political and corporate surveillance; and individuals left in despair at the commodification and destruction of the natural world. The internal and external revolt expressed in the genre was in part facilitated by changes in the publishing industry. As we have detailed in our previous two works, Girl Gangs, Biker Boys, and Real Cool Cats: Pulp Fiction and Youth Culture, 1950 to 1980 and Sticking It to the Man: Revolution and Counterculture, 1950 to 1980, the postwar period saw the paperback displace the pulp magazine and, even with the increasing presence of television, novels were hugely popular. This allowed a growing number of authors to make it into print, including some of those previously excluded from mainstream publishing, such as people of color and LGBTIQ writers. In terms of science fiction, Michael Moorcock’s rise to the editorship of the long running New Worlds magazine in 1964, the increasing popularity of genre novels, and the publication of groundbreaking anthologies such as Dangerous Visions and England Swings, all provided writers with new opportunities. Alongside the inclusion of radical commentary, experimental poetry, and other forms of expression previously foreign to SF magazines, New Worlds provided primarily British and American writers with the freedom to produce groundbreaking work. One of its admirers, the established yet highly controversial Harlan Ellison, subsequently helped to emphatically mark the New Wave’s arrival with the aforementioned hefty and influential 1967 anthology Dangerous Visions and to further underscore its importance with 1972’s Again, Dangerous Visions. Lauded by the critics and commercially successful, the two books included seventy-nine stories, five of which won major awards, and featured almost all of the key writers of the period, as well as detailed headnotes from Ellison regarding their work. The significant role that both Dangerous Visions and New Worlds played is acknowledged and honored by the title of the collection you are reading. The rise of the New Wave was controversial. Because of the entrenched role of fandom and critique in SF, issues regarding form and substance were debated to a much larger degree than in other literary genres. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, these arguments raged in the pages of fanzines and magazines, in letters between authors and readers, and at conferences, forums, and social events. The split between Golden Age right-wingers and New Wave left-wingers was exemplified by the pro– and anti–Vietnam War advertisements, replete with lists of endorsees, taken out in the June 1968 edition of Galaxy Science Fiction magazine, a pivotal moment in the genre covered in this volume. While some experimental authors leaned to the right and some conventional ones to the left, for the most part, those whose work was skeptical, if not an outright rejection, of the political status quo were also more likely to question the nature of reality more broadly and engage in nonconformist prose. In keeping with the New Left in general, few, if any, of the New Wave writers looked to the Soviet Union for answers, except where it emerged in the form of Eastern Bloc dissidence, such as in the work of writers like Stanisław Lem and Arkady and Boris Strugatsky. Although some Western revolutionaries turned to Maoist China, Guevarist Cuba, and new and/or refreshed variants of Trotskyism, state socialism appears to have had little appeal to the majority of science fiction authors who believed in a radical restructuring of society. Although some took part in public demonstrations and other overt organized political action, most opted to undertake activism and sedition via literary expression. In keeping with the antiauthoritarianism of the counterculture, visions for real-world reform and revolution were either relatively fuzzy or aligned most strongly with anarchism and radical forms of feminism. Not all of the writers covered in this collection believed that such widespread change was desirable or feasible. Some iconoclastic creative types, like Philip K. Dick, refused to align with any ideology or literary movement. Nevertheless, almost all were focused on shaking things up and testing the limits of morality and critical tolerance within and beyond the genre. The promise of science fiction, in its ability to transcend and travel beyond the limits of the present, was met not only by authors but also illustrators and designers. The influence of psychedelia, surrealism, and experimentation in general on book cover art during the period can arguably be seen most strongly in the science fiction field. Literature always reflects the values, experiences, hopes, and fantasies of its creators, as well as the society and groupings they are a part of. Within speculative and science fiction genres the boundaries expanded rapidly to include pansexuality, communal lifestyles, hallucinogens, and radical politics. Changing, indeed, often reversing, conceptions of heroes and evildoers, and a blurring, if not complete demolition of the binary between them, were a regular feature of stories regarding near and far-future revolution and utopian societies. Alongside this came a renewed focus on dystopia. Living under the shadow of the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the escalating Cold War superpower nuclear standoff, which had come close to global conflict with the US/Cuban missile crisis of 1962, and ever more cognizant of ecological and other issues, writers such as Brian Aldiss, Chelsea Quinn Yarbro, Kate Wilhelm, and John Brunner produced disturbing apocalyptic works that reflected upon existing threats and warned of far worse to come. For some, the end of the world was less terrifying than the continuance of it. The anomie, ennui, and spectacle of technologically drenched modern life was harshly depicted in many 1960s and 1970s works by J.G. Ballard, Barry Malzberg, Norman Spinrad, Thomas M. Disch, and others. Such visions often reflected the end of various dreams of the long sixties, in terms of a better, more fulfilling world to come, be it via a dazzling array of new consumer goods or communal revolution. As the 1970s progressed, the postwar economic boom faltered, and achieving social change, where it had not been reversed or fought to a standstill, became an ever harder and less glamorous slog. The cynicism and weariness that this engendered, as well as the impact of events such as Watergate on those who clung to faith in democratic institutions, became ever more extant in science fiction. Despite setbacks and a growing backlash from the privileged, the 1970s remained a period of social challenge and change. Just as women’s liberation had pushed back against misogyny and the continuing second-class status of women within the New Left and counterculture, so it did within science fiction, with authors such as Ursula K. Le Guin, Joanna Russ, and Marge Piercy challenging the Old Guard and New Wave alike with their fiction and commentary. While science fiction emerging from and catering to the burgeoning feminist and gay and lesbian movements of the period often focused upon and channeled the inequities of the present into utopian and dystopian visions, writers such as Judith Merril and Alice Sheldon, writing under the moniker James Tiptree Jr., offered implicit critique through settings that involved a future in which liberation and equality were a long accepted and unremarkable fact. Racism and allied issues, such as anti-colonialism, structural poverty, and changing patterns of immigration—as well as declining imperial power, in the case of the UK, and imperial overreach, in the case of the US—were regularly explored by radical SF authors during the 1960s and 1970s. Relatively few works by people of color were published, however, until the 1980s. Beyond towering contributions from Octavia Butler and Samuel Delany, the impact of science fiction was arguably felt more among a select range of African American musicians, such as Sun Ra and Parliament/Funkadelic, rather than authors. Although a number of near-future insurrectionist novels from black authors, including Samuel Greenlee and the little-known Joseph Denis Jackson, were published, they were generally marketed as thrillers rather than sci-fi. New Worlds and Dangerous Visions details, celebrates, and evaluates many aspects of this influential period of speculative fiction through twenty-four chapters written by contemporary authors and critics. New angles on key novels and authors are presented alongside excavations of topics, works, and writers who have been largely forgotten or undeservedly ignored. Interspersed between these chapters are short essays and cover spreads that serve to highlight the diversity of the field, as well as innovation in book cover illustration. With the exception of the Soviet Union’s Strugatsky brothers, whose work appears here to demonstrate how radicals were pushing the aesthetic and political limits in a very different context—and whose books were published to considerable acclaim in the West—the authors and books covered in this collection are primarily those published in the US and UK or by writers based in those two nations. This is partially for reasons of space, but also because these two countries’ milieus and book industries dominated the SF field in the period under review. As with most movements proposing radical transformation, partisans of the New Wave sometimes portrayed the field as a decisive break with the literary and political conventions of the past. Such a focus on what was new tended to erase the work of those who had been advocating for change and practicing it in their work for some time. The legacy of George Orwell, Aldous Huxley, H.G. Wells, and other writers, as well as pioneering utopian and dystopian writers in the nineteenth and early twentieth century, was in many ways carried forward in the 1960s and 1970s. Although such early work falls largely outside the purview of this collection, the influence and continuing role of progressive authors who had an impact during the conservative 1950s, including Judith Merril, John Christopher, Mordecai Roshwald, Leigh Brackett, and John Wyndham, is scrutinized and given its due. The impact of New Wave science fiction has, in turn, extended long beyond its heyday of the 1960s and 1970s. Although an explicit and heavy focus on technology returned with cyberpunk in the 1980s, the literary, thematic, and stylistic challenges and innovations presented in the preceding period were largely absorbed and refined rather than removed and rejected. While broader society has significantly changed and moral attitudes shifted, many of the social issues addressed by New Wave authors either remain or have been intensified, giving this body of work a continuing relevance. Iain McIntyre and Andrew Nette For book reviews consult the INDEX For cover art posts consult the INDEX
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	0	17	https://medium.com/%40sleuth1/the-bizarre-metaphysics-of-william-s-burroughs-d8269bc5edda	en	The Bizarre Metaphysics of William S. Burroughs.	https://miro.medium.com/…qHSzcfWpxNA.jpeg	https://miro.medium.com/…qHSzcfWpxNA.jpeg	[ "https://miro.medium.com/v2/resize:fill:64:64/1dmbNkD5D-u45r44go_cf0g.png", "https://miro.medium.com/v2/da:true/resize:fill:88:88/0dfvvcNecvx5tuJaN.gif", "https://miro.medium.com/v2/da:true/resize:fill:144:144/0*dfvvcNecvx5tuJaN.gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "sleuth1", "medium.com" ]	2019-04-06T21:28:56.709000+00:00	William S. Burroughs had an essentially metaphysical approach to life and writing. This is sometimes overlooked or ignored by scribes and students of his written work when his cut-up method is…	en	https://miro.medium.com/…jr1YbyOIJY2w.png	Medium	https://medium.com/@sleuth1/the-bizarre-metaphysics-of-william-s-burroughs-d8269bc5edda	William S. Burroughs had an essentially metaphysical approach to life and writing. This is sometimes overlooked or ignored by scribes and students of his written work when his cut-up method is analyzed blandly as a dry, stand-alone technique. The cultural history and psyche of where it came from are pushed aside or given a purely rational, secular edge. To gain a full appreciation of the method itself as he used it, the two can't be separated. The man himself could be described as brilliant, eccentric, hedonistic, weird, iconoclastic, idiosyncratic but never boring. In some ways his life as lived is not that remarkable — but his internal life (which occupied most of his time and energy) is the story worth telling. A friend described him as never noticing much going on in the places he lived and visited, but “always cerebral”. What was going on within, was where the true creative action was and it was constant. Burroughs had an abiding interest in the occult. It could be traced back to his childhood, his first published essay, Personal Magnetism — revolved around telepathic mind-control. He mentioned seeing apparitions, including a tiny green reindeer: “When I was four years old I saw a vision in Forest Park, St. Louis … I was lagging behind and I saw a little green reindeer about the size of a cat … Later, when I studied anthropology at Harvard, I learned that this was a totem animal vision and knew that I could never kill a reindeer.” (1) His world view was of a “magical universe”: “In the magical universe, there are no coincidences and there are no accidents. Nothing happens unless someone wills it to happen. The dogma of science is that the will cannot possibly affect external forces, and I think that’s just ridiculous. It’s as bad as the church. My viewpoint is the exact contrary of the scientific viewpoint. I believe that if you run into somebody in the street it’s for a reason. Among primitive people, they say that if someone was bitten by a snake he was murdered. I believe that…Since the word ‘magic’ tends to cause confused thinking, I would like to say exactly what I mean by ‘magic’ and the magical interpretation of so-called reality. The underlying assumption of magic is the assertion of ‘will’ as the primary moving force in this universe — the deep conviction that nothing happens unless somebody or some being wills it to happen. To me, this has always seemed self-evident. A chair does not move unless someone moves it. Neither does your physical body, which is composed of much the same material, move unless you will it to move. Walking across the room is a magical operation. From the viewpoint of magic, no death, no illness, no misfortune, accident, war or riot is accidental. There are no accidents in the world of magic. And will is another word for animate energy.” (5) His famous cut-up writing technique included the principle of coincidence and divination: When you experiment with cut-ups over a period of time you find that some of the cut-ups in re-arranged texts seemed to refer to future events. I cut-up an article written by John-Paul Getty and got, “It’s a bad thing to sue your own father.” This was a re-arrangement and wasn’t in the original text, and a year later, one of his sons did sue him…Perhaps events are pre-written and pre-recorded and when you cut word lines the future leaks out. (5) I remember a film called Dead of Night where the ventriloquist dummy starts talking on its own. Well a writer must encourage this phenomenon - create a dummy and induce it to talk on its own. Now this is known as an ear for dialogue in the trade. But you see writing is in fact a magical operation. If you know the right spells - and what are spells, but the words you can call all writers living and dead to work for you. The use of cutup is a key - what better way to invoke a writer than to cut and rearrange his very own words. Like all keys to be used with caution - sometimes it works sometimes it doesn't. Somebody changed the lock on that door. (2) Major Influences: Gysin the occult artist: Brion Gysin was a British-born painter and poet who Burroughs first met in Tangier and later at the Beat Hotel in Paris. Gysin's influence on him was monumental and pivotal, it was he who first developed the cut-up technique which Burroughs extended and made famous. Gysin was also interested in occultism and introduced him to themes he would use in his writing. Gysin absorbed some local occult ritualism around the middle east, including “cursing” and “being cursed”, which figured large in Burroughs’s thinking and writing. Scientology:, “Scientology was useful to me until it became a religion” — William S. Burroughs. “Burroughs is a great thinker, a searching critic of things in his field. I have no faintest wish to attack him. The world needs their William Burroughses” — L. Ron Hubbard (in response to a written satirical, public attack by Burroughs).(6) Burroughs was first introduced to Scientology through Gysin or associates of his in the late 50s. It was a perfect fit for his peculiar inclinations. At the time it was seen by some avante-garde thinkers as a radical form of self-empowerment and catharsis via a new technology and philosophy — E-meter and engrams. Burroughs relished the idea of dissolving his internal torments —he struggled lifelong with personal trauma and conflict and always sought a means to dissolve these qualities — by the use of a technology which purported to achieve the aim of psychoanalysis via a simple, effective mechanical device. All this before Scientology became to be seen as it is today. Burroughs was drawn to many technologies that promised to both reveal and interfere with what he perceived as the primary control mechanism, that in his view stood external to our own wills and kept us unconscious and driven. It began with the cut-up method which from his perspective had something of this quality, continued with the E-meter. Later the Dreamachine (inspired by a waking vision of Gysin), audio manipulation via tape recorders and later still a device named the Wishing Machine that purported to engage the user in psychometry. Burroughs continued to be fascinated with the E-meter right through the 1960s even after publicly denouncing Scientology and L. Ron Hubbard. He ran hot and cold with Scientology and often contradicted former statements.
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	15	https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/an-ode-to-new-metal-man-david-bunchs-moderan	en	An Ode to New-Metal Man: David R. Bunch’s “Moderan”	https://lareviewofbooks-…01809moderan.jpg	https://lareviewofbooks-…01809moderan.jpg	[ "https://assets.lareviewofbooks.org/uploads/201809moderan.jpg 640w, https://assets.lareviewofbooks.org/uploads/201809moderan.jpg 750w, https://assets.lareviewofbooks.org/uploads/201809moderan.jpg 828w, https://assets.lareviewofbooks.org/uploads/201809moderan.jpg 1080w, https://assets.lareviewofbooks.org/uploads/201809moderan.jpg 1200w, https://assets.lareviewofbooks.org/uploads/201809moderan.jpg 1920w, https://assets.lareviewofbooks.org/uploads/201809moderan.jpg 2048w, https://assets.lareviewofbooks.org/uploads/201809moderan.jpg 3840w", "https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/640x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2Fbest-of-larb-inbox.jpg 640w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/750x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2Fbest-of-larb-inbox.jpg 750w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/828x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2Fbest-of-larb-inbox.jpg 828w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/1080x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2Fbest-of-larb-inbox.jpg 1080w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/1200x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2Fbest-of-larb-inbox.jpg 1200w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/1920x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2Fbest-of-larb-inbox.jpg 1920w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/2048x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2Fbest-of-larb-inbox.jpg 2048w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/3840x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2Fbest-of-larb-inbox.jpg 3840w", "https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/640x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2FLARB41_D1_v2_Cover-scaled.jpg 640w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/750x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2FLARB41_D1_v2_Cover-scaled.jpg 750w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/828x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2FLARB41_D1_v2_Cover-scaled.jpg 828w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/1080x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2FLARB41_D1_v2_Cover-scaled.jpg 1080w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/1200x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2FLARB41_D1_v2_Cover-scaled.jpg 1200w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/1920x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2FLARB41_D1_v2_Cover-scaled.jpg 1920w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/2048x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2FLARB41_D1_v2_Cover-scaled.jpg 2048w, https://lareviewofbooks-media.azureedge.net/unsafe/3840x0/filters:format(jpeg):quality(75)/https%3A%2F%2Fassets.lareviewofbooks.org%2Fuploads%2FLARB41_D1_v2_Cover-scaled.jpg 3840w" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2018-09-11T17:00:05+00:00	Rob Latham sings the praises of “Moderan,” a neglected classic about a false utopia by David R. Bunch.		/icons/favicon/favicon.ico	Los Angeles Review of Books	https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/an-ode-to-new-metal-man-david-bunchs-moderan	PRIOR TO THIS BOOK’S release, the only works by David R. Bunch widely available were two short stories in Harlan Ellison’s Dangerous Visions, a landmark 1967 anthology that has never gone out of print. By contrast, Bunch’s novel Moderan, one of only two standalone works of fiction the author published during his lifetime, appeared as a midlist paperback in 1971 and promptly sank without a trace. A 1993 collection of stories — cleverly titled Bunch! — was released by a specialty press and reached at best a coterie audience. Used copies of these books are rare, and Bunch’s lone volume of poetry, We Have a Nervous Job (1983), is impossible to find anywhere. A small San Francisco press put out two posthumous gatherings of the author’s verse in the late 1990s, but these too are now scarce and quite pricy. On the basis of Moderan, Bunch has acquired the reputation of being a writer’s writer, highly respected by his peers but more or less unknown to the larger genre readership. He is sometimes compared to Cordwainer Smith and R. A. Lafferty, due to the pixilated exuberance of their styles, their mock-heroic invocation of legends and tall tales, and their airy disdain for the niceties of SF exposition. Like Smith and Lafferty, Bunch is fond of teasingly extravagant story titles: “The Walking Talking I-Don’t-Care Man,” “A Small Miracle of Fishhooks and Straight Pins,” “That High-Up Blue Day That Saw the Black Sky-Train Come Spinning.” Like them, he is a master of baroque paradox, effortlessly mixing the rhapsodic with the grotesque, the ferocious with the whimsical, in the same story, often in the same sentence. Like them, he deploys poetic tricks — high-flown apostrophe, rampant alliteration — to evoke the strangeness of future worlds: “The vapor shield was scarlet August that burning month, the tin flowers were up in all the plastic plant holes, the rolling ersatz pastures were all aflutter with flash and flaunt of blooms.” Such a maverick talent is perhaps inevitably fated to be a minority taste. But the elusive Bunch has always had his champions. In his introduction to the two stories included in Dangerous Visions, Ellison praised the author as “possibly the most dangerous visionary” in the volume, his “Dada-like” evocation of the fictive mindscape Moderan amounting to a striking “fable of futurity.” John Clute’s entry on Bunch for the Encyclopedia of Science Fiction claims that the author “resembles a diced, gonzo Walt Whitman, sampling (in a frenzy) the body electric.” This comparison was echoed by Brian W. Aldiss, who remarked that Moderan reads “as if Whitman and Nietzsche had collaborated” — a comment featured as a blurb on the cover of this new edition. After ushering back into print a host of superb crime and suspense novels, NYRB Classics has recently branched out into SF, displaying a shrewd eye for neglected gems, such as D. G. Compton’s haunting satire of media obsession, The Continuous Katherine Mortenhoe (a.k.a. The Unsleeping Eye, 1973), and Christopher Priest’s surreal tale of a perambulating city, Inverted World (1974). Bunch’s Moderan slots neatly into this eccentric list: it too is a near-forgotten “minor” work of the New Wave era that richly deserves rediscovery. Bunch began publishing his Moderan stories in the late 1950s, in diverse venues, ranging from SF fanzines to literary journals like Shenandoah. The vast majority appeared, between 1958 and 1965, in the sister magazines Fantastic and Amazing, edited at the time by Cele Goldsmith. One of the most astute discoverers of talent in SF history, Goldsmith published the first stories of Thomas M. Disch, Ursula K. Le Guin, and Roger Zelazny, among other future luminaries, and Bunch’s fiction was right up her alley: daring, offbeat, unapologetically “literary.” Publisher Ziff-Davis sold the two magazines in 1965, whereupon they were converted into reprint-only publications, depriving Bunch of his favorite platform. Yet more tales of Moderan, like the one enshrined in Ellison’s anthology, continued to dribble from his pen, and by the early 1970s he had enough material on hand to produce a book-length version. Moderan is thus, like many classics of modern SF, a “fix-up” text — a gathering of scattered stories stitched together with newly written sections that provide structural links and expository background. Of the 46 chapters in the 1971 edition, 19 were original to the volume, including 13 of the first 16, which established a dubious linearity for the episodes that followed. This stab at structure, however, failed to fully corral Bunch’s wayward imagination, and the narrative proceeds by lyrical leaps and picaresque digressions. Future Moderan is not really a spatiotemporal setting, not a feat of world-building at all, so much as it is a conceptual environment, impressionistically evoked, an inner-spatial metaphor for modernity along the lines of J. G. Ballard’s Vermilion Sands (1971). And Bunch continued to burnish this arresting mise-en-scène even after the novel was published, as shown by this new edition, which adds a final section gathering 11 stories published between 1971 and 1989. Other tales of Moderan lurking in the periodical literature have never been reprinted; were it not for the fact of the author’s death in 2000, one could easily believe they are still being reeled out, endlessly, like old-style computer punch tape. This retro reference is appropriate, since Moderan is very much a novel of the American midcentury. The title itself suggests the language of advertising and design, if not promotional hype: everything in Moderan is new and improved, including the people. The proud citizens refer to their domain as “New Processes Land” and the “Dream Realized,” grandiose monikers that bespeak a state of technical and psychological perfection. Moderan is a “land for forever, ordered and sterilized. That’s the Dream!” It is 2064, or thereabouts. Following a sketchy series of “world wars” (“the bomb smear, the havoc far and everywhere”) and some obscure reverses in space (“the Million Saucer Battles on Mars, and that awful purple thing on Venus”), the Earth is being systematically remade into a synthetic demi-paradise. The poisoned seas have been frozen over and the polluted land smothered under a pristine shroud of “cool white plastic,” out of which tin flowers bloom. Weather cycles are administered by “Central Seasons,” and a “vapor shield” controls the atmosphere, changing the sky color on a monthly basis. The men staff military “Strongholds” bristling with high-tech weaponry while their estranged wives live in “bubble dome homes” in “White Witch Valley.” Ultimate power is wielded by the “Council of the Palest Greens,” shadowy bureaucrats who infest the “Needle Building in the Pale White Capital.” The social landscape of Moderan, though highly regimented, is often beset by aimless wanderers, from feral mutants scrounging for scraps to quixotic loners disenchanted with this glitzy, ersatz utopia (“ersatz” is one of Bunch’s favorite words). The narrative set-up summarized here must be reconstructed from sly hints scattered through the chapters since, as noted above, the author is not particularly interested in conventional SF exposition. For Bunch, the trappings of genre are not ends in themselves but rather serviceable means to spin out his idiosyncratic worldview. Indeed, his fictive building blocks, rather than providing the solid contours of a rigorously extrapolated world, are themselves fluid, figurative elements in a complex allegory of gender, violence, and power. Take the hulking Strongholds that dot the novel’s landscape. These are not simply combat machines — “the White Witch rockets firing, the wow bombs grandly falling, the wreck-wrecks trajectoring, the missiles far and wide homing and all the other hardware of our Joy-at-War beautifully functioning” — they are also, as this sexually charged rhetoric suggests, powerful metaphors for the male ego at its most pugnacious and destructive. Indeed, the men are virtually indistinguishable from the bunkers they inhabit: the narrator, for example, is known as “Stronghold 10.” Like his cherished citadel, this protagonist is literally armored, a “new-metal man” who has undergone a harrowing cyborgization; all that survives of his original body are scattered “flesh-strips” sutured into a metallic carapace: “I must look […] like a suit of old armor once would have looked if it had in the ancient days rolled in some thick-sliced bacon.” Terrified of his own vulnerability, Stronghold 10 rages against his “soft percentages,” those last remaining vestiges of his corporeal being: “I wish for more steel!” he roars. An abiding tension between the sorry fallibility of flesh and the solid certainty of metal provides the main thematic thrust of the novel’s many episodes: “[M]y flesh-strips writhed and remembered, my steel parts seethed, rasped, wrinkled and shouted, so disturbed they were by the flesh parts quivering.” Stronghold 10 alternates between blasting away at other fastnesses — in a mindless cycle of paranoid violence, perpetually renewed — and worrying at moral conundrums and emotional predicaments incited by unexpected visitors to his redoubt — a little girl, reminding him of the animal pull of family; a metallic knight on horseback, evoking the allure of romance and the promptings of conscience. These encounters are saved from sentimentality by the sheer weirdness and audacity of Bunch’s storytelling, as well as by the scathing bouts of self-analysis they provoke in the narrator. Though he roundly scorns “the ancient garbage of love, togetherness, and the family stew,” trammels he imagines his cyborg self to have transcended, he cannot shake the suspicion that his grand existence is a hollow, loveless sham: “I cowered in my innermost Stronghold den, […] in the cowardly-careful peep-box of steel. Even in the days of my highest triumphs, when many a fortress rocked from my Big War guns […] I had this whiplash of dread.” Above all, Stronghold 10 is petrified of women, especially his wife, “that tough strong little woman with the ice-blue terror eyes,” exiled to White Witch Valley along with the other spouses so the men can pursue their puerile war games. For all his high-tech replacements, however, Stronghold 10 still finds himself plagued by the itch of desire — an appetite he satisfies with his “new-metal mistress,” a lifelike love doll he can switch on and off at whim. Yet even this mechanical proxy inspires a surge of passion that startles and terrifies him, because it points up his own essential emptiness: The blonde doll all turned on, the real and true-copied image of an old Dream in the mind […] there waiting in the body that science had made, the little bow of a mouth all moist and rosy red, the blue eyes blue-bulb blue and like small glass globes sliced carefully out of that heaven when June was all clear-and-bright. […] All the people who had written and overwritten about this thing — in the Old Days old Mailer and Hemingway, say — had they been right all along? Since Bunch is here diagnosing the pathologies of toxic masculinity, his citation of two notoriously macho novelists makes some sense — though, as the gonzo tenor of this passage suggests, a more proximate influence on Moderan may well have been the Beat writers of the late 1950s and early 1960s, especially Kerouac and Ginsberg. While SF critics have acknowledged the sway William Burroughs exercised over New Wave authors like Ballard, not enough attention has been paid to the subterreanean influence of those other subterraneans. Moderan not only evokes Ginsberg’s incantatory indictment of Moloch, “whose mind is pure machinery,” it is also reminiscent of Kerouac’s lone work of science fiction. A Kafkaesque parable of a dystopian society, Kerouac’s 1963 story “cityCityCITY” is, like Moderan, peopled by faceless creatures who are wedded to strange machines — like the “Brain Halo, which divined equations, […] balancing them together, so skillfully, so complicated, a thousand wires running into a million larger ones that grew and snaked and vined their way in the tangled Wire Room of the Brain.” In its rambling prosody, its spastic goofing, its wise-ass parody of technocratic jargon, this story — and Kerouac’s work more generally — offers something of a stylistic model for Bunch’s febrile speculations. Moderan, like many central texts of the Beat generation, can be read as a bohemian spoof of “square” society, satirizing a regimented world of robotic drones who secretly seethe with rage and self-hatred. A few of the stronghold’s visitors suggest a countercultural critique of this future’s priggish nihilism — for example, a footloose artist, whom the protagonist denounces as a “smelly vagrant […] stagger[ing] addle-waddle over the countryside […] talking about Meaning,” but whose intense gaze makes him quiver and doubt himself, or a hippie-esque drifter with a bouquet of metal flowers for a hand, who preaches that “love was better than hate and that human understanding was more to be strived for than a Stronghold full of bully-bombs,” and who rouses our steely hero to awe-struck euphoria. For all his showy chest-thumping, Bunch’s “new-metal man” cannot shake a haunting sense of his basic spiritual vacancy, can’t help “wondering maybe if he had not paid some uncalculated and enormous price for his iron durability.” Stronghold 10’s pose of arrogant mastery turns out to be a facade of bluff and bluster screening a yawning gulf of alienation and despair. In the last analysis, Moderan is a compelling allegory of the psychic and ethical costs of reification, of the transformation of human subjects into objects, the rampant “thingification” of the modern self. The phony nature that the novel’s citizens have crafted for themselves rebounds on its creators, irresistibly remaking them into feckless automatons well suited to occupying this tin-and-plastic world. In its savagely funny depiction of the growing imbrication of human beings with their technological environments, Moderan rivals the best work of fellow New Waver John T. Sladek, especially his novels Mechasm (1968) and The Müller-Fokker Effect (1970). Come to think of it, those titles would make strong additions to NYRB’s already impressive SF line. Though in some ways quaintly dated, Bunch’s novel still speaks powerfully to contemporary readers — and occasionally even seems to address them directly, as in this ironically upbeat passage: Let us begin to be ourselves again, ourselves with good souls. With hard trying and hard praying let us make for our souls good homes, even here hard embattled as we are in these steel times. And perhaps with ten million years of good effort we and the world can begin to hope to be allowed to start in to come back toward that place all of us left on the way to our wrong “discoveries.” At least we are not without hope. Yet the author immediately subverts the tentative optimism of this evangel by unleashing the heedless Strongholds for one final spasm of ecstatic violence. This was how the 1971 version of the novel ended, in a death-wish inferno à la Dr. Strangelove — with Stronghold 10 the last cyborg left (briefly) standing after a global exchange of “GRANDY WUMPS” has turned “the air over all the world […] [into] one solid sheet of explosives.” This new edition, as noted above, adds a post-apocalyptic postscript — a concluding section called “Apocrypha from After the End.” Abandoning all semblance of narrative chronology, the 11 pieces gathered here are a bit anti-climactic, though we do learn more about the strange land of Olderrun, a “little land-locked and sea-starved country far across the tall mountains, where the old-fashioned flesh people still hold sway.” A bureau called the “Society for the Better Understanding of Ancient Customs” assists the denizens of Moderan in grasping the peculiar mores of this Luddite enclave, which inexplicably prefers the sweaty, mortal meat to the chilly blandishments of steel. Bunch, ever innovative, also conjures an alternative world-ending cataclysm, a not-with-a-bang debacle involving mutant metal-eating fleas that steadily gnaw away at our cyborg heroes. “Perhaps tomorrow,” the narrator muses, “some shiny new tomorrow, we shall ‘replace’ ourselves with the pure dream — a thing like rubber, maybe. Yes! A new-cell rubber alloy, that could be the answer.” Plus ça change … ¤
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	0	40	https://www.azquotes.com/author/2219-William_S_Burroughs/tag/dream	en	William S. Burroughs Quotes About Dreams	https://www.azquotes.com…2a1e432b381e.jpg	https://www.azquotes.com…2a1e432b381e.jpg	[ "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/link_icon.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/link_icon.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/link_icon.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public2/images/transparent_pixel_1x1.png", "https://www.azquotes.com/public/pictures/authors/b1/8e/b18e1535d3baa0a308618b2f217c1f81/52a1e432b381e.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "William S. Burroughs" ]	null	Discover William S. Burroughs quotes about dreams. Share with friends. Create amazing picture quotes from William S. Burroughs quotations.		https://www.azquotes.com/favicon.png	A-Z Quotes	https://www.azquotes.com/author/2219-William_S_Burroughs/tag/dream
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	0	56	https://dmrbooks.com/test-blog/2019/7/23/buzz-dixon-the-dmr-interview	en	The DMR Interview — DMR Books	http://static1.squarespace.com/static/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/59ffbed364265f6a40381e6b/5d3745b4bd912a0001fc652b/1563976829166/Buzz+Dixon+online+PR+photo+2015.jpg?format=1500w	http://static1.squarespace.com/static/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/59ffbed364265f6a40381e6b/5d3745b4bd912a0001fc652b/1563976829166/Buzz+Dixon+online+PR+photo+2015.jpg?format=1500w	[ "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/1600616185109-IBCDOLMA9WW4C7C24WK8/Website+Header.png?format=1500w", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/1563904425002-P5ATB9G81841KV0MYA5B/Buzz+Dixon+online+PR+photo+2015.jpg", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/1563904547555-0Z7T13A1D60XU67GZ0O6/Thundarr.jpg", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/1563905251607-HTP5DKXJYE86V0I57HYV/Penthouse+Comix.jpg", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/59c9b7ead2b857a85063e490/1563906393785-1HYRJ4NVMLOVXEX03X7S/dd%26dcover.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "D.M. Ritzlin" ]	2019-07-23T00:00:00	You may not be familiar with the name Buzz Dixon, but you’re definitely familiar with his work. Buzz has worked on everything from the Transformers and Dungeons and Dragons cartoons to Penthouse Comix! Since his novella “Q’a the Librarian” appears in the DMR Books anthology Death Dealers & D	en	https://assets.squarespace.com/universal/default-favicon.ico	DMR Books	https://dmrbooks.com/test-blog/2019/7/23/buzz-dixon-the-dmr-interview	Before you became a writer for cartoons, you’d written short stories. What genre were they? Were any of them ever published? I was a sci-fi / fantasy / horror fan from my early teens (even earlier if you count Famous Monsters and dinosaur comics), so almost everything I wrote fell in one of those genres. While I placed several articles in fanzines in the late 60s / early 70s, and reviews in pro & semi-prozines such as Science Fiction Review, Locus, and Cinefantastique, I hadn’t sold any fiction prior to being discharged from the Army in 1978. To make a very long story short, I came to L.A. with the intent of attending USC’s film school, looked for a job in the industry in order to get my feet wet while waiting for school to start, knocked on doors until I worked my way down to Filmation Studios and met Arthur Nadel, who was the live action producer there. Arthur was a wonderful, nice man and when he heard my background asked to see some of the stories I’d written. He recommended me to studio head Lou Scheimer and while I didn’t crack the live action field at that point, I did end up as a staff writer on their animated series. Never did make it to film school, however. You were one of half a dozen people listed in the credits for “story” for each episode of Thundarr the Barbarian. What was the writing process like? Did one person come up with a script and the others added their ideas to it, or was it a more collaborative process? Most animation studios at that time used “gang credits” for writers and storyboard artists. That’s to say everybody who worked on a show in a particular capacity got lumped together in the credits, regardless if you just sold a story idea (two or three paragraphs) or wrote several full scripts. Steve Gerber as the co-creator and story editor was the driving creative force in the writing department on that show, but as you note we also had Roy Thomas, Marty Pasko, Mark Evanier, Ted Pedersen, Chris Vane, Bill Wray, and Jeff Scott contributing to it, all of whom had extensive animation writing credits. The writing process was typically a group meeting with producer Joe Ruby and maybe the late John Dorman (head of Ruby-Spears’ storyboard department), and Jack Kirby (whom Steve Gerber persuaded Joe to hire to help design the look of the series; good call, if I say so myself). We’d kick around several story ideas, everybody chipping in suggestions, then we’d divvy them up among the staff writers (freelancers typically got to write at least the first draft script of any idea they pitched to Steve and sold). One time Jack came in with a sketch of a vehicle that would be seen in the background of one episode, an aircraft carrier flight deck lashed to a giant log raft. I took one look at it and said, “Oh, no, we’re not wasting this on a throwaway shot” and built an entire script around it, “Treasure Of The Moks”. You worked with Roy Thomas on both Thundarr and The Plastic Man Comedy/Adventure Show. What was it like working with the creator of the Conan comic books? Any funny or interesting stories you’d like to share? I had very little contact with Roy on Plastic Man; he was writing the main portion of the show and I was doing Mighty Man & Yukk segments (Mighty Man was a doll-sized superhero and Yukk was the world’s ugliest dog, a canine so hideous he had to wear a doghouse on his head or else wreak havoc on society). When Steve came on board, I got to meet a lot more of the comics creators through him. Roy and his wife Dann were animal lovers, and the house they had in San Pedro had been converted into a haven for small animals and birds. They removed the ceiling in the living room so it now extended up to the peak of the roof, and draped a large net to form a giant tube from floor to roof in which dozens of parrots, parakeets, and cockatoos could fly freely. They built an observation deck across the top of the roof you could reach via outside staircase, and converted their backyard into a near-jungle environment. They’re wonderful, sweet people and a delight to know. The Dungeons & Dragons episode you wrote, “Quest of the Skeleton Warrior,” seems to have struck a nerve with a lot of viewers. What sort of reaction were you hoping it would get? To be honest, the one we got! One of my frustrations in animation writing up to that point was that there was very little emotional weight to the stories we told. To use an extreme example, on a show like Super-Friends the Joker might steal the Eiffel Tower and Batman & Robin would have to get it back. I’d ask, “Who’s going to miss a meal if the Eiffel Tower is stolen? Who’s going to have their life significantly changed?” While I tried to have a little more emotional resonance to my Thundarr stories, it was still absolute good vs. absolute evil. When the Dungeons & Dragons show came along, I saw a chance to do a story with a little more depth, forcing our heroes to face their greatest fears, and an adversary who, while working for the bad guy, nonetheless possessed a rational and understandable reason for doing so. It was a great opportunity for me to stretch as a writer, and to my delight it did indeed strike a chord with many fans. Were you familiar with the D&D game before you wrote “Skeleton Warrior”? Why didn’t you write any more episodes for the show? I was aware of the game, and by that time had met Flint Dille, with whom I worked on a number of TSR related projects later. I forget the exact sequence of events, but I seem to recall I was one of the last writers to pitch to the show; in fact, it may have officially closed to pitches at that point but they let me come in based on my reputation and (to be honest) my working relationships with Mark Evanier (who wrote the pilot) and Michael Reaves (who story edited the show). A lot of people who later ended up at Sunbow working on G.I. Joe and Transformers first passed through Ruby-Spears and also the Dungeons & Dragons show, so those experiences were kind of a funnel for shaping the rest of my career. In general, how much creative leeway did you have? Did you have to butt heads with network executives or censors? It varied, and I had a reputation in the 1980s of being somewhat of a firebrand when it came to trying to push the envelope on shows. When we started work on the second season of Thundarr the Barbarian, we were told we’d have to tone the violence waaaaay down for the next batch of episodes. Joe Ruby fretted over this, realizing that would disappoint the show’s many fans. Based on my experience at Filmation (where CBS approved rotoscoped footage of Tarzan judo-throwing a guy in one season, then rejected the very same rotoscoping only with a different color costume in the next!), I told Joe we had to give them a season opener that was so crammed with over-the-top violence that no matter how badly they censored it, we’d still be left with an action packed show that we could point to in the future and say “You let us do that in the season opener.” “Who can we get to write that episode?” Joe asked, and every eye in the room turned to me… So I wrote “Wizard War”, a script so violent that even Joe Ruby blanched and said “We can’t send this in” and trimmed it before sending it out. Well, they did hack it to shreds, but as planned we kept the action level high enough to get us through the rest of the season. Steve Gerber edited the script and told me I was the only person he knew who could write a 45-page fight scene without repeating himself once. You wrote a couple episodes for the Garbage Pail Kids cartoon, which was infamous for being cancelled before it ever aired. Was the show as gross and outrageous as upset parents assumed it would be? Boy howdy! In the mid-‘90s you started writing for Penthouse Comix. Worlds away from what you’d done before! Were you sick of children’s cartoons, or did you just want to try something different? Another long and involved story, and I’ll try to keep it short. After Sunbow’s G.I. Joe and Transformers, I hit a serious lull in my career. A couple of projects I was slated for did not get off the ground, I was fired and subsequently blackballed at another studio for basically doing my job when the line producer had us sitting around twiddling our thumbs. I had a house to pay for, a family to feed, and when George Caragonne, an animation writer I knew who left L.A. with some mutual friends to crack comics publishing in NYC, sold the concept of Penthouse Comix to Bob Guccione, he called me up to come on board. I did so reluctantly, not really wanting to leave L.A., but needing the money (and Penthouse promised to pay me more than I’d ever made before in a single year). Unfortunately, in the intervening years between when I last saw George in L.A. and meeting him again in NYC, he’d gone from a big, goofy fun-loving huggable bear of a guy to a really dark and depraved individual fully consumed by his inner demons. He was a genuine bona fide drug fiend, literally. There was not a chemical he did not smoke / snort / drink / swallow / inject / or otherwise ingest. His weight ballooned up to 450 lbs., and with his drug buddies in the company (about 1/4 to 1/3 of the staff & regular contributors) he grew more and more unpredictable and dangerous. I describe my time there as a 90-day bathyspheric excursion into the bowels of hell. I realized somebody was going to end up in jail, in the hospital, or in the morgue and it wasn’t going to be me. I finally told him I liked him too much to stay until I started despising him, quit, and wished him good fortune. About ten days later he jumped off the top of the Marriott Marquis atrium, plunging 44 floors to his death. Out of all the cartoon episodes you’ve written, which are your favorites? “The Traitor” for G.I. Joe probably tops the list, followed by “Quest of the Skeleton Warrior” for Dungeon & Dragons, and "C Flat or B Sharp" for Tiny Toons. That was the weirdest story I ever wrote, at least in terms of format. I pitched it by saying “The Tiny Toons deliver a piano to the tune of Hungarian Rhapsody No. 2” and they bought the idea immediately. The problem came in how to write it so it fit the music. I bought an LP of the Franz Liszt composition and recorded myself describing the action in time to the music. They handed that tape to the animators who did the show based off that! I have to say there are two things about "C Flat or B Sharp" that irritate me to this day, however: First off, somebody goofed on the title card and ruined the joke; it was supposed to be “C Sharp or B Flat”. Second, it was selected by the L.A. Philharmonic to be shown with live musical accompaniment at a special concert at the Hollywood Bowl and nobody at Warner Bros. told me about it! Was it difficult to adjust from writing TV scripts to prose? Not really. You get to open up a little more of the interior landscape by describing what a character thinks or feels, but it’s still the same basic discipline. The biggest challenge is finding your “voice” in prose, a way of expressing yourself that comes across as natural and unforced. You can gravitate to the extreme loquaciousness of H.P. Lovecraft or the pure simplicity of Ray Bradbury, but it has to sound right for you. Your story “Q’a the Librarian” features wizards who sell their services as demon summoners, acting as middlemen between the demons and the customers who wish to make pacts with them. How did you come up with this idea? There’s a couple of cartoons floating around the Internet labeled “Conan the Librarian” showing Schwarzenegger in full Conan regalia sitting behind a modern library desk or something similar. I got to thinking, “Well, what kind of library would Conan work in?” Obviously, if set in a mythical ancient world it had to be something on the scale of the legendary Library of Alexandria. Why would a library need Conan? Well, if it’s a magic library they want somebody on hand to deal with any entities they might summon up that need putting down. Problem: Conan is trademarked. All the best known heroic adventure characters are, so I realized I needed to create my own. Since I didn’t want to do a flat out copy of Conan, I created a female barbarian character from the equivalent of sub-Sahara Africa: Q’a. When I started writing it, I thought it would be a fun little short story 2,500-3,000 words long, 3,500 tops. Instead it clocked in at 16,000+ and inspired an as yet unsold 29,000+ sequel! I’m planning at least two more novellas to finish off her story and possibly a stage play in which she and a party of travelers are trapped in a cave in a blizzard, only the cave is already claimed by a very unpleasant inhabitant… What new projects have you been working on lately? I have two Young Adult novels coming out soon, plus a mainstream social satire I’ve been working on for some time. This year I set a goal of trying to write one short story a week and while I haven’t always met that goal, I’ve got three dozen stories in circulation and so far this year have sold five (including “Q’a the Librarian”). The stories range from sci-fi to fantasy to horror to mystery to crime to just plain off the wall. Name one newer and one older book you have read and enjoyed recently. (“Newer” meaning from the past year or so, and “older” meaning written before 1980.) I’m reading Call Me Burroughs: A Life, by Barry Miles, a biography of William S. Burroughs, one of the legendary Beat Generation writers (I’ve long been fascinated with the Beats). For an older book, I recently re-read Dangerous Visions, edited by Harlan Ellison, and plan to be blogging about that at length. Any final words? “Zoo” and “zygote” (those are the final two words in the reverse dictionary I keep by my writing desk).
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https://duet-cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/0x0:1110x775/2400x1676/filters:focal(555x388:556x389):format(webp)/cdn2.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/9388439/bladerunnertitles.jpg 2400w", "https://www.theverge.com/icons/native-ad-placeholder.png", "https://www.theverge.com/icons/native-ad-placeholder.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Adi Robertson" ]	2017-10-04T00:00:00	We’ve reached the future from Blade Runner — but we’re a decade past The Bladerunner, a book that inspired the name of Ridley Scott’s film. It’s part of a saga that includes William S. Burroughs, eugenics, and actual blades.	en	/icons/favicon.ico	The Verge	https://www.theverge.com/2017/10/4/16416082/blade-runner-name-backstory-ridley-scott-william-burroughs-alan-nourse	As of November 2019, we’ve officially caught up with Blade Runner’s dystopian future. But we’re already ten years past the very different book that inspired its name. Most fans of Ridley Scott’s 1982 film are aware that it’s based on a novel by Philip K. Dick, and that the book is not called Blade Runner. If you pick up Dick’s novel Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep?, you’ll notice the term never appears in it. Even in the movie, “blade runner” is a slick but random name for mercenaries who hunt replicants. But it isn’t meaningless. Blade Runner’s remarkably weird title has its own backstory, which has nothing to do with androids, bounty hunters, or tears in rain. Blade Runner owes its name to screenwriter Hampton Fancher, who drafted the film’s first treatments under titles that included Android and Dangerous Days. In the midst of extensive rewrites, Scott caught a reference to a “blade runner,” loved the name, and asked Fancher about it. “I thought, Christ, that’s terrific!” Scott said in a 1982 interview. “Well, the writer looked guilty and said, ‘As a matter of fact, it’s not my phrase.’” It was the title of a book by Beat Generation author William S. Burroughs — “oddly enough,” Scott said, called Blade Runner: A Movie. The team got permission from Burroughs to use the name, and after that, “it just stuck, because it was fun.” But the real story of Blade Runner starts several years earlier. The original blade runners were actually “bladerunners,” created by Alan Nourse, a physician and science fiction author who often channeled his professional experience into his stories. Published in 1974 and set in the distant future of 2009, The Bladerunner was one of Nourse’s last novels. In it, a confluence of overpopulation, advanced surveillance, and computerized records has ushered in a totalitarian eugenics experiment: anyone who needs medical treatment must submit to sterilization, since the government has concluded that a sick or injured person is by definition unfit to reproduce. ‘The Bladerunner’ actually does involve people running with blades In The Bladerunner’s future New York, underground doctors have set up a parallel hospital system, threatened by police on one hand and anti-medicine rioters on the other. With medical supply sales strictly controlled, every practitioner needs a good bladerunner: a scrappy youth who fences pills, syringes, and scalpels. It’s a stable system, until an epidemic of deadly meningitis hits the city — and because it starts as a mild flu, nobody’s willing to get treated until it’s too late. It’s up to bladerunners to spread the word and save the city, at the potential cost of their freedom and their lives. Nourse’s 2009 Manhattan is as gritty as anything in Scott’s 2019 Los Angeles, divided into the bustling Upper City and the dingy, dangerous Lower City. But it’s a distinctly pre-cyberpunk piece of high-concept science fiction, extrapolating a disastrous future out of contemporary anxieties. In 1974, The Population Bomb was still considered an urgent warning. Recent films like ZPG and Soylent Green (based on an earlier novel by Harry Harrison) depicted crowded futures sustained by cannibalism, suicide parlors, and draconian birth-control mandates. And forced sterilization wasn’t science fiction at all — some states still condoned it for the “feeble-minded” or mentally ill. But some elements of Nourse’s book are timeless. Its premise is “bureaucrats control society through universal healthcare,” which has inevitably been interpreted as an indictment of Obamacare. Characters spend a lot of time evading biometric surveillance and spoofing location trackers to stay ahead of an overbearing police force. Surgeons are being replaced with “pantographic” robots that record and replay operations, and a subplot follows one of the protagonists’ comically elaborate plans to confuse them. You can look for a critique of surveillance, scientific solutionism, or Obamacare And above all, The Bladerunner criticizes thoughtless, overly neat scientific solutionism that makes sweeping changes without looking at the effect on individual human lives. Nourse hasn’t written a literary masterwork; the characters aren’t deep or interesting enough, and the conflict wraps up too easily. Still, it’s an engaging story that feels dated yet not quaint, and unlike a lot of little-known mid-century fiction, it’s easily accessible as an ebook. The Bladerunner didn’t make a huge splash in the science fiction world. But a couple of years after its release, Burroughs — at that point an influential New York counterculture figure — found a copy and was enthralled by the idea of filming it. Burroughs quickly negotiated a rights deal and spent the next four months churning out a treatment, which his assistant James Grauerholz assured Nourse’s agent had “extraordinary possibilities as a movie.” This praise was somewhat hyperbolic. Burroughs had a serious interest in cinema — he’d filmed an experimental project called The Cut-Ups in the 1960s, alongside exploitation-film distributor Antony Balch. But his forays into Hollywood hadn’t ended well. A script called The Last Words of Dutch Schultz was relegated to a written work, the fate that eventually befell Blade Runner as well. And a quest to film Burroughs’ seminal novel Naked Lunch went nowhere, after failed attempts to work with Mick Jagger and The Gong Show producer Chuck Barris. (David Cronenberg eventually adapted it in 1991.) As an added challenge with Blade Runner, Burroughs emphasized and expanded the weirdest elements of his source material, ending up with a story that would have required blockbuster-level funding to film. His introduction of the city begins like this: In the year 2014 New York, world center for underground medicine, is the most glamorous, the most dangerous, the most exotic, vital, far-out city the world has ever seen. The only public transport is the old IRT limping along at five miles an hour through dimly-lit tunnels. The other lines are derelict. Hand-propelled and steam-driven cars transport produce, the stations have been converted into markets. The lower tunnels are flooded, giving rise to an underground Venice. The upper reaches of derelict skyscrapers, without elevator service since the riots, have been taken over by hang-glider and autogyro gangs, mountaineers, and steeple-jacks… In Burroughs’ vision of New York, two walls cordon off Midtown Manhattan, while skyscrapers are webbed with connective catwalks. Zoo animals roam the parks and waterways. An extended narrative setup introduces, among other things, a paradisiacal colony of welfare-leeching radioactive lepers and a civil war started by Christian extremists. Filming Burroughs’ vision would have required blockbuster-level funding Burroughs’ Blade Runner focuses less on medical theory than on the culturally transgressive potential of bladerunners. Health care isn’t rationed just because of a wrong-headed scientific analysis, but because it’s a chance to rid society of anyone who’s black, gay, or otherwise “undesirable.” The final novella — a disjointed series of frequently repeated vignettes with slight differences — has a typically Burroughsian drug-fueled surrealism. Instead of meningitis, the country faces an accelerated cancer pandemic treated with an ancient virus drawn from a crystal skull, which itself causes bizarre mutations and uncontrollable sexual frenzy. His story ends with the protagonist Billy apparently hallucinating that he’s traveled to 1914. There were occasional moves toward an actual movie, but Burroughs almost immediately acknowledged that it was unlikely the project would ever come to fruition. In a mid-1977 lecture series, he said a screenwriter friend had advised him to scrap the project, warning him that “you’ll have to tear down New York for this film.” Burroughs estimated that it would cost $5 million just to film the riots in the prologue. Art curator Diego Cortez did later option the rights for a movie, but he couldn’t raise enough money to film it. So Blade Runner: A Movie became one of Burroughs’ most obscure written works, with the “movie” descriptor serving mostly to distinguish it from Nourse’s book. The only true ‘Blade Runner’ adaptation is about militant feminists brainwashing Bill Paxton Just as Nourse’s work resurfaced in Burroughs’ novella, though, Blade Runner made its way back to the film world in the 1980s — and not just through Ridley Scott. The name went to Scott, but Burroughs’ dystopian future went to a young filmmaker named Tom Huckabee, who used it as the backdrop for an avant-garde project called Taking Tiger Mountain. Huckabee recruited Burroughs himself for the film, having him narrate a voiceover using clips from Blade Runner: A Movie. But Huckabee’s film dropped the underground medicine plot in favor of having Billy, played by a young Bill Paxton, kidnapped by a group of militant feminists, who brainwash him into killing the head of a sex trafficking ring. Taking Tiger Mountain remained virtually unknown for years. (You can see the trailer for a rare public screening, featuring distinctly not-safe-for-work audio, below.) In 2019, though, it was finally released on home video — alongside, in the true spirit of Blade Runner, a controversial “revisited” director’s cut that substantially changes the film. Taking Tiger Mountain premiered not long after Blade Runner, and in a 2014 interview, Huckabee even claims to have broken the news about Scott’s final title to Burroughs. “There had been talk about them using the name,” he says, and Grauerholz had agreed on a price of $5,000, “which at the time seemed like a good deal to them.” But according to Huckabee, they didn’t realize it was actually being used until Huckabee — killing time at one of Burroughs’ book signings — stumbled across a magazine’s promotional spread advertising Blade Runner. While Burroughs doesn’t appear to have been involved in Scott’s Blade Runner, he did have a major influence on the cyberpunk genre — he was a favorite author of William Gibson, who published Neuromancer in 1984. And Fancher himself personally met Burroughs while trying (unsuccessfully) to work with him on a film project. But the real credit for Blade Runner’s memorable title doesn’t go to him. It belongs to Nourse, who coined a phrase so evocative that it transcends any fictional context. Whatever a “blade runner” does, it has to be cool. So Blade Runner 2049 is the sequel to a movie based on a book but named after a completely unrelated film treatment of yet another book, which was itself published as a third book with the subtitle “A Movie.” In case that’s not confusing enough, the latest reissue of Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep? is also titled Blade Runner. And we won’t even get into the three Blade Runner sequel books by K.W. Jeter. The name was a happy coincidence for Scott. Who knows whether audiences would have been as intrigued by a film called Dangerous Days. But it’s a shame that we’ll probably never see Nourse’s novel, or better yet, Burroughs’ science fiction fever dream, get its own turn on the big screen. Either one would make for a great movie — but you’d need a new name for the bladerunners first. Update November 1, 2019: Updated on the official date of Blade Runner’s future.
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	3	78	https://weirdfictionreview.com/2012/01/weirdfictionreviews-101-weird-writers-1-bob-leman-by-jim-rockhill/	en	Weird Fiction Review	https://i0.wp.com/weirdf…=930%2C460&ssl=1	https://i0.wp.com/weirdf…=930%2C460&ssl=1	[ "https://weirdfictionreview.com/wp-content/themes/weirdfictionreview/images/logo.png", "https://i0.wp.com/weirdfictionreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/01/Bob-Leman1.jpg?resize=203%2C300", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/bc7c21e5dce5ac6195944901319c9733?s=40&d=mm&r=g", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/daab2f585a70abb163682935260eb853?s=40&d=mm&r=g", "https://i0.wp.com/www.paypal.com/en_US/i/scr/pixel.gif?resize=1%2C1&ssl=1", "https://weirdfictionreview.com/wp-content/plugins/jetpack/images/rss/red-medium.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "jeffvandermeer", "Jim Rockhill" ]	2012-01-17T14:46:41+00:00	This is the first of an ongoing series on 101 weird writers featured in The Weird compendium, the anthology that serves as the inspiration for this site. Every Tuesday and Thursday, Weirdfictionreview.com will feature a different writer. There is no ranking system; the order is determined by the schedule of posts. Bob Leman (1922 — 2006) was an American science […]	en	https://weirdfictionrevi…e-touch-icon.png	Weird Fiction Review	https://weirdfictionreview.com/2012/01/weirdfictionreviews-101-weird-writers-1-bob-leman-by-jim-rockhill/	This is the first of an ongoing series on 101 weird writers featured in The Weird compendium, the anthology that serves as the inspiration for this site. Every Tuesday and Thursday, Weirdfictionreview.com will feature a different writer. There is no ranking system; the order is determined by the schedule of posts. Bob Leman (1922 — 2006) was an American science fiction and horror short story author, most often associated with The Magazine of Fantasy & Science Fiction. Leman’s first story appeared when he was forty-five. “Window” (1980), which is part of The Weird compendium’s exploration of “weird SF,” is his most famous story. Nominated for the Nebula Award, it was adapted for an episode of Night Visions, directed by and starring Bill Pullman. Another of Leman’s stories, “How Dobbstown Was Saved,” was to have been published in the Harlan Ellison anthology The Last Dangerous Visions but eventually appeared in the collection Feesters in the Lake and Other Stories (2002). You can read his story “Loob” on Weirdfictionreview.com as well. The original version of the following revised essay by Jim Rockhill first appeared as the introduction to that collection. - Adam Mills, editor of “101 Weird Writers” * In his infamous dismissal of H. P. Lovecraft, “Tales of the Marvellous and the Ridiculous” (The New Yorker, November 24, 1945), Edmund Wilson singles out Prosper Mérimée’s tale, “La Venus d’Ille,” as an exemplar of how such tales should be written: “(I) was relieved to find it narrated — though it was almost as fantastic as Lovecraft — with the prosaic objectivity of an anecdote of travel.”(1) Wilson has, of course, been overly harsh on Lovecraft, and it is now clear that much of what he wrote was prompted not by Lovecraft’s work, but by his recent perusal of August Derleth’s pseudo-collaborative pastiches. Nonetheless, there is much in what he has written that bears consideration. Mérimée’s is a classical, restrained prose that eschews Lovecraft’s “incessant effort to work up the expectations of the reader by sprinkling his stories with such adjectives as ‘horrible,’ ‘frightful,’ ‘awesome,’ ‘eerie,’ ‘weird,’ ‘forbidden,’ ‘unhallowed,’ ‘unholy,’ ‘blasphemous,’ ‘hellish’ and ‘infernal.’ ”(2) “La Venus d’Ille,” the theriomorphic fantasy, “Lokis,” the conte cruel, “Matteo Falcone,” the brutal romance, “Carmen,” and others strike us as all the more horrible for taking place in otherwise mundane settings, among individuals who at first seem otherwise unremarkable, and in language that never calls attention to itself. The intrusion or eruption, when it does occur, arrives with a greater shock than if the reader had been prepared for it ahead of time by paragraphs of foreboding rhetoric. At its best, Lovecraft’s baroque prose has a special grandeur capable of producing an almost suffocating weight of horror, but the terror that strikes in the placid, sunlit street is capable of equal power. Unfortunately, many proponents of one style continue to deny legitimacy to the other, just as the worst imitators of either style turn misconceptions about what makes either body of work successful into a series of unwitting parodies, the least imaginative of Lovecraft’s followers burying their tales under a mountain of references and stilted prose, while large factions of the supposedly quieter school churn out either supernatural soap-operas or cryptic fragments as mysterious as the tongue’s quest for a recently extracted tooth. This divide is due not only to divergent attitudes towards prose and the creation of atmosphere, but to the individual writer’s notions concerning how best to craft the horror tale as well. In spite of centuries of sterling examples that prove otherwise, many practitioners and theorists still hold that it is not possible to successfully delineate character and sustain dread in the same work — that one vitiates the other. Even more adamant are those who hold that the creation of cosmic horror and the mundane concerns necessary to produce convincing characters are mutually exclusive. This is, admittedly, a difficult proposition, but not altogether insoluble. One writer who successfully pursues a melding of these two approaches to the tale of horror is Bob Leman, thirteen of whose lucid, slyly imaginative tales appeared in The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction between 1967 and 1988, in addition to one tale published in Charles L. Grant’s anthology series Shadows, and one additional story first published in the Midnight House omnibus of Leman’s shorter fiction, Feesters in the Lake & Other Stories. Ever the perfectionist, he did not seek a publisher for his one novel, which remains in manuscript. Leman packed a wide range of experience and interests into his 84 years, and it is a pity that his fictional output, though high in quality is relatively small in quantity. His deep love of literature ranged from the novels and letters of William Faulkner, Henry James, George Orwell, Virginia Woolf, and other mainstream writers to the thrillers of Richard Condon and Joel Townsley Rogers, Golden Age science fiction, and an often ambivalent appreciation for the work of H. P. Lovecraft. “I cannot remember a time when I was not greedy for fantasy. When I was nine an aunt gave me the first three Tarzan books, which led to Burroughs’s Mars books and Carl H. Claudy’s serials in Boy’s Life and American Boy, which were cribbed from H. G. Wells, who was my next and great discovery. There was also Dorothy L. Sayers’s marvelous anthology, Omnibus of Crime, which was half mystery short stories and half fantasy, and introduced me to most of the English ghost and horror writers pre-1930. At eleven or twelve I discovered the pulps. I read constantly, everything I could lay my hands on.”(3) This absorption of literature in all its guises made him one of the most self-critical and least complacent writers of horror fiction during the 1980s, when the majority of his work was published. Each tale demonstrates tight plotting, excellent characterization and an exemplary lack of adjectival fog. Awe-inspiring and horrific events abound, but no effect for effect’s sake is allowed, there are no atmospheric set-pieces, and no hysterical ramblings, only recognizably real people responding to situations as real people must respond rather than as puppets created to aid the plot. His characters often embrace one viewpoint at the beginning of a story only to have that viewpoint altered by experience and a growing appreciation for a situation’s full implications as a story progresses. Some of the elements that make Leman’s work such a delight to read are his insistence, in tale after tale, upon setting himself new challenges, placing narrative conventions on their heads, and taking a mischievous delight in making the reader believe he is heading in one direction while setting traps that ensure he will invariably go in another. * Robert Joseph Leman was born in Woodford County, Illinois in 1922. After attending grade school and high school in rural Illinois, he entered the University of Illinois in Champaign-Urbana, but found his Junior year of college interrupted by America’s entry into World War II. Leman rarely spoke of the three and a half years he served in Europe as an artillery officer, telling only a few of his role during the Battle of the Bulge and fewer still of his experiences during the liberation of the Ohrdruf concentration camp. In 1947, a year after returning home from the war, he graduated from the University of Illinois with a bachelor’s degree in political science, married, and took a job as a “land man” for the oil industry, acquiring leases and negotiating drilling contracts for the company now called Exxon. Transfers to Oklahoma, Colorado, and Wyoming ended in 1961 when he settled into a suburb of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania with his wife and two daughters, a move followed four years later when he departed Exxon to go into the oil business for himself. Leman had retired, and was still living in Bethel Park, Pennsylvania when Feesters in the Lake was printed in 2002, a scant four years before his death on August 8, 2006. I shall always regret that I was not able to meet Bob in person, but treasure the few days I was able to spend with his wife of fifty-nine years, his two daughters, sons-in-law, and four grandchildren after his funeral. They are as much a testimony to this extraordinary man as is his writing. Although a continuing member of First Fandom, which restricts its membership to those fans active before 1938, he states he was most active in science fiction and fantasy fandom for roughly a decade, between the years 1956 and 1967, during which time he published a fanzine he first entitled The American Journal of Oculenteratology. The journal reappeared under a new title, The Vinegar Worm, before he renamed it Nematode upon his entry into S.A.P.S., the Spectator Amateur Press Society. Leman returned the name of the journal to The Vinegar Worm once he gained entry to the older and more prestigious F.A.P.A., the Fantasy Amateur Press Association, in 1959. This variously titled journal was, to quote its editor, “completely written by me with no fancy graphics or illustrations — mostly humorous, mostly essays, and sometimes a story. It contained quite a bit of parody and some satire.”(4) The parodies of “New Wave” science fiction that make up most of the one issue I have read (5) are both funny and accurate in their deflation of the portentous tone and stylistic pretensions that marred much of the work from this period. “After the war I made my first moves toward collecting, by searching out all the issues of the magazines that I’d missed during the war, and, after I had done those, it seemed only logical to find and buy for rereading purposes the stack that had been donated to a wartime paper drive while I wasn’t there to defend them, and then, of course, it became imperative to locate the copies printed before I found the magazines. One thing led to another.”(6) Leman stated that he had read every issue of The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction since its inception as The Magazine of Fantasy in October 1949, enjoyed Weird Tales and Thrilling Wonder, but still believes that the best science fiction remains that published in Astounding and Analog during the editorship of John W. Campbell, Jr. He qualified this with a chuckle by quoting Peter Graham’s famous quip, “The Golden Age of Science Fiction is 12,” then admitting that, like everyone else, he formed his tastes in his youth. His canon of great horror writers included the familiar names of Joseph Sheridan Le Fanu, Edgar Allan Poe, Arthur Machen and M. R. James. Leman’s attitude toward Lovecraft can best be described as ambivalent. Like many, he had been deeply impressed by Lovecraft’s fiction at an early age, but stated that when he read him again as an adult, he was shocked to find him “the worst and most tedious writer.” One frustrating result of this ambivalence occurred when he had the opportunity to win a copy of The Outsider in a lottery held by one of the booth holders at a convention in 1958. Carrying the winning ticket and given first choice of the items on display, Leman instead opted for another, more prominently displayed prize. His rediscovery of Lovecraft did not occur until years later when, reading The Dream Quest of Unknown Kadath, he was “amazed at how much of what was happening was completely unexpected. A lot of the scenes and images are fixed in my mind forever. It was as if I had found Lovecraft all over again. Every time I thought about The Outsider, I wanted to kick myself.” The dissolution of his science fiction collection coincided with his first attempt to write for publication. Both stemmed from the same source — his disillusion with the direction science fiction was taking in the 1960s. “I sold my science fiction collection to Bob Madle in 1967 and, unlike many people, have not spent any time since trying to purchase it all back. I had a discussion with a writer at a science fiction convention the year before who had published a lot of work, and thought, if this fellow could write a story and get it published, so could I. I wrote ‘Bait’ to satisfy myself that I could do it if I tried, and its publication seemed to satisfy me until I wrote another a decade later.” This first tale, “Bait” appeared in the January 1967 issue of The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction.(7) This seems, at first glance, to be a fairly conventional tale about a traveling salesman attempting to convince his customer that the larger-than-life claims made of his product have a basis in reality. One of the most frustrating phenomena in supernatural fiction is the willingness of people, apparently living in the same world as you and I, to accept anything told them, no matter how outlandish, with barely a moment’s hesitation. Leman deftly bypasses this first by presenting most of this information as a sales pitch interrupted by dialogue rather than in great chunks of exposition, then begins adding subtle details that make us ask why this customer should accept all of this information with such familiarity. He repeatedly shifts the dynamics between salesman and customer so that such details as the source of his rejuvenating protein, the nature of his book and this customer’s eagerness to accept everything she is told begin to take on increasingly disturbing undertones. Every time the reader thinks he understands what is happening, Leman adds a new element that changes our perception of events. Even better is Leman’s next tale, “Industrial Complex,” which premiered in the May 1977 issue, little more than a decade after the first tale. It begins in time-honored Unknown fashion with a man who believes himself to be insane, and is just as adept as that magazine’s less forgiving tales at suddenly turning a ridiculous situation into a horrible one. Leman succeeds in turning that old joke, “Help! The paranoids are after me!” into a mind-bending odyssey that owes as much to Lovecraft’s “The Shadow out of Time” as it does to any of the tales of Fredric Brown, Henry Kuttner or their fellows. Even when events are at their most extreme, the prose remains clear and precise. Two years passed before the poignant time-slip tale, “Loob,” reprinted here on Weirdfictionreview.com, appeared in the magazine’s April 1979 issue of The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction, and in true Leman fashion is more than the sum of its parts. Following the theory of serial time advanced by the Anglo-Irish engineer and philosopher John William Dunne (1875 – 1949) in such books as An Experiment with Time (1927), The Serial Universe (1934), The New Immortality (1938), and Nothing Dies (1940), A. E. van Vogt’s classic “The Ghost” (Unknown Worlds, August 1942) had posited the presence of supernatural phenomena in terms of parallels and disruptions in the time continuum. Leman lends further complications and a deeper emotional resonance to these concepts by making the nexus of these disruptions a mentally deficient and emotionally disturbed man for whom, like William Faulkner’s Benjy Compson, past and present, dream and reality coexist without any clear boundaries. Bob Leman is one of the field’s least complacent writers. One of the things that makes his work such a delight to read is that in tale after tale, he sets himself new challenges, puts narrative conventions on their heads, and takes obvious delight in making the reader believe he is heading in one direction while setting traps that ensure he will invariably go in another. “Change of Address,” which appeared in September 1979, gives the lie to the notion that characterization and the cosmic frisson cannot exist side by side. The plot at first resembles one from the pages of Unknown or the novels of Thorne Smith. The opening portrait of bibulous self-pity is, like that in “Skirmish on Bastable Street” of two years later, both funny and pathetic. There is nothing sentimental about it. The remainder of the tale describes the development of an independent human personality in an alien presence that is as charming on an individual level as it is terrifying on a cosmic one. If one can imagine the great ball set on the eve of Waterloo in Thackeray’s Vanity Fair with the fate of worlds at stake, or Dunsany’s great dreaming god, Māna-Yood-Sushaï, resting ever more fitfully against a background of frivolity, one might be granted a glimpse of the contradictions that drive this story and makes its final, simple image so chilling. “Window” is Leman’s most famous story, having debuted in March 1980, appeared that next year in two anthologies collecting the year’s best science fiction, and in two subsequent volumes devoted to the best stories published in The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction as well as its recent appearance in The Weird (Corvus Imprint, 2011), edited by Jeff and Ann VanderMeer. The television series Night Visions aired a filmed adaptation of the tale starring Bill Pullman and titled “A View Through a Window” on July 19, 2001. I love the way the “Gosh! Wow!” Scientifiction mood of this tale changes significantly at the first mention of the word “teeth,” then grows progressively darker. One of the author’s cleverest and most relentless tales, “Window” deserves its fame. A conversation with Harlan Ellison, after “Window” became a finalist for the Best Short Story Nebula Award, led to Leman’s submission of “How Dobbstown Was Saved” to the mammoth, legendary, still-unpublished anthology, Last Dangerous Visions in February 1981. It is a shame that this tale has never seen print prior to its inclusion in the present volume, as it is a delightful romp through every pulp and B‑movie cliché imaginable. Furthermore, odd details in the narrative soon make it clear that the narrator is far from reliable or disinterested. The tone teeters between the ironic detachment associated with Jay Ward’s Fractured Fairy Tales and the exuberant grotesquerie that characterizes the supernatural tales of Nikolai Gogol. One could label this a “tale of the marvellous and the ridiculous” without any fear of paradox. I would give much to see the illustration Mr. Ellison commissioned for this tale from Tim Kirk. Discussing the countless pastiches published since Lovecraft’s death, Bob Leman told me, “You cannot copy Lovecraft any more; if you are going to attempt to enter his world, you need to do something new in it.” As if he had not already proven the truth of this statement in earlier tales, Leman makes a number of overtly Lovecraftian themes his own in a series of tales published in The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction between October 1980 and March 1988. Some of these are set in and around the somnolent mill-town of Sturkeyville nestled among the northern Appalachians in mythical Goster County, which had been introduced in “Loob”. Like Lovecraft’s Miskatonic River Valley, this is a region with a long history of colonization and development, desertion and decay — a region of the Midwest normal and placid on the surface beneath which seethes all manner of occult activity. The opening paragraph to “Feesters in the Lake” (October 1980) deliberately eschews two devices favored by the horror-story writer — an atmospheric build-up to revelation on the final page and the oblique reference to horror given at the beginning that gains coherence throughout the remainder of the narrative. Leman, who realizes that most of his audience has already read either Lovecraft’s “The Shadow over Innsmouth” or one of its many imitations, therefore opens his tale with a description of the monsters and then proceeds to tell us why their story is relevant to the human population of Goster County. As with Theodore Sturgeon’s “A Way of Thinking” and Stephen King’s “The Crate,” the human response to events turns out to be even more horrible than the supernatural one. “Skirmish in Bastable Street” and “Unlawful Possession” appeared in the June 1981 and September 1983 issues respectively, and mix elements of the fairy tale with the kind of seriocomic approach to the supernatural displayed in Henry Kuttner’s demonic bargain stories of the 1940s and 1950s, such as “Compliments of the Author,” “The Devil We Know” and “By These Presents.” The most fascinating thing about the former tale, aside from its Moebius strip plot, is Leman’s decision to make the protagonists as unattractive a pair of squabbling drunkards as any in fiction. Like the Kuttner tales cited, “Unlawful Possession” also contains more than its share of twists and paradoxes, including the first of Leman’s unusual takes on love and affection. Ghouls called up from the cellar are just the beginning of the events and complications that arise in “The Tehama” (December 1981), which moves outside Goster County and makes inventive use of Native American legends. The Lovecraft references are more oblique in this tale than in “Feesters in the Lake,” but the themes are not. Before the tale ends, the reader can not help but recall the warning, “Doe not call up Any that you can not put downe” in The Case of Charles Dexter Ward and those horrors of which even the monsters are afraid in At the Mountains of Madness and “The Shadow out of Time.” As with all of the themes he uses, Leman has developed these materials independently making them his own. Although “Skirmish in Bastable Street” and “Unlawful Possession” each nod toward Sturkeyville, “The Pilgrimage of Clifford M.” published in May 1984 marks Leman’s first return to Goster County’s evocative back country in four years, and is as much a tour de force as any of the other tales set in that vicinity. Ostensibly the revision and recasting of a technical paper, like the tales in Joseph Sheridan Le Fanu’s In a Glass Darkly, this fine tale chronicles the life of one member of a species known to folklore as the vampire from its first documented sighting as “Ossie’s Monkey” in the 1880s, through fugitive appearance in books concerning feral children, to its emergence into adult human society. The tale seamlessly melds elements ranging from Edward Lucas White’s “Amina” to Donald A. Wollheim’s “Mimic,” and even the hideously immortal Struldbrugs who appear in Part Three of Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels. Its alternation of the dry, pedantic, clinical tone of the investigator with the increasingly human tones of the creature he is studying is masterful and increasingly poignant. “Instructions,” which appeared four months later in the same magazine, has no room for such considerations. It is pure, merciless manipulation by an intelligence completely indifferent to anything besides its own goals. I think Clark Ashton Smith, author of “The Abominations of Yondo” and “The Maze of Maal Dweb,” would have approved of the tale’s amoral logic and the inventive malignity of its landscapes. All texts subsequent to the first magazine appearance, including this one, restore the line with which the author originally intended the tale to end. Leman again plays against the reader’s expectations in “Olida” (April 1987), set in a degenerate insulated community residing amid the decrepit remains of a village not far from the county seat in Sturkeyville. This is home to the titular hill-country femme fatale, descendant of the ancient and decaying Selkirk family, part Lavinia Whateley and part Asenath Waite, and connected mysteriously to the Very Great. The tale contains an amazing number of echoes from “The Dunwich Horror” and “The Thing on the Doorstep,” but Leman consistently reshapes them to his own ends with surprising results. When “Come Where My Love Lies Dreaming” first appeared in Charles L. Grant’s anthology Shadows 10 (Doubleday, 1987), many expected to see a broadened interest in his work and a further outpouring of fiction, but this was not to be. Leman had this and one more Lovecraftian tale in store for his readers before he abruptly gave up fiction. This tale has nothing to do with Lovecraft, being instead the story of a man haunted by love. In true Leman fashion, the very nature of the ghost grows from reassuring to terrifying, its calm, perfect beauty as horrible as the thing that comes after Katharine Ross at the climax of The Stepford Wives. Whereas Steven Mariconda has referred to “The Dreams in the Witch House” as “Lovecraft’s Magnificent Failure,”(8) I have always found that tale both magnificent and terrifying. It is “The Thing on the Doorstep” that has continued to give me qualms over the years. Its cosmicism is consistently undercut by inadequacies in the protagonists and their characterization so fundamental that the domestic tragedy not only fails to seem inevitable, but also succeeds in largely vitiating the tale’s wider implications. In one last visit to Goster County, Bob Leman’s final tale, “The Time of the Worm” (March 1988) negotiates similar terrain with bleakly brilliant results. The range of influence in this tale of personality displacement is now wider and the extent of control even more extreme. More important is Leman’s keen display of the phenomenon’s human impact. He replaces the self-pity that seems to be so much a part of Edward Pickman Derby’s response to his situation with terror, desperation and even self-sacrifice. Love, a major theme of Leman’s penultimate tale, and a disturbing subtext in “Unlawful Possession,” is also demonstrated here in both its natural and twisted forms. It counterpoints events with results that are simultaneously pathetic and utterly pitiless. Fifteen tales may not seem large body of work for a man writing over a period of three decades, but the depth of each work makes up in quality what it may lack in quantity; hence this collection of marvellous tales, ridiculous only when Mr. Leman’s artistry will have it so. One can only regret that Mr. Leman felt he had “ ‘fall’n into the sere, the yellow leaf’ ” and that “whatever creative spark I had for a while just went away” by the time this first attempt to collect his fiction was going to press. Years ago, when I first asked Scream/Press and then Arkham House if they would consider a book of Mr. Leman’s tales, I could easily envision such a collection squeezed onto a shelf alongside such American masters of weird literature as Edgar Allan Poe, Ambrose Bierce, H. P. Lovecraft, Clark Ashton Smith, Fritz Leiber, and Ray Bradbury. More than a decade passed since those first attempts. The volume is no longer printed on Winnebago Eggshell and bound in Holliston Black Novelex as I had once imagined; nor does it bear the words Window & Other Apertures upon its spine in gold. Thanks to Bob Leman, John Pelan and everyone at Midnight House, however, the book finally exists — even if its current rarity is unfortunate — and is every bit as well-made as that imaginary volume of long ago. It has finally spilled over from our dreams and into your hands where it belongs. These tales have been part of my imagination since they first saw print — you have only to open the book for them to spill into your own. Dowagiac, Michigan October 2001, Revised January 2012
wrong_mix_random_publicationDate_00046	FactBench	1	20	https://medium.com/%40bengraves/through-the-obscure-looking-glass-1-david-cronenbergs-naked-lunch-674c53bf8a23	en	Through the Obscure Looking Glass #1: David Cronenberg’s ‘Naked Lunch’	https://miro.medium.com/…9Ca9i2vUN9g.jpeg	https://miro.medium.com/…9Ca9i2vUN9g.jpeg	[ "https://miro.medium.com/v2/resize:fill:64:64/1dmbNkD5D-u45r44go_cf0g.png", "https://miro.medium.com/v2/resize:fill:88:88/1XffgE5JzmcEI5oTmDhPwHA.jpeg", "https://miro.medium.com/v2/resize:fill:144:144/1*XffgE5JzmcEI5oTmDhPwHA.jpeg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Ben Graves", "medium.com" ]	2017-05-02T21:32:08.040000+00:00	The best thing about David Cronenberg’s 1991 adaptation of William S. Burroughs’s hallucinatory satire Naked Lunch is that it isn’t an adaptation at all. If you’ve read that novel, you could almost…	en	https://miro.medium.com/…jr1YbyOIJY2w.png	Medium	https://medium.com/@bengraves/through-the-obscure-looking-glass-1-david-cronenbergs-naked-lunch-674c53bf8a23	“A paranoid-schizophrenic is a guy who just found out what’s going on.” — William S. Burroughs The best thing about David Cronenberg’s 1991 adaptation of William S. Burroughs’s hallucinatory satire Naked Lunch is that it isn’t an adaptation at all. If you’ve read that novel, you could almost refute Stanley Kubrick’s claim that all visualizable pieces of work can be filmed. It’s a book that’s nearly inaccessible for everyone, and as a naive college freshman a decade ago I found it to be the first novel that would take me over 3 months to read because of its dense language. The book also filled me with a greater sense of wonder then, of course, though I do still see it as one of the most important pieces of literature of the 20th century. For those unfamiliar with the source material or who need a refresher regarding its confusing nature, Burroughs’s Naked Lunch was written in what would be his signature style, that of the cut-up fold-in technique, developed by Burroughs and artist friend Brion Gysin. Burroughs would write two pages of coherent English, and then cut each page in half vertically, and rearrange the pages to form new sentences that would start one way and end another. Sometimes he would rearrange random words to make this even more incomprehensible. Burroughs believed that by doing this he could reach the core truth of his writing, bringing the elements of his unconscious — which is arguably the best writer in each of us — to the forefront of his work in newly constructed sentences that would illuminate concepts previously ignored. This makes the novel’s text feel like an almost impenetrable labyrinth, and add to that the fact that the novel is essentially a series of vignettes intended to be read in any order. There isn’t truly a cohesive story to be assembled, but rather a collection of images of homosexual boys being hanged by grotesque semen-spewing creatures called Mugwumps and the occasional semblance of Tangier and the surreal fictional North African plane of Interzone. Having not read the book since my late teens, it feels like a dream I can hardly remember, receded back into my unconscious just as Burroughs had managed to drag it out from his. The key importance of this novel is its role in ending the ridiculousness of obscenity trials that plagued art in the U.S. throughout the first half of the 1900s. It was one of the last major novels to go to trial in the early ’60s soon after its publishing and ultimately helped give art free rein in this country, while others such as Germany and Australia still keep novels like American Psycho wrapped in literal plastic on the shelves. Because of this accomplishment, you can easily perceive Burroughs as the true hero of the Beat Generation, freeing art from the grips of censorship to allow for unlimited expression. Burroughs was also the most enigmatic of the Beats, infinitely more cryptic in both his speech and writing than Ginsberg, Kerouac, or Cassady. And it’s Burroughs’s strange life that would shape Cronenberg’s “adaptation” of Naked Lunch, serving as more of a biopic full of schizophrenic visions than anything else. The film follows Burroughs’s alter ego William Lee, who is the main commonality between the book and the film. He serves to attract both condemnation for Burroughs’s actions (such as the controversial accidental killing of his wife Joan) and sympathy as a junkie losing his sanity in the throes of heroin addiction. This is why the film works more than any true attempted adaptation could have hoped. As much as I often dislike the term “Kafkaesque” because of its overuse as a label for anything even vaguely in common with Franz Kafka’s work, it’s a term that best describes this film. In fact, Cronenberg’s Naked Lunch feels as much like an homage to Kafka as it does a biography about Burroughs, with anthropomorphic typewriter beetles and centipedes abound in almost every other scene. As William Lee’s wife Joan (Judy Davis) indulges in his bug powder that he uses as an exterminator, she even refers to the high it gives as “literary,” clarifying to Lee that it’s “a Kafka high; it makes you feel like a bug,” which of course inspires him to try some. Joan also eventually finds that her breath alone can kill cockroaches scaling the walls because of the stuff. This legitimately Kafkaesque film begins by following William Lee (portrayed by a mostly stoic and seldom-bewildered Peter Weller, who fits the part perfectly) in New York in 1953 as he completes a mundane extermination job and experiences frustration because of his taunting boss and colleagues. He also converses briefly with fellow writers Martin and Hank, who are thinly veiled stand-ins for Allen Ginsberg and Jack Kerouac, respectively, as they discuss whether guilt or obsessive rewrites make for great writing. Lee interjects with, “Exterminate all rational thought.” The two buddies also taunt Lee for his unwillingness to share his writing with anyone. The surreal nature of the film begins when Lee is brought in by police for questioning about the intoxicating nature of his bug powder, who then introduce him to a beetle that speaks through what looks like a human asshole on its back. It wades around in a pile of yellow bug powder the detectives leave on the desk in the interrogation room, and proclaims itself to be Lee’s new case officer. This is the first instance of control and manipulation over Lee, which is what Burroughs’s writing was always about. The bug plainly tells Lee that his wife is an undercover agent of the malicious Interzone, and that she needs to be killed, to which Lee hilariously responds with a mild visible interest and vague acceptance. After the bug requests that Lee sensually rub some bug powder on its “lips,” Lee complies and eventually smashes it with his shoe before breaking out of the police station. From the start, Lee remains grounded enough to realize this was all likely a hallucination, the onset of paranoid delusions, and that he may be schizophrenic. However, the nightmare establishes itself as inescapable when an alien-like creature at a bar with milky eyes, slimy skin, and tubes on its head that secrete white goo announces himself as Lee’s second handler, all the while drinking an orange substance from a glass through its straw-like tongue. This is the film’s interpretation of a Mugwump, and another disgusting representative for the elements of control that dictate Lee’s life. A foreign man named Kiki is also introduced in this scene, as a sort of innocent window into Lee’s repressed homosexuality — a childish pretty-boy who distracts Lee from the female desires in his life. Kiki provides hope of a personal freedom from the grips of the manipulative insects appearing in Lee’s life, but Lee’s actions are not always his to choose, as we find out when he kills his wife. People familiar with Burroughs’s life know that during a party in 1951 he decided to show off his shooting skills in a game of William Tell with his wife, prominent beat poet Joan Vollmer. The game involves placing a glass on one participant’s head while another attempts to shoot it off, but Burroughs — intoxicated on booze, Benzedrine, or whatever amphetamines were present — missed. Joan died instantly from the single gunshot wound to her forehead, and Burroughs was quickly put on trial and acquitted in Mexico, benefitting from the favorable testimonies of his friends who were present at the time of the shooting. It was dismissed as a tragic accident, but many have still debated about whether or not Burroughs intentionally killed her to get out from under the entrapments of a heterosexual marriage. Burroughs insisted to his grave that her death brought on a great depression, and came to the regrettable conclusion that the event inadvertently made him a writer. Joan’s death is addressed in the film, in a recreation of the circumstances that supposedly took place in real life. Martin drunkenly reads poetry in a doorway, and Lee drunkenly asks Joan if it’s a good time to demonstrate their William Tell routine. Joan places the glass on her head, and Lee fires only to discover to his horror that he killed her, unintentionally fulfilling the demands of his insect handlers. However, that horror doesn’t last as her death liberates him and allows him to travel to Interzone. Joan’s death quickly becomes a footnote in Lee’s adventure. This lack of emotional impact is conceivably an attack on Burroughs. Lee is transparently similar to protagonist Max Renn in Cronenberg’s earlier body-horror film Videodrome in both personality and circumstances. It’s easy to see how Burroughs influenced Cronenberg’s early work through Naked Lunch because of both Lee and Max’s vulnerability to manipulation, oftentimes through explicitly sexual hallucinations that pique their curiosity more than they elicit fear, seducing them into slavery. Lured by the promise of endless sexual bliss, both protagonists lose themselves as tools for others to bend and break. In Videodrome the medium of programming is television; in Naked Lunch it’s writing. Even Burroughs’s theme of the harm of sexual repression is traceable back to one of Cronenberg’s first films, 1975’s Shivers, in which an infestation of parasitic aphrodisiac slugs in an all-inclusive apartment building turns all of its tenants into nondiscriminatory sex-crazed deviants, something primal and fundamentally natural that they only perceive as a horrific and dramatic experience because they, as Cronenberg describes here in an interview, are part of the more repressed bourgeois: “To understand physical process on earth requires a revision of the theory that we’re all God’s creatures — all that Victorian sentiment. It should certainly be extended to encompass disease, virus and bacteria. Why not? A virus is only doing its job. It’s trying to live its life. The fact that it’s destroying you by doing so is not its fault. It’s about trying to understand interrelationships among organisms, even those we perceive as disease. To understand it from the disease’s point of view, it’s just a matter of life. It has nothing to do with disease. I think most diseases would be very shocked to be considered diseases at all. It’s a very negative connotation. For them, it’s very positive when they take over your body and destroy you. It’s a triumph. It’s all part of trying to reverse the normal understanding of what goes on physically, psychologically and biologically to us. The characters in Shivers experience horror because they are still standard, straightforward members of the middle-class high-rise generation. I identify with them after they’re infected. I identify with the parasites, basically. Of course they’re going to react with horror on a conscious level. They’re bound to resist. They’re going to be dragged kicking and screaming into this new experience. But, underneath, there is something else, and that’s what we see at the end of the film. They look beautiful at the end. They don’t look diseased or awful.” Cronenberg’s 1986 remake of The Fly is another connection to both Burroughs and Kafka, as the tragedy of Seth Brundle following his genetic fusion with a housefly culminates in a Metamorphosis-esque scene toward the end, in which Brundle has come to the conclusion that he dreamt that he was a man and loved it, but has now woken up to the reality of the fly. Even that film supposes that Brundle has no control over his circumstances despite his brilliance, becoming a manipulated victim of faulty machines and battles for journalistic opportunity and exploitation. The principal form of control in Naked Lunch is signified by the brands of typewriters that Lee uses. The manipulators force Lee to use an insectoid Clark-Nova typewriter (presumably referencing Burroughs’s Nova trilogy) to write exactly what the agency wants him to write, including the notion that homosexuality is a great cover for Interzonal agents, and ultimately implying that it’s a sickness in society. On the other hand, a fellow writer that he meets in Interzone, Tom Frost (played by Ian Holm), provides Lee with a Martinelli typewriter which will act as the pathway for rebellion against the control of the Clark-Nova. We almost never see him use the Martinelli before it’s destroyed by the Clark-Nova in a vicious bio-mechanical insect slaughter that Lee can’t do anything to prevent. Lee isn’t particularly upset about the destruction of Frost’s prized possession, laughably telling Frost’s wife Joan (also Judy Davis as his late wife’s doppelgänger) that he “probably threw it on the ground and destroyed it,” not denying his current unstable state of mind. Joan suggests he use Frost’s Arabic typewriter that’s rarely touched. The two begin to sensually type together on the thing as Lee’s hallucinations start up again, turning the typewriter into a moaning amalgam of female sex organs, opening up to reveal wet vagina-like components that immediately churn memories of similar imagery in Videodrome and Existenz. Once the typewriter has turned completely into a Giger-esque living sculpture of sex, the butch maid walks in the room and scolds Joan for her promiscuity before literally whipping the typewriter until it jumps out the window and falls to the street, where Frost sees it in normal pieces and becomes immediately despondent. It’s a scene representative of the return of Lee’s female desire and subsequent extinguishment of his sexuality. Frustrated and enraged, Frost threatens Lee and visits his apartment to find out what happened to his Martinelli. Upon finding that typewriter in pieces on the floor, he holds Lee at gunpoint as he and his assistant steal the Clark-Nova, stuffing it in a bag as it squirms and protests. And with that, Lee’s writing has left him entirely for the moment. Sexless and artless, he’s fallen into total desperation with his only remaining vice being his drugs. It’s at this point that Hank and Martin find him sleeping outside with a bag of used-up drug paraphernalia, and return him to his hotel room wherein they look at pages of Lee’s writing, discovering that despite Lee not having recalled writing them, they are entirely publishable as great works of art. These pages are to be Naked Lunch. Centipedes, who were the bugs acting as ruthless judges in the novel Naked Lunch, also make an appearance late in the film. The Martinelli, back in Lee’s possession and repaired as a Mugwump head, warns of a centipede named Yves Cloquet (Julian Sands), who appears first as a normal human before Lee catches him in his true form as he viciously rapes and murders Kiki in a scene that’s reminiscent of something from The Thing (I was actually kind of surprised that Rob Bottin wasn’t responsible for any effects in this film). Centipedes are symbols of ultimate hostility, which is reinforced when Dr. Benway (Roy Scheider) reveals himself to be the mastermind of a drug ring that sells a dangerous substance called black meat, which is made using centipedes and is a stand-in for its real-life morphine counterpart, originally proposed as a counter to the effects of the bug powder’s representation of heroin. He’s also revealed to have turned Mugwumps into slaves whose sole purpose is emitting that semen-like slime to intoxicate people hopelessly addicted to it. Everywhere Lee looks, everything is being controlled by something or someone else, whether it’s by Benway, Interzone Incorporated, drug addiction, or the nameless agency using Lee as a spy. Everyone is just a tool. Ultimately, Lee turns in his final report and flees to Annexia with Joan, and is asked by the guard at the gate to prove that he is a writer before being allowed entry. Lee amusingly shows him a pen as his only proof, but the guard says it’s not good enough. Lee then commits the act that Burroughs had claimed made him a writer, and plays yet another fatal game of William Tell with Joan, much to the guard’s satisfaction. Even when he thinks he’s finally found his window to freedom, he’s controlled once again by tragedy. Much like how Charlie Kaufman’s Adaptation turned from an adaptation of a book about an orchid thief into a metafictional masterpiece about the frustrations of making such an adaptation, Naked Lunch is about the torment that Burroughs’s life put him through to culminate in Naked Lunch. It’s also as much about the inspiration of tragedy and the very tragedy of its necessity for art as it is a satire about control. Whether or not Burroughs viewed the film himself is something I can’t find out, but I can imagine he put together a relatively complete picture based on how often he appeared on set, mentoring Weller for his performance. It’s not a flattering picture of Burroughs’s life, but it’s probably more of an honest one than any direct biopic might paint. I consider it to be one of Cronenberg’s best, if not most misunderstood. Now for one of my favorite pictures from the set, Cronenberg in his Mugwump chamber:
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"https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/41g1zw4WgGL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/519HZwLwwNL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/519HZwLwwNL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/61U9dgkeqtL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/61U9dgkeqtL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/01RmK+J4pJL._SL250_.gif", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/01RmK+J4pJL._SL250_.gif", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51zlRYmsduL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51zlRYmsduL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/21WZQHB15HL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/21WZQHB15HL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51WRJS05YNL._SL250_.jpg", "https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51WRJS05YNL._SL250_.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Editorial" ]	2022-03-24T20:23:12-07:00	The Tiers series chronicles the adventures of both Robert Wolff, a man from our world transported through space time to a cosmos with dimensions and laws	en		Books In Order	https://www.addall.com/books-in-order/philip-jose-farmer/	World Of Tiers Books In Publication Order Herald Childe Books In Publication Order Doc Caliban and Lord Grandrith Books In Publication Order Opar Books In Publication Order Dayworld Books In Publication Order Riverworld Books In Publication Order Tarzan Books In Publication Order Doc Savage (Bantam) Books In Publication Order Philip Jose Farmer’s The Dungeon Books In Publication Order SF Authors Choice Books In Publication Order The Further Adventures Of Sherlock Holmes Books In Publication Order Thieves’ World Books In Publication Order Weird Heroes Books In Publication Order Standalone Novels In Publication Order Short Story Collections In Publication Order Short Stories/Novellas In Publication Order Oz-Story Magazine Books In Publication Order Anthologies In Publication Order World Of Tiers Book Covers Herald Childe Book Covers Doc Caliban and Lord Grandrith Book Covers Opar Book Covers Dayworld Book Covers Riverworld Book Covers Tarzan Book Covers Doc Savage (Bantam) Book Covers Philip Jose Farmer’s The Dungeon Book Covers SF Authors Choice Book Covers The Further Adventures Of Sherlock Holmes Book Covers Thieves’ World Book Covers Weird Heroes Book Covers Standalone Novels Book Covers Short Story Collections Book Covers Short Stories/Novellas Book Covers Oz-Story Magazine Book Covers Anthologies Book Covers Philip José Farmer Books Overview Related Authors
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"https://sciencefictionruminations.files.wordpress.com/2023/06/best-science-fiction-stories-of-the-year-dozois.jpg?w=614", "https://sciencefictionruminations.files.wordpress.com/2023/05/the-princes-of-the-air-john-m.-ford.jpg?w=618", "https://sciencefictionruminations.files.wordpress.com/2023/03/the-furies-keith-roberts-pan-science-fiction-ii.jpg?w=638", "https://sciencefictionruminations.files.wordpress.com/2023/05/wine-of-the-dreamers-macdonald.jpg", "https://sciencefictionruminations.files.wordpress.com/2023/05/23883-2104107633-e1684416387621.webp?w=676", "https://sciencefictionruminations.files.wordpress.com/2023/05/fireflood-and-other-stories-vonda-mcintyre.jpg?w=595", "https://sciencefictionruminations.files.wordpress.com/2023/04/dimension-thirteen-silverberg.jpg", "https://sciencefictionruminations.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/cropped-la-ballata-di-beta-2-galassia-122-1.jpg?w=50", "https://sciencefictionruminations.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/cropped-la-ballata-di-beta-2-galassia-122-1.jpg?w=50", "https://pixel.wp.com/b.gif?v=noscript" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Joachim Boaz" ]	2022-07-25T00:00:00	Which books/covers/authors intrigue you? Which have you read? Disliked? Enjoyed? 1. Courtship Rite, Donald Kingsbury (1982) Rowena Morrill's cover art for the 1st edition From the inside flap: "Gaet, Hoemei and Joesai are three clone brothers, survivors of the rigorous and deadly process of nurture and weeding that produces people of high kalothi, people worthy…	en	https://sciencefictionru…a-122-1.jpg?w=32	Science Fiction and Other Suspect Ruminations	https://sciencefictionruminations.com/2022/07/25/updates-recent-science-fiction-purchases-no-ccciii-william-s-burroughs-chester-anderson-pat-cadigan-donald-kingsbury/	Which books/covers/authors intrigue you? Which have you read? Disliked? Enjoyed? 1. Courtship Rite, Donald Kingsbury (1982) From the inside flap: “Gaet, Hoemei and Joesai are three clone brothers, survivors of the rigorous and deadly process of nurture and weeding that produces people of high kalothi, people worthy of surviving on the inhospitable planet of Geta. Geta was settled many thousands of years ago by human starships, but only legends of the people’s origins remain, memories that have become myths. Geta is not a friendly place for humanity, but mankind, true to its immemorial instincts, has adapted. There is almost no metal, so technology remains primitive, but bioengineering has developed incredibly. The natural vegetation is poisonous to man, and the hot climate and recurring droughts lead to crop failure for the Earth grains that are the staff of life. In times of famine the people turn to the only other available crop: themselves. The religion and the social institutions are based on a belief that species survival is more important than the individual, and ritual cannibalism based on a form of directed natural selection dictates that the weak and less worthy must feed the strong so that life will continue. The three brothers joined forces as children and have saved one another’s lives and become a powerful influence in their city-state of Clan Kaiel. Their union has been strengthened by joint marriage to two wives, Now and Teenae, but they seek to form a Six by courting Kathein, an important biologist. Prime Predictor Aesoe is also attracted to her, however, and instead orders the brothers to court and wet Oelita the Heretic. Oelita lives in a neighboring province, preaches against the accepted practices of human sacrifice, and works ceaselessly to find ways of making the practices unnecessary by developing native foods that will not poison the eater. Joesai, the warrior brother, is dispatched to commence the courting but peremptorily commences a mating ritual, the Courtship Rite, which consists of an increasingly difficult series of seven deadly trials. If Oelita survives all the trials, then the final result will be either marriage of the death of the brothers. The story of courtship is worked out against the detailed creation of a world that will rival Frank Herbert’s Dune, Niven and Pournelle’s Mote world and the planet of Joan Vinge’s The Snow Queen. A vast alien landscape and a human culture based on our own yet evolved in strange and wondrous ways by the forces of an inimical nature provide a panoramic backdrop for the romantic adventures of a large cast of memorable and attractive characters.” Initial Thoughts: Donald Kingsbury (1929-) is not an author I’ve read. His first SF work appeared in Astounding in June 1952—and his next in 1978! Courtship Rite (1982) was nominated for the 1983 Hugo Award for Best Novel. From the blurb it sounds dense and vast. SF Encyclopedia praises the novel’s worldbuilding. 2. Patterns, Pat Cadigan (1989) From the back cover: “‘Cardigan knows the difference between what’s real and what matters. Crank it up, and play it loud.” Michael Swanwick ‘When you read Pat Cadigan’s stories, you’ll swear she’s been a 1) a psychopath, 2) a pimp, 3) a junkie, 4) to Mars, because she can write so well of places you don’t ever want to visit and people you nevereverever want to meet. She hasn’t been any of those things; what she is is another typical beautiful genius Supermom from K. C. whose works cause me to bite holes in my desk every time I read a new one.’ Howard Waldrop ‘I can’t think of another writer who makes such exacting work look so easy. She is the master of the arched eyebrow, the hoarse whisper, the cut that takes a very long time to bleed.’ Lewis Shiner” Contents: “Patterns” (1987), “Eenie, Meenie, Ipsateenie” (1983), “Vengeance Is Yours” (1983), “The Day the Martels Got the Cable” (1982), “Roadside Rescue” (1985), “Rock On” (1984), “Heal” (1988), “Another One Hits the Road” (1984), “My Brother’s Keeper” (1988), “Pretty Boy Crossover” (1986), “Two” (1988), “Angel” (1987), “It was the Heat” (1988), “The Powers and the Passion” (1989). Initial Thoughts: I’d previously read and enjoyed Cadigan’s “Rock On” (1984) for my media in SF series and thought I might as well track down more of her early short fiction. 3. The Butterfly Kid, Chester Anderson (1969) From the back cover: “IT WAS NOTHING-SPECIAL GREENWICH VILLAGE DAY… And good ole Chester Anderson—sometime poet, rock’n’roll singer and self-proclaimed king of the Village—strolled along, content. Content, that is, until he saw a kind make butterflies. Real butterflies. The kind with pretty wings that flutter. What at first seemed amusing, if a little strange, quickly changed. Chester and his ragtag pack of singers, groupies and street-wise prophets had stumbled onto a mind-blowing phenomenon that threatened the whole world. And only Chester and his ragamuffin crew could save it. From what? The six-foot, blue lobsters from outer space. How? With a horrifying plan that hinged on the innocence of… The Butterfly Kid.” Initial Thoughts: Chester Anderson (1932-1991) sounds like a fascinating individual. He was a beatinik, science fiction author, and founded “Communications Company (ComCo), the ‘publishing arm’ of the anarchist guerrilla street theater group The Diggers” (Wikipedia). The Butterfly Kid is the first in shared world trilogy of recursive SF novels: “The trilogy stars all three authors who become involved in the attempts of a pop group to fight off a more than merely psychedelic Alien invasion menace: Greenwich Village is being threatened by the distribution of a “Reality Pill” which actualizes people’s fantasies. Anderson’s contribution, with its jokey, slightly gonzo melancholy, was probably the most memorable of the three” (SF Encyclopedia). 4. The Soft Machine, William S. Burroughs (1961) “The Interstellar War of the Sexes In The Soft Machine, William S. Burroughs, author of Naked Lunch, turns the sexy, “scientifically” controlled mass-media society inside out. With biting use of the American vernacular, Burroughs makes a devastating attack on the power structure, violence and hypocrisy in contemporary society.” Initial Thoughts: I am eager to read William S. Burroughs’ The Soft Machine (1961) due to its experimental “cut-up” techniques that influenced authors in the SF New Wave movement. For book reviews consult the INDEX For cover art posts consult the INDEX
7368	dbpedia	0	14	https://padresteve.com/tag/james-pettigrew/	en	The Inglorius Padre Steve's World	https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c6870dd7ddf00e6af5cfca5c9480a95efda98ed3cc7f2eec27be528928814435?s=200&ts=1723921054	https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c6870dd7ddf00e6af5cfca5c9480a95efda98ed3cc7f2eec27be528928814435?s=200&ts=1723921054	[ "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/cropped-img_0333-1.jpg", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/gburg-retreat.jpg?w=398&h=273", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/00844v-lc_confederate-graves-on-rose-farm_detail.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/battle-of-gettysburg-war-is-hell-store.jpg", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/confeorg.gif", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/lee.jpg", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/james_longstreet.jpg", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/lafayette_mclaws.jpg", 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"https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c6870dd7ddf00e6af5cfca5c9480a95efda98ed3cc7f2eec27be528928814435?s=50&d=https%3A%2F%2Fs2.wp.com%2Fi%2Flogo%2Fwpcom-gray-white.png", "https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c6870dd7ddf00e6af5cfca5c9480a95efda98ed3cc7f2eec27be528928814435?s=50&d=https%3A%2F%2Fs2.wp.com%2Fi%2Flogo%2Fwpcom-gray-white.png", "https://pixel.wp.com/b.gif?v=noscript" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Posts about james pettigrew written by padresteve	en	https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c6870dd7ddf00e6af5cfca5c9480a95efda98ed3cc7f2eec27be528928814435?s=32	The Inglorius Padre Steve's World	https://padresteve.com/tag/james-pettigrew/	Friends of Padre Steve’s World, Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia tried to lick its wounds and regroup following its last disastrous attacks on 3 July 1863. It prepared hasty fortifications on Seminary Ridge in case Meade’s Army of the Potomac attempted to attack on July 4th, but that attack would not come. Meade had no inclination of allowing the Confederates to do to his forces what his did to Lee’s during Pickett’s Charge. Between the two armies lay tens of thousands or dead, dying, and grievously wounded and maimed soldiers. I will write about that tomorrow. A Union soldier, Elbert Corbin, Union Soldier at Gettysburg 1st Regiment, Light Artillery, N. Y. S. Volunteers (Pettit’s Battery) wrote of the aftermath of the Battle of Gettysburg: “Dead men and plenty here – and I saw plenty of them in all shapes on the field – Help to wound & Kill men then Patch them up I could show more suffering here in one second than you will see in a Life…” Long after the Battle Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain, who commanded the 20th Maine in its defense of Little Round Top said: “In great deeds something abides. On great fields something stays. Forms change and pass; bodies disappear, but spirits linger, to consecrate ground for the vision-place of souls.” [2] The ground was consecrated by the blood of the men who fell there, and like Chamberlain whenever I visit the hallowed ground of Gettysburg I have a sense that the spirits of those men still linger. On the morning of July 4th, “The day after the battle began muggy and cloudy, and there was a tremendous rainstorm” [3] as the Army of Northern Virginia and Army of the Potomac licked their wounds on the bloodstained Gettysburg battlefield. Both armies had suffered severely in the fighting and around 50,000 soldiers from both sides lay dead, dying or wounded on the battlefield. It was a somber day, the sweltering heat sunshine which had bathed the battlefield as Longstreet’s’ Corps attacked Cemetery Ridge was now broken by heavy rain and wind. The commanders of both armies, General Robert E Lee and Major General George Meade attempted to discern the others intent while making their own plans. Early in the morning of July 4th, or rather very late the night of July 3rd, General Robert E. Lee called Brigadier General John Imboden, to his headquarters to discuss the withdraw of the Army of Northern Virginia from the place of its defeat. Lee had spent the evening of July 3rd with Longstreet they “rode together along the lines on Seminary Ridge and conferred with other generals.” [4] When Lee arrived to meet Imboden the brigadier felt the need to say something and said to Lee: “General, this has been a hard day on you.” [5] Lee waited some time before replying mournfully, “Yes, it has been a sad, sad day for us” [6]and then praised the conduct of Pickett’s men saying “I never saw troops behave more magnificently than Pickett’s division of Virginians did today in that grand charge upon the enemy.” He continued and lamented what he believed to be the lack of support from the rest of the army, then paused and “exclaimed in a voice that echoed loudly and grimly through the night, “Too bad! Too bad! Oh, too bad!” [7] It was a strange thing to say, and showed his inability to comprehend the strength and tenacity of his opponent on that final day of battle, and how many of Lee’s decisions, including the fact that “he had denied Hill’s permission to throw his whole corps into the assault,” [8] contributed to his defeat. Lee realized, that unless “he could somehow entice Meade into counterattacking along his Seminary Ridge line, he must get the army back to Virginia with all speed. There was only enough ammunition for one battle, if that…and lee had to consider that Meade might aggressively seek to cut the routes south to the Potomac.” [9] Thus he wasted little time in preparing the army for its return. Lee “chose his routes, decided on the order of march, and then, despite the lateness of the hour and his bone-deep weariness after three days of failure and frustration, went in person to make certain that his plans were understood by the responsible commanders.” [10] He felt, if not in his words, but in his actions, that he had been failed by his subordinates, but the fault did not lay with his subordinates, but rather with his inability to clearly communicate his orders and expectations in detail to his new Corps commanders, Richard Ewell and A.P. Hill who had never served directly under his command, and James Longstreet who constantly opposed what he believed would lead to disaster. Lee was finally aware that the method of command he had employed so successfully with Stonewall Jackson had failed, and in “the task of saving his army, he trusted no one with any discretion at all.” [11] Unlike “the vague and discretionary orders he had issued throughout the week leading up to battle and even during the past three days of fighting…his instructions were now written and precise….” [12] Across the valley that separated the armies, Meade explained “that he had not wanted to follow “the bad example [Lee] had set me, in ruining himself attacking a strong position.” [13] In not attacking Meade was probably correct, despite the criticism he received from contemporaries and later commentators. Lee’s army, though defeated was not broken and held good ground on July 4th, likewise the lack of supplies, exhaustion of his troops and foul weather would likely have doomed any attack. Instead he told a cavalry officer “We have done well enough…” [14] About 1:00 P.M. on July 4th Imboden’s troopers escorting the ambulance trains carrying the wounded began to withdraw. As they did “a steady, pounding rain increased Imboden’s problems manifold, yet by 4 o’clock that afternoon he had the journey under way. He estimated this “vast procession of misery” stretched for seventeen miles. It bore between 8,000 and 8,500 wounded men, many in constant, almost unendurable agony as they jolted over the rough and rutted roads.” [15] Although beaten, the Lee’s army “retained confidence in itself and its commander” [16] and they retreated in good order. Across the carnage strewn battlefield on Cemetery Ridge George Meade took inventory and “unsure about the nature and extent of Lee’s movements from information he had already received, he realized he had a busy day ahead.” [17] The army, tired from three weeks of hard marching and three days of brutal combat was exhausted; Meade’s was down to about “51,000 men armed and equipped for duty.” About 15,000 were loose from the ranks, and though they would return “for the moment they were lost.” [18] The torrential rain “was a damper on enthusiasms,” and the Federal burial parties, exhausted from the battle and engaged in somber work, “dug long trenches and, after separating Rebel from Yankee, without ceremony piled the bodies several layers deep and threw dirt over them.” [19] Meade ordered his trains to bring the supplies from Westminster Maryland on the morning of July 4th as Federal patrols pushed into the town to see what Lee’s army was doing, but apart from isolated skirmishing and sniper actions the day was quiet. During the afternoon, “David Birney summoned the band of the 114th Pennsylvania “to play in honor of the National Anniversary” and up on the “line of battle.” They played the usual “national airs, finishing with the Star Spangled Banner.” [20] As they did a Confederate artillery shell passed over them, and with that last shot the battle of Gettysburg was over. Meade, signaling the beginning of an overly cautious pursuit, wired Halleck: “I shall require some time to get up supplies, ammunition, etc. [and to] rest the army, worn out by hard marches and three days hard fighting.” [21] Surgeons and their assistants manned open air hospitals while parties of stretcher bearers evacuated wounded men for treatment and other soldiers began to identify and bury the dead. A Confederate soldier described the scene west of the town on July 4th: “The sights and smells that assailed us were simply indescribable-corpses swollen to twice their size, asunder with the pressure of gases and vapors…The odors were nauseating, and so deadly that in a short time we all sickened and were lying with our mouths close to the ground, most of us vomiting profusely.” [22] Confederate Dead Halfway across the continent Confederate Lieutenant General John C. Pemberton surrendered his emaciated forces at Vicksburg to Major General Ulysses S Grant which cut the Confederacy in half. Of course Lee had a direct hand in that debacle as well by rejecting all attempts to send significant forces from his army to defeat Grant and save Vicksburg. It was a fitting day of remembrance as it was the 87th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, and the significance was not lost on any of the commanders. Grant, the victor of Vicksburg had eliminated a Confederate army of over 43,000 troops, and William Tecumseh Sherman wired his friend a most appropriate message: “This is a day of jubilee, a day of rejoicing for the faithful.”[23] Lieutenant Elisha Hunt Rhodes of the 2nd Rhode Island wrote: “Was ever the Nation’s Birthday celebrated in such a way before. This morning the 2nd R.I. was sent out to the front and found that during the night General Lee and his Rebel Army had fallen back. It was impossible to march across the field without stepping upon dead or wounded men, while horses and broken artillery lay on every side.” [24] As Lee withdrew Meade slowly pursued and lost his chance of trapping the Confederate Army before it could escape across the rain swollen Potomac River. Lee completed his withdraw under pressure on July 14th as his rear-guard under the command of Major General Harry Heth fought a delaying action against Union forces in which the accomplished academic and author Brigadier General James Pettigrew was mortally wounded. Meade’s lackluster pursuit was criticized by many including President Lincoln who believed that had Meade been more aggressive that the war could have ended there. Had Lee’s army been destroyed in little over a week after the surrender of Vicksburg it could have well brought about the downfall of the Confederacy in the summer of 1863. Even so the skill of Meade in defeating Lee at Gettysburg was one of the greatest achievements by a Union commander during the war in the East. In earlier times Lee had held sway over his Federal opponents. McClellan, Porter, Pope, Burnside and Hooker had all failed against Lee and his army. Many of the dead at Gettysburg were the flower of the nation. Intelligent, thoughtful and passionate they were cut down in their prime. The human cost some of over 50,000 men killed or wounded is astonishing. In those three days more Americans were killed or wounded than in the entire Iraq campaign. The war would go on for almost two more years adding many thousands more dead and wounded. However the Union victory at Gettysburg was decisive. Never again did Lee go on the offensive. When Grant came east at the end of 1863 to command Union armies in the East against Lee the Federal armies fought with renewed ferocity and once engaged Grant never let Lee’s forces out of his grip. Notes [1] Corbin, Elbert. Union soldier in Pettit’s Battery account of caring for wounded at the Battle of Gettysburg retrieved from https://www.gilderlehrman.org/sites/default/files/inline-pdfs/t-03685.pdf 18 July 2014 [2] Primono, John W. The Appomattox Generals: The Parallel Lives of Joshua L Chamberlain, USA, and John B. Gordon, CSA, Commanders at the Surrender Ceremony of April 12th 1865 McFarland and Company Publishers, Jefferson NC 2013 p.187 [3] Catton, Bruce The Army of the Potomac: Glory Road Doubleday and Company, Garden City New York, 1952 p.322 [4] Wert, Jeffry D. General James Longstreet The Confederacy’s Most Controversial Soldier, A Touchstone Book, Simon and Schuster, New York and London 1993 p.293 [5] Trudeau, Noah Andre. Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, Harper Collins Publishers, New York 2002 p.530 [6] Freeman, Douglas Southall, Lee an abridgment by Richard Harwell, Touchstone Books, New York 1997 p.341 [7] Ibid. Freeman Lee p.341 [8] Foote, Shelby, The Civil War, A Narrative. Volume Two Fredericksburg to Meridian Random House, New York 1963 p. 581 [9] Sears, Stephen W. Gettysburg. Houghton Mifflin Co. Boston and New York 2003 p.470 [10] Ibid. Foote, The Civil War, A Narrative. Volume Two pp.579-580 [11] Dowdy, Clifford. Lee and His Men at Gettysburg: The Death of a Nation Skyhorse Publishing, New York 1986, originally published as Death of a Nation Knopf, New York 1958 [12] Ibid. Foote, The Civil War, A Narrative. Volume Two p.580 [13] McPherson, James. The Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era Oxford University Press, Oxford and New York 1988 p.663 [14] Ibid. McPherson The Battle Cry of Freedom p.663 [15] Ibid, Sears Gettysburg pp.471-472 [16] Coddington, Edwin B. The Gettysburg Campaign: A Study in Command, A Touchstone Book, Simon and Schuster New York, 1968 p.536 [17] Ibid. Coddington, The Gettysburg Campaign p.535 [18] Ibid. Catton The Army of the Potomac: Glory Road p.323 [19] Ibid, Sears Gettysburg p.474 [20] Guelzo, Allen C. Gettysburg: The Last Invasion Vintage Books a Division of Random House, New York 2013 pp.433-434 [21] Schultz, Duane The Most Glorious Fourth: Vicksburg and Gettysburg July 4th 1863. W.W. Norton and Company New York and London, 2002 pp.355-356 [22] _________ What Happened to Gettysburg’s Confederate Dead? The Blog of Gettysburg National Military Park, retrieved from http://npsgnmp.wordpress.com/2012/07/26/what-happened-to-gettysburgs-confederate-dead/ 18 July 2014 [23] Ibid. Schultz, Duane The Most Glorious Fourth p.364 [24] Rhodes, Robert Hunt ed. All for the Union: The Civil War Diaries and Letters of Elisha Hunt Rhodes, Vintage Civil War Library, Vintage Books a Division of Random House, New York 198 Note: This is a resource for those following my Gettysburg series and for my students that go with me on the Gettysburg Staff Ride. When the armies met at Gettysburg Lee’s Army of Norther Virginia had about 75,000-80,000 effectives, Meade’s Army of the Potomac had about 80,000-85,000 depending on the sources. This meant that they were relatively evenly matched in terms of manpower and that the battle came down to leadership, tactical decisions and strategic factors that were already in play by the time that the armies met at Gettysburg. As a note of explanation the Confederate forces at the division and brigade level were named after their commander’s, or in some cases previous commanders. Confederate units were allocated to the Army from the various states, thus there is no Confederate “Regulars” as are shown in the Union order of battle. Union Corps were numbered as were the divisions and brigades in each corps. In some cases the brigades or divisions were referred to by the names of their commanders, but this was not consistent. Federal forces consisted of both Regular Army units as well as units allocated by the states. The reader can note the composition of each brigade in both the Union and Confederate armies to see from where the soldiers were recruited from. So apart from that there is no story to tell tonight. Nothing in the way of commentary. This is simply a resource. Have a great night. Peace Padre Steve+ Army of Northern Virginia – General Robert Edward Lee, Commanding General Staff: Chief of Staff and Inspector General: Col Robert H. Chilton; Chief of Artillery: BG William N. Pendleton; Medical Director: Dr. Lafayette Guild; Aide de Camp and Asst. Adjutant General: Maj Walter H. Taylor; Aide de Camp and Asst. Military Secretary: Maj Charles Marshall; Aide de Camp and Asst. Inspector General: Maj Charles S. Venable; Aide de Camp: Maj Thomas M. R. Talcott General Headquarters Escort: 39th Virginia Cavalry Battalion (companies A & C) I Corps- Lt. Gen. James Longstreet, Commanding McLaws’ Division- MG Lafayette McLaws Kershaw’s Brigade-BG Joseph B. Kershaw 2nd South Carolina, 3rd South Carolina, 7th South Carolina, 8th South Carolina, 15th South Carolina; 3rd South Carolina Battalion Barksdale’s Brigade- BG William Barksdale (mw); Col Benjamin G. Humphreys 13th Mississippi, 17th Mississippi, 18th Mississippi, 21st Mississippi Semmes’ Brigade- BG Paul J. Semmes (mw); Col Goode Bryan 10th Georgia, 50th Georgia, 51st Georgia, 53rd Georgia Wofford’s Brigade- BG William T. Wofford 16th Georgia, 18th Georgia, 24th Georgia, Cobb’s (Georgia) Legion, Phillips’ (Georgia) Legion, 3rd Georgia Sharpshooter Battalion Cabell’s Artillery Battalion- Col Henry C. Cabell; Maj Samuel P. Hamilton 1st North Carolina Artillery, Battery A, Pulaski (Georgia) Artillery, 1st Richmond Howitzers, Troup (Georgia) Artillery Pickett’s Division- MG George E. Pickett Garnett’s Brigade- BG Richard B. Garnett (k); Maj Charles S. Peyton 8th Virginia, 18th Virginia, 19th Virginia, 28th Virginia, 56th Virginia Kemper’s Brigade- BG James L. Kemper (w&c); Col Joseph Mayo, Jr 1st Virginia, 3rd Virginia, 7th Virginia, 11th Virginia, 24th Virginia Armistead’s Brigade- BG Lewis A. Armistead (mw&c); Ltc William White (w); Maj Joseph R. Cabell; Col William R. Aylett 9th Virginia, 14th Virginia, 38th Virginia, 53rd Virginia, 57th Virginia Dearing’s Artillery Battalion- Maj James Dearing; Maj John P. W. Read Fauquier (Virginia) Artillery, Hampden (Virginia) Artillery, Richmond Fayette (Virginia) Artillery, Blount’s (Virginia) Battery Hood’s Division- MG John Bell Hood (w); BG Evander M. Law Law’s Brigade-BG Evander M. Law; Col James L. Sheffield 4th Alabama, 15th Alabama, 44th Alabama, 47th Alabama, 48th Alabama Robertson’s Brigade- BG Jerome B. Robertson (w); Ltc Philip A. Work 3rd Arkansas, 1st Texas, 4th Texas, 5th Texas Anderson’s Brigade- BG George T. Anderson (w); Ltc William Luffman 7th Georgia, 8th Georgia, 9th Georgia, 11th Georgia, 59th Georgia Benning’s Brigade- BG Henry L. Benning 2nd Georgia, 15th Georgia, 17th Georgia, 20th Georgia Henry’s Artillery Battalion- Maj Mathias W. Henry; Maj John C. Haskell Branch (North Carolina) Battery, Charleston German (South Carolina) Artillery, Palmetto (South Carolina) Light Artillery, Rowan North Carolina Artillery Artillery Reserve- Col James B. Walton Alexander’s Artillery Battalion- Col Edward P. Alexander Ashland (Virginia) Artillery, Bedford (Virginia) Artillery, Brooks (South Carolina) Artillery, Madison (Louisiana) Light Artillery, Richmond (Virginia) Battery, Bath (Virginia) Battery Washington (Louisiana) Artillery Battalion- Maj Benjamin F. Eshleman First Company, Second Company, Third Company, Fourth Company II Corps- Lt. Gen. Richard S. Ewell Commanding Early’s Division- MG Jubal A. Early Hays’ Brigade- BG Harry T. Hays 5th Louisiana, 6th Louisiana, 7th Louisiana, 8th Louisiana, 9th Louisiana Smith’s Brigade-BG William Smith 31st Virginia, 49th Virginia, 52nd Virginia Hoke’s Brigade- Col Isaac E. Avery (mw); Col Archibald C. Godwin 6th North Carolina: Maj Samuel McD. Tate, 21st North Carolina: Col William W. Kirkland, Maj James Beall, 57th North Carolina: Col Archibald C. Godwin, Ltc Hamilton C. Jones Gordon’s Brigade- BG John Brown Gordon 13th Georgia, 26th Georgia, 31st Georgia, 38th Georgia, 60th Georgia, 61st Georgia Jones’ Artillery Battalion- Ltc Hilary P. Jones Charlottesville (Virginia) Artillery, Courtney (Virginia) Artillery, Louisiana Guard Artillery, Staunton (Virginia) Artillery Cavalry 35th Virginia Battalion: Ltc Elijah V. White Johnson’s Division- MG Edward Johnson Steuart’s Brigade- BG George H. Steuart 1st Maryland Battalion, 1st North Carolina, 3rd North Carolina, 10th Virginia, 23rd Virginia, 37th Virginia Stonewall Brigade- BG James A. Walker 2nd Virginia, 4th Virginia, 5th Virginia, 27th Virginia, 33rd Virginia Nicholls’ Brigade-Col Jesse M. Williams 1st Louisiana, 2nd Louisiana, 10th Louisiana, 14th Louisiana, 15th Louisiana Jones’ Brigade- BG John M. Jones (w); Ltc Robert H. Dungan 21st Virginia, 25th Virginia, 42nd Virginia, 44th Virginia, 48th Virginia, 50th Virginia Andrews’ Artillery Battalion- Maj Joseph W. Latimer (mw); Cpt Charles I. Raine 1st Maryland Battery, Alleghany (Virginia) Artillery, Chesapeake (Maryland) Artillery, Lee (Virginia) Battery Rodes’ Division- MG Robert E. Rodes Daniel’s Brigade-BG Junius Daniel 32nd North Carolina, 43rd North Carolina, 45th North Carolina, 53rd North Carolina, 2nd North Carolina Battalion Doles’ Brigade-BG George P. Doles 4th Georgia, 12th Georgia, 21st Georgia, 44th Georgia Iverson’s Brigade- BG Alfred Iverson, Jr. 5th North Carolina, 12th North Carolina, 20th North Carolina, 23rd North Carolina Ramseur’s Brigade- BG Stephen D. Ramseur 2nd North Carolina, 4th North Carolina, 14th North Carolina, 30th North Carolina Rodes’ (old) Brigade- Col Edward A. O’Neal 3rd Alabama, 5th Alabama, 6th Alabama, 12th Alabama, 26th Alabama Carter’s Artillery Battalion-Ltc Thomas H. Carter Jefferson Davis (Alabama) Artillery, King William (Virginia) Artillery, Morris (Virginia) Artillery, Orange (Virginia) Artillery Artillery Reserve- Col J. Thompson Brown First Virginia Artillery Battalion- Cpt Willis J. Dance 2nd Richmond (Virginia) Howitzers, 3rd Richmond (Virginia) Howitzers, Powhatan (Virginia) Artillery, Rockbridge (Virginia) Artillery, Salem (Virginia) Artillery Nelson’s Artillery Battalion- Ltc William Nelson Amherst (Virginia) Artillery, Fluvanna (Virginia) Artillery, Milledge’s Georgia Battery III Corps- Lt. Gen. Ambrose Powell Hill Commanding Anderson’s Division- MG Richard H. Anderson Wilcox’s Brigade- BG Cadmus M. Wilcox 8th Alabama, 9th Alabama, 10th Alabama, 11th Alabama, 14th Alabama Mahone’s Brigade- BG William Mahone 6th Virginia, 12th Virginia, 16th Virginia, 41st Virginia, 61st Virginia Wright’s Brigade-BG Ambrose R. Wright; Col William Gibson; BG Ambrose R. Wright 3rd Georgia, 22nd Georgia, 48th Georgia, 2nd Georgia Battalion Perry’s Brigade- Col David Lang 2nd Florida, 5th Florida, 8th Florida Posey’s Brigade- BG Carnot Posey (w); Col. Nathaniel Harris 12th Mississippi, 16th Mississippi, 19th Mississippi, 48th Mississippi Cutt’s Artillery Battalion- Maj John Lane Company A, Company B, Company C Heth’s Division- MG Henry Heth (w); BG James J. Pettigrew Pettigrew’s Brigade-BG James J. Pettigrew; Col James K. Marshall (k); Maj John T. Jones 11th North Carolina, 26th North Carolina, 47th North Carolina, 52nd North Carolina Heth’s (old) Brigade- Col John M. Brockenbrough; Col Robert M. Mayo 40th Virginia, 47th Virginia, 55th Virginia, 22nd Virginia Battalion Archer’s Brigade- BG James J. Archer (w&c); Col Birkett D. Fry (w&c); Ltc Samuel G. Shepard 13th Alabama, 5th Alabama Battalion, 1st Tennessee (Provisional Army), 7th Tennessee, 14th Tennessee Davis’ Brigade- BG Joseph R. Davis 2nd Mississippi, 11th Mississippi, 42nd Mississippi, 55th North Carolina Garnett’s Artillery Battalion- Ltc John J. Garnett Donaldsonville (Louisiana) Artillery, Huger (Virginia) Artillery, Lewis (Virginia) Artillery, Norfolk (Virginia) Blues Artillery Pender’s Division-MG William D. Pender (mw); BG James H. Lane; MG Isaac R. Trimble (w&c); BG James H. Lane McGowan’s Brigade-Col Abner M. Perrin 1st South Carolina (Provisional Army), 1st South Carolina Rifles, 12th South Carolina, 13th South Carolina, 14th South Carolina Lane’s Brigade- BG James H. Lane; Col Clark M. Avery 7th North Carolina, 18th North Carolina, 28th North Carolina, 33rd North Carolina, 37th North Carolina Thomas’ Brigade- BG Edward L. Thomas 14th Georgia, 35th Georgia, 45th Georgia, 49th Georgia Scales’ Brigade- BG Alfred M. Scales (w); Ltc George T. Gordon; Col William L. J. Lowrance 13th North Carolina, 16th North Carolina, 22nd North Carolina, 34th North Carolina, 38th North Carolina Poague’s Artillery Battalion- Maj William T. Poague Albemarle (Virginia) Artillery, Charlotte (North Carolina) Artillery, Madison (Mississippi) Artillery, Brooke’s Virginia Battery Artillery Reserve- Col Reuben L. Walker McIntosh’s Artillery Battalion- Maj David G. McIntosh Danville (Virginia) Artillery, Hardaway (Alabama) Artillery, 2nd Rockbridge (Virginia) Artillery, Johnson’s Virginia Battery Pegram’s Artillery Battalion- Maj William R. J. Pegram; Cpt Ervin B. Brunson Crenshaw (Virginia) Battery, Fredericksburg (Virginia) Artillery, Letcher (Virginia) Artillery, Pee Dee (South Carolina) Artillery, Purcell (Virginia) Artillery Cavalry Division- Maj. Gen. James Ewell Brown Stuart Hampton’s Brigade- BG Wade Hampton 1st North Carolina, 1st South Carolina, 2nd South Carolina, Cobb’s (Georgia) Legion, Jeff Davis (Mississippi) Legion, Phillips (Georgia) Legion Robertson’s Brigade (not present at Gettysburg) BG Beverly H. Robertson 4th North Carolina, 5th North Carolina Fitzhugh Lee’s Brigade- BG Fitzhugh Lee 1st Maryland Battalion, 1st Virginia, 2nd Virginia, 3rd Virginia, 4th Virginia, 5th Virginia Jenkins’ Brigade- BG Albert G. Jenkins (w); Col Milton J. Ferguson 14th Virginia, 16th Virginia, 17th Virginia, 34th Virginia Battn., 36th Virginia Battn., Jackson’s (Virginia) Battery William H. F. (Rooney) Lee’s Brigade- Col John R. Chambliss, Jr. 2nd North Carolina Cavalry, 9th Virginia, 10th Virginia, 13th Virginia Jones’ Brigade- BG William E. Jones 6th Virginia, 7th Virginia, 11th Virginia Stuart’s Horse Artillery- Maj Robert F. Beckham Breathed’s (Virginia) Battery, Chew’s (Virginia) Battery, Griffin’s (Maryland) Battery Hart’s (South Carolina) Battery, McGregor’s (Virginia) Battery, Moorman’s (Virginia) Battery Imboden’s Command- BG John D. Imboden 18th Virginia, 62nd Virginia, McNeill’s Company (Virginia), Staunton (Virginia) Battery Union Order of Battle Army of the Potomac – Major General George Gordon Meade, Commanding General Staff: Chief of Staff: Maj. Gen. Daniel Butterfield, Chief of Artillery: Brig. Gen. Henry J. Hunt, Medical Director: Maj Jonathan Letterman, Chief of Engineers: Brig. Gen. Gouverneur K. Warren, Bureau of Military Information: Col. George H. Sharpe Command of the Provost Marshal General: Brig. Gen. Marsena R. Patrick 93rd New York: Col. John S. Crocker, 8th United States (8 companies): Capt. Edwin W. H. Read, 2nd Pennsylvania Cavalry: Col. R. Butler Price, 6th Pennsylvania Cavalry (Companies E&I): Capt. James Starr, Regular cavalry Engineer Brigade: Brig. Gen. Henry W. Benham 15th New York (3 companies): Maj Walter L. Cassin, 50th New York: Col. William H. Pettes, U.S. Battalion: Capt. George H. Mendell I Corps- Maj. Gen. John F. Reynolds (k) First Division- Brig. Gen. James S. Wadsworth 1st Brigade (The Iron Brigade)-Brig. Gen. Solomon Meredith (w); Col.. William W. Robinson 19th Indiana, 24th Michigan, 2nd Wisconsin, 6th Wisconsin, 7th Wisconsin 2nd Brigade- Brig. Gen. Lysander Cutler 7th Indiana, 76th New York, 84th New York (14th Militia), 95th New York, 147th New York, 56th Pennsylvania (9 companies) Second Division- Brig. Gen. John C. Robinson 1st Brigade- Brig. Gen. Gabriel R. Paul (w); Col. Samuel H. Leonard (w); Col. Adrian R. Root (w&c); Col. Richard Coulter (w); Col. Peter Lyle; Col. Richard Coulter 16th Maine, 13th Massachusetts, 94th New York, 104th New York, 107th Pennsylvania 2nd Brigade-Brig. Gen. Henry Baxter 12th Massachusetts, 83rd New York (9th Militia), 97th New York, 11th Pennsylvania, 88th Pennsylvania, 90th Pennsylvania Third Division- Maj. Gen. Abner Doubleday; Brig. Gen. Thomas A. Rowley; Maj. Gen. Abner Doubleday 1st Brigade- Col. Chapman Biddle; Brig. Gen. Thomas A. Rowley; Col. Chapman Biddle 80th New York (20th Militia), 121st Pennsylvania, 142nd Pennsylvania, 151st Pennsylvania 2nd Brigade-Col. Roy Stone (w); Col. Langhorne Wister (w); Col. Edmund L. Dana 143rd Pennsylvania, 149th Pennsylvania, 150th Pennsylvania 3rd Brigade- Brig. Gen. George J. Stannard (w); Col. Francis V. Randall 13th Vermont, 14th Vermont, 16th Vermont Artillery Brigade- Col. Charles S. Wainwright Maine Light, 2nd Battery (B), Maine Light, 5th Battery (E), 1st New York Light, Batteries E&L, 1st Pennsylvania Light, Battery B, 4th United States, Battery B II Corps- Maj. Gen. Winfield S. Hancock (w); Brig. Gen. John Gibbon; Brig. Gen. William Hays First Division- Brig. Gen. John C. Caldwell 1st Brigade- Col. Edward E. Cross (mw); Col. H. Boyd McKeen 5th New Hampshire, 61st New York, 81st Pennsylvania , 148th Pennsylvania 2nd Brigade (The Irish Brigade) – Col. Patrick Kelly 28th Massachusetts, 63rd New York (2 companies),69th New York (2 companies), 88th New York (2 companies), 116th Pennsylvania (4 companies) 3rd Brigade-Brig. Gen. Samuel K. Zook (mw); Lt. Col.. Charles G. Freudenberg (w); Col. Richard P. Roberts (k); Lt. Col.. John Fraser 52nd New York, 57th New York, 66th New York, 140th Pennsylvania 4th Brigade- Col. John R. Brooke 27th Connecticut (2 companies), 2nd Delaware, 64th New York, 53rd Pennsylvania, 145th Pennsylvania (7 companies) Second Division- Brig. Gen. John Gibbon (w); Brig. Gen. William Harrow 1st Brigade- Brig. Gen. William Harrow; Col. Francis E. Heath 19th Maine, 15th Massachusetts, 1st Minnesota, 82nd New York (2nd Militia) 2nd Brigade- Brig. Gen. Alexander S. Webb 69th Pennsylvania, 71st Pennsylvania, 72nd Pennsylvania, 106th Pennsylvania 3rd Brigade- Col. Norman J. Hall 19th Massachusetts, 20th Massachusetts, 7th Michigan, 42nd New York, 59th New York (4 companies) Unattached: Massachusetts Sharpshooters, 1st Company III Corps- Maj. Gen. Daniel E. Sickles (w); Maj. Gen. David B. Birney First Division- Maj. Gen. David B. Birney; Brig. Gen. J. H. Hobart Ward 1st Brigade- Brig. Gen. Charles K. Graham (w&c); Col. Andrew H. Tippin; Col. Henry J. Madill 57th Pennsylvania (8 companies), 63rd Pennsylvania, 68th Pennsylvania, 105th Pennsylvania, 114th Pennsylvania, 141st Pennsylvania 2nd Brigade- Brig. Gen. J. H. Hobart Ward; Col. Hiram Berdan 20th Indiana, 3rd Maine, 4th Maine, 86th New York, 124th New York, 99th Pennsylvania, 1st United States Sharpshooters, 2nd United States Sharpshooters (8 companies) 3rd Brigade- Col. P. Régis de Trobriand 17th Maine, 3rd Michigan, 5th Michigan, 40th New York, 110th Pennsylvania (6 companies) Second Division- Brig. Gen. Andrew A. Humphreys 1st Brigade- Brig. Gen. Joseph B. Carr 1st Massachusetts, 11th Massachusetts, 16th Massachusetts, 12th New Hampshire, 11th New Jersey,26th Pennsylvania 2nd Brigade-Col. William R. Brewster 70th New York, 71st New York, 72nd New York, 73rd New York, 74th New York, 120th New York 3rd Brigade-Col. George C. Burling 2nd New Hampshire, 5th New Jersey, 6th New Jersey, 7th New Jersey, 8th New Jersey,115th Pennsylvania Artillery Brigade-Capt. George E. Randolph (w); Capt. A. Judson Clark 1st New Jersey Light, Battery B, 1st New York Light, Battery D, New York Light, 4th Battery, 1st Rhode Island Light, Battery E, 4th United States, Battery K V Corps-Maj. Gen. George Sykes First Division- Brig. Gen. James Barnes 1st Brigade-Col. William S. Tilton 18th Massachusetts, 22nd Massachusetts, 1st Michigan, 118th Pennsylvania 2nd Brigade-Col. Jacob B. Sweitzer 9th Massachusetts, 32nd Massachusetts, 4th Michigan, 62nd Pennsylvania 3rd Brigade-Col. Strong Vincent (mw); Col. James C. Rice 20th Maine, 16th Michigan, 44th New York, 83rd Pennsylvania Second Division-Brig. Gen. Romeyn B. Ayres 1st Brigade- Col. Hannibal Day 3rd United States (Cos. B, C, E, G, I and K), 4th United States (Cos. C, F, H and K), 6th United States (Cos. D, F, G, H and I), 12th United States (Cos. A, B, C, D and G, 1st Bn. and Cos. A, C and D, 2nd Bn.), 14th United States (Cos. A, B, D, E, F and G, 1st Bn. and Cos. F and G, 2nd Bn.) 2nd Brigade-Col. Sidney Burbank 2nd United States (Cos. B, C, F, H, I and K), 7th United States (Cos. A, B, E and I), 10th United States (Cos. D, G and H), 11th United States (Cos. B, C, D, E, F and G),17th United States (Cos. A, C, D, G and H, 1st Bn. and Cos. A and B, 2nd Bn.) 3rd Brigade-Brig. Gen. Stephen H. Weed (k); Col. Kenner Garrard 140th New York, 146th New York, 91st Pennsylvania, 155th Pennsylvania Third Division-Brig. Gen. Samuel W. Crawford 1st Brigade-Col. William McCandless 1st Pennsylvania Reserves (9 companies), 2nd Pennsylvania Reserves, 6th Pennsylvania Reserves,13th Pennsylvania Reserves 2nd Brigade (not present—assigned to Washington defenses) 3rd Brigade-Col. Joseph W. Fisher 5th Pennsylvania Reserves, 9th Pennsylvania Reserves, 10th Pennsylvania Reserves, 11th Pennsylvania Reserves, 12th Pennsylvania Reserves (9 companies) Artillery Brigade-Capt. Augustus P. Martin Massachusetts Light, 3rd Battery, 1st New York Light, Battery C, 1st Ohio Light, Battery L, 5th United States, Battery D, 5th United States, Battery I VI Corps-Maj. Gen. John Sedgwick First Division-Brig. Gen. Horatio G. Wright 1st Brigade-Brig. Gen. Alfred T. A. Torbert 1st New Jersey, 2nd New Jersey, 3rd New Jersey, 15th New Jersey 2nd Brigade-Brig. Gen. Joseph J. Bartlett; Col. Emory Upton 5th Maine, 121st New York, 95th Pennsylvania, 96th Pennsylvania 3rd Brigade-Brig. Gen. David A. Russell 6th Maine, 49th Pennsylvania (4 companies), 119th Pennsylvania, 5th Wisconsin Provost Guard: 4th New Jersey (3 companies): Capt. William R. Maxwell Second Division- Brig. Gen. Albion P. Howe 2nd Brigade-Col. Lewis A. Grant 2nd Vermont, 3rd Vermont, 4th Vermont, 5th Vermont, 6th Vermont 3rd Brigade-Brig. Gen. Thomas H. Neill 7th Maine (6 companies), 33rd New York (detachment), 43rd New York, 49th New York, 77th New York, 61st Pennsylvania Third Division-Maj. Gen. John Newton; Brig. Gen. Frank Wheaton 1st Brigade-Brig. Gen. Alexander Shaler 65th New York, 67th New York, 122nd New York, 23rd Pennsylvania, 82nd Pennsylvania 2nd Brigade-Col. Henry L. Eustis 7th Massachusetts, 10th Massachusetts, 37th Massachusetts, 2nd Rhode Island. 3rd Brigade-Brig. Gen. Frank Wheaton; Col. David J. Nevin 62nd New York, 93rd Pennsylvania, 98th Pennsylvania,139th Pennsylvania Artillery Brigade-Col. Charles H. Tompkins Massachusetts Light, 1st Battery, New York Light, 1st Battery, New York Light, 3rd Battery, 1st Rhode Island Light, Battery C, 1st Rhode Island Light, Battery G, 2nd United States, Battery D, 2nd United States, Battery G, 5th United States, Battery F XI Corps-Maj. Gen. Oliver O. Howard; Maj. Gen. Carl Schurz First Division-Brig. Gen. Francis C. Barlow (w); Brig. Gen. Adelbert Ames 1st Brigade-Col. Leopold von Gilsa 1st New York (9 companies), 54th New York, 68th New York, 153rd Pennsylvania 2nd Brigade-Brig. Gen. Adelbert Ames; Col. Andrew L. Harris 17th Connecticut, 25th Ohio, 75th Ohio, 107th Ohio Second Division-Brig. Gen. Adolph von Steinwehr 1st Brigade-Col. Charles R. Coster 134th New York, 154th New York, 27th Pennsylvania, 73rd Pennsylvania 2nd Brigade Col. Orland Smith 33rd Massachusetts, 136th New York, 55th Ohio, 73rd Ohio Third Division-Maj. Gen. Carl Schurz; Brig. Gen. Alexander Schimmelfennig; Maj. Gen. Carl Schurz 1st Brigade-Brig. Gen. Alexander Schimmelfennig; Col. George von Amsberg 82nd Illinois, 45th New York, 157th New York, 61st Ohio, 74th Pennsylvania 2nd Brigade-Col. Wladimir Krzyzanowski 58th New York, 19th New York, 82nd Ohio, 75th Pennsylvania, 26th Wisconsin Artillery Brigade-Maj Thomas W. Osborn 1st New York Light, Battery I, New York Light, 13th Battery, 1st Ohio Light, Battery I, 1st Ohio Light, Battery K, 4th United States, Battery G XII Corps-Maj. Gen. Henry W. Slocum; Brig. Gen. Alpheus S. Williams First Division-Brig. Gen. Alpheus S. Williams; Brig. Gen. Thomas H. Ruger 1st Brigade-Col. Archibald L. McDougall 5th Connecticut, 20th Connecticut, 3rd Maryland, 123rd New York, 145th New York, 46th Pennsylvania 3rd Brigade-Brig. Gen. Thomas H. Ruger; Col. Silas Colgrove 27th Indiana, 2nd Massachusetts, 13th New Jersey, 107th New York, 3rd Wisconsin Second Division-Brig. Gen. John W. Geary 1st Brigade-Col. Charles Candy 5th Ohio, 7th Ohio, 29th Ohio, 66th Ohio, 28th Pennsylvania, 147th Pennsylvania (8 companies) 2nd Brigade-Col. George A. Cobham, Jr.; Brig. Gen. Thomas L. Kane 29th Pennsylvania, 109th Pennsylvania, 111th Pennsylvania 3rd Brigade-Brig. Gen. George S. Greene 60th New York, 78th New York, 102nd New York, 137th New York, 149th New York Lockwood’s Brigade-Brig. Gen. Henry H. Lockwood 1st Maryland, Potomac Home Brigade, 1st Maryland, Eastern Shore,150th New York Artillery Brigade-Lt Edward D. Muhlenberg 1st New York Light, Battery M, Pennsylvania Light, Battery E,4th United States, Battery F 5th United States, Battery K Cavalry Corps -Maj. Gen. Alfred Pleasonton First Division-Brig. Gen. John Buford 1st Brigade-Col. William Gamble 8th Illinois, 12th Illinois (4 cos.) & 3rd Indiana (6 cos.), 8th New York 2nd Brigade-Col. Thomas Devin 6th New York (6 companies), 9th New York, 17th Pennsylvania, 3rd West Virginia, Companies A and C Reserve Brigade-Brig. Gen. Wesley Merritt 6th Pennsylvania, 1st United States, 2nd United States, 5th United States, 6th United States Second Division-Brig. Gen. David Gregg 1st Brigade-Col. John B. McIntosh 1st Maryland (11 companies), Purnell (Maryland) Legion, Company A, 1st Massachusetts, 1st New Jersey, 1st Pennsylvania, 3rd Pennsylvania, 3rd Pennsylvania Heavy Artillery, Section, Battery H 3rd Brigade-Col. John I. Gregg 1st Maine (10 companies), 10th New York, 4th Pennsylvania, 16th Pennsylvania Third Division-Brig. Gen. Judson Kilpatrick 1st Brigade-Brig. Gen. Elon J. Farnsworth (k); Col. Nathaniel P. Richmond 5th New York, 18th Pennsylvania, 1st Vermont, 1st West Virginia (10 companies) 2nd Brigade-Brig. Gen. George A. Custer 1st Michigan, 5th Michigan, 6th Michigan, 7th Michigan: (10 companies) Horse Artillery 1st Brigade-Capt. James M. Robertson 9th Michigan Battery, 6th New York Battery,2nd United States, Batteries B and L, 2nd United States, Battery M, 4th United States, Battery E 2nd Brigade-Capt. John C. Tidball 1st United States, Batteries E and G, 1st United States, Battery K, 2nd United States, Battery A Artillery Reserve-Brig. Gen. Robert O. Tyler, Capt. James M. Robertson 1st Regular Brigade-Capt. Dunbar R. Ransom 1st United States, Battery H, 3rd United States, Batteries F and K, 4th United States, Battery C, 5th United States, Battery C 1st Volunteer Brigade-Lt. Col.. Freeman McGilvery Massachusetts Light, 5th Battery (E), Massachusetts Light, 9th Battery, New York Light, 15th Battery, Pennsylvania Light, Batteries C and F 2nd Volunteer Brigade-Capt. Elijah D. Taft 1st Connecticut Heavy, Battery B, 1st Connecticut Heavy, Battery M, Connecticut Light, 2nd Battery. New York Light, 5th Battery 3rd Volunteer Brigade-Capt. James F. Huntington New Hampshire Light, 1st Battery, 1st Ohio Light, Battery H, 1st Pennsylvania Light, Batteries F and G, West Virginia Light, Battery C 4th Volunteer Brigade-Capt. Robert H. Fitzhugh Maine Light, 6th Battery, Maryland Light, Battery A, New Jersey Light, 1st Battery, 1st New York Light, Battery G, 1st New York Light, Battery K Train Guard: 4th New Jersey Infantry (7 companies) “Dead men and plenty here – and I saw plenty [3] of them in all shapes on the field – Help to wound & Kill men then Patch them up I could show more suffering here in one second than you will see in a Life…” Elbert Corbin, Union Soldier at Gettysburg 1st Regiment, Light Artillery, N. Y. S. Volunteers (Pettit’s Battery) “In great deeds something abides. On great fields something stays. Forms change and pass; bodies disappear, but spirits linger, to consecrate ground for the vision-place of souls.” Colonel Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain The Army of Northern Virginia and Army of the Potomac remained on the bloodstained Gettysburg battlefield on July 4th 1863. Both armies had suffered severely in the fighting around 50,000 soldiers from both sides lay dead, dying or wounded on the battlefield. Surgeons and their assistants manned open air hospitals while parties of stretcher bearers evacuated wounded men for treatment and other soldiers began to identify and bury the dead. Halfway across the continent Confederate Lieutenant General John C Pemberton surrendered his emaciated forces at Vicksburg to Major General Ullysses S Grant which cut the Confederacy in half. It was a fitting day of remembrance as it was the 87th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, and the significance was not lost on any of the commanders. It was a somber day, the sweltering heat sunshine which had bathed the battlefield as Longstreets’ Corps Corps attacked Cemetery Ridge was broken by heavy rain and wind. The commanders of both armies, General Robert E Lee and Major General George Mead attempted to discern the others intent while making their own plans. It was Lee’s hope that Meade would attack and possibly give him the opportunity to inflict a defeat on the Union forces. Meade, still new to command and cautious did not renew the engagement and Lee began to withdraw the battered Army of Northern Virginia from the field. As Lee withdrew Meade slowly pursued and lost a chance at trapping the Confederate Army before it could escape across the rain swollen Potomac River. Lee completed his withdraw under pressure on the 14th and his rear-guard under the command of Major General Harry Heth fought an action against Union forces at the in which the accomplished academic and author Brigadier General James Pettigrew was mortally wounded. Meade’s lackluster pursuit was criticized by many including President Lincoln who believed that had Meade been more aggressive that the war could have ended there. Had Lee’s army been destroyed in little over a week after the surrender of Vicksburg it could have well brought about the downfall of the Confederacy in the summer of 1863. Even so the skill of Meade in defeating Lee at Gettysburg was one of the greatest achievements by a Union commander during the war in the East. In earlier times Lee had held sway over his Federal opponents. McClellan, Porter, Pope, Burnside and Hooker had all failed against Lee and his army. Many of the dead at Gettysburg were the flower of the nation. Intelligent, thoughtful and passionate they were cut down in their prime. The human cost some of over 50,000 men killed or wounded is astonishing. In those three days more Americans were killed or wounded than in the entire Iraq campaign. The war would go on for almost two more years adding many thousands more dead and wounded. However the Union victory at Gettysburg was decisive. Never again did Lee go on the offensive and when Grant came East at the end of 1863 to command Union armies in the East against Lee the Federal armies fought with renewed ferocity and once engaged Grant never let Lee’s forces out of their grip. In November 1863 Lincoln travelled to Gettysburg to dedicate a cemetery and commemorate the dead. He penned a short speech which still echoes in the hearts of Americans as one of the greatest tributes ever spoken. His Gettysburg Address is a speech that still calls Americans to the cause of freedom and the to remember the great cost of liberty with renewed passion. “Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead who struggled here have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us–that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion–that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this nation under God shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, for the people shall not perish from the earth.” Peace Padre Steve+ On June 30th 1863 the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia under the Command of General Robert E Lee was deep in enemy territory. His mission was to draw the Federal Army of the Potomac now under the command of Major General George Gordon Meade into battle and destroy it. His Army composed of three Corps, the First Corps under Lieutenant General James Longstreet, the Second under Lieutenant General Richard Ewell and the Third Corps under the command of Lieutenant General A.P. Hill. Lieutenant General J.E.B. Stuart commanded his cavalry but was operating independently of Lee conducting a movement around the Army of the Potomac and unable to provide Lee information on the deployment or movement of the Union forces. Lee’s army was spread out. Early’s Second Corps was spread out near the Susquehanna River near Harrisburg while his other two corps were concentrated in the area around Cashtown about 8 miles west of Gettysburg. On the 30th a brigade of Major General Harry Heth’s division of Hill’s Corps made a reconnaissance in the direction of Gettysburg. The brigade commander Brigadier General James Pettigrew observed Federal cavalry entering the town and chose not to engage reporting the matter to General Heth. Major General Henry (Harry) Heth Heth was a graduate of West Point who had served as an Infantry Officer in the United States Army until he resigned to enter the Confederate Army. He had commanded a company in battle against the Lakota Sioux in 1855 and wrote the first marksmanship manual for use in the U.S. Army. Unlike many of his fellow officers he had not taken part in the Mexican-American War. Heth spent the early part of the war as Lee’s Quartermaster where he became one of Lee’s favorite officers and began a relationship where Lee looked after his career. He then served as regimental commander in the actions in the Kanawha Valley of Western Virginia being assigned to Kirby Smith’s Department of Tennessee where he commanded a division but took part no no major actions. Lee brought him back to the Army of Northern Virginia in 1863 to command a brigade in Hill’s Division. He took commanded that brigade at Chancellorsville in which he made an ill advised unsupported attack against Union forces with heavy casualties. He was promted to command of the Division when Hill assumed command of Third Corps when it was created following the death of Lieutenant General Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson. Lee had given his commanders orders not to provoke a major engagement until the Army was fully concentrated to meet Meade’s troops which had crossed the Potomac and was moving north. However neither Heth nor Hill believed that the troops that Pettigrew observed were a threat, believing them to be nothing more than local militia. Heth ordered half of his division to make a reconnaissance in force on the morning of July 1st. It was not what Lee wanted and Heth’s conduct of it and the resultant action led to the largest battle of the Civil War, the costliest battle. Lee’s intent was clear. He desired to have a tired and weary Union force under a new commander under political pressure attack him on ground of his choosing. He hoped to defeat the Union forces piecemeal as they came into the battle. By initiating the action Heth caused Lee to have to improvise an attack contrary to his initial plan. It was an accidental encounter which was compounded by Heth’s action to commit his entire division into battle in spite of his orders. Brigadier General John Buford The Federal Cavalry was the First Cavalry Division under the Command of Brigadier General John Buford. Buford’s division arrived in Gettysburg ahead of the Army of the Potomac on the 30th. Buford and his brigade commanders immediately recognized the importance of the ground when they saw Pettigrew’s troops. Buford order his troops to deploy on the ridges west of Gettysburg, Herr Ridge, McPherson Ridge and Seminary Ridge. It was the perfect place for a delaying action against superior forces. Buford was also a graduate of West Point and served as a Cavalry officer in the Army before the war. He was from Kentucky and though his father was a Democrat who had opposed Abraham Lincoln and had family that chose to fight for the Confederacy he remained loyal to his oath and remained in the Army. He served against the Sioux and on peacekeeping duty in the bitterly divided State if Kansas before serving in the Utah War in 1858. He was a modern soldier who recognized that the tactics of the Army had to change due to improvements in weapons and technology. He was promoted to Brigadier General in 1862 and served in numerous engagements as a Cavalry Brigade commander before being given command of the 1st Cavalry Division after Chancellorsville. The Delaying Action, July 1st 1863 Map by Hal Jespersen, http://www.posix.com/CW Buford was a keen student of war and a commander who was able to control his forces. When Heth engaged his division he fought a masterful action which allowed the Infantry Corps of the Army of the Potomac to arrive on the field of battle. His action to select the ground upon which the battle was fought led to the Union victory because even though Federal forces were pushed back on the first day they were able to maintain control of the high ground east of the city with interior lines of communication which they fortified. Lee decided that he had to force the battle and continue the attack despite the objections of General Longstreet and the fact that he did not fully know the numbers and disposition of the troops arrayed against him. It would be a fateful decision born of a ill conceived action of Heth and correspondingly excellent command decisions of Buford. I am sure that part of the reason for this was Heth’s lack of experience in the East against the Army of the Potomac and limited battle experience as a senior commander. Buford had spent the war in action against Lee’s Army. He knew the capabilities of his enemies and what had to be done to give his side a chance to win. Like many battles success is often due to such factors. Had Heth held up and had Lee followed Longstreet’s advice the battle and war might have turned out quite differently. Had Buford not seen the importance of the ground that he selected and deployed himself accordingly the rest of the Army may not have gotten to Gettysburg before Lee had gained the critical ground east and south of the town. On such decisions battles are decided and wars won. Heth’s relative inexperience and inability to control his command was a decisive factor in the battle while Buford’s experience and poise under pressure probably saved the Army of the Potomac from a decisive defeat. Peace Padre Steve+
7368	dbpedia	3	16	https://www.nationalww2museum.org/events-programs/events/131317-meet-author-first-light-true-world-war-ii-story-hero-his-bravery-and	en	Meet the Author--"At First Light: A True World War II Story of a Hero, His Bravery, and an Amazing Horse"	https://www.nationalww2m…e-960x700-r1.jpg	https://www.nationalww2m…e-960x700-r1.jpg	[ "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_small/public/2023-06/3Q9A2879.jpg?h=1dd3cf61", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_small/public/2021-11/expressions-of-america-act-5-scene-1-USO-tour_0.jpeg?h=d5b7ebc5", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_small/public/2017-06/distancelearning-home_front-vft.jpg?h=af3cde7e", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_small/public/2023-02/research-header-updated.jpg?h=c12fc1b4", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_small/public/2022-09/stem.jpeg?h=4cd29779", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_small/public/2017-05/10_us_freedom_pavilion-the_boeing_center_ext_0.jpg?h=d420901f", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_small/public/2017-06/Sv-N9ePbWXMxjol4tPxIoDLC-lbF-FCXBBQqFvBldf0.jpg?h=6ff83453", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_medium/public/2022-12/22-0959-national-ww2-museum-first-light-primary-image-960x700-r1.jpg?h=6328b48a", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_medium/public/2024-06/960x700_Event%20Header.jpg?h=0bec7728", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_medium/public/2024-04/24-0229-mason-lecture-hilliard-960x700-web-cal-entry.jpg?h=6328b48a", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_medium/public/2023-11/23-0959%20MTA%20-%20The%20Devil%20Will%20Get%20No%20Rest_Website%20Calendar%20Entry%20960x700.jpg?h=6328b48a", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_medium/public/2022-08/22-0539-lbl-unconditional-extermination-event-graphic-960x700-r1.jpeg?h=6328b48a", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_medium/public/2022-07/22-0462%20LBL%20Japanese%20Incarceration_WebsiteCalendarEntry.jpeg?h=864d3346", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_medium/public/2022-06/22-0432-lbl-holocaust-by-bullets-event-graphic-960x700-r1.jpeg?h=6328b48a", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_medium/public/2022-06/chinas-good-war-website.jpg?h=4fa54830", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/themes/nwwiim/images/loaders/placeholder.gif", "https://www.nationalww2museum.org/sites/default/files/styles/wide_medium/public/2022-06/22-0405-old-breed-general-mta-book-cover-960x700-ar.jpg?h=4fa54830" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Author Walt Larimore, MD, will be joined in conversation by Mark Calhoun, PhD.	en	/themes/nwwiim/favicon.ico	The National WWII Museum \| New Orleans	https://www.nationalww2museum.org/events-programs/events/131317-meet-author-first-light-true-world-war-ii-story-hero-his-bravery-and	Author Walt Larimore, MD, will be joined in conversation by Mark Calhoun, PhD. View online What makes 2nd Lieutenant Phil Larimore’s story special is what happened in World War II’s closing days and the people—and horses—he interacted with in this Forrest Gump-like tale that is emotional, heartbreaking, and inspiring. Growing up in the 1930s in Memphis, Tennessee, Phil Larimore is the ultimate Boy Scout—able to read maps, put a compass to good use, and traverse wild swamps and desolate canyons. His other great skill is riding horses. Phil does poorly in school, however, leading his parents send to him to a military academy. After Pearl Harbor, Phil realizes he is destined for war. Three weeks before his 18th birthday, he becomes the youngest candidate to ever graduate from Officer Candidate School (OCS) at Fort Benning, Georgia. Landing on the Anzio beachhead in February 1944, Phil is put in charge of an Ammunition Pioneer Platoon in the 3rd Infantry Division. Their job: deliver ammunition to the frontline foxholes—a dangerous assignment involving regular forays into No Man’s Land. As Phil fights his way up the Italian boot, into Southern France and across the Rhine River into Germany, he is caught up in some of the most intense combat ever. But it’s what happens in the final stages of the war and his homecoming that makes Phil’s story incredibly special and heartwarming. An emotional tale of courage, daring, and heroism, At First Light will remind you of the indomitable human spirit that lives in all of us.
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"http://genealogytrails.com/main/military/confed/johnwalton.jpg", "http://genealogytrails.com/main/military/confed/ljverser.jpg", "http://genealogytrails.com/main/military/confed/peterwinston.jpg", "http://genealogytrails.com/main/military/confed/sampsonsimmons.jpg", "http://genealogytrails.com/main/military/confed/theophilussteele.jpg", "http://genealogytrails.com/main/military/confed/edwardowen.jpg", "http://genealogytrails.com/graphics/gtpaper2linkback.gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "Family History", "records", "free family history", "Family Research", "free Vital Records", "data transcriptions", "Census records" ]	null	[]	null	Free Records for Researching Family Trees				null	James Blackburn, Spring Station, Ky. - Born in Woodford County, Ky., April 30, 1841. Entered Arkansas State Service at Helena, Ark., April, 1861, and transferred to Confederate States Army. Private, 1st Lieutenant, Captain, first in Cleburne's Regiment Arkansas Infantry, Hardee's Brigade; then Hawthorn's Regiment, Fagan's Brigade; Captain, May, 1864. Prisoner at Camp Chase to February, 1865; exchanged and served under Kirby Smith, Trans-Mississippi Department, to close of war. Member Abe Buford Camp No. 97, Versailles, Ky. Inspector-General on Staff of General P. P. Johnston, 4th Kentucky Brigade U. C. V. Farmer. Robert Singleton Hart, Pisgah, Ky. - Born in Montgomery County, Ala. January 9th, 1843. Enlisted in Confederate Service at Notasulga, Ala., August, 1861. 4th Sergeant Company K, Lieutenant Company E, 22nd Alabama Regiment, Deas' Brigade; Withers', Hindman's and S. D. Lee's Division, Army of Tennessee. Commanded by Bragg, Johnston and Hood. Wounded at Atlanta, Ga., July 22nd, 1864. Served to close of war. Formerly a member of John C. Breckinridge Camp, now a member Abe Buford Camp No. 97, Versailles, Ky. Physician and Farmer. H. H. Ewing, Owingsville, Ky. - Born in Bath County, Ky., November 8th, 1836. Entered Confederate Service September, 1861. Private 5th Kentucky Infantry Regiment, then in the 2nd Battalion Kentucky Mounted Rifles. Served until May, 1865. Member Patrick R. Cleburne Camp No. 252, Owingsville, Ky. Colonel on Staff of Major-General Bennett H. Young, Kentucky Division U. C. V. Farmer. A. W. Bascom, Owingsville, Ky. - Born in Owingsville, Ky., May 15th, 1840. Entered Confederate Service September, 1861, at Preston, Ky. Private 5th Kentucky Infantry Regiment and 1st Kentucky Mounted Rifles. Served until Regiment was disbanded. Commander Pat. R. Cleburne Camp No. 252, Owingsville, Ky. Farmer and Breeder Short Horn Cattle. Robert Gatewood Stoner, Paris, Ky. - Entered Confederate Service in Virginia, in 1861. Raised Company in Bath County, Ky. Captain in E. F. Clay's Battalion Kentucky Cavalry, 1861. In September, 1862, raised Battalion of Cavalry and joined the 9th Kentucky Cavalry. Was Lieutenant-Colonel 9th Kentucky Calvary Regiment. Served to surrender, May 10th, 1865. Member John H. Morgan Camp No. 95. Farmer and Breeder of Trotting Horses. Ben. B. Bigstaff, (Uncle Ben) - Born in Bath County, Ky., February 8th, 1840. Entered Confederate Service September, 1861 at Woodsonville, Ky. Private and Chief of General John H. Morgan's Scouts. Captured in Morgan's Raid; in prison at Camp Morton and Camp Douglass. Served until May, 1865. Member Pat. Cleburne Camp No. 252. Major and Chaplain on Staff of General B. H. Young, commanding Kentucky Division U. C. V. Evangelist in Presbyterian Church. Spent life in the mountains. Samuel Bigstaff, Fort Thomas, Ky. - Born in Bath County, Ky., December 1st, 1845. Entered Confederate Service June, 1863. Private Company I, 2nd Kentucky Cavalry Regiment, General Basil Duke's Regiment, General John H. Morgan's Brigade. Served until close of war. Member of John C. Breckinridge Camp, No. 100, Lexington, Ky. Lawyer. A. T. Forsyth, Paris, Ky. - Born in Millersburg, Ky., January 5th, 1845. Entered Confederate Service July 19th, 1862. Private 2nd Kentucky Cavalry afterwards 9th Kentucky Cavalry. Surrendered at Washington, Ga., May 10th, 1865. Commander John H. Morgan Camp No. 95, Paris, Ky. Auctioneer and Real Estate Agent. Ezekiel Field Clay, "Runnymeade," Paris, Ky. - Born in Bourbon County, Ky., December 1st, 1840. Entered Confederate Service October 21st, 1861. Lieutenant-Colonel commanding 3rd Kentucky Battalion Cavalry. Served to close of war. Member John H. Morgan Camp No. 95, Paris, Ky. Farmer and Breeder of Thoroughbred Horses. Joseph E. Hedges, Paris, Ky. - Born at Cane Ridge, Bourbon County, Ky., August 12th, 1841. Entered Confederate Service at Lexington, Ky., September, 1862. Private Company C, 9th Kentucky Cavalry Regiment, appointed 2nd Lieutenant September, 1863. Surrendered at Washington, Ga., May 10th, 1865. Member John H. Morgan Camp No. 95, Paris, Ky. James M. Hall, LaGrange, Ky. - Born in Pittsylvania County, Va., near Danville, August 19th, 1834. Entered Confederate Service April 23rd, 1861. Private Company A, Captain Wm. E. Graves, 18th Virginia Infantry Regiment, Colonel R. E. Withers, Pickett's Old Brigade, Pickett's Division, A. N. Va. Was leader of Regimental Band for two years. Captured April 6th, 1865, at Sailor's Creek, Va. Prisoner at Point Lookout, Md. Member E. Kirby Smith Camp No. 251, Eminence, Ky. Supervisor Bridges and Buildings, Louisville & Nashville Railroad. J. O. Dedman, D. D. S., Harrodsburg, Ky. - Born at Whiteplains, Orange County, Va., October 5th, 1836. Entered Confederate Service April, 1861. Private Culpepper Minute-men in Conscript Department, and in 13th Virginia Infantry Regiment, Colonel A. P. Hill. Served in commands of Generals Jackson and Joe Johnston. Served two years. Commander Wm. Preston Camp No. 96, Harrodsburg, Ky. Dentist. Frank Chinn, Frankfort, Ky. - Born in Franklin County, Ky., November 10th, 1843. Entered Confederate Service August, 1862. Private Gano's 3rd Kentucky Calvary Regiment. Commanded by Morgan until its capture in Ohio. Escaped from prison at Camp Douglass, Chicago, Ill., and joined General Adam Johnson in Western Kentucky, and made Aide-de-Camp on Staff of Brigadier-General Chenowith. Served until surrender of General Lee. Member Monroe Camp No. 188, Frankfort, Ky. Lawyer. Thomas W. Scott, Midway, Ky. - Born in Franklin County, Ky., May 25th, 1843. Entered Confederate Service October, 1862. Private Company A, 9th Kentucky Calvary. In prison 3 days at Chattanooga, Tenn. Paroled at Washington, Ga., May 10th, 1865. Member Monroe Camp No. 188, Frankfort, Ky. Farmer. Williamson T. Price, Gulfport, Miss. - Born Frankfort, Ky., October 23rd, 1844. Entered Confederate Service at Camp Burnett, July, 1861. Corporal 4th Kentucky (Trabue's) Regiment, "Orphan Brigade." Disabled and transferred to Company A, 9th Kentucky Mounted Infantry, John H. Morgan's Command. Served to close of war. Lieutenant Beauvoir Camp, Gulfport, Miss. Druggist. James B. McCreary, Richmond, Ky. - Born in Richmond, Ky., July 8th, 1838. Entered Confederate Service in 1862. Major and Lieutenant-Colonel 11th Kentucky Cavalry. In commands of Generals John H. Morgan and John C. Breckinridge. Served to close of war. Member T. B. Collins Camp No. 215, Richmond, Ky. Lawyer. U. S. Senator. James M. Poyntz, M. D., Richmond, Ky. - Born in Scott County, Ky., March 22nd, 1838. Died August 16th, 1904. Entered Confederate Service August 20th, 1861. Lieutenant, Adjutant of Battalion. Assistant Surgeon June, 1862. Served in Commands of Generals Humphrey Marshall, John S. Williams, Preston, Breckinridge and Morgan. Served to May 9th, 1865. Was a member of T. B. Collins Camp No. 115, also Brigadier General 4th Brigade and Major-General Kentucky Division, U. C. V. Physician. E. W. Lyen, Harrodsburg, Ky. - Born in Mercer County, Ky., September 22nd, 1833. Died July 12th, 1905. Entered Confederate Service September, 1862. Orderly Sergeant and Lieutenant Company H, 2nd Kentucky Cavalry. In John H. Morgan's Command. Served to close of war. In John H. Morgan's Command. Served to close of war. Commander Wm. Preston Camp No. 96, Harrodsburg, Ky. Farmer. James A. Roberts, Brannon, Ky. - Born in Brannon, Jessamine County, Ky., October 8th, 1841. Entered Confederate Service September, 1862. Private Company B, 8th Kentucky Cavalry Regiment, Colonel R. S. Cluke. Was wounded at Bulls Gap and at Mt. Sterling, Ky. Served about two years and eight months to close of war. Member Humphrey Marshall Camp No. 187, Nicholasville, Ky. Farmer. George Bruce Taylor, Nicholasville, Ky. - Born in Carlisle, Ky., April 20th, 1845. Entered Confederate Service September, 1862. Private Company E, 8th Kentucky (Cluke's) Cavalry, General John H. Morgan's Command. Captured at Buffington Island, Ohio, July 19th, 1863. Prisoner at Camp Douglas until close of war. Commander Humphrey Marshall Camp No. 187. Former Brigadier General 4th Kentucky Brigade, U. C. V. Farmer and Stock Raiser. Charles H. Lee, Jr., Falmouth, Ky. - Born in Mason County, Ky., August 2nd, 1847. Entered Confederate Service June 10th, 1864. Private Company A, B. W. Jenkins' Battalion Kentucky Cavalry. Served to close of war. Member W. H. Ratcliffe Camp No. 682, Falmouth, Ky. Lieutenant-Colonel, Chief Paymaster on Staff of Major-General Bennett H. Young, commanding Kentucky Division U. C. V. Cashier Pendleton Bank, Falmouth, Ky. Rev. Edward O. Guerrant, D. D., Wilmore, Ky. - Born at Sharpsburg, Ky., February 28th, 1838. Entered Confederate Service January, 1862. Captain and Assistant Adjutant General in Commands of Generals Humphrey Marshall, Geo. B. Cosby, John H. Morgan and Colonel Henry L. Giltner. Served three years and three months. Member Humphrey Marshal Camp No.187, Nicholasville, Ky. Chaplain to Morgan's men and Confederate Veteran Association of Kentucky. Preacher of the Gospel. L. D. Young, Carlisle, Ky. - Born in Nicholas Connty [sic], Ky., January 22nd, 1842. Entered Confederate Service September, 1862. Private and 1st Lieutenant Company H, 4th Kentucky Infantry Regiment "Orphan" Brigade, John C. Breckinridge's Division. Wounded at Jonesboro, Ga. Served to close of war. Member Wm. Peter Bramblett Camp No. 344, Carlisle, Ky. Captain and Assistant Adjutant General on staff of Brigadier-General Jas. R. Rogers, commanding 1st Kentucky Brigade, U. C. V. Farmer. Horace M. Taylor, Carlisle, Ky. - Horace M. Taylor born at Carlisle, Ky., September 12th, 1843. Entered Confederate Service August, 1863. Corporal Company E, 8th, Kentucky Cavalry, John H. Morgan's Command. Captured at Washington, Ohio, July 24th, 1863. Prisoner at Camp Douglass until March, 1865. Commander Peter Bramblett Camp No. 344, Carlisle, Ky. Major on Staff of General B. H. Young. Merchant. Hervey McDowell, Cynthiana, Ky. - Born in Fayette County, Ky., April 15th, 1835. Died November 6th, 1901. Captain, Major and Lieutenant-Colonel; recruited Company F, 2nd Kentucky Infantry Regiment (Hanson's). Captured at Fort Donelson; prisoner at Johnson's Island. In all engagements of Regiment. Served four years. Member Ben Desha Camp No. 99, Cynthiana, Ky. Physician. James H. Hazelrigg, Frankfort, Ky. - Born near Mt. Sterling, Montgomery County, Ky., December 6th, 1848. Entered Confederate Service September, 1st, 1864 (16 years old). Private in Captain Harry Bedford's Company D, Colonel E. F. Clay's 3rd Kentucky Battalion Cavalry. Captured at Mt. Sterling, Ky., May 1st, 1865. Served nine months. Member R. S. Cluke Camp No. 201, Mt. Sterling, Ky. Lawyer. John S. Bradley, Augusta, Ky. - Born in North Middleton, Bourbon County, Ky., March 4th, 1842. Entered Confederate Service, September, 1862, at Camp Shelby, Fayette County, Ky. 2nd Sergeant, Company D, 8th Kentucky Cavalry, and with Company C, 9th Kentucky Regiment part of the time; Morgan's Command. Served to close of war. Commander John B. Hood Camp No. 222, Augusta, Ky. Grocer and Hardware Merchant. Benjamin F. Curtis, Winchester, Ky. - Born in Fredericksburg, Va., September 24th, 1837. Entered Confederate Service April 17th, 1861. Private first year, 13th Virginia Infantry Regiment, Colonel A. P. Hill. Last three years in 9th Virginia Cavalry, Colonel W. H. F. Lee. Served four years to April 9th, 1865. Commander Roger W. Hanson Camp No. 186, Winchester, Ky. Banker. H. S. Hale, Mayfield, Ky. - Born in Warren County, Ky., May 4th, 1836. Entered Confederate Service September, 1861. Captain 1861, Major 1862-63, Lieutenant-Colonel 1864, 7th Kentucky Infantry Regiment; afterwards 3rd and 7th Kentucky Mounted Infantry Regiments. Served to close of war. Member Mayfield Camp No. 1249. Former Sheriff, State Senator and State Treasurer. President First National Bank, Mayfield, Ky. Brig.-Gen. Frank C. Armstrong, C. S. A., Washington, D. C. - Born in Indian Territory, November 23, 1836. Was Captain 2nd Dragoons, U. S. Army. Resigned and entered Confederate Service as Lieutenant, then Captain and Adjutant-General to General Ben. McCulloch, and then Colonel 3rd Louisiana Infantry Regiment, Price's Division, VanDorn's Corps. Promoted Brigadier-General of Cavalry. Commanded Brigade under VanDorn and Forrest, and Division at Chickamauga. Surrendered with Forrest in 1865. Wm. Cole Harrison, M. D., Los Angeles, Cal. - Born in East Feliciana Parish, La., Aug. 15th, 1841. Entered Confederate Service April, 1861, in Company H, 6th Louisiana Infantry as a private; in October 1861, joined Company A, Crescent Regiment; served with the Medical Corps, wounded August 3rd, 1864, in front of Atlanta when with 20th Louisiana; paroled May 27th, 1865. Major-General commanding the Pacific Division U. C. V. Member Army of Tennessee Camp No. 2, New Orleans, and Confederate Veteran Association of California, Camp No. 770, Los Angeles, Cal. Physician and Surgeon. B. F. Eshleman, New Orleans, La. - Born in Lancaster County, Pa., March 9th, 1830. Entered Confederate Service May 26th, 1861, as Captain 4th Battery Washington Artillery, and commanded same at Blackburn's Ford; Major March 26th, 1862; Lieutenant-Colonel February 22nd, 1864; surrendered April, 1865. On Staff of Commander-in-Chief U. C. V. and of Lieutenant-General C. A. Evans, commanding Army of Tennessee Department. Member Washington Artillery Camp No. 15. Merchant. J. B. Levert, New Orleans, La. - Past Major-General commanding the Louisiana Division, U. C. V. A member of Cavalry Camp No. 9. Merchant. Samuel Blake McConnico, New Orleans, La. - Born in Yazoo City, Miss., May 20th, 1848. Entered Confederate Service March, 1864, as a cadet at Virginia Military Institute. Afterwards private in Henderson's Scots, Forrest's Command. Served to close of war. Member Confederate Veteran Camp, New York City, N. Y. Real Estate and Railroads. Toby Hart, New Orleans, La. - Born in Newberry, S. C., August 29th, 1835. Entered Confederate Service in the Crescent Rifles, but before it was mustered into service, he joined the Mississippi Rifles as Orderly. Afterwards raised and was made Captain of Company E, 8th Louisiana Battalion of Heavy Artillery; served to close of war. Member of Army of Tennessee Camp No. 2, New Orleans. Painter. John W. Faxon, Chattanooga, Tenn. - Born May 24th, 1840; entered the Confederate Service at Clarksville, Tenn., April 16th, 1861, in 14th Tennessee Infantry; discharged for disability November 12th, 1861. Major Tennessee forces December, 1861; detailed for service in the Treasury Department March, 1862; re-enlisted in 2nd Richmond Howitzers September 24th, 1863; suffered from concussion of shell at Spotsylvania C. H. May 12th, 1864; detailed Tax-in-kind Bureau July 28th, 1864; paroled May 3rd, 1865. Colonel and Aid on Staff of General S. D. Lee. Real Estate Dealer. John W. Faxon as he appeared in the sixties. He was the poet of the Company, and a chum of Andrew Blakely [State of Louisiana.] A. R. Blakely, New Orleans, La. - Born in Bangor, Ireland, January 24th, 1841; went to sea at age of 15 and left ship in New Orleans. Served as private in Second Company Washington Artillery of New Orleans; lost right eye at "Second Manassas" August, 1862. After close of war entered Hotel business as cashier in Old St. Charles; was connected with leading hotels of the country until the completion of the New St. Charles Hotel, when he leased it, and still has charge of it. Colonel on staff of General S. D. Lee, and on Staff of Governor N. C. Blanchard. [Photo] "Andy Blakely" as a boy soldier. Was the wit of the Company and a boon companion of John Faxon. [State of Tennessee]. Simeon Alexander Poche, Donaldsonville, La. - Born at St. James, La., February 18th, 1831. Entered Confederate Service August, 1861. 2nd Sergeant Company E, 18th Louisiana Regiment. 1st Sergeant, Oct. 5th, 1861; 2nd Lieutenant, March, 1862; Captain, June, 1862; promoted to Lieutenant Colonel by General R. Taylor but not approved by General E. Kirby Smith. Wounded at Battle of Mansfield. Surrendered at Natchitoches, La., May, 1865. Commander Maurin Camp No. 38, Donaldsonville, La. Machinist. John Joseph Scott, M. D., Shreveport, La. - Was born in Edgefield District, S. C., October 23rd, 1837. Entered Confederate Service in the fall of 1861, and was stationed at Camp Moore, furnishing his own medicines and instruments. January 1st, 1862, made Acting Surgeon of the 16th Louisiana Infantry; acted as General Marmaduke's Orderly at the Battle of Farmington, Miss. Afterwards made Surgeon of 16th Texas Infantry. Member LeRoy Stafford Camp No. 3; has held position on the Staff of all the Commanders of the Louisiana Division U. C. V.; is Chairman Monumental Committee U. C. V. Physician and Surgeon. John Jackson Shaffer, Minerva, La. - Born in Lafourche Parish, La., April 27th, 1831. Entered Confederate Service May, 1862. Captain Company F, 26th Louisiana Regiment. Served three years to close of war. Commander Braxton Bragg Camp No. 196, Thibodaux, La. Sugar Planter. Thomas Jefferson Shaffer, Franklin, La. - Born in Terrebonne Parish, La., October 9th, 1842. Entered Confederate Service May, 1861. Private, 2nd Lieutenant, 1st Louisiana Infantry Battalion, Lieutenant-Colonel Chas. D. Dreaux, on the Peninsular Virginia until April, 1862. Promoted 2nd Lieutenant in 26th Louisiana Infantry. Served with it to close of war. Was at Fall of New Orleans. Through Siege of Vicksburg. On General M. L. Smith's Staff as A. I. G., and in Trans-Mississippi Department. Served four years. Commander Florian Cornay Camp No. 345, Franklin, La. Sugar Planter. A. C. Trippe, Baltimore, Md. - Born in Baltimore, Md., November 29th, 1839; entered Confederate Service as Private in Company A, 2nd Maryland Infantry; promoted May, 1863, to Lieutenant and Ordnance Officer of the Maryland line; Lieutenant of Artillery P. A. C. S.; Ordnance Officer to General Bradley T. Johnson; severely wounded at Gettysburg July 3rd, 1863; served to close of war. Member Franklin Buchanan Camp No. 747 and of Isaac R. Trimble No. 1025. Major-General commanding Maryland Division U. C. V. Lawyer. Oswald Tilghman, Annapolis, Md. - Entered Confederate Service September, 1861. Private Company B, 8th Texas Cavalry; A. D. C., on Staff of General Lloyd Tilghman September, 1862; 1st Lieutenant Rock City Heavy Artillery; later Captain of Battery. Prisoner on Johnson's Island from July 9th, 1863 to close of war. Commander Winder Camp No. 989. Secretary of State of Maryland. Brigadier General First Maryland Brigade U. C. V. Lieut. Gen. Stephen D. Lee, C. S. A., Columbus, Miss. - Commander-in-Chief United Confederate Veterans. Born in Charleston, S. C., September 22nd, 1833. Captain Corps of Artillery, C. S. A., March 16th, 1861. Major, November 1861. Lieutenant-Colonel, November 1862. Colonel, December, 1862. Major-General, August 31st, 1863. Lieutenant-General, June 23rd, 1864. Now a member of the Vicksburg National Military Park Commission. William Henry Jewell, Orlando, Fla. - Born in Massachusetts, (but raised in Vicksburg, Miss.) February 26th, 1840. Entered Confederate Service August 10th, 1861, as private in Company A, 21st Mississippi Infantry; wounded in front of Richmond in June, 1862; assigned to duty in Charleston in November, 1862; March 1st, 1864, assigned to duty with General Wade Hampton, and remained with him until close of war. Member Orange County Camp No. 54; Major-General commanding Florida Division U. C. V. Lawyer. William A. Montgomery, Edwards, Miss. - Born in Winston County, Miss., October 18th, 1844. Entered Confederate Service May, 1861. Private, Company A, 12th Mississippi Regiment, promoted to Captain of Cavalry Company in General Wirt Adams' Cavalry. Served to May 12th, 1865. Colonel 2nd Mississippi Regiment in Spanish-American War. Commander W. A. Montgomery Camp No. 26. Brigadier General 1st Brigade Mississippi Division, U. C. V. Lawyer. John Henry Rogers, Fort Smith, Ark. - Born in Bertie County, N. C., October 9th, 1845. Entered the Confederate Service March 10th, 1862, at Canton, Miss., as private in Company H, 9th Mississippi Infantry; later 1st Lieutenant Company F. Served to close of war. Member Ben T. Duval Camp No. 146. U. S. District Judge. Joseph Davis Mitchell, Vicksburg, Miss. - Born in Paris, France, October 9th, 1839. Entered Confederate Service in 1861. Private, Captain 21st Mississippi Regiment. Appointed on Staff of General Breckinridge, and later commanded Scouts on Mississippi River to close of war. Surrendered at Terry, Miss. A grand nephew of the late President Davis. Member Vicksburg Camp No. 32, Vicksburg, Miss. Cotton Planter. E. Q. Withers, Memphis, Tenn. - Born in Marshal County, Miss., November 7th, 1845. Entered Confederate Service May 27th, 1861. Private 1st two years in 17th Mississippi Regiment and to close of war 2nd Lieutenant 3rd Mississippi Cavalry Regiment, Chalmers' Division, Forrest's Cavalry. Member Confederate Historical Association Camp No. 28, Memphis, and Kit Mott Camp No. 23, Holly Springs, Miss. Colonel and Aide, Army of Tennessee, U. C. V. Merchant and Planter. William Leander Byrd, Ada, I. T. - Born in Marshall County, Miss., August 1st, 1844. Entered Confederate Service April, 1862. Adjutant 1st Choctaw Regiment, General D. H. Cooper's Brigade, S. B. Maxey's Division, E. Kirby Smith's Corps, Trans-Mississippi Department. Adjutant Wm. L. Byrd Camp No. 1545, Ada, I. T. General Merchandise. Paul A. Fusz, Philipsburg, Mont. - Born in Hericourt, France, August 5th, 1847. Entered Confederate Service September 20th, 1864. Private Company G, 9th Missouri Infantry Regiment, Clark's Brigade. Paroled April 10th, 1865. Member J. E. B. Stuart Camp No. 716, Philipsburg, Mont. Major-General commanding Northwest Division U. C. V. Mining Engineer, St. Louis, Mo. Jno. B. Stone, Kansas City, Mo. - Born in Marion, Ala., December 5th, 1842. Entered Confederate Service in April, 1861, as 3rd Corporal Company A, 4th Alabama Infantry; then 2nd Lieutenant Company I, 62nd Alabama Infantry; served to close of war. Was Brigadier General Western Missouri Brigade 1904-05; now Major General commanding Missouri Division. Member Kansas City Camp No. 80. Real Estate Dealer. E. G. Williams, Waynesville, Mo. - Born in Bedford County, Va., August 8th, 1843. Entered Confederate Service in April, 1861, as private in Company E, 11th Virginia Infantry; wounded at Drury's Bluff May 16th, 1864, and left leg amputated above the knee; discharged from the army on this account. Adjutant C. H. Howard Camp No. 688, and Brigadier General on Staff of Commander-in-Chief. Clerk of County Court. Julian S. Carr, Durham, N. C. - Born at Chapel Hill, N. C., October 12th, 1845. Entered Confederate Service as a private in Company K, 3rd North Carolina Cavalry Regiment, Barringer's Brigade. W. H. F. Lee's Division, Army of Northern Virginia. Served one year. Commander R. F. Webb Camp No. 818, Durham, N. C. Major-General Commanding North Carolina Division, U. C. V. Banker. James I. Metts, Wilmington, N. C. - Born in Kinston, N. C., March 16th, 1842. Entered Confederate Service April 15th, 1861. Private, Color Bearer, Company I, 18th North Carolina Infantry Regiment; served twelve months. Joined Company G, 3rd North Carolina Infantry, was made Sergeant, Lieutenant and Captain, Ripley's, Stewart's and Cox's Brigades, Grimes' Division, Army of Northern Virginia. Shot through right lung and body at Gettysburg. Prisoner on Johnson's Island fourteen months. Surrendered at Appomatox [sic] C. H. Vice-Commander Cape Fear Camp No. 254, Wilmington, N. C. Brigadier General 3 rd Brigade, North Carolina Division U. C. V. Broker. James M. Ray, Asheville, N. C. - Born on French Broad River near Asheville, N. C., November 15th, 1839. Entered Confederate Service April, 1861. 1st Lieutenant Company F, 60th North Carolina Volunteer Regiment, afterwards, commanding Regiment in the famous charge at Chickamauga, the Regiment reaching the furthest point, and was severely wounded. Served four years. Member Zebulon Vance Camp No. 681, Asheville, N. C. Brigadier General commanding 4th Brigade North Carolina Division, U. C. V. Farmer and Real Estate Dealer. W. A. Smith, Ansonville, N. C. - Born in Anson County, N. C. on banks of PeeDee River, in 1843. Entered Confederate Service in 1861. Private Company C, Captain Charles E. Smith, 14th North Carolina Volunteer Regiment. First Company in State to offer services to Governor Ellis. Served four years. Commander Anson Camp No. 846, Wadesboro, N. C. Major and Inspector General 2nd Brigade North Carolina Division U. C. V. Cotton Milling and Capitalist. William Asbury Curtis, Franklin, N. C. - Born in Cherokee (now Clay) County, N. C., April 26th, 1841. Entered Confederate Service June 19th, 1861. Private Company A, 2nd North Carolina Cavalry (19th Regiment State Troops), Barringer's Brigade, General W. H. F. Lee's Division, Stewart's, later Hauupton's [sic] Corps, Army of Northern Virginia. Served to surrender, April 9th, 1865. Adjutant Robinson Camp No. 947, Franklin, N. C. Chief of Ordnance, Staff of General J. M. Ray, 4th North Carolina Brigade, U. C. V. Editor Franklin Press. William Cary Renfrow, Oklahoma City, Okla. - Born in Smithfield, N. C., March 15th, 1845. Entered Confederate Service March, 1862, (age 17). Orderly Sergeant Company C, 50th North Carolina Volunteer Infantry Regiment. Served under Generals Lee and Johnston. After fall of Atlanta, surrendered at Greensboro, N. C., April, 1865. Served three years. Governor of Oklahoma Territory from May 7th, 1893, to May 27th, 1897. Banker. C. Irvine Walker, Charleston, S. C. - Born in Charleston, S. C., February 14th, 1842. On duty as Cadet S. C. M. A. when "Star of the West" was fired on, January 9th, 1861. Graduated S. C. M. A. April, 1861. Drill Master next day. Captain and Adjutant 10th South Carolina Regiment May, 1861. Captain and Adjutant Manigault's Brigade August, 1863. Lieutenant-Colonel 10th South Carolina Regiment July, 1864. Commanded Regiment from July 22nd, 1862, to surrender. Elected Commander Army of Northern Virginia Department U. C. V., 1902. Zimmerman Davis, Charleston, S. C. - Born in Fairfield County, S. C., October 8th, 1834. Entered Confederate Service December 27th, 1860. Private Washington Light Infantry, 1st Regiment Rifles, S. C. M. 3rd, 2nd and 1st Lieutenant Cavalry Company, July, 1861, to February, 1862. Captain Company D, 5th South Carolina Cavalry April 12th, 1862. Colonel of Regiment October 27th, 1864, Butler's Brigade, Hampton's Division, Army of Northern Virginia. Surrendered with General Joe Johnston April 27th, 1865. Member Sumter Camp No. 250. Brigadier-General 1st Brigade South Carolina Division U. C. V. Treasurer of Water Co. Thos. W. Carwile, Edgefield, S. C. - Born in Cambridge, S. C., December 24th, 1844. Entered Confederate Service August 13th, 1861, Private Company D, 14th South Carolina Infantry; carried the colors in the Seven Days Battle around Richmond; appointed Captain Company A, 14th South Carolina on September 24th, 1863; surrendered at Appomattox C. H. April 9th, 1865, in command of the Regiment. Member Abner Perrin Camp No. 367. Major-General commanding South Carolina Division U. C. V. Jno. W. Reed, Chester, S. C. - Born in Rockingham County, N. C., July 27th, 1842. Entered Confederate Service June 10th, 1861, as a private in Company B, 27th North Carolina Infantry; transferred to Company K, 48th North Carolina as 2nd Lieutenant; wounded and captured at Hatcher's Run and a prisoner on Johnson's Island to June 17, 1865. Member Walker-Gaston Camp No. 821, and Aid on Staff of Commander-in-Chief U. C. V. Merchant. James Bruce Moseley, D. D. S., Lowndesville, S. C. - Born near Lowndesville, S. C., October 15th, 1844. Entered Confederate Service January 1st, 1862. Private H. H. Harper's Company I, General Sam. McGowan's original 14th South Carolina Volunteer Regiment. Served six months. Wounded at Frazier's Farm June 30th, 1862; discharged in 1863. Commander W. R. White Camp No. 1282, Lowndesville, S. C. Dentist. Brig. Gen. Marcus J. Wright, C. S. A., Washington, D. C. - Born at Purdy McNairy County, Tenn., June 5th, 1831. Entered Confederate Service April, 1861. Colonel 154th Senior Tennessee Infantry Regiment. Brigadier General commanding Wright's Brigade. Cheatham's Division, Polk's Corps, Army of Tennessee. Military Governor of Columbus, Ky. Commanding Districts Northern Mississippi and Western Tennessee. Served four years. Member of Confederate Veteran Association of District of Columbia No. 171. Military Secretary's Office, War Department. Brig. Gen. George W. Gordon, C. S. A., Memphis, Tenn. - Born in Giles County, Tenn., October 5th, 1836. Colonel 11th Tennessee Regiment of Infantry, December, 1862. Brigadier General C. S.A., August 15th, 1864. Commander Confederate Historical Camp No. 28, U. C. V., Memphis, Tenn. Major-General commanding Tennessee Division U. C. V. Member United States Congress. John P. Hickman, Nashville, Tenn. - Born in Davidson County, Tenn., September 25th, 1846. Entered Confederate Service August 20th, 1862, as private in Company C, 7th Battalion Tennessee Cavalry. Captured at Battle of Farmington, October 8th, 1863, and in prison at Camp Morton and Fort Delaware until paroled May 28th, 1865. Adjutant Frank Cheatham Camp No. 35 since organization, and Adjutant General of Tennessee Division since admitted into U. C. V. Secretary Tennessee Board Pension Examiners since organization; also Secretary Tennessee Confederate Home. F. M. Kelso, Fayetteville, Tenn. - Born in Lincoln County, Tenn., June 28th, 1842. Entered Confederate Service November 9th, 1861. Lieutenant 44th Tennessee Regiment, Brushrod Johnson's Brigade. After charge on Fort Sanders in front of Knoxville, was transferred to Virginia. Served under Longstreet. Captured in front of Petersburg April 2nd, 1865. Prisoner on Johnson's Island. Released June, 1865. Commander Shackelford Fulton Camp No. 114, Fayetteville, Tenn. Farmer. Joseph Tedford McTeer, Knoxville, Tenn. - Born in Maryville, Blunt County, Tenn., March 29th, 1840. Died January 6th, 1904. Entered Confederate Service April, 1861. Private and Aide-de-Camp Company E, 3rd Battalion Tennessee Cavalry. Afterwards Company I, 2nd Tennessee Cavalry Regiment, Colonel Henry Ashby, Humes' Division, Wheeler's Corps. Surrendered with Army of Tennessee under Jos. E. Johnston April 26th, 1865. Was a member Fred. Ault Camp No. 5, and Major of Knoxville, Tenn., at time of his death. Lieut. Gen. Nathan Bedford Forrest, C. S. A. - Born in Bedford County, Tenn., July 13th, 1821. Died October 29th, 1877. Entered the Confederate Service June 14th, 1861, as private in White's Mounted Rifles. Lieutenant-Colonel, Colonel, Brigadier General, July 21st, 1862; Major-General, Lieutenant-General, February, 1865; surrendered at Gainesville, Ala., May 11th, 1865. Under fire 179 times. Grand Wizard of the Empire of the Ku Klux Clan, which was disbanded in March, 1869. Captain H. A. Tyler, C. S. A., Hickman, Ky. - Born in Fulton County, Ky., April 12th, 1838. Entered Confederate Service as a private in Company L, 5th Tennessee Infantry; 2nd Lieutenant Outlaw's Battalion, August 16th, 1862; 1st Lieutenant Company A, 12th Kentucky Cavalry, April 24th, 1863; Captain same Company, December 28th, 1863; paroled at Columbus, Miss., May 16th, 1865. Lieutenant-General commanding the Forrest Cavalry Corps. Henry C. Myers, Memphis, Tenn. - Born in Wadesboro, N. C., October 17th, 1847. Entered Confederate Service May, 1863. Private Company H, 2nd Missouri Cavalry Regiment, McCulloch's Brigade, Forrest's Command. Served two years. Member Confederate Historical Association Camp No. 28, Memphis. Colonel and Assistant Adjutant General on Staff of General Clement A. Evans, commanding Army Tennessee Department U. C. V. Banker. Brig. Gen. William Lewis Cabell, C. S. A., Dallas, Texas - Born at Danville, Va., January 21st, 1827. Major (Quarter-Master's Department) C. S. A., April 21st, 1861. Brigadier General March 4th, 1862. Commanded Department of White River, Ark., March, April and May, 1862. Texas Brigade, May, 1862. Arkansas Cavalry Brigade from February, 1863 until captured on Price's Raid at Mines Creek, Kan., 1864. Prisoner at Johnson's Island and Fort Warren until August 28th, 1865. Lieutenant General commanding Trans-Mississippi Department U. C. V. [Source: Well Known Confederate Veterans and Their War Records, Wm. E. Mickle, New Orleans, La., 1907] Died February 22, 1911. [Source: Well Known Confederate Veterans and Their War Records, Wm. E. Mickle, New Orleans, La., 1915] Brig. Gen. Richard Montgomery Gano, C. S. A., Dallas, Texas - Born in Bourbon County, Ky., June 18th, 1830. Entered Confederate Service January, 1862. Squadron known as Gano's Regiment Cavalry, Morgan's Brigade. Commanded 2nd Brigade in General John H. Morgan's Division and Texas Brigade of Cavalry under General E. Kirby Smith. Served three years and four months. Member Sterling Price Camp No. 31, Dallas, Texas. Minister Christian Church. K. M. Van Zandt, Fort Worth, Texas - Born in Franklin County, Tenn., November 7th, 1836. Entered Confederate Service October 6th, 1861. Captain, afterwards Major, 7th Texas Infantry Regiment, Army of Tennessee. Field Service two years and six months. Post Service one year. Member R. E. Lee Camp No. 158, Fort Worth, Texas. Major-General commanding Texas Division U. C. V. Banker. H. W. Graber, Dallas, Texas - Born in Bremen, Germany, May 18th, 1841. Entered Texas State Service February 1861; Confederate Service, September, 1861. Private Company B, 8th Texas Cavalry (Terry's Texas Rangers), Forrest's and Wheeler's Corps; wounded and captured in Kentucky, March, 1863; in prison at Bowling Green, Louisville, Camp Chase, O., Fort Delaware and Point Lookout, Md. Escaped March, 1864; served with the Rangers until close of war. Member Sterling Price Camp No. 31, Dallas, Texas. Brigadier General commanding 4th Texas Brigade, U. C. V. Machinery Dealer. John C. Caldwell, El Paso, Texas - Born in Wurtemberg, Germany, February 21st, 1836. Entered Confederate Service in 1861, Assistant Quartermaster, Sergeant, Major Deuson's Louisiana Cavalry Regiment. Served four years. Adjutant John C. Brown Camp No. 468, El Paso, Texas. Livery Stable and Stock Yard Owner. Henry F. Stacy, El Paso, Texas - Born in White County, Ark., August 22nd, 1841. Entered Confederate Service August 15th, 1861. Private Company D, 12th Texas Cavalry Regiment, Parsons' Brigade. Commander John C. Brown Camp No. 468, El Paso, Tex. Sewer Commissioner. Peyton Forbes Edwards, El Paso, Texas - Born in Nacogdoches, Tex., September 28th, 1844. Entered Confederate Service in September, 1861. Private 17th Texas Cavalry Regiment to June, 1862, then in Company H, 4th Texas Cavalry Regiment. Surrendered in 1865 in Texas. Member John C. Brown Camp No. 468, El Paso, Tex. Lawyer. James T. Nesom, El Paso, Tex. - Born near Clinton, La., April 20th, 1847. Entered Confederate Service May 3rd, 1864 (17 years old). Sergeant Company B, 2nd Battalion Louisiana Cavalry. Served under District Commanders, General Hodge, Colonels John S. Scott, Dillon and John Griffith, Department of Alabama, Mississippi and East Louisiana. Member John C. Brown Camp No. 468, El Paso, Tex. Dairyman. Joseph Magoffin, El Paso, Tex. - Born in Chihuahua, Mexico, January, 1837. Entered Confederate Service in 1861. Captain and in 1864 Major. In Commands of Generals H. H. Sibley and James P. Major. Served to close of war. Member John C. Brown Camp No. 468, El Paso, Tex. Mayor of El Paso several times; County Judge; Collector of Internal Revenues under President Cleveland. Banker. Washington B. Merchant, El Paso, Texas - Born in Smith County, Miss., July 9th, 1845. Entered Confederate Service April, 1861. Private Company F, 1st Texas Infantry. Served to close of war. Member John C. Brown Camp No. 468, El Paso, Tex. Lawyer and Banker. H. T. Moore, Ennis, Tex. - Born in Sumner County, Tenn., August 31st, 1833. Entered Confederate Service September 10th, 1861. 1st Lieutenant for three years, then Captain Company A, 6th Texas Cavalry Regiment, General Sull Ross' Brigade. Wounded at Corinth and Murfreesboro. Served four years. Parents settled in Red River County, Tex., in 1835. In 1844 moved to Kaufman County where he enlisted. Returned there after surrender. Member Longstreet Camp No. 1399, Ennis Tex. Farmer and Stock Raiser. Jack Lemmon, Rice, Tex. - Born in Adams County, Ill., July 31st, 1835. Died March 20th, 1905. Entered Confederate Service October, 1861. Private Veal's Company F, 12th Texas Cavalry Regiment, Parsons' Brigade. Served nearly four years. Was a member James Longstreet Camp No. 1399, Ennis, Tex. Joseph H. Routh, Ballinger, Tex. - Born in Missouri April 2nd, 1841. Entered Confederate Service in 1861. Private Captain Fred Tate's Company, Colonel E. B. Nichols' Texas Infantry Battalion six months. Re-enlisted as 1st Sergeant Company D, 1st Infantry Battalion, I. N. Waul's Texas Legion. December, 1864, transferred to Company C, 33rd Texas Cavalry. Served to close of war. Commander Henry E. McCulloch Camp No. 557, Ballinger, Tex. Farmer. Henry Davis Pearce, Ballinger, Texas - Born in Adams County, Ill., June 4th, 1845. Entered Confederate Service September 3rd, 1861, at New Orleans, La. Private Company B, 17th Louisiana Volunteer Infantry Regiment for twelve months. Re-enlisted August 2nd, 1863, in Company D, 16th Texas Cavalry. Discharged by General J. B. Magruder May 22nd, 1865. Adjutant McCulloch Camp No. 557, Ballinger, Texas. Lieutenant-Colonel 3rd Brigade Texas Division U. C. V. Hotel Keeper. J. S. Crawford, Austin, Texas - Born in Henry County, Ga., October 4th, 1839. Entered Confederate Service September, 1861. Private Company H, 7th Texas Infantry Regiment; then Captain and Commissary of Regiment, General Quarles' Staff, later Major on Staff of General J. B. Gordon. Served to close of war, May 25th, 1865. Traveling Salesman. Lloyd Andrew Harper, Winters, Texas - Born in Madison County, Ark., August 25th, 1843. Entered Arkansas State Service in 1861; Confederate Service January 12th, 1862. 1st Corporal Company A, Captain H. B. Sanders, 16th Texas Volunteer Infantry Regiment, Walker's Division. Served to close of war, May 20th, 1865. Commander Henry E. McCulloch Camp No. 557, Ballinger, Texas. Stock Raiser and Farmer. J. M. Webb, Milford, Texas - Born in Tippah County, Miss., January 2nd, 1847. Entered Confederate Service April, 1864. Private Company B, 2nd Mississippi Cavalry, Armstrong's Brigade, Forrest's Cavalry. Served twelve months. Commander Sam Davis Camp No. 1089, Milford, Texas. Farmer and Stock Raiser. Z. T. Bundy, M. D., Milford, Texas - Born Olive Hill, Hardin County, Tenn., February 27th, 1849. Entered Confederate Service June, 1864. Private Company F, 9th Tennessee (Biffle's Regiment), Bell's Brigade, Forrest's Cavalry. Surrendered (age 16) under General Forrest at Gainesville, Ala. Adjutant Sam Davis Camp No. 1089, Milford, Texas. Physician. S. J. Wilkins, Norman, Okla. - Born in Greenville, Ky., April 20th, 1841. Entered Confederate Service September, 1862, at McKinney, Tex. Private, Sergeant and Sergeant-Major Martin's 6th Texas Cavalry Regiment, first in General Cooper's Command, at end of war commanded by General Gano. Served to close of war. Member J. B. Gordon Camp No. 200, Norman, Okla. Major-General Oklahoma Division U. C. V. Lawyer. William Ellison, Ennis, Tex. - Born in Pickens County, Ala., June 23rd, 1840. Entered Confederate Service September 13th, 1861. Private Company C, 24th Mississippi Infantry Regiment, Colonel W. F. Dowd, Walthall's Brigade, Army of Tennessee. Paroled May 6th, 1865. Commander Longstreet Camp No. 1399, Ennis, Texas. George W. O'Neal, Wolfe City, Tex. - Born in Muscogee County, Ga., February 22nd, 1842. Entered Confederate Service at Columbus, Ga., September, 1861. Sergeant Company G, 31st Georgia Regiment, Lawton's Brigade (later Gordon's), Early's Division, Jackson's Corps. Wounded June 28th, 1862, also at Battle of Wilderness May 6th, 1864, and retired from service. Member Ben. McCulloch Camp No. 851, Wolfe City, Tex. Merchant. Henry C. Gilliland, Martha, Okla. - Born in Jasper County, Mo., March 11th, 1845. Entered Confederate Service February, 1863. Private Company H, 2nd Texas Cavalry Regiment. Served twenty-seven months. Prominent as an Indian Fighter. Led charge against Indians in fight in Parker County, Tex., July 5th, 1869. Member Mangum Camp No. 1135. Adjutant General 3 rd Brigade Oklahoma Division U. C. V. Merchant. Col. W. B. Denson, Gainesville, Tex. - Born at Union Springs, Ala., December 4th, 1837. Entered the Confederate Service April, 1861, as a private in 1st Louisiana Battalion, Chas. Dreux, Commander. Afterwards Captain Partisan Rangers; then Lieutenant-Colonel 6th Louisiana Cavalry. Served to May 20th, 1865. Member Joseph E. Johnston Camp No. 119. Col. W. L. Moody, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Essex County, Va., May 19th, 1828. Entered the Confederate Service in the summer of 1861 as Captain Company G, 17th Texas Infantry. Captured at Fort Donelson and confined in various prisons until September, 1862; exchanged and promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel. Wounded July 10th, 1863. Served to close of war. Member Magruder Camp No. 105. [Source: Well Known Confederate Veterans and Their War Records, Wm. E. Mickle, New Orleans, La., 1907] Col. W. L. Moody - Galveston, Tex.; born in Essex County, Va., May 19, 1828. Entered the Confederate service in the summer of 1861 as Captain, Company G, 7th Texas Infantry. Captured at Fort Donelson and confined in various prisons until September, 1862. Exchanged and promoted to Lieut. Col., then Colonel. Retired from active service, and put in command of Austin, Tex., on post duty. Wounded July 10, 1863. Served to close of war. Member Magruder Camp No. 105. Banker. [Source: Well Known Confederate Veterans and Their War Records, Wm. E. Mickle, New Orleans, La., 1915] Joseph Atkins, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Bangor, Maine, May 28th, 1829. Enlisted in the Confederate Service as a private in Company F, 26th Texas Cavalry on October 13th, 1861. In the fall of 1862 made 1st Lieutenant Company G; commanded Company on many occasions, leading it into action more than once. Member Magruder Camp No. 105. Chief of Police of Galveston; Sheriff. Joseph Boddecker, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Germany February 3rd, 1841. Died August 11th, 1905. Entered the Confederate Service as a private May, 1861 in Company B, 1st Texas Heavy Artillery; later transferred to the C. S. Navy, and detailed as pilot. Served to close of war. Member of Magruder Camp No. 105. Louis Best, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Germany July 8th, 1839. Entered the Confederate Service in 1861 as a private in Company B, Brown's Battalion; transferred to Navy and served in that to the close of the war. Commander Magruder Camp No. 105. Bar Pilot. James C. Borden, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Richmond, Tex., January 18th, 1835. Entered the Confederate Service as Captain of Cavalry Company in Colonel Garland's Regiment on December 1st, 1861. Afterwards Company was made a part of 1st Texas Cavalry; shot through both thighs at battle of Peach Orchard, and incapacitated for further service. Member and Past Commanding Officer of Magruder Camp No. 105. Benjamin Dolson, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Norway March 1st, 1834. Entered the Confederate Service October 13th, 1861, as a private in Company F, 26th Texas Cavalry; transferred to Company B, 1st Texas Heavy Artillery. Served to close of war. Member Magruder Camp No. 105. Thos. H. Edgar, Galveston, Tex. - Born on Galveston Island June 27th, 1837. Entered the Confederate Service April 1st, 1861, in the P. O. Department; resigned April 1st, 1862, and entered Company F, 26th Texas Cavalry; Orderly Sergeant 1863; Regimental Clerk October, 1864. Served to close of war. Adjutant Magruder Camp No. 105. Brigadier General 1st Texas Brigade U. C. V. Bookkeeper and Clerk. Pryor Nance Harris, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Knoxville, Tenn., January 15th, 1837. Entered Confederate Service May 5th, 1861, as private Company F, 4th Tennessee Cavalry; promoted by General N. B. Forrest on the battlefield of Chickamauga, July 19th, 1863, to Captain Company I. Served to close of war. Member Magruder Camp No. 105. Clerk. J. G. Kreid, Galveston, Tex. - Entered the Confederate Service at Quintana, Tex., May 4th, 1862, in Gibson's Battery, Colonel Bates' Regiment. Wounded near Yellow Bayou. Served to close of war. Member Camp No. 105. Thomas Reynolds McCarthy, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Ireland July 4th, 1840. Entered the Confederate Service October 13th, 1861, as a private in Company F, 26th Texas Cavalry; promoted to 1st Lieutenant. Served to close of war. Member Magruder Camp No. 105. Mechanic. Thomas Newman, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Norway April 17th, 1837. Entered the Confederate Service October 13th, 1861, as a private in Company F, 26th Texas Cavalry; transferred to Company G in 1862; transferred in 1863 to office of Quartermaster. Served to close of war. Member Magruder Camp No. 105. Watchman. Joseph O. O'Brien, Galveston, Tex. - Born on ship off coast of Florida in 1843. Entered service of Confederate States March 6th, 1863, at New Orleans as private in Company C, Crescent Regiment; lost left hand at Battle of Shiloh in second day's fight; then Clerk in Commissary Department; served to close of war. Member Magruder Camp No. 105. Retired Merchant. Michael W. Shaw, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Germany, November 28th, 1833. Entered the Confederate Service in 1861 as a private in Company F, 26th Texas Cavalry. Served to close of war. Member Magruder Camp No. 105. Jeweler. Captain Josiah S. Stafford, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Rapides Parish, La., December 12th, 1839; died in Galveston, Tex. March 10th, 1888. Entered the Confederate Service in December, 1861, at Houston, Tex., as Lieutenant of Cavalry. Promoted to Captain in 1865. Served to close of war. Major Isaac C. Stafford, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Rapides Parish, La., August 25th, 1837; died in Houston, Tex., November 21st, 1906. Entered the Confederate Service at Houston, Tex., in April, 1861, as Captain of company in 2nd Texas Mounted Rifles. Promoted to Major of Cavalry May, 1862. Served to close of war. Captain William Maner Stafford, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Rapides Parish, La., April 25th, 1843. Entered the Confederate Service at Houston, Tex., September 17th, 1861, as 2nd Lieutenant of Artillery. Promoted to 1st Lieutenant in 1862 and Captain 17th Texas Battery of Light Artillery April 14th, 1864. Served to close of war. Appointed Colonel of Texas Militia 1878. Member of Magruder Camp No. 105. Cotton Broker. Captain B. F. Sterling, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Lawrence Co., Miss., November 27th, 1831. Entered the Confederate Service February, 1861, a Lieutenant in State Guards; then in Waul's Texas Legion; promoted to Captain in 1862. Served to close of war. Member Magruder Camp No. 105. Builder. Henry M. Trueheart, Galveston, Tex. - Born in Louisa County, Va., March 23rd, 1832. Entered Confederate Service at Galveston in 1862; Captain, Provost Marshal at Galveston; resigned and joined McNeill's Company of Partisan Rangers as a private; was one of the 100 men to enter the city of Cumberland, Md., and capture Major-Generals Crook and Kelly, and delivered them to the authorities in Richmond; served over two years. Member Magruder Camp No. 105, State and County Tax Collector for Galveston. Major-General Fitzhugh Lee, C. S. A., Norfolk, Va. - Born in Clermont, Va., November 19th, 1835. Died April 28th, 1905. 1st Lieutenant of Calvary, C. S. A. March 16th, 1861. Lieutenant-Colonel 1st Virginia Cavalry, March, 1862. Brigadier General July 24th, 1862. Major-General, August 3rd, 1863. Governor of Virginia, 1886-1890. U. S. Consul to Havana, 1896. Major-General U. S. Volunteers, Spanish-American War, 1898. Brig. Gen. Thomas Muldrup Logan, C. S. A., Howardsville, Va. - Born in Charleston, S. C., November 3rd, 1840. Private Washington Light Infantry of Charleston December 25th, 1860. At fall of Fort Sumter, organized Company A, Hampton legion elected Lieutenant, then Captain September 14th, 1861. Major September 17th, 1862; Lieutenant-Colonel January, 1863; Colonel of Hampton Legion May 19th, 1864; Brigadier General of Cavalry February 15th, 1865. Commanded Butler's Brigade South Carolina Cavalry. Served to close of war. Member Association of Army of Northern Virginia, Virginia Division. President Gray Tolautograph Co., New York City. Robert White, Wheeling, W. Va. - Born in Romney, Hampshire County, Va., (now West Virginia), February 7th, 1833. Entered Confederate Service May 1861. Captain and Colonel; Captain 13th Virginia Infantry Regiment, Colonel A. P. Hill. Colonel 23rd Virginia Cavalry Regiment. Served to close of war. Member Shriver Grays Camp No. 907, Wheeling, W. Va. Major-General commanding West Virginia Division U. C. V. Lawyer. James L. White, M. D., Farmville, Va. - Born in Abingdon, Va., May 30th, 1833. Entered Confederate Service April, 1861. Captain Company C, 37th Virginia Infantry Regiment. Surgeon C. S. Army August, 1861. Organized "Stonewall" Jackson's Hospital Corps in Valley campaign in 1862. Hospital duty Farmville 1863; Brigade Surgeon, Bryan's Brigade, Kershaw's Division, Longstreet's Corps. Hospital duty in 1865. Paroled April, 1865. Surgeon Thornton-Pickett Camp No. 1502. Physician. Robert D. Funkhouser, Maurertown, Va. - Born in Bentonville, Warren County, Va., April 9th, 1837. Entered Confederate Service June 17th, 1861, 3rd and 1st Lieutenant, Captain and Lieutenant-Colonel (acting) Company D, 49th Virginia Infantry, Early's Old 4th Brigade, Jackson's Corps. Captured at Fort Stedman March 25th, 1865; taken to Fort Delaware and released June 17th, 1865. Commander Stover Camp No. 1500, Strasburg, Va. Brigadier General 3 rd Brigade Virginia Division U. C. V. Farmer and Stock Raiser. James J. Phillips, New York City, N. Y. - Born in Nansemond County, Va., January 23rd, 1832. Entered Confederate Service April, 1861, near Norfolk, Va. Entered as Captain, ended as Colonel, Armistead's Brigade, Pickett's Division, Longstreet's Corps. Commanded 9th Virginia Regiment from 1863 to close of war. Member Confederate Veteran Camp, New York City, N. Y. Merchant. Rev. William A. L. Jett, Murray Hill, N. J. - Born in Rappahannock County, Va., January 15th, 1843. Entered Confederate Service April 22nd 1861. Private Company B, 6th Virginia Cavalry Regiment. Brigade commanded at different times by General Wm. E. Jones, L. L. Lomax and W. H. Payne, Fitzhugh Lee's Division, J. E. B. Stuart's Corps. Served to Close of war. Paroled May 17th, 1865. Member Confederate Veteran Camp, New York City, N. Y. Clergyman. Thomas H. Neilson, New York City, N. Y. - Born in Richmond, Va., March 4th, 1845. Entered Confederate Service June 14th, 1861. Private, 2nd Lieutenant, Company A, first year and spring of 1862, Company D, 52nd Virginia Volunteer Regiment, Brigades of Edward Johnson and Imboden. Wounded four times; captured twice; prisoner at Camp Chase twice; paroled December, 1864. Served to close of war. Member Confederate Vetetan [sic] Camp, New York City, N. Y., Lawyer. J. E. Sullivan, Richmond, Va. - Born at West Point, King County, May 4th, 1833. Entered Confederate Service April 23rd, 1861. Private, Sergeant, Lieutenant, Captain, Thomas' Artillery; first year attached to Wilcox's Brigade, then H. P. Jones' Battalion, Jackson's Corps, then Dearing's Battalion, Pickett's Division, Longstreet's Corps, Army of Northern Virginia. Surrendered with General Lee at Appomattox C. H. April 9th, 1865. Member R. E. Lee Camp No. 181, and Commander Geo. E. Pickett Camp No. 204 Richmond, Va. Clerk First Market. Samuel W. Paulett, Farmville, Va. - Born in Farmville, Va., October 24th, 1845. Entered Confederate Service July 1st, 1861 (age 15 years). Private Company F, 18th Virginia Infantry Regiment, Hunton's Brigade, Pickett's Division, Longstreet's Corps, Army of Northern Virginia. Wounded three times. Served to close of war. Captain of Farmville Guards since war. Commander Thornton-Pickett Camp No. 1502, Farmville, Va. Lieutenant-Colonel on Staffs of Generals Brandon and Bolling, U. C. V. Tobacconist. C. M. Walker, Farmville, Va. - Born in Buckingham County, Va., December 24th, 1844. Entered Confederate Service April, 1861. Private Company F, 18th Virginia Infantry Regiment, Hunton's Brigade, Pickett's Division, Longstreet's Corps. Also in 4th Virginia Cavalry Regiment, Army of Northern Virginia. Served four years. Member Thornton-Pickett Camp No. 1502, Farmville, Va. Colonel and Aide-de-Camp on Staff of Governor P. W. McKinney of Virginia, 1890 to 1894. Merchant. John F. Walton, Farmville, Va. - Born in Prince Edward County, Va., August 29th, 1839. Entered Confederate Service June 21st, 1861. Private Company K, Prince Edward Cavalry, 3rd Virginia Regiment; Wickham's Brigade, Fitzhugh Lee's Division, J. E. B. Stuart's Corps, Army of Northern Virginia. Served four years. Lieutenant Commander Thornton-Pickett Camp No. 1502, Farmville, Va. Merchant. L. J. Verser, Farmville, Va. - Born in Mecklenburg County, Va., September 30th, 1845. Entered Confederate Service April, 1861. Private 22nd Virginia Regiment, Field's Brigade, A. P. Hill's Division, Jackson's Corps, Army of Northern Virginia. Wounded at Cold Harbor June 3rd, 1864. Captured at Gettysburg July 3rd, 1863. Surrendered at Appomattox C. H. April 9th, 1865. Served four years. Quarter-master Thornton-Pickett Camp No. 1502, Farmville, Va. Merchant. Peter Winston, M. D., Farmville, Va. - Born in Richmond, Va., June 5th, 1836. Entered Confederate Service June 21st, 1861, Surgeon Hospital Service at Charlottesville, Va., and on Conscript Duty for two years. Served four years. Assistant Surgeon Thornton-Pickett Camp No. 1502. Physician. Sampson S. Simmons, Fayetteville, W. Va. - Born in Milton, W. Va., November 5th, 1843. Entered Confederate Service March 20th, 1862, as private in Company E, 8th Virginia Cavalry. Served to close of war. Adjutant "Jeb" Stuart Camp No. 1585. Theophilus Steele, M. D., New York City, N. Y. - Born in Woodford County, Ky., July 17th, 1835. Entered Confederate Service as Surgeon in Colonel Roger W. Hanson's 2nd Kentucky Regiment, and later Captain, Major and Colonel of Gano's Regiment, General John H. Morgan's Cavalry. Served to close of war. Member Confederate Veteran Camp, New York City, N. Y. Physician.
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Civil War History	en	https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico	Shenandoah Valley's Civil War	https://shenandoahcivilwarhistory.blog/	At 3 A.M., on the morning of May 31, 1862, General Stonewall Jackson called Jedediah Hotchkiss to his headquarters and briefed him on the situation at hand. The Confederate army was stretched out along the Valley Pike for miles. General Nathaniel Banks was to their north. General James Shields’ Army was at Front Royal presumed to be pushing west for Strasburg. General John Fremont’s Army was at Wardensville thrusting east with the same target in his sights. If Jackson’s retreat was cut off, he was convinced there would be a battle somewhere between Winchester and Strasburg. Situation Map, May 30 to June 1 (Blue and Gray Magazine) Jackson assigned Hotchkiss the job of returning to Harpers Ferry to update General Charles Winder of the Stonewall Brigade with this intelligence. He was to guide the isolated brigade back to the main body of the army along the Valley Pike. If the 1st Brigade was to become isolated, they would need the mapmaker to help them get back to Jackson’s army. Should the pike become cut, Hotchkiss was instructed to bring them back to safety through the Allegheny Mountains if necessary. Private John Worsham, a member of Company F, 21st Virginia Infantry, estimated the traffic jam on the Valley Pike was more than eight miles long. There were hundreds of supply wagons, army elements, and more than 2300 prisoners of war. Worsham would note, with regard to the prisoners, that “they had no place to put them, and they are in the way. I wish now they had been paroled. Most of them were now confident that they would soon be released or they would be retaken by the armies closing in on Strasburg.” By the end of the day on May 31, the van of the army had reached the northern outskirts of Strasburg. Most of these men were part of General William Taliafero’s Brigade. The rain had been coming down in torrents all day and there were no shelters of any kind. Exhausted soldiers were forced to spread their blankets out upon the muddy ground and repose in sopping wet misery for the night. Most regimental commanders reported more than half of their members were still straggling far behind. Winder’s Stonewall Brigade had started from Harpers Ferry about midday. The 2nd Virginia had to first re-cross the Shenandoah River to rejoin the brigade. Once on the road to Winchester, though, the men were able to keep up a steady pace in spite of the heavy rain and not having eaten for two days. All in all, these soldiers would march thirty-five miles before they would be allowed to rest for the night. They too would collapse into a bed of mud, some two to three inches deep, near the hamlet of Newtown. On the evening of the 31st Jedediah Hotchkiss rode into Jackson’s headquarters at the Hupp house just north of Strasburg. He informed Jackson that the Stonewall Brigade was about ten miles north of them on the Valley Pike. The two came to the conclusion if Jackson’s Army was to avoid being cutoff in its line of retreat something was going to have to be done to keep Fremont from pulling into Strasburg first. Ewell was ordered to get his men moving early. They were march west along the Capon Road to intersect Fremont’s Army. Orders were to delay Fremont without bringing on a general engagement. General Richard Taylor had received orders to march for Strasburg early on the 31st as well. He and his men would themselves cover some thirty miles that day. That evening Taylor would also meet with Jackson at the Hupp House. Here he found Jackson in a rare “talkative mood.” The two of them also discussed the current situation and the peril they believed the army was currently in. Consequently, Jackson ordered Taylor to rejoin Ewell’s Division to help him fend off General Fremont the following morning. It was their “only way to safety.” General Richard Ewell Early on Sunday morning, June 1, General Ewell began moving remnants of his exhausted division out along the Capon Road. News soon came to him that the Confederate outpost, which had been placed about four miles out along that road, had been attacked that morning by Fremont’s men and routed. Ewell hurried his men forward in search of appropriate high ground from which his men could make a stand. He knew full well that Fremont’s Army greatly outnumbered his and resisting its advance would be risky. Battlefield at Mulberry Run General Ewell pushed his men through the town of Clary, and on toward the elevation overlooking Mulberry Run. Here he received reports that federal pickets were advancing in their direction. Ewell pulled his men off to the side of the road and put Elzey’s and Taylor’s Brigade in line along some readily defended high ground. Trimble’s men were placed in reserve. Two confederate batteries were brought to the crest and were soon dueling, counterbattery, with Fremont’s guns. The cannon fire became intense. Jackson became so concerned from the sound of the battle that he sent Taliaferro’s and Patton’s men out along Capon Road for support. It looked like that general engagement Jackson so feared would soon become a reality. With General Richard Taylor’s arrival at the front he observed: “Our lines had been early drawn out to meet him, and skirmishers pushed up to the front to attack. Much cannonading, with some rattle of small arms, ensued. The country was densely wooded, and little save the smoke from the enemy’s guns could be seen. My brigade was in reserve a short distance to the rear and out of the line of fire.” To confer with General Ewell, General Taylor found “it was necessary to pass under some heavy shelling, and I found myself open to the reproach visited previously on my men.” While awaiting orders Taylor informed Ewell: “Whether from fatigue, loss of sleep, or what there I was nervous as a lady, ducking like a mandarin.” When he mentioned his nervousness, Ewell laughed and told him: “Nonsense! Tis Tom’s strong coffee. Better give it up.” Tom was Taylor’s body servant whom he had press-ganged to serve with him during the war. In speaking of Tom, General Taylor noted: “Many slaves from Louisiana had accompanied their masters to the war…” During the fighting that took place that morning, “scores had assembled under a large tree, laughing, chattering, and cooking breakfast. All of a sudden, a shell burst in the tree top, rattling down leaves and branches in fine style, and the rapid decampment of the servitors was most amusing.” Even Tom was not above running for his life. The cannon fire continued for several hours. James Shields actually reported hearing the firing from Front Royal which was more fifteen miles away. Shields believed that it had originated from a skirmish with General Nathaniel Banks’ army which he believed to be following along in Jackson’s rear. Such was not the case. Banks was actually much closer to Martinsburg than to Strasburg. Shields also reported that he “would have occupied Strasburg, but dare not interfere with what was designed for Fremont.” Still Shields had sent a cavalry detail in the direction of Strasburg early that morning. Jackson, out of concern for that flank, had dispatched Lieutenant Boswell along that same road traveling in the opposite direction. Two miles out he ran into that Union cavalry detail. Boswell rushed back to Strasburg to report the incident but could not find Jackson. Fortunately, Turner Ashby reacted the news on his own and sent a portion of his own command to block the road. Meanwhile, back at Mulberry Run, Ewell was mystified by the lack of activity on the part of Fremont’s soldiers. Knowing he was not supposed to bring on a general engagement, Ewell was growing more anxious by the minute. “I can’t make out what these people are about, for my skirmish line has stopped them. They won’t advance, but stay out there in the wood, making a great fuss with their guns; and I do not wish to commit myself to much advance while Jackson is absent.” Taylor noted: “With this, he put spurs to his horse and was off, and soon a brisk fusillade was heard, which seemed gradually to recede. During Ewell’s absence, surrounded by my staff, I contrived to sit on my horse quietly.” Ewell pushed his skirmishers forward and was surprised that his opponent retreated. On his return he remarked to Taylor: “At this rate my attentions are not likely to become serious enough to commit anyone.” It was at this point General Richard Taylor offered to try to get around the Union left flank. “I suggested that my brigade might be moved to the extreme right, near the Capon road, by which Fremont had marched, and attempt to strike that road, as this would enable us to find out something.” Ewell answered: “Do so; that may stir them up, and I am sick of this fiddling about.” Taylor put his Louisianans into motion and swiftly struck the Union left flank. As they did so the enemy disappeared. “It was nothing but a walkover. Sheep would have made as much resistance as we met.” “Men decamped without firing, or threw down their arms and surrendered, and it was so easy that I began to think of traps.” Those that were taken prisoner were German immigrants most of whom did not speak English. Taylor would later admit his attack was “rash and foolish.” Still the further his men advanced the more the enemy retreated to avoid combat. At the same time Taylor began to take casualties; not from Fremont but from their own skirmishers unaware of the Rebel attack. They were the only losses Taylor would suffer in the course of the assault. Fremont, on the other hand, was convinced that the attack was strongly reinforced. He believed he was being assaulted by more than fifteen thousand combatants, which is why he retreated so quickly. Ewell’s bluff was all that was needed to spook the Pathfinder. He was simply not in the mood for a fight. Confederate position on the high ground in the distance near Mulberry Run Meanwhile, Winder’s men, back on the Valley Pike, had resumed their march at 5:30 A.M. The Stonewall brigade reached Middletown at about the same time the artillery fire had commenced to their west. As the battlefield is located almost due west of Middletown, Winder became convinced that his flank had been turned. With all of the rumors of disaster floating about there was a good deal of panic among his men. As Fremont would not stand still long enough to bring on any type of engagement, Ewell broke off the fight about noon. By this time Winder’s men had passed safely through Strasburg. Ewell would withdraw all but Taylor’s Brigade following the engagement, leaving him to act as rearguard. By dusk on June 1, however, even Taylor’s unit found itself safely streaming south along the Valley Pike in retreat. Shields would write to President Lincoln the following day: “Jackson passed through Strasburg Saturday and Sunday. Fremont has not been heard from yet. There was firing at Strasburg yesterday—supposed to be Banks in the rear. My poor command were without provisions twenty-four hours. We would have occupied Strasburg, but dare not interfere with what was designed for Fremont. His failure has saved Jackson.” It is noteworthy that in exactly one week these same troops, Union and Confederate, would face off against each other once again at the Battle of Cross Keys. There the fighting would go pretty much the same way. This time, however, General Fremont would call it quits at about the same time as his attack was gaining momentum. Once again, Ewell’s outnumbered forces would claim victory. Note: This has been a time-consuming investigation. As there is no on-site historical marker, I have spent the last three weeks trying to locate this battlefield. Based on information provided in the official records, and other sources, I was able to fix, with a moderate degree certainty, the location of the battlefield. With documentation that General Ewell had passed through the town of Clary to the high ground beyond, Mulberry Run seems a logical border between the two armies. Still, even with more than 16,000 troops maneuvering on the battlefield, nothing conclusive could be determined. Even the folks at the Shenandoah Valley Battlefield Foundation are not one hundred percent certain of the battlefield’s location. What is even more interesting, as far as I can determine, there has never been an official name assigned to the battle. As the encounter took place near the town of Clary southern forces would have named it the Battle of Clary. Union forces probably would have christened it the Battle of Mulberry Run for the stream that flows nearby. I have to say the latter has a much better ring to it. Still, until someone more authoritative than me makes a final determination, we will need to refer to this confrontation as “the battle with no name.” Sources: Jones, Terry. Lee’s Tigers: The Louisiana Infantry in the Army of Northern Virginia. Louisiana State University Press. Baton Rouge, La. 1987. Official Records. Series I Vol XII, Part III. Parrish, T. Michael. Richard Taylor: Soldier Prince of Dixie. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, NC. 1992. Pfanz, Donald C. Richard Ewell: A Soldiers Life. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, NC. 1998. Schreckengost, Gary. The First Louisiana Special Battalion: Wheat’s Tigers in the Civil War. McFarland and Co. Jefferson, N. C. 1966. Sharpe, Hal F. Shenandoah County in the Civil War: Four Dark Years. Taylor, Richard. Destruction and Reconstruction: Personal Experiences of the Civil War. Capo Press. New York. 1995. Period Sketch of the Mason Family Home at Selma The USS San Jacinto had been constructed in 1852 as an experimental frigate, designed to test steam powered screw propulsion. She had experienced varied success with the new technology, but had always had sail to fall back on. In August of 1861 command of the vessel passed to Captain Charles Wilkes. Early that month Wilkes had set sail for Cuba in hopes of replenishing his supply of coal. It was here, in the coastal city of Cienfuegos, that Captain Wilkes inserted himself and his ship into the sphere of international intrigue. Captain Wilkes departed Cuba on November 8, 1861, and stationed his ship at a narrow point in the Old Bahama Channel, about 230 miles east of Havana. About noon he spotted a British steam powered mail packet named the Trent headed his way. An intercept course was quickly plotted and the USS San Jacinto bounded away on its mission to seize the vessel. Captain Charles Wilkes “sighted the Trent and ordered one warning shot followed by a second shot across the bow. With this the Trent hove to.” Wilkes ordered his executive officer, Lieutenant Donald McNeill Fairfax, to board the British vessel with a contingent of armed marines. His instructions were to seize the ship and declare it “a prize to be taken to a prize court for adjudication.” Fairfax, however, came away with the subjects of his assault, the two Confederate commissioners, John Slidell and James Murray Mason. Their secretaries were also nabbed. Capture of the Trent Captain Wilkes immediately set course for Boston where he surrendered his captives to local authorities. The two prisoners were sent to Fort Warren where they were merged with other Confederate detainees. It did not take long for news of this diplomatic insult to reach London, however, over the newly laid Atlantic cable. The capture of Southern Diplomats, Mason and Slidell, quickly became a full-fledged international incident. James Murray Mason As soon as November 28, British Prime Minister Lord Palmerston was aware of the incident and called an emergency meeting of his cabinet to discuss the situation. Palmerston was outraged and began the meeting by declaring: “I don’t know whether you are going to stand this, but I’ll be damned if I do!” War Secretary George Cornwall Lewis felt conflict was inevitable. “On November 29, Lord Palmerston outlined to Foreign Secretary Lord John Russell his requirements for a peaceful resolution—a formal apology and the release of the envoys.” “On the day after Christmas Seward informed Lyons that the commissioners and their secretaries would be surrendered. On January 1, they were released and transferred to the British warship Rinaldo. Their transatlantic voyage, however, was interrupted once again. This time a winter storm caused the ship to reroute to Saint Thomas. From there they finally managed a successful voyage to Britain, arriving in London at the end of January.” The two envoys the Confederacy had selected were national figures with extensive resumes, much of which would be a cause for alarm for northerners. James Murray Mason of Virginia had served in the United States Senate during the decade leading to secession and had pushed his states’ rights agenda of secession from the Union. His authorship of the Fugitive Slave Law, however, would be the proposal for which he would be most remembered by northern soldiers and for which he would soon suffer retribution. Northerners were equally familiar with John Slidell of Louisiana. John had been sent as President James Polk’s special envoy to Mexico City in 1845 in a failed attempt to prevent war with Mexico. Like Mason, Slidell had also served in the Senate in the 1850s where he too had established himself as a “southern anti-Union extremist.” James Mason would choose Winchester, Virginia, as the place to raise his family and to practice law. By 1828 Mason would achieve considerable success as an attorney which allowed him to purchase a “large stone house, built in 1828 for Judge Dabney Carr, about a mile from town.” They would call it “Selma.” A description of the interior of the Mason home is attempted in the book Genteel Rebel. The author writes: “The rooms at Selma were smaller than those in more prominent houses, yet Eliza Mason decorated the room in the style that their budget could afford, using pieces she had brought with her from home as well.” Here, on outer Amherst Street, John and his wife Eliza, would raise their eight children. Meanwhile, James Mason’s political career had begun to blossom. James was elected as a delegate to the Virginia constitutional convention in 1829, and to the State house of delegates from 1826-1832. He was selected as a Jackson Democrat to the Twenty-fifth Congress in March 1837. In 1847 he was chosen to fill a vacancy caused by the death of Isaac S. Pennybacker in the United States Senate. He was reelected to this office in 1850 and 1856. Mason served in this capacity until March 28, 1861, when he was expelled from the Senate for backing the secession of Southern States. With the coming of the war, James’ was selected as one of the South’s diplomats to Europe. As a result, James Mason was forced to leave Winchester. At the time most of his friends urged Mason to take his family with him to London. Mason disregarded these suggestions, however, and instead left his family to fend for themselves. By March of 1862 his family was forced to leave Winchester as well. In all likelihood they traveled to Eliza’s family home in Pennsylvania and then on to Canada. Selma was left vacant and forced to fend for itself. On Tuesday March 11, 1862, Mary Greenhow Lee would make her first diary entry and speak of Selma and the missing Mason family. On that evening she and Laura Lee would go to the Mason home to see to the safety of the residence and the items contained within. In the process of recording her thoughts she determined to whom she would direct her diary entries and observations. She wrote: “Now I know who I am writing to – this must go to one of the dear Masons, as I know they would want to know of the last visit to Selma, it may be for a long, long time.” The two of them “collected articles worth preserving, for their owners.” It was on this very day that the residents of Winchester learned General Thomas Jackson was surrendering Winchester to General Nathaniel Banks’ Union Army. Diarist Cornelia McDonald lived next door to the Mason residence in a dwelling they had named Hawthorn. Early one May morning she noted “a U.S flag streaming over Mr. Mason’s house. Found out it was occupied as headquarters by a Massachusetts regiment.” This was undoubtedly the 2nd Massachusetts infantry. Later that same month she would note Selma had been re-occupied, this time by the 10th Maine Volunteer Infantry. On June 8, 1862, the very day the Battle of Cross Keys was being fought, Cornelia McDonald noted: “Senator Mason’s house being next to ours, and that its ground being the next one to ours, the soldiers, who I suppose having heard of the Trent Affair, and the Commissioners Mason and Slidell, always connect the two. As that was Mr. Mason’s house, they fancy this is Mr. Slidell’s, and often stop and ask if it is.” By late June, as the connection between James Mason and Selma came to be more widely known, the malicious inclinations of Union soldiers were brought to bear upon the structure itself. Cornelia McDonald would report that “stone fencing is being carried away to aid in the work. They have begun to tear down Mr. Mason’s house. All day axe and hammer are at work demolishing that pleasant, happy home. I saw the roof being taken off today – that roof, the shelter of which was never denied to the homeless, and whose good and gifted owners had never withheld their sympathy from the sad and suffering.” According to Cornelia the wife and children of James Mason were themselves homeless “with no place to call their own, and their home a desolation.” Hawthorn In January 1863 Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation would add urgency to the destruction of Selma. Like it or not the Union Army was now fighting to free slaves. As the author of the Fugitive Slave Law, the Mason home became a visible target of reprisal for the institution. Diarist Cornelia McDonald would write: “To day the walls of Mr. Mason’s house were pulled down; they fell with a crash; the roof had gone long ago. The house has disappeared now, and the place which knew it will know it no more. Every outbuilding is gone… Nothing is left of them all but heaps of logs which the Yankees carry away for firewood; and I, I can scarcely tell it, help them to burn it, for they have taken all our wood and we can get no other supply, but they graciously permit us to share with them, and my boys and the Yankee soldiers stand side by side cutting up the logs from my own hen and turkey houses, I must say I enjoy the cheerful blaze.” “They have taken the stones of Mr. Mason’s house as well as many of our stone fences to build their fortifications.” Material for Winchester’s forts would come from three locations, Winchester Academy, the Market House, and the destruction of “Selma.” Star Fort in particular would grow from the demolition of Mason’s home. From its ruins would rise a fortification designed as an 8-sided stone and wooden gun platform. The stronghold had ramparts, rifle pits and a sally port. It could hold 1,500 combatants in its rifle pits and up to 8 artillery pieces in its points. The stones from Selma can today still be seen as part of its artillery platforms. Ultimately, James Mason would fail in his attempts to secure recognition for the Confederacy. As it turned out British affairs on the continent were more troubling to them than a war in the United States. Mason would stay in Britain until 1866, a Confederate without a country. He would then travel to Canada, where his family waited for him. According to his daughter Virginia’s account, they were in “exile from their homeland–the South.” The Mason family, along with other former Confederate leaders and officials, would remain in Canada, however, until they were officially extended amnesty in July of 1868. In 1869 the Mason family finally returned to Virginia. With their Winchester home completely destroyed they decided to move closer to James paternal home. Mason purchased an estate outside of Alexandria called Clarens. The property adjoined that of his old friend, and former Confederate General, Samuel Cooper. Mason wrote: “I gave for the whole establishment nine thousand dollars in greenbacks.” “The greenbacks were his only remaining money, he confessed, and came from his wife’s family assets held in Pennsylvania through the war.” Clarens Estate at Alexandria Mason decided he would not hire “poor negros” as household servants. Instead he brought “domestic servants (women) from Canada” and he intended to hire whites only. “Negroes,” he believed, were “the great curse of the country.” “The fact that Reconstruction brought black voting particularly offended him; it was, he thought, the rule of the mob and the end of the republic.” Mason Family Plot at Christ Church in Alexandria With such deeply seated convictions, Mason lived just two more years, expiring at Clarens in April 1871. He was buried in the churchyard of Christ Church in Alexandria. Many years after the war a second house would be constructed on the foundation of Selma on Amherst Street in Winchester. James Mason and his family had sacrificed everything; their home, their reputation, and their very livelihood for the lost cause of Southern independence. The devotion of these and others are remembered to show the strength and urgency of a peoples convictions, one that required immense sacrifice, and at great personal cost. My apologies for my delay in posting this blog entry. I have been devoting a great deal of time preparing to teach a class on Jackson’s Valley Campaign at the Lifelong Learning Institute at JMU. My first class in on Wednesday March 18. I am very much looking forward to it. Sources: McDonald, Cornelia Peake. A Woman’s Civil War: A Diary with Reminiscences of the War, from March 1862. Gramercy Books. New York. 1992. Phipps, Sheila R. Genteel Rebel: The Life of Mary Greenhow Lee. Louisiana State University Press. Baton Rouge, La. 2004. Straader, Eloise C. The Civil War Journal of Mary Greenhow Lee. Winchester County Historical Society. Winchester, Va. 2011. https://www.essentialcivilwarcurriculum.com/the-trent-affair.html Sen. James Murray Mason, Black Labor, and the Aftermath of the Civil War John Brown’s body lies a mouldering in the grave, John Brown’s body lies a mouldering in the grave, John Brown’s body lies a mouldering in the grave, His soul’s marching on! John Brown’s body may have been “mouldering in the grave,” but in May of 1862 the whereabouts of two of John Brown’s sons was anything but certain. The controversy over the disposition of the bodies of Watson and Oliver Brown, to some extent, still remains. The final resting place of Watson Brown, and its connection to the Shenandoah Valley, however, is the focus of this essay. Watson Brown was born on October 7, 1835, in Franklin, Ohio. He was one of thirteen children born to John and Mary Brown. It has been said: “John Brown ruled his growing household with a rod in one hand and the Bible in the other. He insisted that his small sons learn ‘good order and religious habits’ and refused to let them play or have visitors on the Sabbath.” One could easily assert his opinion on household discipline was as absolute as his posture on slavery and involuntary servitude. Watson Brown By 1859 John Brown had long been conspicuous in the anti-slavery movement in the United States. He first gained attention by leading an abolitionist group during the Bleeding Kansas crisis of 1856. As an advocate of engagement rather than discourse, John and his radical followers attacked and killed five slavery proponents in the Pottawatomie Massacre in response to the sacking of Lawrence, Kansas. Later, in 1856, he commanded anti-slavery forces at the Battles of Black Jack and Osawatomie. By October of 1859 John Brown had concluded he would spearhead a slave uprising by leading a raid on Harpers Ferry. He intended to capture the armory and seize the armaments contained within. He would use these weapons to arm escaped slaves. Together, they would fight to establish their own slave-free state. Though Brown would seize the armory at Harpers Ferry, only a small number of slaves would actually join his rebellion. Watson Brown would himself play a brief but noteworthy role in the drama that played out during John Brown’s occupation of Harpers Ferry. With local residents and militia laying siege to the engine house, John Brown decided he would try to broker a cease-fire. His first attempt failed, however, when co-conspirator William Thompson was captured, along with one of Brown’s hostages, while under a flag of truce. Angered by the failure, one of Brown’s other detainees, acting superintendent of the armory Archibald Kitzmiller, offered to make a second attempt. Brown approved the proposal. 1859 Map of Harpers Ferry Conspirators Aaron Stevens and Watson Brown volunteered to accompany Kitzmiller under a flag of truce. Stevens and Watson walked out the armory gate, behind their prisoner, and proceeded down Potomac Street toward the Gault House tavern. “Saloonkeeper George Chambers, smashed an upper-story window so he could shoot unobstructed.” He and one other man opened fire on the threesome. Watson was hit in the first volley and went down. Stevens was struck several times and tumbled, insensible, onto the cobblestoned streets. Remarkably, Watson was able to stagger back to the engine house all the while “vomiting blood from a stomach wound.” Within a matter of hours most of John Brown’s attacking force would be killed or captured. Local residents, militia, and U.S. Marines, under the command of Robert E. Lee, would see to that. Among the slain was Brown’s son, Oliver. Watson, however, would linger on until Wednesday afternoon, October 19. As a result, Watson’s body would not be included with the rest of the deceased assailants. Eight corpses were quickly collected by the citizens of Harpers Ferry and readied for removal. US Marines Assaulting John Brown at Harper’s Ferry. (Harper’s Weekly) As residents did not want these men interred in the local cemetery, they paid James Mansfield five dollars to bury the bodies elsewhere. Mansfield chose a spot along the banks of the Shenandoah river about a half mile from town. “Packing them into two large wooded store boxes,” he hastily entombed them. The bodies would remain in this unmarked grave until 1899 when they were exhumed and transferred to the Brown family farm in North Elba, New York. Two of the deceased, however, were not buried in the common grave. Watson Brown and Jeremiah Anderson, though fatally wounded, had survived the final assault by Colonel Lee’s marines. When the two of them finally succumbed to their wounds, their bodies were attended to separate from the others. As a result, these two conspirators were not buried in the common grave. Fortunately, a resolution to this omission would soon materialize. Several medial students from Winchester Medical College had made the journey by train to Harpers Ferry to see if they could take advantage of the carnage. Forced to detrain before they reached the town, the group “happened upon the body of a man.” Determined to be a “fine physical specimen,” the students “put the body in a container and shipped it back to the college. When they examined his papers later, they discovered they had selected one of John Brown’s sons, Watson Brown. Some accounts claim conspirator Jeremiah Anderson’s body was also shipped back to the college. Wounded son Watson lying next to Oliver’s dead body. “Body-stealing was a feature of reality at a time when medical schools had trouble acquiring corpses for anatomy classes.” The so called “doctor resurrectionists” would nab the dead out of fresh graves. “’Scientists’” then boiled off the flesh or used acid to remove the skin and muscle.” Appropriating the bodies of these two deceased would have been easily accomplished as “nobody wanted them.” The medical college of Winchester, Virginia had originally been chartered in 1826 as the “Medical College of the Valley of Virginia.” The institution was directed by Dr. John Esten Cooke, Dr. Hugh Holmes McGuire, and Dr. A. F. Magill. The college operated for just two years and was closed. The school did not reopen until 1847 when it was revived and newly chartered by the Commonwealth of Virginia as Winchester Medical College. “The College was a red brick structure located on the corner of Stewart and Boscawen Streets. It had a surgical amphitheater, two lecture halls, a dissecting room, a chemical laboratory, a museum, and offices.” When the med students returned to Winchester Medical College with their newly acquired treasures, Watson’s body had the flesh stripped off and was then “dissected, and the skeleton displayed in the college museum.” “The whole was hung up as a nice anatomical illustration.” It was not a dignified end to a person’s life but it would serve as a valuable tool in the education of future surgeons. The practice would, undoubtedly, help save many lives during the Civil War. According to an article posted in the Richmond Dispatch, Watson’s body, and perhaps Jeremiah Anderson’s, were not the only ones that were brought back to Winchester Medical College. In December, following the trial of John Brown and his accomplices, “Watson’s body would be joined by the recently hung, buried, and disinterred bodies of convicted African American co-conspirators John Copeland and Shields Green.” “They will be interred tomorrow on the spot where the gallows stand, but there is a party of medical students here from Winchester who will doubtless not allow them there long.” There would be no “mouldering in the grave” for these corpses. The resurrectionists would soon have their way with them. Prior to the town’s seizure Winchester Medical College was being used as a hospital. During May of 1862, in the midst of the town’s occupation by troops under General Nathaniel Banks, however, the institution came under increasing scrutiny due to one of its most infamous residents; Watson Brown. Unfortunately, the future of Winchester Medical College was itself in doubt. On the evening of May 16, 1862, Mary Greenhow Lee noted in her diary that she had been “startled by the sound of the fire bell.” “In less than hour there was another alarm, & on opening the door, the flames were ascending somewhat in the direction of Selma, but it proved to be the Medical College which is burnt to the ground; what this is the beginning of, we cannot tell, as we are in the hands of a treacherous foe.” Lee believed the fire was “for the purpose of destroying superfluous government stores and preparatory to an evacuation.” The following day Mary noted: “The explanation of the burning of the college is that a skeleton of Oliver Brown (John’s son) was there, they buried in the yard what they supposed were his bones, but the genuine ones, had been removed by Hunter McGuire, thus foiling their malicious design.” Mary’s assertion that the body was that of Oliver, and not Watson, adds more ambiguity to the deed. It is very possible the body referred to by Mary was actually that of Jeremiah Anderson. There are some errors, however, in Mary’s statement. First, is the first declaration that Oliver’s body was at the college. Most would argue the body was actually that of Watson. Second, if Hunter McGuire had removed the body buried in the yard, he would have had to have completed the task prior to March 12, when Nathaniel Banks troops first occupied Winchester. McGuire could not have returned to the town until after the 1st Battle of Winchester on May 25, nine days after the burning of the college. There is also some contention as to who ordered the burning of the school. According to Winchester resident, John Peyton Clark, it was Colonel George Beal of 10th Maine that ordered Brown’s remains recovered and the college burned. True or not, there is no mention of this incident in the 10th Maine’s regimental history. Still, the Maine unit could be held accountable as they were responsible for the military occupation of town at the time of the blaze. A second story, involving Dr. Jarvis Jackson Johnson of the 27th Indiana Infantry, claims that he was responsible for the retrieval of Watson’s remains. Johnson declared “that while serving as commander of a military hospital in Winchester, he acquired Watson Brown’s body from the museum of the medical college, then shipped it on a train to Franklin Indiana, the nearest railroad depot to his home in Indiana.” Following the war, it is said Johnson kept the bones on display in his medical office. Twenty years after their acquisition, however, an article appeared in the Indianapolis Journal, on September 11, 1882, claiming Dr. Johnson had obtained the remains of Brown “immediately after the evacuation of the place by the Confederates.” Upon entering the medical college, he observed “an admirably preserved body, and obtained permission from General Banks to ship it home.” According to Johnson the “anatomical preparation of the body was perfect, and it was for this reason, an exceedingly valuable piece of property for the physician and the physiologist. Dr Johnson was moved by no desire to get possession of it because it was the body of one of John Brown’s sons, but because it would be of practical value to him.” According to the Indianapolis Journal: “The body has received careless treatment during the last few years. It has been carted about from place to place, and has been doing duty in all the anatomical exhibitions about town. During the first few years it was in the possession of Dr. Johnson it was in a remarkably fine state of preservation, but ill-usage has ruined it. For several years, it has been lying in the Knights of Pythias hall, and, it is whispered, was used in the mystic ceremonies of the order. The best of care had not been bestowed upon it, and it was infested with worms and insects.” John Brown, Jr. Though John Brown, Jr. was not one of the conspirators that had attacked Harper’s Ferry, his father had sent him there on a scouting mission prior to the raid in 1858. During the war he was a Captain in Company K of the 7th Kansas Volunteer Cavalry. John Jr. would survive the war and in September of 1882 he was living in Put-in-Bay, Ohio, raising grapes for a family owned wine business. When John learned his brother’s body was being stored in Martinsville, Indiana he took the opportunity to visit the town to see if he could identify the remains. After picking up and poring over skeletal fragments and examining the shape of a half-missing skull John pronounced: “Gentlemen, if it is either of my brothers, I am now inclined to think that it is Oliver”. Yet the more he looked, the more he came to think he was looking at his other brother, Watson. On closer examination “A large bullet hole in the muscles of the back, beside the spinal column, is visible in a front view, but the course of the ball was not directly through. This coincides with the wounding of Watson Brown, who was shot in the region of the lower part of the stomach. The wound is below this organ, but was evidently received while in a stooping posture, and the exit of the ball bears out this conclusion.” Twenty years after its capture, Dr. Johnson turned the body of Watson Brown over to his brother John. In October 1882, “Watson Brown’s strange post-mortem odyssey had finally come to an end. On an autumn day in the Adirondacks, he was laid to rest in a patch of soil near his famous father, who — as the old Union song put it — had long lain ‘mouldering in the grave.’” Watson’s journey had finally ended. Marker Dedicated to John and Oliver Brown. Sources: Horwitz, Tony. Midnight Rising: John Brown and the Raid that Sparked the Civil War. Henry Holt and Co. New York, N.Y. 2011. Oates, Stephen B. To Purge This Land with Blood: A Biography of John Brown. University of Massachusetts Press. 1984. Straader, Eloise C. The Civil War Journal of Mary Greenhow Lee. Winchester County Historical Society. Winchester, Va. 2011. Redpath, James, The Public Life of Capt. John Brown. Thayer and Eldridge. Boston, Ma. 1860. https://blog.newspapers.library.in.gov/a-skeletons-odyssey-the-forensic-mystery-of-watson-brown/ https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/137/john-brown http://www.youseemore.com/handley/contentpages.asp?loc=568 By the summer of 1861, as secession and the anticipation of war overtook the town of Winchester, the communal divide deepened over the name of one of its most prominent guesthouses. Located in the northeast corner of Market (Cameron) Street and Fairfax Lane, the “Union Hotel” had come under scrutiny. “Many residents, who had been unsure about secession, became caught up in wartime enthusiasm.” The Union Hotel’s crest was seen by most as an embarrassment. The town’s citizens determined that the name had to be revised. Soon the sign on the front of the building “was modified removing the U and the N, making it the ION Hotel.” Following the 1st Battle of Kernstown, several of Winchester’s prominent structures were designated as hospitals and were soon teeming with wounded from both sides. It was soon apparent, however, that the town’s temporary medical facilities were being overwhelmed. They were simply unable to handle the volume of injured soldiers. The women of Winchester soon found themselves being drawn to these facilities to assist with critical care. Noted “demon diarist” and resident of Winchester, Laura Lee, soon discovered the magnitude of this medical crisis. Laura had stated before the war that she “thought nothing would induce us to enter the hospitals, but we have never thought of having our own troops and their wounded and dying together.” Accompanied by Mary Greenhow Lee, the two women visited the Union (ION) Hotel on the afternoon of March 24, 1862, and “found everything there in utter confusion. The Yankees had taken over the facility shortly after midnight and converted it into a hospital. It was said the “shrieks & groans had been awful.” Mary located a close friend, George Washington, who had just had his leg amputated. Mary admitted there “was little hope of his recovery.” On March 25, just two days after the battle, Mary Greenhow Lee, a woman who had repeatedly acknowledged she could barely stomach the sight of Yankees, went to the Union Hotel to take care of injured Southern soldiers. “The dead, the dying, the raving Maniac, & agonizing suffering, in its revolting forms, were before us; our men and the Yankees, all mixed together. She found herself “down on the floor, by the Yankees, feeding them. Mary discovered her humanity in this facility. She found she “could not give to one sufferer, and pass another by in silence.” Mrs. Lee would return to the hotel the following day. She observed: “The poor men are neglected as the doctors are overwhelmed with the numbers of patients they have to contend with.” “The surgeons do not dress their wounds, even once a day, and there is no one to hand them a cup of water, after the ladies leave; they promise things will be better tomorrow;” but they never are. Mary soon avowed that it “made no difference between Yankees and Rebels, when both were wounded and helpless.” “The dreadful scenes of the day, are before me so vividly, that I fear they will haunt me again to-night.” These visions would certainly preoccupy her mind that evening, and for many evenings to come. Care for the wounded would continue, seemingly without end. A week after the battle Laura Lee was still making daily trips to the Union Hotel. At one point she overheard the surgeons saying “the army has been more demoralized by the kindness which have been shown the wounded than by the battle. They say they are sorry they allowed the women to enter the hospitals.” “When are these horrors to end?” The horrors would not conclude any time soon. Mary Greenhow Lee would assert she was “so tired of the Yankees. They are more unendurable every day & then I so much dread the battle that will have to be fought before they are driven from the valley.” Unknown to Mary there were many more battles, and unnamed skirmishes, the residents of Winchester would have to endure. The town, itself, would prove to be one of the most contested in the Confederacy. It would change hands more than seventy times during the course of the war. Following the 1st Battle of Winchester, on May 25, 1862, the town fell, once again, into Confederate hands. This time the senior Confederate surgeon was Doctor Hunter McGuire. McGuire was a native of Winchester, having been born there on October 11, 1835. He had spent a great deal of his youth accompanying his dad, who was one of the town’s foremost practicing physicians and educators, on many of his medical errands. After graduating from high school, Hunter decided to study medicine at the Winchester Medical College. When war visited the Shenandoah Valley, however, McGuire returned to Winchester from Tulane University in New Orleans, where he had been schooling future surgeons. Here he joined the Winchester Rifles as a private, prepared to fight for the confederacy. The unit would later become Company F of the 2nd Virginia Infantry. It was soon obvious that Hunter McGuire’s services were more valuable as a surgeon and he was soon ordered to report to General Thomas Jackson in that capacity at Harper’s Ferry. Far more skillful than his age would have signaled, within a year he was promoted to chief surgeon in Jackson’s Valley Army. Shortly after the victorious Rebel throng entered Winchester, Private John Worsham, a member of Company F, 21st Virginia Infantry, noted: “Gen. Jackson captured vast stores: several hundred beef cattle, several hundred wagons with their teams, eleven thousand new muskets in boxes that had never been opened, a large amount of ammunition, and over three thousand prisoners.” Doctor Hunter McGuire In addition to all of the supplies mentioned by Private Worsham, a huge store of medical provisions had also been captured by the Confederate Army. Jackson’s medical director, Hunter McGuire, was suddenly in receipt of more medicinal provisions than he “had seen in one place since the beginning of the war, maybe even in his entire lifetime.” Additionally, seven Union doctors, all of whom had been treating the sick and wounded at the Union Hotel, also found themselves captives of the Confederate Army. Doctor McGuire soon began to ponder the issue of how captured doctors should be treated when prisoners of war. McGuire felt that the skills these individuals possessed should require them to be handled differently from detained combatants. He began to think the situation “presented an opportunity to help define how captured military doctors and nurses should be treated, ensuring more consistent care for the sick and injured.” Dr. McGuire decided the plight of these individuals needed to be resolved. He connected with General Jackson, and Dr. Daniel S. Conrad of the Stonewall Brigade, to settle the issue. In the course of their deliberations the three men decided they would attempt to set a precedent which they hoped would be adopted by the U.S government as well. Together they authored a document outlining the conviction that “doctors should be regarded as noncombatants, and ought to be released as soon as possible that they might continue saving lives.” The seven captured doctors agreed to Doctor McGuire’s proposal and signed the document. A copy of the agreement is presented below. ——————– WINCHESTER, Va., May 31, 1682. We, Surgeons and Assistant Surgeons United States Army, now prisoners of war in this place, do give our parole of honor, on being unconditionally released, to report in person, singly or collectively, to the Secretary of War in Washington City, as such; and that we will use our best efforts that the same number of medical officers of the Confederate States Army, now prisoners or who may hereafter be taken, be released on the same terms. And, furthermore, we will, on our honor, use our best efforts to have this principle established, viz.: The unconditional release of all medical officers taken prisoners of war hereafter. BURD. PEALE, Surgeon, First Brigade, BLENKER’s Division. T.E. MITCHELL, Surgeon, First Maryland Regiment. J.J. JOHNSON, Surgeon, Twenty-seventh Regiment, Indiana Volunteers, Gen. WILLIAMS’ Division. FRANCIS LELAND, Surgeon, Second Regiment, Massachusetts Volunteers. PHILIP ADOLPHUS, Assistant Surgeon, U.S.A., in charge of Fourth Artillery. LINOT B. STONE, Assistant Surgeon, Second Massachusetts Volunteers. JOSIAH F. DALY, Jr., Assistant Surgeon, Tenth M.E. Regiment Volunteers. EVELYN L. BISSELL, Assistant Surgeon, Fifth Connecticut Volunteers. Approved. HUNTER McGUIRE, Medical Director, Army Valley, Va., C.S. HEADQUARTERS OF THE POST, WINCHESTER, Va., May 31, 1862. This is to certify that I, BURD PEALE, Surgeon First Brigade, BLENKER’s Division, T.E. MITCHELL, Surgeon First Indiana Regiment, J.J. JOHNSON, Surgeon Twenty-seventh Indiana Regiment, FRANCIS LELLAND, Surgeon Second Massachusetts Regiment, PHILIP ADOLPHUS, Assistant Surgeon U.S.A., L.R. STONE, Assistant Surgeon Second Massachusetts Regiment, J.F. DAY, Jr., Assistant Surgeon Tenth Maine Regiment, and E.L. BISSELL, Assistant Surgeon Firm Connecticut Regiment, having given their parole of honor to report themselves to the Secretary of War, in Washington, as prisoners of war, and to use their best endeavors to effect an exchange for a like number of surgeons and Assistant-Surgeons now held by the United States, are permitted to go at large. It is further understood that the above-named surgeons and assistant-surgeons are to endeavor to make this a principle for exchange of medical officers in the future. R.H. CUNNINGHAM, Jr., Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding Post. ——————– The agreement was successfully transferred to the U. S. Government and the results were almost immediate. On June 6, 1862, U.S. Secretary of War Edwin Stanton issued Special Orders No. 60 which “immediately and unconditionally” freed all Confederate doctors held prisoner. “Robert E. Lee and George B. McClellan communicated officially, regarding the release of captured doctors during the Peninsula Campaign. This proposal would become the rule regarding prisoner doctors, assistants, and nurses throughout the remainder of the Civil War.” Some elements of this agreement can even be found in the current version of the Geneva Convention’s agreement on the Treatment of Prisoners. As a result, the Union, or Ion Hotel, in Winchester would prove to be a major contributor to the conduct of civilized warfare. The facility itself would, over the next two years, be constantly utilized as both a Union and Confederate hospital. As mentioned before, soldiers from both sides would even be treated simultaneously in this facility. Unfortunately, in spite of its historical significance, the Union Hotel’s days were numbered. Between the eighth and thirteenth of December, 1864, more than a foot of snow had fallen in Winchester. Temperatures had tumbled well below freezing as well. On the 16th “the impact of snow building up upon a dilapidated building’s roof” came to the forefront.” Mary Greenhow Lee chronicled: “There has been a fall this evening which has been disastrous to the Yankees; the poor old Union Hotel fell down and seven Yankees were crushed in the ruins. It is said 25 are suffering a righteous retribution.” The facility was never rebuilt. McGuire would continue his services as a physician throughout the course of the war. As chief medical surgeon in Jackson’s 2nd Corps, it fell upon Dr. McGuire to treat General Stonewall Jackson following his wounding at the Battle of Chancellorsville in May of 1863. It was he who amputated Jackson’s left arm in an attempt to save his life. The endeavor was in vain, though, as Stonewall would soon succumb to pneumonia. Dr. McGuire would be by his side when he expired, though, and would record Jackson’s famous last words: “Let us cross over the river and sit beneath the shade of the trees.” McGuire was a pallbearer at the General’s funeral. As for Dr. Hunter McGuire, his proposal on the treatment of surgeons as non-combatants would serve him well in the final days of the war. Having been captured at the Battle of Waynesboro in March of 1865, Doctor McGuire was taken to General Philip Sheridan’s headquarters. Here McGuire found that his reputation had preceded him. Sheridan treated him courteously and offered him an immediate release and a two-week parole. The doctor accepted the offer and spent his two weeks of liberation in Staunton. Some say he spent the time courting his future wife. Regardless, he rejoined the Confederate army just in time for its surrender at Appomattox Court House. The legacy of Doctor McGuire was very much venerated following the war. Most viewed McGuire as “the foremost leader of medical progress in Virginia and in the nation.” Late in his life Hunter McGuire founded St. Luke’s Hospital in Richmond. It would become one of the leading schools for instructing nurses in the nation. McGuire would also help found the Medical Society of Virginia. St. Luke’s Hospital in Richmond When President Lincoln delivered his second inaugural address in March of 1865, “he the laid the cornerstone of what would become the largest healthcare organization in the country; a system solely dedicated to serving Veterans.” Following World War II, the Hunter Holmes McGuire Veterans Administration Medical Center was built and dedicated in Richmond, Virginia. As such, it is committed to the healing of men and women who have served their nation in the military. Naming the facility after Doctor McGuire perfectly acknowledges and celebrates the values he had championed during his life. Hunter Homes McGuire V. A. Medical Facility in Richmond, Va. If you look around Richmond you will find even more evidence of McGuire’s contributions to medicine and humanity. American sculptor William Couper “immortalized Dr. Hunter Holmes McGuire with a statue, placed on the grounds of the Virginia State Capitol in 1904, two blocks from his beloved hospital.” The inscription upon the monument proclaims: “Hunter Holmes McGuire, M.D., L.L.D. President of the American Medical and of the American Surgical Associations; Founder of the University College of Medicine, Medical Director, Jackson’s Corps, Army of Northern Virginia, An Eminent Civil and Military Surgeon and Beloved Physician. An Able Teacher and Vigorous Writer; A Useful Citizen and Broad Humanitarian, Gifted in Mind and Generous in Heart, This Monument is Erected by his Many Friends.” Hunter McGuire’s dedication to humankind and its welfare continues to service the lives of the public and those dedicated to the protection of our country. Certainly, his, was a life well lived. Like his close friend, Thomas Jackson, Hunter Holmes McGuire would die from pneumonia. McGuire passed on September 19, 1900, on the 36th anniversary of the 3rd Battle of Winchester. Hunter McGuire’s Statue at the State Capitol in Richmond. Sources: Mahon, Michael. Winchester Divided: The Civil War Letters of Julia Chase & Laura Lee. Stackpole Books. Mechanicsburg, Pa. 2002. Bonnell Jr., John C. Sabres in the Shenandoah. The 21st New York Cavalry, 1863-1865. Burd Street Press. Shippensburg, Pa. 1996. Straader, Eloise C. The Civil War Journal of Mary Greenhow Lee. Winchester County Historical Society. Winchester, Va. 2011. https://www.hollywoodcemetery.org/hunter-h-mcguire https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/4d19/ca1d522aa22431c7c3d54d9f9a6da4a4b00b.pdf https://rvahub.com/2016/10/10/rva-legends-st-lukes-hospital/ Harry Ward Gilmor was born into a life of luxury and affluence on January 24, 1838. He was one of eleven children. Harry and his family lived at “Glen Ellen Castle” in Towson, Maryland. His home was a three-story early Gothic Revival mansion, with towers on three corners, meant to resemble Abbotsford, a Scottish castle owned by Sir Walter Scott. It sported a guest house constructed in the likeness of a Greek temple and a gatehouse that was designed to look like a Gothic ruin. In harmony with his upbringing, Harry spent his childhood dreaming of knights, noblemen, chivalry, and glory in battle. Much of his early adulthood, however, was spent homesteading in Wisconsin and Nebraska. Still, when the threat of civil war loomed in early 1861, Harry returned to Baltimore to do his duty. Upon his return, Gilmor joined the newly formed Baltimore County Horse Guards as a corporal. In consequence to the efforts of the residents of Baltimore to prevent the passage of Federal troops through the city, the Horse Guards were given orders to burn several bridges north of the municipality to prevent Northern troop movements through Baltimore. Harry Gilmor’s activities did not endear him to the Federal occupation troops in Baltimore commanded by Brigadier General Benjamin Butler. Gilmor was one of several individuals arrested and imprisoned in the “Baltimore Bastille,” commonly known as Fort McHenry. Marylanders, suspected of being Confederate sympathizers, were imprisoned there. Most were never charged with a crime and many were never brought to trial. Others were released after pledging not to “render any aid or comfort to the enemies of the Union,” or by taking an oath of allegiance. Following Gilmor’s release in August 1861, he journeyed south and joined the command of Colonel Turner Ashby. Harry would serve with Ashby in the 7th Virginia Cavalry throughout Jackson’s 1862 Valley Campaign. On several occasions he was even placed on special assignment to General Stonewall Jackson. General Jackson had always dubbed Turner Ashby’s cavalry command “a mob.” Whereas most cavalry regiments had ten companies, Ashby’s 7th Virginia regiment had twenty-five. On April 24, 1862, General Jackson attempted to divide Ashby’s oversized command into more manageable pieces. Jackson assigned thirteen companies to Brigadier General Charles Winder’s Brigade. Companies A through K were placed under the direction of Brigadier General William Taliaferro. Ashby was to retain command of only a small fragment of his original regiment, and this was only to act in the role of both advance and rear guards. Colonel Ashby was so outraged by the incident he submitted his resignation. Ashby even considered challenging Stonewall Jackson to a duel. Fortunately, calmer minds prevailed, and Colonel Ashby was allowed to retain his command. Jackson would write to General Robert E. Lee on the subject stating: “Such was Ashby’s influence over his command that I became well satisfied my attempt to increase the efficiency of the cavalry would produce the contrary effect.” On June 16, 1862, ten days after Turner Ashby’s death, “the long awaited” reorganization of Turner Ashby’s cavalry command took place at Conrad’s Store. Ten companies were retained to constitute the 7th Virginia Cavalry; also known as the 1st Regiment of Ashby’s Cavalry. Ten more companies were designated as the Twelfth Virginia Cavalry, or the 2nd Regiment of Ashby’s Cavalry. Harry Gilmor would be commissioned Captain in Company F of this unit. The remaining five companies would be designated as the 17th Battalion of Virginia Cavalry. On May 27, 1863, Harry Gilmor was promoted to the rank of Major and asked to raise an independent battalion of cavalry. Before he could complete this assignment, though, the Gettysburg campaign interceded. During the battle, Major Gilmor was assigned command of the First and Second Maryland Cavalry, in General George Steuart’s Brigade. Major Gilmor was delegated the job of Provost Marshal for the town of Gettysburg during its brief occupation. By the Spring of 1864, Harry Gilmor was assigned to independent command in the Shenandoah Valley. Gilmor recognized that in order for his 2nd Maryland Cavalry to survive in occupied territory he needed the support of local citizens. Without safe hiding places, and other means of support, Gilmor’s effectiveness would be severely weakened. It was during the month of May that Harry found himself operating behind enemy lines in the region outside of Winchester near Newtown, or what is now Stephens City, Virginia. It is the second oldest town in the Shenandoah Valley, trailing only behind Winchester. In his memoir, written forty-one years after the war, John M. Steel characterized the wartime situation of the town as being “between the lines. Newtown became a no-mans-land for much of the war. It was close enough to suffer the effects and disruptions to daily life that came with the Federal troops’ occupation of Winchester and the surrounding region, but distant enough to return to limited Confederate control after nightfall.” Harry Gilmor An incident that had occurred in Newtown on May 30, 1864, threatened the continued existence of the town. Major Gilmor had received a report on the 29th that Lieutenant Colonel Augustus Root of the 15th New York had left Martinsburg, West Virginia, southbound, as part of an escort detail for sixteen Union supply wagons. Noted Winchester diarist Mary Greenhow Lee had observed the passage of these wagons through town on the afternoon of May 30. Someone passed this information on to Gilmor, who decided an attack on the wagon train was essential. Newtown, with its narrow main street, was the perfect place for an ambush. Gilmor and his men concealed themselves in the woods near Bartonsville, just north of Newtown. As the train of wagons passed, Gilmor and a detachment of his 2nd Maryland Cavalry Battalion pounced on the rear of the formation, and charged south along Main Street. Gilmor hoped the unexpected attack would cause the wagons to stampede and neutralize any soldiers that might have been concealed in the wagons. Surprised, Root’s men retreated south through town and setup a defensive position behind the house belonging to Dr. McLeod. In the process two of the wagons upset and blocked the bridge across Steven’s Run along the Valley Pike. Several of the wagons, however, were still able to race on toward Middletown. Region of the Shenandoah Valley in which Gilmor Operated. In the assault, Gilmor’s horse bolted in the excitement and carried him down the pike in the direction of the lead wagon. As he passed through the wagon train in his mad dash, several members of the 15th New York Cavalry took the opportunity to swing their sabers in his direction. Though Gilmor received several saber cuts he was not seriously wounded. Fortunately, all of the pistol shots directed at him missed as well. When Gilmor reached the lead wagon he swung his sword at the lead horse and was able to disable it, causing the wagon to bound off the pike. All of the wagons following it were forced to abort their dash toward safety. Having stopped the train and having regained control of his horse he jumped the stone wall that paralleled the Valley Pike and headed back into town. Gilmor’s men had fared very well. They had skirmished with members of the 15th New York and routed them. The defenders, having gathered near Dr. McLeod’s home, had been defeated as well and many men in blue had been captured. The Confederates pilfered everything of value from the wagons and then proceeded to set them on fire. After tending to the dead and wounded, Gilmor retreated with four wagons, forty prisoners, and seventy horses. As Gilmor rode out of town with his bounty, a train of sixty wagons escorted by six hundred infantry rolled in. Mary Greenhow Lee apparently entered town on the heels of this second wagon train. She was passing through the community in order to attend a funeral at the Barton’s home at Vaucluse. She noted: “Four miles from town there was a cry of Yankees ahead. As we approached, we found it the advance guard of a double wagon train – about 200 wagons & an escort of 500 men. We passed the houses Hunter had burned last week, & then saw some horsemen ahead of us; I saw at a glance they were Confederate & we stopped to talk to them. Told us Gilmor had captured the whole wagon train that had passed through yesterday evening.” As the group continued through town one of the Confederate soldiers stopped them and informed them they had captured a Union soldier in the act of burning a local house. He was caught “firing a house … in retribution for Mosby’s shooting at the wagons.” The ladies, not wishing to witness the act, scooted through town and on toward their destination.. Mrs. Lee noted as they “passed out of Newtown, we drove by 16 wagons burning on the road; several dead horses &, to my infinite horror the bodies of two dead Yankees who had been shot this morning; involuntarily I covered my eyes that the sight might be excluded.” Major General David Hunter, commanding Union forces in the area, had previously ordered three houses burnt in Newtown in retaliation for the attacks that had taken place earlier in the week. Hunter was informed of the second attack in Newtown that same evening. General Hunter, tired of the repeated assaults on his supply trains in the area, determined something had to be done right away. Sign Noting the Orders to Burn Newtown, now Stephens City. Major Stearns Last Name is Misspelled on the Sign. On the 30th General Hunter dispatched Major Joseph Stearns and a detachment of 200 men from the 1st New York Cavalry Regiment from his army at New Market. Their orders were to “proceed to Newtown tomorrow morning at 3 o’clock, for the purpose of burning every house, store and out-building in that place.” He was only to spare “churches, and the dwelling of Doctor Owens, who had been kind to the Federals.” As the cavalrymen trotted north along the Valley Pike, they could not help but notice the exposed graves of the Union dead on the New Market Battlefield; a contest that had taken place just two weeks before. It was evident many of the “confederate burial details were tired, and the ground was muddy from all the rain. Some of the dead had only been covered with a few inches of dirt. The rains had washed what little soil had been scuffed over them. The smell of decaying bodies was overwhelming.” As the New Yorker’s neared Newtown, Major Stearns revealed their mission to his troopers. “The men became sullen and talked of refusing to obey the order. The children and elderly of the town, aware of Hunter’s threat, helplessly stood in their doorways. Major Stearns met with the elders of the town, who protested that they had no control over the Confederate raiders and that they had cared for Federal wounded from the attack.” In addition, Major Stearns spotted a note which had been posted as a warning to General Hunter. The note advised him not to burn the town. Gilmor promised to retaliate by hanging “thirty-five men and six officers and send their bodies to him in the valley.” Stearns consulted with his troopers and it was decided they would spare the town. Stearns determined he would risk Hunter’s wrath and his own military career rather than burn the homes of civilians. He spared the town on the provision the local citizens would take the Oath of Allegiance. This they did. Major Stearns returned to face a searing reprimand from General Hunter. It was General Hunter’s Chief of Staff, David Strother, however, who saved Stearns from dismissal for disobeying orders. Hunter let his actions stand and allowed him to retain his command. The historic buildings, which can still be seen in Stephens City today, are a testimony to a different kind of Civil War heroism; the gallant act of compassion. Harry would go on to distinguish himself with several significant cavalry excursions. His most famous raid, known as the Magnolia Train Raid, occurred later in July 1864, during General Jubal Early’s assault on Washington D.C. During his raid on Baltimore, Gilmor and 135 troopers disrupted telegraph communications, destroyed railroad tracks and trestles, and captured two trains. One of the train passengers, and subsequent detainees, was Major General William B. Franklin. The raid was extremely successful, and Gilmor always claimed he could have captured Baltimore itself if he had desired. Following the war Harry would return to Baltimore. He would serve as police commissioner for five years and later as the city’s mayor. He died in March of 1883, a war hero, from complications caused by a wartime injury to his jaw. “Gilmor’s funeral was a large local ceremonial event with many dignitaries present to honor this war hero.” Prior to his passing, he wrote and published a war memoir entitled Four Years in the Saddle. It is well worth read. Sources: Armstrong, Richard L. 7th Virginia Cavalry. H. E. Howard. Inc. Lynchburg, Va. 1992. Bonnell Jr., John C. Sabres in the Shenandoah: The 21st New York Cavalry, 1863-1866. Burd Street Press. Shippensburg, Pa. 1996. Brown, Peter A. Mosby’s Fighting Parson: The Life and Times of Sam Chapman. Willow Bend Books. Westminster, Md. 2001. Mahon, Michael. Winchester Divided. The Civil War Diaries of Julia Chase and Laura Lee. Stackpole Books. Mechanicsburg, Va. 2002. Straader, Eloise C. The Civil War Journal of Mary Greenhow Lee. Winchester County Historical Society. Winchester, Va. 2011. Walker, Gary C. Hunter’s Fiery Raid through Virginia Valleys. Second Edition. A & W Enterprise. Roanoke, Va. 2004. Civil War, 1861-1865 Stephens City Virginia historical marker https://www.baltimoresun.com/news/bs-xpm-1993-06-06-1993157216-story.html On May 4, 1863, situated on a rise overlooking the field of battle at Salem Church, Generals Jubal Early and Robert E. Lee stood side by side monitoring Early’s Division as it spearheaded an attack on General John Sedgwick’s 6th Corps. The two were witness as a Brigade of Louisiana Tigers charged into the Federal line. “The air was fairly hissing with round shot, shell, grape, canister and minie balls.” Still, the Louisiana Tigers pushed forward, seemingly impervious to enemy fire. Soon contact was made and the federal line appeared to crack; and then it collapsed all together. The Tigers swept on to a second line, which similarly buckled. Soon the whole Union position appeared to be crumbling. Jubal Early was so electrified by the outcome he threw his hat to the ground, and yelled: “Those damned Louisiana fellows may steal as much as they please now!” Lee sighed and responded by saying: “Thank God! The day is ours!” Charge of the Louisiana Tigers at the Battle of Salem Church The first commander of these renowned warriors was a southern planter named Richard (Dick) Taylor. Born January 27, 1826, on the family’s Springfield Plantation in Jefferson County Kentucky, he was the only son of Zachary Taylor, the twelfth president of the United States. Much of Richard’s early life had been spent in frontier forts as his father was a career military officer. When apart from his dad he spent a good portion of his early life attending private schools in both Kentucky and Massachusetts. He would later pursue academic studies at both Harvard and Yale. Richard (Dick) Taylor During the Mexican War Richard Taylor would serve, voluntarily, as his father’s aide-de-camp. Forced to leave Mexico due to a bout with rheumatoid arthritis, however, Richard would return home to manage the family’s estate. In 1850 he persuaded his father, then President of the United States, to purchase a moderately sized cotton plantation for him, in St. Charles Parish, Louisiana. In so doing Taylor’s connection to that state was established. When the Civil War broke out General Braxton Bragg asked Dick Taylor to come with him to Pensacola, Florida to assist with the training of Confederate troops. Though Taylor had been opposed to secession, he agreed to do so. Dick Taylor’s stay there would be brief. When the 9th Louisiana Regiment was organized in early 1861, Taylor was elected colonel of the regiment. Members voted for him in the believe that his connection to President Jefferson Davis would allow them to be rapidly dispatched to a combat zone. Until the time of her death, Davis had been married to Dick Taylor’s sister, Sarah. The connection seemed to work as the regiment was promptly shipped off to Richmond. The unit would arrive at Manassas on July 21, 1861, on the very day of the First Battle of Bull Run. Unfortunately for them, though, they would arrive too late in the day to participate in the first major clash of the Civil War. On October 21, 1861, Dick Taylor was promoted to brigadier general and placed in command of the Louisiana Brigade. Assigned to General Richard S. Ewell’s Division, this new posting would allow them to become a key element in Stonewall Jackson’s 1862 Valley Campaign. Dick Taylor’s Louisiana Brigade 6th Louisiana Infantry – Col Isaac G. Seymour 7th Louisiana Infantry – Col Harry T. Hays 8th Louisiana Infantry – Col Henry B. Kelly 9th Louisiana Infantry – Col Leroy A. Stafford Wheat’s Battalion (“Louisiana Tigers”) – Maj C. Roberdeau Wheat Wheat’s Battalion of Louisiana Tigers The fierce reputation the Louisiana Tigers would soon earn was well deserved. Author Terry Jones would note: “Louisiana probably had a higher percentage of criminals, drunkards, and deserters in its commands than any other Confederate state…” Though it was Major Roberdeau Wheat’s Battalion from which the Louisiana Tigers would get their name, their reputation for “wholesale rioting, looting, and robbery” they earned on their own. Jackson would rapidly find a use for Taylor’s brigade “as an elite strike force that set a rapid marching pace and dealt swift flanking attacks.” On May 21, 1862, they were attached to General Stonewall Jackson’s command and were destined to be a key component in the Rebel victory at Front Royal. Here they would distinguish themselves by traversing a burning bridge over the Shenandoah River while under enemy fire, and by seizing a large Federal supply train. By late evening on May 24, General Richard Taylor’s Brigade of Louisianans was exhausted. They had marched, and countermarched, more than twenty miles. They had fought a skirmish at Middletown, and they had looted captured wagons belonging to “Commissary Banks.” Their motion had been constant and they would not settle in to rest until nearly 3:00 a.m. the following morning. By sunrise on May 25, battle seemed imminent. The first soldiers roused and placed into line to oppose General Nathaniel Banks’s Army at Winchester, was General Charles Winder’s Stonewall Brigade. More than fifteen hundred strong, and with little more than two hours rest, these soldiers were ordered to advance and form a skirmish line near Hollingsworth’s Mill along Abram’s Creek. Here two farm lanes pushed off to the west circling around the Federal position at Bower’s Hill. Two sections of Union artillery and seven regiments of infantry had been placed there, and were currently raising havoc with Rebel forces. Map Showing Dick Taylor’s Flank Attack at the 1st Battle of Winchester By 7 a.m., Jackson had massed fifteen regiments on the west side of the Valley Pike, opposing Colonel George H. Gordon’s 3rd Brigade. Colonel John Campbell and Colonel William Taliaferro’s brigades were soon added to reinforce and extend the Confederate line farther to the left. It was Brigadier General Charles Winder, commander of the Stonewall Brigade, who suggested the army’s next move. McHenry Howard, aides-de-camp to General Winder recalled: “General Jackson presently came on the scene and asked how the battle was going on. General Winder told him the enemy ought to be attacked on his (the enemy’s) right flank. ‘Very well,’ Jackson said, ‘I will send you up Taylor,’ and rode off.” McHenry Howard General Taylor’s men had also been awakened by 5:00 a.m. and had been ordered to prepare for battle. Within minutes, however, one of Jackson’s orderlies came riding through the heavy morning fog and told Taylor he must advance immediately. Taylor rode ahead and found General Jackson with his artillery. At that very moment they were “being pounded in a duel with federal guns placed on a hill anchoring the Union right.” “Jackson pointed to the enemy battery and told Taylor he must circle around to the left and silence the guns before they decimated the Confederate artillery.” Taylor rode back to his brigade and began pushing his men toward the enemy’s guns. Soon General Jackson appeared at his side. The Tigers let out a cheer upon seeing him which was immediately hushed by Taylor so that their position might not be compromised. Instead, the Louisianans lifted their hat in salute, a gesture which was immediately returned by Jackson. It was soon apparent the commotion had been detected by federal artillerymen as Taylor’s men began to receive cannon fire. Several men were hit by the projectiles which caused many others to duck reflexively. Witnessing this as an act of cowardice, Taylor screamed at his men. “What the hell are you dodging for? If there is any more of it, you will be halted under this fire for an hour.” Most of them straightened themselves up “as if they had swallowed ramrods.” Jackson scolded Taylor saying, “I am afraid you are a wicked fellow.” With the morning fog serving as cover, Taylor was able to deploy his men unseen. About 7:30 Taylor motioned his men forward which was executed in “a steady walk” and without firing a shot. Suddenly the sun broke through the fog. Off to the left of the line a squadron of 1st Michigan cavalry was spotted. When the cavalry charged, Colonel Kelly’s 8th Louisiana fired a quick volley routing them completely. John Worsham Private John Worsham, a member of Company F, 21st Virginia Infantry recalled: “General Taylor rode in front of his brigade, drawn sword in hand, occasionally turning his horse, at other times merely turning in his saddle to see that his line was up. They marched up the hill in perfect order, not firing a shot. About half way to the Yankees he gave in a loud and commanding voice, that I am sure the Yankees heard, the order to charge!” Rather than redeploying his men to counter the Rebel buildup on his right flank, Union Colonel George Gordon ordered Major Wilder Dwight to go the right to count the enemy. By the time Dwight complied with his orders and reported back to Gordon, it was too late. General Taylor and his Tigers were already pitching into Gordon’s troops. Henry Kyd Douglas, the youngest member of General Jackson’s staff, was an observer to the assault rendered by the Louisianans. He wrote: “General Taylor threw his brigade into line where directed, and it moved forward in gallant style. I have rarely seen a more beautiful charge. This full brigade, with a line of glistening bayonets bright in that morning sun, its formation straight and compact, its tread quick and easy as it pushed on through the clover and up the hill, was a sight to delight a veteran.” John Worsham noted “there was all the pomp and circumstance of war about it that was always lacking in our charges; but not more effective than ours which were inspired by the old rebel yell, in which most of the men raced to be foremost.” Taylor’s charging Louisianans easily overwhelmed the 27th Indiana, and 29th Pennsylvania. This forced Lieutenant Colonel George Andrews to withdraw the 2nd Massachusetts as well. Soon every federal soldier was running for his life. The federals desperately tried to reform their line to resist the attack but it was hopeless. The whole Union force was routed back into the streets of Winchester. Jackson was surprised by the quick success of Taylor’s men. He turned to Douglas and said: “Order forward the whole line, the battle’s won.” As Taylor’s men came sweeping by, Jackson cried out: “Very Good! Now let’s holler!” Jackson “raised his old grey cap, his staff took up the cheer, and soon from the advancing line rose and swelled a defining roar, which born on the wind over Winchester told her imprisoned people that deliverance was at hand.” For the troops from the Pelican State, who had sacrificed their lives to free Winchester, their deeds were promptly recognized. Taylor’s Brigade “was the toast of the army.” “Jackson galloped up to Taylor and gratefully shook his hand in a silent gesture, which the Louisianian claimed was worth a thousand words from another.” Taylor wrote: “All the Virginia troops in this Army say that we beat any body they ever saw in a charge and now they say we can stand as long under a murderous fire as any troops in the World.” Private Worsham noted: “Gen. Jackson captured vast stores: several hundred beef cattle, several hundred wagons with their teams, eleven thousand new muskets in boxes that had never been opened, a large amount of ammunition, and over three thousand prisoners. Jackson lost a very small number of men, but he had led us for three weeks as hard as men could march. In an order issued to his troops the next day, he thanked us for our conduct, and referred us to the result of the campaign as justification for our marching so hard. Every man was satisfied with his apology; to accomplish so much with so little loss, we would march six months! The reception at Winchester was worth a whole lifetime of service.” Though the battle had taken place on a Sunday, when Jackson and his troops entered Winchester the church bells remained silent. “The streets were lined with people, but not on their way to sanctuaries; they had come to meet their own troops, who soon forgot their fatigue in the joy of their reception.” The residents of Winchester “were in a state of jubilant excitement.” The cost of the victory to the troops from Louisiana was profound. Fourteen men were dead and eighty-nine wounded. Several officers were included in these numbers. Major Arthur McArthur of the 6th Louisiana was killed, and Lieutenant Colonel Francis would lose his left arm to amputation when his elbow was shattered by a minae ball. Courage and obstinance in battle would be part of the legacy left behind by the Louisiana Tigers. In less than a month they would be the ingredient whose costly charge enabled the capture of the Coaling and secured victory at Port Republic. There would also be numerous other Confederate victories over the remaining three years of war in which the Tiger’s would play a pivotal role. During the course of the war over three thousand Louisiana soldiers were killed in battle. Their mortality rate was nearly twenty-five percent. Their sacrifice was great. When the two Louisiana Brigades, ten regiments in all, finally surrendered, there were only 373 men left in the ranks. The 10th Louisiana had just sixteen men present at the surrender while the 9th had only sixty-eight. “They were a rough and tumble lot – eager to fight, even more eager to drink and play. Cursed and branded as devils by civilians, welcomed as a godsend by cornered generals, the Louisiana Tigers contributed a colorful chapter to that era of American history known as the Civil War.” General Dick Taylor would play a major role in that legacy. Douglas, Henry Kyd. I Rode with Stonewall: The War Experiences of the Youngest Member of Jackson’s Staff, The University of North Carolina Press. Chapel Hill, N.C. 1968 Ecelbarger, Gary. Three Days in the Shenandoah: Stonewall Jackson at Front Royal and Winchester. University of Oklahoma Press. Norman, Ok. 2008. Jones, Terry L. Lee’s Tigers: The Louisiana Infantry in the Army of Northern Virginia. Louisiana State University Press. Baton Rouge. La. 1987. Parrish, T. Michael. Richard Taylor: Soldier Prince of Dixie. University of North Carolina Press. Chapel Hill, NC. 1992. Taylor, Richard. Destruction and Reconstruction. Da Capo Press. 1995 Worsham, John H. One of Jackson’s Foot Cavalry, his Experience and what he saw During the War 1861-1865. Wentworth Press. 2016 Stonewall Back in Town https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/93/Chancellorsville Custer’s Division Retiring from Mount Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley, October 7, 1864, by Alfred R.Waud (Library of Congress) Between September 26 and October 9, 1864, the Shenandoah Valley’s agricultural production and processing capacity was targeted and demolished. Author Jeffry Wert would note: “Americans had never before seen such demolition, executed with such skill and thoroughness.” The event, which would become known as “The Burning,” would be a methodical two-week crusade to destroy the Shenandoah Valley as the “Breadbasket of the Confederacy.” Crops, barns, farm buildings, mills and even dwellings would be incinerated. Stores of grain, crops, and livestock would be destroyed or appropriated for the use of the Union Army. This was “total warfare” brought to the doorsteps of a civilian population. General Ulysses Grant advised Chief-of-Staff Henry Halleck to see to it that General Jubal Early’s Army was shadowed by “veterans, militia men, men on horseback, and everything that can be got to follow,” with explicit orders to “eat out Virginia clean and clear as far as they go, so that crows flying over it for the balance of the season will have to carry their own provender with them.” On October 6, George Custer’s 3rd Division broke camp at Dayton, Virginia near dawn, and proceeded in a northerly direction along the North River until they reached the Back Road in the town of Spring Creek. Here fiery destruction was expected to begin in earnest. The targets, however, were to be the “farms inhabited by peaceful Mennonites and Dunkards.” General Custer was sympathetic to the plight of these people and there is no indication that he allowed any of their farm buildings to be torched. Only the grist mills were targeted. Once Custer’s men crossed the Dry River, however, having left the farms of the Mennonites and Dunkers behind them, the burning began in earnest. Custer’s troopers pushed on gathering livestock of every variety; slaughtering those they could not secure. Union troopers were told “to take all the stock, and to destroy all the supplies on the back road.” Map Showing the Back Road and the Battlefields of Brock’s Gap and Mill Creek. Cavalry leader General Thomas Rosser commanded the Laurel Brigade, as well as that of General Williams Wickham’s. Evidence of the magnitude of Custer’s efforts would begin to show itself shortly after sunrise. It did not take long for Rebel troopers to mount up and commence their pursuit of Union cavalry. Private Beverly Whittle of the 2nd Virginia Cavalry was involved in the chase. As he progressed along the Back Road he noted: “All along our route were burning barns houses the very air is impregnated with the smell of burning property.” The “Fertile Valley of Virginia is one vast cloud of smoke.” Newton Burkholder had, early in the war, been a Confederate soldier and later, since January of 1863, a telegraph operator in Harrisonburg. When Union occupation had forced his office to close, Newton had joined a group called the “Winfield’s Guerillas.” As a result, Newton would be a witness to the destruction that was unfolding in the valley. On October 6, 1864 he noted: “Now the whole vale is red with fire mile on mile, and enveloped in smoke high overhead, twisting and writhing, dissolving. See! Yonder goes right at Broadway, John J. Bowman’s mill, Sam Cline’s great stone barn! A sense of our powerlessness oppresses us. Stupidity lays hold on the mind, succeeding consternation. Is the world being set on fire?” Scores of the men in Rosser’s force had property and family in this part of the Valley. The further they rode the more incensed they became. Confederate troopers were “understrength, underfed and in many cases mounted on horses past their prime.” Enraged, these men were eager to close on the enemy and seek revenge. It did not take long for an opportunity to arise. James Taylor, who was an artist with Leslie’s Illustrated News, was currently riding with General Custer’s men. In addition to his drawings, Taylor described engagements ascribed to Federal cavalrymen as they burned farm buildings in the Shenandoah Valley. “The main body in columns of fours was in the rear detaching parties to the right and left to burn every mill, barn and haystack to be seen… When the enemy pressed too close, the men would halt and face about, a brisk fullisade would last a few moments, when the graycoats would be off, then trotting on, the rear guard would halt at the edge of the next hill or belt of woods to repeat the operation.” Map of the Battle of Brock’s Gap Late in the day on October 6, the 18th Pennsylvania and 5th New York Cavalry had gone into camp near Cootes’ Store at Brock’s Gap. This is the spot where the North Fork of the Shenandoah River pushes through North Mountain at Gap Rock. Here a lane also leads east toward Broadway and New Market. Custer’s men had been held up here for a bit while attempting to drive hundreds of heads of cattle and other livestock across the North Fork of the Shenandoah River. As a result of the delay, Union and Confederate troopers would come into contact. About 3:30 in the afternoon, troopers in the 2nd Virginia Cavalry were ordered dismounted by Colonel Thomas Mumford and flung against Union cavalrymen who had been posted as skirmishers near Key’s Mill, southwest of the river. When the 4th Virginia Cavalry was added to the attack the Union line began to waver. According to Private Beverly Whittle, as the fighting intensified, the Yankees “broke + ran in confusion.” Colonel Mumford continued to press his advantage. Custer’s men were soon forced back across Dry River and then across the Shenandoah itself. Some of the New Yorkers panicked and some seventy of them fled to the protection of North Mountain. Rebel horsemen appeared to be on the verge of a significant victory. Fearing the worst, however, General Custer sent a request to his artillery commander for support. Captains Charles Pierce and Dunbar Ransom brought up their “artillery and posted it on a high hill.” With Union artillery added to the mix, Custer’s retreat was quickly halted and order was soon restored. Even the New Yorkers, who had fled westward into the hills in panic, soon return to the ranks. As Confederate cavalry had no artillery support available, they too withdrew. The following morning General Rosser continued to nip at the heels of Custer’s troopers as they continued to burn the farms along the Back Road. Custer was now operating in Shenandoah County. The further the men of the Laurel Brigade rode, the more complete the destruction became. Most of the mills, excluding Zerkel’s Mill at Forestville, were soon consumed by fire. The owner, Samuel Hockman, anticipating impending destruction “ran to the top floor of the mill, leaned out a window under the eaves of the structure, and nailed a United States flag to the peak of the roof.” By acting quickly, and by welcoming Union Cavalry, he was able to save the structure. Current Photo of Zerkel’s Mill in Forestville. Colonel James H. Kidd of Custer’s brigade described the scene as they continued to set fire to Valley structures: “What I saw there is burned into my memory. The anguish pictured in their faces would have melted any heart not seared by the horrors and ‘necessities’ of war. It was too much for me and at the first moment that duty would permit I hurried from the scene.” Rosser’s men continued to pursue the enemy. George Pond believed the Confederate “zeal was due in part to the excitement of his men at seeing their farms and homes in flames; for many of Early’s cavalrymen were from the region. Their eagerness to extract retribution brought upon them double mortification and suffering.” Map showing Troop movements During the Battle of Mill Creek. About 3:00 in the afternoon of October 7, the Laurel Brigade reached Mill Creek along the Back Road in the area known as Mount Clifton. Here he found Custer’s men on the opposite bank, once again, stalled just north of the ford by hundreds of heads of livestock, and human refugees. Still lacking artillery support, Rosser quickly ordered Colonel Richard Dulany to take Elijah White’s Battalion of the 35th Virginia, and the 7th Virginia Cavalry downriver to the lower ford and attack Custer on his left flank. Dulaney, encountering Union scouts as soon as he crossed Mill Creek, continued to push on. He quickly ordered the 7th Virginia, with 220 troopers, to charge. Lieutenant Colonel John Bennett’s 1st Vermont Cavalry, about four hundred strong, were there to greet the charging Virginians. Many of these Green Mountain boys were raw replacements, newly arrived from Vermont. Though a request was sent out for reinforcements only a small detachment from the 8th New York and the 1st New Hampshire Cavalry answered the call. Though the odds were in Federal’s favor, enthusiasm and the desire for revenge was on the side of the Confederates. While Captain Dan Hatcher led the 1st Squadron of the 7th Virginia Cavalry on its flank attack, Delaney conferred with Captain Frank Myer of White’s Comanches. Myer’s asked for orders, but due to the noise and confusion of the moment, it was impossible to understand each other. Myer’s returned to his men and would act on his own impulses. On his return, Union troopers were putting up a heavy rifle fire with their Spencer and Henry repeating rifles. “Knowing that his men could not remain in that position a minute longer, Myer’s gave the order to charge, which was performed in the most brilliant style. This he did “with his customary dash.” Just as Hatcher began his attack, General Rosser ordered the 11th and 12th Virginia to charge directly across the stream. The Comanches now numbered less that two hundred men. “In a very brief space the battalion was among the Yankees. Neutralizing their superiority in numbers and carbines by a very free use of their pistols and sabers.” Custer’s men “put forth a feeble resistance and quickly fell back to their main force.” Though the Confederates “could not get within sword’s distance of their enemy”, the Federals could not withstand the power of the attack. Custer was soon forced to withdraw north and west along Mill Creek. The fighting would continue until nightfall when Rosser’s men drew back. Overwhelmed, Custer’s troopers retreated under cover of darkness. Casualties were light for both sides. The 7th Virginia had two men killed and one captured. The Comanches “had several men wounded, among them Captain Myers, but none were killed or very badly hurt.” State Sign for Battle of Mill Creek. Rosser would recapture several hundred head of sheep and cattle following the Battle of Mill Creek. He would attempt to return the livestock to the locals. The effort was well received by the residents of the Valley. They would label General Rosser the “Savior of the Valley” as a result of his efforts. It was a brand Rosser would savor for the rest of his life. Late on October 7, Sheridan would report to Grant: “I have destroyed over 2,000 barns filled with wheat, hay and farming implements; over 70 mills, filled with flour and wheat; have driven in front of the army over 4,000 head of stock, and have killed and issued to the troops not less than 3,000 sheep.” Current Day Photo of Mill Creek Battlefield. Mill Creek Runs Left to Right Just Beyond the Trees at the End of the field. On the morning of October 9, 1864, General Custer and six thousand cavalrymen would sit opposite General Rosser’s thirty-five hundred troopers at Tom’s Brook. Many of these men were posted along the borders of the Back Road. Battle was imminent. Private George W. Hunt of the 15th New York Cavalry watched as General Custer rode beyond his line and addressed his opponent. “In plain view of both armies…Sweeping off his broad-brimmed hat, he threw it down to his knee in a profound salute to his foe.” “Custer replaced his hat, turned to his line of men and the next moment the 3rd Division was sweeping on at a trot, the flaming neck tie and bright curls of Custer before all…” Rosser’s cavalrymen were quickly routed. As a result he battle would be dubbed “Woodstock Races.” Battle of Tom’s Brook or Woodstock Races Following the war, General Rosser would divulge his feelings about the enemy and the burning of the Valley. “The soldiers who were required by Gen. Sheridan to lay waste the beautiful Shenandoah Valley with the torch were brave, good men, and were blameless in the part they took, for they only did as they were ordered, and every prisoner seemed heartily ashamed such a cowardly means had been employed in the endeavor to crush a brave people who never declined battle. And who could at all times have been met on the field under the rules and customs of civilized war.” Warfare in the Shenandoah Valley would soon terminate following the decisive Battles of Tom’s Brook and Cedar Creek. The families, and their descendants, however, would long remember the acts perpetrated by General Sheridan’s troopers. The scars are still evident. Some of the ruins are still visible. In the end, total war, though seldom executed prior to the Civil War, would, regrettably, become the standard for modern armies. http://www.shenandoahatwar.org/red-with-fire-the-burning-of-the-shenandoah-valley/ https://www.nps.gov/cebe/learn/historyculture/the-burning.htm https://www.hottelkeller.org/wp/home/museum/the-battle-of-toms-brook/ Armstrong, Richard L. 7th Virginia Cavalry. H. E. Howard Inc. Lynchburg, Virginia. 1992. Barringer, Sheridan. Custer’s Grey Rival: The Life of Confederate Major General Thomas Lafayette Rosser. Fox Run Publishing. Burlington, N.C. 2016. Burkholder, Newton. The Barn Burners: A Chapter of Sheridan’s Raid up the Valley. Southern Historical Society Papers. Volume XXVIII. Richmond, Va. 1900. Miller, William J. Decision at Tom’s Brook: George Custer, Thomas Rosser, and the Joy of the Fight. Savas Beatie. El Dorado Hills, Ca. 2016 Myers, Frank M. The Comanches: A History of White’s Battalion, Virginia Cavalry. Kelly, Piet & Co., Publishers. Baltimore, Md. 1871. Taylor, James E. With Sheridan Up the Shenandoah Valley. Morningside House, Inc. Dayton, Oh. 1989, Members of Battery H, 1st Ohio Light Artillery Their line of battle was being shredded by a “fierce fusillade.” Captain Daniel Wilson of the 7th Louisiana noted that Union cannon “belched forth one incessant storm of grape, canister and shell, literally covering the valley, so that the work of attack on our part seemed almost hopeless.” Still, these soldiers marched resolutely on “across the low grounds, right after the battery. From its mouth now, with renewed violence, poured streams of shell and shot, mowing down our men like grass. The earth seemed covered with the dead and wounded.” Gazing out upon the fields on that warm June morning, Union cannoneers had a nearly unobstructed view to the South Fork of the Shenandoah River to their right. To their front they could see more than a mile over open grasslands. The rooftops of the structures in Port Republic were clearly visible. With Confederate troops swiftly overrunning these open meadows, the acreage to their front was quickly becoming a target rich environment. Over the next few hours it would become a virtual killing field. Seven Union artillery pieces had positioned themselves on “the edge of a spur, on a plateau that had once served as a coaling, a shallow pit used for making charcoal.” The Samuel Lewis family had used this resource to power their blacksmith shop and the family’s nearby iron furnace at Mount Vernon. Here, seventy-five feet above the surrounding plains, artillery pieces were adeptly positioned to sweep “the wheat fields with blasts of deadly grapeshot.” View from the Coaling Toward the Battlefield at Port Republic. (Brian Swartz) Captain James F. Huntington, who had charge of Battery H, 1st Ohio Light Artillery, noted that the ar
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"https://no-cache.hubspot.com/cta/default/1697621/d91344e3-9a7d-4409-93cc-48f717caeae0.png", "https://no-cache.hubspot.com/cta/default/1697621/d91344e3-9a7d-4409-93cc-48f717caeae0.png", "https://www.cablelabs.com/wp-content/themes/cablelabs-v23/btp/images/footer-logo.png", "https://www.cablelabs.com/wp-content/themes/cablelabs-v23/btp/images/footer-logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Matt Schmitt", "Wireless Technologies", "Zane Hintzman Associate Engineer", "Bernardo Huberman Fellow", "Bob Lund Vice President", "Advanced Network Technologies", "Brian Scriber Distinguished Technologist", "CableLabs CableLabs", "Chad Riland Program Manager", "Cox Communications" ]	2018-07-02T12:54:56+00:00	CableLabs unveils two new specifications: P2P Coherent Optics Architecture Specification and the P2P Coherent Optics Physical Layer v1.0 Specification.	en	/favicon-32x32.png	CableLabs	https://www.cablelabs.com/blog/point-to-point-coherent-optics-specifications	On June 29th, CableLabs publicly unveiled for the first time two new specifications: P2P Coherent Optics Architecture Specification P2P Coherent Optics Physical Layer v1.0 Specification These two new specifications are the result of a focused effort by CableLabs, our members, and our manufacturer partners to develop Coherent Optics technology for the access network and bring it to market quickly. They also represent the beginning of a sea change for the way data is distributed into the network by: Greatly expanding the capacity of existing cable operator fiber access networks, While meeting ever-increasing capacity demands at the lowest possible cost. The Drive for More Capacity Have you ever met a customer that didn’t want faster speeds? That didn’t want their broadband and wireless services to be quicker, faster, and more responsive? I didn’t think so. To meet those increasing customer expectations, there are two fundamental changes occurring in the access network of cable operators: Operators are deploying remote devices using CableLabs Distributed Access Architecture (DAA) technology, which requires converting the fiber network from analog to digital transport. They are also pushing fiber deeper into the network, such that multiple remote devices are taking the place of a single fiber node. These two changes together enable cable operators to increase capacity more cost-effectively than traditional node splitting, while improving service quality and opening the door to new service opportunities. Today’s Technology Option To be able to reach those remote DAA devices (such as Remote PHY Devices, or RPDs), today cable operators are deploying multiple 10 Gbps links that share a single fiber by operating at different wavelengths (known as DWDM, or Dense Wavelength Division Multiplexing) as in the figure below: There are limits to how many different wavelengths that can be placed onto a fiber, and the number of fibers available to use may also be limited, which together limit the growth of this option. Additionally, adding more and more wavelengths adds not only direct cost, but also operational complexity, which has its own cost. Coherent Optics: A Brighter Solution In order to transmit digital data – a series of 1s and 0s – across a fiber at 10 Gbps, today’s devices use On-Off Keying (OOK). In essence, devices turn the light on and off very quickly to transmit that data. Wouldn’t it be great if we could add more information to each pulse of light? That’s what Coherent Optics technology does: it packs multiple bits of data into each “symbol”, allowing for more data to be transmitted in the same amount of time (a.k.a, more speed). It does this by manipulating the amplitude, phase, and polarization of that light to transmit multiple bits of data with each symbol duration, as shown in the following example for 16QAM modulation: Now, instead of each wavelength carrying 10 Gbps, with Coherent Optics technology defined in these new specifications we can carry 100 Gbps (and more) on each wavelength. And this technology is also well suited to operating with multiple wavelengths on the same fiber, dramatically increasing capacity. Where before a 40 channel fiber network could have a capacity of 400 Gbps, now it’ll be 4 Terabits per second, a full order of magnitude increase. Interestingly, Coherent Optics technology actually isn’t new. It’s been used in long-haul networks for several years. What is new is applying it to the access network and realizing that by optimizing this technology for these shorter distances, we could dramatically reduce the cost of the technology. The advantage of applying Coherent Optics Technology to the Access Network Let’s take a look at that network example above, but now using Coherent Optics technology rather than multiple 10 Gbps links: Now we can have just one or two wavelengths operating at 100 Gbps each taking the place of all of those 10 Gbps wavelengths, making network operation and management much simpler. While we still need 10 Gbps links to each of the remote DAA devices, we can use low cost, short reach optics rather than higher cost, long reach optics. This reduces overall cost and complexity compared to existing solutions, without the same limitations. New Service Opportunities The opportunities with Coherent Optics technology go well beyond improving service to residential broadband customers. By having a high capacity digital architecture that reaches deep into their networks, cable operators are not only able to support increasing demand for residential broadband services, but are ideally placed to support next-generation wireless services like 5G. These networks will place network endpoints right where wireless transmitters are needed, and with plenty of capacity to support wireless demand growth in addition to wired growth. As we like to say, DAA isn’t just about DOCSIS services, and Coherent Optics is the key to opening up the capacity to unlock those services. Why did CableLabs develop Coherent Optics specifications? The number one objective for the CableLabs effort is to reduce the cost of this technology. The devices used today for long-haul networks are generally expensive, and therefore unsuitable for our objective of increasing capacity cost-effectively. However, much of that is driven by the fact that they have been designed for much longer distances than would be required for the access network. Our specifications reduce cost in 2 primary ways: They define the minimum feature set necessary for an access network application, reducing complexity and therefore cost; and They ensure interoperability, which increases competition and scale, thereby also reducing cost. Through these efforts, we believe that the cost of Coherent Optics technology will be greatly reduced, making it both more economical and more future proof than existing solutions. What do these specifications define? The P2P Coherent Optics Architecture Specification: Defines the overall architecture for using Coherent Optics technology in cable operator access networks. It contains information about the technology itself, defines use cases for cable operators, and provides guidance on deployment scenarios. It should be seen as a resource for learning more about how to apply this technology to access networks, as well as assisting in preparing for its use. The P2P Coherent Optics Physical Layer v1.0 Specification: Defines the requirements for coherent optics transceivers to interoperate with each other on the fiber network at 100 Gbps for each wavelength. It contains the requirements that manufacturers will need to comply with in order to make their devices interoperate with each other at these speeds while keeping cost down as much as possible. It should be seen as the guide for manufacturers to use in developing their products for this market. What’s next? As is implied by the Physical Layer specification being labeled as “v1.0”, there is more to come: CableLabs, its members, and our manufacturer partners are already hard at work on future versions of the technology that will expand the capacity of each wavelength to 200 Gbps and greater. We’re developing an OSSI or Operational Support Systems Interface specification to enable consistent management of Coherent Optics transceivers. We’re also in the planning stages for interoperability events that will demonstrate device interoperability and specification compliance at 100 Gbps speeds. The well-lit path ahead Through the use of Coherent Optics technology – and devices built to be compliant with the CableLabs Point-to-Point Coherent Optics Specifications – cable operators now have a means of cost-effectively meeting ever-expanding consumer demand over their existing fiber access networks, and one which also provides the opportunity to provide new services like 5G small cell backhaul and enhanced business services. The future of the fiber network is bright, so stay tuned!
7368	dbpedia	0	5	https://www.latrombamusic.com/richard-carson-steuart0	en	Historical Family History			[]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Richard Steuart" ]	2019-12-07T00:00:00	La Tromba Music	en			https://www.latrombamusic.com/richard-carson-steuart0	George H. Steuart (politician) From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia George Hume Steuart, (1700–1784) was a Scottish physician, tobacco planter, and Loyalist politician in colonial Maryland. Born in Perthshire, Steuart emigrated to Maryland in around 1721, where he benefited from proprietarial patronage and was appointed to a number of colonial offices, eventually becoming a wealthy landowner with estates in both Maryland and Scotland, and serving two terms as mayor of Annapolis. However, he was forced by the outbreak of the American Revolution to decide whether to remain loyal to the Crown or to throw in his lot with the American rebels. In 1775 Steuart sailed to Scotland, deciding at age 75 that "he could not turn rebel in his old age". He remained there until his death in 1784. &nbs Early life Steuart was born in Argaty, Perthshire (now Stirling), in around 1695–1700,[1] the second son of George Steuart and Mary Hume. His family were members of the Balquhidder Stewart clan, descendants of Murdoch Stewart, Duke of Albany, executed by King James I of Scotland in 1425. It is likely that Steuart spoke both Gaelic and English. According to the Old Statistical Account of 1799, Scottish Gaelic was the language of the "common people" of Balquhidder and the surrounding area, although English would have been spoken in the "low country", around Stirling. This would in fact have been the Scots language of the Stirlingshire area, rather than Standard English.[2] Steuart's elder brother David stood to inherit the family estates, and Steuart studied medicine, receiving his MD at the University of Edinburgh. In 1721 he emigrated to Annapolis, in the colony of Maryland, where he settled and established a medical practice.[1][3] In the early 18th century Maryland was a sparsely settled, largely rural society. In 1715 the population of Annapolis was just 405, though by 1730 this number had increased to 776.[4] Planter and horse breeder Steuart Plantation house at Dodon, near Annapolis, built c1800. In 1747 Steuart purchased the estate of Dodon in South River, Anne Arundel County, Maryland, on the Chesapeake Bay, from Stephen Warman.[5] At Dodon, Steuart farmed tobacco and participated in match races. His most successful horse was Dungannon, which he had brought from England to compete against the stable of his rival, Charles Carroll of Annapolis (1703–1783), whose son Charles Carroll of Carrollton would later sign the Declaration of Independence in 1776. Dungannon won the Annapolis Subscription Plate, the first recorded formal horse race in Maryland, in May 1743.[6] The race took place in Parole and the original silver cup is now displayed in the Baltimore Museum of Art. Horse racing formed an important part of the social and political life of the colony, with numerous gentlemen of means forming large studs. George Washington attended early meetings of the Maryland Jockey Club,[7] and Steuart entertained the future president at his home in Annapolis.[8] According to the writer Abbe Robin, who traveled through Maryland during the Revolutionary War, men of Steuart's class and status enjoyed considerable wealth and prosperity: "[Maryland houses] are large and spacious habitations, widely separated, composed of a number of buildings and surrounded by plantations extending farther than the eye can reach, cultivated...by unhappy black men whom European avarice brings hither...Their furniture is of the most costly wood, and rarest marbles, enriched by skilful and artistic work. Their elegant and light carriages are drawn by finely bred horses, and driven by richly apparelled slaves."[9] Politics The Annapolis Subscription Plate, awarded to Steuart's racehorse Dungannon in 1743. Argaty, Steuart's Perthshire estate. Politically, Steuart was a Loyalist, his interests being closely aligned with those of the Calvert family, proprietors of the colony of Maryland. In 1742 Charles Calvert, 5th Baron Baltimore (1699–1751) sent his eldest but illegitimate son, Benedict Swingate Calvert, then aged around 10 or 20 years old,[10] to Maryland and placed him in Steuart's care.[11][12] The boy was provided with a tutor, the Italian Onorio Razzolini,[13] and lived at Steuart's "old-fashioned house" on Francis St in Annapolis.[14] Steuart evidently benefited from the Calvert family's patronage as he went on to hold a number of important Colonial offices. In 1753 he was appointed lieutenant-colonel of The Horse Militia under Governor Horatio Sharpe,[6] and he was Deputy Secretary of Maryland from 1755 to 1756. He served two one year terms as Mayor of Annapolis, from 1759 to 1761 and from 1763 to 1764.[15][16] He was a judge of the Land Office (1755–1775),[17][18] an office created in around 1715 to resolve disputes over title to land in the colony.[19] Steuart was also member of the "Council of Twelve", and a judge of the Court of Admiralty.. In recognition of his services, Lord Baltimore appears to have given Steuart the nickname "Honest Steuart", a sobriquet later thrown back at him by his political enemies. Maryland politics could evidently be rancorous. Court records show that Steuart and his successor as Annapolis mayor, Michael MacNamara, were both required "to post a bond to keep the peace...especially with each other".[22] Steuart returned to Scotland in 1758 to inherit the estate of Argaty, near Doune, Perthshire, through his mother Mary Hume (also spelled "Home"), and other estates through his father. By 1761 Steuart was back in Maryland; a series of letters dated March 1761 shows him, as Commissioner of the Loan Office, attempting to collect taxes due to the Proprietary Government from Sheriffs who were behind in their payments.[23] Revolutionary War The coming of war Lord North, to whom Steuart made representations in 1764. Samuel Chase, Steuart's implacable opponent. In the 1760s relations between Britain and her colonies began to deteriorate. Steuart was and would remain a Loyalist; like many Scots he was likely influenced by the terrible consequences of the failed Jacobite uprisings against the Crown in his home country. Many Scots had fled to the colonies following the crushing of the Jacobite rising of 1745, and had little appetite for further rebellion. However, like other Marylanders, Steuart opposed the taxes imposed by London and in 1764 he traveled to England where he made representations to the government at Westminster. Steuart's grandson, Richard Sprigg Steuart (1797–1876), recalled in his memoirs: "When he went over [to England] in 1764, to take my father [James Steuart] to school, he was commissioned by a number of Marylanders to call upon Lord North, England's new Chancellor of the Exchequer, hostile to America, on his way through London, and make representations on the subject of taxation. He was politely received and the minister put a great many questions to him, and seemed to acquiesce in all he said. [...] At all events my Grandfather had the pleasure soon after to hear of the repeal of this obnoxious tax".[24] Steuart's loyalist politics were opposed by, among others, Samuel Chase, co-founder of the Anne Arundel County chapter of the Sons of Liberty, a leading opponent of the 1765 Stamp Act, and later one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence.[25] In an open letter dated 18 July 1766 Chase attacked John Brice, Steuart, Walter Dulany, Michael MacNamara and others for publishing an article in the Maryland Gazette Extraordinary of 19 June 1766, in which Chase had been accused of being: "a busy, reckless incendiary, a ringleader of mobs, a foul-mouthed and inflaming son of discord and faction, a common disturber of the public tranquility". In his response, Chase accused Steuart and the others of "vanity...pride and arrogance": "...the people rejecting you [Steuart], as unfit for their confidence and trust, which you had repeatedly betrayed, and elected me in your room. I am not ashamed to own that I exerted myself in opposition to you. It was my opinion that a man without merit, integrity or abilities, was totally disqualified to be the representative of a free people. You had nothing to recommend you but proprietary influence, court favour, and the wealth and influence of the tools and favourites who infest this city."[26] Such protests were essentially a complaint against a civic government which was still dominated by men loyal to the Calvert interest. However, such highly personalised attacks did little to reduce the political temperature.[27] War with Great Britain War broke out in 1775, and the fact of owning estates in both Scotland and Maryland caused Steuart considerable political difficulties. As Richard Sprigg Steuart recalled: "He was an ardent admirer of the American Colonies, and believed the principles for which the colonists contended were just, and truly English. But though he sympathised with his American friends, he said he could not turn rebel in his old age, being 75 years old when the Revolution broke out...he would have forfeited [his Scottish estates] if he had joined the Revolutionists. He therefore went over to Scotland and saved his property there. He gave all his estates in Maryland to his wife [Ann], telling her by letter...how to leave the property in America, which was finally done."[28] Ann therefore remained in America despite her own Loyalist sympathies. She would never again see her husband, and she continued to live at Dodon until her death in 1814. According to Richard Sprigg Steuart: "My Grandmother's family, the Digges, were at heart all Torys but kept quiet...they were called non-jurors and paid double taxes. [After the War] she lived comfortably, but she kept at home because her good husband was called by the mob a Tory, which he was not....he never while in Scotland heard of a battle that he did not express his regret and call it a fratricidal war."[29] Aftermath Steuart never returned to Maryland, and he died in 1784 in Scotland, one year after the Revolutionary War ended. He was buried in Kilmadock, Perthshire. No portrait of him survives.[6] When he left Maryland, his estates in Anne Arundel County comprised around 4,100 acres (17 km2) of land.[8] In 1780, these were transferred to his sons Charles and William, for a nominal sum.[8] The Argaty estate in Scotland was inherited by Steuart's eldest son, also named George Hume Steuart, who remained loyal to the British Crown. The estate, which was eventually sold in 1914, now forms part of a red kite conservation area. Family life Dr James Steuart was a physician who served during the Revolutionary War Steuart's fourth son William Steuart In 1744 Steuart married Ann Digges (1721-1814),[30] of Warburton Manor.[31] She was the daughter of the planter Charles Digges[32] (though Nelker states that Ann's father was one George Digges),[30] who was the son of William Digges, a member of the Maryland Proprietary Council.[32] Her mother was Susanna Maria (Lowe) Digges. George and Ann Steuart had ten children, of whom six survived to adulthood: George H Steuart (1747–1788), physician. Emigrated to Scotland in 1758. Changed his name to George Steuart Hume to inherit the estate of Argaty, Perthshire,[30] which thereafter passed to his infant daughter Sophia. Susanna Steuart (1749–1774), married on 19 June 1769 Judge James Tilghman of the Supreme Court of Maryland(1743–1809).[33] Dr Charles Mark Steuart (1750–1798), physician. On 15 June 1780 Charles Steuart married Elizabeth Calvert, the daughter of Benedict Swingate Calvert. During the Revolution he was a Loyalist, being – like his Mother Ann – "decidedly of the Tory faction".[24] This did not, apparently, stop him being present with General George Washington at the Siege of Yorktown in 1781, or serving in The Flying Camp, a division of the Patriot Militia established by Washington in June 1776.[34] After his older brother George's death, Charles Steuart unsuccessfully sued his niece, Sophia, for the inheritance of Argaty.[35] David Steuart (1751–1814) William Steuart (1754–1839), wealthy planter who inherited Dodon Dr James Steuart (1755–1846), a physician who served during The Revolutionary War and owned a plantation at Sparrow's Point, Maryland. James Steuart was "a hot rebel...though afterwards a strong Federalist."[24] His son Major General George H Steuart fought in the War of 1812. His grandson Brigadier General George H. Steuart (Known as "Maryland Steuart" to distinguish him from his fellow General J.E.B. Stuart) was a Confederate general in The American Civil War, who fought at a number of battles including Gettysburg, Cross Keys and Winchester. Religion Steuart was an Episcopalian, though his wife Ann was a Roman Catholic.[8] According to Richard Sprigg Steuart: "Though he and his excellent wife were of different churches, they never disagreed on the subject of religion; they found enough to believe in common to make them good Christians. And such was his confidence in her that he requested her to bring up his sons Episcopalians, as he knew the disadvantages politically of joining any other."[28] Legacy Obelisk at Dodon, marking the burial place of Steuart's widow Anne Digges. The Dungannon Bowl, a 1955 replica of the original Annapolis Subscription Plate, awarded to the winner of the annual Dixie Stakes. A stone obelisk at Dodon marks the burial place of Ann Digges and a number of other family members. The farm estate, somewhat reduced in size, still remains home to Steuart's descendants today. The unusual spelling of "Steuart" was widespread in the 18th century ("Steuart", "Stewart" and "Stuart" being essentially interchangeable), but has since mainly fallen into disuse. However, Steuart's numerous North American descendants have retained the archaic spelling. A silver replica of the original Annapolis Subscription Plate was commissioned in 1955 by the Maryland Jockey Club. The "Dungannon Bowl" is a perpetual trophy presented to the winner of annual Dixie Stakes, the oldest stakes race run in Maryland and the Mid-Atlantic states.[36] Steuart family From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to navigationJump to search Steuart Steuart family crest Current regionAnne Arundel County, Maryland.Earlier spellingsStewart, Stuart.EtymologyStewards of ScotlandPlace of originPerthshire, ScotlandMembersGeorge H. Steuart (planter) (1700-1784) George H. Steuart (militia general) (1790-1867) George H. Steuart (brigadier general) (1828-1903) Richard Sprigg Steuart (1797-1876)Connected familiesCalvert familyEstate(s)Dodon, Old Steuart Hall The Steuart family of Maryland was a prominent political family in the early History of Maryland. Of Scottish descent, the Steuarts have their origins in Perthshire, Scotland. The family grew wealthy in the early 18th century under the patronage of the Calvert family, proprietors of the colony of Maryland, but would see their wealth and status much reduced during the American Revolution, and the American Civil War. &nbs History George Hume Steuart (1700–1784) was an Edinburgh-educated physician, who settled in Annapolis in the Province of Maryland in c1721, where he established a medical practice.[1][2] He married there, and became a tobacco planter, and politician. Politically, Steuart's interests were closely aligned with those of the Calvert family, proprietors of the colony of Maryland.[3] In 1742 Charles Calvert, 5th Baron Baltimore (1699–1751) sent his eldest but illegitimate son, Benedict Swingate Calvert, then aged around ten years old,[4] to Annapolis and placed him in Steuart's care.[5] Steuart evidently benefited from the Calvert family's patronage, as he later was appointed to a number of important Colonial offices. However, as a wealthy landowner with estates in both Maryland and Scotland, Steuart was forced by the outbreak of the American Revolution to decide whether to remain loyal to the British Crown or to throw in his lot with the American rebels. Unable to remain neutral, in 1775 he sailed to Scotland, where he lived until his death in 1784.[6] His sons however remained in Maryland, loyal to the fledgling United States of America. Steuart's grandson, Major General George H Steuart (1790–1867) was a United States general who fought during the War of 1812. His military career began in 1814 when, as a young captain, he raised a company of Maryland volunteers, the Washington Blues, leading them at the Battle of Bladensberg and the Battle of North Point, where he was wounded.[7] After the war he rose to become major general of the Maryland Militia. In 1861, at the start of the Civil War, Steuart left his home state of Maryland, which stayed in the Union, and joined the Confederacy, though at 71 he was by then too old for active service. During the American Civil War, Maryland remained loyal to the Union, but the Steuarts were substantial slaveholders and supported the Confederate States of America. On April 16, 1861 George H. "Maryland" Steuart, then an officer in the United States Army, resigned his captain's commission to join the Confederacy.[8] Much of the family's property was confiscated by the Federal government as a consequence of their participation in the Confederate Army. Old Steuart Hall was confiscated by the Union Army and Jarvis Hospital was erected on the estate, to care for Federal wounded.[9] The family's wealth and status never recovered from the catastrophe of the war. A number of less well-known Steuarts also joined the rebel states. Among them was the surgeon William Frederick Steuart.[10] Family tree George H. Steuart (planter) (1700–1784) George Steuart Hume (1747–1787), physician. Returned to Scotland to inherit the family estates in Perthshire. Dr Charles Mark Steuart, physician (1750–1798) Dr Charles Calvert Steuart, physician (1784–1836) William Frederick Steuart (1816–1889), surgeon who served in the Army of the Confederate States of America during the Civil War Captain George Biscoe Steuart (1817-1881) George H. Steuart (physician) (1865-1945) George H. Steuart (diplomat) (1907–1998) William Steuart, wealthy planter (1754–1838)[11][12] Dr James Steuart of Annapolis (physician) (1755–1846). Baltimore Commissioner of Health in 1805 [13] George H. Steuart (militia general) (1790–1867), raised a company of volunteers and was wounded during the War of 1812. George H. Steuart (brigadier general) (1828–1903), fought for the Confederate States of America during the Civil War. Lieutenant William James Steuart (1832–1864), C.S.A. Killed at the Battle of the Wilderness, 1864.[14] Richard Sprigg Steuart (1797–1876), founder of the Maryland Hospital for the Insane, at Catonsville, Maryland. Dr James Aloysius Steuart (1828–1903). Baltimore Commissioner of Health from 1873-1882[15] Brig. Gen. George H. "Maryland" Steuart William Steuart, planter George Steuart Hume returned to Scotland to inherit his family estates Richard Sprigg Steuart, founded the Maryland Hospital for the Insane Dr James Steuart of Annapolis was a physician who served during the Revolutionary War Major general George H. Steuart reviews his militia at Camp Frederick William Frederick Steuart CSA, Surgeon to the 1st North Carolina Infantry Notable residences Jarvis Hospital was built on the grounds of Maryland Square (visible bottom right) at the outbreak of the Civil War. Steuart Plantation house at Dodon, built c1800, burned down c1953.[16] The Steuarts built a number of homes in Maryland, none of which have survived intact. Among them were: Maryland Square, a mansion on the outskirts of Baltimore, Maryland, owned by the Steuart family until 1861, when, at the beginning of the American Civil War, it was confiscated by the United States Federal Government. In 1862 Jarvis Hospital was constructed on the grounds of the Steuart estate, built for the care of wounded Union soldiers, the house itself being used as the hospital's headquarters.[17] The house was restored in 1866 to Brigadier General George H. Steuart after the war, but he never lived there again, choosing to live at Mount Steuart, his family estate on the Chesapeake in Anne Arundel County. The building was sold and became a school for boys, known as Steuart Hall, and in 1884 the mansion was demolished, to make way for the Grace Medical Center which stands there today.[18] Dodon, a 550-acre (2.2 km2) farm and former tobacco plantation in Maryland, located near the South River about 10 miles (16 km) south west of Annapolis. It is still home to the eighth generation of Steuarts today, who continue to farm, and to breed and race horses. Parts of the original house still remain, though most was destroyed in a fire c1950.[19] Racing The Annapolis Subscription Plate won by George Hume Steuart's Dungannon. George H. Steuart (1700–1785), founder of the Steuart family in Maryland, was an enthusiastic horse breeder, and he instigated the Annapolis Subscription Plate, the name given both to the first recorded formal horse race in colonial Maryland and to the silver trophy awarded to the winner of the race. It is the second oldest known horse racing trophy in America.[20] The race was held in 1743 and was won by Steuart's horse, Dungannon.[21] Modern Legacy The unusual spelling of "Steuart" was widespread in the 18th century ("Steuart", "Stewart" and "Stuart" being essentially interchangeable), but has since mainly fallen into disuse. However, Steuart's numerous North American descendants have retained the archaic spelling. A silver replica of the original Annapolis Subscription Plate was commissioned in 1955 by the Maryland Jockey Club. The "Dungannon Bowl" is a perpetual trophy presented to the winner of annual Dixie Stakes, the oldest stakes race run in Maryland and the Mid-Atlantic states.[22] A stone obelisk at Dodon marks the burial place of Richard Sprigg Steuart and a number of other family members. Brigadier General George H. Steuart and his father Major General George H. Steuart are both buried beneath a family obelisk at Green Mount Cemetery, Baltimore,[23] and The Steuart Hill area of Baltimore recalls the family's long association with the city.[24] Clan Stewart of Appin From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to navigationJump to search Clan Stewart of AppinStiùbhairtMottoQuihidder Wil Ȝie (Whither will ye? i.e., what/which will you choose?)War cryCreag an Sgairbh ("The Cormorant's Rock") (Castle Stalker sits atop this)ProfileDistrictAppin Duror, West Coast Scotland, above Oban, below BallaculishPlant badgeDarag (Oak)AnimalUnicornPipe musicBratach Bhàn nan Stiùbhartach (The white banner of the Stewarts)ChiefAndrew Francis Stewart of Lorn, Appin and Ardsheal, 17th of Appin & 12th of Ardsheal(MacIain Stiùbhairt na h-Apainn)SeatCastle StalkerHistoric seatCastle Stalker Septs of Clan Stewart of Appin Clan branches Allied clans Rival clans Clan Stewart of Appin is the West Highland branch of the Clan Stewart and have been a distinct clan since their establishment in the 15th century. Their Chiefs are descended from Sir James Stewart of Perston, who was himself the grandson of Alexander Stewart, the fourth High Steward of Scotland. His cousin Walter Stewart, the 6th High Steward, married Marjorie Bruce, the daughter of King Robert the Bruce, and their son Robert II was the first Stewart Monarch. The Stewarts of Appin are cousins to the Royal Stewart Monarchy.[1][2] Contents 1 History 1.1 Origins of the clan 1.2 15th century 1.3 17th century and Civil War 1.4 18th century and Jacobite risings 1.4.1 Ardsheal's Cave 1.4.2 Appin Murder 2 The Daoine Uaisle 3 Adherents and clansmen 4 See also 5 References 6 External links History Origins of the clan Castle Stalker The Appin Stewarts is the West Highland branch of Clan Stewart, descend from Sir James Stewart of Perston, 4th son of Sir John Stewart of Bonkill, second son of Alexander, the 4th High Steward of Scotland. Sir James was the grandfather of John Stewart of Innermeath, who, through marriage to Isabel MacDougall, daughter of John Gallda MacDougall, Lord of Lorne, became the first Stewart Lord of Lorne. The Lordship of Lorne passed down for 2 more generations to Sir John Stewart, the third Stewart Lord of Lorne.[1][2] Appin is located on the Scottish West Coast between Benderloch to the South and the Ballachulish Narrows to the north in modern-day Argyll. Today the primary towns include Port Appin and Portnacroish. Both are scenic and are surrounded by forests and water. To the west are islands including the island of Lismore, home to the MacLea and the Baron Buchull, keeper of the Buchull Mhòr (the crosier of St. Moluag), adherents of Appin. There are numerous sights of interest including Ardsheal's Cave, Castle Stalker, the Clach Ruric, Cnap a-Chaolais, Eilean Munde and Keil churchyard.[1][2] 15th century Tradition tell us that in 1445, while returning to his seat at Dunstaffnage Castle from the great cattle tryst at Crieff, Sir John met and fell in love with the daughter of MacLaren of Ardvech. Although married, he began an affair with his new love which one year later produced a son. The first son of this union was called Dugald, and went on to become the progenitor of the famous Clan Stewart of Appin. Sir John Stewart was born around 1410, putting him at about 35 when he met the woman that would become his second wife.[1][2] After the death of his first wife, Sir John waited for five years before setting up the marriage between himself and Dugald's mother. We do not know why, but it there may have been political reasons. In 1463, Sir John set a wedding date and sent for Dugald and his mother to come to Dunstaffnage. Unknown to Sir John, there was a plot to kill the Lord of Lorn. It is not fully known, but it is thought to have been set up by the Lord of the Isles who was in a power struggle with the King of Scots, and who saw it as being in his best interest to neutralize this powerful and loyal representative of the King in the west highlands. The other plotters, which some feel included Colin Campbell, Lord Argyll, Sir John's son-in-law, were primarily represented by Alan MacCoul, the illegitimate grandson of an earlier MacDougall chief. As the lightly armed wedding party made its way from Dunstaffnage to the small chapel about 180 yards from the castle walls, they were attacked by a superior force led by Alan MacCoul. Although better armed, MacCoul's force was defeated, but not before mortally wounding the Lord of Lorn. Sir John was rushed into the chapel and MacCoul and his henchmen ran into and occupied the deserted Dunstaffnage. With his last breath Sir John married Dugald's mother, legitimising him and making him the de jure Lord of Lorn. After receiving the last rites, Sir John expired and a new chapter in West Highland history opened. Dugald gathered all the adherents of the Lord of Lorn and with the assistance of the MacLarens laid siege to Dunstaffnage, but to no avail. Unbeknownst to Dugald, Colin Campbell, Lord Argyll, who seemed to have been involved in the plot, raised a group of MacFarlanes to aid MacCoul in his struggle against the de jure Lord of Lorn. MacCoul's men with the MacFarlanes met the men of Lorn and MacLaren in what was to be known as the battle of Leac a dotha. It was a fierce battle with both sides leaving the field with very heavy losses.[1][2] For the next few years Dugald, who had lost the title of Lord of Lorn through the treachery of his uncle Walter Stewart and the lord of Argyll, but had retained Appin and Lismore, consolidated his power and fortified the hunting lodge of Castle Stalker on the Cormorant's Rock in Loch Laich. He also ensured that the Campbells were in no doubt about his displeasure over the loss of the Lordship of Lorn, by having the Campbell territory surrounding Appin regularly raided by the clan. Finally, in 1468, in a bid to finally destroy the power of Appin, Colin Campbell and Walter Stewart, the latter now recognised as the Lord of Lorn (but with no authority in Lorn), organised a massive raid against Dugald and his clan. Alan MacCoul was again involved and they met at what was to be known as the Battle of Stalc.[3] Though losing many men, Dugald virtually destroyed the military strength of the MacFarlanes (a destruction from which they were never to recover) and personally killed Alan MacCoul, his father's murderer. The battle solidified Dugald's claim to Appin and the surrounding area, which was formally granted to him by King James III on 14 April 1470.[1][2] In 1497 or 1498 Dugald Stewart of Appin was killed at the Battle of Black Mount fighting against the Clan MacDonald of Keppoch.[3][4][1][2] 17th century and Civil War The Clan Stewart of Appin supported the royalist, James Graham, 1st Marquess of Montrose at the Battle of Inverlochy (1645), the Battle of Auldearn and the Battle of Kilsyth.[5] After James VII was deposed in 1688, the Stewarts of Appin supported the deposed House of Stuart.[1][2] 18th century and Jacobite risings A gold saltire on a blue field as flown by Stewart of Appin's regiment at the Battle of Culloden. Clan Stewart of Appin regiment marker at the site of the Battle of Culloden Clan Stewart of Appin grave marker at the site of the Battle of Culloden Appin naturally supported the Jacobite risings and sent men to fight in the Jacobite rising of 1715. General Wade's report on the Highlands in 1724, estimated the clan strength at 400 men.[6] Dugald Stewart, 9th Chief of Appin, was created Lord Appin in the Jacobite peerage on 6 June 1743. Appin also sent men to fight in the Jacobite rising of 1745.[1][2] At the Battle of Culloden in 1746, the Appin Regiment suffered 92 killed and 65 wounded out of a fighting force of approximately 300. Charles Stewart of Ardsheal led the men of the regiment (which included men of ~19 other clans) most notably Clan MacLaren during the rising of 1745. Ardsheal later escaped Scotland to meet his family in Europe where he spent the rest of his days.[1][2] Ardsheal's Cave On 23 July 1745, Prince Charles Edward Stuart (Bonnie Prince Charlie) landed on the white sands of the Outer Hebridean island of Eriskay, accompanied only by a small band of companions known as the "Seven Men of Moidart." This was the start of his claim to the Scottish and English throne and the second Jacobite uprising; on 16 April 1746 the Jacobite cause was finally put to rest at the battle of Culloden.[1][2] Charles Stewart of Ardsheal, one of the Prince's commanding officers, hid from the English Red Coats in a cave as they searched up and down the country for those involved. This place was henceforth known as Ardsheal's Cave.[1][2] Sitting on a steep hillside at grid referenceNN008562 above Kentallen Bay in Loch Linnhe on the West coast of Scotland, between Oban and Fort William, the cave is no more than forty minutes scramble from the loch side.[1][2] The Stewarts of Ardsheal were the second most important Cadet family of the Stewarts of Appin, second only to the Stewarts of Invernahyle. Totally loyal to the Jacobite cause, Stewart of Ardsheal led the regiment raised by the Stewarts of Appin at Culloden. They suffered appalling casualties when breaking the ranks of Barrell's and Munro's regiments of foot of the Hanoverian army. However the outcome of Culloden was almost certain before it began. The Jacobite army, tired, hungry, improperly equipped and grossly out numbered were decisively defeated. After their victory the English, led by the Duke of Cumberland, were ordered to execute all the Jacobite wounded and imprisoned. For this he was hereafter known as "The Butcher".[1][2] Having escaped death both in battle and the immediate aftermath Stewart of Ardsheal made for his family seat, Ardsheal House, Kentallen Bay. His hope was that if he could evade capture for long enough some sort of amnesty or deal would eventually be struck. Nevertheless, none of the Jacobites in this predicament could imagine the determination and ruthlessness of Cumberland.[1][2] Over the coming months 3,500 Jacobites were rounded up and imprisoned; of these 120 were immediately executed (mainly clan leaders) and a further 90 died in prison. 1,000 were transported to the colonies and 250 "banished". 700 disappeared, their fate unknown. In addition the clan system was destroyed with the Act of Proscription, they were disarmed and the kilt and tartan banned. It was in this climate that Ardsheal returned home and knowing full well his fate, should he be caught, immediately went into hiding. He wanted to be near his wife and new born son so with her help he hid in the cave above his house. His wife would bring food and occasionally he would venture out under cover of darkness.[1][2] Eventually the Red Coats came and Ardsheal House was cordoned off and his wife and child held prisoner. She must have been a brave woman because she gave nothing away claiming that she hadn't seen or heard of her husband since he left with the Jacobite army. The Red Coats thoroughly searched the surrounding area whilst Ardsheal himself was hiding under their noses. One account states that on two occasions they walked within yards of his hideout.[1][2] The secret of Ardsheal's success was with the cave itself or more importantly its situation. It lies behind a tall waterfall which completely hides the entrance especially when the burn is in flood. Unless one knows of its whereabouts one could be standing five yards away and never find it. It stretches back some fifteen or twenty feet and is easy to stand up in however; it tapers down to no more than two or three feet at the back. The walls and floor are a bit damp but there is a dryer place towards the rear. Nevertheless, it is perfectly comfortable and completely sheltered from the elements outside. It can only be approached from one way – directly up the steep sided burn and is far enough away from Ardsheal House to make it a fairly arduous and demanding climb. If however, one's position is known then escape is virtually impossible. The constant noise of falling water drowns out any approaching sounds and the only way out is the same as the way in. Pursuers would be on their quarry in seconds before they could take a step. On the whole, though, it makes a perfect hiding place and one can imagine avoiding detection indefinitely and in complete safety. That said, Charles Stewart of Ardsheal was known to have been a large man of great personal strength and a proficient swordsman – one of the best in the highlands. One can't help but think that he was like a caged lion and impatient to leave.[1][2] The threat of capture for Charles Stewart of Ardsheal continued long after the Red Coats had left Ardsheal House. If it wasn't an English soldier who turned him in it was more likely to be a fellow Scotsman particularly from the South. The Jacobite cause was to put a catholic King back on the throne, this was considered by many as taking a step backwards. For the Lowland Presbyterians the defeat of the Jacobites was a cause for celebration. The Union and the Presbyterian system of church government were safe. Realising that no amnesty was ever likely to be forthcoming Ardsheal eventually fled to France and his lands were forfeited to the Crown. His son Duncan Stewart of Ardsheal succeeded in having the lands restored later in the eighteenth century and the Stewarts of Ardsheal then succeeded to the Chiefdom of Appin upon the extinction of the Appin family.[1][2] Appin Murder Main article: Appin Murder Appin was the site of the infamous Appin Murder of 1752, when Colin Roy Campbell of Glenure, 'the Red Fox' – who had been placed as government factor of the forfeited Stewart lands in Appin – was shot in the back by an unknown sniper while riding along the shore of Loch Leven at Ballachulish. Although termed a 'murder' by a Campbell/Hanoverian court, the assassination of a land agent responsible for ordering mass evictions would not have been an uncommon occurrence in the 18th century British Isles. Whomever the shooter may have been, after the chief suspect, Alan Breck Stewart, made his escape, the half-brother of the chief, a cadet named James of the Glens was charged with the murder, tried by a Campbell jury in the Campbell stronghold of Inveraray presided over by MacAilein Mòr himself, and, perhaps not surprisingly, was convicted and hanged on the shore of Loch Leven at Cnap a-Chaolais in Ballachulish. The consensus at the time and the general opinion of historians has been that James Stewart had nothing to do with ordering the shooting. The incident was made famous by Robert Louis Stevenson, the plot of whose novel Kidnapped incorporated the death of Glenure. As an interesting postscript many have tried to identify the shooter but without success. The identity is known within the Chief's family and when asked the current Chief stated that he had read and heard every theory and that none were close to being correct. The "mystery" continues.[1][2] The Daoine Uaisle The daoine uaisle (Gaelic: noble people), as they were known into the 18th Century are synonymous with the term "Tacksmen" and the modern designation of "Cadet." These were/are the gentry of the clan (all clans incorporated these positions). Normally related in one form or another by birth to the Chief, these men controlled areas, or "tacks", within the greater clan lands. Rents were collected in various forms and rents from the daoine uaisle were in turn paid to the Chief within some clans, and not in others. The primary "Cadets" of Appin are Ardsheal, Achnacone, Fasnacloich, Invernahyle, and Strathgarry. The major branches of Appin stem from the sons of Alan Stewart, 3rd of Appin. Originally they comprised John, 1st of Strathgarry, Dugald, 1st of Achnacone, James, 1st of Fasnacloich and Alexander, 1st of Invernahyle. Ardshiel, the branch our Chief hails from, was given to John, 1st of Ardshiel by his father, John Stewart, 5th of Appin. Andrew Francis Stewart of Lorn, Appin and Ardsheal, 17th of Appin & 12th of Ardsheal, the current Chief of Appin is descended from Charles Stewart, 7th of Ardsheal who ascended as Chief upon the death of Dugald Stewart, our 10th Chief, who died without sons in 1769. Today Andrew Francis Stewart holds the title of both "Appin" (denoting the Chief) and Ardsheal.[1][2] Adherents and clansmen
7368	dbpedia	1	74	https://www.seeconline.org/volunteer/	en	Volunteer	https://149419094.v2.pre…ers_Employer.jpg	https://149419094.v2.pre…ers_Employer.jpg	[ "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Eric-Schwab-1x1_WEB-300x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Eric-Schwab-1x1_WEB-300x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Jillian-Fisher-1x1_WEB-300x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Jillian-Fisher-1x1_WEB-300x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Rose-Ansara-1x1_WEB-300x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Rose-Ansara-1x1_WEB-300x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Aisha-Henry-1x1_WEB-300x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Aisha-Henry-1x1_WEB-300x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Tona-Craviotto-1x1_WEB-300x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Tona-Craviotto-1x1_WEB-300x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Kelly-Paparazzo-1x1_WEB-300x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Kelly-Paparazzo-1x1_WEB-300x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Karen-Lee-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Karen-Lee-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Karen-Lee-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Karen-Lee-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Nancy-Walker-min-e1563990116812-192x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Nancy-Walker-min-e1563990116812-192x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Djibril-Kamara-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Djibril-Kamara-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Steve-Blanks_WEB-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Steve-Blanks_WEB-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Donné-Settles-Allen-1-min-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Donné-Settles-Allen-1-min-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Jessica-Neely-1-min-e1563990016545-266x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Jessica-Neely-1-min-e1563990016545-266x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Katy-Barrett-1-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Katy-Barrett-1-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Sherry_Beamer_WEBnew-e1644431308180-196x300.png", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Sherry_Beamer_WEBnew-e1644431308180-196x300.png", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/162226-Headshot-Crop-1-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/162226-Headshot-Crop-1-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Karen-Lee-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Karen-Lee-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Karen-Lee-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Karen-Lee-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Karen-Lee-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Karen-Lee-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Karen-Lee-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg", "https://149419094.v2.pressablecdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Karen-Lee-Headshot-Crop-200x300.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2022-09-15T15:55:00+00:00	Our volunteer matching process is person-centered, meaning that we match opportunities with volunteers based on their personal interests and skill sets. Some of these opportunities have included participating in mock […]	en	https://149419094.v2.pre…avicon-32x32.png	SEEC	https://www.seeconline.org/volunteer/	Eric Schwab is the Finance Director at SEEC. He oversees the operations of the Accounting Department, including accounts payables/receivables, payroll, and billing. Before working with SEEC, Eric worked for Choice Hotels International for 15 years and served in various finance and business intelligence roles. He has also served as an Assistant Director of Finance with Erickson Senior Living. Eric loves spending time with his family and taking care of his two dogs. He holds a Bachelor of Science degree in Business Administration (Finance Concentration) with a minor in Economics from Salisbury University and an MBA (Finance Concentration) from Loyola College in Maryland. Jillian Fisher-Bouchelle, MSW, LMSW, is the Program Director of Health and Quality Assurance at SEEC. In this role, Jillian oversees SEEC’s Clinical Services, including Behavioral Support Services. Jillian works with SEEC’s Nursing Services to provide a holistic approach to health and wellness for people supported and staff. Jillian joined SEEC in 2015 and worked for Project SEARCH Montgomery County before joining the Knowledge Management team. In her early career, Jillian served as Resource Coordinator for low-income senior citizens and people with disabilities in Baltimore City. She also worked in the child welfare system in Baltimore City, serving as a social worker to children in treatment foster care. Jillian has three small children and enjoys walks and runs in all the Montgomery County Park trails. Jillian holds a bachelor’s degree in Women’s Studies and Sociology from Goucher College and a Master of Social Worker Degree from Rutgers, the State College of New Jersey, and maintains a Maryland social work license. Rose Ansara is the Department Director for Transition Services at SEEC, overseeing two Project SEARCH intern to work programs—one in Maryland and one in Washington, DC—as well as the Moving Out Program. With a passion for amplifying voices and promoting equitable accessibility, Rose’s work experiences focus on historically marginalized communities, including individuals with intellectual and developmental disabilities, people of color, the Deaf and Hard of Hearing community, and older adults. Rose serves on the DC Homeland Security Disability Community Advisory Board, contributing to disability emergency preparedness. She is fluent in American Sign Language, and also works as an ASL interpreter. Rose holds a bachelor’s degree in Human Development and Family Sciences from George Mason University, with a concentration in Public Policy & Advocacy and a Minor in ASL. In her free time, Rose enjoys spending time with her nieces and nephews, nature walks, reading, and cooking. A’isha Henry is the Program Director of Supported Living at SEEC. She has over twenty years of experience working in the field of social service. She has worked in various capacities serving children in foster care, providing wrap around services to under-resources adolescents, and with adults with disabilities. She has worked as a Direct Support Professional (DSP) and Program Manager. A’isha has a passion for helping people to live joyful lives and helping to ensure they receive quality services. She is a world traveler with a particular interest in Africa- a love she inherited from her mother. She is an art collector, animal lover and she enjoys cooking, reading and spending time in nature. Tona Craviotto is the Program Director of Employment Services at SEEC. He runs a person-centered and evidence-based program aimed at obtaining competitive integrated employment, providing job coaching, employer outreach, and employee retention services to the people SEEC supports. Tona joined the nonprofit world in 2005 after 10 years in the financial-banking field. He worked as a director for three large nonprofits in the DMV area dedicated to supporting the immigrant community, people experiencing homelessness, and returning citizens with long incarceration sentences. He developed and implemented a suite of vocational and life skill trainings that uplift people and communities through the power of employment. Tona holds a Bachelor’s degree in Business Administration and Management from the University Tecnologica de Mexico. Kelly Paparazzo is the Program Director for Community Engagement at SEEC. Kelly oversees and guides front-line supervisors and their teams in their tactical implementation of SEEC’s mission and vision. Before joining SEEC, Kelly provided leadership for several programs including vocational services and the Community Living program. While the scope of her work is wide, Kelly uniquely maintains a personal touch with the people she serves, their families, and her dedicated staff. When she’s not at work, you will find her spending time with her family or watching the Steelers, her beloved football team. She holds a bachelor’s degree in sociology from Frostburg State University. Karen Lee has served as CEO of SEEC (Seeking Employment Equality and Community) since 1990. Under Karen’s leadership, SEEC has grown from a $100,000 budget to over $20 million dollars. Karen has worked with her team to build an infrastructure that supports competitive integrated employment, supported living, and other services that ensure people with disabilities can thrive in a life of their choosing. From 2015-2017, Karen was asked by Maryland Department of Health Deputy Secretary Bernard Simons to assist Maryland in creating a pathway to grow Maryland’s capacity to increase competitive integrated employment. During her Fellowship with the Maryland DDA, Karen worked with stakeholders including self-advocates, families, state personnel, providers, and legislators to create an Employment First strategic plan and supporting policies and practices. Since that time, Karen has become a national subject matter expert working with the US Department of Labor, Office of Disability Employment Policy and the Administration on Community Living to shape Federal, State and local public policy related to building capacity to increase competitive integrated employment for people with disabilities. Karen holds a Master of Education degree in Special Education, Transition, and Secondary Education from the University of Maryland. She lives in Silver Spring, Maryland where she and her husband raised their three boys. Djibril Kamara joined the SEEC staff in 2021, with over two decades of leadership experience in the IT industry, most recently with The Arc Montgomery County. Djibril understands what is required to bring new technologies and systems to the developmental disability field, and has been described as a caring leader, who is genuinely curious about new and emerging software/hardware to improve organizational operations. He is dedicated to making technology accessible and useable to people across all spectrums of ability. Djibril’s staff-centric and person-centered approach ensures SEEC continues to support the IT needs and trainings for our team members and the people we support, while also pushing the envelope with leading edge tools to expand the impact of our work. Djibril holds a Bachelor’s degree and a Master’s degree in information technology and business management from Houston Baptist University. He also has a number of IT certifications including Microsoft Certified System Engineer (MCSE), Cisco Certified Network Administrator (CCNA), and Network+. Steve has served as the Director of Partnerships since 2019, having previously joined SEEC in 1999 as the Director of Medical Day programs and transitioning to Director of Workforce Development. In his current role, Steve is developing a more strategic approach to how the agency engages with its respective external partners, be they the families we support, the employer community, the people we support, funders/donors, volunteers, etc. Steve oversees SEEC’s first volunteer and internship unit, which has grown a strong base of community allies to serve as mentors, career counselors, educators, neighbors and partners to the people we support. He also weaves his unique experience and history with SEEC to benefit internal departments, lending his knowledge and guidance to leaders throughout the agency. Steve acts as a liaison for the Governance Committee of the agency’s Board, and support to the Executive Committee. Steve prides himself on refreshing many of the board’s processes and tools, and engaging board members through strategic work, leading to a stronger group. Steve also serves as special projects lead for agency-wide initiatives requiring executive oversight, such as investment activity, and building-related matters. During the recent pandemic, Steve championed the successful implementation of 3 COVID-19 clinics in conjunction with CVS ensuring over 300 people we support, their families and staff received that all important vaccine. As a veteran of the employment field for persons with IDD, Steve has had the opportunity to present at various regional, national and international industry conferences including the Maryland Coalition for Inclusive Education (MCIE) Transitioning Youth Conference, Maryland Association of Community Services, TASH International Conference and multiple APSE (Association of Persons with Supported Employment) International Conferences & Regional Institutes, as well as Project SEARCH International Conferences. Steve’s prior experience includes working in the for-profit sector as a business consultant for Fortune 500 companies on a range of strategic and organizational issues. Steve has a unique interest in this field, as his eldest brother has a developmental disability and is successfully living and working in the community in Kansas City, Missouri. Steve holds a Master of Engineering, Economics, and Management degree from University of Oxford, England. Donné Settles Allen is the Director of Projects and Parent to Parent Program Coordinator. After joining SEEC in 2015, she was appointed by Governor Hogan to serve on the Maryland Commission on Disabilities to represent parents of children with disabilities. In her role as the Parent to Parent coordinator, she cultivates peer support relationships, curates and promotes interactive community events for parents raising children with disabilities. She also serves on the statewide leadership team for the Maryland Community of Practice for Supporting Families. Before her role at SEEC, Donne was a financial analyst with Prudential Retirement in Edison, NJ. Donné holds a bachelor’s degree from Rutgers University in Economics and Africana Studies. In her “spare” time, she corrals her 3 sons to many sports and cultural events with her husband, Ed and she loves Sunday brunch! Jessica Neely joined SEEC’s staff in 2016 as Director of our Community and Employment Network. During the 2019-2020 year, Jessica left Maryland to pursue a Masters of Arts in Teaching for Social Justice degree with the Spark Teacher Institute in Vermont. She rejoined SEEC in June of this year and has stepped into the position of Director of Knowledge Management. In this role, Jessica oversees a team responsible for the development and implementation of knowledge management activities. These include promoting evidence-based practices, managing data-driven systems change to continuously improve service delivery, and developing training and educational initiatives. Prior to working with SEEC, Jessica served as a Division Director with The Arc Prince George’s County where she helped facilitate in that agency’s transition to community-based supports. She also served as The Arc’s Director of Family Services and Community Affairs, Jessica brings her love of equity, education, and community options for all people to SEEC. After a first career in education, she worked as the executive director of an arts and literature nonprofit in Washington, D.C., promoting reading, writing, and literacy. In addition to the MAT in Social Justice, Jessica holds a Bachelor of Arts in English from Vassar College and an M.A. in English from Stanford University. She is the mother of a daughter and two sons in their 20’s. Sherry Beamer is the Director of Services. Sherry oversees the Program Directors of Employment Services, Project SEARCH and Community Engagement to assure that SEEC participants are realizing their employment goals. Sherry has worked to support people with disabilities to lead quality, empowered lives for over 30 years in a variety of direct service, case management and leadership positions throughout the country. A few of the organizations Sherry has worked for include the California Regional Centers, Relias Learning, and Easter Seals. For 15 years, Sherry established and led a consulting company influencing transformational organizational change for disability agencies. Sherry holds a Masters degree in Social Work Administration from the University of Illinois, Chicago and a Bachelor’s degree in Sociology/Social Work from Miami University in Oxford, Ohio. Sherry has been an active member of APSE (Association for Persons Supporting Employment First) for over a decade. Most recently Sherry served as the President of the California Chapter. Sherry loves the arts, nature and travel – and spending time with her adult son who is in the “family business” of human services. Karen Lee has served as CEO of SEEC (Seeking Employment Equality and Community) since 1990. Under Karen’s leadership, SEEC has grown from a $100,000 budget to over $20 million dollars. Karen has worked with her team to build an infrastructure that supports competitive integrated employment, supported living, and other services that ensure people with disabilities can thrive in a life of their choosing. From 2015-2017, Karen was asked by Maryland Department of Health Deputy Secretary Bernard Simons to assist Maryland in creating a pathway to grow Maryland’s capacity to increase competitive integrated employment. During her Fellowship with the Maryland DDA, Karen worked with stakeholders including self-advocates, families, state personnel, providers, and legislators to create an Employment First strategic plan and supporting policies and practices. Since that time, Karen has become a national subject matter expert working with the US Department of Labor, Office of Disability Employment Policy and the Administration on Community Living to shape Federal, State and local public policy related to building capacity to increase competitive integrated employment for people with disabilities. Karen holds a Master of Education degree in Special Education, Transition, and Secondary Education from the University of Maryland. She lives in Silver Spring, Maryland where she and her husband raised their three boys.
7368	dbpedia	2	21	https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/58632.html.images	en	THE MARYLAND LINE IN THE Confederate States Army .	https://www.gutenberg.or…cover.medium.jpg	https://www.gutenberg.or…cover.medium.jpg	[ "https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/images/i002.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/images/d007.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/images/i008.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/images/i049.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/images/i075.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/images/i108.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/images/i117.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/images/i169.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/images/i192.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/images/i212.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/images/i309.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "W. W. (William Worthington)" ]	2019-01-06T00:00:00		en	images/cover.jpg		https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/58632/pg58632-images.html	The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Maryland Line in the Confederate States Army. This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook. Title: The Maryland Line in the Confederate States Army. Author: W. W. Goldsborough Release date: January 6, 2019 [eBook #58632] Language: English Credits: Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by the Library of Congress) * START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MARYLAND LINE IN THE CONFEDERATE STATES ARMY. * Almost four years have elapsed since the surrender of General Lee at Appomattox Court House, and as yet nothing has been presented to the world to show the prominent part taken in the Great Rebellion by the sons of Maryland. It is a glorious and important page in her honored history, and future generations seem likely to look in vain for a record of the patient suffering and heroic achievements of their forefathers when struggling for their rights against Yankee tyranny and oppression, and which was not surpassed by their sires of the Revolution of ’76. Thus believing, the author has yielded to the importunities of many of the officers and men of the several commands that composed the young “Maryland Line,” and presents to the public a little book describing briefly its operations during those four eventful years, and to which they can refer, and by which future historians may be in a measure guided. That it is written by a feeble pen, and by one unaccustomed to such work, will be seen at a glance, and he therefore craves the indulgence of a generous people. It is much to be regretted that the young men who went South did not organize themselves into one command; but the proper steps were not taken in time, and consequently batteries and companies of infantry and cavalry were assigned to other commands whose States were accredited with their services. Nevertheless 6Maryland had one representative, at least, in this little organization, and for which she has no reason to blush. The books at the War Department contained the names of over twenty thousand Marylanders in the service, and still at no time could the “Maryland Line” be increased to the proportions of a brigade, much less a division. One great reason for this was the fact that they were required to officer companies, regiments, and brigades of troops from other States, for, as a general thing, the young men from Maryland were of a superior order intellectually, who were actuated by patriotism alone, and not driven into the service by the conscript officer, or influenced by mercenary motives. Thinking to contribute to the interest of this little book, the author has added a few incidents of a personal character, which, with the “Maryland Line,” he hopes will be favorably received by the Southern people, and by that portion of the people of the North from whom we received a sympathizing tear during our struggle for independence. CHAPTER I. It was towards the close of April, 1861, that several members of the Baltimore City Guard Battalion (which organization had been under arms since the memorable 19th) were sitting around the dinner table in their armory, discussing the probability of Baltimore soon being in the possession of the troops under the command of the subsequently infamous Benjamin F. Butler. Various were the opinions expressed; but it was pretty generally conceded that, to use Hawk-Eye’s expression, the city “was circumvented,” and the Maryland Militia had no longer any terrors for the doughty Butler and his legions. I had long before determined upon going South, when I could no longer serve my native State; and such was also the determination of most of those around me. “The thing is up, boys,” said Dr. Harry Scott, 8Surgeon of the Guards, “and we now begin to see who is who. All seemed mighty anxious for a fight last Sunday; but, Lord, what a change has come over the spirit of their dreams! of glory and of conquest, now that the city is about to fall into the hands of the enemy. And how hard those who were most violent at first, are now striving to prove themselves the most loyal men in Baltimore. Then all were disloyal; now look at the loyal! and it pains me to see many of this very organization appear here in citizen’s dress, as though they were frightened at what they had done. There’s Fulton, of the American, out this morning in an article denouncing the outrage upon the American flag in opposing the passage of troops through the city; and it is well known to all that he was among the first and most earnest advocates of the measure. For my part, I am going South to join the Confederate army.” “And I, and I, and I,” came from a dozen present. “And I,” exclaimed Jim Sellman, springing to his feet and assuming an attitude that only Jim Sellman could assume. “I tell you, gentlemen, the Federal Union must not and shall not be preserved, old Hickory to the contrary, notwithstanding. Such an outrage as this coercion has never before been perpetrated upon a free people; no, not since Noah drove into the ark his monkeys, dromedaries, 9rhinoceroses, kangaroos, etc., etc. But then the Lord told Noah to coerce the dumb brute for the benefit of future generations; and it is the devil who tells this government to drive us back into the Union, for the benefit of Yankee cotton and boot and shoe manufacturers. I tell you it shan’t be ‘did;’ and I say again, in the language of the immortal Andrew Jackson, ‘The Federal Union must not and shall not be preserved at the expense of Southern independence,’ and I for one shall help to bust her. Follow me. I’ll be your Beauregard. I’ll lead you on to victory or to death. Keep in my foot-prints, that’s all.” Twenty men volunteered upon the spot, whereupon the inimitable Beauregard, (for so Sellman was ever after called,) placing his dexter finger in his mouth, and imitating the popping of a champagne cork, circulated the ice-water freely, declaring vehemently it was his “treat.” It was about the 7th of May that the party, now increased to forty men, left Baltimore by the several routes to Richmond. Upon reaching that city we met quite a number of Marylanders who had preceded us. Two companies of infantry were quickly formed, and placed under the command of Captains Edward R. Dorsey and J. Lyle Clark. A third was also started, which, upon being completed, was commanded by the gallant Capt. Wm. H. Murray. I will not tire the reader with a description of 10our life at the camp of instruction, to which place we were ordered after being mustered in; nor of our quarters in the pig-pens, but lately occupied by the four-legged recruits of the fair grounds; of the countless millions of fleas that took up their quarters in closer proximity to our flesh than was agreeable; of the sweats around the race track at the double quick; no, suffice it to say, that through the exertions of our officers, in a very short time our drill and discipline rivalled that of the famous Lexington cadets, who were upon the ground, and vast were the crowds attracted by our afternoon drills and dress parades. The 25th of June found the companies of Captains Dorsey and Murray in Winchester, to complete the organization of the First Maryland. Capt. Clark, for some reason, preferred attaching his company to the Twenty-First Virginia Regiment, a step he ever after regretted, for the regiment was sent to the wilds of West Virginia, where they saw but little service, and were compelled to endure dreadful sufferings and privations. The companies of the regiment we met at Winchester had been organized at Harper’s Ferry, where they were for several weeks engaged in picketing Maryland Heights and other points, and through their exertions, in the evacuation of the place and destruction of the rifle works, government property of much value to us was saved that would have been otherwise destroyed by the excited and 11thoughtless troops, for we were yet young in the art of war.[1] For their services upon this occasion, General Joseph E. Johnston issued the following complimentary order: The Commanding General thanks Lt. Col. Steuart and the Maryland Regiment for the faithful and exact manner in which they carried out his orders of the 19th inst. at Harper’s Ferry. He is glad to learn that, owing to their discipline, no private property was injured and no unoffending citizen disturbed. The soldierly qualities of the Maryland Regiment will not be forgotten in the day of action. The First Maryland was organized and officered as follows: Colonel, Arnold Elzey; Lieutenant-Colonel, George H. Steuart; Major, Bradley T. Johnson; Acting Adjutant, Frank X. Ward. Company A.—Captain, W. W. Goldsborough; Lieutenants, George R. Shellman, Chas. Blair and George M. E. Shearer. Company B.—Captain, Columbus Edelin; Lieutenants, James Mullin, Thomas Costello and Jos. Griffin. 12Company C.—Captain, E. R. Dorsey; Lieutenants, S. H. Stewart, R. C. Smith and William Thomas. Company D.—Captain, James R. Herbert; Lieutenants, George Booth, Nicholas Snowden and Willie Key Howard. Company E.—Captain, Harry McCoy; Lieutenants, John Lutts, Joseph Marriott and John Cushing. Edmund O’Brien was shortly after elected Captain, McCoy having resigned. Company F.—Captain, Louis Smith; Lieutenants, Joseph Stewart, William Broadfoot and Thos. Holbrook. Company G.—Captain, Willie Nicholas; Lieutenants, Alexander Cross and John Deppich. Company H.—Captain, Wm. H. Murray; Lieutenants, George Thomas, Frank X. Ward and Richard Gilmor. Some time after, whilst at Centreville, Company I joined us, having the following officers: Company I.—Captain, Michael S. Robertson; Lieutenants, H. H. Bean, Hugh Mitchell and Eugene Diggs.[2] The regiment numbered over seven hundred men, and was second to none in the Confederate army. But two companies were uniformed at the time of its organization, (those from Richmond), but soon after, through the exertions of Mrs. Bradley T. 13Johnson, the whole command was dressed in neat, well-fitting gray uniforms. With the exception of two companies, the regiment was armed with the deadly Mississippi rifle, which was also procured by Mrs. Johnson, through her influence with the Governor of North Carolina, of which State she was a native. The organization had scarcely been effected when, in the afternoon of the first day of July, orders were received to cook two day’s rations and prepare to move at a moment’s notice. Our destination was for some time unknown; but it was soon whispered around that Patterson had crossed the Potomac at Williamsport with a large army, and, although vigorously attacked by a brigade under General Jackson, was driving that General before him, and advancing rapidly in the direction of Winchester. At four o’clock, we commenced the march to meet the enemy, every man full of confidence and enthusiasm. As we passed the then beautiful residence of the Hon. James M. Mason, that venerable gentleman, with his lovely family, stood in the gateway and bid us God speed. Alas, Yankee vandals have been there since; and, when last I visited the place, I found nothing but a mass of rubbish to mark the spot where once stood the stately mansion of one of Virginia’s wisest and purest statesmen. That night the army went into camp near Bunker Hill, some ten miles from Winchester. The 14march was resumed early next morning, and by twelve o’clock our line of battle was formed a short distance beyond the little village of Darksville, and about five miles from the advance of Patterson’s army. To the First Maryland was assigned the post of honor, the extreme right; and, had there been occasion, most stubbornly would they have contested every inch of the ground they occupied. The army, under the command of General Joseph E. Johnston, numbered eleven thousand men of all arms, indifferently armed and equipped, and totally unacquainted with the drill and discipline so essential to the soldier; and yet these were the very troops that a few days later hurled back the legions of McDowell from the plains of Manassas, and who now threw down the gage of battle to Patterson and his twenty-five thousand trained volunteers from the cities of the North. The material was there, and time was only required to make them the invincible troops they afterwards proved themselves on more than one hard fought battle field. Four days we awaited the coming of the Federal army, although General Johnston wished to avoid an engagement if possible. The odds were fearful, two to one, but the troops were sanguine of success should the enemy attack us upon ground of our own choosing. But the enemy did not advance; and, fearing he was too far from Manassas, where Beauregard was daily expecting an attack from 15McDowell, the Confederate commander determined to fall back to Winchester, and from that place watch the movements of Patterson. A few days after, that General advanced his army to Bunker Hill, and went into camp. No change took place in the relative positions of the two armies until the 18th day of July, when Patterson broke camp and moved around in the direction of Charlestown. General Johnston was quickly informed of this change of position by the ever vigilant Colonel J. E. B. Stuart, in command of the cavalry; and almost at the same hour he received a despatch from General Beauregard announcing that the enemy had attacked him at Bull Run in heavy force, and that he required assistance. Orders to march were immediately issued, and by four o’clock the last of the troops filed through the streets of Winchester. It was a silent march indeed. There were no bright smiles to greet us from the fair daughters of the town; no waving of handkerchiefs, no expression of joy; for all believed that the Confederate army was retreating from the superior forces of Patterson, and that they were soon to experience the horrors of a military despotism. And the troops partook of the same feeling, for, as yet, our destination had not been divulged to them. But few cheers were heard as they moved sullenly along the quiet streets. We took the Millwood road, and, after marching 16about three miles. Col. Elzey halted the regiment and read the order to march to the assistance of Beauregard. “You are, therefore,” he continued, “on the march to meet the enemy; and, in the hour of battle, you will remember that you are Marylanders. Every eye from across the waters of the Potomac which separates you from your homes is upon you, and all those who are dear to us are watching with anxious, beating hearts the fleshing of your maiden sword. And they shall not be disappointed, for he had better never been born who proves himself a craven when we grapple with the foeman.” A cheer that might have been heard for miles went up from that little band of patriots; and, with flushed cheek and flashing eyes, they asked to be led against the enemy. All that night we pressed forward, halting at intervals for a few minutes’ rest; and an hour before day we reached the Shenandoah at Berry’s Ferry, where it was determined to halt for breakfast. At seven o’clock we resumed our march, and, fording the river, crossed the mountain at Ashby’s Gap, and took the road to Piedmont, on the line of the Manassas Gap railroad, where we expected to find transportation to the scene of strife. The day’s march was a distressing one, as the heat was intolerable; but the gallant troops pressed rapidly forward, stimulated by occasional reports from the battle field. 17During the day, General Johnston organized his army into brigades, which, it is strange to say, had been deferred until the very eve of battle. It was our good fortune to be placed under the command of General Kirby Smith, whose brigade was composed of the First Maryland, Colonel Elzey; Thirteenth Virginia, Col. A. P. Hill (afterwards the famous corps commander); Tenth Virginia, Colonel Gibbons, and Third Tennessee, Colonel Vaughn. Piedmont was reached late that night by the rear of the army in the midst of a terrific thunderstorm, and, despite the pelting rain, the exhausted troops threw themselves upon the soaking ground and slept soundly until morning. CHAPTER II. The sun rose next day bright and beautiful, and, the scene that presented itself as we responded to reveille was animated indeed. The troops were eagerly crowding into the cars prepared to convey them to the battle field, and, from the boisterous mirth to be heard on all sides, one would have supposed them on their way to participate in some grand holiday parade instead of scenes of death and carnage. Several regiments had been forwarded, and all were impatiently awaiting their turn, when we met 18with a disaster that threw a damper over all, and well nigh lost us the first battle of Manassas. The engineers of two of the trains were Yankees, who had been in the employ of the company for a long time. These men, true to their natural instincts and training, treacherously concocted a plan to collide their trains and thereby delay the troops of Johnston so much needed by Beauregard; and totally regardless of the consequences that might ensue to the hundreds of brave men placed at their mercy, consummated their wicked designs. Fortunately but few were hurt, and none killed; but an engine and train were destroyed, and the road so blockaded and injured that the utmost efforts of the large force immediately set to work failed to put it in running order before next morning. The loss of this train was a severe blow to us, as we now had but two trains left. However, on the morning of the 21st of July these two resumed their trips, and each had made a successful run when, in making the second, the engine of the hindmost train—upon which was Kirby Smith’s brigade—broke down, and we were consequently delayed until the return of the first engine, some two hours and a half. The battle had been raging since morning, and the whole of the army should have reached Beauregard the evening before, whereas barely two-thirds had joined him at the close of the fight. It was nearly one o’clock when we disembarked 19at Manassas, where we found an officer of Johnston’s staff awaiting with an order for us to push forward with all possible dispatch. Hastily throwing off their knapsacks, the troops struck across the country in the direction of the smoke of battle and the sound of artillery, which could now be plainly seen and heard. Not a breath of air was stirring, and the heat and dust were almost suffocating; but on, on we went, sometimes slacking our pace to a walk to recover breath, but never halting until we had made four miles and were within a mile of the battle-field. Here we stopped but for a minute to allow the men to fill their canteens out of a muddy little stream, when the march was resumed at the same rapid gait, the gallant Smith at our head, encouraging us to “push on.” As we neared the field, we knew by the rapid discharges of artillery and the incessant rattle of musketry, that the fight was being stubbornly contested. We presently began to meet the wounded, one of whom to our inquiry as to how the fight was going, answered, “Go on, boys, go on; but I’m afeared you’ll be too late, for I’m thinkin’ they’re licken of us. But go on; there’s no tellin.” All told us the same, but encouraged us to press forward, as we “might get there in time yet.” As we drew nearer the field, the enemy were made aware of our approach by the clouds of dust we raised, and several pieces of artillery were trained 20upon us. The scene that presented itself as we emerged from a strip of pines was frightful indeed, and in no way calculated to encourage us to advance farther. Wagons in great numbers were coming to the rear at headlong speed, and demoralized fugitives by hundreds from the battle-field were rushing frantically by, crying out, “All is lost, all is lost; go back, or you’ll be cut to pieces; the army is in full retreat,” etc. And indeed so it seemed; for presently we met a whole regiment coming off, and, upon making inquiry for the cause, we were coolly told that “They had got somewhat tangled in the fight; and as we were whipped and retreating, they didn’t think it worth while to stay any longer.” But amid prospects so discouraging, the command from our gallant general was ever “Forward, forward, my brave men! pay no attention to those miserable cowards and skulkers.” The First Maryland had the right of the line, at the head of which was riding General Kirby Smith. We were still marching by the flank, when, just as the column entered a strip of woods, it was fired upon by about a dozen of the 14th Brooklyn Zouaves; and the general fell from his horse shot through the neck, and it was feared at the time fatally wounded. Corporal John Berryman, of Company C, First Maryland, fell at the fire also, with a dreadful wound through the groin. The regiment, as did the brigade, formed line of battle 21instinctively, and, not knowing what might be the enemy’s force, prepared for an attack. The command now devolved upon Colonel Elzey, the senior officer, who, after waiting some minutes, and the enemy not appearing, moved the brigade obliquely through the woods to the left and front, and as we approached its edge the Federal line of battle appeared in view, which, as they perceived us, poured into our ranks a terrific volley of musketry, that took effect upon several of the men of the brigade. Private John Swisher, of Company A, First Maryland, fell from a musket ball in the head, and died soon after, being the first man from Maryland killed in actual battle. Colonel Elzey immediately prepared to attack. Holding the Thirteenth Virginia in reserve, he formed the First Maryland, Tenth Virginia, and Third Tennessee, and under cover of a hot fire from the Newtown battery of light artillery, ordered a “charge!” The enemy held a strong position on a ridge difficult of ascent, and immediately in front of a dense pine thicket. At least three hundred yards separated us, and the charge was to be across a wheatfield, and of course without shelter of any description. It was a desperate undertaking; but upon that charge rested the fate of the Confederate army. At the command, with one wild, deafening-yell, the Confederates emerged from the woods, and, amidst a perfect storm of bullets, the gallant fellows rushed 22across the field. But they never wavered nor hesitated, and, dashing up the acclivity, drove the enemy pell-mell from their strong position into the thicket in their rear. Halting the column for a minute to reform, Elzey pressed on in pursuit; and, when we came once more into the open country, we saw before us, and for a mile down to our right, no organized force, but one dense mass of fugitives. With the successful charge of Elzey upon their right flank, the whole of the Federal army had given way, and was rushing madly in the direction of Washington. Nothing that I ever saw afterwards could compare with that panic; and, as we pressed on in pursuit, men surrendered themselves by hundreds. It was whilst thus pursuing the enemy that President Davis and Generals Johnston and Beauregard rode up to Colonel Elzey, amid the joyful shouts of the men, and the former, with countenance beaming with excitement and enthusiasm, seizing him by the hand, and giving it a hearty shake, exclaimed: “General Elzey, you are the Blucher of the day.” Inclining to the right, the command halted for a few minutes near the Henry House, and close by the famous Rickett’s battery, which had been captured by the Eighth Georgia infantry, after a most desperate struggle. The ground was thickly strewn with the dead and wounded of the Seventy-Ninth New York Highlanders, which gallant regiment had supported the battery. The wounded were suffering 23terribly for water; and our men spent every moment in attending to their wants. A little incident occurred here which I shall relate. Among the fatally wounded was an officer who, from his uniform, we knew to be a captain. The poor fellow had been shot through the head, and was about to breathe his last. Thinking to relieve him, Captain (afterwards Colonel) Herbert unbuttoned his coat, when he discovered a pocket-book and a package of letters in one of the pockets. Taking possession of them, he attended the wounded officer until he died. Upon examining the pocket-book, he found it contained some sixty-five or seventy dollars in gold; the letters were from his wife, and proved his name to be Brown. Two years after Captain Herbert was wounded and taken prisoner upon the field of Gettysburg. He had never parted with the gold nor the letters, and when sufficiently recovered from his wounds, he caused to be inserted in the New York Herald an advertisement calling upon the widow of the deceased officer to come forward and claim the property. In due time she made her appearance, a charming Scotch woman, not, as she said for the sake of claiming the money, but to hear from his own lips all about the last moments of her husband. She had received an imperfect account of his being shot from some of his men, but wished to learn of his death. Never shall I forget the look of gratitude she gave the Captain when he finished his story, (for the author 24was present at the interview,) and seizing his feeble hand, while great tears stole down her beautiful cheeks, she heaped upon him a thousand blessings. She was our constant attendant for a week afterwards, and when she left us, seemed much affected. We subsequently learned from her that a valuable and highly-prized watch that her husband had on his person when shot, had been recovered with much difficulty, one of his own men having appropriated it after his Captain’s fall. Resuming our march, the column crossed the Stone Bridge, and took the turnpike leading to Alexandria, confident that we were to pursue the enemy to the very gates of his capital. But we were doomed to a bitter disappointment; for, after marching a mile or two, we came to a right-about, and silently retraced our steps to Manassas. Tired, hungry and dispirited, we reached our camping ground long after nightfall, and, despite a drenching rain that set in about 12 o’clock, enjoyed a refreshing sleep. CHAPTER III. The morning after the battle of Manassas all seemed chaos, or confusion worse confounded. The cold, disagreeable rain that had set in during the night still continued, and the troops were provided 25with no means to shelter themselves from the pitiless storm which raged; and to add to this discomfort, the commissary wagons could not be found, and the men were almost entirely without provisions. Staff officers were galloping in every direction, looking for regiments that had been lost on the march of the night before, and it seemed for a while as though the utmost efforts of the general officers and their assistants would never be able to restore order out of all this muddle. All day long this state of affairs continued. We had gained a great battle, it was true, and had we continued the pursuit, the command would have remained intact to a great degree; but the demoralizing effects of countermarching an army in the moment of victory were here strongly evidenced. The impression had gained ground that an opportunity had been let slip to deal the enemy a fatal blow, and therefore dissatisfaction was expressed on every side, and more than once I heard it said that “if we had not intended following up what successes we might meet with, there was but little gained in fighting the battle.” Towards evening something like order seemed restored, and we waited in momentary expectation of hearing the command “Forward.” But night came on, and we were still idly facing the pelting rain. Shivering, shaking, and wretched, the troops threw themselves upon the wet ground to await the morrow. 26At midnight we were aroused by the rattle of the kettle-drum calling us to arms, and never did men more readily respond to the summons. An order had been received for the First Maryland and the Third Tennessee to accompany Colonel J. E. B. Stuart, with cavalry and artillery, to Fairfax Court House. The night was intensely dark, and our progress was, therefore, necessarily slow. For hours we toiled through the deep mud, stumbling and falling over rocks, stumps and logs, and mistaking our way every mile, when at daylight we struck the turnpike leading to Alexandria, and but six miles from where we had started. The rain had now ceased, the clouds grew lighter and lighter, and presently the wind springing up, they were sent fleeting, and dancing, and skipping across heaven’s blue face, to be seen no more, we trusted, for many days to come. Never before had the glorious sun been more heartily welcomed by suffering humanity than it was that morning as it rose with silent majesty in the eastern sky. Never before had it appeared so lovely, never risen with such stately grandeur; and, as we gazed in its full, bright face, and began to feel its warm breath envelop us, we forgot all the sufferings and privations of the past thirty-six hours, and were made as happy as we had just before been miserable. Evidences of the enemy’s rapid retreat now appeared on every side. The first thing which we 27encountered was an abandoned wagon, ladened with army bread. Nothing could have been more acceptable, and the troops were bountifully supplied. A little farther a large camp was found, filled with everything conceivable that could contribute to the comfort and efficiency of an army. As we progressed, wagons in great numbers presented themselves, containing army stores, ammunition, arms, etc., while camp kettles, muskets, cartridge boxes, belts, breast-plates, etc., lined the road for miles. Broken-down buggies that had, no doubt, been abandoned by the valiant Yankee members of Congress who had started with the army, bound for Richmond, put in an occasional appearance. At one place a human arm was found that had, no doubt, been amputated in the ambulance which was conveying the sufferer to the rear in the general flight. It evidently had belonged to an officer, for it was of delicate mould and fair as woman’s, and on the little finger was an exquisitely-wrought ring, containing a brilliant and valuable diamond set. We reached Fairfax Court House by 12 o’clock, where we also found an immense quantity of stores, especially of clothing, which at that time was much needed by the Confederate Government. Nothing could exceed the joy of the inhabitants at once more beholding the gray they loved so well; but more than once they expressed their regret that we had not arrived some hours earlier; “for,” said one of them, “four thousand Yankees left here but 28this morning, who would have surrendered to a corporal’s guard, and those in advance of them were, if possible, in a worse plight, utterly demoralized, and without the semblance of organization.” A half mile beyond the village the command went into camp in a woods by the side of the turnpike, there to await orders from General Johnston, whom we supposed moving with the whole army upon Washington, and but a short distance in our rear. Reclining upon a bundle of straw, resting my tired, aching limbs, I was joined by my first Lieutenant, Shellman, who, with face radiant with joy, informed me that he had just heard the Colonel commanding express his belief that we would surely be in front of Washington before thirty-six hours. With all my heart did I hope it might prove true; but I had my doubts. I did not like the confusion we had witnessed, and feared it would require some days to reorganize the army, and place it in a condition to assume the offensive. That it was possible to yet retrieve the great error committed on the 21st and 22d, I was inclined to believe; but that it would be done was another question; and an observation from a private soldier suggested itself to me more than once. It was made while we were retracing our steps to Manassas after the battle, when all were out of humor. “A President and two Generals,” said he, “are too many to command one army.” And subsequent events proved how correct it was. 29As day after day passed by, and there appeared no indications of offensive operations being resumed, our hopes of a speedy peace vanished, and we saw nothing before us but a protracted and bloody struggle. Rapidly the enemy reorganized and reinforced his broken and discomfited army; and in an incredibly short time the genius of McClellan had placed around Washington an army and fortifications that it would have been madness for the Confederate Generals to attack. It was determined, however, to present to them a bold front to conceal as much as possible our own numerical inferiority, and, therefore, the Confederates were advanced until they held possession of Mason’s Hill, but five miles from Alexandria. Munson’s Hill was soon after taken also, after a slight resistance; and the Southern army was thereby placed still nearer to the National Capital. The infantry, under the command of Colonel J. E. B. Stuart, remained some weeks at Fairfax, when it was ordered to Fairfax Station, on the line of the Orange and Alexandria railroad, there to reunite with the balance of the brigade, now commanded by General Elzey. Here we set ourselves down for a long stay, as everything indicated that hostilities would not be renewed until spring, for both governments seemed to have set to work preparing their respective armies for the desperate fighting to be then begun. 30Strict and rigid discipline was sought to be enforced throughout the Confederate army; and it was then we saw the incompetency of many of our officers, and had forebodings of the disastrous results likely to accrue from the wretched system adopted by the government of electing officers to companies instead of their being appointed by the Executive after a searching examination by an experienced and competent soldier. In a measure, the First Maryland Regiment was free from this evil, which was owing principally to the determined steps taken by Colonel Geo. H. Steuart, who had succeeded Colonel Elzey in its command. An old and experienced soldier himself, he soon saw who was competent and who was not. Some of the latter he disposed of in a summary manner, and with others he thought to bide his time. He enforced discipline to the strictest letter of the old army regulations, which, though at first very objectionable to both officers and men of his command, afterwards became popular as the good resulting therefrom developed itself. Drill by companies was had in the morning of every favorable day, and drill in the afternoon by battalion, with dress parade in the evening. Both officers and men were required to pay the strictest attention to their clothing and person, and the slightest neglect of either would draw from him a rebuke or punishment. The most rigid sanitary regulations were adopted for the camp; and when 31the neat appearance and healthy condition of the men were contrasted with that of other regiments around us, the most indifferent were stimulated to exert themselves to their utmost in sustaining the commandant in his efforts to promote the health and comfort of those placed under his charge; and, therefore, from its being at first one of the most obnoxious duties which the soldier had to perform, it became one of the most pleasant. That Colonel Steuart was popular with the regiment upon assuming command, I cannot say. In fact, I believe he was much disliked; but in less than two months he had won the love and affection of all. Where was there such a camp as that of the First Maryland? Where such drill and discipline; such healthy, rugged looking troops; such neat and soldierly fellows? Where was the regiment that could follow them on a long, weary march with that rapid, elastic step for which they were so famous? Nowhere in the Confederacy. Ever vigilant, ever watchful, ever cheerful in the discharge of their duties, they were the pride and boast of the army. With his officers, Colonel Steuart was strict and exacting, but always kind and courteous. He established a school for their instruction in tactics, and daily they were assembled at his headquarters for recitation; and not for his commission would one of them have appeared before him unable to recite the lessons he had been instructed to get. As a 32body, they were as intelligent a set of men as could be found in the army. I am compelled to say, however, that there were one or two disgraceful exceptions in the number. One of these, in particular, was a Captain Edelin, alias Lum Cooper, who had by some means been elected to the command of a fine company, composed principally of young men from Baltimore. Without even the rudiments of a common school education, holding the truth in utter contempt, and a low swaggerer, he had nothing to recommend him but his having lighted the lamps in the streets of Washington for years, and beat a drum in the war with Mexico. His conduct everywhere in the army was disgraceful in the extreme, and reflected discredit, not only upon the regiment to which he belonged, but upon the State, of which he was neither a native nor a resident. Finally, despised and avoided by all who, without knowing the man, had associated with him in the regiment, he ran the blockade, took the oath of allegiance to the Federal Government, and turned informer upon the Government of which he had been a sworn servant. CHAPTER IV. The fall of 1861 will ever be remembered by the survivors of the regiment, as the most pleasant experienced by them during the whole war. We 33had an abundance of clothing and wholesome food, whilst there was no scarcity of money with which to indulge in even some of the luxuries of life. And then the monotony of the camp was often changed to the excitement of picketing in front of the enemy on Mason’s and Munson’s Hills, in the capture of both of which the First Maryland bore a conspicuous part. In the engagement at the latter place, we lost a private of Company I killed, and Lieutenant Mitchell, of the same company, badly wounded. During these picket reliefs, we had daily encounters with the enemy, in which we invariably got the better of him. The first that occurred I will relate, as Mr. Captain Edelin then and there gave us a specimen of military skill acquired on the head of a kettle-drum in Mexico. It was on the morning after the capture of Mason’s Hill, that Colonel Smith, the officer in command, wishing to advance his pickets as far as Clampitt’s house, a mile in front of the main body, detailed Edelin for the duty. He moved his company forward through a thicket, and in a few minutes we were startled by the rapid discharges of musketry, which led Colonel Smith to believe he had encountered a heavy force of the enemy. Captain James R. Herbert’s company and my own were immediately sent to his support. Coming up with Edelin, he informed us that he had met a regiment of infantry, but, after a stubborn fight, the enemy had retreated, carrying his dead and wounded along. 34“But,” said he, “they are in the woods before us, and I must have artillery to drive them out;” and, turning to an orderly, he directed him to post off to Colonel Smith and request that officer to send him a battery forthwith. I saw an expression of ineffable contempt and disgust spread over the face of Lieutenant Costello, of his company, who, calling me aside, informed me that the sight of but one picket had occasioned all the firing, and that by the Captain’s orders. The courier dispatched to the commandant soon returned with the not very polite reply that “Captain Edelin was a d—d fool, and he wanted no more such crazy requests.” “Puss in Boots,” as he was usually called, dropped his feathers instanter, but was heard to mutter something about “challenge,” “duel.” Being the senior officer, he had command of the three companies—something which neither Herbert nor myself relished in the least; and we, therefore, requested to be returned, as there was not the least likelihood of the enemy appearing in any force. Herbert’s request was granted; but I was ordered to remain where I was. A short time after two Yankee soldiers accidentally wandered into our lines and were captured. Here was a chance for our hero to win back the good opinion of the Colonel; so, mounting a great tall horse, (he was a very little man) he, in a pompous and important manner, marched the poor, 35half-frightened wretches into the presence of Col. Smith, to whom he told a wonderful story of the skill and strategy he had displayed in their capture. Being in command during his absence, and not feeling altogether satisfied with the position we held, I concluded to make a reconnoissance. Lieutenants Shearer and Costello were therefore detailed, and, with a squad of men, directed to move forward until they encountered the enemy’s pickets. In a few minutes the crack of several rifles told me they had found them. Fearing the party had perhaps fallen in with a superior force, I advanced with a few men to render assistance if required. Upon reaching them, however, I found it was but a single picket they had stumbled upon, who was shot and killed in attempting to escape. Edelin had heard the firing, and came down the road at full speed, but, halting his horse at a safe distance, bawled out: “Come back, come back; you’ll all git killed.” Withdrawing my men, I rejoined the main body, where I was saluted with, “Capting, how dare you do anythink of this kind without my orders?” I explained to him that my purpose was to find a safer place in which to post the men, and suggested that we should move the whole command back to where I had just left. “I shall do no sich thing,” he answered. “You 36never fit in Mexico, and, therefore, what in the devil do you know about plannin a military battle.” Late in the fall the enemy in our front grew restless; and Generals Johnston and Beauregard thought it expedient to withdraw from Munson’s and Mason’s, and concentrate the whole army on the heights of Centreville, as everything indicated an advance of the immense army assembled around Washington. Therefore leaving at Munson’s a small party, with an old stove pipe mounted on cart wheels, to annoy the Federal advance, we took a last look into the streets of Alexandria, and at the detested Federal Capitol, and marched to our new quarters at Centreville. It was with regret we left our old camp at Fairfax Station, around which lingered so many pleasant associations of the past; and our last reveille seemed to make sad the hearts of all; and the summons to fall in was not as promptly responded to as on former occasions. Never again were the hearty, joyous shouts of the Maryland boys to be heard through its now deserted streets, nor the heavy tramp and the sharp command, as the battalion performed, to astonished, gaping thousands, those intricate evolutions inimitable. No, nor the unhappy sentinel to be frightened to death by the fearful shriek of “Indians got you! Indians got you!” when it turned out only to be our good Colonel making his periodical grand rounds. And never more was the gallant Elzey to display his 37superb horsemanship to the fair daughters of Baltimore on a visit to the camp, but which performance, much to their disappointment and regret, was brought to an abrupt termination by the breaking of a stirrup strap. No, never, never! all is past and gone forever! Even the old guard house and the Colonel’s pen, that had ever and for so long extended to the refractory ones a hearty welcome and tender, affectionate embrace, were bid a sad, sad farewell. Centreville, when we reached it, presented a scene of bustle and confusion. Troops were arriving in large numbers, and were striving to reach the grounds selected for the respective regiments and brigades all over the same road. At last, tired and hungry, the brigade of Elzey halted upon the very summit of one of the highest hills around the place. The sight that presented itself from this point that night was one of the grandest I ever witnessed. Before us, as far as the eye could reach, flashed thousands upon thousands of camp fires; and spell-bound we gazed upon this grand pyrotechnic display for hours. And then the next day, and for days after, the evolutions of forty thousand troops of all arms in the plain below us, was a scene indescribably grand. The intelligence we received from Washington now grew every day more threatening. That McClellan, with his immense and splendidly appointed army, intended to advance upon Centreville there seemed no doubt; but whether Johnston intended to fight was by us much questioned. We were in no way prepared to meet the enemy. The army was not organized, and but imperfectly equipped. Sickness prevailed in our camp to an alarming extent; and the utmost efforts of our able commander had failed to increase his force a single man. Time must, therefore, be gained. But how? Johnston was the man for the emergency. We must present a bold and defiant front to the enemy. Heavy details from the various regiments were, therefore, at once made to erect fortifications. Steadily the work progressed, and in a short time the heights of Centreville were crowned with what seemed at a distance most formidable works. Of siege guns we did not have one; but immense blackened logs answered the same purpose, and frowned most threateningly from many an embrasure. None but those immediately in charge were allowed to approach them; for it was well known our camp was swarming with spies. These preparations had the desired effect; and McClellan, believing 39the position to be impregnable, quietly settled himself down to await the coming of spring. I will not tire the reader with details of the same every-day dull and monotonous camp-life at Centreville, but shall, as rapidly as possible, hasten on to the more exciting and interesting scenes and incidents in which the regiment participated. Suffice it to say, we remained there until late in November, when the brigade was ordered back to Manassas, there to prepare their winter quarters. The spot selected by the Colonel on which to build our cabins was in the midst of a dense pine woods, and much sheltered from the cold blasts of winter, and where was also wood and water in abundance. By the last of December, in this heretofore lonely and deserted forest, had been reared a neat and substantial village, in which we hoped to remain undisturbed until the spring should have set in, and from whence we would once more go forth to measure our strength with the hosts that had just threatened us with annihilation. During the months of December and January, with the exception of a little disagreeable picket duty along the line of the Orange and Alexandria railroad, and the surprise of a picket post at Sangster’s Station, nothing occurred to disturb the quiet of our winter quarters. The picket alluded to was commanded by Lieut. Richard Hough, of Company F, and in the fight which ensued, Sergeant Sheehan was badly wounded, and Lieut. Joseph Stewart and 40ten or twelve men captured. The Federal loss was a lieutenant killed. The term of enlistment of the twelve months’ men was now rapidly drawing to a close, and to have an efficient army in the field when the spring campaign should open, it became necessary for the Confederate Government to take some steps to that end. An order was therefore issued some time in January, granting to all twelve months’ men who would re-enlist for the war, furloughs of from thirty to sixty days. The majority did so, and for the first time since entering the army, went home to see their families and friends. The unwise policy of the government in having enlisted men for a less time than the war here proved itself, and for a long while after occasioned much trouble and caused much demoralization in the army of General Johnston, for bitterly did those who were compelled to remain in camp by reason of their having enlisted for the war, complain of the injustice they believed had been done them. Particularly was this the case in the First Maryland, which contained several twelve months’ companies, two of which, Companies A and B, had re-enlisted almost to a man, and gone off on furlough; the others, Companies C, H and I, preferring to remain in the field until their time was up, when many of them proposed to go into the cavalry and artillery, they having a dislike for the infantry arm of the service. However, the war men became reconciled 41in a measure, and it was hoped nothing more would be heard of the matter; but in this we were mistaken, as will be seen hereafter. The Confederate army was now, owing to the depletion of regiments and brigades by furloughs, reduced to about twenty thousand men, whilst not an organized brigade could be found in the whole command. Of this condition of things the Federal authorities were soon apprised, and therefore, in the early part of March, 1862, an advance upon Manassas by the whole army under McClellan was determined upon. Having no facilities for the transportation of the immense quantities of stores gathered there, and unable to resist the overwhelming force of McClellan, there was no alternative left Johnston but to destroy his supplies and withdraw the army to the south bank of the Rappahannock. It was a sad necessity, and as the troops were guided on their way for many weary miles by the lurid flames from their burning buildings that seemed to lick the very heavens, all felt that the first battle of the war had proved more disastrous as a victory than would have been a defeat. There was no pretension to organization, and what had been but a few months before an organized and victorious army, now presented the appearance of an ungovernable mob, and entirely at the mercy of the enemy, should he have the enterprise and energy to pursue it. Fortunately, however, McClellan contented himself 42with occupying our deserted quarters at Manassas, thereby enabling us to reassemble and reorganize in a manner our demoralized and straggling troops upon the Rappahannock. Therefore, when soon after that General retraced his steps and prepared to move around to Yorktown, from whence he had determined to advance upon Richmond, Johnston had under his command quite a respectable army with which to reinforce the little band of heroes under Magruder, showing so bold a front to the hosts of the Federal General. But it was also necessary to leave troops behind to watch the movements of McDowell, who still remained at Manassas with a large army, and to this duty the division of Ewell was assigned. It was, perhaps at that time, the finest and best organized division in the army, and was comprised of Elzey’s, Trimble’s and Dick Taylor’s brigades, with artillery and cavalry. From the opposite banks of the river the two commands narrowly watched each other, and exchanged an occasional shot until the evening of the 19th of April, when orders to “pack up” were given, and in the midst of a drenching rain, we took up our line of march for Gordonsville along the Orange and Alexandria railroad.—For three days the cold, chilly rain continued, and for three days the troops, destitute of provisions, toiled over the uneven surface of the railroad’s bed before the command reached its destination, cold, hungry and dispirited. 43We were allowed to remain here several days to rest and recruit, when one bright, beautiful day, orders were received by General Ewell for his command to cross the Blue Ridge and join Jackson, who was then encamped at Swift Run Gap. Nothing could have exceeded the joy of the troops at this unexpected order, for we had supposed ourselves destined to reinforce the army of Johnston in the swamps of the Chickahominy. To be with Jackson, then, the great and glorious Jackson, in the beautiful Valley of Virginia, was a pleasure unexpected, and it was, therefore, with light hearts and elastic step that we left our camp at Gordonsville. The march was made by easy stages, and in a few days, about nine o’clock in the evening, from the mountain’s summit, his camp-fires were descried away down in the plain below us. No more stupid hours in camp, if you please. We now belong to Jackson’s army, and if laurels were to be won, we felt that they would surely be ours. Already visions of shattered and beaten armies, of prisoners innumerable, of captured camps filled with the good things with which we had been for so long unacquainted, flitted before us, and thus thinking, and thus trusting, we descended the mountain sides and threaded our way through the camps of the heroes of Kearnstown, and went into bivouac a short distance beyond, at Conrad’s store. At the first sound of the reveille next morning, every man sprang nimbly to his feet. They wanted 44to see Jackson, to talk with his troops over the great battle they had so recently fought, and more than all, to discuss the prospects before us, and, if possible, ascertain our destination; but, to our utter amazement, when we turned our faces to where we had passed his army the evening previous, nothing met our gaze but the smouldering embers of his deserted camp-fires. We rubbed our eyes and looked again and again, loth to believe our sense of vision. But gone he was, and whither and for what no one could tell. Quietly, in the dead of night, he had arisen from his blanket, and calling his troops around him, with them had disappeared. For more than two weeks his whereabouts remained a mystery, and various were the conjectures as to what had become of him, when one day there came the news of Milroy’s defeat at McDowell, more than one hundred miles away. Swiftly he had traversed the steep ranges of mountains that separated him from his prey, and with irresistible fury had hurled his legions upon the astonished foe in his mountain fastness and routed him with heavy loss, and was even now on his return, and within two days’ march of us. General Ewell was ordered to join him at once near Luray, and on the 16th of May we encamped at Columbia Bridge on our way thither. It was the next day that the term of enlistment of Company C, First Maryland, expired, and the men clamored for an immediate discharge, which, 45under the circumstances, was reluctantly given by Colonel Bradley T. Johnson, who had succeeded to the command by the promotion of Colonel Steuart to the rank of brigadier general, and ordered to organize the Maryland Line. And here again the discontent that had prevailed at Manassas among the men enlisted for the war broke out afresh. They declared they had enlisted for twelve months only, and that if the muster rolls had it otherwise they had been grossly deceived by their officers. The dissatisfaction grew more apparent every hour, and when, on the 18th day of May, we marched to join General Jackson, the men were almost in a state of mutiny. It was on the banks of the Shenandoah, the 21st of May, that we first caught sight of the glorious soldier as he dashed along the lines with hat off, and bowing right and left in acknowledgment of the vociferous cheers that went up from his enthusiastic army. Our camp that night was within a mile of Luray, and here we were destined to part with the gallant Elzey, who had so long commanded us, and who had led us to our first victory. As I have said, Colonel Steuart had been promoted and ordered to organize and command the Maryland Line, of which the First Maryland and Baltimore Light Artillery were to form the nucleus. For the present, however, Colonel Johnson was in command, as General Steuart had been temporarily assigned to a 46brigade of cavalry. Never shall I forget General Elzey’s emotion as he drew the regiment up in line for the last time, and with tears rolling down his war-worn cheeks, thanked them for the honor they had helped to confer upon him at Manassas. CHAPTER VI. On the evening of the 22d, the army, about twelve thousand strong, went into camp within an easy day’s march of Front Royal, where, rumor had it, was stationed a considerable force of the enemy. Here the dissatisfaction that had so long existed in the First Maryland broke out into open mutiny, and the majority of the men in the war companies threw down their arms and demanded an immediate discharge. It was in vain that General Steuart and Colonel Johnson expostulated with them upon their disgraceful conduct, but they declared they had served out their term of enlistment, and would serve no longer, and when next morning we resumed our march, nearly one-half the regiment was disarmed and under guard. The affair was kept concealed from General Jackson, as it was still hoped the men would return to reason, for it was not calculated to impress him very favorably with the troops from whom he expected so much. 47A halt was made about five miles from Front Royal, and whilst resting ourselves by the wayside, an aid-de-camp was observed to dash up to Colonel Johnson and hand him a dispatch. It took him but an instant to acquaint himself with its contents, when, turning to his command, in a voice tremulous with suppressed anger and with a face flushed with mortification and shame, called it to “attention.” “I have just received an order from General Jackson that very nearly concerns yourselves,” he said, “and I will read it to you:” “Colonel Johnson will move the First Maryland to the front with all dispatch, and in conjunction with Wheat’s battalion attack the enemy at Front Royal. The army will halt until you pass. “You have heard the order, and I must confess are in a pretty condition to obey it. I will have to return it with the endorsement upon the back that ‘the First Maryland refuses to meet the enemy, though ordered by General Jackson.’ Before this day I was proud to call myself a Marylander, but now, God knows, I would rather be known as anything else. Shame on you to bring this stigma upon the fair fame of your native State—to cause the finger of scorn to be pointed at those who confided to your keeping their most sacred trust—their honor and that of the glorious old State. Marylanders you call yourselves. Profane not that hallowed 48name again, for it is not yours. What Marylander ever before threw down his arms and deserted his colors in the presence of the enemy, and those arms, and those colors, too, placed in your hands by a woman? Never before has one single blot defaced her honored history. Could it be possible to conceive a crime more atrocious, an outrage more damnable? Go home and publish to the world your infamy. Boast of it when you meet your fathers and mothers, brothers, sisters and sweethearts. Tell them it was you who, when brought face to face with the enemy, proved yourselves recreants, and acknowledged yourselves to be cowards. Tell them this, and see if you are not spurned from their presence like some loathsome leper, and despised, detested, nay, abhorred by those whose confidence you have so shamefully betrayed; you will wander over the face of the earth with the brand of ‘coward,’ ‘traitor,’ indelibly imprinted upon your foreheads, and in the end sink into a dishonored grave, unwept for, uncared for, leaving behind as a heritage to your posterity the scorn and contempt of every honest man and virtuous woman in the land.” The Colonel’s address, of which I have given the reader but a faint idea, was delivered with much feeling and listened to with close attention, and scarcely had he concluded when a wild yell broke the painful stillness that had prevailed, and a simultaneous rush was made for the ordnance wagon by those to whom he had just administered so 49scathing a rebuke. Never before, perhaps, had they seized their arms with such avidity, or buckled on their equipments with greater rapidity. “Now, sir,” they cried out, “lead us against the enemy, and we will prove to you that we are not cowards, and that neither have we forgotten these arms were placed in our hands by a woman.” “Forward!” was the command, and at the double-quick the regiment passed along the whole army amid the most deafening cheers. “We are going to have some work cut out now, boys, for the Marylanders are going to the front,” could be heard on all sides as we moved along, and every man inwardly determined that work should be cut out if material could be found. On the right of the army we joined Wheat with his battalion of Louisianians, and with them moved swiftly upon the doomed Federals holding Front Royal. We approached within a mile of the town, but saw no signs of the enemy. “Another disappointment,” ran down the line, but the next moment two or three frightened soldiers in blue broke cover from a picket post, and fled in the direction of the village. They were pursued by several mounted men, and speedily overtaken and brought back. Upon being questioned, they told us that they belonged to the First Maryland, and that the force in town consisted of that regiment, two companies of Pennsylvanians, two pieces of artillery, and a squadron of cavalry, the latter having joined 50them that very day, all under the command of Colonel John R. Kenly, who did not dream that Jackson was within fifty miles of him. So at last we had met the much boasted Yankee First Maryland, and although greatly outnumbered, we were ready to take up the gage of battle so defiantly thrown down to us some time before. First Maryland against First Maryland! It was, indeed, a singular coincidence. We approached the town rapidly, and entered the main street before the enemy were aware of our approach. For a minute they resisted our advance, and a sharp exchange of musketry shots ensued. They were quickly driven out, however, with the loss of several in killed, wounded and prisoners. The whole command had now taken the alarm, and assembled behind their artillery, which was posted on a hill that commanded the town and its approaches. Dashing through the streets, we were soon in the open country, when the companies commanded by Captains Nicholas, Herbert and Goldsborough were deployed as skirmishers, with Wheat on the left, the whole being under the command of Lieutenant Colonel E. R. Dorsey (who had reached that rank by reason of seniority upon the promotion of Elzey and Steuart), whilst Colonel Johnson commanded the reserves. The enemy now opened his artillery with great precision, and his shell began to tell in our ranks. Nothing daunted, however, the gallant fellows 51moved steadily forward, and reached the very foot of the hill upon which he was posted. From there the fight was stubbornly waged for at least two hours, with no apparent advantage on either side. In the meantime the troops of Jackson were moving to the right and left to envelop the enemy and cut off his retreat. Kenly saw the movement, and determined to withdraw his forces and cross the river (immediately in his rear) if possible. On his right was the turnpike bridge, and on his left, in our front, was the long and high trestle-work of the Manassas Gap Railroad. Dorsey divined his purpose, and, as the enemy commenced to fall back, immediately ordered a charge along the whole line. With a yell the men responded to the command, and the long line of skirmishers pressed forward in pursuit. The fight would have terminated then and there had not the Louisiana battalion stumbled upon the enemy’s camp, and bent on plunder, the threats and entreaties of their officers were for some time in vain, and when they were at length prevailed upon to move forward, it was found the enemy in their front, with artillery and cavalry, had escaped over the bridge. Not so in front of the Maryland command. The enemy were closely pressed to the river’s bank, where, finding it impossible to escape across the trestle-work, they threw down their arms in a body. By this time a heavy force of cavalry had forded the river some distance below, and charging the remainder of Kenly’s command, which was 52rapidly retreating up the turnpike, captured it almost to a man, not, however, without meeting with a desperate resistance, in which many were killed and wounded on both sides. Thus ended the battle of Front Royal, if it can be so termed, and in which Marylander met Marylander for the first time in the war. It has been said Kenly’s command had fought a vastly superior force of the Confederates, whereas it was a much inferior one, which, however did not compel him to withdraw from the position he had taken in front of the town, but the flank movement by heavy bodies of our troops did, and it was then we pressed our advantage. The actual number of assailants prior to his recrossing the river with what remained of his command, did not exceed four hundred men. And it has been more than once asserted, also, that Colonel Kenly did not offer the spirited resistance to the Confederate advance expected of him, and that there was no reason why he should have lost his command. This is doing him injustice. He fought his troops like the brave man that he is, and Commissary Banks can thank him for being instrumental in saving the little he did from the wreck of his army at Strasburg and Winchester. He committed one great, inexcusable error, however, in not having his cavalry scouts and pickets out, but it is said they reached him but an hour or two before our attack, although he had called for them several days before. If this be true, 53he deserves no blame or censure for his misfortune at Front Royal. The morning after the fight, when the prisoners were drawn up in line, it was truly amusing to see the men of the two Maryland regiments greet each other. “Why, if there ain’t my brother Bill;” “And there’s my cousin Jim,” could be heard, whilst nearly all recognized old friends and acquaintances, whom they greeted cordially, and divided with them the rations which had just changed hands. The kindest attention was shown the wounded officers and men, the former being paroled, and allowed to accept the invitation of the citizens to accompany them to their homes, where they were provided with all they required. And whilst we were thus treating our enemies in the field, the cowardly ruffians in Baltimore, who had remained at home, were brutally assaulting every citizen there suspected of sympathizing with the people of the South in their struggle for independence, because some poltroon, who had deserted his companions at the first fire, reported they had been murdered in cold blood to a man after having surrendered themselves. The officers of the First Maryland Confederate called upon those of the First Maryland Federal, and offered them any assistance in their power, and in some instances it was thankfully accepted. Colonel Kenly was quite badly wounded, by either a pistol ball or a sabre cut, in the head, and at the 54time that I saw him appeared to be suffering much mental depression, caused by his misfortune. His wound he seemed to care but little for; but, as he paced the floor, would, from time to time, bend over his adjutant, Tarr, who was desperately wounded, and gaze anxiously in his face. CHAPTER VII. On the morning of the 24th Ewell took up the line of march for Winchester, Jackson having moved on Strasburg the evening before. That night we encamped on the banks of the Opequon, six miles from our destination. Here we were ordered to cook some rations, and be ready to move at midnight upon Banks, whom we intended to attack at daylight. Long before the sun had risen on the morning of the 25th, the commands of Jackson and Ewell were in line of battle about two miles from the town, the former to the left of the Valley turnpike, the latter joining him on the right. Skirmishers were thrown out, and cautiously, at early dawn, through the dense fog that prevailed, the Confederate line advanced. In front of a portion of Ewell’s line the First Maryland was deployed, which, after proceeding a short distance, encountered the enemy’s skirmishers, 55who fell back at our approach. About the same time was heard the spattering of musketry in the direction of Jackson, which told us he, too, had them in his front. The fog had now become so dense as to make it impossible to see twenty steps in any direction; and Colonel Johnson therefore thought it advisable to assemble his skirmish line, as we had entirely lost sight of our line of battle, and did not know but we might be enveloped by the enemy. Quietly the men were drawn in, and the regiment lay down in an orchard and concealed itself behind a board fence, to await the lifting of the fog. For an hour everything was still as death, when, the fog rising somewhat, a column of the enemy was revealed lying behind a stone wall about three hundred yards in our front, with his right flank resting toward us, and totally unconscious of our close proximity. They were apparently intent on watching something before them; and presently, to our horror, there emerged from the fog the Twenty-First North Carolina regiment, marching directly upon the stone wall, and altogether ignorant of the ambuscade there awaiting. Scarcely two hundred yards separated them, and in a minute the poor fellows would be in the fatal trap. Like ourselves, they had become separated from the main body and lost their way; but, unlike ourselves, had failed to exercise the precaution to ascertain where they were before advancing. 56There was nothing on earth we could do to warn them of their danger. Oh! it was a sad, sickening sight, to see them thus unconsciously marching straight into the jaws of death. On, on they go, and nearer and nearer they approach the treacherous fence, behind which they expect to shelter themselves. They are but forty yards from it. “Can nothing be done for them?” I heard from more than one around me. No; too late; too late; and the next instant the long line of blue rise from their cover; there is an instant’s pause, and then comes a deafening volley of musketry, and the deadly minnie by hundreds are sent tearing and crashing through the Confederate columns. The slaughter was appalling, and the survivors fled to the rear in the utmost confusion. But they were avenged; for just then the gallant Griffin, of the Baltimore Light Artillery, espied them, and training the guns of his splendid battery upon the fence, he raked it from one end to the other, sending the enemy flying to a safer position nearer the town. On the left Jackson was now hotly engaged, whilst, with the exception of his artillery, Ewell is unaccountably idle. Why could he not swing the right of his division around in the rear of the town, thereby enveloping the enemy and cutting off his retreat, whilst he at the same time attacked those who appeared only in front of his left, for there was no enemy on our right, and Jackson was more than 57a match for those with whom he was contending? No, he is awaiting orders from Jackson, as he afterwards did from Lee at Gettysburg, and the opportunity is lost. The fog had now entirely disappeared, and on the hill’s side to the left of us were the contending forces of Jackson and Banks engaged in a desperate struggle. For an hour the fight raged, of which we were silent but unwilling spectators. At length Jackson’s reserves reached him, a little late, but in time, taking into consideration their long march from Strasburg that night, and he immediately prepared for a charge. The enemy was also hurrying forward reinforcements to resist the onset he knew was coming. Dick Taylor’s and three Virginia brigades were thrown into position to make the charge; and it was a grand sight as, with a yell, they moved forward at the double quick. “I shall wait for orders no longer, but will join in that charge if I live!” exclaimed Colonel Johnson, quickly swinging himself into the saddle. “Forward, double quick,” was the command, and the next instant we were dashing across the country in the direction of the enemy. Jackson’s right was not more than four hundred yards to the left of us, and therefore Johnson thought by moving diagonally and at a rapid pace we would join him almost at the instant he should strike the enemy. 58Steadily, in the face of a deadly fire, the Confederate column advances, leaving in its wake scores of dead and wounded; but never halting, never hesitating, it hurls itself upon the enemy with irresistible fury, rending, tearing, and grinding them to pieces. Closely pursued the survivors fled towards Winchester, and pursued and pursuers entered the town simultaneously. The First Maryland passed down Loudoun street, and, pressing on, capturing prisoners at every step, did not halt until it reached the Taylor Hotel, opposite which we found two large storehouses on fire, filled with medical stores. Colonel Johnson quickly detached a portion of the regiment to suppress the flames, while he at the same time ordered a company to surround and search the hotel for the notorious Dave Strother, or “Porte Crayon,” who a citizen informed us was there. The flames were speedily extinguished, but fortunately for Strother he had been gone about five minutes, or I am inclined to think much of his “Personal Recollections” would have treated of Libby and Belle Isle. In obedience to the orders of Banks the town had been set on fire in several places, and men and women were rushing frantically through the streets appealing to the troops to save them from the dreadful calamity that seemed so imminent. Their appeals were not in vain; and in a short time the flames were everywhere extinguished, except near the depot, where several large warehouses had been fired, and which were totally consumed with 59their contents. Had the troops of Jackson been one half hour later this ancient and once thriving town would have been only a mass of smouldering ruins. The defeat of the enemy was complete; but owing to the apathy of Ewell and the wretched disposition of our cavalry very many of them effected their escape, carrying with them most of their artillery and a large wagon train. As it was, however, we captured an immense amount of stores of every description, and about four thousand prisoners. The joy of the citizens of Winchester at once more having the protection of the Confederate troops, knew no bounds, and as we filed through the streets in pursuit of the enemy, provisions and delicacies in abundance were lavished upon us, while more than one of our young fellows came in for an earnest embrace from the matron of some well-grown household. Indeed, Colonel Johnson himself received one of these favors. Now, the Colonel was regarded one of the handsomest men in the First Maryland, and having dismounted from his horse in an unguarded moment, was espied and singled out by an old lady of Amazonian proportions, just from the wash tub, who, wiping her hands and mouth on her apron as she approached, seized him around the neck with the hug of a bruin, and bestowed upon him half a dozen kisses that were heard by nearly every man in the command; and when at length she relaxed her hold the Colonel looked as though he had just come out of a vapor bath. 60“How do you like that, Colonel?” I heard Captain Willie Nicholas ask, who, convulsed with laughter, had been watching the performance. Drawing forth his handkerchief and wiping from his face the profuse perspiration that covered it, the Colonel replied: “I shouldn’t have cared; but, d—— it, she smells so strong of rosin soap, and I never could bear the stuff.” That night the First Maryland went into camp close by the Winchester and Martinsburg turnpike, and about four miles from the former town. Upon the call of the roll but one man was found missing, Lieutenant Colonel Dorsey, who had been severely wounded through the right shoulder after entering the town. On the morning of the 26th orders were received to move to Martinsburg, and there collect the large amount of stores abandoned by the enemy. Two or three days were consumed in this duty, after which we rejoined the main body of the army, encamped near Charlestown. General Jackson’s movements since the battle of Winchester had much puzzled his troops, and entirely confounded the enemy. “Surely,” we reasoned, “he is not going to cross over into Maryland with the handful of men under his command, for McDowell would quickly compel him to return, and then it would be too late to escape Fremont, who will certainly come down from 61West Virginia with his army of twenty-five thousand men.” Our situation seemed a critical one; but then Jackson was with us, and with him nothing seemed impossible. The day after our arrival at Charlestown General George H. Steuart was ordered to take the First Maryland and two batteries of artillery and attack the enemy’s camp on Bolivar Heights, while a small force was also directed to make a demonstration from the Shenandoah Heights upon Harper’s Ferry. It now became apparent to all that the whole movement of Jackson from Winchester was a feint, but for what purpose we were entirely at a loss to conjecture. Little did we then dream of the splendid combinations General Lee had formed for the relief of Richmond, the principal moves in which had been intrusted to Jackson, the first of which he was executing. Our batteries opened upon the enemy posted on Bolivar Heights about ten o’clock in the morning, and continued the fire without intermission until late in the afternoon, when his guns were silenced, and it became evident he had abandoned the heights. The infantry then crossed over and took possession of his camp, which was found entirely deserted. As soon as we were perceived the batteries upon the Maryland Heights and at Barber’s house opened their fire, without effect, however, and our object having been accomplished, after helping ourselves 62to the bountiful meal we found on the fire, we retired, and went into camp near Halltown. The next day found us retracing our steps to Winchester, everything betokening haste, but no confusion. It soon became known to us that Fremont was rapidly approaching Strasburg from Franklin, and that a force under Shields was moving to the same point to intercept Jackson should he attempt to escape down the Valley. It seemed almost impossible for us to get away, encumbered as we were with four thousand prisoners and over two thousand wagons, most of which were ladened with the spoils captured from Banks; but Jackson had calculated it all, and he knew what his troops could do. All day long we toiled on, and at dusk the rear of the army (of which we were part) passed through Winchester; but with what different feelings and with what a different reception from that of a week before. Then it was amid the exultant shouts of the overjoyed citizens; now it was in sorrow and silence, for it was well known that the victorious army of yesterday was in full retreat to-day. Without a word the troops moved through the almost deserted streets, and all felt a relief when we once more reached the open country. On, on, we pushed, through a drenching rain; and when at last, away in the night, exhausted, and unable to go farther, the men threw themselves down to rest upon the damp ground, it was found we had made thirty-six miles since morning. Hungry and but little refreshed, we resumed the march at daylight next morning. When six miles from Strasburg the sound of artillery in our front told us how narrow had been our escape. It was the gallant General Charlie Winder contesting a mountain pass with Fremont until the army, with its long train, should pass. We now felt comparatively safe, our greatest fear having been that Fremont would pass the defile before we could throw troops into it. Of Shields we had no fear, as our rapid marching had thrown him far in our rear, and he could not possibly overtake us. Fisher’s Hill was reached late that evening, and all danger being past, the men were allowed some time to rest. Six miles more to make that night, and then we should be compelled to go supperless to bed: for the commissary wagon had stuck in the creek at Newtown, and we had but little doubt it had fallen into the hands of the enemy. It was all the fault of Commissary Captain John Howard, who would insist upon placing in it a barrel of whisky and three barrels of molasses, besides the regiment’s regular rations. Tired and broken down from the excessive marching of the past few days, the men were but little disposed to go farther, and when the command to 64“fall in” was given it was but indifferently obeyed. The delay thereby occasioned was, however, productive of good results, for presently the sound of a wagon was heard approaching from the direction we had just come, and in a moment more the missing commissary wagon came in sight, in charge of private George Bush, of Company A. Colonel Johnson’s countenance underwent a wonderful change, as did that of every man in the regiment. Looking stern, however, he demanded to know of Bush “why he had been straggling?” “Why you see, Colonel,” he replied, “my feet were kind o’ sore, and I couldn’t cotch up; so I seed this here wagon stuck in the mud, and knowd it belonged to us; and you see I knowd as you know what was in it, and so I says to myself, ‘Them ar Yanks shan’t have her;’ and so I confisticated that are team; but it couldn’t pull it nary inch. So you see, Colonel, as the crackers and meat wasn’t very heavy, but the whisky and merlasses wor, so you see, Colonel, there was no alternation but ter empty her out.” “Empty her out, sir,” interrupted the Colonel, in a voice of thunder, and with a countenance black as midnight; “empty her out, you rascal? Why didn’t you save a part of the contents, at least?” “And so I did, sir. The meat and crackers wor ondispensable; but you see, Colonel, them ere people about Newtown are mighty poor, and you know, sir, I always wor kind o’ good-hearted, and then 65them merlasses and the barrel of whisky wor so tarnal heavy”— “And you gave them the whisky and the molasses?” roared the Colonel. “Now, Colonel,” said Bush, “you must really excuse me this time if I gave them all”— “All?” interrupted the Colonel. “Yes, sir; all the superfluity but the barrel of whisky.” “Bush, you are a bad soldier,” said the Colonel, “and shall have a week’s extra guard duty for wasting ‘them merlasses,’ as you call it, though, under the circumstances, I might have done the same. But it won’t do to encourage such extravagance in a well-disciplined command. Captain Howard, knock the bung out of that barrel and give each of the men a stiff drink, while you will take care and reserve an extra one for the officers.” It is needless to say the order was obeyed with alacrity, and the six miles were made in quick time to the song of “Oh, let us be joyful!” Our camp that night was about midway between Strasburg and Woodstock. At midnight we were awakened from our sound slumbers by the rattle of small arms in the direction of the former place, and shortly after a broken and disordered mass of cavalry came dashing into our camp, riding everything down that came in their way, and yelling at the top of their voices that the enemy was upon us. Convinced that we were in more danger of bodily 66harm from the cowardly cavalrymen than from the enemy, we turned out en masse and drove them from the ground, and the last we saw of them they were making their way at the top of their horses’ speed towards Woodstock. It afterwards turned out that they had encountered a number of the broken down men, and mistaking each other for enemies, in the dark, a fight had ensued, in which the cavalrymen were routed. Early next morning we resumed our march, the First Maryland being in the rear of the infantry, with orders to support the cavalry and artillery under Generals George H. Steuart and Turner Ashby, who were keeping the enemy’s advance in check. When within a mile or two of Woodstock, Fremont’s cavalry, under Colonel Percy Wyndham, dashed upon the cavalry under Stewart and scattered it in every direction. It was in vain that gallant officer endeavored to rally the frightened troopers; but the harder he swore the faster they rode, until they came upon the First Maryland in the streets of Woodstock. “Get out of the way! get out of the way! the enemy are upon you!” they called out at the top of their voices, as they dashed madly through the town. But Colonel Johnson, not understanding such tactics, coolly wheeled his regiment across the street, and, charging them with the bayonet, drove them back in the direction from whence they came. Some 67were rallied by the General, who had by this time come up; but the majority took to the fields, and made good their escape from both friends and foes. In this disgraceful affair we came near losing two pieces of the Baltimore Light Artillery. Entirely deserted by the cavalry supporting them, they were at the mercy of the enemy; but the brave Griffin, although surrounded, drove his guns through their ranks, and bore his pieces off in triumph. These skirmishes were of daily occurrence as the Confederate army marched leisurely in the direction of Staunton. By burning bridges along our route we were enabled to retard the enemy’s advance, and by easy marches to rest and refresh our men and keep the wagon train and prisoners well up. Finally, in the afternoon of the 5th of June, the army reached Harrisonburg, where we received intelligence that made the stoutest of us tremble. The turnpike bridge across the Shenandoah had been destroyed, and having no pontoons it was impossible to cross as the stream was very high and rapid. Any other man but Jackson would have given up in despair, and we should have been lost. Not so with him. There was still another bridge that spanned the river at Port Republic, and thither he determined to march, over roads indescribable. Diverging to the left, therefore, about a mile from Harrisonburg, he took the road to Port Republic, 68and, after marching a mile or two, went into camp for the night, the enemy occupying Harrisonburg. The next morning, the 6th day of June,—a day that will ever be remembered by us—the enemy’s videttes were within rifle-shot upon the hills behind us. He was following us closely; and it was evident we would be compelled to fight before reaching the river. Slowly we retired, the enemy as slowly following. In this way we marched about four miles, when Ashby, in command of the rear guard, determined to give his persistent foe a little turn up. Placing his men in the woods by the side of the road he quietly awaited the attack. Catching sight of the man he had for days been endeavoring to “bag,” the dashing Wyndham charged at the head of his New Jersey troops; but, alas! he had reckoned without his host, for a counter charge ordered by the brave Ashby, and made with irresistible impetuosity, overthrew Wyndham, and scattered his Jersey Blues to the four winds. The pursuit was continued until Ashby was nearly up with their advanced infantry, the Pennsylvania Bucktails, who were encamped about two miles from Harrisonburg. Gathering up his prisoners, among whom was Wyndham himself, he fell back to the infantry, determined upon attacking this body, for he deemed their capture an easy matter. Alas! it was a sad, sad mistake, and cost many valuable lives, and among them the incomparable Ashby himself. 69Contrary to his own judgment, General Ewell yielded to General Ashby’s earnest solicitations, and furnished him with three regiments of infantry with which to attack and surprise the enemy’s advance. The regiments selected for the work were the First Maryland and Fifty-Eighth and Forty-Fourth Virginia. So fearful was General Ewell that some disaster would befall the expedition that he accompanied it himself. The troops moved with the utmost caution through the dense woods for about three miles, when they were halted, and the companies of Captains Herbert and Nicholas thrown forward as skirmishers. These were under the command of Ashby, closely followed by the main body under command of Ewell. In a few minutes the rattle of musketry in our front told us that the enemy had been found, and the Fifty-Eighth was immediately sent in, when the fight became very severe, the contending forces not being over fifty yards apart. For about fifteen minutes the conflict continued, when the Fifty-Eighth broke and came to the rear in great confusion. The Forty-Fourth was then sent forward, and appeared to be faring but little better, when General Ewell, who had been in the thickest of the fight and exposed to much danger, dashed up to Colonel Johnson and called out, “Charge, Colonel, charge, and end this matter!” For some minutes we had been suffering from the enemy’s fire, and the order was therefore gladly obeyed. Steadily the regiment moved 70through the woods to the attack, guided by the firing, for not one of the foemen could be seen. At length, feeling that he was within striking distance, Johnson gave the command, “Forward, double quick,” and with a yell our fellows dashed up the hill which shielded the enemy from our view; but, as we gained its crest, a terrible volley was poured into our very faces, and the regiment reeled and staggered, for Johnson was down struggling to disengage himself from his dying horse, and some twenty of the officers and men had fallen. The pause was but momentary, however, for collecting themselves the brave fellows rushed furiously upon the enemy, and, reserving their fire until they were within twenty paces of them, poured into their ranks so destructive a volley that the survivors broke and attempted to reach their main body. In this but few succeeded, as they were compelled to recross an open field, about four hundred yards wide, and all the while subjected to our fire, which was delivered with the utmost coolness and precision. Our loss in this unfortunate fight was severe, for besides the many brave officers and men in the three little regiments, we had to mourn the death of the chivalrous Ashby, the idol of the army. Early in the conflict, while urging his men forward, and exposing himself most recklessly, a ball passed through his body, and he fell dead. 71When the news of the death of this Christian gentleman and glorious soldier became known to the army, a universal wail went up, and strong men wept like children, for truly they had lost one they dearly loved. Never more was his clarion voice to be heard as he led his fierce legions in the headlong charge. Never more the piercing gray eye to sparkle as he dashed with lightning speed through the ranks of the foemen, dealing death blows at every stride, avenging his people’s wrongs and the death of a basely-murdered brother. The First Maryland had many of its noblest spirits to mourn for, and among them the gallant Captain N. S. Robertson, Lieutenant Nicholas Snowden, and privates Beatty, Schleigh, Harris, and others whose names I do not remember. The loss of the enemy was very severe. Their commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Kane, with several of his officers and many of the men were wounded and prisoners in our hands, and, to use Kane’s own words, “hardly a dozen of the command escaped.” Sadly, as the dusk of evening came on, we gathered together our dead, and the wounded of both sides who could bear removal, and mournfully retraced our steps, and near midnight lay down to rest beside our cold, inanimate companions. As we lay there we could not but think how many of us would in a few hours be with them, sleeping our last sleep; and the next morning, as we listened to the reveille, we thought it might be our last, for our dead comrades had heard it but yesterday. Such is the uncertainty of a soldier’s life. 72In a little churchyard attached to Union Church, near Cross Keys, we dug the one grave that was to contain all that was left of them, and in their uniforms, wrapt in their blankets, we lay them down to rest. Theirs was the burial they would have most wished—a soldier’s burial. CHAPTER IX. Sullenly, as the foe advanced, we fell back in the direction of Port Republic, determined, when attacked by Fremont’s overwhelming army, to fight to the last man. At length we halted at Cross Keys, and made preparations to pass our wagons and prisoners over the crazy old bridge, which afforded us the only means of escaping the destruction which threatened us. Therefore, forming his army in line of battle on the morning of the 8th of June, to keep Fremont in check, Jackson moved his prisoners upon the bridge, but scarcely had the first of them crossed when they were surprised by a squadron of Shields’ cavalry, that dashed into the town of Port Republic, and who speedily captured the guard and released the prisoners. Indeed, General Jackson himself narrowly escaped. Hastening back, however, he brought forward a body of cavalry, and charging them in turn recaptured not only all he had lost, but many of the enemy beside. 73From the prisoners he learned that Shields was rapidly approaching with a large force from McDowell’s army, and they expressed themselves confident that we would be crushed between him and Fremont. Things looked gloomy enough, it was true, but such was the confidence of the troops in Jackson that our situation caused little or no uneasiness. Quickly detaching his own division from the line of battle he had formed in front of Fremont, he placed it in position to hold Shields in check, and at the same time cover the passage of the bridge, whilst Ewell, with his little division of five thousand men, was to fight Fremont’s twenty-five thousand. Thus when the battle commenced the Confederate lines presented the singular spectacle of two armies standing back to back, facing a foe in front and rear, and but three miles apart. About ten o’clock the enemy moved to the attack upon Ewell in beautiful order, and first struck his left, which was barely a skirmish line of the First Maryland supporting Griffin’s Baltimore Battery. On came the enemy until they had arrived within a hundred yards of us, when the deadly fire from our Mississippi rifles and the grape and canister from Griffin drove them back in confusion. Again they advanced and took position about three hundred yards distant, when they opened upon us a most terrible fire from the Belgium gun. Fortunately we were posted in a skirt of woods, and were well protected from their fire. For hours this desperate 74conflict continued, the enemy making repeated attempts to penetrate our line, but every assault was repelled with heavy loss to the assailants. And during those precious hours Jackson was accomplishing his purpose of passing his trains and provisions over the old bridge. All day long Ewell fought on with the same troops and held the same line of battle, for there were none to relieve those first put in, and these the enemy were unable to drive one foot. The odds were fearful indeed—five to one; but we were desperate men, fighting for our lives and liberties. At length relief came to us in the declining day; and how anxiously, we watched the sun go down that evening, for we were well nigh worn out from seven hour’s incessant fighting. At dark the firing almost entirely ceased, and we still held the ground we did in the morning, and Jackson’s trains were safely over the river. The loss of the First Maryland in this engagement was severe, although we fought mostly under cover of the woods, but so terrible was the enemy’s fire that it was almost impossible to expose for an instant any part of the body without being struck. It is strange to say not a single man was killed outright, though we had more than thirty wounded out of one hundred and seventy-five men; several of whom, however, afterwards died. In this fight General George H. Steuart, who was in command of the Maryland line, was desperately wounded in 75the breast by a grape shot, and General Elzey, who commanded the left, was wounded in the leg. Late that night, leaving our fires brightly burning to deceive the enemy, we stealthily moved from before them and commenced to cross the bridge, and by daylight the last man had reached the longed-for shore, and Jackson was safe. As the last foot left it, the bridge was fired in many places, and having been filled with combustible material, was almost instantly enveloped in flames. Great indeed must have been the surprise and chagrin of the “great explorer,” as at daylight he beheld the lurid flames and dense black smoke that ascended high up to heaven, and heralded to him the escape of the wily foe he had believed inextricably within his toils. But our work was not yet done; for six thousand men and a battery of artillery of Shields’ command, under General Tyler, held a strong position right in our path, and must be disposed of. They had been silent spectators of the passage of the bridge, never offering to molest us in the least, and Jackson had refrained from attacking them until he had escaped from his more powerful antagonist. But now they must be got rid of, and for that purpose General Dick Taylor and his Louisiana and two Virginia brigades were moved down the river side, and a vigorous attack made upon the enemy’s position. They were repulsed, however, with heavy loss, but a second attempt proved more successful, 76and the enemy was driven from his position with terrible slaughter, and the battery captured. In this engagement, which was of but two hours’ duration, the enemy lost over two thousand in killed and wounded, besides nearly a thousand prisoners. During the latter part of the battle of Port Republic Fremont’s army remained drawn up on the opposite bank of the river, unable to render any assistance to the unfortunate Tyler, and to whose destruction they were silent spectators. The battle over though, and whilst the Confederates were burying the dead and succoring the wounded of both sides, the brutal Fremont, wild with disappointment, opened his batteries upon the ambulance and burial parties, which fire killed many of his own wounded people, and compelled us to leave the balance on the field uncared for, and his dead unburied. The battle of Port Republic closed Jackson’s Valley Campaign, for Fremont finding it useless to attempt to cope with his wily antagonist in his mountain fastness, retired in the direction of Winchester. Never in his previous or subsequent campaigns did Jackson’s military genius and daring show to greater advantage than in this of the Valley of Virginia. In less than six weeks he had beaten the army of Milroy, destroyed that of Banks, baffled that of Fremont, and annihilated that of Tyler, and all with less than twelve thousand men; besides 77capturing from the enemy millions worth of stores, &c. From General Ewell’s official report of the Valley Campaign we take the following highly complimentary extract: “The history of the Maryland regiment, gallantly commanded by Colonel Bradley T. Johnson during the campaign of the Valley, would be the history of every action from Front Royal to Cross Keys. On the 6th, near Harrisonburg, the Fifty-Eighth Virginia Regiment was engaged with the Pennsylvania “Bucktails,” the fighting being close and bloody. Colonel Johnson came up with his regiment in the hottest period, and by a dashing charge in flank d
7368	dbpedia	2	56	https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/419/oa_monograph/chapter/3003896	en	A Game of Hare & Hounds	https://muse.jhu.edu/boo…791/og_image.jpg	https://muse.jhu.edu/boo…791/og_image.jpg	[ "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/institution.png", "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/person.png", "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/icon_accessibility.png", "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/muselogo.png", "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/muselogo_notext.png", "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/search_blue.png", "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/search_blue.png", "https://muse.jhu.edu/publisher/419/image/colophon.jpg", "https://muse.jhu.edu/book/85791/image/index-53_1", "https://muse.jhu.edu/book/85791/image/index-53_2", "https://muse.jhu.edu/book/85791/image/index-53_3", "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/icon_book.png", "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/muselogo_notext.png", "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/footer_icon_fb.png", "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/footer_icon_linkedin.png", "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/footer_icon_twitter.png", "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/muselogoblack.png", "https://muse.jhu.edu/images/muselogo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Harold Allen" ]	null		en	/favicon.ico		null	Part V: Support 131 Appendix A: Biographical Sketches of Major Participants 137 Appendix B: Orders of Battle 150 Appendix C: Chronology of Major Events 153 Selected Glossary 155 About the Author 159 VIII MAPS AND FIGURES Maps Map 1: Operational overview to December 1780 33 Map 2: Operational overview, 1781 53 Map 3: Suggested operational stands, day one 53 Map 4: The Cowpens to Ramsourʼs Mill, 18–25 January 1781 57 Map 5: Ramsour’s Mill to Cowan’s Ford, 26 January–2 February 1781 57 Map 6: Cowan’s Ford to Trading Ford, 2–4 February 1781 63 Map 7: Yadkin River, 5–6 February 1781 64 Map 8: Race to the Dan, 6–15 February 1781 67 Map 9: Operational overview, 16 February–6 March 1781 69 Map 10: The Battle of Whitesell’s Mill, 1st Phase 71 Map 11: The Battle of Whitesell’s Mill, 2d Phase 73 Map 12: Operational overview, 7–15 March 1781 75 Map 13: Skirmish at New Garden Meeting House, 15 March 1781 77 Map 14: Guilford Courthouse routes and stands, day two 79 Map 15: General Greene’s plan 85 Map 16: The first line deployment, 1300–1330 89 Map 17: The first line breaks, 1330 91 Map 18: The second line fight, 1330–1430 99 Map 19: British breakthrough, 1430 101 Map 20: The third line: Webster’s attack, 1445 105 Map 21: The third line: The Guards attack, 1500 109 Map 22: The third line: Continental counterattack, 1510 111 Map 23: The third line: Continental withdrawal, 1530 112 Map 24: End of the battle, 1545 113 Figures Figure 1: Battlefield effects 86 Figure 2: Campaign analysis 126 Figure 3: Tactical analysis: British Army 127 Figure 4: Tactical analysis: Continental Army 127 Figure 5: Orders of battle British Army 150 American Army 151 IX FOREWORD If we do not attack that province [North Carolina] , we must give up both South Carolina and Georgia. ~Lieutenant General Lord Charles Cornwallis, 17801 We fight, get beat, rise and fight again. ~Major General Nathanael Greene, 17812 I will not say much in praise of the militia of the Southern colonies, but the list of British officers and soldiers killed and wounded by them . . . proves but too fatally that they are not wholly contemptible. ~Lieutenant General Lord Charles Cornwallis, 17823 Those considering a staff ride to the American Revolutionary War battlefield at Guilford Courthouse, North Carolina, to include the key decisions shaping the overall contest in the South, have as their point of departure an indispensable resource in Harold Allen Skinner Jr.’s A Game of Hare & Hounds: An Operational-level Command Study of the Guilford Courthouse Campaign, 18 January–15 March 1781. Skinner’s work is solid in its research, presented in a clear and accessible style, and balanced in its treatment of issues ranging from command at the strategic and operational levels to the organization, weapons, and tactics of the two contending armies: American and British. Accepting that the term staff ride represents a process of going to the actual location where actions took place and critical decisions were made, all under the stress of combat and with incomplete or plain wrong information, it follows that to conduct an effective staff ride demands careful planning and preparation beforehand. To that end, this staff ride handbook is organized into clearly laid-out, highly functional components. These are part one, The Opposing Forces; part two, Southern Campaign Overview; and part three, Field Study Phase. This third phase bears special mention because it serves as a blueprint to set up the staff ride via a series of some 14 “stands” or stops, each oriented to a particular piece of terrain or vital campaign or battle stage. Parts four, Integration, and five, Support, provide a clear, cogent, and eminently workable plan for a high-value assessment of Guilford Courthouse. If a campaign is reckoned a series of operations aimed at some specific outcome and conducted in a given expanse of space and time, then Skinner comes rightly to the vital architecture of this one: the major decisions of the two opposing commanders—Lieutenant General Lord Charles Cornwallis for the British and Major General Nathanael Greene for the Americans—and the interactions in combat of their contending armies. His approach brings us straight to the central purpose and greatest value of the staff ride, one not to be gained in any other way. Rather than being merely a review or catalog of decisions, at each of the aforementioned (in part three) stands, the author asks staff ride participants the classical questions: 1) Can you discern, at this particular stand or stage of the contest, that a decision was made (or if no decision was made, that in itself—the “no decision” —becoming functionally the decision)? 2) What exactly was the decision that was made? 3) Who made it? 4) Was it reasonable based on the information available at that time (as opposed perhaps to what is known today, after the fact)? 5) To whom was it communicated? 6) What effect did the decision have on the outcome of the event? 1 Earl Cornwallis to Sir Henry Clinton, Charlestown, 6 August 1780, in Charles Derek Ross, ed., Correspondence of Charles, First Marquis Cornwallis, vol. 1 (London: John Murray, 1859), 54. 2 Russell F. Weigley, The Partisan War: The South Carolina Campaign of 1780–1782 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1970), 52. 3 Earl Cornwallis to Sir Henry Clinton, Williamsburg, 30 June 1781, in Ross, Correspondence of Charles, First Marquis Cornwallis, 102. XI In all this, Skinner sees the discernable beginning and ending points of the campaign as 18 January and 15 March 1781. That is, 18 January marks the aftermath of the British defeat at the Cowpens battle in South Carolina and Cornwallis’s decision, in near fury, to mount a hell-for-leather in-all-weather pursuit of Greene’s army as it sought to escape by falling back across North Carolina. In this so-called Race to the Dan, Cornwallis failed to trap and destroy Greene, although he destroyed wagons and precious food and rations in an effort to lighten the load and so speed up his army’s rate of march. The Americans were instead able to escape to safety on the far side of the Dan River— from which point they might return to fight on some future day of their own choosing. That is precisely what happened. The second date, 15 March, marks what proved to be the end-point of the campaign: the concluding, three-hour battle at Guilford Courthouse, where Cornwallis claimed victory—but lost one-quarter of his redcoats to death or injury. When this news crossed the Atlantic to Britain, it spurred no end of rebuke from opponents of the war against the Americans. Charles James Fox, for example, leader of the Whig opposition to King George III’s Tory ministry, argued that another such “victory” might leave the British in America with no army at all. All the fruitless marching back and forth had failed to conquer Greene, and Guilford Courthouse—far from the victorious battle Cornwallis claimed—was instead something “very nearly allied to decisive defeat.”4 But the real situation for the British was now worse or about to prove even more so than the sar-casm could represent. The campaign and battle marked a turning point in the contest for the South. Following the loss of their only army in the South at Charleston in May 1780 (arguably Britain’s single biggest victory of the war), and the routing of a second army at Camden three months later, American fortunes were now changing. After nearly a year of these severe reversals, they were swinging over to the initiative and a series of successes. In the run-up to Guilford Courthouse, for example, South Carolina militia and Continental dragoons under Lieutenant Colonel Henry “Light-Horse Harry” Lee, Robert E. Lee’s father, managed to lure into ambush a sizable force of North Carolina Loyalists trying to join Cornwallis. The near annihilation of that force continued a process started at Kings Mountain the previous October, with its loss of a substantial number of the Loyalists available to the British in South Carolina. The message was clear: any Loyalists taking the field on the side of the redcoats would be joining a losing side, and they would pay the price. No further sizable body of Loyalists came forward. And at this point the Americans became—unlike the 1780 pitched battles whereby both sides planned the encounter on a prearranged battleground—winners of a conventional pitched battle in which they were losers only in Cornwallis’s dispatches. His push into North Carolina and heavy losses in battle broke the back of British efforts to bring the two Carolinas back under crown authority —a goal of London’s policy from the start. It was at this juncture that Cornwallis chose to turn the vector of British effort in the South away from his assigned task of protecting Charleston and the gains made since the previous May toward a new direction: north to Virginia. To be sure, British amphibious raids already sought to cut American lines of communications in Governor Thomas Jefferson’s state, and certainly Cornwallis’s initial foray netted successes, including destruction of much of the tobacco crop and capture of some number of the state’s legislature. But when Cornwallis turned north, Greene turned south—and to a campaign that would roll up the British and Loyalist positions in the Carolinas and Georgia one by one and eventually regain the great prize: Charleston. But the British were by now on the road to defeat at Yorktown, Virginia, the result of a strategic 4 See in particular Cornwallis’s comments dated 12 June 1781, “State of the War in America,” in Parliamentary Register or History of the Proceedings and Debates of the Second Session of the House of Commons, Fifteenth Parliament of Great Britain (London: J. Debrett, 1782), 378. See also John W. Gordon, “Guilford Courthouse,” in South Carolina and the American Revolution: A Battlefield History (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2003), 144–48; and John Ferling, Almost a Miracle: The American Victory in the War of Independence (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 494–500. XII toxic cocktail set before them by French seapower and the French and American armies acting together, as well as strategic and command discord in their own ranks. For the Franco-American allies, French admiral François-Joseph-Paul, comte de Grasse, was key, bringing his fleet from Europe via the Caribbean and up to the Virginia coast, so preventing the Royal Navy from being able to break through and rescue Cornwallis’s army in its fortifications. Lieutenant General George Washington, commander in chief of the Continental Army, and Lieutenant General Jean-Baptiste-Donatien de Vimeur, comte de Rochambeau, feinted an attack on New York and then moved with dispatch south to lay siege to Cornwallis. French siege artillery pounded Cornwallis’s positions. All of this occurred before British help could arrive. Cornwallis’s Virginia invasion was a disaster. At Yorktown, on 19 October 1781, Cornwallis surrendered, amounting to the loss of a second British army in the field, this one coming very nearly four years to the day after General John Burgoyne’s surrender at Saratoga, New York, on 17 October 1777 and effectively closing out major fighting in North America. Staff ride participants will want to consider carefully the British command relationships at play, with overall policy and strategy for the American war being set at the ministerial level in London by Lord George Germain and overseen in America by the commander in chief in North America, Lieutenant General Sir Henry Clinton. Clinton and Cornwallis both had proven combat records, and both had seen considerable service in America. Clinton is alternatively argued to be the most insightful British general to fight the Americans or one of the least energetic; Cornwallis is argued to be other than insightful or by far the most aggressive and energetic of the British generals to fight the Americans.5 It is worth remembering that the war in America was not to be Cornwallis’s last and that he would go on to defeat the French-backed United Irishmen’s revolt in 1798, a significant threat to Britain in its home islands, and that he would die on active service in India, but only after he had greatly advanced Britain’s fortunes in the subcontinent. And the contest in the South was also a competition between two British strategic approaches. One, Clinton’s, argued that it was a revolutionary war that demanded the perhaps more-revolutionary (by eighteenth-century standards, at least) approach of holding enclaves and securing them by creating a Loyalist militia. Some of the Loyalists could also be formed into provincial units and brigaded with the redcoats, thus providing additional maneuver forces.6 Cornwallis, on the other hand, judged that the only target that mattered was the Americans’ fielded forces and that these must be defeated by the most direct and decisive means available. He saw occupying Virginia as essential to this process, as it would force the Americans to come out and meet the British in decisive battle or face having the southern colonies cut off from the rest of “the States.”7 The process of analyzing how and why all this played out as it did is the vital goal of any staff ride. Focused on a critical eight-week period in the sixth year of the American Revolution, Skinner’s A Game of Hare & Hounds: An Operational-level Command Study of the Guilford Courthouse Campaign, 18 January–15 March 1781, makes such analysis a rewarding task. John W. Gordon, PhD Professor of National Security Affairs, editor in chief of The Breckinridge Papers Marine Corps University Command and Staff College 5 See, for example, William B. Wilcox, “Sir Henry Clinton: Paralysis of Command,” and Hugh F. Rankin, “Charles Lord Cornwallis: Study in Frustration,” both in George Washington’s Generals and Opponents: Their Exploits and Leadership, ed. George Athan Billias, vol. 2 (New York: Da Capo Press, 1994), 73–102, 193–232. 6 “British Strategy for Pacifying the Southern Colonies,” in John W. Shy, A People Numerous and Armed: Reflections on the Military Struggle for American Independence (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976), 195–212; Piers Mackesy, “What the British Learned,” in Arms and Independence: The Military Character of the American Revolution, ed. Ronald Hoffman and Peter J. Albert (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1984), 183–86; and Piers Mackesy, The War for America: 1775–1783 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), 251–53. 7 But as Barbara Tuchman put it, Cornwallis thus “set out to consolidate his front by abandoning South Carolina for Virginia.” Barbara Tuchman, The March of Folly: From Troy to Vietnam (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1984), 226. XIII acknowledgments No work is done in a vacuum and I would be remiss if I did not recognize those who helped me along the path to publication. First, the staff of the Marine Corps University Press (MCUP). Director Angela Anderson and Managing Editor Stephani Miller have earned my deep respect and gratitude for turning a messy manuscript into a superbly organized and polished final product. Secondly, Marine Corps University Professor John W. Gordon provided not only a superb foreword, but his scrutiny of the historical details and interpretations improved the accuracy of the manuscript. I would also be remiss if I did not thank the Marine Corps University Foundation for their support. Mr. Charles D. Collins Jr. of the U.S. Army’s Army University Press Combat Studies Institute provided a good portion of the background material for chapter 1, as well as the excellent maps used to support the text. Second, the collegial partnership with Dr. John Boyd, historian emeritus for the U.S. Army’s Chaplain Regiment, and his wife, Dr. Rachel Lea Heide, defense scientist for the National Defence Headquarters of Canada, served to develop my writing and presentation skills far beyond what I could have done on my own. Honorable mentions for their help in improving my skills as an Army historian: Mr. Henry Howe of the Fort Jackson Basic Combat Training Museum; U.S. Army Reserve colonel Stephen Harlan of the 99th Readiness Division; and Colonel Craig Mix and Lieutenant Colonel Peter G. Knight, PhD (Ret), of the Army’s Center of Military History. The staff at Guilford Courthouse National Military Park deserve praise for their excellent stewardship of the battlefield and assistance in answering questions about the battlefield. Particular thanks to National Park Service interpretation ranger Jason Baum and curator of the 82d Airborne Division War Museum Christopher M. Ruff, both of whom filled in many details about the armies that fought at Guilford Courthouse. Certainly, many thanks to my civilian and military leaders who indulged my passion for writing staff ride products in the course of my other historian duties. This book project was started while working at the 81st Readiness Division, U.S. Army Reserve, and many of the first edits were completed while I was deployed as the theater historian for Combined Joint Task Force-Operation Inherent Resolve. The final edits were completed while in my current position as the command historian for the U.S. Army’s Soldier Support Institute at Fort Jackson, South Carolina, under the leadership of commander Colonel Stephen K. Aiton and Chief of Staff Mr. Troy Clay. I also want to thank Colonel Greg Worley and Majors JD Oblon and Justin Priestman, of the U.S. Armyʼs Finance and Comptroller School, for the opportunity to test my manuscript during a staff ride to Guilford Courthouse with the students of the schoolʼs Captain Career Course 001-21. Deep gratitude and appreciation is owed to two of my former Army commanders, Major General David C. Wood and Brigadier General Brian R. Copes. Their willingness to let me work as a unit historian, both at home and downrange, set me up for an enjoyable and rewarding post-retirement career as a civilian historian. Last, but not least, thanks are due to my wife Jackie and our children, who patiently indulged my interest in all things history-related in countless field trips to museums and battlefields. Naturally, all mistakes or errors of fact and interpretation are mine. Colossians 3:23. XV INTRODUCTION During the afternoon of 15 March 1781, two armies—one comprising British and German regulars, the second a collection of American Continental Army regulars, state troops, and militia—fought the pivotal Battle of Guilford Courthouse. On the surface, the battle was a remarkable tactical victory for the British. When viewed within the context of the British strategy in the Southern Campaign, the outcome of the Guilford Courthouse battle was a victory devoid of strategic benefit. Lieutenant General Lord Charles Cornwallis’s army was rendered incapable of consolidating any gains, and without the security presence of British regulars, Loyal Americans (also known as Loyalists or Tories) were not willing to risk their lives and property in service to the crown. Cornwallis subsequently abandoned North Carolina, thereby ending the crown’s last realistic attempt to gain and retain American territory sufficient to serve as leverage when the time came for peace negotiations. Conversely, Major General Nathanael Greene displayed an impressive grasp of linking operational design to strategy, which, as a consequence, gave the Americans ultimate control of the Carolinas—despite his dismal tactical record while in command of the Southern Department, the Continental Army’s organizing unit for regiments of Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia. The study and analysis of the Guilford Courthouse battle can and should reveal insights at the three levels of war: strategic, operational, and tactical. The importance of the Guilford Courthouse battle is best understood by briefly reviewing the state of the British Southern Campaign in June 1780. Orchestrated by Lieutenant General Sir Henry Clinton, commander in chief of the British forces in America, expeditions during the winter of 1779–80 had won a series of impressive victories, taking Savannah, Augusta, and much of the Savannah River valley between South Carolina and Georgia. Clinton scored one of the largest British victories in the entire war when a joint army-navy expedition captured the major port city of Charleston, along with its Continental garrison of approximately 3,300 troops, in May 1780. Captured Patriot militia were paroled and sent home, and at first, pacification efforts seemed to go well, with British officers and cadre hard at work organizing Loyalist militias to secure vital logistics points. From that apparent point of complete dominance, British fortunes in the South rapidly deteriorated. British arrogance and ineptitude in the treatment of rebel sympathizers and undecided “fence-sitters” drove many paroled Patriot fighters back into active resistance. Small Patriot partisan bands, mostly under the direction of Francis Marion (the “Swamp Fox”) and Thomas Sumter (the “Gamecock”) attacked isolated British outposts and ambushed Loyalist detachments. Most skirmishes were won by the Patriots, and by late summer the rebels had gained a marked moral advantage over their Tory enemies. Concerned with the deteriorating security situation, Cornwallis tried a risky expedient, sending a corps of the best Loyalist militia regiments, led by Scottish regular Major Patrick Ferguson, into the rebel sanctuary areas along the Blue Ridge Mountains. Aroused by the threat to their settlements, Patriot militia regiments formed a punitive expedition that annihilated Ferguson’s militia corps at Kings Mountain on 15 October 1780. The stunning Patriot victory at Kings Mountain not only reversed the string of tactical successes by the British, but “spirit[ed] up the people” opposing the British occupation.1 Bereft of his best militia regiments, Cornwallis suspended his offensive drive into North Carolina to return his regular units to pacification duties back in South Carolina. Greater trouble for Cornwallis came when Major 1 Gen Nathanael Greene letter to Col Daniel Morgan, “The Detached Command Formed Which Won Cowpens,” 16 December 1780, in Theodorus B. Myers, Cowpens Papers, Being Correspondence of General Morgan and the Prominent Actors (Charleston, SC: News and Courier Book Press, 1881), 9, hereafter Greene to Morgan, 16 December 1780. XVI General Greene took command of the threadbare Southern Department in late 1780. Selected by General George Washington to replace the incompetent Major General Horatio Gates after his defeat at the Battle of Camden, Greene proved an inspired choice for command, as he was not only a competent logistician, but a gifted strategist. After gaining situational awareness and understanding of the southern theater, Greene implemented a Fabian strategy, designed to minimize his weaknesses while neutralizing Cornwallis’s greater combat strength.2 First, Greene adopted a delaying strategy to preserve his precious Continental units, attacking only isolated British detachments and avoiding decisive battle with Cornwallis’s superb regular units. Although Greene struggled at times in his relationships with local Patriot militia leaders, particularly with Thomas Sumter, Greene was able to employ Whig partisans to harass British forward bases and lines of communication. By adopting an indirect operational approach, Greene expected to weaken Cornwallis enough to prevent British consolidation of political gains in South Carolina; ideally, enough to force Cornwallis to abandon the Carolinas altogether. Greene certainly had his own challenges, with the lack of supplies around Charlotte, North Carolina, and the general turbulence in his militia units. In another stroke of brilliance, Greene turned his logistics problem upside down and, in the process, utterly confounded Cornwallis. Greene split his army, ordering the light infantry and dragoons under the command of Brigadier General Daniel Morgan across the Broad River in northwestern South Carolina. Meanwhile, Greene marched the remaining Continentals and logistics trains to Cheraw Hill in far northeastern South Carolina. Ordering Morgan so far west accomplished several purposes. First, Morgan could draw his own provisions from the region, reducing the logistics strain on the Continental Army, while simultaneously denying the same resources to British units. Second, the presence of armed Continentals served to “spirit up” the local Patriots, and suppress potential and actual Tory sympathizers.3 Most importantly, Greene’s dispositions denied Cornwallis the freedom of maneuver, as a British advance toward either army would expose vulnerabilities for the other American army to attack. Goaded into action by Morgan’s incursion, Cornwallis attempted to trap Morgan’s flying army (Continental infantry and dragoons supported by light infantry militia; see Selected Glossary for more information), sending Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton’s British Legion to the west in pursuit. Tarleton’s overaggressive advance ended in a total defeat at the Cowpens on 15 January 1781.4 Disrupted and encircled by Morgan’s innovative three-line area defense, Tarleton lost around 80 percent of his 1,100 dragoons and infantry to death or capture. The back-to-back defeats at Kings Mountain and the Cowpens provoked Cornwallis into abandoning his pacification mission in an all-out pursuit of Greene’s consolidated army in what is now known as the Race to the Dan. By early February 1781, Cornwallis’s command was hungry and tired, stranded in the destitute Dan River valley along the North Carolina-Virginia border with no effective Loyalist support. Cornwallis stubbornly refused to abandon his pursuit, and Greene skillfully kept the British Army at arm’s length across the Dan River, while his army refitted and received militia and state line reinforcements from Virginia and North Carolina. Although he was loath to risk his Continentals in battle, Greene realized that he had to fight Cornwallis to keep his regulars from returning to pacification tasks. Once Greene felt he had received sufficient supplies and reinforcements, he crossed the American force back into North Carolina in late February 1781. Even in close proximity to the enemy, Greene carefully moved his force to remain just out of reach of Cornwallis’s army until the British supply situation became critical. Finally, Greene camped his force of militia and Conti-2 Greene is even credited with convincing Gen Washington to adopt such a strategy of wearing down an opponent through a war of attrition and indirection. See Gregory J. Dehler, “Fabian Strategy,” Washington Library, George Washington’s Mount Vernon (website), accessed on 13 November 2018. 3 Greene to Morgan, 16 December 1780. 4 Richard L. Morgan, General Daniel Morgan: Reconsidered Hero (Morganton, NC: Burke County Historical Society, 2001), 22. XVII nentals at Guilford Courthouse, allowing Cornwallis to move to contact on 15 March 1781. The ensuing battle resulted in a narrow tactical win for the British field army, which retained possession of the ground and the abandoned Continental artillery pieces, while Greene successfully extricated his Continental regiments without severe manpower losses. In the end, Cornwallis won the battle but, in the process, had driven his command to and beyond its offensive culmination point, as its regiments were badly hurt and could no longer effectively provision themselves in the region. Consequently, Cornwallis withdrew his command to the friendly seaport of Wilmington, North Carolina. Greene swiftly took advantage of Cornwallis’s withdrawal by marching back into South Carolina to reduce the remaining British bases. Although the Southern Army never won a single major battlefield victory during the remainder of the war, Greene’s indirect approach in leading the campaign ultimately drove the British from interior South Carolina. By the end of the war, the British were penned in their coastal enclaves around Charleston and Savannah, powerless to protect Loyalist supporters. Even in the dark days immediately after the Cowpens, and facing pursuit by an implacable enemy, Greene accurately envisioned the outcome of the Southern Campaign: “It is necessary we should take every possible precaution to guard against a misfortune. But I am not without hopes of ruining Lord Cornwallis, if he persists in his mad scheme of pushing through the Country. . . . Here is a fine field and great glory ahead.”5 Greene was not an exceptionally good battlefield commander, especially when compared to Morgan and Cornwallis. For example, Greene neglected much of Morgan’s thoughtful advice in handling militiamen by not giving them a realistic mission and clear commander’s guidance before the Battle of Guilford Courthouse. Greene lacked the ability to motivate and inspire the militia by direct example; after giving a tepid speech to the North Carolina militia at the first line, Greene retired to the Continental third line before the battle. Lacking a firm command presence, the first line collapsed quickly when confronted with British bayonets, and few North Carolinians remained to support the rest of the battle. Unlike Morgan’s relatively compact deployment at the Cowpens, Greene deployed his individual lines too far apart for mutual support, thus leaving his army open to defeat in detail. Greene’s genius is seen in his firm focus on operational goals, weakening Cornwallis’s army while avoiding the destruction of his Continental regiments. In that respect, Greene performed admirably. From the time his army crossed the Dan until the Battle of Guilford Courthouse on 15 March 1781, Greene played a daring game of hare and hounds, maintaining the initiative and forcing Cornwallis to react.6 Greene personally selected advantageous terrain near Guilford Courthouse and ensured his force had a well-thought-out plan in the event of a withdrawal. By comparison, General Cornwallis comes across as a hard-fighting tactical commander who, despite having a professional military education, could not grasp the operational and strategic im-plications resulting from his tactical decisions. This point is probably best illustrated by Cornwallis’s decision to burn most of his logistics train during the pursuit of Greene’s army. From a tactical standpoint, the move allowed Cornwallis’s army to move faster and reduced the number of fighters needed to secure the trains. From an operational standpoint, the decision gravely impacted the ability of the British Army to sustain itself at long distance from the closest supply depots. Furthermore, Cornwallis did not study the British failures at Kings Mountain and the Cowpens to distill tactical lessons for future battles with the Americans. At Guilford Courthouse, Cornwallis used essentially the same linear infantry tactics as was used at Camden, even so much as employing his light infantry in the battle line 5 Nathanael Greene: Gen Greene to BGen Isaac Huger, 30 January 1781, in The Papers of General Nathanael Greene, vol. 7, 26 December 1780–29 March 1781, ed. Richard K. Showman, Dennis M. Conrad, and Roger N. Parks (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 220. Greene’s remark came after he learned of Cornwallis’s burning of the baggage wagons, lightening the load of the army for the planned pursuit of Greene’s army. 6 Hare and hounds refers to an early 1800s outdoor game in which some of the players leave a trail and others try to follow the trail to find and catch them; also a portable game of the same name and concept played with a board and pieces. XVIII instead of performing their traditional battlefield screening and skirmishing tasks. Furthermore, the British Legion, crippled by the loss of its light infantry and the wastage of its best horses, was largely unable to penetrate the American dragoon screens to gather actionable intelligence about American strengths and dispositions. As a consequence of such leadership failures, British and Hessian units repeatedly blundered into American kill zones, and suffered heavy casualties at Guilford Courthouse. Although the battle took place more than 236 years ago, study of the Guilford Courthouse battle set within the context of the Southern Campaign will reveal many valuable insights into the operational and strategic levels of war. Many lessons are to be found at the tactical level as well. Of particular interest to junior leaders are the vignettes that highlight the exercise of leadership in combat, and how the participants faced their moment of destiny in battle. PLANNING AND ORGANIZATION A Game of Hare & Hounds: An Operational-level Command Study of the Guilford Courthouse Campaign, 18 January –15 March 1781 provides a systematic analysis of this key battle in the American Revolution. Part one provides a basic description of the American and British armies: weapons, tactics, logistics, communications, engineering, intelligence, and medical support. Part two offers a campaign-level overview followed by a detailed description of the battle. Part three recommends an itinerary of sites (or stands) to visit on the battlefield. Each stand is organized with directions, orientation to the battle site, detailed description of the action that occurred at the location, and vignettes drawn from participants in the battle, and each concludes with suggested questions for analysis. Part four provides an outline for the integration phase, in which students synthesize their classroom and field phase learning, ideally to glean relevant lessons for use in their military profession. Part five of this guide is written for the operations and logistics staff planners who will handle all of the administrative, training, and logistics coordination inherent with any good training event. Note, the author has included many direct quotes from primary source material throughout; original word and name spelling and capitalization variations have been retained without individual notations except where absolutely necessary for clarity. appendix A gives thumbnail biographical sketches of the major participants, appendix B provides a detailed order of battle, and appendix C gives a chronological account of the campaign. Finally, a selected bibliography is included with recommended sources for additional study before the terrain walk. The bulk of this guide is intended for the instructor/ facilitator, the individual who guides the execution of an applied history training event. To do so, the facilitator must become thoroughly familiar with the material, which is best done in conjunction with a personal reconnaissance to walk the battlefield and understand the relationship between the physical terrain features present at the time of the battle, and the historical events as they unfolded on the ground.7 Before conducting the classroom study and actual battlefield terrain walk, the instructor should provide a recommended list of read-ahead materials so students can gain a basic knowledge of the campaign and battle. The selected bibliography in the back of this guide is an excellent starting point, as it includes many digital documents easily downloaded at no cost to the student. Fortunately, a fair amount of primary source material, in the form of eyewitness accounts and reports, is available, which greatly helps in understanding the human dimensions of the battle. Besides this handbook, the author recommends the detailed National Park Service (NPS) study, The Battle of Guilford Court-7 Curtis S. King, “The Staff Ride” (PowerPoint presentation, Military History Instructor Course, U.S. Army Combat Studies Institute, Fort Leavenworth, KS, 2013), 1. XIX house written by Charles E. Hatch Jr., which is available at no cost from the NPS history publications repository.8 Individual study by the student is followed by an instructor-facilitated classroom study that im-parts basic historical and operational knowledge. To best increase buy-in and participation, the instructor should use a seminar format that assigns students to present a short functional briefing that describes a particular facet of the battle, such as major battlefield personality, warfighting function, branch or functional area, or major events before or during the battle. The terrain walk portion of the staff ride should take no more than eight hours, as the battlefield (less the visitor center video and terrain map) is easily traversed on foot. The battlefield is relatively compact and encompassed by a paved multiuse road 2.25 miles (3.62 kilometers [km]) long. By foot, the walking distance from the American first line to the final battle line is slightly more than 1 km. The battlefield is fairly well preserved in its original condition, with some significant exceptions. First, several monuments were installed after the battle that have no connection to the events of the battle, and if not accounted for by the staff ride facilitator, these can serve as a distraction during the terrain walk. The muddy fields traversed by Cornwallis’s troops in their first line attack are today covered in grass. The area west of the Joseph Hoskins farmstead, where Cornwallis initially deployed his troops, and around New Garden Meeting House, which saw the opening skirmish between Tarleton and Lieutenant Colonel Henry “Light-Horse Harry” Lee III, are now part of the urban sprawl of Greensboro, North Carolina. Most significantly, the open terrain to the west of the American third line, the portion that stretches from NPS marker 7 to 5, is flanked by a large marker that incorrectly identifies the area as the American third line. Later NPS scholarship places the position of the American third line about 400 meters uphill to the east-northeast, closer to the old courthouse.9 At the time of the final battle at the third line, much of the vale near the creek had been a cleared farm plot gone fallow, but today the intervening area is thickly wooded, which can cause some difficulties for participants trying to visualize the final engagements on the third line. The sequence of stands in the guide is ordered to facilitate a logical flow with minimal backtracking; but the facilitator can easily add, modify, or delete stands as needed to best support the training objectives and time available. Each stand is written incorporating the U.S. Army Combat Studies Institute’s (CSI) staff ride logic structure: orient, describe, and analyze (ODA).10 First, provide orientation to the terrain and physical conditions (time, weather, and lighting) present at the time of the battle. Next, the instructor should lead a description of a particular action or aspect of the battle, when possible using the included vignettes from participants of the battle to illuminate the face of battle. Particularly useful here are role players describing their decisions and actions during the battle. Finally, an analysis portion should be included to provide time to allow students a chance to share insights derived from critical analysis, instructor-led synthesis of concepts and ideas, and a linkage to possible modern applications. At the end of the terrain walk comes the critical point of the entire event, the integration phase, which should take place shortly afterward, permitting students to capture, synthesize, and orally articulate their observations and insights. To omit or rush this portion is to miss the entire point of the staff ride: What did I learn, and how do I apply what I learned today to improve myself and/or my profession?11 8 Charles E. Hatch Jr., Guilford Courthouse National Military Park: The Battle of Guilford Courthouse (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of the Interior Office of History and Historic Architecture, 1971). 9 Lawrence E. Babits and Joshua B. Howard, Long, Obstinate, and Bloody: The Battle of Guilford Courthouse (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), 238. Interpretive NPS markers have been updated to reflect the more current interpretation. 10 King, “The Staff Ride,” 10, 13. 11 Matthew Cavanaugh, “The Historical Staff Ride, Version 2.0: Educational and Strategic Frameworks” (master’s thesis, United States Military Academy, West Point, New York, 2013), 4–6. Staff ride facilitators are strongly encouraged to read Cavanaugh’s paper as a means of ensuring the staff ride is conducted with sufficient historical rigor. XX a g a m e o f Hare Hounds & PART I THE OPPOSING FORCES Before starting the Guilford Courthouse campaign, it is important that the reader understands the broader strategic and operational context in which the campaign took place. This first chapter will provide the reader with a concise survey of the organization, weapons, tactics, and support functions of the British and American armies, details that provide context to the historical events and leader decisions covered in the later chapters. For a more in-depth study of the subject, the reader is encouraged to consult the references in the selected bibliography, beginning with Charles E. Hatch Jr.’s study, Guilford Courthouse National Military Park: The Battle of Guilford Courthouse, which is available free of charge via the National Park Service’s digital reference library.1 UNIT ORGANIZATION Prewar Colonial America Before the American Revolution, the standing militia consisted of all able-bodied White males, aged 16–60, who were required to periodically assemble, or muster, for training with a musket, ammunition, and basic supplies. In times of threat from hostile intruders, militia were liable for service up to 90 days, but in practice the colonial governor would discharge the militia as soon as the crisis was passed. The militia was deemed sufficient to provide both internal and external security, so few British regular troops were stationed in America prior to the French and Indian War of 1754–63. During that conflict, a small number of Americans were enlisted as volunteer (Provincial) troops, with the majority of support given to the British Army from regular militia who were employed as scouts, guides, and skirmishers. Although a victory for the British, the war produced a wedge between American militia and British regulars: the Americans felt the British were arrogant and condescending, while Major General Edward Braddock’s defeat at the Battle of the Monongahela on 9 July 1755 exposed rampant ineptness within the British establishment. In turn, British regulars disdained the lack of discipline in the American militia ranks. Disagreements over the sharing of wartime costs, particularly the quartering and feeding of the regulars, was a contributing cause of the American Revolution in April 1775.2 Birth of the Continental Army After the Middlesex County battles at Lexington and Concord in April 1775, New England militia units converged on Boston to reinforce the Massachusetts regiments besieging the town. Each state had its own commander in chief and problems with unity of command soon became apparent. So, on 14 July 1775, the Second Continental Congress created a new national army by mustering state militia regiments into service for a six-month period. To command the new Continental Army, Congress selected Colonel George Washington, a Virginia militia colonel with combat experience during the French and Indian War. By March 1776, General Washington and Congress had organized a Continental Army with an authorized strength of 13,000 officers and soldiers in 27 regular infantry regiments. To exercise theater-level operational command, Congress created three departments, 1 Charles E. Hatch Jr., Guilford Courthouse National Military Park: The Battle of Guilford Courthouse (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of the Interior Office of History and Historic Architecture, 1971). 2 Richard W. Stewart, ed., American Military History, vol. 1, The United States Army and the Forging of a Nation, 1775–1917, 2d ed. (Washington DC: U.S. Army Center of Military History, 2009), 30–32. 5 each commanded by a Continental major general. Significantly, the department commander lacked command authority over state militia units, unless explicitly granted by the state governor.3 The infantry regiment was the largest permanent tactical unit in the Continental Army. Commanded by a colonel and assisted by a lieutenant colonel and major, the regiment was authorized eight companies, each with 1 captain as commander, 4 other officers, 8 noncommissioned officers (NCOs), 2 musicians, and 76 privates, totaling 728 officers and soldiers. Enlisted soldiers were generally drawn from the lower classes of society, and their length of enlistment varied according to the fortunes of war.4 By contrast, most officers came from the prewar gentry or mercantile class and were usually commissioned for the duration of the war. For field service, regiments were grouped into brigades or divisions commanded by a senior colonel or brigadier general, which were in turn combined into a field army commanded by a major general. Staff roles were filled by detailed regimental officers. One such example was Lieutenant Colonel Otho Holland Williams, who functioned both as an adjutant for the Southern Department and deputy commander of the 1st Maryland Regiment. Most logistics functions, quartermaster, and transportation activities were handled by skilled civilian contractors. The high cost of recruiting, training, and sustaining both horses and dragoons meant the Continental light dragoon establishment was limited to four regiments, each authorized 280 officers and troops. In a cost-avoidance move, many states raised their own militia dragoon troops, which were cheaper to maintain than the full-time Continental troops. Dissatisfaction with the poor self-defense capabilities of the dragoons led Washington in 1780 to reorganize the dragoon regiments into legionary corps by converting two troops into light infantry. The change not only created a better-balanced light unit, but with 100 fewer horses to feed it produced a substantial cost savings for the cash-strapped Americans. The success of the legionary corps led to further reorganization to create partisan corps, each authorized four troops of dragoons and four companies of light infantry.5 Despite the relative lack of artillery units in the colonial militias, the Continental Army was able to field a fairly robust and effective artillery force under the leadership of Major General Henry Knox.6 In 1776, the Continental Army organized a 12-company artillery regiment using captured British cannons and a cadre of ex-Royal artillerymen from the French and Indian Wars. The regiment served as an administrative headquarters to the artillery companies, with each authorized 6 officers, 8 NCOs, 9 bombardiers, 18 gunners (ranked as privates but paid extra as specialists), and 32 matrosses (artillery privates ranking below gunners). During campaigns, artillery companies were usually attached in direct support to Continental infantry brigades.7 Providing specialized logistics support to the Continental Army were artificer companies supervised by the department’s Quartermaster Department.8 In the Southern Department, Major General Greene established an intermediate logistics depot at Salisbury, North Carolina, to support operations in the Carolinas and Georgia. Salisbury functioned as a distribution point for supplies 3 Steven E. Clay, “Staff Ride Guide to the Saratoga Campaign” (unpublished draft manuscript, Combat Studies Institute, U.S. Army Combined Arms Center, 2017), 3–5. The length of detail varied from 90 days for traditional militia unit up to 18 months for state line units, such as the Virginia Line units that fought at Guilford Courthouse. 4 Robert K. Wright Jr., The Continental Army, Army Lineage Series (Washington, DC: U.S. Army Center of Military History, 2006), 68–69. 5 Wright, The Continental Army, 161–62. A common eighteenth-century alternative spelling of partisan was partizan, which students may encounter in further readings of contemporary works. See John C. Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745–1799, vol. 20 (Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1776), 278. The standard modern spelling is used throughout this work. 6 Clay, “Staff Ride Guide to the Saratoga Campaign,” 6–8. 7 Wright, The Continental Army, 53–54. 8 Risch Erna, Supplying Washington’s Army (Washington, DC: U.S. Army Center of Military History, 1981), 25, 33. Artificers were skilled craftsmen who provided important logistics support. Quartermaster artificers built and maintained camp barracks, wagons, and bateaux (flat-bottomed boats) and in the field assisted combat troops in building field fortifications. Artillery artificers had similar carpentry skills, used in building artillery carriages and wagons, but were trained to repair cannon and small arms. 6 and ordnance stores, as well as providing equipment maintenance and manufacturing support to Continental units in the region.9 The American Army: State Troops Theoretically, each state adopted the Continental regimental structure for their militia regiments, but in practice the units varied in organization, method of recruitment, and length of service. As Greene was to realize, Patriot militia units came with considerable advantages, as well as significant limitations. Theoretically, militia would report for field duty with the basic arms and accoutrements, requiring little more than daily rations and an occasional resupply from Continental ordnance stores. In reality, many of these troops reported for duty missing vital equipment and even weapons, so Greene’s quartermasters had to keep stocks of muskets, uniforms, and accoutrements for resupplying state troops. When around their home districts, Patriot militia provided invaluable intelligence concerning the terrain and loyalty of the population and would often fight harder in the defense of their homes and townships. A significant number of militia officers and NCOs had prior experience in frontier or conventional wars and some even had prior Continental experience. When intelligently led and employed according to their capabilities, militia units were potent force multipliers for the Continental Army—best exemplified by Brigadier General Daniel Morgan’s skillful employment of militia at the Cowpens in January 1781.10 However, Patriot militia had significant weaknesses. If well-led, a militia might stand for a time under heavy fire, but it would invariably give way to a British bayonet assault, as these troops were seldom trained or equipped for bayonet fighting. The motivation and effectiveness of the militia units tended to drop the farther they marched from their home districts. Even with quality leadership, discipline in militia units was seldom good, and a battlefield reverse would often result in widespread desertions. Finally, the predilection of militia to bring their own horses and their demands for fodder further burdened the already strained Continental quartermaster system.11 The Continental Southern Department, 1779–81 First organized in February 1776, the Southern Department evolved into a backwater after then-major general Sir Henry Clinton’s bungled attempt to take Charleston, South Carolina, in April 1776. The uncoordinated British attempt to force Charleston Harbor failed partially due to the stubborn American resistance, but principally due to the failure of the British Army and Royal Navy to coordinate their actions. Emboldened by the British failure, southern Patriots largely suppressed Loyalist (Tory) militia organization efforts within the region. The surprise capture of Savannah, Georgia, in December 1778 alerted the Americans to the British shift in strategy toward the southern colonies. Congress scraped together reinforcements and by early 1780, department commander Major General Benjamin Lincoln had a force of 3,500 troops defending Charleston. Lincoln’s force included all of the Continental infantry regiments from Georgia and the Carolinas, state regiments from Virginia, and a small contingent of regular and militia dragoons. After an extended campaign and siege, marked in large part by American ineptness, now-lieutenant general Clinton’s army captured Charleston on 12 May 1780. Clinton had learned from the mistakes of 1776 and employed an indirect approach to isolate Charleston from its vulnerable landward side and used capable liaison 9 Lawrence E. Babits and Joshua B. Howard, Long, Obstinate, and Bloody: The Battle of Guilford Courthouse (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), 25. 10 Wright, The Continental Army, 166. 11 Wright, The Continental Army, 67–75. 7 officers to prod the reluctant Royal Navy commodore to effectively support the British Army. Further disaster befell the American cause when the last remaining Continental detachment in South Carolina was destroyed at the Waxhaws on 29 May 1780 by Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton’s British Legion.12 The Continental Congress responded to the Charleston debacle by reconstituting the Southern Army in North Carolina, using the reinforced Maryland-Delaware Division as a nucleus. Congress overruled General Washington’s objections to appoint Major General Horatio Gates, the hero of the Saratoga campaign, as the department commander. Disregarding sound advice from his subordinates, Gates then marched his little army through the pro-Tory pine barrens of central South Carolina to attack the poorly defended British base at Camden. Warned of Gates’s approach by Loyalist sympathizers, General Lord Charles Cornwallis consolidated his scattered regiments and marched to confront Gates. Advanced elements of both armies fought a brief meeting engagement on the night of 14 August 1780. The next morning, Gates badly fumbled his combat deployment, placing his militia regiments so that they were easily shattered by Cornwallis’s best regiments, who in turn outflanked and crushed the outnumbered Continentals, killing 900 and capturing 1,000 prisoners along with the American artillery park and logistics trains. Assuming that American resistance was largely crushed, Cornwallis decided to resume his advance into North Carolina after the fall harvest. Cornwallis’s plans were upended when a band of Patriot militia demolished his best militia forces at Kings Mountain, South Carolina, in October 1780. Stunned by the disaster and plagued by sickness in the ranks, Cornwallis suspended his offensive and withdrew his army to winter quarters around Winnsborough, South Carolina.13 Meanwhile, in December 1780, Major General (and Quartermaster) Nathanael Greene rode into Hillsborough, North Carolina, and quietly relieved Gates from department command. Greene reviewed his command to find only 905 Continentals and 1,500 militia—many sick and all dispirited and hungry. After performing a reconnaissance of his new department and briefly pondering his dismal circumstances, Greene moved to seize the initiative. Mindful of his weak army, Greene deliberately planned to divide it to confound Cornwallis, thus keeping the British from resuming the offensive into North Carolina. First, Greene sent the flying army of 1,200 light infantry and dragoons under command of Brigadier General Morgan west of the Catawba River to threaten the British supply base at the town of Ninety Six, South Carolina. Meanwhile, Greene marched the rest of his army into the pro-Patriot Cheraw Hill region in South Carolina, where he could safely subsist his command while threatening Cornwallis’s lines of communication to the coast. Greene’s strategy of dividing his army triggered a violent reaction from Cornwallis, who in turn split his army in an attempt to trap and destroy Morgan’s light corps. Instead, Morgan set up a well-planned defense at the Cowpens, and decisively defeated Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton’s British Legion there on 17 January 1781. Afterward, Greene consolidated his army and withdrew toward North Carolina with hundreds of British prisoners in tow. During several weeks in January and February 1781, Greene orchestrated an extended delaying action (which included evacuating the Salisbury depot) that ended when the Americans reached sanctuary in southern Virginia with no appreciable losses. There, Greene refitted and reorganized his army, which consisted principally of Brigadier General Isaac Huger’s Virginia Continental Brigade of 900 fighters and Colonel Otho Holland Williams’s Maryland Continental Brigade of 800 soldiers. In support of the Continental infantry were 210 dragoons, around 600 light infantry and riflemen, and a Continental artillery company of four 12 Babits and Howard, Long, Obstinate, and Bloody, 6. 13 John W. Gordon, South Carolina and the American Revolution: A Battlefield History (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2003), 92–95. 8 6-pounder cannons. Greene was still critically short of militia personnel, with Colonel Andrew Pickens’s Carolina militia regiment of 200–300 troops as his best contingent. While the Continentals rested and refitted, Greene called for more militia reinforcements.14 The British Army: Regulars, Provincials, and Militia Regulars By 1780, Lord George Germain, secretary of state for the American colonies, was in overall control of British grand strategy in North America, which was divided into two defined geographic commands. Clinton functioned as commander in chief and governor-general of all British -controlled land from the south of the Saint Lawrence River down to the Gulf of Mexico.15 As in the Continental Army, infantry regiments were the largest permanent tactical unit in the British Army and were normally paired in temporary brigades under a field army commanded by a major or lieutenant general. British regiments were commanded by a colonel assisted by a lieutenant colonel, a major, and a small specialist staff, and were nominally composed of 12 infantry companies. When a regiment deployed to North America, two companies were left behind in Britain for recruiting, leaving eight line infantry and two flank companies, one of light infantry and the other a grenadier company. Originally, grenadier companies were formed by tall and strong infantry employed in assaulting fortifications with black powder grenades. By 1776, the grenadier function was obsolete, but the name was retained as a mark of honor for the infantry company deployed on the right of the regiment, traditionally the point of decisive action in combat. Light infantry companies were organized and trained to provide skirmishers, when the regiment was not traditionally deployed to protect the left of the regiment. The grenadier and light infantry companies naturally attracted the best soldiers in the regiment, so they were often grouped into ad hoc assault battalions under division or army control. Compared to the theoretical fighting strength of 544 muskets in a Continental regiment, a British regiment organized for combat fielded only 448 muskets.16 The high cost of shipping and maintaining horses in North America meant the British limited their mounted troop strength in the American colonies to two dragoon regiments. By comparison, the British Army was well supported by the Royal Artillery Regiment, which was considered a separate and coequal military service. Royal Artillery battalions served as a purely administrative echelon, with the artillery company as the primary tactical echelon. Artillery companies had a standard organization that varied according to the availability and type of cannon systems. Cannons were useful for their moral effect on the battlefield but were heavy and costly to move, a factor that limited British field artillery employment in the Southern Campaign to 3- and 6-pounder cannons.17 The British Army clearly held many tactical advantages over the Continental Army, as it was a well-established professional military force with a long tradition of battlefield victory. Many of the officers and NCOs were combat veterans, but regardless of combat experience, all were capable of quickly molding new recruits into professional soldiers. As a consequence, the Continental Army fought at a decided disadvantage in the early years of the war, not reaching tactical parity until the Battle of Monmouth near Monmouth Court House, New Jersey, in June 1778. However, the tactical prowess of the British Army was constrained by significant strategic weaknesses, particularly logistics, 14 Babits and Howard, Long, Obstinate, and Bloody, 220–21. 15 David K. Wilson, The Southern Strategy: Britain’s Conquest of South Carolina and Georgia, 1775–1780 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2005), 59–60. 16 Wright, The Continental Army, 47–49. The actual combat strengths of infantry regiments were generally 40–60 percent of authorization due to sickness and details. 17 Clay, “Staff Ride Guide to the Saratoga Campaign,” 19–22. 9 as the supply lines between England and North America were long and vulnerable to enemy interdiction. In addition, recruiting of native British volunteers was difficult, as soldiering was not considered an honorable profession and lurid tales of combat in the wilds of North America dissuaded many volunteers. Even after the depot regiments collected a sufficient number of new recruits, many were bound to die by disease or accident before even reaching their regiments in the field. As a consequence, British infantry regiments in North America were chronically undermanned throughout the war.18 Provincials The practice of enlisting Americans in provincial regiments dates back to the French and Indian War and was revived as a means of offsetting shortages of regular units. Provincial regiments enjoyed the same pay and benefits as the regulars but were limited to service only for the duration of the war. In the hierarchy of the British Army, provincial officers were lower in status than regulars and were not entitled to half pay and permanent retention of rank after demobilization. Many of the provincial units to serve in the Southern Campaign were actually raised in New York and New Jersey, including one such provisional corps of volunteers organized by Major Patrick Ferguson in late 1779. After the capture of Charleston, Ferguson’s provincials were used to organize and train Carolina Loyalist militias. In October 1780, Ferguson’s provincial corps and some 800 of his best militia were killed or captured at the Battle of Kings Mountain. Left untouched by the disaster was the 150-person Royal North Carolina (Provincial) Regiment, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel John Hamilton, which remained with General Cornwallis’s army throughout the Southern Campaign, serving as the guard force for the British logistics echelon.19 As noted earlier, the British lacked sufficient light dragoons for intelligence, patrolling, and flank security missions. Lieutenant General Clinton prodded local Loyalists to raise additional provincial units, and by July 1778, the British Legion was organized with 250 dragoons and 200 light infantry under the field command of Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton. For the Southern Campaign, additional infantry units and a 3-pounder cannon section were attached to the British Legion to create a robust combined arms regiment of 1,100 fighters. However, Tarleton’s tactical ineptitude led to the loss or capture of most of his command at the Battle of Cowpens in January 1781, reducing the British Legion to a remnant of 272 mounted soldiers.20 Loyalist Militia The British expended considerable effort during the summer of 1780 in organizing district militia regiments as part of the overall pacification strategy, with Major Ferguson and his provincial troops as trainers and cadre. In late August 1780, Cornwallis ordered Ferguson to deploy with his best militia regiments into the Blue Ridge piedmont to expand his pacification and recruiting efforts. Aroused by the Loyalist presence so close to their settlements, the Overmountain men formed an expedition that surrounded and destroyed Ferguson’s Loyalist corps at Kings Mountain in October 1780.21 Soured by the poor performance of the Loyalist militia at Kings Mountain, Cornwallis halted organizing the militia until the loss of the light infantry at the Cowpens forced the resumption of recruiting efforts. By that 18 Clay, “Staff Ride Guide to the Saratoga Campaign,” 22. 19 “An Introduction to North Carolina Loyalist Units,” On-Line Institute for Advanced Loyalist Studies (website), accessed 7 November 2018. 20 Babits and Howard, Long, Obstinate, and Bloody, 80. 21 Wilma Dykeman, With Fire and Sword: The Battle of Kings Mountain 1780 (Washington, DC: National Park Service, Department of the Interior, 1991), 12–14. The overmountain region was the area to the west of the Appalachian Mountains settled principally by Scots-Irish settlers after the French and Indian War, in defiance of English law. Although conscious of old abuses by the crown, and resentful of the high-handed behavior of the royal governor before the American Revolution, these western settlers did not become involved in the war until they were threatened by Loyalist incursions. Those Patriots who crossed back to the east over the mountain to fight against Loyalist forces were referred to as Overmountain men. 10 stage in the campaign, few Loyalists were willing to volunteer, partly out of fear of Patriot retribution but also due to frequent abuse by the British regulars, as Commissary Charles Stedman ruefully related: “[the British] could not have proceeded but for the personal exertions of the militia, who, with a zeal that did them infinite honour, rendered the most important services . . . in return for these exertions, the militia were maltreated by abusive language and even beaten.”22 Later in North Carolina, Cornwallis “erected the king’s standard, and invited by proclamation all loyal subjects to repair to it, and take an active part in assisting him to restore order and constitutional government.”23 Ruin soon fell on the British efforts when a newly recruited Loyalist militia battalion was destroyed in a one-sided battle, Pyle’s hacking match, in February 1781. The destruction of Colonel John Pyle’s Loyalist unit made obvious the inability of the British to protect their own supporters, as noted by Patriot militia commander Colonel Andrew Pickens: “It has knocked up Toryism altogether in this part.”24 The German Units Besides recruiting from loyal Americans, Britain contracted for combat units from several German states, finding the payment easier than the effort to raise and equip additional regiments. The Landgraviate of Hesse-Cassel was the largest contributor to the British effort, and so Americans generically called all German units “Hessians” regardless of origin. The Germans were not truly mercenaries, as the regiments were organized for conventional European wars, and staffed with long-service professional soldiers who did not individually volunteer for overseas duty. The troops received no additional pay or incentives for being in America; instead, the financial benefits accrued to the German princes who contracted out their regiments. German regiments were organized differently than British or American units, with variations between different German states. Each German regiment was commanded by a colonel, seconded by a lieutenant colonel, major, and a staff of 18 other officers and enlisted. A typical German regiment was composed of five or six line infantry companies and one grenadier company. Each company was led by a captain, up to 3 lieutenants, and 10 NCOs and comprised between 114 and 165 enlisted. A German regiment could field between 525 and 690 muskets depending on how it was organized—surpassing the firepower of a British regiment, and on par with, if not surpassing, that of the Continental regiments.25 Two German units were among the reinforcements sent to Cornwallis’s army in early 1781. The first was a single jäger (hunter) rifle company detached from its parent regiment and commanded by Captain Friedrich W. von Roeder. The company was authorized two officers, one NCO, and 78 riflemen. Jägers were fighters recruited from hunters and gamekeepers and trained and equipped to perform light infantry and sharpshooting missions. The second German unit was the Von Bose Regiment of five companies, which deployed to America in 1776. The Von Bose saw minor service in New York and New Jersey before taking part in the Savannah campaign in 1778. The Von Bose wore blue uniforms with white facings, similar enough to Continental uniforms to cause confusion on the battlefield. For the campaign, platoons of Von Bose infantry were task organized with platoons of the Ansbach jägers.26 WEAPONS Muskets The primary infantry weapon used by the British Army was the Short Land Pattern Brown Bess 22 As quoted in John Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse: The American Revolution in the Carolinas (New York: Wiley, 1997), 244. 23 Charles Stedman, The History of the Origin, Progress, and Termination of the American War, vol. 2 (London: J. Murray, 1794), 332. 24 Buchanan, The Road to Guilford Courthouse, 39. 25 Clay, “Staff Ride Guide to the Saratoga Campaign,” 20–22. 26 Babits and Howard, Long, Obstinate, and Bloody, 80–81, 88–89. Ansbach jägers were so called after the city of their origin: Ansbach, Germany. 11 .75-caliber smoothbore flintlock musket of varying lengths, which weighed around 10 pounds, fired a .69-caliber one-and-a-half-ounce lead ball, and mounted a deadly 16-inch socket bayonet. Tactics of the time emphasized the shock value of massed volley fire, so the weapons were not equipped with sights and soldiers seldom received marksmanship training. The British Army fielded the first Short Land Pattern muskets in the 1720s, and many were furnished to the colonial militia armories; consequently, many Brown Bess muskets saw service in the Patriot militia ranks. British fusilier regiments, such as the 23d Foot (Welch Fusiliers), were issued a fusil, a slightly lighter and shorter version of the Short Land Pattern musket. At least 48,000 of the .69-caliber French Charleville Model 1763 and 1766 muskets were smuggled into the colonies from France beginning in 1777 and were adopted as the primary musket issued to Continental regiments. The M1766 musket was 57 inches long, weighed about 10 pounds, and fired a 1-ounce .65-caliber ball, which was often supplemented with the addition of lead buckshot in each paper cartridge (buck and ball) that would theoretically create a shotgun-like pattern of projectiles with each volley. Some American militia units carried the Charleville, but more carried Brown Bess muskets or a mix of personal rifles and shotguns. The Von Bose Regiment was armed with .72-caliber Potzdam Model 1720 muskets, which had an overall length of 51 inches and a barrel length of 34 inches and weighed about 9 pounds. The .72-caliber bore meant the German troops could use the same .69-caliber cartridges used by the British, thus simplifying logistics. By 1780, the weapons fielded to the Von Bose Regiment were more than 50 years old and in poor repair, leading Major Johann Christian du Buy to unsuccessfully lobby for replacement with the Brown Bess muskets. Apparently, du Buy’s request was ignored until after the Guilford Courthouse battle, when the regiment belatedly received new Brown Bess muskets from stores at Wilmington, North Carolina.27 Muskets versus Rifles In terms of strict accuracy, the smoothbore musket had an effective range one-third less than that of a rifle—less than 100 meters versus 300 meters.28 Yet, despite the obvious disadvantages in range and accuracy, muskets offered more advantages in combat compared to rifles, which is why muskets were the principal infantry weapon of European armies. First, mass-produced muskets were robustly made, designed for hard usage and ease of maintenance in the field. Second, smoothbores were much less affected by black powder fouling due to the loose fit of the ball in the barrel. When fired at close range, the heavy lead musket ball was capable of causing carnage in the enemy ranks, even more so with buck and ball cartridges. Finally, a bayonet-tipped musket gave a musketeer a decided advantage over a rifleman in close-in combat.29 Finely crafted muzzle-loaded flintlock rifles were employed by both sides, but in secondary or specialist roles. A skilled shooter using their own Pennsylvania rifle could accurately hit a squirrel at 200 meters and an adult-size target out to 300 meters. In exchange for such accuracy and range, the effective rate of fire was about one round per minute, as the rifleman had to measure powder from a horn, nest the ball into a greased patch, and pound the whole into the rifling with a ramrod—a task that increased in difficulty once unburnt powder fouled the bore. Rifles were designed for hunting, not combat; they were not designed to mount bayonets and would break apart if used in hand-to -hand combat. Variations in each handcrafted rifle meant a skilled gunsmith had to repair the weapons, 27 Bill Ahern and Robert Nittolo, British Military Long Arms in Colonial America (Pittsburgh, PA: Dorrance, 2018), 409. 28 Lawrence E. Babits, A Devil of a Whipping: The Battle of Cowpens (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 13. 29 Babits, A Devil of a Whipping, 13. 12 while the shooter had to cast their own bullets.30 Pennsylvania or Deckard rifled flintlock muskets ranged in caliber from .36 to .48. The Ansbach jägers used a similar .67-caliber hunting rifle ( büchse); thus, German riflemen were known as jäger, which means hunter in German. Smaller and shorter than a Pennsylvania rifle, the büchse has a correspondingly shorter effective range of 175 yards.31 Secondary Weapons In terms of the tactics of the time, the bayonet was the mission-essential secondary weapon for regular infantry soldiers. After reducing the strength of an enemy’s formation through firepower, an infantry regiment would march forward and break a shaken enemy line with the press of the bayonet. Bayonets for each army were all similar in basic design: a long spike blade varying between 14 and 18 inches in length and mounted to the muzzle of the weapon by a socket and stud. Officers on both sides carried swords, both as a badge of rank and for close-range combat, and some specialist troops, such as the soldiers of the Ansbach jäger company, carried a short sword ( Hirschfänger or deer catcher) when a bayonet was not practical. Continental officers were ordered by General Washington to carry a spear-like spontoon (a.k.a. half-pike) as a visible mark of authority on the battlefield. British officers had long rejected the use of spontoons on the battlefield, and some went further by exchanging their swords in favor of a privately procured fusil (light flintlock musket) and bayonet, thus reducing their visibility to a sharp-eyed Patriot rifleman. The practice was con-demned by Lieutenant General Clinton, as he believed a fusil-armed officer was too easily distracted from their command duties: General Burgoyne and I have often represented the absurdity of officers’ being armed with fusils, and the still greater impropriety . . . by which they neglected the opportunity of employing their divisions to advantage. . . . an inconvenience which I had long apprehend-ed might result from officers’ carrying fuzees, which was then and had been the general practice on the American service.32 One common secondary weapon carried by American soldiers was the tomahawk or hatchet that made for a lethal close-range weapon capable of killing or immobilizing an opponent with a heavy blow. Dragoons The cavalry organizations on both sides in the Southern Campaign were routinely task organized with light infantry to form robust mobile units suitable for screening, pursuit, and delaying actions in support of the main infantry force. Unlike European cavalry, who were only trained to fight while mounted, light dragoons were trained to fight both on horseback and as dismounted skirmishers with the light infantry. For dismounted work, dragoons carried a smoothbore flintlock carbine, while the heavy-bladed saber was the weapon of choice when mounted, as mounted shock action with the saber was preferred by commanders on both sides.33 Artillery Nomenclature for artillery guns was based on the weight of the solid shot; a 3-pounder gun fired 30 Babits, A Devil of a Whipping, 14–15. 31 Babits and Howard, Long, Obstinate, and Bloody, 81. 32 “British Officer Infantry Weaponry, 1768–1786,” His Majesty’s 62d Regiment of Foot (website), accessed 10 January 2018. 33 Babits, A Devil of a Whipping, 20. 13 a solid shot weighing 3 pounds, and so on. Guns were made of durable bronze; 6-pounder guns mounted on a wood and iron two-wheeled carriage weighed 900 pounds and required two horses to move. Three-pounders mounted on a wheeled carriage weighed about 500 pounds, light enough for movement by a single horse or the gun crew during a battle. Three- and 6-pounders were considered field guns due to their relatively light weight and mobility. The standard crew for a 6-pounder field gun was 15 soldiers led by a commissioned officer and seconded by a sergeant and a corporal; the 3-pounder crew was a minimum of one officer, two gunners, and eight fighters. Each gun crew had one or more specialist gunners who calculated distance and elevation and rammed, aimed, and sponged the cannon, while the bombardier handled the vent and loading of the correct ammunition in the breech. The remaining crew consisted of matrosses and artillery privates, the soldiers who positioned the gun and passed ammunition to the bombardier.34 Cannons fired four major types of ammunition: shot, grape, canister, and shell. Solid cast iron round shot was used primarily against massed infantry and cavalry targets but was also used for battering fortifications and engaging in counterbattery fires. Maximum ranges for a 6-pounder gun firing solid shot was around 1,000 meters; the 3-pounder’s range was about 800 meters. Grapeshot was a medium-range antipersonnel round consisting of a cluster of golf ball-size metal balls loaded in a wood and canvas container that disintegrated during firing to release a cluster of projectiles toward the target. Canister, or case shot, consisted of musket balls packed in a tin container that shattered on discharge to release a shotgun-like fan of bullets against enemy formations at ranges of less than 400 meters. Shells were hollow iron spheres filled with explosives, primarily fired at high angles from howitzers and mortars to explode on or within enemy fortifications and installations.35 TACTICS Infantry Tactics By 1780, conventional linear tactics built around the flintlock musket and bayonet had been in use for more than 100 years. For combat, infantry were deployed in linear formation, usually in two to three ranks to maximize the effect of en masse or volley fire to the front. Infantry regiments formed the standard infantry tactical unit, known as heavy infantry or the line infantry. The primary tactical goal of every army was the synchronized employment of all arms, infantry, dragoons, and artillery to break the enemy line of battle. Once the enemy line broke, a bayonet charge and pursuit by dragoons was employed to seal the victory for the still-intact infantry line. The standard sequence of events for battle opened with an approach march in column formation by the attacking army to reach a suitable battle position. Open ground, with a natural obstacle such as a river or swamp to protect one or both flanks was considered ideal for an army assuming a defensive role. When possible, the attacking army would deploy from its marching columns into battle line out of range of the enemy’s cannon systems. Once deployed, the attacking force would advance to within 100 yards of the enemy line, the effective engagement range of the musket. During this approach march, skirmishers, sharpshooters, and artillery on both sides would engage to attrite and demoralize the enemy force. Once within a suitable killing distance, infantry regiments would begin engaging with controlled volley fire directed by the officers, which was intended to shock and break cohesion of the enemy unit. A well-trained unit could load and fire its weapons about three times per minute while under fire; 34 Janice E. McKenney, The Organizational History of the Field Artillery, 1775–2003, Army Lineage Series (Washington, DC: U.S. Army Center of Military History, 2007), 9–10. 35 “Artillery,” AmericanRevolution.org, accessed 26 June 2019. 14 in practice, volley fire by company or division was done to avoid having the entire regiment without loaded muskets. Speed was stressed over accuracy, as the shock of repeated volleys was intended to stagger and disorder the enemy line. Under ideal combat conditions, about 20 percent of the rounds from a volley were expected to hit an enemy infantry line at 50 yards. Casualties were naturally lower at greater engagement ranges or when the natural cover or fortifications were involved in the fighting. The cumulative effect of sustained volley fire was intended to produce casualties and a loss of cohesion that would soften up the enemy line sufficiently for a bayonet attack. Fierce hand-to-hand fighting could take place if the troops in the weaker line stood and fought; more likely, the disorganized side would break and retreat. Few infantry regiments, even well-trained ones, possessed the discipline to actually stand and receive a bayonet charge, and for the poorly equipped Patriot militia and state units, retreat was the usual outcome when facing British regulars. In addition to the line (heavy) infantry, there were a number of specialist infantry units. Light infantry companies were specially trained to advance in an open skirmish line, performing screening and reconnaissance duties well ahead of the parent regiment. Skirmishers operated in fireteams of two to four fighters, with one or more soldiers engaging the enemy with aimed fire while the others reloaded, all well-dispersed to present a reduced target to enemy skirmishers. During the Southern Campaign, the Americans generally used their light infantry in their designated role, while their British counterparts often consolidated the light units into a provisional line infantry battalion. British and Hessian grenadiers, for which there was no American equivalent, were generally consolidated into provisional battalions for concentrated employment as specialist assault troops. Rifle-armed troops on both sides were similarly employed as light infantry, with tactics modified to account for their slower rates of fire and vulnerability to line infantry. Besides performing skirmishing tasks, riflemen were commonly used to engage enemy commanders and weapon crews, usually from the flanks or an overwatch position where reach and accuracy of the rifles could be used to maximum effect. Shortly before the Guilford Courthouse battle, Major General Greene task organized his rifle battalions, light infantry companies, and dragoons into what he termed a corps of observation—a combined arms grouping that maximized the effectiveness of each system while minimizing individual vulnerabilities. In particular, the riflemen needed the close presence of bayonet-armed light infantry and friendly dragoons for protection against hostile infantry and dragoons. With the notable exception of the Kings Mountain battle, every major battle in the South was fought by musket-armed Continental and British regulars using modified linear tactics, while dragoons, riflemen, and artillerymen performed important but auxiliary roles. Dragoon Tactics In theory, dragoons were organized and equipped to ride to their place of battle, dismount at a distance from the objective, and maneuver into combat fighting with muskets or rifles. These tactics required the dragoons to leave the horses under the care of every fourth person in the unit. As this practice would considerably reduce the firepower of the squadron, the tactic was seldom used in combat. Instead, dragoons fought mounted, attacking the flanks or rear of vulnerable infantry units with slashing broadsword attacks, while relying on attached infantry to provide a base of fire and protection against a superior force. Other battlefield tasks for the dragoons were the engagement of hostile mounted troops, reconnaissance, and pursuit of a defeated enemy. At the Battle of Guilford Courthouse campaign, Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton’s British Legion consisted of 272 mounted troops, while Greene’s army fielded 244 dragoons divided between Lieutenant Colonel Henry “Light-Horse Harry” Lee and Washington’s Corps of Observation. 15 Artillery Tactics In terms of battlefield employment, infantry and dragoon tactics were relatively simple and straightforward. By contrast, the artillery arm was a specialized, technically oriented branch requiring skilled officers and soldiers to function properly on the battlefield. Each type of cannon (gun) had peculiarities and variables impacting the weapon’s effectiveness, factors compounded by the effects of wind, temperature, and humidity. Consequently, artillery specialists required mathematical skills and a great deal of training before gaining proficiency as gunners. As casualties were inevitable in combat, cross-training each fighter to learn the tasks of the others was necessary. Once crews gained proficiency, the company commander would train the gun sections to function together. Tactically, sections of two to three guns were commonly assigned in a direct support role to an infantry brigade, although the army commander might elect to keep them in general support, ready for counterbattery, harass-ment, or reinforcement roles. Gunners preferred to emplace their weapons well out of enemy rifle range, positioned on the friendly flank so that the guns could enfilade (fire down the long axis) of the enemy infantry as it closed within range. For long-range engagements, gunners calculated the fall of the shot to create a bounce or ricochet effect through the enemy line, thus maximizing casualties. At engagement ranges less than 400 meters, gunners would switch from solid shot to grape or canister and would continue the engagement until the enemy line was within 100 meters, too close to safely fire. The guns could then revert to a flank protection role, although they were often withdrawn into reserve to avoid casualties from enemy rifle fire. On the attack, guns were unlimbered (detached or unpacked) from their vulnerable draft animals, and the crews pushed and dragged the guns forward, ready to lend immediate fire support at the quick halt. In improved defensive positions, guns were emplaced on the flank of the principal infantry line, positioned behind a redoubt of earth in such a way to enfilade the enemy infantry with grape or canister rounds before reaching the friendly works —without being engaged in return by enemy riflemen or guns. The longer-range 6-pounders were emplaced to perform both antipersonnel and counterbattery tasks against hostile artillery.36 Fortification and Defensive Tactics The use of deliberate fortifications during the American Revolution was fairly common in the Northern theater but seldom used in the Southern Campaign. This discussion will focus principally on temporary field works, generally a trench line with a sloped earth curtain, redans, redoubts and lunettes (see selected glossary). When time permitted, more elaborate features like abatis (obstacle of felled trees with sharpened branches facing the enemy) and chevaux-de-frise (a defense of timber or iron barrel with spikes and often strung with barbed wire) were added to slow and canalize enemy assault columns. When properly integrated together, field works were intended to protect friendly troops and artillery from enemy fire, while also hindering the enemy’s ability to penetrate into the depth of the defenses. When possible, field works incorporated favorable terrain and were laid out for mutual support with interlocking fields of fire. Especially when reinforced with fascines (rough bundle used to strengthen a structure) and gabions (similar to modern Hesco barriers), earthen fortifications could absorb considerable bombardment before collapse, allowing the defensive force to inflict disproportionally heavy casualties on an attacking infantry force. 36 McKenney, The Organizational History of the Field Artillery, 1775–2003, 11–12. 16 Tactics in the Southern Campaign The tactical offensive was the preferred form of operations during the American Revolution, and commanders would generally assume a defensive posture for economy of force reasons, either an area defense to deny the enemy access to terrain, or in a point defense role to protect an installation or town. Tactics were often unconventional, dictated by the types of units and equipment and logistics support available, and further influenced by physical and human terrain in the Carolinas: 1. British units abandoned the conventional three-line deployment in favor of a two-line combat deployment used by the Continental Army, which allowed the regiment to cover a greater front. 2. Regiments were deployed in looser formations, with more space between individual soldiers, in adaptation to the denser terrain of the South. 3. Due to their chronic shortage of heavy infantry, British light infantry and grenadier were often employed as conventional infantry. 4. Field guns were not often used in the field; when available, they were kept in general support under the direct command of the senior commander on the field. 5. Riflemen were used to attrite enemy commanders and crew-served weapon systems. 6. Riflemen, dragoons, and infantry were routinely task organized for mutual support. 7. Out of necessity, the American army had to use militia and state troops in an offensive role. 8. Greene maintained a strategic defensive posture but assumed a tactical offensive posture through local attacks to keep the British off-balance. Cornwallis followed the “best defense is a good offense” approach and would aggressively attack any Continental unit within striking distance of his regulars. LOGISTICS Each side operated with a significant set of logistics constraints that shaped the course of the campaign. At the strategic level, Great Britain had a well-organized system to move supplies and ordnance stores from England to ports in South Carolina. At the operational and tactical level, frictions and inefficiencies (in the form of poor roads and insurgent attacks) hindered the British distribution of supplies and reinforcements from ports to forward operating bases (FOBs) like Ninety Six and Camden. Frustrated with his lumbering supply trains during his pursuit of Greene, Cornwallis burned all nonessential wagons and supplies and attempted to live off the land—a decision that led his troops and horses to the brink of starvation in the weeks before the Battle of Guilford Courthouse. Afterward, Cornwallis bitterly realized his disregard for sound logistics arrangements had forced his command beyond its logistical culmination point. As a consequence, he had to cede the initiative to Greene after Guilford Courthouse and withdraw his command to refit—leaving Greene’s army effectively in control of all but the coastal ports of the Carolinas. By contrast, Greene’s close attention to logistics matters, both friendly and enemy, ultimately paved the way to a decisive strategic victory in the Southern Campaign. Thus, a good understanding of the logistical systems and methods used by both sides is vital to understanding why the Southern Campaign unfolded as it did. Strategic Logistics At the beginning of the war, the Americans were at a severe disadvantage to Great Britain, with Congress and the state governments having to cobble together a national logistics system from 17 scratch. The Second Continental Congress had the notional responsibility for arming, equipping, and supplying Continental forces in the field. In reality, Congress had little financial or political power to dictate logistics priorities to the states, so most logistics support for American units came from the state governments. Congress took the first step to reform the Continental Army logistics system by creating a commissary general, quartermaster general, and commissary of artillery. Primarily concerned with strategic logistics, this embryonic Continental staff also provided assistance to their counterparts in the geographical departments and field armies. In terms of a strategic industrial base in America, most goods of military value were produced by local, private entrepreneurs. Any controls or priorities placed on these businesses were imposed by state governments, which were also principally responsible for raising and equipping their own militia organizations and Continental Army regiments recruited from within the state. Many of the various types of supply —food, for example—had to be sought out and purchased directly from the producer by a purchasing agent. Both the states and the Continental departmental quartermasters employed purchasing agents to acquire goods and materials to support their respective units, creating competition for scarce goods that inflated prices. Speculation and fraud ran rampant, and much time and energy was spent by government officials attempting to curb these problems. Adding to these headaches was the fact that Continental paper money, not backed by a system of taxation or currency reserves, was rapidly devalued, which made the challenge of acquiring supplies even more problematic. By 1781, American quartermasters lacked money and specie, and so had to impress provisions and livestock from private owners, in exchange for a receipt for later payment—but only if the owner could prove their loyalty. Effective in the short term to alleviate supply shortages, such strong-arm tactics carried the risk of damaging civilian support for the Continental war effort. A particularly acute problem for the rebellious colonies was obtaining weapons and ordnance stores, as no large-scale manufacturing capability existed in America. Working through a network of secret agents, Congress gained covert support from the French and Spanish governments, who saw the opportunity to hurt the English by extending support to the rebels. The trickle of smuggled aid turned into large shipments of war materiel after the American victory at Saratoga in 1777, which convinced France to declare war on England. By the end of the war, more than 100,000 muskets and bayonets, more than 200 cannon, and many tons of ordnance stores had been delivered to the Americans from French and Spanish arsenals—all purchased on credit extended by the French monarchy.37 Compared to that of the new American nation, the British strategic logistical system was well established, roles and responsibilities were delineated, and the whole was backed by a robust financing system. That did not mean the system was efficient, but by almost any measure the British system was significantly better than the American system. On the plus side, Britain had more than a century of experience mounting expeditionary operations and had a well-developed network of arsenals, factories, and depots capable of producing large quantities of supplies and equipment to sustain an expeditionary army in North America. Furthermore, the Royal Navy was powerful enough to ensure the movement of supplies to the British Army’s overseas field forces would at least reach the North American seaports without serious interference by enemy vessels. To oversee provisioning in North America, the Treasury Board commissioned a civilian commissary general of provisions to work for each commander in chief. The commissary general was seconded by a military deputy and supported by a small staff of civilian employees. The commissary general department had the responsibility to inspect and verify delivery of provisions for troops and 37 Larrie D. Ferreiro, Brothers at Arms: American Independence and the Men of France and Spain Who Saved It (New York: Knopf, 2016), 335. 18 livestock. Duties ranged from overseeing contractors, inspecting and verifying delivery of goods, and settling accounts with vendors. Although subject to directives from the Treasury Board, the commissary general for America received their day-to-day orders from the commander in chief, Lieutenant General Clinton. The logistics process began in the British Isles, where provisions and military stores ordered by the commissary general were collected from factories, depots, and suppliers and loaded on chartered merchant ships at the Irish port of Cork. After a convoy across the Atlantic Ocean, the transports unloaded at regional depots, principally Charleston, South Carolina, and Savannah, Georgia. Every year during the war, some 400 ships were required to move the necessary supplies and reinforcements from Great Britain. Assuming the supplies shipped from England were not spoiled or destroyed in transit, port quartermasters had to receive, store, and distribute the supplies across a considerable distance on unimproved roads, all while under constant threat of rebel attack. As the British did not have a dedicated quartermaster corps to manage the entire supply chain, civilian agents coordinated the purchase of transportation, storage, and distribution facilities, while accounting and safeguarding thousands of pounds worth of property and supplies. Ordnance stores, quartermaster supplies, and replacement equipment and uniforms only formed a small portion of the cargo shipped from Great Britain. Instead, the largest portion of the cargo consisted of consumable items for the soldiers: principally pork and beef, wheat flour and hard bread, and butter and salt, but also including other foodstuffs like oatmeal, peas, cheese, bacon, fish, raisins, and molasses. Scurvy, brought on by a lack of vitamin C, was a perennial problem, especially during the winter months, so soldiers were given large quantities of spruce beer, vinegar, and sauerkraut. When in season, fresh vegetables were shipped as well, but their issuance was intended only for hospital patients, as healthy soldiers were expected to obtain or raise their own produce. British Operational and Tactical Logistics Following the successful capture of Charleston in May 1780, Clinton designated Commissary General Nisbet Balfour as the military commandant for the Charleston port and garrison. Besides directing the defenses of the port, Balfour was responsible for safely distributing supplies and reinforcements to field magazines at Camden and Ninety Six in South Carolina and the base at Augusta, Georgia. Balfour was assisted by a commissary of captures, who safeguarded Loyalist property in addition to collecting and repurposing provisions, cattle, and property seized from the king’s enemies. Repeated insurgent attacks on the British lines of communication across South Carolina required the diversion of many regular troops for security tasks. Finally, to ensure Cornwallis’s army had sufficient supplies to support the next phase of the offensive, British quartermasters had to carefully synchronize the stockpiling of supplies t
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Steuart, see George H. Steuart. George Hume Steuart (1790–1867) was a United States general who fought during the War of 1812, and later joined the Confederate States of America during the Civil War. His military career began in 1814 when, as a captain, he raised a company of Maryland volunteers, leading them at both the Battle of Bladensberg and the Battle of North Point, where he was wounded. After the war he rose to become major general and commander-in-chief of the First Light Division, Maryland Militia. During John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry in 1859, Steuart personally led a detachment of militia, and, as the prospect of civil war drew closer, he was among those who lobbied unsuccessfully for Maryland to secede from the Union. In 1861, at the start of the Civil War, Steuart left his home state of Maryland and joined the Confederacy, though at 71 years of age he was by then considered too old for active service. This did not prevent him from personally riding with Lee's army and even being captured at the First Battle of Manassas. He is sometimes confused with his eldest son, Brigadier General George H. Steuart, who fought for the Confederacy at a number of major battles, eventually surrendering with General Robert E. Lee at Appomattox in 1865. Steuart died in 1867, his health and fortune ruined by his devotion to the Southern "lost cause". Early life [edit] Steuart was born in Anne Arundel County, Maryland, on November 1, 1790, the eldest son of Dr James Steuart of Annapolis [1](1755–1846), and Rebecca Sprigg, who were married on November 4, 1788.[2] James Steuart was a physician who served in the Revolutionary War, and was the son of George Hume Steuart (1700–1784), a Loyalist politician and tobacco planter who was colonel of the Maryland horse militia under Governor Horatio Sharpe.[3] The young Steuart grew up partly at Sparrow's Point, his family's plantation in the Chesapeake Bay, and partly at their residence in West Baltimore, a substantial estate known as Maryland Square. Later he studied at and graduated from Princeton University.[4] Steuart also had a younger brother, Richard Sprigg Steuart, who grew up to become a physician and was an early pioneer of the treatment of mental illness.[5] War of 1812 - Bladensburg and North Point [edit] When war broke out between the United States and Great Britain, Steuart (then Captain Steuart) raised a company of Maryland volunteers, known as the Washington Blues,[6] part of the 5th Maryland Regiment[7] commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Sterett.[8] They saw action at the Battle of Bladensburg (August 24, 1814),[9] where the Americans, including the 5th Regiment, were routed by the British. Although the 5th had "evinced a disposition to make a gallant resistance", it was flanked by the redcoats and forced to retreat in some disorder.[10] After the battle, British forces entered Washington, D.C., and set fire to a number of buildings in the city. Steuart's regiment fought better at the Battle of North Point (September 12, 1814),[1] where the militia were able to hold the line for an hour or so before making a fighting retreat during which Steuart was wounded.[11][12] Some of the militia regiments, such as the 51st, and some members of 39th, broke and ran under fire, but the 5th and 27th held their ground and were able to retreat in reasonably good order having inflicted significant casualties on the advancing enemy.[13] Corporal John McHenry of the 5th Regiment wrote an account of the battle: "Our Regiment, the 5th, carried off the praise from the other regiments engaged, so did the company to which I have the honor to belong cover itself with glory. When compared to the [other] Regiments we were the last that left the ground...had our Regiment not retreated at the time it did we should have been cut off in two minutes."[13] Although North Point was a tactical defeat for the Americans, it would prove a turning point in the War of 1812. The British took significant losses, including their commanding officer Major General Robert Ross, and, lacking the strength to take the city of Baltimore, they eventually withdrew. Post-war career [edit] Steuart was soon promoted to lieutenant-colonel of the 5th Regiment,[14] and after the war he trained as a lawyer, being listed in the Baltimore City Directory of 1816 as Attorney-at-Law.[1] He was a member of the Maryland House of Delegates for Baltimore in 1827 and 1828, serving two one-year terms,[15] and in 1835 he stood unsuccessfully for election to Maryland's 4th congressional district, running as an independent candidate.[16] In around 1827 or 1828 his portrait was painted by the Baltimore portrait painter Philip Tilyard.[17] First Light Division formed [edit] In 1833 a number of Baltimore regiments were formed into a brigade, and Steuart was promoted from colonel to brigadier general.[19] From 1841 to 1861 he was Commander of the First Light Division, Maryland Volunteer Militia.[20][21] Until the Civil War he would be the Commander-in-Chief of the Maryland Volunteers.[22][23] The First Light Division comprised two brigades: the 1st Light Brigade and the 2nd Brigade. The First Brigade consisted of the 1st Cavalry, 1st Artillery, and 5th Infantry regiments. The 2nd Brigade was composed of the 1st Rifle Regiment and the 53rd Infantry Regiment, and the Battalion of Baltimore City Guards.[18] In 1843 Steuart reviewed his troops and those of a visiting regiment from Pennsylvania at Camp Frederick, accompanied by Governor David R. Porter of Pennsylvania and various senior officers. The event was attended by "an immense concourse of spectators",[23] and was commemorated in a lithograph published in the same year. On July 19, 1844, the Boston City Greys visited Baltimore, and marched in parade with various companies of the 53rd Regiment. Steuart hosted a party for the visiting militia, which was held at his family estate in West Baltimore, known as Maryland Square. The event was celebrated by extensive coverage in the Baltimore American and, like the previous year's visit from Pennsylvania, was commemorated in a lithograph.[24] Steuart also appears to have formed an acquaintance with the social reformer Dorothea Dix, who in July 1850 was his guest at Steuart's country residence Sparrow's Point on the Chesapeake Bay. Also a guest was the Swedish feminist and activist Fredrika Bremer, who wrote in a letter to her sister Agathe: "Late in the evening I sat in the most beautiful moonlight with Miss Dix on the veranda of General Stuarts' [sic] house, looking towards the shining river and the wide Chesapeake Bay, listening to the story of her simple yet remarkable life".[25] Dix was a campaigner for better treatment of the mentally ill, a subject which was also the life's work of Steuart's brother, the physician Richard Sprigg Steuart. Also among Steuart's social circle was the writer Washington Irving, who was a regular guest at Maryland Square.[26] Know-Nothing elections [edit] Main article: Know-Nothing Riot of 1856 During the mid-1850s public order in Baltimore was threatened by the election of candidates of the Know Nothing party.[27] In October 1856 the Know Nothing Mayor Samuel Hinks was pressed by Baltimorians to order Steuart's militia in readiness to maintain order during the mayoral elections, as violence was anticipated. Hinks duly gave Steuart the order, writing that he should "hold yourself with your command, or such portion thereof as you may deem necessary, in readiness to march at a moment's warning, fully armed and equipped for active service".[28] In response, Steuart ordered his men to "assemble in marching order" on November 4 and await further orders.[28] However, perhaps fearful of greater violence, the mayor soon rescinded his order.[29] On October 31 he met with Steuart and requested that the general make his soldiers ready, but not assembled, and Steuart duly countermanded his original order.[28] On polling day violence soon broke out, with shots exchanged by competing mobs.[29] In the 2nd and 8th wards several citizens were killed, and many wounded.[30] In the 6th ward artillery was used, and a pitched battle fought on Orleans St between Know Nothings and rival Democrats, raging for several hours.[30] The result of the election, in which voter fraud was widespread, was a victory for the Know Nothings by around 9,000 votes.[30] In 1857, fearing similar violence at the upcoming elections, Governor Thomas W. Ligon ordered Steuart to hold the First Light Division, Maryland Volunteers in readiness.[31] Ligon carried a "painful sense of duty unfulfilled" owing to the violence of the previous year, and was determined to maintain order.[32] However, Mayor Thomas Swann successfully argued for a compromise measure involving special police forces to prevent disorder, and Ligon once again balked at the use of military force. He did not formally rescind the order to Steuart's militia, but rather proclaimed that he did not "contemplate the use, upon that day of the military force which I have ordered to be enrolled and organized."[31][32] This time, although there was somewhat less violence than in 1856, the results of the vote were again compromised by the use of force and intimidation. Mayor Swann was duly re-elected, albeit in a heavily disputed ballot.[31] Slavery and the coming of the Civil War [edit] Steuart's family were slaveholders and strong supporters of the South's "peculiar institution", although they supported the gradual abolition of slavery by voluntary means. In 1828 Steuart served on the board of managers of the Maryland State Colonization Society, of which Charles Carroll of Carrollton, one of the co-signers of the Declaration of Independence, was president. Steuart's father, James Steuart, was vice-president, and his brother Richard Sprigg Steuart was also on the board of managers.[33] The MSCS was a branch of the American Colonization Society, an organization dedicated to returning black Americans to lead free lives in African states such as Liberia. The society proposed from the outset "to be a remedy for slavery", and declared in 1833: "Resolved, That this society believe, and act upon the belief, that colonization tends to promote emancipation, by affording the emancipated slave a home where he can be happier than in this country, and so inducing masters to manumit who would not do so unconditionally...[so that] at a time not remote, slavery would cease in the state by the full consent of those interested."[34] In around 1842 Steuart inherited from his uncle William Steuart (1754–1838) "2,000 acres, in several tracts of land, the best of which was Mount Steuart; and 125 slaves", becoming himself a substantial landowner and slaveholder.[35] In 1846 his father James Steuart died, and he inherited Maryland Square, his family's mansion in the western suburbs of Baltimore.[36] John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry [edit] In 1859 Steuart's militia participated in the suppression of John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry, an abortive attempt to ignite a slave rebellion.[22] Steuart personally led six companies of Militia: the City Guard, Law Greys and Shields Guard from Baltimore, and the United Guards, Junior Defenders and Independent Riflemen from the city of Frederick.[18] The departing Baltimore militia were cheered on by substantial crowds of citizens and well-wishers.[37] After Harper's Ferry, militias in the South began to grow in importance as Southerners began to fear slave rebellion inspired by Northern Abolitionists.[38] The following year, in a letter to the National Intelligencer on November 19, 1860, Steuart congratulated the editors on their support for the Fugitive Slave Acts, and set out his own support for the Supreme Court's 1857 decision to uphold slavery in the case of Dred Scott v. Sandford. He also criticized the recent election of then President-elect Abraham Lincoln on a platform opposed to slavery. Steuart argued for "the invalidity of Lincoln's election, because of the negro votes cast and counted for him in the states of New York, Ohio, and Massachusetts".[39] In 1861, as war grew closer, Steuart established a family trust, administered by four of his sons, in order to look after his large family. The trust income consisted chiefly of ground rents from his estates.[40] Civil War [edit] See also: Baltimore riot of 1861 By April 1861 it had become clear that war was inevitable. On April 16 Steuart's eldest son, George H. Steuart, then an officer in the United States Army, resigned his captain's commission to join the Confederacy.[41] On April 19 Baltimore was disrupted by riots, during which Southern sympathizers attacked Union troops passing through the city by rail, causing what were arguably the first casualties of the Civil War. Steuart ordered his militia to assemble, armed and uniformed, to repel the Federal soldiers,[22] as Steuart himself was strongly sympathetic to the Confederacy, along with most of his senior officers. It is possible that he may even have contemplated an invasion of Washington DC.[42] Perhaps knowing this, and no doubt aware that public opinion in Baltimore was divided, Governor Thomas Holliday Hicks refused to order out the militia.[43] Steuart's eldest son commanded one of the city militias during the disturbances of April 1861 and, in a letter to his father, the younger Steuart wrote: "I found nothing but disgust in my observations along the route and in the place I came to – a large majority of the population are insane on the one idea of loyalty to the Union and the legislature is so diminished and unreliable that I rejoiced to hear that they intended to adjourn...it seems that we are doomed to be trodden on by these troops who have taken military possession of our State, and seem determined to commit all the outrages of an invading army."[44] Steuart's brother, the physician Richard Sprigg Steuart, was also in Baltimore during the riots and he held a somewhat different view of the state of public opinion in the city: "I happened to be in Baltimore on the night of the 19th April 1861, and witnessed the outburst of feeling on the part of the people. Generally, when the Massachusetts troops were passing thru the city of Baltimore, it was evident to me that 75 p.c. of the population was in favour of repelling these troops. Instinctively the people seemed to look upon them as intruders, or as invaders of the South, not as defenders of the City of Baltimore. How or by whom the first blow was given can not be now ascertained, but the feeling of resistance was contagious and powerful. The Mayor of the City, nevertheless, though it his duty to keep the peace and protect these troops in their passage thru Baltimore."[45] Steuart and his son made strenuous efforts to persuade Marylanders to secede from the Union, and to use the militia to prevent the occupation of the State by Union soldiers. But by April 25 his efforts had become largely defensive. In a letter of the same date he wrote to Governor of Virginia John Letcher stating that he was: "very anxious to hold a strong position at or near the Relay House so as to guard and keep open [railway communications] and at the same time cutting it off from Washington"[46] Steuart's efforts to persuade Maryland to secede from the Union were in vain. On April 29, the Maryland Legislature voted 53–13 against secession. and the state was swiftly occupied by Union soldiers to prevent any reconsideration. Flight to Virginia [edit] The political situation remained uncertain until May 13, 1861, when Union troops occupied the state, restoring order and preventing any further move to secession, and by late summer Maryland was firmly in the hands of Union soldiers. Arrests of Confederate sympathizers soon followed, and General Steuart fled to Charlottesville, Virginia, after which much of his family's property was confiscated by the Federal Government.[47] Maryland Square was seized by the Union Army and re-named Camp Andrew after Massachusetts Governor John Albion Andrew, a noted abolitionist.[48] Union troops were quartered in Steuart's mansion and Jarvis Hospital was soon erected on the grounds of the estate, to care for Federal wounded.[49] Steuart was not alone in fleeing to Virginia to join the Confederacy. Many members of the newly formed Maryland Line in the Confederate army would be drawn from Steuart's Maryland militia,[50] though at age 71 Steuart was personally judged too old for active service. Despite this, he spent much of the war following the Confederate army and was present at or near a number of battles,[51] including Gettysburg,[52] and the First Battle of Manassas, where he was so close to the fighting that he was actually captured by Union forces. Fortunately, when it was discovered he was not a serving officer in the Confederate army he was soon released.[53] The cost of war [edit] Steuart is often confused with his eldest son, Brigadier General George H. Steuart,[54] who rose rapidly in the Confederate command, distinguishing himself at the First Battle of Manassas and fighting for the South at many battles including Cross Keys, Winchester and Gettysburg. Wounded, captured and exchanged, the younger Steuart would eventually surrender with General Lee at Appomattox. Local residents in Baltimore would come to know father and son as "The Old General" and "The Young General".[55] Steuart's third son, Lieutenant William James Steuart (1832–1864), also fought for the Confederacy. During the Battle of the Wilderness he was severely wounded in the hip, and was sent to Guinea station, a hospital for officers in Richmond, Virginia. There, on 21 May 1864, he died.[56] A friend of general Steuart at the University of Virginia wrote to his bereaved father: "You will not charge me, I trust, with intruding on the sacredness of your grief, if I cannot help giving expression to my deep, heartfelt sympathy with your great sorrow. You have sacrificed so much for the righteous cause already, that I know you will present this last and most precious offering also with the fortitude of your character and the submission of a Christian. Still, I know how valuable this son of yours had been to your interests, how dear to your heart, and I cannot tell you, with what deep and sincere grief I heard of your terrible loss."[57] Steuart's brother, the physician Richard Sprigg Steuart, chose not to leave Maryland, remaining in his home state throughout the war, though his open support for the Confederacy meant that he too became a fugitive from the federal authorities. Baltimore resident W W Glenn described him as living in constant fear of capture: "I was spending the evening out when a footstep approached my chair from behind and a hand was laid upon me. I turned and saw Dr. R. S. Steuart. He has been concealed for more than six months. His neighbors are so bitter against him that he dare not go home, and he committed himself so decidedly on the 19th April and is known to be so decided a Southerner, that it more than likely he would be thrown into a Fort. He goes about from place to place, sometimes staying in one county, sometimes in another and then passing a few days in the city. He never shows in the day time & is cautious who sees him at any time. He has several negroes in his confidence at different places."[58] General Steuart corresponded regularly with a friend, Sally J. Newman, in Hilton, Va. during course of the war. In these letters, which are held by the Maryland Historical Society, Steuart deplores Negro suffrage and the general condition of the country.[40] After the war [edit] Steuart's dedication to the "Lost Cause" of the Confederacy would prove a disaster for him and his family. Although Maryland Square was restored to him after the war, neither he nor his children would live there again.[59] Jarvis hospital was closed in 1865, at the war's end, and in the summer of 1866 the buildings were auctioned off, permitting successful bidders 10 days from the date of auction in which to remove their purchases from the grounds.[60] After the war Steuart travelled to Europe, but returned to Maryland in 1867,[51] where he died on October 21, 1867, age 77. He is buried at Greenmount Cemetery, Maryland, along with his wife, eldest son and other members of his family.[61] Family life [edit] Steuart married Ann-Jane Edmondson in Baltimore on May 3, 1836. They had 10 children: George H. Steuart (1828–1903), Confederate brigadier general during the American Civil War. Isaac Edmondson Steuart (1830–1891). Suffered from mental illness and was "in and out of mental institutions" for much of his life.[40] Lieutenant William James Steuart (1832–1864), C.S.A. Killed at the Battle of the Wilderness, 1864.[56] Thomas Edmondson Steuart (1834–1866) Dr James Henry Steuart (1835–1892) Mary Elizabeth Steuart (1837–1840) Ann Rebecca Steuart (1839–1865) Charles David Steuart (1841–1921). Like his older brother Isaac, suffered from mental illness and was "in and out of mental institutions" for much of his life.[40] Margaret Sophia Steuart (1843–1860) Henrietta Elizabeth Steuart (1846–1867)[62] Legacy [edit] Perhaps not surprisingly, as Maryland had remained loyal to the Union, there is no monument to Steuart in his home state. Maryland Square was demolished in 1884, and little trace of his mansion, or Jarvis Hospital, remains today. However, in 1919 the Sisters of Bon Secours themselves opened a hospital, their first in the United States, at 2000 West Baltimore Street, very near the location of the former Jarvis Hospital.[63] The Grace Medical Center continues to flourish today, and forms an important part of the modern neighbourhood, which still retains the name of Steuart Hill.[59][64] See also [edit] American Civil War portal History of the Maryland Militia in the Civil War Maryland Line (CSA) Notes [edit] References [edit] Andrews, Matthew Page, History of Maryland, Doubleday Doran & Co, New York City (1929). Brackenridge, Henry Marie, p.249, History of the Late War between the United States and Great Britain, Philadelphia (1836). Retrieved Jan 15 2010 Field, Ron, et al., The Confederate Army 1861-65: Missouri, Kentucky & Maryland[permanent dead link] Osprey Publishing (2008), Retrieved March 4, 2010 George, Christopher T Terror on the Chesapeake, The War of 1812 on the Bay, White Mane Books (2000). Goldsborough, W. W., The Maryland Line in the Confederate Army, Guggenheimer Weil & Co (1900), ISBN 0-913419-00-1. Gurley, Ralph Randolph, Ed., p.251, The African Repository, Volume 3 (1827). Retrieved Jan 15 2010 Hanson, George Adolphus, Old Kent: The Eastern Shore of Maryland: Notes Illustrative of the Most Ancient Records Of Kent County, Maryland Published by John P. Des Forges (1876), ASIN: B0013KKEXE. Retrieved on Jan 11 2011 Harrison, Bruce, The Family Forest Descendants of Lady Joan Beaufort[permanent dead link] Retrieved August 28, 2010 Hickey, Donald R., The War of 1812, a Forgotten Conflict, University of Illinois Press (October 1, 1990) ISBN 0-252-06059-8 Retrieved January 11, 2010 Hickman, Nathaniel, p.100, The Citizen Soldiers at North Point and Fort McHenry, September 12 & 13 1814, published by James Young (1889). Retrieved Jan 14 2010 Leventhorpe, Collett, p.110, The English Confederate - The Life Of A Civil War General, 1815-1889 McFarland & Company (2006) Retrieved Jan 11 2010 Marine, William Matthew, The British Invasion of Maryland, 1812-1815 Nabu Press (2010) ISBN 1-176-49230-6 Retrieved Jan 14 2010 Melton, Tracy Matthew, Hanging Henry Gambrill - The Violent Career of Baltimore's Plug Uglies, Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore (2005) ISBN 0-938420-93-3 Mitchell, C. W., Maryland Voices of the Civil War, Johns Hopkins University Press (2007) Nelker, Gladys P., The Clan Steuart, Genealogical Publishing (1970). Papenfuse, Edward C. et al., Archives of Maryland, Historical List, new series, Vol. 1. Annapolis, MD: Maryland State Archives (1990). Richardson. Hester Dorey, Side-Lights on Maryland History: With Sketches of Early Maryland Families, Tidewater Publishing, 1967. ASIN: B00146BDXW, ISBN 0-8063-0296-8, ISBN 978-0-8063-0296-6. Shirk, Ida M., p.160, Descendants of Richard & Elizabeth (Ewen) Talbott of Popular Knowle Retrieved January 2012 Sjoberg, Leif, American Swedish (1973) Retrieved February 2011 Sparks, Jared, and others, p.168, The American Almanac and Repository of Useful Knowledge, Volume 10 Retrieved August 29, 2010 Steuart, George H., Letter to the National Intelligencer dated November 19, 1860, unpublished, Archive of the Maryland Historical Society. Steuart, James, Papers, Maryland Historical Society, unpublished. Steuart, William Calvert, Article in Sunday Sun Magazine, "The Steuart Hill Area's Colorful Past", Baltimore, February 10, 1963. Sullivan, David M., The United States Marine Corps in the Civil War: The First Year, White Mane Publishing, (1997) Retrieved Jan 13 2010 White, Roger B, Article in The Maryland Gazette, "Steuart, Only Anne Arundel Rebel General", November 13, 1969.
7368	dbpedia	0	59	https://www.usmcu.edu/Research/Marine-Corps-History-Division/Research-Tools-Facts-and-Figures/Lineal-Lists/	en	Lineal Lists			[ "https://www.usmcu.edu/Portals/218/MCU_Logo.jpg?ver=sN354IEM_EkACU2VYTvAkA%3d%3d", "https://www.usmcu.edu/DesktopModules/SharedLibrary/Images/VCL 988_Hoz_CMYK.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	/Portals/218/MCU_fav.ico?ver=tQ9u7r6RKJcfAwOsA-Lhow%3d%3d		null	Every Marine officer has his/her place within the officer corps, this is considered their 'linear number'--who is senior to whom. The "blue book" or "lineal list" (and also called the Navy Register) is an annual book that contains all the active duty officers of the Marine Corps within their respective ranks in order of precedence. The lineal lists can be an extremely useful historical tool as they can, depending on the year and/or version, contain information on the officer's location of service, lineal position, service number, and other beneficial information. In a continuing effort to make more historical resources available online, the Marine Corps History Division has digitized the lineal lists from 1800 through 1933 and are making them available herein. Please Note: the books are very fragile and the scanning is the best that could be done given the condition of the original material. Also, we do not have a complete set so some years will not be available.
7368	dbpedia	0	22	https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/1st_nc_regiment.html	en	1st NC Regiment (Infantry)			[ "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/NCLogo.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/1st_nc_regiment.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/Carolina.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/SCLogo.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null	For the record, this regiment and the 3rd NC Regiment served together for almost the entire war, assigned to the same brigades and fighting in all the same battles/skirmishes except for Farmville, VA. The 1st NC Regiment was organized at the race track near Warrenton in the spring of 1861. Governor John W. Ellis appointed the field officers on May 8, 1861, and company officers were commissioned on May 16th. Over 1,500 enlisted men have been recorded for the ten companies. In July, after the organization was perfected, the regiment was ordered to Richmond, and was assigned to Brigadier General Theophilus H. Holmes' Brigade, at Brooks' Station, near the mouth of Acquia Creek. While here Company B was detached and ordered to the mouth of Acquia Creek to man the heavy guns in the batteries stationed there, and was engaged in several skirmishes with the enemy's gun-boats. In the Spring of 1862 a portion of the North Carolina Troops, iucluding the 1st NC Regiment, was ordered to Goldsborough to meet an advance of the enemy from New Bern. At this time, Lt. Colonel Matthew W. Ransom was elected Colonel of the 35th NC Regiment, and accepted; Major John A. McDowell was made Lt. Colonel; Captain Tristrim L Skinner, of Company A, became Major. The regiment having been again ordered back to Richmond, arrived on the battlefield of Seven Pines just after the battle had been fought (June 1, 1862). Here it remained for several weeks, chiefly on picket duty, with an occasional skirmish with the enemy, and lost several of its men. While here a new brigade was formed, composed of the 1st and 3rd North Carolina regiments, the 4th and 44th Georgia regiments, and Brigadier General R. S. Ripley (SC) was assigned to its command, with Major General Daniel H. Hill (NC) being in command of the division. On the 26th of June, after a circuitous and fatiguing night march, the regiment arrived in the vicinity of Mechanicsville. Here a detail of one company from each regiment was made, and Major William L. DeRosset, of the 3rd NC Regiment, was placed in command. Ripley's Brigade, having been selected as the assaulting column, was ordered across the bridge and to form line of battle. It advanced to the attack in front of the splendid artillery of the enemy strongly posted across the pond at Elyson's Mills near Mechanicsville. The slaughter was terrific, yet the 1st NC Regiment pressed forward in the face of this murderous fire for more than half a mile, advancing steadily to what seemed inevitable destruction, till it reached the pond, when it was ordered by the right flank and took shelter in a skirt of woods below. In this assault Col. Mumford S. Stokes was mortally wounded, Lt. Col. McDowell badly wounded and Major Skinner killed. Capt. James A. Wright, of Company E was killed; Capt. R. W. Rives, of Company H was mortally wounded and soon died; four Lieutenants, and more than half of the men of the regiment were killed and wounded. On the 27th, the enemy having retreated, this regiment, with the army, pursued them in the direction of Cold Harbor by way of Bethsaida Church. There being now no field officers and but few company officers in the regiment. Major William R. Cox, of the 2nd NC Regiment, was ordered to take command in this battle. The next day the Chickahominy River was crossed at Grape Vine Bridge and the march continued in the direction of White Oak Swamp via Savage's Station. Here, after a sharp skirmish, the enemy was repulsed at Gaines's Mill. From this point the regiment marched in the direction of Malvern Hill by way of Quaker Road, and turning to the right after passing the church, was soon under fire from the enemy's guns on Malvern Hill. The troops taking shelter under the crest of the hill, formed a line of battle and were ordered by Major General Daniel H. Hill to assault the strong natural position of the enemy on the plateau. Arriving at Poindexter's Farm, at the crest and in full view at close range of the enemy's infantry and artillery, this regiment, together with the 3rd, went by the left flank, in perfect order, and took advantage of a cut in the road. It was here that the gallant soldier, Col. Gaston Meares, of the 3rd NC Regiment, was killed while bravely leading his regiment. Brigadier General Charles Winder (SC), of the Stonewall Brigade, then assumed command of this and the 3rd NC Regiment. Among the killed at the battle of Malvern Hill was Capt. John Benbury, of Company A, beloved and mourned by the entire regiment. After this battle Capt. Hamilton A Brown, of Company B, was promoted to Lt. Colonel, and Capt. James S. Hines, of Company C, became the new Major. The regiment remained for several days in this locality, Major General Daniel H. Hill's Division, of which it was a part, having been left to watch Union General George McClellan's movements. While here, Lt. Col. Brown and Maj. Hines were detailed to go to Raleigh to procure the regiment's quota of conscripts. They returned with about five hundred new recruits. After being assigned to their proper companies and sufficiently drilled, the regiment, with the division, was moved by rail to Orange Court House. About the 9th of August the regiment moved in the direction the army had taken, passing the battlefield of Cedar Mountain, and was in reserve at 2nd Manassas and Chantilly, Virginia. Afterwards it crossed the Potomac River at Point of Rocks and camped near Frederick, MD, where it remained for several days, then crossed the South Mountain at Crampton's Gap and remained at Boonsboro, MD, until the 14th, when it participated in the battle of Boonsboro Gap, its position being on the right of the Braddock Road. At one time during this battle six companies were hotly engaged, losing several men. After dark the army withdrew and moved in the direction of Sharpsburg, MD, where it arrived on the morning of the 15th, taking position in a cornfield on the ridge north of the town. Here we fed abundantly on green corn and pumpkins, till the firing of the enemy's artillery in the afternoon admonished us of more important matters. On the following day this regiment, with the brigade, while supporting a battery, was subjected to a heavy fire from the enemy's artillery across Antietam Creek. At daylight on the 17th the firing began at close range. The troops were soon moved by the left flank, at double-quick, and occupied a position at a burning farm building. After a hard battle of an hour, Brigadier General R.S. Ripley (SC) having been wounded in the neck, the advance to the front and left was ordered by Col. George P. Doles, of the 4th Georgia, now in command. After an irresistible effort on our part, the Federals were driven from, and we gained possession of, the celebrated cornfield. On, on, this vast army approached our thin ranks. Word was passed: "Fix bayonets, boys!" We nerved ourselves for the attack, which was murderous beyond description, continuing for more than an hour and a half. Ripley's Brigade, after bearing the brunt of the battle, was ordered to retreat, the enemy not pursuing. The manner of this. retreat was slow and in order and under Major General Hill's personal supervision. Observing an abandoned caisson, he, Major General Hill, ordered the soldiers to remove it from the field, remarking: "We will not leave the enemy so much as a wheel." The retreat was continued to the Dunkard Church on the Hagerstown Road, where, after being supplied with ammunition, our lines were reformed, the enemy making no further demonstrations on that day. The following day the troops rested on the field, in plain view of the enemy's lines, and during the night crossed the swollen Potomac River back into Virginia. The loss of the regiment in this battle was more than fifty per cent, of the number engaged, including some of its best officers and men, among the number Capt. Thomas S. Bonchelle, of Company B. After resting for several weeks in the lower valley, the army moved by way of New Market Gap, passing Orange Court House in the direction of Fredericksburg, Virginia. The regiment and brigade continued its march to Port Royal on the Rappahannock River, where it remained for several days. On the morning of the 12th of December the troops moved back in the direction of Fredericksburg, marching the greater part of the night and reaching Hamilton's Crossing on the morning of the 13th. In this battle this regiment was in the second line until the evening of the first day, when it took position in the first line. The enemy being driven back, the Confederates lay on the field, anticipating another furious battle, and "bitterly thought of the morrow." Before dawn the line was advanced to the railroad, within three hundred yards of the enemy, but no blood was shed this day, and but one shot was fired. The enemy sent a flag of truce on the 14th, asking permission of Lt. General "Stonewall" Jackson to remove their dead and wounded, who were lying in heaps on that portion of the railroad occupied by this regiment. The permission was promptly granted by the General. The troops were employed during the dark and rainy night following in tearing up the nearby railroadan extremely difficult taskas orders were given to accomplish this work in silence, as well as in the dark, "without lights and without noise." The enemy retreated, and thus ended the first battle of Fredericksburg. After this the regiment built and occupied winter quarters on the Rappahannock River, near Skinker's Neck. There the winter of 1862-'63 was spent on picket duty along the river. While stationed at this point the regiment, which had been in Major General Daniel H. Hill's Division, was now changed to Jackson's old division, commanded by Major General Isaac R. Trimble (VA), and our gallant Georgia comrades, the 4th and 44th Regiments, were exchanged for the 10th, 23rd, and 37th Virginia Regiments. These regiments, with the 1st and 3rd NC Regiments, formed a new brigade, and Brigadier General Raleigh E. Colston (VA) was assigned to command it. On the 29th of April this regiment left its camp at Skinker's Neck and marched to Hamilton's Crossing, thence in the direction of Chancellorsville, VA. On the 2nd of May, a Saturday morning, while waiting in the road on the east of Chancellorsville, the members of this regiment witnessed an interview between General Robert E. Lee and Lt. General Stonewall Jackson. These generals went apart from their staff officers and sat down upon the leaves. General Lee unfolding a map that he had taken from his pocket, and pointing out to General Jackson with a pencil on the map, who nodded assent. In a short while General Jackson arose and called Major Alexander Pendleton, his chief of staff, and through him ordered the troops to move by the left flank. Then commenced that grand strategic movement that has since been the wonder and admiration of the world. Rapidly marching around the enemy's lines to his right and rear, crossing the plank road and arriving on the old turnpike road about 4 p.m., two and a half miles west of Chancellorsville, having marched in all more than fifteen miles in a few hours, and about five miles in a direct line from the starting point in the morning, Jackson's Corps had been detached from the main body of the army to make this attack. On this march regimental commanders were ordered to march in rear of their regiments with a guard of strong men with fixed bayonets, to prevent straggling. Immediately on arrival at the stone road the troops were formed in three lines of battle, Colston's Brigade being in the second line. The order to advance was obeyed with promptness. Rushing on towards the enemy's camp, the first scene that can be recalled was the abundant supply of slaughtered beef and rations cooking. We ontinued the pursuit until night, when the enemy made a stand within a mile of the Chancellor House. Here great confusion ensued. The two front lines having become mingled, were halted and reformed. This regiment, being in better alignment than most of the others. Lt. General Jackson in person ordered it to advance as skirmishers in front of the line. Shortly after being thus deployed it was charged by a company of Federal cavalry, which proved to be a part of the 8th Pennsylvania. The greater portion of them were unhorsed and captured. This was a critical period in the battle, and Lt. General Jackson seemed unusually anxious. He gave instructions to the Colonel of this regiment to fire upon everything coming from the direction of the enemy. On Sunday, the 3rd of May, the 1st NC Regiment was formed on the right of the road, and, advancing, captured the first line of the enemy's worksa barricade of huge logs with abatis in front. The portion of these works that crossed a ravine and swamp, and which was favorable to the occupancy of the enemy, was assaulted three times by the Confederates before it was finally held. This regiment, with the major part of the brigade, participated in the last two of these charges. It was then that Major General J. E. B. Stuart, who was in command (Generals Jackson and Hill having both been wounded on the evening before) ordered the whole line forward. The enemy's earthworks in front were carried by storm and many pieces of artillery which occupied them were captured. We were now in full view of the Chancellor House, and the captured guns were turned on the fleeing enemy. Soon the Chancellor House was in flames, and a glorious victory perched upon our banners. The Confederate line was again moved forward and executed a wheel to the left, bringing this regiment and brigade immediately to the Chancellor House, hence this brigade, which had been commanded since early in the day by Lt. Colonel Hamilton A. Brown (Capt. Louis C. Latham being in command of the regiment, Col. John A. McDowell and Maj. Jarrett N. Harrell having been wounded), was the first of the Confederate troops to reach the Chancellor House, Lt. Colonel Brown being the fifth brigade commander that day, as per his report in "War Records." During one of these assaults alluded to above this brigade became detached from the division, and when it arrived at the Chancellor House was between two of Major General Robert E. Rodes' Virginia brigades. On the 6th of May, the brigade marched to U. S. Ford on the Rappahannock River. While here the enemy was permitted by General Lee to lay a pontoon-bridge and send over several hundred ambulances to the battlefield of Chancellorsville for their wounded. A whole week was consumed in effecting this object, after which the brigade was removed and operations resumed. The troops now returned to the vicinity of Fredericksburg. Early in June, soon after the Chancellorsville battle, Major General Edward Johnson (VA) was assigned to command the Stonewall Division, and Brigadier General George H. Steuart to command Colston's Brigade. The division was now composed of Paxton's, or the First Brigade, known as the Stonewall Brigade, Jones', or the Second Brigade, and George H. Steuart's, the Third Brigade. From its bivouac near Fredericksburg our army now marched in the direction of Winchester, the Second Corps crossing the Blue Ridge at Chester Gap. Arriving at Winchester, we participated in the battle of the 13th and 14th of June, which was very disastrous to the Federal. After the battle on the evening of the 14th, Johnson's Division was ordered to intercept and capture the routed enemy, and for this purpose the division marched all night, and by a circuitous route by way of Jordan's Springs, arrived at daybreak near Stephenson's Depot, on the Valley Pike. During a sharp battle at this place, in which the regiment was sorely pressed. Lt. John A. Morgan, with a squad of men, saved the day by taking command of and operating a Confederate battery which this regiment was supporting, after nearly all the regular artillerymen had been killed or wounded. Several hundred of the enemy threw down their guns and surrendered. Portions of four regiments, with their colors, surrendered to this regiment. At this stage of the battle the regiment volunteered to reconnoiter the field to the Carter house, a mile distant, and succeeded in capturing two hundred horses. In this last battle the 1st NC Regiment lost the gallant Capt. John S. R. Miller, of Company H, formerly Adjutant of the regiment. On the 18th of June, the regiment crossed the Potomac River at Shepherdstown and encamped near the Dunkard Church, on the previous battlefield of Sharpsburg. While here the Rev. George Patterson, the Chaplain of the 3rd NC Regiment, having been solicited, read the burial service over the noble heroes of the 1st and 3rd Regiments who had fallen on this battlefield in 1862 and were buried near this church. From this camp the regiment, with the brigade, marched via Hagerstown to Chambersburg, Greencastle and McConnellsburg to the vicinity of Carlisle and on to Gettysburg, having marched twenty-five miles the last day, but arrived too late to participate in the engagement of the first day. The position of the regiment the next day was about two miles east of the town, the regiment being the left of the brigade and extreme left of the army. In the charge that took place at 4 p.m. this regiment, after crossing Rock Creek, assembled on the right, and with the brigade assaulted and captured the enemy's works at the southeast base of Culp's Hill. Lt. Green Martin, of Company B, was the first to enter the works, where he received a mortal wound. At this juncture the officer in command of this regiment sent a message to Major General Johnson to the effect that with re-inforcements he could cut the Baltimore Pike. On the morning of July 3rd the second line of the enemy's works, strongly posted on Culp's Hill, was assaulted. The fighting here was desperate, the enemy using his artillery at close range and with great effect. The attack failed and we fell back to the works that we had first captured and at night retreated to the position occupied on the first day, west of the town, leaving most of our dead, thirty-eight in number, on the field. Next day we turned our faces toward Virginia, and after several skirmishes and hard marches, arrived at Williamsport, MD, and forded the swollen Potomac River on the 15th, the men having to put their cartridge boxes on their bayonets to keep them above the water. After various marches via Front Royal and Page Valley, and with some skirmishing, we reached Orange Gourt House early in August, participated in the Bristoe Campaign in October, by having an occasional skirmish with the enemy. On the 27th of November this regiment was engaged in a short, sharp fight at Payne's Farm, where the commanding officer of the regiment, Lt. Colonel Hamilton A. Brown, was shot through the hand, when lock-jaw threatened, and the command was turned over to Capt. Louis C. Latham. In this battle the enemy was driven from the field after a loss of several of the regiment's best men. At Mine Run the regiment was engaged in several skirmishes, but in no general battle. Thus ended the campaign of 1863, and the regiment built winter quarters near the Rapidan River, and did picket duty along the river at Mitchell's Ford during the winter of 1863-64. Colonel John A. McDowell having now resigned, Lt. Colonel Hamilton A. Brown was promoted to Colonel, Major Jarrette N. Harrell to Lt. Colonel and Capt. Louis C. Latham to Major. The regiment was now thoroughly reorganized and the vacancies filled with competent company officers, carefully selected, all of them an honor to their State. On the 4th of May camp was broken and the regiment, with the brigade and division, marched in the direction of Locust Grove and met the enemy on the evening of the 15th in the first day's battle of the Wilderness, where, after a hard fight, a portion of the regiment captured two pieces of artillery and more than one hundred prisoners in an opening on the old stone road. A portion of the 1st NC Regiment, Lt.Obadiah R. Scott being one of the leading spirits, suddenly emerged from a thicket of pines and attacked a Federal artillery battery on its flank. Here the fighting was desperate, clubbed-guns and bayonets being used. "Twas claw for claw, and the devil for us all." This portion of our regiment, having crossed the road and obliqued too far to the right, was now in rear of the enemy's lines opposed by Major General Robert Rodes (VA) on the right of the road. At length General Rodes succeeded in routing this portion of the enemy's line and a perfect stampede ensued. We could only avail ourselves of the above-named gully, from which we had just captured so many of the enemy, while this vast herd of fleeing Federals came rushing through and over us without firing a gun or speaking a word. While we were yet in this temporary concealment, Colonel James N. Lightfoot, of the 6th Alabama, in pursuit of the routed foe, dashed up to this battery, mounted the guns and, with flag in hand, claimed the capture. We in turn rose up from this now famous gully and, to his astonishment and disappointment, proved to him that the prize and the honor were ours. The remaining portion of the regiment, with the brigade, arrived in time to assist in reclaiming the battery from Colonel Lightfoot and the 6th Alabama. The enemy being reinforced, made another advance, and we were in turn driven back to our first position, leaving the guns between the lines. We, however, removed them from the field on the night of the 6th, after the firing had ceased. On the night of May 7th the movement was commenced by the right flank and the march was continued throughout the next day, the 8th, through the dust, heat and smoke (the woods being on fire), the regiment arriving in the evening near Spotsylvania Court House. The enemy was marching on a road nearly parallel with ours, and where the roads came together, at sundown, a brisk engagement took place. While going into this action, on the right by file into line, colorbearer W. H. Lee was decapitated by a shell. Capt. William H. Thompson picked up the colors, and bore them until the regiment had finished the movement and taken its place in line. The night of May 8th and the day of May 9th were spent in building works. On the 10th, Brigadier General George P. Doles' (GA) works having been captured immediately on the left, this regiment and brigade were sent to his assistance. After a most sanguinary battle of two hours, in which we lost some of our bravest and best men. Lt. Larkin Curtis among the number, the works were recaptured and we returned to our position in line. The regiment rested on the 11th. On the morning of the 12th, dark and rainy, a fitting prelude to a day that was dark in the fullest sense of the term, the enemy made a desperate assault on the salient angle occupied by Jones' Brigade, this regiment being immediately on the right of it. For a short time the fighting was desperate. The terrific onslaught of this vast multitude was irresistible, there being a rectangular mass of twenty thousand Federal troops, not in line of battle, but in column of regiments doubled on the centre, supported by a division on each flank, in all more than thirty thousand troops concentrated against this one point. The portion of the works assaulted by this formidable column was little more than four hundred yards wide. All but about thirty of the whole 1st NC Regiment were captured, the Colonel wounded and captured and recaptured three times; the last time from the enemy's ambulance corps, who, in turn, were made prisoners, and bore him to the Confederate rear instead of the Yankee rear, as was their intention. A hickory tree, said to be sixteen inches in diameter, was cut down by minnie balls alone and fell near our works. From this time until the close of the war the regiment was a mere company, but preserved its organization, and was, with the 3rd NC Regiment, transferred to Cox's Brigade and participated in all the battles in which that brigade was engaged between Spottsylvania and Richmond. About this time Lt. General Jubal Early (VA) was assigned to command the Second Corps, and was ordered to Lynchburg to meet Hunter's Raid, at which point the corps arrived on the 18th, and after some skirmishing the enemy withdrew during the night and was driven from this portion of Virginia, leaving his artillery and a portion of his train. General Early then marched in the direction of Staunton, passing Lexington. From this point, the army marched in the direction of Washington City by way of the Valley and Monocacy Junction, near Frederick, where a battle took place, the enemy being greatly damaged. Next day, after a long march through the dust and heat, the regiment and the army reached Silver Spring, in view of the dome of the Capitol, where, after some further skirmishing. General Early finding himself confronted by an overwhelming force and his flank threatened, withdrew to the Valley by way of Leesburg and Snicker's Gap. General Early now organized a corps of sharpshooters from the different regiments in the Second Corps, this regiment furnishing its quota, and its Colonel was appointed to command the corps of sharpshooters thus formed. After this the sharpshooters were engaged in almost daily skirmishes with the enemy, and took part in the battles of Winchester, August 17th; Charlestown, August 21st; Smithfield, August 29th; Bunker's Hill, September 3rd, and in the bloody and disastrous battle of 3rd Winchester, September 19th, in which the veteran Major General Robert Rodes (VA), who had ever been equal to occasion, was killed, and also some of our bravest and best officers and men, the true and genial Capt. Thomas D. Boone, of Company F, being among the wounded in this unfortunate battle. In this engagement the Confederates, ten thousand in number, met thirty thousand of the enemy. General Early retreated and took position at Fisher's Hill, where he was again overpowered, and retreated up the Valley to Waynesboro. The Confederates being reinforced, returned down the Valley, and marched, on the night of the 18th of October, around the end of the Mansanutton Mountain, crossed the Shenandoah River at Bowman's Ford, and attacked the enemy at daylight in his rear at Belle Grove, the sharpshooters capturing twelve pieces of artillery before the main body arrived. This strategy on the part of General Early was pronounced by military critics to be equal, or even superior, to that of General Robert E. Lee at Chancellorsville. Oa account of overwhelming odds, the Confederates were prevented from following up their advantages, and our decided victory of the morning was turned into a signal defeat before the day was over. A portion of this regiment and the sharpshooters were now under the immediate command of Major General Stephen D. Ramseur (NC), who, collecting his veterans behind a stone fence, and fighting like a lion, in this his last battle, was mortally wounded. Although this regiment had never been in his command, it had, as if by accident, been thrown with him in many bloody battles, and his undaunted courage and heroic conduct inspired many a faltering spirit to revive and "rush on to victory or to death." A patriot, a hero, a martyr! The army again retreated up the Valley, and after the defeat of Sheridan's Cavalry at Rudes Hill, near Mt. Jackson, the Valley Campaign of 1864 ended. After this the Second Corps of the Army of Northern Virginia returned to Petersburg and took up winter quarters within a few miles of the city. About the middle of February, 1865, the 1st NC Regiment, with the other troops of the corps, moved south of Petersburg, to near Sutherland's Depot. Here the regiment remained until about the middle of March, when the troops were ordered into the trenches in front of Petersburg, and there it remained until the night of the 24th of March, when that portion of the regiment, with the sharpshooters which had been engaged in the assault and capture of Fort Stedman (Hare's Hill) before daylight, as a portion of the assaulting column, including its commander, Col. Hamilton A. Brown, was captured by the enemy, under the command of Brigadier General Napoleon B. McLaughlen, but was shortly afterwards recaptured, and in turn captured General McLaughlen and his command. General McLaughlen asked permission to surrender his sword to Major General John B. Gordon (GA). Permission was granted, for the reason that it was not certain that he was a prisoner, or would be long, as captures and recaptures were so frequent. Upon his surrendering his sword to General Gordon, he was moved back to the Confederate rear and was safe, a prisoner. After this the fort was stubbornly held by the Confederates against great odds for more than four hours, when, by a sudden rush on the part of the enemy on the right, the lines were closed and the greater part of the sharpshooters, together with Col. Hamilton A. Brown, their commander, were cut off and forced to surrender again. The march from Petersburg to Appomattox was but a series of engagements until the memorable day of the 9th of April in 1865. This brigade was now commanded by that veteran soldier. Brigadier General William R. Cox (NC), who, as his men were retiring, ordered a halt, and the command was given: "Right about, face!" It was promptly obeyed, and once more, and for the last time, these few ragged, foot-sore and half-starved North Carolinians stood in the strength of their invincible manhood, opposed to the men they had met and had driven back on many a bloody field. Once more the command rang out in the clear, firm voice of the intrepid General Cox: "Ready, Aim, Fire!" And the last volley fired by the Army of Northern Virginia was by North Carolina troops, this regiment among the number. "Defeated, but not dishonored." * The above was written by former Colonel Hamilton A. Brown on April 9, 1900, and provided as Pages 136-156, in the compilation known as "Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War 1861-'65 - Volume I," edited by Walter Clark, and published by E. M. Uzzell, Printer and Binder, in 1901. Minor edits and deletions were provided by this Author for clarity and consistency.
7368	dbpedia	3	77	https://www.nam.ac.uk/explore/somerset-light-infantry-prince-alberts	en	The Somerset Light Infantry (Prince Albert’s)	https://www.nam.ac.uk/si…/138948_half.jpg	https://www.nam.ac.uk/si…/138948_half.jpg	[ "https://www.nam.ac.uk/themes/custom/nam_theme/assets/img/nam_stacked_web-bw.svg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/styles/slice_sm/public/2019-08/109025_slice.jpg.webp?itok=t_N-WXER", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/styles/slice_lg/public/2019-08/109025_slice.jpg.webp?itok=t8Xdx929", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2019-08/138948_half.jpg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2018-11/1005096_half.jpg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2018-03/13857_half.jpg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2018-06/1017648_full.jpg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2019-08/1006479_full.jpg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2018-06/1016321_full.jpg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2018-06/1005116_half.jpg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2019-08/78128_full.jpg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2019-08/241999_half.jpg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2017-06/230912_half.jpg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/styles/related_mobile/public/2019-07/140252_half.jpg.webp?itok=J_GAYIxI", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/styles/related_mobile/public/2019-07/140216_half.jpg.webp?itok=mXp7NlQi", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/styles/related_mobile/public/2019-07/1032154_half.jpg.webp?itok=jZnsW1uv", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/styles/related_mobile/public/2020-09/scli_teaser.jpg.webp?itok=A8mz8CBj", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/styles/related_mobile/public/2019-03/140999_half.jpg.webp?itok=_9eCW8Vy", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/sites/default/files/styles/related_mobile/public/2019-02/100615_teaser.jpg.webp?itok=P6Bu7aYe", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/themes/custom/nam_theme/assets/img/facebook.svg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/themes/custom/nam_theme/assets/img/x.svg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/themes/custom/nam_theme/assets/img/instagram.svg", "https://www.nam.ac.uk/themes/custom/nam_theme/assets/img/youtube.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	This infantry unit was raised in 1685 and served in many British Army campaigns during its long history. In 1959, it was merged into The Somerset and Cornwall Light Infantry.	en	/themes/custom/nam_theme/favicon.ico		https://www.nam.ac.uk/explore/somerset-light-infantry-prince-alberts	Origins In June 1685, King James II needed to expand his army to face the threat of the Duke of Monmouth’s rebellion. One of those commissioned to raise a new regiment was Theophilus Hastings, 7th Earl of Huntingdon. The rebellion was crushed the following month and so Huntingdon's regiment did not see action until 1689-90. By this time, it was fighting against James for his successor, King William III, serving at Killiecrankie in Scotland and at the Boyne and Cork in Ireland. From 1692, it fought against James’s French allies in Flanders and in the raid on Camarett Bay (1694). War of the Spanish Succession On the outbreak of the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13), the regiment returned to Flanders for three years, before being sent to Spain in 1704. There, it served at the recently captured Gibraltar and then at Barcelona. In 1706, its men were formed into a new dragoon regiment in the field. The colonel and 30 officers were sent home to re-raise the regiment as an infantry unit. This returned to Spain until 1711, fighting at Almanza (1707) and La Caya (1709). The regiment then became part of the garrison of Gibraltar, before returning home in 1728. War of the Austrian Succession In 1742, it returned to the Continent for five years, fighting at Dettingen (1743) and Fontenoy (1745) during the War of the Austrian Succession (1740-48). This posting was interrupted by a return to Scotland in 1745 to face the Jacobites at Falkirk and Culloden. All its officers were killed at Culloden, and what was left of the regiment had to be brought out of action by its sergeants. This was the origin of the regimental tradition of sergeants wearing their sash over the left shoulder rather than the right, as was usual for non-commissioned officers. The regiment then returned to the Continent, where it fought at Rocoux (1746) and Lauffeld (1747). In the 1751 numbering of line infantry regiments, the unit was given the number 13. Late 18th century A long period of garrison duty in Ireland, Gibraltar, Minorca and the West Indies followed. In 1782, the 13th became one of two units associated with Somerset. It also returned to the West Indies in 1790, helping to capture parts of the French colony of Saint Domingue (now Haiti) in 1793. The regiment began the 19th century in raids on the Spanish coast. Other deployments included the Siege of Alexandria (1801) in Egypt, Malta, Gibraltar and the occupation of Martinique (1809). During the War of 1812 (1812-15), it served in Canada from 1813, taking part in several border skirmishes. Far East In 1822, the regiment, now re-equipping as light infantry, set sail for its first Indian posting. This lasted 23 years and involved service during the First Burma War (1824-26), as well as the storming of Ghazni (1839) and the three-month defence of Jalalabad (1841-42) during the First Afghan War (1839-42). In recognition of the latter service, Queen Victoria renamed the regiment after her husband, Prince Albert. Later 19th century The regiment landed in the Crimea in 1854, serving at Sevastopol. Three years later, it returned to the subcontinent during the Indian Mutiny (1857-59). In 1858, a 2nd Battalion was raised. Its first posting was to South Africa and then Mauritius. 1st Battalion was sent to South Africa in 1874, fighting in the Ninth Cape Frontier War (1877-79) and the Zulu War (1879), before returning to Britain. In 1878, 2nd Battalion was sent to India. During its 14 years there, it also saw service in Rangoon during the Third Burma War (1885-87). Already a two-battalion regiment, the 13th was not merged with another during the 1881 reforms. However, it did renew its association with Somerset and opened a new depot, Jellalabad Barracks, in Taunton. 1st Battalion was sent to India for 15 years in 1893, taking in the Mohmand campaign of 1897. Meanwhile, 2nd Battalion served throughout the Boer War (1899-1902), participating in the Battle of Spion Kop and the Relief of Ladysmith (1900). First World War 1st Battalion spent the whole of the First World War (1914-18) on the Western Front, while 2nd Battalion was in India. The regiment raised a regular 3rd Battalion during the conflict, as well as eight Territorial, four New Army and two home service battalions. These fought in Mesopotamia (now Iraq) and Egypt and Palestine, as well as on the Western Front. Second World War 2nd Battalion moved to Gibraltar in 1939, remaining there until it joined the Allied forces in Tunisia in December 1943. It then fought in Italy, including the Battle of Monte Cassino (1944), before arriving in Greece for peace-keeping duties in November 1944. Initially stationed in India, 1st Battalion operated in Burma against the Japanese from November 1942 until the end of the conflict. Altogether, the regiment raised ten battalions during the war. The 4th and 7th landed in Normandy two weeks after D-Day (June 1944) and fought their way through France and the Low Countries with the 43rd (Wessex) Division. Post-war After the war, 2nd Battalion was engaged in occupation duties in Austria (1947). In February 1948, 1st Battalion embarked at Bombay, making it the last British military unit to leave India. Later that year, the regiment’s two battalions merged. In 1952, the regiment deployed for a three-year tour during the Malayan Emergency (1948-60). Service against insurgents on Cyprus then followed. In 1956, a detachment of the regiment served during the Suez Crisis. And the following year, the whole unit was in Germany with the British Army of the Rhine.
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For the motion picture, see The Big Red One. For the video game, see Call of Duty 2: Big Red One. For other uses, see 1st Division. 1st Infantry DivisionActive24 May 1917 – presentCountryUnited StatesBranchUnited States ArmyTypeCombined armsSizeDivisionPart ofIII Armored CorpsGarrison/HQFort Riley, KansasNickname(s)"The Big Red One"[1] (abbreviated "BRO"[2]) "The Bloody First"Motto(s)No Mission Too Difficult. No Sacrifice Too Great. Duty First!March"The Big Red One Song"[3]Mascot(s)RagsEngagementsWebsite1id.army.mil LeadershipCommandersCommanding GeneralMG Monte L. RoneDeputy Commanding GeneralMG Niave F. KnellCommand Sergeant MajorCSM Derek NoyesPrevious CommandersComplete listInsigniaSubdued shoulder sleeve insignia, worn on ACUCombat Service Identification BadgeDistinctive unit insigniaFlag[4] Military unit US Infantry Divisions Previous Next None 2nd Infantry Division The 1st Infantry Division (1ID) is a combined arms division of the United States Army, and is the oldest continuously serving division in the Regular Army.[5] It has seen continuous service since its organization in 1917 during World War I.[6] It was officially nicknamed "The Big Red One" (abbreviated "BRO"[2]) after its shoulder patch[6] and is also nicknamed "The Fighting First."[6] The division has also received troop monikers of "The Big Dead One" and "The Bloody First" as puns on the respective officially sanctioned nicknames.[7] It is currently based at Fort Riley, Kansas. World War I [edit] A few weeks after the American entry into World War I, the First Expeditionary Division, later designated the 1st Infantry Division, was constituted on 24 May 1917, in the Regular Army, and was organized on 8 June 1917, at Fort Jay, on Governors Island in New York harbor under the command of Brigadier General William L. Sibert, from Army units then in service on the Mexico–United States border and at various Army posts throughout the United States. The original table of organization and equipment (TO&E) included two organic infantry brigades of two infantry regiments each, one engineer battalion; one signal battalion; one trench mortar battery; one field artillery brigade of three field artillery regiments; one air squadron; and a full division train. The total authorized strength of this TO&E was 18,919 officers and enlisted men. George S. Patton, who served as the first headquarters commandant for the American Expeditionary Forces, oversaw much of the arrangements for the movement of the 1st Division to France, and their organization in-country. Frank W. Coe, who later served as Chief of Coast Artillery, was the division's first chief of staff. The first units sailed from New York City and Hoboken, New Jersey, on 14 June 1917.[8] Throughout the remainder of the year, the rest of the division followed, landing at St. Nazaire, France, and Liverpool, England. After a brief stay in rest camps, the troops in England proceeded to France, landing at Le Havre. The last unit arrived in St. Nazaire 22 December. Upon arrival in France, the division, less its artillery, was assembled in the First (Gondrecourt) training area, and the artillery was at Le Valdahon. On 4 July, the 2nd Battalion, 16th Infantry,[9] paraded through the streets of Paris to bolster the sagging French spirits. An apocryphal story holds that at Lafayette's tomb, to the delight of the attending Parisians, Captain Charles E. Stanton of the division's 16th Infantry Regiment stepped forward and declared, "Lafayette, nous sommes ici! [Lafayette, we are here!]" Two days later, on 6 July, Headquarters, First Expeditionary Division was redesignated as Headquarters, First Division, American Expeditionary Forces. On 8 August 1917, the 1st Division adopted the "square" Table of Organization and Equipment (TO&E), which specified two organic infantry brigades of two infantry regiments each; one engineer regiment; one signal battalion; one machine gun battalion; one field artillery brigade of three field artillery regiments, and a complete division train. The total authorized strength of this new TO&E was 27,120 officers and enlisted men. On the morning of 23 October, the first American shell of the war was fired toward German lines by a First Division artillery unit. Two days later, the 2nd Battalion of the 16th Infantry suffered the first American casualties of the war. By April 1918, the German Army had pushed to within 40 miles (64 km) of Paris. In reaction to this thrust, the division moved into the Picardy Sector to bolster the exhausted French First Army. To the division's front lay the small village of Cantigny, situated on the high ground overlooking a forested countryside. The 28th Infantry Regiment[citation needed] attacked the town, and within 45 minutes captured it along with 250 German soldiers. It was the first American victory of the war. The 28th was thereafter named the "Black Lions of Cantigny."[10] Soissons was taken by the 1st Division in July 1918. The Soisson's victory was costly – 700 men were killed or wounded. (One of them, Private Francis Lupo of Cincinnati, was missing in action for 85 years, until his remains were discovered on the former battlefield in 2003. The Remains of Pfc Charles McAllister, recovered with Francis Lupo were not identified and reburied until August 21, 2024).[11][12][13] The 1st Division took part in the first offensive by an American army in the war, and helped to clear the Saint-Mihiel salient by fighting continuously from 11 to 13 September 1918. The last major World War I battle was fought in the Meuse-Argonne Forest. The division advanced a total of seven kilometers and defeated, in whole or part, eight German divisions. This victory was mainly due to the efforts of George C. Marshall, who began the war as the division's Deputy Chief of Staff before being elevated to G-3 for the entire AEF in July 1918. Combat operations ended with the implementation of the terms of the Armistice on 11 November 1918. At the time the division was at Sedan, the farthest American penetration of the war, and was the first to cross the Rhine into occupied Germany. By the end of the war, the division had suffered 4,964 killed in action, 17,201 wounded in action, and 1,056 missing or died of wounds. Five division soldiers received Medals of Honor. The division's dog mascot was a mixed-breed terrier known as Rags. Rags was adopted by the division in 1918 and remained its mascot until his death in 1936. Rags achieved notoriety and celebrity as a war dog, after saving many lives in the crucial Argonne Campaign by delivering a vital message despite being bombed and gassed. Order of battle [edit] Assigned units [edit] Headquarters, 1st Division 1st Infantry Brigade 16th Infantry Regiment 18th Infantry Regiment 2nd Machine Gun Battalion 2nd Infantry Brigade 26th Infantry Regiment 28th Infantry Regiment 3rd Machine Gun Battalion 1st Field Artillery Brigade 5th Field Artillery Regiment (155 mm) 6th Field Artillery Regiment (75 mm) 7th Field Artillery Regiment (75 mm) 1st Trench Mortar Battery 1st Machine Gun Battalion 1st Engineer Regiment 2nd Field Signal Battalion Headquarters Troop, 1st Division 1st Train Headquarters and Military Police 1st Ammunition Train 1st Supply Train 1st Engineer Train 1st Sanitary Train 2nd, 3rd, 12th, and 13th Ambulance Companies and Field Hospitals) 1st Military Police Company, 1st Infantry Division. Attached units [edit] En route to France and in 1st (Gondrecourt) Training Area [edit] (as of 9 June – 23 September 1917) 5th Regiment USMC Ménil-la-Tour Area 28 February – 3 April 1918 [edit] 1st Battalion, 2nd Engineers (2nd Division) Cantigny Sector, at times from 27 April to 7 July 1918 [edit] French 228th Field Artillery Regiment (75 mm) French 253d Field Artillery Regiment (75 mm) 1st and 2nd Battalions of the French 258th Field Artillery Regiment (75 mm) 4th Battalion, Fr 301st Artillery Regiment (155 mm) One battery, French 3rd Cl Artillery Regiment (155 mm) 3rd and 4th Battalions, French 284th Artillery Regiment (220 mm) 2nd Battalion, French 289th Artillery Regiment (220 mm) One battery, Fr 3d Cl Artillery Regiment (220 mm) 6th Battalion, Fr 289th Artillery Regiment (280 mm) Two batteries Fr TM (58 mm) One battery Fr TM (150 mm) One battery Fr TM (240 mm) Fr 5th Tank Battalion (12 tanks) Aisne-Marne Operation [edit] (as of 18–23 July 1918) Fr 42d Aero Sq Fr 83d Bln Company Fr 253d FA-Portée (75 mm) Fr 11th and 12th Groups of Tanks Saizerais Sector [edit] (as of 8–24 August 1918) Fr 258th Aero Sq 6th and 7th Bln Companies 3 batteries Fr 247th FA- Portée Preceding and during the Saint-Mihiel Operation, at times from 8–14 September 1918 8th Observation Sq 9th Bln Company 58th Field Artillery Brigade and 108th Am Tn (33d Division) 76th Field Artillery (3d Division) (75 mm) Two batteries, 44th CA (8") Troops D, F, and H, 2nd Cavalry Two platoons, Company A, 1st Gas Regiment (Eight mortars) Two infantry battalions (42nd Division) 6th Infantry Brigade (3nd[clarification needed] Division) Two companies, 51st Pioneer Infantry 7th MG Battalion (3d Division) 49 tanks of 1st Tank Brigade Meuse-Argonne Operation [edit] (as of 1–2 October 1918) 60th Field Artillery Brigade 110th Am Tn (35th Division) (as of 1–12 October 1918) 1st Aero Squadron 2d Bln Company Fr 219th Field Artillery (75 mm) Fr 247th Field Artillery (6 batteries 75 mm) Fr 5th Battalion 282d Artillery (220 mm) Provisional Squadron, 2d Cavalry Company C, 1st Gas Regiment Company C, 344th Tank Battalion, 1st Tank Brigade (16 tanks) Companies B and C, 345th Tank Battalion, 1st Tank Brigade (16 tanks) (as of 7 October 1918) 362d Infantry (91st Division) (as of 8–11 October 1918) 181st Infantry Brigade (91st Division) Coblenz Bridgehead [edit] 14th Bln Company (18–30 June 1919) MG elements, Fr 2d Cavalry Division (18–30 June 1919) 4th MG Battalion (2d Division) 18–29 June 1919 7th MG Battalion (3d Division) 20–30 June 1919 Detached service [edit] At Le Valdahon 22 August – 18 October 1917 with 15th (Scottish) Division during the Second Battle of the Aisne, 24 July 1918 with U.S. 90th Division 1st Field Artillery Brigade 1st Am Tn With the 15th (Scottish) Division during Aisne-Marne Operation 24 July 1918 in Saizerais (Villers-en-Haye) Sector 24–28 August 1918; with 42nd Division in Meuse-Argonne Operation 13–31 October 1918; with 2nd Division in Meuse-Argonne Operation 1–4 November 1918. 1st Sn Tn With III Corps 28 September – 2 October 1918 1st Engineers With American forces in Germany after 9 August 1919. 2d, 6th Field Artillery Company A, 1st Engineers Companies A, B, C, D, 1st Sup Tn F Hosp 13[14] Interwar period [edit] The 1st Division proceeded to Camp Meade, Maryland, where all emergency period personnel were discharged from the service. It then went to Camp Zachary Taylor, Kentucky, and took up temporary station there from 20 October 1919 to 8 October 1920. It dispatched elements of several regiments to quell striking coal miners in West Virginia in November 1919 and again to Lexington, Kentucky, in February 1920. It transferred in a permanent change of station to Camp Dix, New Jersey, where it arrived on 10 October 1920. On 7 October 1920, the 1st Division organized under the new peacetime table of organization and equipment which included two organic infantry brigades of two infantry regiments each, a field artillery brigade of two (later three) field artillery regiments and an ammunition train, an engineer regiment; a medical regiment, a division quartermaster train, a special troops command, and an observation squadron. The total authorized strength of this TO&E was 19,385. The 1st Division was one of three Regular Army infantry divisions and one cavalry division that was authorized to nominally remain at "peacetime" strength. In 1921, the 1st Division was allotted to the Second Corps Area, and assigned to the II Corps. In August 1921, elements of the division were once again dispatched to West Virginia to control striking coal miners. In spring 1922, the division’s units were ordered to posts throughout the northeastern United States, with most units arriving at their new duty stations in June and July 1922. The division headquarters was posted to Fort Hamilton, Brooklyn, New York, arriving there on 6 June 1922. The 1st Infantry Brigade and the division special troops were concentrated at posts in the New York City area, while the 2nd Infantry Brigade was scattered over posts in upstate New York. The 1st Field Artillery Brigade's units were spread from Fort Ethan Allen, Vermont, to Fort Hoyle, Maryland. By the mid-1920s, however, the division headquarters had nearly ceased to exist, with only the division commander and a few staff officers remaining to carry out essential functions; they did not exercise a true command function over their units. By 1926, the War Department and the Second Corps Area realized the unsustainability of the situation and repopulated the 1st Division headquarters. The training of the division’s maneuver units took place, for the most part, in the late summer and early fall after they assisted the training of Organized Reserve units, the Citizens Military Training Camps, and summer camps for ROTC cadets. The 1st Infantry Brigade conducted training each fall at Camp Dix, New Jersey, where the brigade also trained its affiliate Reserve units during the summer. The 2nd Infantry Brigade usually conducted the training of its Reserve units at the brigade’s home posts, and afterwards, concentrated for training at Pine Camp, New York, in the fall. The first opportunity after 1922 to gather the division in one place came in 1927 when most of the division assembled at Camp Dix for various training events from August–November. To prepare the staff for the maneuver, the division held a CCX (command and communications exercise) at Camp Dix earlier that spring. The exercise was apparently very successful as similar CCXs were held periodically thereafter. The next major training event for the division came in August 1935 when the First and Second Corps Area elements of the First Army were assembled at Pine Camp for small unit maneuvers. This maneuver was followed in turn by the First Army command post exercise held at Fort Devens in August 1937. Shortly afterward, in September 1937, the division, minus the 2nd Infantry Brigade and some field artillery units, was concentrated at Indiantown Gap Military Reservation, Pennsylvania, for maneuvers. Concurrently, the 2nd Infantry Brigade, reinforced by the artillery units from Fort Ethan Allen and Madison Barracks, New York, assembled at Pine Camp for maneuvers. These maneuvers were followed by the first of several amphibious operations performed by the division’s units prior to World War II. The first landing exercises were held by division elements in Puerto Rico and Culebra Island in January and February 1938. The amphibious training was followed by the next First Army maneuver, held in the Plattsburg, New York, area in August 1939. In October 1939, the 1st Division adopted a new "triangular" peacetime TO&E which included three infantry regiments, one military police company, one engineer battalion, one signal company, one light field artillery regiment of three field artillery battalions and one medium field artillery regiment of two field artillery battalions, one medical battalion, and one quartermaster battalion. The authorized strength of this TO&E was 9,057 officers and enlisted men. In November 1939, the division deployed to Fort Benning, Georgia, where it was assigned temporarily to the IV Corps to train and test the new triangular organization. These exercises were held in preparation for the maneuvers in Louisiana in May 1940 when the IV Corps was pitted against the provisional IX Corps. After the exercises in Louisiana, the division returned to New York to participate in the 1940 First Army Maneuver near Canton, New York, in August–September. For this maneuver, the 1st Division was again part of the II Corps. The 1st Division reorganized again on 1 November 1940 to a new TO&E, which added a reconnaissance troop, and put the two field artillery regiments under a division artillery command, raising its strength to a total of 15,245 officers and enlisted men. The two regiments were later reorganized into four battalions. In February 1941, the “Fighting First” was transferred to Fort Devens, Massachusetts, to concentrate for additional training. Concurrently, the division was relieved from the II Corps and assigned to the VI Corps. The following August, the division moved to the New River area of North Carolina for additional amphibious training. After the training at New River, the 1st Division participated in the Carolina Maneuvers held in November 1941 near Charlotte, North Carolina.[15] World War II [edit] Order of battle [edit] Headquarters, 1st Infantry Division 16th Infantry Regiment 18th Infantry Regiment 26th Infantry Regiment Headquarters and Headquarters Battery, 1st Infantry Division Artillery 5th Field Artillery Battalion (155 mm) 7th Field Artillery Battalion (105 mm) 32nd Field Artillery Battalion (105 mm) 33rd Field Artillery Battalion (105 mm) 1st Engineer Combat Battalion 1st Medical Battalion 1st Cavalry Reconnaissance Troop (Mechanized) Headquarters, Special Troops, 1st Infantry Division Headquarters Company, 1st Infantry Division 701st Ordnance Light Maintenance Company 1st Quartermaster Company 1st Signal Company Military Police Platoon Band 1st Counterintelligence Corps Detachment 103rd Anti-Aircraft Artillery Battalion (Automatic Weapons) Combat chronicle [edit] Shortly after the German invasion of Poland, beginning World War II in Europe, the 1st Infantry Division, under Major General Walter Short, was moved to Fort Benning, Georgia, on 19 November 1939 where it supported the U.S. Army Infantry School as part of American mobilization preparations. It then moved to the Sabine Parish, Louisiana area on 11 May 1940 to participate in the Louisiana Maneuvers. The division next relocated to Fort Hamilton, Brooklyn on 5 June 1940, where it spent over six months before moving to Fort Devens, Massachusetts, on 4 February 1941. As part of its training that year, the division participated in both Carolina Maneuvers of October and November before returning to Fort Devens, Massachusetts on 6 December 1941. A day later, on 7 December 1941, the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor and, four days later, Germany declared war on the United States, thus bringing the United States into the conflict. The division was ordered to Camp Blanding, Florida, as quickly as trains could be gathered and winter weather permitted, and arrived on 21 February 1942. The division, now under Major General Donald C. Cubbison, was there reorganized and refurbished with new equipment, being re-designated as the 1st Infantry Division on 15 May 1942. Within a week, the division was returned to its former post at Fort Benning, Georgia, from where it was expedited on 21 June 1942 to Indiantown Gap Military Reservation for wartime overseas deployment final preparation. The division, now under the command of Major General Terry Allen, a distinguished World War I veteran, departed the New York Port of Embarkation on 1 August 1942, arrived in Beaminster in south-west England about a week later, and departed 22 October 1942 for the combat amphibious assault of North Africa.[16]: 75, 622 As part of II Corps, the division landed in Oran, Algeria on 8 November 1942 as part of Operation Torch, the Allied invasion of French North Africa.[17] Elements of the division then took part in combat at Maktar, Tebourba, Medjez el Bab, the Battle of Kasserine Pass (where American forces were pushed back), and Gafsa. It then led the Allied assault in brutal fighting at El Guettar, Béja, and Mateur. The 1st Infantry Division was in combat in the Tunisian Campaign from 21 January 1943 to 9 May 1943, helping secure Tunisia. The campaign ended just days later, with the surrender of almost 250,000 Axis soldiers. After months of nearly continuous fighting, the division had a short rest before training for the next operation. In July 1943, the division took part in the Allied invasion of Sicily, codenamed Operation Husky, still under the command of Major General Allen. Lieutenant General George S. Patton, commanding the U.S. Seventh Army, specifically requested the division as part of his forces for the invasion of Sicily. It was still assigned to the II Corps. In Sicily, the 1st Division saw heavy action when making amphibious landings opposed by Italian and German tanks at the Battle of Gela. The 1st Division then moved up through the center of Sicily, slogging it out through the mountains along with the 45th Infantry Division. In these mountains, the division saw some of the heaviest fighting in the entire Sicilian campaign at the Battle of Troina; some units lost more than half their strength in assaulting the mountain town. On 7 August 1943, Major General Allen was relieved of his command by Lieutenant General Omar Bradley, then commanding the II Corps. Allen was replaced by Major General Clarence R. Huebner who was, like Allen, a decorated veteran of World War I who had served with the 1st Infantry Division throughout the war. When that campaign was over, the division returned to England, arriving there on 5 November 1943[16]: 622 to prepare for the eventual invasion of Normandy.[6] One regimental combat team of 1st Infantry Division and one regimental combat team from the 29th Infantry Division as well as A,B,C companies of the 2nd Rangers Battalion and the 5th Rangers Battalion comprised the first wave of troops that assaulted German Army defenses on Omaha Beach on D-Day.[6][18] The division had to run 300 yards to get to the bluffs, with some of the division's units suffering 30 percent casualties in the first hour of the assault,[19] and secured Formigny and Caumont in the beachhead by the end of the day. The division followed up the Saint-Lô break-through with an attack on Marigny, 27 July 1944. The division then drove across France in a continuous offensive. It took large numbers of prisoners during the Battle of the Mons Pocket, and reached the German border at Aachen in September. The division laid siege to Aachen, taking the city after a direct assault on 21 October 1944.[6] The 1st Division then attacked east of Aachen through the Hürtgen Forest, driving to the Ruhr, and was moved to a rear area 7 December 1944 for refitting and rest following 6 months of combat. When the German Wacht Am Rhein offensive (commonly called the Battle of the Bulge) was launched on 16 December 1944,[6] the division, now commanded by Major General Clift Andrus, was quickly moved to the Ardennes front. Fighting continuously from 17 December 1944 to 28 January 1945, the division helped to blunt and reverse the German offensive. Thereupon, the division, now commanded by Major General Clift Andrus, attacked and again breached the Siegfried Line, fought across the Ruhr, 23 February 1945, and drove on to the Rhine, crossing at the Remagen bridgehead, 15–16 March. The division broke out of the bridgehead, took part in the encirclement of the Ruhr Pocket, captured Paderborn, pushed through the Harz Mountains, and was in Czechoslovakia, fighting at Kynšperk nad Ohří, Prameny, and Mnichov (Domažlice District) when the war in Europe ended. Seventeen members of the division were awarded the Medal of Honor during World War II. Casualties [edit] Total battle casualties: 20,659 (15,374 in Europe, 5,285 in North Africa and Sicily)[20] Killed in action: 3,616 (2,713 in Europe, 903 in North Africa and Sicily)[20] Wounded in action: 15,208 (11,527 in Europe, 3,681 in North Africa and Sicily)[20] Missing in action: 499 (329 in Europe, 170 in North Africa and Sicily)[20] Prisoner of war: 1,336 (805 in Europe, 531 in North Africa and Sicily)[20] Days of Combat: 443[20] Awards and prisoners taken [edit] Distinguished Unit Citation: Company K, 18th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat on 23 March 1943 (War Department General Order No. 60, 1944) 32nd Field Artillery Battalion, for action in combat from 21–24 March 1943 (War Department General Order No. 66, 1945) 2nd Battalion, 18th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat on 23 April 1943 (War Department General Order No. 4, 1945) 1st Battalion, 16th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat from 29–30 April 1943 (War Department General Order No. 60, 1944) 2nd Battalion, 16th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat from 10–13 July 1943 (War Department General Order No. 60, 1944) 1st Battalion, 16th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat from 10–14 July 1943 (War Department General Order No. 60, 1944) Cannon Company, 16th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat from 11–13 July 1943 (War Department General Order No. 60, 1944) 16th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat on 6 June 1944 (War Department General Order No. 73, 1944) 18th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat from 6–16 June 1944 (War Department General Order No. 14, 1945) 1st Battalion, 26th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat from 13–22 September 1944 (War Department General Order No. 42, 1945) 18th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat from 8–10 October 1944 (War Department General Order No. 42, 1945) 3rd Battalion, 18th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat from 8–19 October 1944 (War Department General Order No. 30, 1945) Companies G and L, 16th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat from 15–17 October 1944 (War Department General Order No. 14, 1945) 1st Battalion, 16th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat from 16–19 November 1944 (War Department General Order No. 120, 1946) 2nd Battalion, 16th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat from 18–26 November 1944 (War Department General Order No. 120, 1946) 3rd Battalion, 16th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat from 16–26 November 1944 (War Department General Order No. 120, 1946) Company F, 18th Infantry Regiment, for action in combat on 2 February 1945 (War Department General Order No. 29, 1946) Medal of Honor: 17 DSC: 131 Legion of Merit: 16 Silver Star: 4,258 Soldiers Medal: 100 Bronze Star: 12,568 Air Medal: 65 Prisoners taken: 188,382 Days of Combat: 443 Assignments in European and North African theaters [edit] 1 February 1943: II Corps, British First Army, 18th Army Group July 1943: US II Corps, U.S. Seventh Army, 15th Army Group 1 November 1943: US First Army.[note 1] 6 November 1943: VII Corps. 2 February 1944: V Corps, First Army, British 21st Army Group 14 July 1944: US First Army. 15 July 1944: VII Corps, First Army. 1 August 1944: VII Corps, First Army, 12th Army Group. 16 December 1944: V Corps, First Army, 12th Army Group. 20 December 1944: Attached, with the entire First Army, to the British 21st Army Group. 26 January 1945: XVIII Airborne Corps, First Army, 12th Army Group. 12 February 1945: III Corps. 8 March 1945: VII Corps, First Army, 12th Army Group. 27 April 1945: VIII Corps. 30 April 1945: V Corps, First Army, 12th Army Group. 6 May 1945: United States Third Army, 12th Army Group. Cold War [edit] Korean War [edit] During the Korean War, the Big Red One was assigned to occupation duty in Germany, while acting as a strategic deterrent against Soviet designs on Europe. 1st Infantry Division troops secured the Nuremberg War Crimes Trials and later transported seven convicted Nazi war criminals to Spandau Prison in Berlin. In 1955, the division colors left Germany and were relocated to Fort Riley, Kansas.[6] 1950s–1970s [edit] Following its return from Germany, the 1st Infantry Division established headquarters at Fort Riley, Kansas. Its troops reorganized and trained for war at Fort Riley and at other posts. In 1962 and 1963, four 1st Infantry Division Pentomic battle groups (2nd Battle Group, 12th Infantry; 1st Battle Group, 13th Infantry; 1st Battle Group, 28th Infantry; and 2d Battle Group, 26th Infantry) rotated, in turn, to West Berlin, Germany to augment the U.S. Army's Berlin Brigade during an international crisis initiated by the construction of the Berlin Wall. These "Long Thrust Operations" were the most significant deployments conducted by 1st Infantry Division troops during the Cold War, placing Big Red One troops in confrontation with hostile communist forces. From President Kennedy's approval on 25 May 1961, the Army divisions began to convert to the "Reorganization Objective Army Division 1965" (ROAD) structure in early 1962.[21] While the bulk of the division was moved to Fort Riley in April 1970 (the colors returning to Kansas from Vietnam) replacing the inactivated 24th Infantry Division, its 3d Brigade, the Division Forward replacement component of REFORGER for the inactivated 24th Infantry Division, a mixture of cavalry and infantry, was forward-deployed to Germany. The brigade was initially stationed at Sheridan Kaserne, Augsburg, later moving to Cooke Barracks in Göppingen, with four battalions (two infantry, two armor) and the 1st Squadron, 4th Cavalry stationed in Stuttgart/Boeblingen (Panzer Kaserne) and the field artillery battalion in Neu Ulm (Wiley Kaserne) with the 1st Battalion, 26th Infantry in Göppingen and the 3d Battalion, 63d Armor in Augsburg. The Division Forward was inactivated on 15 August 1991 and the Big Red One became a two-brigade division with an assigned National Guard "roundout" brigade. Vietnam War [edit] The division fought in the Vietnam War from 1965 to 1970.[6] Arriving in July 1965, the division began combat operations within two weeks. By the end of 1965, the division had participated in three major operations: Hump, Bushmaster 1 and Bushmaster II, under the command of MG Jonathan O. Seaman. In 1966, the division took part in Operation Marauder, Operation Crimp II and Operation Rolling Stone, all in the early part of the year. In March, Major General William E. DePuy took command.[22] In June and July the division took part in the battles of Ap Tau O, Srok Dong and Minh Thanh Road. In November 1966, the division participated in Operation Attleboro. 1967 saw the division in Operation Cedar Falls, Operation Junction City, Operation Manhattan, Operation Billings, and Operation Shenandoah II. MG John H. Hay assumed command in February. On 17 June 1967, during Operation Billings, the division suffered 185 casualties, 35 killed and 150 wounded in the battle of Xom Bo II.[23] Three months later on 17 October 1967, the division suffered heavy casualties at the Battle of Ong Thanh with 58 killed. The division was involved in the Tet Offensive of 1968, securing the massive Tan Son Nhut Air Base. In March, MG Keith L. Ware took command. That same month the division took part in Operation Quyet Thang ("Resolve to Win") and in April the division participated in the largest operation of the Vietnam War, Operation Toan Thang ("Certain Victory"). On 13 September Ware was killed in action when his command helicopter was shot down by enemy anti-aircraft fire during the Battle of Lộc Ninh.[24] MG Orwin C. Talbott moved up from his position of assistant division commander to assume command of the division. In the first half of 1969, the division conducted reconnaissance-in-force and ambush operations, including a multi-divisional Operation Atlas Wedge. The last part of the year saw the division take part in Dong Tien ("Progress Together") operations. These operations were intended to assist South Vietnamese forces to take a more active role in combat. In August, MG Albert E. Milloy took command of the division while the division took part in battles along National Highway 13, known as Thunder Road to the end of the year. In January 1970 it was announced that the division would return to Fort Riley.[6] The division officially departed South Vietnam on 7 April 1970, when the division commander Brigadier General John Q. Henion, left Bien Hoa Air Base and returned the colors to Fort Riley.[25] 11 members of the division were awarded the Medal of Honor. During its involvement in the Vietnam War, the division lost 6,146 killed in action, with a further 16,019 wounded. Twenty of its number were taken as prisoners of war. Order of Battle in Vietnam 1st Brigade, 1st Inf Div Oct 1965 – Apr 1970 1st Bn/16th Inf Oct 1965 – Nov 1966 1st Bn/28th Inf Oct 1965 – Apr 1970 2nd Bn/28th Inf Oct 1965 – Nov 1966 1st Bn/2nd Inf Dec 1966 – Apr 1970 1st Bn/26th Inf Dec 1966 – Jan 1970 2nd Bn(M)/2nd Inf Feb 1970 – Apr 1970 2nd Bn/28th Inf [2] Feb 1970 – Apr 1970 1st Bn/5th Art (105mm How) DS 1st Bde Oct 1965 – Apr 1970 2nd Brigade, 1st Inf Div Jul 1965 – Apr 1970 2nd Bn/16th Inf Jul 1965 – Apr 1970 1st Bn/18th Inf Jul 1965 – Jan 1970 2nd Bn/18th Inf Jul 1965 – Apr 1970 1st Bn(M)/16th Inf Feb 1970 – Apr 1970 1st Bn/7th Art (105mm How) DS 2nd Bde Oct 1965* – Apr 1970 Thus, the brigade had no artillery battalion for the period Jul – Sep 1965. 3rd Brigade, 1st Inf Div Oct 1965 – Apr 1970 1st Bn/2nd Inf Oct 1965 – Nov 1966 2nd Bn/2nd Inf Oct 1965 – Feb 1969 mechanized by Jan 1965 1st Bn/26th Inf Oct 1965 – Nov 1966 1st Bn/16th Inf Dec 1966 – Jan 1970 mechanized ca Oct 1968 2nd Bn/28th Inf Dec 1966 – Jan 1970 2nd Bn(M)/2nd Inf [2] Apr 1969 – Jan 1970 1st Bn/18th Inf Feb 1970 – Apr 1970 1st Bn/26th Inf Feb 1970 – Apr 1970 2nd Bn/33rd Art (105mm How) DS 3rd Bde Oct 1965 – Apr 1970 2nd Bn (M)/2nd Inf with 1st Cavalry Division Mar 1969 REFORGER [edit] The division participated in REFORGER (Return of Forces in Germany) in all years. REFORGER was the largest set of NATO ground maneuvers since the end of World War II.[26] The group performed surveillance on the border of Czechoslovakia and Germany during the Cold War. Post-Cold War era [edit] First Gulf War [edit] The division, commanded by Major General Thomas G. Rhame, also participated in Operation Desert Storm. The division's two maneuver brigades from Fort Riley were rounded out by the addition of two tank battalions (2nd and 3rd, 66th Armor), an infantry battalion (1-41st Infantry), and a field artillery battalion (4-3 FA) from 2nd Armored Division (Forward) in Germany. The division played a significant role in the Battle of Norfolk.[27] Specific combat arms and combat support units of the 3rd Battalion, 37th Armor and others were responsible for the initial breach of the Iraqi defenses providing subsequent passages for the rest of VII Corps, consequently rolling over the Iraqi 26th Infantry Division and taking 2,600 prisoners of war. The division continued with the subsequent 260-kilometre (160 mi) long assault on Iraqi-held territory over 100 hours, engaging eleven Iraqi divisions, destroying 550 tanks, 480 armored personnel carriers and taking 11,400 prisoners. 1st Infantry Division Artillery, including 4-3 FA battalion, was decisive during combat operations performing multiple raids and fire missions. These combat operations resulted in the destruction of 50 enemy tanks, 139 APCs, 30 air defense systems, 152 artillery pieces, 27 missile launchers, 108 mortars, 548 wheeled vehicles, 61 trench lines and bunker positions, 92 dug-in and open infantry targets, and 34 logistical sites.[28] By the early morning of 28 February 1991, the division had taken position along the "Highway of Death", preventing any Iraqi retreat. The division's HHC, Alpha, Bravo, Charlie and Delta 3/37 Armor, HHC, Alpha, Bravo, Charlie and Delta 4/37 Armor, and 1st Squadron, 4th Cavalry Regiment (1/4 CAV), was then tasked with securing the town of Safwan, Iraq, and the airfield there where the Iraqis were later forced to sign the surrender agreement. Valorous Unit citation: For extraordinary heroism during ground combat operations in Operation Desert Storm from 24 February 1991 through 4 March 1991. Organized as Task Force 3/37th Armor, the Unit was composed of HHC, B, and C Companies, 3/37th Armor; A and D Company, Second Battalion, Sixteenth Infantry; First Platoon of B Company and Second Platoon of C Company, Second Battalion, Third Air Defense Artillery; C Company, First Engineer Battalion; and Ground Surveillance Radar Team B, One Hundred and First Military Intelligence Battalion. As part of the First Infantry Division (Mechanized) and VII Corps main effort, Task Forces 3/37th Armor, 2/16th infantry and 4/37th armor breached the Iraqi defense on 24 February 1991, clearing four passage lanes and expanding the gap under direct enemy fire. The task force then attacked 300 kilometres (190 mi) across southern Iraq into northern Kuwait, severing Iraqi lines of communication, and then drove north once again in the middle of the night (with primitive GPS), into Iraq to assist in the seizure of the airfield at the City of Safwan, Iraq the next morning and the securing of that airfield for the Coalition Forces-Iraqi Cease-Fire negotiations or "peace talks". During the operation, over fifty enemy combat vehicles were destroyed and over 1700 prisoners were captured. Throughout the Ground War, the soldiers performed with marked distinction under difficult and hazardous conditions. Their gallantry, determination, and Esprit de Corps guaranteed victory and maintained the finest traditions of the United States Army.[29] There was also the "bulldozer assault", wherein the 1st and 2nd Brigades from the 1st Infantry Division (Mechanized) used mine plows mounted on tanks and combat earthmovers to bury Iraqi soldiers defending the fortified "Saddam Line." While approximately 2,000 men surrendered, escaping death, one newspaper story reported that U.S. commanders estimated thousands of Iraqi soldiers had been buried alive during the two-day assault over the period 24–25 February 1991.[30] In 1996 the division colors were relocated to the German city of Würzburg (replacing the 3rd Infantry Division, which had relocated to Fort Stewart, GA). The division would remain in Germany until 2006, when the colors were struck and moved (again) to Fort Riley, Kansas. Balkans [edit] The divisional cavalry squadron, 1st Squadron 4th US Cavalry deployed to Bosnia as part of the initial IFOR mission from January to December 1996. The Squadron was based in Camp Alicia near the town of Kalesija. 2nd (Dagger) Brigade Combat Team deployed to Bosnia as part of IFOR (and subsequent SFOR) from October 1996 to April 1997. The 2nd Brigade was replaced by elements from the 3rd Brigade and the division's aviation brigade. Units from the 1st (Devil) Brigade Combat Team were also deployed to Bosnia as part of SFOR6 ("Operation Joint Forge") from August 1999 to April 2000. Elements of the division, including personnel and units from the 2nd, 3rd and aviation brigades, served in Kosovo. During the Kosovo War, three soldiers were captured by Serbian forces but were later released after peace talks. Units of the 1st Infantry Division served in Kosovo as part of the NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR) 1A and KFOR 1B from June 1999 to June 2000, then again for KFOR 4A and 4B from May 2002 to July 2003. Iraq 2003 and 2004 [edit] In January 2003, the division headquarters deployed to Turkey to command and control Army Forces Turkey (ARFOR-T) with a mission to receive and move the 4th Infantry Division across Turkey and into Northern Iraq. The task organization included HHC Division, 1–4 Cavalry, 1–26 Infantry, 1–6 Field Artillery, 2-1 Aviation, HHC Engineer Brigade, 9th Engineers, HHC DISCOM, 701 Main Support Battalion, 601 Aviation Support Battalion, 4-3 Air Defense Artillery, 101 Military Intelligence Battalion, 121 Signal Battalion, 12th Chemical Company, and other US Army Europe units to include the Theater Support Command. The division opened three seaports, two airports, three command posts, and convoy support centers along a 500-mile route from the Turkish coast, through Mardin, to the Northern Iraqi border. When the Turkish government voted to deny US ground forces access to Turkey, ARFOR-T collapsed the line of communication and redeployed to Germany home stations in April 2003. 1-63 Armor of the 3rd Brigade Combat Team deployed to Kirkuk, Iraq from Rose Barracks, Germany, during the first-ever deployment of the USAREUR (United States Army Europe) Immediate Ready Task Force (IRTF) in March 2003, in support of the 173rd Airborne Brigade. The battalion redeployed to Europe with the 173rd in March 2004. The 1st Brigade, 1st Infantry Division deployed from Fort Riley, Kansas in September 2003 to provide support to the 82nd Airborne Division in the city of Ramadi, Iraq. In September 2004, the 1st Brigade was replaced by elements from the 2nd Infantry Division in Ramadi and redeployed to Ft. Riley. In January 2004, the division less the 1st Brigade Combat Team deployed from home stations in Germany to Iraq, where it conducted an area relief with the 4th Infantry Division in the Salah ad-Din, Diyala, Kirkuk and Sulaymaniyah provinces, with the division headquarters located on Forward Operating Base Danger, in Saddam Hussein's hometown of Tikrit. Task Force Danger, as the division was called during OIF2, was augmented with the 2nd Brigade, 25th Infantry Division, the 30th Heavy Brigade Combat Team of the North Carolina Army National Guard, the 264th Engineer Group of the Wisconsin Army National Guard, the 167th Corps Support Group, 1st ROC (USAR), and the 2nd Battalion, 108th Infantry Regiment of the New York Army National Guard. The 2nd Brigade Combat Team was headquartered in Tikrit, the 3rd Brigade Combat Team was headquartered outside Baqubah, and the 30th BCT was headquartered in Kirkuk. The 4th Brigade and Division Support Command were based at Forward Operating Base Spiecher north of Tikrit. Task Force Danger conducted counterinsurgency operations, including the full spectrum of combat, peace enforcement, training and equipping Iraqi security forces, support to Iraqi institutions to improve quality of life, and two national elections. Major combat included operations in Baqubah, Samarra, Bayji, Najaf, Al Diwaniyah, and Fallujah. In February 2005, the division facilitated an area relief with the 42d Infantry Division, New York National Guard, and elements of the 3rd Infantry Division and redeployed to home stations in Germany. Rebasing to US [edit] In July 2006 the division was withdrawn from Germany back to Fort Riley in CONUS, leaving only the 2nd (Dagger) Brigade in Schweinfurt, Germany until 28 March 2008 when the 3rd Brigade, 1st Armored Division was reorganized and re-designated as the 2nd Brigade, 1st Infantry Division. Iraq 2006–2008 [edit] The 2nd (Dagger) Brigade Combat Team deployed to Iraq from mid-August 2006 to late November 2007. 1st Battalion, 26th Infantry Regiment was the first to embark and was sent to the Adhamiya district of Baghdad to assist in suppressing the widespread sectarian violence. The 1st Battalion, 77th Armor Regiment was deployed to Ramadi and the 1st Battalion, 18th Infantry Regiment was sent to Forward Operating Base Falcon in the Al Rashid district of southwest Baghdad. HQ and HQ Company 2BCT, 1st ID, 9th Engineer Battalion, 1st Battalion, 7th Field Artillery Regiment, 299th Support Battalion, C/101 MI BN, and 57th Signal Company were all (Dagger) units occupying Camp Liberty, a sprawling encampment of 30,000+ military and DoD civilians located just east of Baghdad International Airport (BIAP). 2BCT MP PLT (formerly 2nd Platoon, 1st Military Police Company) was located at FOB (Forward Operating Base) Justice. During the 15-month deployment, 61 soldiers from the brigade were killed, including 31 from 1–26 infantry, which had the most casualties in any single battalion since the Vietnam War.[31][32] Elements from Fort Riley's 1st (Devil) Brigade deployed in the fall of 2006 to other areas of operations in Iraq. Units include companies from the 1st Battalion, 16th Infantry; 1st Battalion, 34th Armor; 1st Battalion, 5th Field Artillery; 1st Engineer Battalion; and D Troop, 4th Cavalry. Transition team training mission [edit] State-side training for the military transition teams (MiTTs) is located at Fort Riley, Kansas. Training began 1 June 2006. Some of the units such as the 18th Infantry Regiment, the 26th Infantry Regiment, and the 16th Infantry Regiment have already gone into Afghanistan along with some reconnaissance units. Those units have been in the Kunar Province since mid-2006. As of fall 2009, the transition team training mission has moved to Fort Polk, and the 1st Brigade has transitioned into a combat-ready force with possible plans to deploy in the next few years. Iraq 2007 [edit] In February 2007, the 4th Infantry Brigade Combat Team deployed to southern Baghdad in support of Operation Iraqi Freedom. the second unit tasked with the "surge" announced earlier in the year by President Bush. The main force of the brigade was under Col "Ricky" Gibbs at FOB Falcon. 2nd Battalion, 16th Infantry was put under operational control of the 2nd Brigade, 2nd Infantry Division, and located at FOB Rustamiyah (Featured in the Book "The Good Soldiers" by Washington Post reporter David Finkel) In the fall of 2007, the Combat Aviation Brigade (Demon Brigade), 1st Infantry Division deployed to Iraq and was placed under the command of Multinational Division – North located at COB Spiecher. The majority of the CAB is stationed at COB Spiecher, with the 1st Squadron, 6th Cavalry Regiment and some supporting elements stationed at FOB Warrior. Afghanistan 2008–2009 [edit] In June and July 2008, the 3rd Brigade, "Duke", deployed to Eastern Afghanistan under the command of CJTF-101, relieving the 173rd Airborne Brigade and taking control of the Kunar, Nuristan, Nangarhar, and Laghman provinces. One of the brigade's infantry battalions, 2nd Battalion, 2nd Infantry, was tasked out down south in the Kandahar province outside of the brigade command. The 6th Squadron, 4th Cavalry Regiment was tasked with securing the Kunar Valley. Combat Outposts Keating and Lowell were engaged in combat on nearly a daily basis while Observation Posts Hatchet and Mace disrupted Taliban supply lines and took the brunt of attacks from the east out of Pakistan. They were involved in the infamous Battle of Bari Alai, where 3 American soldiers and 2 Latvian soldiers were killed. The battle lasted over the course of 4 days where the fatigued soldiers of Charlie Troop and Hatchet Troop were continuously harassed by Taliban fighters after retaking the observation post. 6-4 Cavalry had the most casualties of the brigade with the exception of the 1st Battalion, 26th Infantry Regiment, who were continuously engaged with the Taliban in the Korengal Valley. CNN branded the brigade "The Dying Duke" because of the brutality and high casualty rate of the unit in their time in theater. The main focuses of the brigade and PRT were to protect population centers such as Jalalabad and Asadabad and help develop the local economy through the construction of roads, and provide security while doing so. The brigade returned to Ft. Hood, Texas in July 2009 after a year of combat in which they recorded over 2000 firefights, over 3000 enemy killed, over 1000 bombs dropped, 26,000 rounds of artillery fire and over 500 Purple Hearts awarded. Iraq 2008–2009 [edit] In October 2008, the 2nd Heavy Brigade Combat Team deployed to northwest Baghdad in support of Operation Iraqi Freedom. The brigade HQ was located on VBC (Victory Base Complex) and the brigade was responsible for the NW quarter of Baghdad. During this deployment soldiers of the 1st CAB (Combined Arms Battalion), 18th Infantry Regiment were located on FOB Justice. The 1st CAB, 63rd Armor was initially located in Mah-Muh-Diyah (south of Baghdad) and then relocated to JSS Nasir wa Salam (NWS) in the Abu Ghraib area to the west of Baghdad. 5th Squadron, 4th Cavalry was located in the Ghazaliyah area of West Baghdad where they battled the 1920s Revolutionary Brigade and eventually wrested control of the area from them. The 1st Battalion, 7th Field Artillery was located on FOB Prosperity within the "Green Zone", and the 2nd Brigade Special Troops Battalion located in the Victory Base Complex. During this deployment, the 4th Squadron, 10th Cavalry, 2nd Battalion, 8th (US) Cavalry Regiment was attached to the brigade for several months, as well as the 1st Battalion, 41st Field Artillery, and a battalion from the 56th Stryker Brigade Combat Team (PAARNG). The most notable events which occurred during this time were the Iraqi provincial elections, the expiration of the UN Mandate and the corresponding implementation of the security agreement (SA), between the Government of Iraq and the United States, and "Bloody Wednesday" 19 August 2009 coordinated bombing of the finance ministry and the foreign ministry, with rocket attacks in the green zone. The bombings resulted in 101 dead and over 560 wounded. The Dagger Brigade experienced constant, albeit minor, enemy contact during this deployment – although the brigade still had two KIAs (one serving as the brigade deputy commander's personal security detachment and one from the attached PAARNG battalion) and numerous WIA. During this deployment, LTC J.B. Richardson III (commander of 5–4 CAV) earned a Bronze Star for Valor for single-handedly assaulting through an enemy RKG-3 ambush and inflicting multiple casualties on the enemy. Iraq 2009–2010 [edit] 4th Infantry Brigade Combat Team (Dragons) deployed in August 2009 as one of the last combat units to be deployed to Iraq. Under the Command of Colonel Henry A. Arnold III. The Brigade experienced two casualties over the course of the deployment. Spc. Tony Carrasco Jr. Died on 4 November 2009. 2nd Battalion 32nd Field Artillery. Spc. Jacob Dohrenwend. 21 June 2010. 1st Battalion 28th Infantry Regiment. Iraq 2010–2011 [edit] 1st Heavy Brigade Combat Team headquarters with their Brigade Support Battalion (BSB) and Special Troops Battalion deployed to Kirkuk, Iraq in October 2010 to establish the 1-1 Advise and Assist Task Force as part of Operation New Dawn. They were later joined by 1–5 Field Artillery in northern Iraq in late spring 2011. 2nd Heavy Brigade Combat Team deployed to Baghdad, Iraq in November 2010 in an advise and assist role as part of Operation New Dawn under the command of COL Paul T. Calvert. The brigade HQ was located at Victory Base Complex, where it was co-located within the USD-C Division HQ building and shared the same TOC. This unique C2 relationship earned the brigade the moniker of the "Luckiest Brigade in the Army" from the USD-C commander. The brigade was placed under USD-C (initially 1st AD, then 25th Infantry Division after Dec 2011) and was single-handedly responsible for the entire province of Baghdad. As the brigade responsible for the "center of gravity" (i.e. Baghdad) for United States Forces-Iraq, the 2nd "Dagger" Brigade was responsible for advising and assisting 50% of the Iraqi security forces within Iraq including two Iraqi corps HQ (the Karkh Area Command and Rusafa Area Command) and seven Iraqi divisions (6th IA, 9th IA – Mechanized, 17th IA, 11th IA, 1st FP, 2nd FP, and 4th FP) and 50,000 Iraqi policemen. The 1st Battalion, 18th Infantry Regiment, commanded by LTC John Cross, was located at Camp Taji and FOB Old MOD. They were partnered with the 9th and 11th IA Divisions. 1st Battalion, 7th FA, commanded by LTC Andrew Gainey, was located at JSS Loyalty. They were partnered with the 1st Federal Police Division. 1st Battalion, 63rd Armored, commanded by LTC Michael Henderson, was located at JSS Deason, Muthana Airfield, and VBC. They were partnered with the 6th and 17th IA Divisions. 5th Squadron, 4th Cavalry, commanded by LTC Mathew Moore was located at JSS Falcon. They were partnered with the 2nd and 4th FP Divisions. The Special Troops Battalion, commanded by LTC Shilisa Geter, was located at VBC (Victory Base Complex) and partnered with the Baghdad Police Directorate. Meanwhile, due to the drawdown of US forces and the redeployment of theater-level sustainment brigades, the 299th BSB, commanded by LTC Dale Farrand, assumed the area support mission for all DOD and DOS elements within the province of Baghdad in addition to supporting the Dagger Brigade. Significant events during this deployment included the resumption of attacks by the Sadrist movement and other Iranian-backed militia, the subsequent operations that stopped those attacks, the rearward passage of lines of USD-North as they redeployed through Baghdad, the organization and training of divisional field artillery regiments for the IA divisions, the fielding of M1 tanks for the 9th IA Division, and the hand-over of all US facilities within Baghdad to the Government of Iraq or elements of the US State Department. During this deployment the brigade simultaneously trained ISF units to the point of conducting Iraqi-led battalion CALFEXs, advised ISF units as they conducted hundreds of Iraqi-led raids which disrupted the attacks of Iranian-backed militia, while also conducting unilateral and combined force protection operations to ensure the security of US bases and redeploying US forces. The brigade experienced nine KIAs during this deployment, the majority of which resulted from a single IRAM attack (improvised rocket-assisted munition) conducted against JSS Loyalty by Iranian-backed militia on 6 June 2011. The brigade departed Iraq in November 2011 after having turned the majority of the city of Baghdad over to complete Iraqi control. Afghanistan 2011–2012 [edit] From 1st Heavy Brigade Combat Team, 1st Battalion, 16th Infantry (CAB) and 4th Squadron, 4th Cavalry deployed to Afghanistan in the winter of 2011, with 2nd Battalion, 34th Armor (CAB) later deploying in the spring of 2011. 1–16 IN (CAB) was assigned to support the combined joint special task force, the Iron Rangers were deployed to 58 remote locations across Afghanistan. They completed more than 10,000 missions as part of village stability operations with the Afghan people. The operations connected the government of Afghanistan to the village level and taught Afghans about their constitution. 2–34 AR (CAB) was deployed to Maiwand, Kandahar Province located southern Afghanistan near the Kandahar/Helmand Province border.[33] 4-4 Cavalry was deployed to central Zhari District, Kandahar province and conducted thousands of combat patrols throughout the birthplace and homeland of the Taliban. 3rd Infantry Brigade Combat Team deployed to Khost and Paktya provinces in Eastern Afghanistan in January 2011. 2nd Battalion, 2nd Infantry Regiment was once again detached from the brigade and deployed to Ghazni province under Polish command.[34] The brigade conducted Operations Tofan I and II. Tofan I's mission was to disrupt insurgent safe havens in the Musa Khel region of Khowst Province, improve the ability for the government to reach the people there and gather intelligence for planning future operations.[35] Tofan II's mission was to establish contact with the insurgents, disrupt their logistics, and reduce any material or moral support from the local population. The movement to the extremely remote area, which featured narrow or non-existent roads set among mountains, included mounted and dismounted soldiers who also had to be aware of the need to control the key terrain features around Suri Kheyl.[36] Afghanistan 2012–2013 [edit] The 1st Infantry Division headquarters deployed to Bagram, Afghanistan on 19 April 2012 as part of Operation Enduring Freedom XIII after receiving responsibility for Regional Command (East)(RC(E)) from 1st Cavalry Division.[37] The division served as the Combined Joint Task Force-1 (CJTF-1) and RC(E), command and controlling the vital region (Bamiyan, Parwan, Panjshayr, Kapisa, Laghman, Nuristan, Konar, Nangarhar, Maiden Wardak, Logar, Paktiya, Khowst, Ghazni, and Paktika) surrounding Kabul and a large portion of the volatile border with Pakistan. During the division's tenure in Afghanistan, the division oversaw a transition of authority to the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF)201st Corps north of Kabul and had prepared the ANSF 203rd Corps to assume full security responsibility south of Kabul prior to transitioning RC(E) to 101st Airborne Division (AASLT). The 4th IBCT deployed to Afghanistan in May 2012 for a 9-month deployment. The brigade operated in Ghazni and Paktika provinces in eastern Afghanistan.[38] Dragon Brigade concluded its deployment in February 2013, transitioning oversight of Ghazni province to 1st Brigade, 10th Mountain Division and Paktika province to 2nd Brigade, 10th Mountain Division and full security responsibility for those provinces to 3rd and 2nd Brigades, ANSF 203rd Corps, respectively.[39] Operation Inherent Resolve [edit] In response to the growing ISIL threat the Department of Defense announced on 25 September 2014 that approximately 500 soldiers from the 1st Infantry Division Headquarters will be deployed to Iraq with the task of assisting Iraqi Security Forces. This will be the first Division HQ deployed in Iraq since withdrawal back in 2011. Among the soldiers sent over approximately 200 will be stationed in Baghdad, where they will make up close to half of US troops deployed.[40] In mid-October 2016 the US Army announced it will deploy about 500 soldiers from the 1st Infantry Division Headquarters to Iraq in the fall of 2016. Troops will assume the role of Combined Joint Forces Land Component Command-Iraq in support of Operation Inherent Resolve.[41] Operation Freedom's Sentinel [edit] In late July 2016, the U.S. Army announced that it will send 800 soldiers from 1st Combat Aviation Brigade, 1st Infantry Division, to Afghanistan to support Operation Freedom's Sentinel – the U.S. counter-terrorism operation against the remnants of al-Qaeda, ISIS–K and other terror groups. The brigade will deploy with its AH-64 Apache attack helicopters and UH-60 Black Hawk utility helicopters sometime before October 2016.[42] Operation Atlantic Resolve [edit] In April 2017, Military.com reported that approximately 4,000 soldiers from the 2nd Armored Brigade Combat Team, 1st Infantry Division will deploy to Europe as part of Operation Atlantic Resolve, replacing the 3rd Armored BCT, 4th Infantry Division in a regular rotation of forces.[43] The unit deployed in September 2017 and redeployed in June 2018, serving throughout Eastern Europe conducting readiness and inter-operability training with NATO Allies to assure U.S. Allies and deter aggression. The Division Headquarters deployed part of its headquarters in March 2018 to Poznan, Poland, to serve as the U.S. Army Europe's Mission Command Element forward providing mission command of the Regionally Aligned Forces serving in Atlantic Resolve. They are scheduled to remain until June 2020. In January the division's 1st Armored Brigade Combat Team and 1st Combat Aviation Brigade deployed to Eastern Europe in Support of Operation Atlantic Resolve with the mission of building readiness, assuring Allies, and deterring aggression on the continent. The 1st Armored Brigade Combat Team deployed again to Operation Atlantic Resolve in July 2021. The Brigade's deployment was extended indefinitely in response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Insignia [edit] No credible source states how the insignia of the 1st Infantry Division originated in World War I. There are two theories as to how the idea of the patch came about. The first theory states that the 1st Division supply trucks were manufactured in England. To make sure the 1st Division's trucks were not confused with other allies, the drivers would paint a huge "1" on the side of each truck. Later, the division engineers would go even further and put a red number one on their sleeves.[44] The second theory claims that a general of the division decided the unit should have a shoulder insignia. He decided to cut a red numeral "1" from his flannel underwear. When he showed his prototype to his men, one lieutenant said, "the general's underwear is showing!" Offended, the general challenged the young lieutenant to come up with something better. So, the young officer cut a piece of gray cloth from the uniform of a captured soldier and placed the red "1" on top.[44] Music [edit] Band [edit] The 1st Infantry Division Band (abbreviated as the 1ID Band and often known as the Big Red One Band) is the musical ambassador for the division that performs for military ceremonies at Fort Riley and the surrounding communities in the Midwest. The 38-member band contains the Concert Wind Ensemble, the Marching Band, a Seated Ceremonial Band as well as other specialized ensembles.[45] The band was notably involved in the Thunder Road incident in Vietnam, during which Major General John Hay ordered the band to march down "Thunder Road", for one mile while playing the Colonel Bogey March.[46] The road, which was critical to the division's operations, was under the control of a North Vietnamese Army regiment. Confused by the action, the regiment withdrew from the area, with the band fulfilling a remarkable combat mission without firing a shot.[47] In 2008, a parachutist injured three members of the band after crashing into them following getting off course during military review.[48] Song [edit] Toast of the Army, Favorite Son! Hail to the brave Big Red One! Always the first to thirst for a fight. No foe shall challenge our right to victory. We take the field, A grand sight to see. Pride of the Infantry. Soldiers of a great division, Courage is our tradition, Forward the Big Red One! According to the 1st Infantry Division history, the song was composed in 1943 by Captain Donald T. Kellett, who retired after a 30-year career as a colonel and died in 1991. Later revised from "Men of a great division" to "Soldiers of a great division".[49] Organization [edit] 1st Infantry Division consists of the following elements: a division headquarters and headquarters battalion, two armored brigade combat teams, a division artillery, a combat aviation brigade, a division sustainment brigade, and a headquarters battalion. Awards and decorations [edit] Source:[61] Campaign credit [edit] Conflict Streamer Year(s) World War I Montdidier-Noyon 1918 Aisne-Marne 1918 St. Mihiel 1918 Meuse-Argonne 1918 Lorraine 1917 1917 Lorraine 1918 1918 Picardy 1918 1918 World War II Algeria-French Morocco (with arrowhead) 1942 Tunisia 1942 Sicily (with arrowhead) 1943 Normandy (with arrowhead) 1944 Northern France 1944 Rhineland 1945 Ardennes-Alsace 1944–1945 Central Europe 1945 Vietnam War Defense 1965 Counteroffensive 1965–1966 Counteroffensive, Phase II 1966–1967 Counteroffensive, Phase III 1967–1968 Tet Counteroffensive 1968 Counteroffensive, Phase IV 1968 Counteroffensive, Phase V 1968 Counteroffensive, Phase VI 1968–1969 Tet 69/Counteroffensive 1969 Summer-Fall 1969 1969 Winter-Spring 1970 1969–1970 Gulf War Defense of Saudi Arabia 1990–1991 Liberation and Defense of Kuwait 1991 Ceasefire 1991 Global War On Terrorism Global War on Terrorism 2001–present Operation Iraqi Freedom Iraqi Governance 2004 National Resolution 2005 Iraqi Surge 2007 Iraqi Sovereignty 2009 New Dawn 2010 Operation Enduring Freedom Transition I 2011–2012 Unit decorations [edit] Ribbon Award Year Notes Meritorious Unit Commendation (Army) 1968 VIETNAM Meritorious Unit Commendation (Army) SOUTHWEST ASIA Army Superior Unit Award (Army) 1997 BOSNIA French Croix de Guerre, with Palm KASSERINE French Croix de Guerre, with Palm NORMANDY French Croix de guerre, World War II, Fourragere Belgian Fourragere 1940 Cited in the Order of the Day of the Belgian Army For action at MONS Cited in the Order of the Day of the Belgian Army For action at EUPEN-MALMEDY Republic of Vietnam Cross of Gallantry, with Palm 1965–1968 For service in Vietnam Republic of Vietnam Civil Action Unit Citation 1965–1970 For service in Vietnam See also [edit] Division insignia of the United States Army The Big Red One (1980), a movie about the division's experiences in World War II written by Samuel Fuller, who served in the division during World War II. 1st Infantry Division Museum Cantigny, the former estate of Col. Robert R. McCormick, is where the 1st Infantry Division Museum at Cantigny is located. The museum showcases the history of the 1st Infantry Division, from their involvement in World War I to the present, along with several tanks situated outside the museum dating from World War I to the present.[62] Iraq Assistance Group, a former joint command coordinating the coalition military transition team mission in Iraq which was formed from the 1st Infantry Division. Call of Duty 2: Big Red One, an expansion for the first-person shooter video game Call of Duty 2 with a focus on the division's operations in World War II. Call of Duty: WWII has players take on the role of Ronald "Red" Daniels, a private and part of "The Bloody First", following the operations of the division from the D-Day landings, up to the capture of the Rhineland. Explanatory notes [edit] References [edit] This article incorporates public domain material from 1st Infantry Division Honors. United States Army Center of Military History. Office of the Theater Historian 1948, Order of Battle of the United States Army World War II Divisions 1945, Paris. Further reading [edit] Andrews, Ernest A.; Hurt, David B. (2022). A Machine Gunner's War: From Normandy to Victory with the 1st Infantry Division in World War II. Philadelphia & Oxford: Casemate. ISBN 978-1636241043. Felix G. Third Graders at War: The True Story of a Cavalry Scout During Operation Desert Storm, ISBN 978-1-4575-0152-4 Rohan, John. Rags, the Dog Who Went to War, Diggory Press, ISBN 978-1-84685-364-7 Gantter, Raymond. Roll Me Over: An Infantryman's World War II, Ivy Books, ISBN 0-8041-1605-9 Stanton, Shelby, Vietnam Order of Battle: A Complete Illustrated Reference to the U.S. Army and Allied Ground Forces in Vietnam, 1961–1973, Stackpole Books, 2006 ISBN 0-8117-0071-2 Wheeler, James Scott. The Big Red One: America's Legendary 1st Infantry Division from World War I to Desert Storm (2nd ed., University Press of Kansas, 2007), the standard history; 710pp Desert Redleg: Artillery Warfare in the First Gulf War by Col. L. Scott Lingamfelter Official 1st Infantry Division website Society of the First Infantry Division Duty First: The 1st Infantry Division's award-winning quarterly magazine First Division Museum at Cantigny Park The First! The Story of the 1st Infantry Division (World War II divisional history booklet, 1945) Echoes of War: Stories from the Big Red One Interactive PBS documentary about the 1st Infantry Div. 1st Infantry Division Living History Group – Germany Cantigny First Division Oral Histories, includes freely accessible video oral history interviews with veterans of the U.S. Army's First Infantry Division Media The short film Big Picture: The Big Red One is available for free viewing and download at the Internet Archive. The short film "The Fighting First (1946)" is available for free viewing and download at the Internet Archive. The short film Staff Film Report 66-5A (1966) is available for free viewing and download at the Internet Archive. The short film Staff Film Report 66-1OA (1966) is available for free viewing and download at the Internet Archive. The short film Staff Film Report 66-17A (1966) is available for free viewing and download at the Internet Archive. The short film Staff Film Report 66-21A (1966) is available for free viewing and download at the Internet Archive. The short film Staff Film Report 66-22A (1966) is available for free viewing and download at the Internet Archive. The short film Staff Film Report 66-29A (1966) is available for free viewing and download at the Internet Archive. The short film Staff Film Report 66-30A (1966) is available for free viewing and download at the Internet Archive.
7368	dbpedia	1	97	https://www.howardcountymd.gov/fire-and-rescue-services/fire-stations	en	Fire Stations	https://www.howardcounty…atag-default.jpg	https://www.howardcounty…atag-default.jpg	[ "https://www.howardcountymd.gov/themes/hoco/logo-blue.svg", "https://www.howardcountymd.gov/themes/hoco/logo.svg", "https://www.howardcountymd.gov/sites/default/files/styles/image_560_x_408_/public/media/2016-02/CRjfi2wWUAAacAg.jpg?itok=yrjTsurV", "https://www.howardcountymd.gov/themes/hoco/logo.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	/themes/hoco/favicon.ico		https://www.howardcountymd.gov/fire-and-rescue-services/fire-stations	Raising and lowering the flag outside the firehouse Discussions of safety drills and creating safety messages to share with personnel Cleaning the dorms Sweeping and mopping the floors Cooking the meals Participate in mandatory fitness and conditioning program Daily training drills Attend workshops or classes designed to inform firefighters on the latest advancements in medical technology, fire science, emergency treatment and prevention Maintenance of all apparatus (checking fuel levels, examining for damage or wear, etc) Maintenance of all equipment (uniforms, tanks, etc.) Inventory of supplies Discussion of recent or past firefighting, emergency medical responses and working out strategies to cope with unexpected occurrences during emergencies Every activity is important and given attention. A fire truck cannot respond to an emergency if it is low on fuel. A facemask can cause a fatality if it has a crack in it. A firefighter’s entire day is spent, in one way or another, preparing for emergencies. In our department SAFETY is the top priority! Teamwork is another key component of HCDFRS. Modern fire stations have separate sleeping and bathroom/shower facilities for men and women. Older stations have been retrofitted with separate bathroom/shower facilities, but common sleeping areas remain. The Department makes every effort to provide the best available solution to privacy issues at each station. And by the way, everyone takes turns cooking, so you might want to start thinking about some of your favorite family recipes. Like members of the armed services, firefighters and EMTs follow a command structure based on rank, with firefighters and EMTs at the lower end of the scale. A paramilitary structure requires you to take orders from those of higher rank. When on duty, firefighters cannot leave the station to take care of personal business nor can they make or receive cell phone calls while en route to or working on an incident. Firefighters are expected to come work on time every day they are scheduled to work including during snowstorms, hurricanes or other severe weather. Lateness is not tolerated. You are held accountable for your behavior – off and on the job, inside and outside Howard County.
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"https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/img_8129-4.jpg", "https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c6870dd7ddf00e6af5cfca5c9480a95efda98ed3cc7f2eec27be528928814435?s=50&d=https%3A%2F%2Fs2.wp.com%2Fi%2Flogo%2Fwpcom-gray-white.png", "https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c6870dd7ddf00e6af5cfca5c9480a95efda98ed3cc7f2eec27be528928814435?s=50&d=https%3A%2F%2Fs2.wp.com%2Fi%2Flogo%2Fwpcom-gray-white.png", "https://pixel.wp.com/b.gif?v=noscript" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Posts about adolph von steinwehr written by padresteve	en	https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c6870dd7ddf00e6af5cfca5c9480a95efda98ed3cc7f2eec27be528928814435?s=32	The Inglorius Padre Steve's World	https://padresteve.com/tag/adolph-von-steinwehr/	Friends of Padre Steve’s World Today another section from my Gettysburg text, this on the disaster the befell the Union Eleventh Corps north of the town on the afternoon of July 1st 1863. Have a great day, Peace Padre Steve+ Schurz placed his own Second division under the acting command of Brigadier General Alexander Schimmelpfennig his senior brigade commander. Schimmelpfennig was a former Prussian Captain, an engineering officer, who had left the Prussian army to fight in the 1848 Revolution where he met Schurz and the two men became fast friends. When the revolution was crushed Schimmelpfennig, like Schurz fled Germany and was sentenced to death in absentia by the government of the Palatine region. He immigrated to the United States in 1853 “where he wrote military history and secured a position as an engineer in the War Department.” [1] He volunteered to serve at the outbreak of the war, and was appointed as colonel of the German 74th Pennsylvania Volunteers. Schimmelpfennig took command of the brigade when his brigade commander was killed at Second Bull Run, and he was promoted to Brigadier General by Lincoln in November 1862. According to an often told fable Lincoln supposedly promoted the German “because he found the immigrant’s name irresistible,” [2] but unlike so many other volunteer generals Schimmelpfennig was no novice to soldiering. It “took him aback to discover that American-born generals “have no maps, no knowledge of the country, no eyes to see where help is needed.” [3] He also criticized the method by which many American staff officers were selected, from their “relations, some of old friends, or men recommended by Congressmen,” [4] as compared to Molkte’s Prussian General Staff which prided itself on producing competent staff officers who could also direct troops in the heat of battle. He too was a Chancellorsville and warned of the danger of the hanging flank and his troops were routed by Jackson’s, but as one writer noted “The brigade’s list of casualties indicates that it deserves more credit than it has been generally given.” [5] Schimmelpfennig too wanted to redeem himself and the Germans of his command as they marched to meet Lee again. The First Division of Eleventh Corps was under the command of Brigadier General Francis Barlow. Barlow was a twenty-nine year old Harvard law graduate and Boston Brahmin was well connected politically with the more radical abolitionists of the Republican Party and had an intense dislike of Democrats. He volunteered for service and became the regimental commander and of the 61st New York Infantry. Though he did not have prior military training he “was a self-taught officer of resolute battlefield courage.” [6] His courage and competence were recognized and was promoted to Brigadier General after Antietam where he had been wounded in the groin by canister in the vicious battle for the sunken Road. Due to his abilities the “Boy general” was convinced by his fellow abolitionist, Howard to command an Eleventh Corps division after Chancellorsville, but Barlow soon regretted his decision. Barlow, was to use modern terminology somewhat of an elitist and snob. He disliked army life and developed a reputation as a martinet with a boorish personality, who life in the army “very tedious living so many months with men who are so little companions for me as our officers are.” [7] “Billy” Barlow was not happy with commanding the Germans, and he “disliked the beery and impenetrable Germans in his division as much as he disliked Democrats.” He admitted that he had “always been down on the ‘Dutch’ & I do not abate my contempt now.” [8] The feeling was reciprocal, his men considered him a “petty tyrant” and one wrote “As a taskmaster he had no equal. The prospect of a speedy deliverance from the yoke of Billy Barlow filled every heart with joy.” [9] As Barlow marched with his men into Gettysburg he had in his pocket a letter requesting to be given command of one of the new brigades of U.S. Colored Troops which were then being raised, something he felt was more attuned to his abolitionist beliefs and temperament. Brigadier General Adolf von Steinwehr was another of the German’s and he enjoyed a solid reputation as a soldier. Steinwehr was a German nobleman, actually “Baron Adolf Wilhelm Augustus Friedrich von Steinwehr, a onetime officer in the army of the Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbutel.” [10] Steinwehr was a graduate of the Brunswick Military Academy came to the United States seeking to serve in the United States Army and served in the Coastal Survey as an engineer, but was not able to get a commission. He settled in Connecticut and volunteered to serve at the beginning of the war. He raised the heavily German 29th New York Infantry. He was made a brigadier general in October 1861 and took command of the Eleventh Corp’s Second division in in the summer of 1862 when the Corps was still under the command of Franz Sigel. A Pennsylvania soldier noted that Steinwehr was “accomplished and competent, and deserv[ing] of more credit than he ever received.” [11] At Chancellorsville his troops performed well and did some hard fighting before being driven back, Howard considered Steinwehr’s conduct and bearing at Chancellorsville as “cool, collected and judicious.” [12] As Howard and Schurz consulted on Cemetery Hill, it was decided that Schurz would advance Schimmelpfennig and Barlow’s divisions to the north of the town in order to anchor the right flank of Doubleday’s embattled First Corps. “As Schurz remembered it, he was to take the “First and Third Divisions of the Eleventh Corps through the town and … place them on the right of First Corps, while he {Howard} would hold back the Second Division… and the reserve artillery on Cemetery Hill and the eminence east of it as a reserve.” [13] Schimmelpfennig’s division led the way through the town and deployed to the north, Barlow’s division followed moving to its right. Schurz had two missions, to protect First Corps right flank and also to “guard against the anticipated arrival of Confederates from the northeast.” [14] Schurz intended to bring his two divisions into line each with one brigade forward and one in reserve. Schimmelpfennig’s brigade was placed at a right angle to the flank of Robinson’s division. It was Schurz’s intention that Barlow’s division “extend Schimmelpfennig’s front facing north” by keeping Ames’ brigade as a reserve in the right rear “in order to use it against a possible flanking movement by the enemy.” [15] Both divisions were very small, especially compared to their Confederate opponents, consisting of just two brigades apiece. Schurz estimated that the two divisions numbered “hardly over 6,000 effective men when going into battle…” [16] and the ground that they had to occupy, being flat and open without and without any geographic advantage was hardly conducive for the defense, but it was necessary in order to attempt to secure the flank of First Corps and to prevent Doubleday’s command from being rolled up by Ewell’s Corps. With the heavy pressure being put on First Corps by the Confederate divisions of Heth, Pender and Rodes; and the arrival of Jubal Early’s division of Ewell’s Second Corps Howard had few choices, and realistically Howard’s “only course was to delay the enemy.” [17] Howard has been faulted by historians Stephen Sears and Edwin Coddington for allowing Doubleday and First Corps to continue to fight on McPherson’s Ridge instead of withdrawing back to Seminary Ridge or even Cemetery Ridge during the lull in fighting early in the afternoon. [18] However, in defense of Howard, the only Confederate troops on the field when he met with Doubleday between Seminary and McPherson’s Ridge during the lull were those of Heth and Pender, as Rodes’ division had not yet arrived. As such, Howard promised to protect Doubleday’s flank without full knowledge of the situation, a promise that “would soon prove rash.” [19] In making his decision to advance it was Howard’s intention was to get Schimmelpfennig and Barlow’s divisions up to Oak Hill to secure the right flank, but by the time his troops were moving into the open country north of the town, Rodes’s division was already there and the guns of Carter’s artillery battalion soon found the range on the Union troops. Because of this Schimmelpfennig “had to post his troops on the plain facing northwest off the right and rear of First Corps” [20] and his troops were never able to “make their link up with Robinson and the dangling flank of First Corps.” [21] Schurz’s small divisions now found themselves facing elements of two veteran Confederate divisions; those of Robert Rodes and Jubal Early. Unlike the battle on McPherson’s and Seminary Ridge the Eleventh Corps troops did not have the advantage of good defensible ground. Likewise they had to cover a front that was much too wide for their numbers without fast reinforcements from Third or Twelfth Corps, which would not come. Oliver Howard was counting on the timely arrival of either Slocum’s Twelfth or Sickles’ Third Corps which were in reasonable marching distance of Gettysburg, however Sickles was attempting to sort out conflicting orders from Meade and Howard, while Slocum who had just gotten the now hopelessly out of date Pipe Creek Circular waited for hours after receiving Howard’s message before putting his troops on the road to Gettysburg. Coddington argues that Howard’s hope for reinforcement at this point “was both unrealistic and unfair to the commanders of the other corps,” [22] but others have questioned that point of view, especially in regard to Slocum. Slocum’s most recent biographer Brian Melton notes that Slocum seemed to believe that “Reynolds and Howard were actively disobeying orders” [23] and wanted Slocum to do the same, and “because he deemed it contrary to Meade’s wishes, he did not want to come forward himself to take responsibility for the fight, or “of becoming a scapegoat for a lost, politically important fight someone else started against standing orders.” [24] Melton attributes Slocum’s reluctance to take command and send his troops forward was that he had been McClellanized as a result of learned behavior in the politically charged Army of the Potomac. As such he was hesitant to jump into a situation that he had no control and then be blamed for the defeat. “What historians see in Slocum at Gettysburg is not so much a failure of nerve (though it can be described as such) but, rather, the triumphant moment of his McClellanism. Slocum, with his tendency to absorb the philosophies of his powerful superiors, displayed conduct on day one and day two of Gettysburg that looks like McClellan in microcosm. He was absorbed with maneuver, over-cautious, focused on retreat, and scrupulously concerned with the chain of command (sometimes conveniently so). Like McClellan on the Peninsula he found excuses that kept him away from the fight, and therefore the responsibility.” [25] What the Union command situation does show is that in a rapidly changing tactical environment that orders, no matter how well thought out, can become obsolete as soon as soon as contact is made. There it is imperative that commanders and staff officers adapt to changing situations. However, in the Army of the Potomac, which had been formed and taught by McClellan, and had endured command shake ups and the political machinations of many of its senior commanders, Slocum found that he could not take that risk. Melton wrote, “no matter what his reasons, Slocum missed an important opportunity to play an important role in the most famous battle fought on this continent, Acoustic shadows and conflicting orders kept him away from the fighting when other corps desperately needed him. Instead of covering himself with glory that day, the best he can hope for is to be quietly excused.” [26] Major General Francis Barlow “A Portrait of Hell” Without reinforcements Schurz’s divisions moved north out of the town. Schurz had two missions as he moved north, “to protect Doubleday’s right and to guard against the anticipated arrival of Confederates from the northeast.” [27] to do this he had to keep his line compact enough on bad defensive ground with little natural advantage and maintain a reserve to parry any emerging Confederate threats from the northeast. The first issue was that to meet these missions Schurz only had about 6,000 troops, and these had to be spread along a line beginning at the Mummasburg Road to the York Pike. Even so there was a gap of about a quarter of a mile between Schurz’s left and Doubleday’s troops on Oak Ridge. It was the best he could do and for practical purposes the two Eleventh Corps divisions were only able to form “the equivalent of a strong skirmish line along their broad front.” [28] Had Barlow remained in place his troops would have been in a better position to receive the Confederate attack and protect Doubleday’s right flank. However, this did not happen. Barlow did not comply with Schurz’s orders to simply extend Schimmelpfennig’s line and keep Ames’s brigade as a reserve to parry any attack on his right flank. Instead, as he moved his division through the town, Barlow secured the permission of Howard to take a small portion of high ground about a mile further north, called Blocher’s Knoll. There was a certain logic to the move, “to prevent the Rebel troops then visible to the north – George Doles’s brigade, of Rodes’s division – from occupying it and using it as an artillery platform.” [29] But the advance was to be a disastrous mistake as it left Barlow’s division exposed to Doles’s advancing troops, as well as Jubal Early’s division which then deploying for battle along the Harrisburg Road in perfect position to turn the flank of Schurz’s divisions. When Howard saw that deployment he countermanded his order that had allowed Barlow to seize Blocher’s Knoll. Howard wrote, “as soon as I heard of the approach of Ewell and saw that nothing the turning of my right flank if Barlow advanced… I countermanded the order.” [30] But the aggressive Billy Barlow continued to advance and left his own flank exposed to the attack of Early’s division which was “deployed in a three-brigade-wide battle front that was almost a mile across – and overlapped the Union line by almost half a mile.” [31] Barlow was the only non-German division commander in XI Corps and he had little regard for Schurz. “Without consulting or even notifying his superiors, Barlow issued orders that got his division moving toward that point.” [32] Barlow advanced Colonel Ludwig Von Gilsa’s small brigade with two sections of artillery to Blocher’s Knoll placing it on the extreme right of the Union line. Instead of maintaining Ames’ brigade in reserve and slightly to the right of von Gilsa to guard against any potential flanking attack, Barlow deployed Ames’s brigade on the left of von Gilsa’s brigade facing slightly to the northwest. Barlow’s decision to do this left von Gilsa’s right flank hopelessly exposed and gave him no reserve to meet any danger on the right. The orders that Barlow had previously had from Howard to move forward to Blocher’s Knoll were predicated on Oak Hill being unoccupied and Schimmelpfennig’s division being able to occupy it before the Confederates could do so. Barlow, on his own volition, knowing that the Confederates had taken Oak Hill and were assaulting Robinson’s division on Oak Ridge decided to advance movement placed Barlow’s division “where Barlow wished it to be” [33] and not where Schurz or Howard expected it, with disastrous results. Schurz noted: “But I now noticed that Barlow, be it that he had misunderstood my order, or that he was carried away by the ardor of the conflict, had advanced his whole line and lost connection with my third division on the left, and…he had instead of refusing, had pushed forward his right brigade, so that it formed a projecting angle with the rest of the line.” [34] There are still debates as to why Barlow advanced but one of the most likely explanations is that he saw the unprotected left of Brigadier General George Doles’s brigade of Georgians from Rodes division and wanted to strike them in the flank. [35] To be sure, the position on Blocher’s Knoll “offered a cleared crown suitable for artillery and a good line of sight up the Heidlersburg Road,” [36] provided that it could be supported but it had a weakness in that “thick woods began about one hundred feet below the crest toward Rock Creek, severely limiting the field of fire in the direction of the anticipated Confederate advance.” [37] Barlow’s deployment provided Jubal Early with the perfect opportunity to execute one the hard hitting flanking attacks that had been the specialty of his old superior Stonewall Jackson. The instrument of Barlow’s division’s destruction was Brigadier General John Gordon’s brigade of Early’s division. Gordon was a self-taught soldier whose army service began when he was “elected Captain of a mountaineer company” [38] called “the Raccoon Roughs” in the opening weeks of the war.” [39] As Georgia had no room in its new military for the company Gordon offered it to Alabama where is was mustered into the 6th Alabama regiment. Even though Gordon had no prior military experience, he learned his trade well and possessed “an oratorical skill which inspires his troops to undertake anything. His men adore him….he makes them feel as if they can charge hell itself.” [40] After Manassas, Gordon was elected colonel of the 6th Alabama. He commanded the regiment until he was wounded five times in the defense of the Bloody Lane at Antietam. His final wound that day was to the face, which rendered him unconscious. He fell “with his face in his cap, and only the fact that another Yankee bullet had ripped through the cap saved him from smothering in his own blood.” [41] Before Chancellorsville the gallant colonel was promoted to brigadier general and given command of Lawton’s brigade. Gordon’s troops hit the exposed right flank of Colonel Ludwig Von Gilsa’s tiny brigade and that force was overwhelmed by the fierceness of the Confederate assault. Von Gilsa was a professional soldier by trade who had served as a “major in the Prussian army during the Schleswig-Holstein War before immigrating to the United States” [42] from 1848 through 1850. After coming to the United States Von Gilsa supported as a singer, piano player and lecturer in New York, and on the outbreak of the war he raised and was commissioned as the Colonel of the 41st New York Infantry. He was badly wounded at the Battle of Cross Keys in the spring of 1862 and was made a brigade commander when Julius Stahel was elevated to division command. His first battle as a brigade commander was Chancellorsville where on the extreme Union right he warned of Stonewall Jackson’s flanking move, but his reports were discounted. Von Gilsa was a colorful man who won the respect of his men and “was notorious for his genius for profanity in his native German.” During the difficult retreat from Chancellorsville, Oliver Howard reminded the German Colonel “to depend upon God, and von Gilsa poured out a stream of oaths in German with such vehemence and profusion that Howard thought he had gone insane.” [43] Admired by his troops, one officer noted that von Gilsa was “one of the bravest of me4n and an uncommonly good soldier.” [44] This did not keep his new division commander Barlow from taking a dislike to him and arresting the German on the march to Gettysburg for allowing more than one soldier at a time to break ranks to refill canteens. Barlow reinstated Von Gilsa to his command at 1 p.m. just as his brigade was entering Gettysburg and beginning its march to engage the Confederates north of the town. The position occupied by von Gilsa’s brigade “was at once a strong and dangerous position, powerful in front…but exposed on both flanks.” [45] Thus the exposed position of Barlow’s troops on Blocher’s Knoll provided the advancing Confederates the opportunity to roll up his division and defeat it in detail before moving down the Federal line to deal with Schimmelpfennig’s division. The Confederate attack engineered by Jubal Early was a masterpiece of shock tactics combining a fearsome artillery barrage with a well-coordinated infantry assault. Colonel H.P Jones who commanded Jubal Early’s artillery battalion opened up a crossfire on von Gilsa’s brigade from its positions east of the Heidlersburg Road as Gordon’s brigade struck assisted by pressure being put forth by Junius Daniel’s brigade of Rodes division which was attacking Ames’s brigade from the northwest. The concentrated fire of the artillery added to the din and furthered the destruction among the Union men as Jones’s battalion’s fire “enfiladed its whole line and took it in reverse.” [46] The artillery fire from Jones’s battalion supported Gordon’s brigade as well as Early’s other two brigades, those of Hays and Avery as they advanced. “A prominent member of Ewell’s staff later said he had never seen guns “better served than Jones’ were on this occasion.” [47] Von Gilsa’s outnumbered and badly exposed Union troops attempted to make a stand but were slaughtered by the Confederates; soon the brigade began to unravel, and then disintegrated. But it was not the complete rout posited by the brigade’s critics. It took “fifteen to twenty minutes of hard fighting for John Gordon’s men, assisted by some of George Doles regiments, to overrun Blocher’s Knoll” [48]One Confederate soldier later recalled, “it was a fearful slaughter, the golden wheat fields, a few minutes before in beauty, now gone, and the ground covered with the dead and wounded in blue.” [49] Another of Gordon’s soldiers noted “The Yankees…fought more stubborn than I ever saw them or ever want to see them again.” [50] Von Gilsa himself displayed tremendous courage in trying to stem the tide of the Confederate advance. He had “one horse shot from under him, but jumped onto another and desperately tried to stem the retreat. On soldier saw him ride “up and down that line through a regular storm of lead, meantime using German epithets so common to him.” [51] Despite his best efforts, just as a Chancellorsville von Gilsa was unable to hold his position and his troops fled through crowded and chaotic streets of Gettysburg to Cemetery Hill where their retreat was halted and they joined the troops of Steinwehr’s division and the other survivors of the First and Eleventh Corps troops who managed to escape the Confederate onslaught. Brigadier General John Gordon As Von Gilsa’s brigade collapsed Gordon “focused on the exposed right flank of Ames’s brigade” and Doles’s troops, now supported by Ramseur fell upon its left and “Ames’s outnumbered troops also collapsed” [52] even as that young and gallant commander attempted to advance his brigade to support Von Gilsa’s now fleeing troops. Barlow was in the thick of the fighting attempting to rally von Gilsa’s troops when he was wounded. Ames, the senior brigade commander took command of the shattered remnants of the two brigades when Barlow, went down. The wounded Barlow would be assisted by Gordon and “carried to the shade” of a nearby farmhouse by a member of Early’s staff. [53] Barlow recovered and after the war “he and Gordon established a friendship that lasted for the remainder of their lives.” [54] Adelbert Ames was a native of Maine and had a stellar reputation when he entered Gettysburg. The young officer “graduated 5th out of 45 students in the Class of 1861, which completed its studies just after the fall of Fort Sumter.” [55] He was commissioned into the artillery and was wounded at First Bull Run where he was awarded the Medal of Honor. After he recovered he was commended for his service during the Peninsular Campaign. Ames then returned to Maine where he organized and commanded the illustrious 20th Maine Volunteer Infantry, and after Fredericksburg was promoted to brigadier general. “Like von Gilsa’s brigade, Ames’s came under fire from both infantry and artillery.” [56] After Chancellorsville he was promoted to brigadier general and took command of his brigade in Barlow’s division. Ames was a brave and capable leader who would continue to serve with distinction throughout the war ending up as a Major General of Volunteers and serving as one of Mississippi’s Reconstruction governors after the war. He lived a long and eventful life and was the last Civil War general to die in 1933. Amidst the chaos of the retreat Ames worked with von Gilsa to “try to gather enough men together around a cluster of buildings along the Heidlersburg Road which served as the Adams County almshouse,” [57] and upon assuming command he succeeded in “slowing the retreat and establishing a second line when Avery’s and Hays’s brigades came crashing in on the right.” [58] However, this line too was driven back in great confusion as the brigades of Gordon and Hays, supported by Jones’s artillery hammered the thin blue line. Schurz attempted to recover the situation by extending Schimmelpfennig’s division to the right, and advanced his reserve brigade under Polish born Colonel Wladimir Krzyzanowski to support Barlow counterattacking against Doles’s brigade. Krzyzanowski too was a refugee from Europe, coming from a region of Poland occupied by Prussia. “Kriz” as he was known to many Americans had fled to New York following the failed revolution of 1848 and made his living as a civil engineer. When war came Krzyzanowski volunteered for service, and was allowed to recruit “a multinational regiment that became known as the 58th New York Infantry, the “Polish Legion.” [59] Following service in a number of campaigns he was given command of a brigade in June of 1862. Krzyzanowski’s brigade achieved some initial success against one of Doles’s regiments and for a time engaged in a furious short range shoot out with two more of Doles’s regiments. The opponents stood scarcely seventy-five yards apart aiming deadly volleys at one another without regard for themselves, an Ohio solider recalled “Bullets hummed about our ears like infuriated bees, and in a few minutes the meadow was strewn with…the wounded and the dead.” [60] Despite their gallantry Krzyzanowski’s troops were also rolled up in the Confederate assault when Doles and Gordon turned his flanks. Both of “Krzyzanowski’s flanks received enfilading fire and the brigade fell back across the Carlisle Road toward an orchard on the north side of Gettysburg.” [61] As the situation deteriorated Schimmelpfennig ordered the 157th New York Infantry to support Krzyzanowski. The regiment advanced and engaged in a furious twenty minute fight, continuing the battle “in Indian fashion” until Schurz ordered them to retreat. The gallant 157th sacrificed itself buying time for others to withdraw and left over 75 percent of its men on the battlefield, when the order came, “less than fifty of the 157th were able to rise out of the wheat and follow.” [62] “So the horrible screaming, hurtling messengers of death flew over us from both sides,” recollected a New York soldier. “In such a storm it seemed a miracle that any were left alive.” [63] Krzyzanowski described the scene as “a portrait of hell.” [64] Harry Hays brigade of Louisianans joined the assault on the collapsing Federal right while on the left Schimmelpfennig’s line collapsed under the weight of Doles’s attack, which had now been joined by the brigade of Stephen Ramseur. The proud Schimmelpfennig joined his troops in retreat. Inside the town he was unhorsed by enemy fire. In the town Schimmelpfennig was knocked unconscious “with the butt of a musket – “by the blow of a gun” – as he tried to scale a fence.” [65] By the time he regained himself Confederate troops were swarming all around, and to avoid capture he prudently “took refuge in a woodshed, where he remained in hiding the next three days.” [66] The attack of Early’s division supported by Doles and Ramseur “completely unhinged the end of the long Union line and destroyed any opportunities for resistance on that part of the field.” [67] Howard was still looking for relief from Major General Slocum’s Twelfth Corps and seeing the disaster unfolding north of the town sent the First Brigade of Brigadier General Adolph Steinwehr’s division from Cemetery Hill to support the fleeing men of Barlow and Schimmelpfennig’s divisions. The small brigade of about 800 soldiers under the command of Colonel Charles Coster advanced through the town to a brickyard on the outskirts of the town. Before this small force could get into position they were hit hard by Hays and Avery’s brigades of Early’s division. The Confederates again had a massive numerical advantage at the point of attack with “eight big regiments to face Coster’s three small ones” [68] and they too were able to find an open flank and envelop both flanks of the tiny Union brigade. Avery’s brigade took them in the right flank and with both flanks turned by the advancing Confederates [69] Coster’s little brigade broke under the pressure and began to retreat leaving many prisoners to be collected by the Confederates. The commander of the 134th New York exclaimed “I never imagined such a rain of bullets.” [70] In its fight with Avery’s brigade which had the New Yorkers in a crossfire, the 134th lost some forty men killed and 150 wounded. Coster had entered the fight with about 800 soldiers but by the end of the afternoon over 550 were casualties, with “313 of them left it as prisoners.” [71] Coster survived the assault but resigned from the army a few months later never having filed and official report. [72] As the Union right collapsed and the Confederate pressure on Robinson’s division on Oak Ridge mounted, von Amsberg’s brigade, without the 157th New York found itself without support and was forced to withdraw. However, the sacrifice of Coster’s brigade “succeeded in checking the enemy long enough to permit Barlow’s division to “enter the town without being seriously molested on its retreat.” [73] In his after action report as well as in other correspondence Barlow was acrimonious toward the German troops who he had so carelessly exposed to the Confederate onslaught on Blocher’s Knoll. He wrote “We ought to have held the place easily, for I had my entire force at the very point where the attack was made….But the enemies [sic] skirmishers had hardly attacked us before my men began to run. No fight at all was made.” [74] However, more circumspect Union officers do not back the gallant, but arrogant Boston Brahmin’s statement nor do his Confederate opponents. The Union artillery commander Henry Hunt wrote that it was “an obstinate and bloody contest” [75] while Gordon, whose brigade had inflicted so much of the damage on Barlow’s divisions wrote: “The enemy made a most obstinate resistance until the colors of the two lines were separated by a space of less than 50 paces, when his line was broken and driven back, leaving the flank which this line had protected exposed to the fire from my brigade. An effort was made by the enemy to change his front and check our advance, but the effort failed and this line too, was driven back in the greatest confusion with immense loss in killed, wounded and prisoners.” [76] A private of the 61st Georgia Infantry of Gordon’s brigade wrote that the Eleventh Corps troops “stood firm until we got near them. Then they began to retreat in good order. They were harder to drive than we had known them before….Their officers were cheering their men and behaving like heroes and commanders of ‘the first water’” [77] During the retreat the redoubtable Hubert Dilger whose battery had wrought such death and destruction on O’Neal and Iverson’s brigades and Carter’s artillery while supporting Robinson’s division on Oak Ridge continued its stellar contribution to the battle. Instead of withdrawing his battery completely he halted four guns north of the town to support the infantry. “The four cannon immediately banged away at the approaching Confederate infantry and helped hundreds of Federal troops successfully escape the clutches of the enemy.” [78] When he could do no more Dilger withdrew to Cemetery Hill where his guns joined the mass of Union artillery gathering on that edifice. Collapse and the Retreat of First & Eleventh Corps The retreat of Eleventh Corps “southward through the streets of Gettysburg exposed the rear of the First Corps at a time when Doubleday’s troops were already having to give ground before the superior numbers represented by” [79] the divisions of Harry Heth and Dorsey Pender of A.P. Hill’s Third Corps. The First Corps had been battling Hill’s troops for the better part of the morning and for the most part had gotten the better of their Confederate opponents, inflicting very heavy casualties on the divisions of Heth, Pender and Robert Rodes. The fierceness of the Union defense of the ridges west of the town wreaked havoc on the Confederate attackers. The remnants of the Iron Brigade supported by the brigades of Biddle and Stone, Gamble’s dismounted cavalry, and Wainwright’s expertly directed artillery inflicted massive casualties on their Confederate opponents. Notes [1] Ibid. Pfanz The First Day at Gettysburg p.218 [2] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.63 [3] Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.166 [4] Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.166 [5] Ibid. Tagg The Generals of Gettysburg p.139 [6] Ibid. Sears Gettysburg p.38 [7] Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.181 [8] Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.181 [9] Ibid. Tagg The Generals of Gettysburg p.126 [10] Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.162 [11] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.63 [12] Ibid. Tagg The Generals of Gettysburg p.132 [13] Trudeau, Noah Andre. Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, Harper Collins Publishers, New York 2002 p.198 [14] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.74 [15] Ibid. Guelzo . Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.181 [16] Ibid. Coddington The Gettysburg Campaign: A Study in Command, p.288 [17] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.74 [18] Ibid. Sears, Gettysburg pp.193-194 and Coddington p.303 [19] Ibid. Trudeau Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage p.142 [20] Ibid. Pfanz The First Day at Gettysburg p.140 [21] Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.166 [22] Ibid. Coddington The Gettysburg Campaign p.303 [23] Melton, Brian C. Sherman’s Forgotten General: Henry W. Slocum University of Missouri Press, Columbia and London 2007 p.125 [24] Ibid. Pfanz The First Day at Gettysburg p.143 [25] Ibid. Melton Sherman’s Forgotten General p.124 [26] Ibid. Melton Sherman’s Forgotten General p.128 [27] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.74 [28] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.76 [29] Ibid. Sears, Gettysburg pp.193-194 and Coddington p.212 [30] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.77 [31] Ibid. Sears, Gettysburg pp.193-194 and Coddington p.212 [32] Ibid. Trudeau Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage p.217 [33] Ibid. Trudeau Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage p.216 [34] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.77 [35] Ibid. From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership Greene p.78 [36] Ibid. Trudeau Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage p.216 [37] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.78 [38] Warner, Ezra J. Generals in Gray: Lives of Confederate Commanders Louisiana State University Press, Baton Rouge 1959, 1987 p.111 [39] Ibid. Tagg The Generals of Gettysburg p.262 [40] Freeman, Douglas Southall, Lee’s Lieutenant’s a Study in Command, One volume abridgement by Stephen W Sears, Scribner, New York 1998 p.41 [41] Sears, Stephen W. Landscape Turned Red: The Battle of Antietam Houghton-Mifflin Company, Boston and New York 1983 p.242 [42] Ibid. Pfanz The First Day at Gettysburg p.224 [43] Ibid. Tagg The Generals of Gettysburg p.127 [44] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.61 [45] Ibid. Tagg The Generals of Gettysburg p.128 [46] Hunt, Henry The First Day at Gettysburg in Battles and Leaders of the Civil War edited by Bradford, Neil Meridian Press, New York 1989 p.363 [47] Ibid. Coddington The Gettysburg Campaign: A Study in Command, p.291 [48] Ibid. Trudeau Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage p.225 [49] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.79 [50] Ibid. Trudeau Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage p.225 [51] Ibid. Tagg The Generals of Gettysburg p.128 [52] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.79 [53] Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.188 [54] Dowdy, Clifford. Lee and His Men at Gettysburg: The Death of a Nation Skyhorse Publishing, New York 1986, originally published as Death of a Nation Knopf, New York 1958 p.141 [55] Ibid. Tagg The Generals of Gettysburg p.129 [56] Ibid. Pfanz The First Day at Gettysburg p.234 [57] Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.187 [58] Ibid. Coddington The Gettysburg Campaign: A Study in Command, p.292 [59] Ibid. Pfanz The First Day at Gettysburg p.236 [60] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.80 [61] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.80 [62] Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.186 [63] Ibid. Trudeau Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage p.225 [64] Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.186 [65] Ibid. Tagg The Generals of Gettysburg p.139 [66] Foote, Shelby, The Civil War, A Narrative. Volume Two Fredericksburg to Meridian Random House, New York 1963 p.477 [67] Ibid. Coddington The Gettysburg Campaign: A Study in Command, p.292 [68] Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.190 [69] Ibid. Trudeau Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, p.241 [70] Ibid. Trudeau Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage p.241 [71] Ibid. Sears, Gettysburg pp.193-194 and Coddington p.217 [72] Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.190 [73] Ibid. Pfanz The First Day at Gettysburg pp. 267-268 [74] Ibid Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.79 [75] Ibid. Hunt The First Day at Gettysburg p.365 [76] Report of Brigadier General J. B. Gordon, CSA, commanding brigade, Early’s Division, in Luvaas, Jay and Nelson Harold W editors. The U.S. Army War College Guide to the Battle of Gettysburg South Mountain Press, Carlisle PA 1986 p.45 [77] Ibid. Greene From Chancellorsville to Gettysburg: O. O. Howard and Eleventh Corps Leadership p.79 [78] Gottfried, Bradley The Artillery of Gettysburg Cumberland House Publishing, Nashville TN 2008 p.71 [79] Weigley, Russell F. A Great Civil War: A Military and Political History 1861-1865 Indiana University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis 2000 p.244 “General Meade will commit no blunder in my front, and if I commit one he will make haste to take advantage of it.” Robert E Lee June 28th 1863 The choosing of the place to give battle, at any level of war, but particularly at the operational level is always of the utmost importance and has been so from time immemorial. Despite advances in technology terrain and weather are major factors that a commander or staff must consider in terms of their courses of action. Knowing the terrain features as well as the infrastructure such as road networks that they are operating on allows commanders to choose courses of action which accentuate their strengths and expose their opponent’s weaknesses. To understand this is a key part of Course of Action (COA) development, Operational Art and Operational Design as well as analyzing Centers of Gravity, especially in determining decisive points. While the commanders at Gettysburg did not use such terminology, they did understand the effects of terrain and weather, friction and the importance of occupying “good ground.” Our understanding of these concepts can help us draw from the actions of the commanders at Gettysburg lessons that we can employ today, despite the vast changes in technology and expansion of the battlefield. As he looked at the dispositions of the Confederate army on June 30th George Gordon Meade “felt he had move his forces in such a way as to challenge the enemy advance while at the same time protecting Washington and Baltimore.” 1 To do this he decided to concentrate the Army of the Potomac along what is known as the Pipe Creek line, a line along Parr’s Ridge just behind Pipe Creek to the south of Meade’s Taneytown headquarters. As an engineer Meade recognized the The decision was made because he realized that his advance had caused Lee’s army to abandon its threatening movement toward Harrisburg and the Susquehanna and was concentrating in the general area of Cashtown, South Mountain and possibly advancing toward Gettysburg. The Pipe Creek line offered Meade a number of advantages; “it covered his own supply line and blocked the direct route to Baltimore.” 2 The positions of his intrenched army there would be “almost impossible to storm by frontal attack” 3 as well as allow his army to concentrate quickly. By placing himself in that position Meade believed that it would force Lee to attack him on good ground of his own choosing, offer him the chance to attack should Lee divide his forces, or by allowing Lee to exhaust his forage and supplies to withdraw from Pennsylvania without giving battle. Meade’s intention at Pipe Creek was to fight the “kind of battle he was to fight at Gettysburg.” 4 However Meade’s carefully laid plan became a victim of circumstances as events progressed during the evening of June 30th and morning of July 1st. When Reynolds was told by Buford that contact had been made and the Confederates were advancing on Gettysburg he brought I Corps and XI Corps up as quickly as he could and issued orders for III Corps under Sickles to join them at Gettysburg. About 1130 a.m. Meade received word from John Reynolds’ aide Captain Stephen Weld that Reynolds had engaged the enemy at Gettysburg and had not received Meade’s Pipe Creek circular, which jeopardized his plan. Meade, having not known that Reynolds was not acting on his latest plan had assumed that Reynolds was conducting a temporary holding action at Gettysburg, but at 1 p.m. he was given the message that “Reynolds was dead or severely wounded and that Otis Howard was in command on the field.” 5 At this point Meade wasted no time and appointed Winfield Scott Hancock to go to Gettysburg and take charge of the situation, not trusting Howard’s abilities and instructed him “If you think the ground and position there are a better one to fight under existing circumstances, you will so advise the General, and he will order his troops up.” 6 He placed John Gibbon in command of II Corps and because he was concerned that Lee might cut off the embattled I Corps and XI Corps. It was at this point that Meade decided to abandon his Pipe Creek plan and even before getting Hancock’s report, issued orders to his Corps commanders. At about 4:30 p.m. Meade ordered Sedgwick and his VI Corps up to Taneytown and put Slocum’s XII Corps and Sykes V Corps on the road to “move up to Gettysburg at once.” 7 Throughout the afternoon Meade kept his wits and “may have restrained a natural impulse to rush to the battleground and take over control of affairs himself.” 8 After the battle some criticized Meade for this, but it was from a perspective of command, and what we now call Mission Command did the right thing. He stayed at his headquarters to better control the movements and communicate with all his forces, which he could not have done had he rushed to the front, and instead “delegated authority to a highly competent subordinate, while he himself stayed close to the center of operations at army headquarters.” 9 Had Meade done what many commanders might have done in his position, and moved to the battle he might not have been able to do the more important job of ensuring the in a moment of crisis that his subordinate commanders received his orders and moved their units where they were needed. In fact any delay of getting the Union forces to Gettysburg could have been fatal to his army and allowed Lee to gain the advantage and possibly defeat his forces in detail. Likewise if Hancock arrived and found that the position could not be held, Meade would still be in position to ensure that the Pipe Creek position could be held. The man he appointed in his stead, Hancock was someone that was not only capable but someone that “was a man who he knew and could trust,” 10 and who despite being junior to Howard, Slocum and Sickles was able to diplomatically handle the awkwardness of the situation. After Hancock arrived on the field he took in the tactical situation and judged it “the strongest position by nature on which to fight a battle that I ever saw.” 11 Howard objected to Hancock taking charge of the battlefield due to seniority, and although Howard had selected the position, demurred to Howard and said “and if it meets your approbation I will select this as the battlefield.” After Howard concurred Hancock announced “Very well, sir. I select this as the battlefield.” 12 While Howard could make the claim that he actually selected the ground of where to fight by emplacing Steinwehr’s division on the Hill as a reserve and withdrawing the battered remnants of I Corps and XI Corps to it during the afternoon, it was Hancock that “organized the all-round defense of the position.” 13 After consulting with Howard and directing Slocum’s XII Corps to occupy Culp’s Hill Hancock sent his aide Major William Mitchell to tell Meade that the position “could not well be taken.” 14 He had III Corps extend the line down Cemetery Ridge and directed his own II Corps to protect the flank in case Lee attempted to turn the Federal left. Upon Slocum’s arrival Hancock relinquished command and rode to Taneytown to personally brief Meade on the situation. When Meade received word that from Hancock that he believed that “Gettysburg could maintain itself until dark” he dispatched a message to Hancock and Doubleday “It seems to me that we have so concentrated that a battle at Gettysburg is now forced upon us.” 15 Meade then sent a dispatch to Henry Halleck in Washington: “A.P. Hill and Ewell are certainly concentrating…Longstreet’s whereabouts I do not know. If he is not up tomorrow, I hope with the force I have concentrated to defeat Hill and Ewell; at any rate I see no other course that to hazard a general battle.” 16 He added “Circumstances during the night may alter this decision, of which I will try to advise you.” 17 Upon sending out his final orders directing all units to Gettysburg he had his headquarters strike its tents and equipment and begin to move to Gettysburg, being briefed by Hancock before he set off at 10 p.m. Meade arrived on the field about midnight to the surreal scene of soldiers of the I Corps and XI Corps encamped on the grounds of the cemetery, many exhausted and asleep having thrown back the last Confederate attacks, and met Slocum, who had taken charge when Hancock went back to brief Meade, as well as Howard, his artillery chief Henry Hunt and chief engineer, Gouverneur Warren, Dan Sickles of III Corps his and by Hancock when that weary general arrived back from Taneytown. Howard was anxious due to the disaster that had befallen his Corps, but Meade assured him that he was not assigning any blame. He then asked their opinions about the position. Howard declared “I am confident that we can hold this position.” He was joined by Slocum who noted “It is good for defense,” and Sickles added “It is a good place to fight from.” Meade was satisfied with their conclusions and replied: “I am glad to hear you say so, gentlemen for it is too late to leave it.” 18 Meade then began a thorough inspection of his lines, the placement of his forces and disposition of his artillery, which he directed Hunt “to see that the artillery was properly posted.” 19 An engineer officer made a sketch of the position, and “Meade used to indicate where he wanted to post his troops” 20 and he had copies made and “sent to the corps commanders.” 21 After consulting with Slocum about the position on Culp’s Hill, and the “practicability of attacking the enemy in that quarter.” Slocum indicated that it was excellent for defense but “not favorable for attack,” 22 Warren added his “his doubts about attacking across ground that was sullied and uneven” 23 and Meade gave up the option of taking the offensive there, which he had considered to do when Sedgwick arrived with VI Corps later in the day. He and Warren also directed XII Corps to construct “breastworks and abatis” on the peaks of Culp’s Hill,” 24 a measure that would prove to be of decisive importance on the night of July 2nd and morning of July 3rd. He also moved V Corps into a reserve position behind Cemetery Hill on the Baltimore Pike, and used his command authority to replace Doubleday, who he did not feel able enough to command a Corps, who had been in acting command of I Corps since the death of Reynolds’ with Brigadier General John Newton who commanded a division in Sedgwick’s V Corps, earning himself Doubleday’s undying enmity. About 3 a.m. still unsure of Lee’s intent Meade wrote Halleck informing him that the army “was in a strong position for the defensive” and though hoped to attack had considered all possibilities, and attempted to prepare for anything, even Lee attempting to move around his flank to interpose himself between Meade and Washington, exactly as Longstreet had recommended to Lee. If that occurred he told Halleck that he would “fall back to my supplies at Westminster….” 25 (the Pipe Creek line). Meade made his headquarters at the Liester House behind Cemetery Ridge where he continued planning. Meade’s headquarters offered him a central position from which he could easily reach any position on the battlefield and speed communications with his commanders. The position he had taken was strong, with his Corps all occupying good ground and positions being continuously improved and reinforced as more troops arrived. To the north XII Corps occupied a very strong position on Culp’s Hill while I Corps and XI Corps occupied Cemetery Hill. II Corps now occupied the central area of Cemetery Ridge with Sickles III Corps extend that line south toward the Round Tops. V Corps was in reserve and cavalry was posted to cover each flank. Sedgwick’s VI Corps was nearing Gettysburg and expect to arrive in the afternoon after completing a 36 mile forced march from Manchester Maryland. His army occupied interior lines allowing rapid reinforcements to any threatened area. It was as strong as a position as could be imagined. After sunrise Meade met Carl Schurz, who had so ably helped maintain XI Corps on July 1st and whose troops occupied the northern face of Cemetery Hill. Schurz observed that though Meade “looked careworn and tired, as though he had not slept the night before-probably because he hadn’t” but that “his mind was evidently absorbed by a hard problem. But this simple, cold, serious soldier with his business-like air did inspire confidence….” 26 As Schurz watched Meade survey the Federal defenses he asked how many soldiers Meade expected to have on hand. Meade told him that he expected about 95,000. 27 Meade then told Schurz: “Well, we may fight it out here just as well as anywhere else” and then rode off. 28 During the night of July 1st Meade did what Lee failed to do. Lee failed to control his units or commanders, while Meade maintained control of his units, ensured that his commanders understood his intent and replaced ones that he felt unable to do what was needed. Lee conducted no reconnaissance of any importance, the only attempt sending his staff engineer to look around Little Round Top, a task that he failed in, while Meade and his subordinates made a thorough reconnaissance of their lines and fortified them. Lee, in an almost fatalistic manner did no real contingency planning, leaving things to the elan’ of his troops and the Providence of God, but Meade planned for contingencies that Lee might attempt, even the possibility that Lee might do what Longstreet so strongly advocated. In the end Meade did almost everything that a commander could do to ensure that his army not only was in position to succeed in the tactical and operational levels, but also through his contact with his superiors linked his operations to larger strategic considerations. Notes 1 Trudeau, Noah Andre. Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage Harper Collins Publishers, New York 2002 p.118 2 Sears, Stephen W. Gettysburg Houghton Mifflin Co. Boston and New York p.150 3 Coddington, Edwin B. The Gettysburg Campaign: A Study in Command A Touchstone Book, Simon and Schuster, New York 1968 p.239 4 Ibid. Coddington The Gettysburg Campaign p.239 5 Ibid. Sears Gettysburg p.188 6 Huntington, Tom Searching for George Gordon Meade: The Forgotten Victor of Gettysburg Stackpole Books, Mechanicsburg PA 2013 p.154 7 Guelzo, Allen C. Gettysburg: The Last Invasion Vintage Books a Division of Random House, New York 2013 p.159 8 Ibid. Coddington The Gettysburg Campaign p.323 9 Ibid Coddington. The Gettysburg Campaign p.323 10 Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.158 11 Jordan, David M. Winfield Scott Hancock: A Soldier’s Life University of Indiana Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis 1988 p.84 12 Foote, Shelby The Civil War a Narrative: Fredericksburg to Meridian Random House, New York 1963 p.48313 Ibid. Foote The Civil War a Narrative: Fredericksburg to Meridian p.483 14 Ibid. Coddington The Gettysburg Campaign p.321 15 Ibid. Trudeau pp.264-265 16 Ibid. Sears Gettysburg p.241 17 Ibid. Trudeau p.265 18 Ibid. Huntington Searching for George Meade p. 159 19 Hunt, Henry J. The Second Day at Gettysburg in Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Volume III The Tide Shifts, edited by Robert Underwood Johnson and Clarence Clough Buel, Castle Books Secaucus New Jersey p.293 20 Ibid. Huntington. p.15921 Ibid. Coddington The Gettysburg Campaign p.330 22 Ibid. Foote The Civil War a Narrative: Fredericksburg to Meridian p.494 23 Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.228 24 Ibid. Guelzo Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.228 25 Ibid. Foote The Civil War a Narrative: Fredericksburg to Meridian p.464 26 Ibid. Huntington Searching for George Meade p.160 27 An overestimate based on unit reports, which included many troops not present for duty, or able to perform their duties. He actually had about 83,000-85,000 on the field during the battle. 28 Ibid. Huntington Searching for George Meade p.160 Between Heth’s Divsion and I Corps at the Railroad Cut-Dale Gallon The Army of Northern Virginia commanded by Robert E Lee was now deep in Union territory and nearly blind to the location of the Federal Army of the Potomac. On the 30th advanced units of Dick Ewell’s Second Corps had gone nearly as far as Harrisburg while most of the Army was on the road around Chambersburg. J.E.B. Stuart and his cavalry was far away encumbered by a large captured Federal wagon train around Hanover and not in position to report on Union troop movements. As reports from the spy Harrison came to Longstreet he reported them to Lee. Lee was surprised but quickly began to concentrate the Army around Cashtown. As the rest of the army gathered General A.P. Hill sent Johnston Pettigrew’s Brigade of Harry Heth’s Division to Gettysburg on the 30th. Pettigrew observed the Federal cavalry of Buford’s 1st Cavalry Division as they took up positions on Seminary Ridge. Since it was late he declined to engage and reported the Federal concentration to Hill, believing it to be nothing more than militia and cavalry. Buford Defending McPherson’s Ridge Mort Kunstler On the morning of July 1st Hill ordered Harry Heth’s to advance his division to Gettysburg without the benefit of cavalry support or reconnaissance. Hill believed that the troops reported by Pettigrew could be nothing more than local militia. As they advanced the leading brigades under Brigadier General James Archer and Joseph Davis met Federal forces. Heth first became embroiled in a fight with Buford’s cavalry, which forced him to deploy and held up his advance along McPherson’s and Herr’s Ridge. Lee’s “laxness with respect to reconnaissance and his lack of control of Hill’s movements caused him to stumble into battle.” For the master of so many battlefields it was an inauspicious beginning. Heth had been surprised and then suffered heavy casualties when lead elements of the Federal 1st Corps under the command of Major General John Reynolds arrived. In the ensuing fight both Archer’s and Davis’ brigades were mauled with Archer being captured and Davis wounded. As the fight continued the Federal XI Corps under Oliver Howard arrived, extended the Right of the Federal line and emplaced troops on the hills to the east of the town. Unfortunately Howard’s dispositions were faulty and the choice of his First Division commander Barlow to advance to an exposed area of high ground proved to be nearly disastrous to the Federal position. Gettysburg Day One (Map by Hal Jespersen, http://www.posix.com/Com) Lee was surprised by the engagement and though he chastised Heth for getting involved but committed his army to the attack the Federals. Reynolds was killed early in the engagement but the fight was bitter, the Iron Brigade exacted a fearful toll on Archer and Davis’s brigades. The attack by Heth was helped immensely when the lead elements of Ewell’s 2nd Corps in the form of Robert Rodes’ division arrived. Rodes’ division hit the right flank of the I Corps where it joined XI Corps and was joined by part of Jubal Early’s Division to his right. They overwhelmed the division of Francis Barlow who was wounded and captured, as well as other elements of XI Corps which was deployed on bad ground for defense. The attack was well conceived but poorly executed, in part due to the failures of some of the subordinate brigade commanders. However, the attack threw the Federal line into confusion and the Federals shifted to meet the attack. Heth sought and got permission from Lee to renew his attack and the combination forced the Federal troops to withdraw through Gettysburg and up to Cemetery Ridge, where two brigade’s of Steinwehr’s division and the tough survivors of the Iron Brigade were already in place. Pender’s Division Goes into Action In making the attack Lee acted against his own directions to his commanders. Though he only had a fraction of his army on the field and was unaware of the strength and location of the bulk of the Federal Army, Lee committed himself to a general engagement. In the process he placed his army at a disadvantage. Unless he could break the Federal line and take Cemetery Hill he would leave the Army of the Potomac with the high ground and with the ability to fight on interior lines, while his forces would be spread out over a long arcing line. Lee with A.P. Hill and Heth Bradley Schmehl Ewell’s arrival was fortuitous because it temporarily tilted the balance to Lee, but the advantage was short lived, once again due to a vague order from Lee. This time it was an order to Ewell and like many things about Lee’s conduct of the battle this too is shrouded in controversy. Lee’s report describes the order: “General Ewell was, therefore, instructed to carry the hill occupied by the enemy, if he found it practicable, but to avoid a general engagement until the arrival of the other divisions of the army…” But Lee had already committed himself to a general engagement in pursuing the attack during the afternoon. Although it appeared that Federal forces in turmoil as Reynold’s was dead and elements of XI Corps in retreat the situation was serious but the Confederates were not in a perfect or even completely advantageous position. Howard was able to rally his troops on Cemetery Hill taking advantage of his earlier deployment of Steinwehr’s division. Abner Doubleday who had succeeded Reynold’s brought his tropes back to reinforce the line as well as occupy Culp’s Hill to the right. Abner Doubleday directs his troops on Day One When Meade learned of Reynold’s death he dispatched Winfield Scott Hancock of II Corps to take command of all Federal Forces. Though he was junior to Howard, Hancock was able to work out a command arrangement with Howard and take command. Howard had to his credit Federal command position was strengthened. Hancock Arrives on the Battlefield Hancock was authorized by Meade to select where the Army would make its stand. Hancock told Howard “But I think this is the strongest position by nature upon which to fight a battle that I have ever saw…and if it meets your approbation I will select this as the battlefield.” Howard agreed and both men set off to rectify their lines. Despite their success Ewell and his Corps were disorganized and not in a good position to take advantage of their earlier success. Likewise he was limited in the forces that he had available to continue the attack. Both his and A.P. Hill’s Corps only had two of their divisions in the field. Hill reported that his divisions “were exhausted by some six hours of hard fighting (and that) prudence led me to be content with what had been gained, and not push forward troops exhausted and necessarily disordered, probably to encounter fresh troops of the enemy.” Ewell reported that “all the troops with me were jaded by twelve hours’ marching and fighting.” Lee’s report of the battle indicated that the four divisions involved were “already weakened and exhausted by a long and bloody struggle.” As such a night assault would have been exceptionally risky. Ewell would have only had the tired and disorganized survivors of four brigades at his disposal with no support from A.P. Hill on his right. Ewell has often been criticized by the defenders of Lee and the legend of the Lost Cause for his failure to press the attack on Cemetery Ridge or Culp’s Hill. Critics cite that Federal forces were still disorganized and he could have easily attacked and driven the Federal Forces form the hills. Much is made of the protests of Major General Isaac Trimble as well as General John Gordon who were with Ewell. However as Edwin Coddington noted that these men concentrated their efforts on Ewell’s action to determine what went wrong at Gettysburg. In large part this was due to their inability to criticize Lee. Trimble’s account made its way into Michael Shaara’s classic novel of Gettysburg, the Killer Angels and were acted with conviction by Morgan Shepperd in the film adaptation of the book Gettysburg. Coddington correctly observed that “they forgot, however, the exact circumstances that kept the move from being “practicable” at the time.” Rodes after battle report supported Ewell’s decision. He wrote before “the completion of his defeat before the town the enemy had begun to establish a line of battle on the heights back of the town, and by the time my line was in condition to renew the attack, he displayed quite a formidable line of infantry and artillery immediately in my front, extending smartly to my right, and as far as I could see to my left in front of Early.” Unfortunately for historians Rodes was killed in action at the Third Battle of Winchester in September 1864. The Army of Northern Virginia came very close to sweeping Federal forces from the field on July 1st in spite of Lee’s lack of planning and clear commanders intent. But close was not enough. His forces which were committed in a piecemeal manner were unable to follow up their initial success. His orders to Ewell, to take the high ground “if practicable” were correctly interpreted by Ewell. Thus Federal corps under the command of Howard and Hancock were able to regroup, dig in and be reinforced by the rest of the Army on good ground of their choosing with interior lines. Whether Lee intended to engage the Army of the Potomac at Gettysburg so early in the campaign is debated. His multiple and contradictory strategic aims left his commanders acting much on their own. His lack of clear commander’s intent to his subordinate commanders created confusion on the battlefield and paved the way to many controversies in the years following the war as Southerners sought to explain the failure of the Lost Cause, for which Lee could not be blamed. Much of the controversy comes from Lee’s own correspondence which indicates that he might have not fully understood his own intentions. Some correspondence indicates that Lee desired to avoid a general engagement as long as possible while other accounts indicate that he wanted an early and decisive engagement. The controversy was stoked after the war by Lee’s supporters, particular his aides Taylor and Marshal and generals Gordon and Trimble, men like Longstreet and were castigated by Lee’s defenders for suggesting that Lee made mistakes on the battlefield. Lee’s actual misunderstanding of his situation can be seen in the account of Isaac Trimble, traveling with Lee at the beginning of the invasion of Pennsylvania. He wrote: “We have again outmaneuvered the enemy, who even now does not know where we are or what our designs are. Our whole army will be in Pennsylvania day after tomorrow, leaving the enemy far behind and obliged to follow by forced marches. I hope with these advantages to accomplish some single result and to end the war, if Providence favors us.” The vagueness of Lee’s instructions to his commanders led to many mistakes and much confusion during the battle. Many of these men were occupying command positions under him for the first time and were unfamiliar with his command style. Where Stonewall Jackson might have understood Lee’s intent, even where Lee issued vague or contradictory orders, many others including Hill and Ewell did not. Lee did not change his command style to accommodate his new commanders. That lack of flexibility and inability to clearly communicate Lee’s intent to his commanders and failure to exercise control over them proved fatal to his aims in the campaign. Stephen Sears scathing analysis of Lee’s command at Gettysburg perhaps says it the best. “In the final analysis, it was Robert E. Lee’s inability to manage his generals that went to the heart of the failed campaign.” The vagueness of Lee’s intent was demonstrated throughout the campaign and was made worse by the fog of war. Day one ended with a significant tactical victory for Lee’s army but without a decisive result which would be compounded into a strategic defeat by Lee’s subsequent decisions on the 2nd and 3rd of July. Peace, Padre Steve+
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7368	dbpedia	0	23	https://docsouth.unc.edu/fpn/mckim/mckim.html	en	1920. "A Soldier's Recollections ..."			[ "https://docsouth.unc.edu/images/logo2-small.gif", "https://docsouth.unc.edu/images/facebook-icon1.png", "https://imageserv.lib.unc.edu/rights/noc-us.png", "https://docsouth.unc.edu/fpn/mckim/mckimfp.jpg", "https://docsouth.unc.edu/fpn/mckim/mckimtp.jpg", "https://docsouth.unc.edu/fpn/mckim/mckim90.jpg", "https://docsouth.unc.edu/fpn/mckim/mckim110.jpg", "https://docsouth.unc.edu/fpn/mckim/mckim134.jpg", "https://docsouth.unc.edu/fpn/mckim/mckim220.jpg", "https://docsouth.unc.edu/fpn/mckim/mckimtp1.jpg", "https://docsouth.unc.edu/fpn/mckim/greek.jpg", "https://docsouth.unc.edu/fpn/mckim/mckim286.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "Randolph H. McKim (Randolph Harrison)", "1842-1920" ]	null	[]	null	A soldier's recollections : leaves from the diary of a young Confederate : with an oration on the motives and aims of the soldiers of the South, by Randolph Harrison McKim, 1842-1920	en			null	Randolph Harrison McKim, 1842-1920. "A Soldier's Recollections ..." A SOLDIER'S RECOLLECTIONS: LEAVES FROM THE DIARY OF A YOUNG CONFEDERATE, WITH AN ORATION ON THE MOTIVES AND AIMS OF THE SOLDIERS OF THE SOUTH: Electronic Edition. McKim, Randolph Harrison, 1842-1920 Funding from the Library of Congress/Ameritech National Digital Library Competition supported the electronic publication of this title. Text scanned (OCR) by Carlene Hempel Images scanned by Carlene Hempel Text encoded by Jill Kuhn and Natalia Smith First edition, 1999 ca. 800K Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1999. Call number 973.78 M15s 1910 (Davis Library, UNC-CH) The electronic edition is a part of the UNC-CH digitization project, Documenting the American South. Any hyphens occurring in line breaks have been removed, and the trailing part of a word has been joined to the preceding line. All quotation marks and ampersand have been transcribed as entity references. All double right and left quotation marks are encoded as " and " respectively. All single right and left quotation marks are encoded as ' and ' respectively. Indentation in lines has not been preserved. Running titles have not been preserved. Spell-check and verification made against printed text using Author/Editor (SoftQuad) and Microsoft Word spell check programs. Library of Congress Subject Headings, 21st edition, 1998 LC Subject Headings: McKim, Randolph H. (Randolph Harrison), 1842-1920. Soldiers -- Virginia -- Biography. Confederate States of America. Army of Northern Virginia. Confederate States of America. Army -- Military life. Virginia -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Personal narratives. Gettysburg Campaign, 1863 -- Personal narratives, Confederate. United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Military life. United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Campaigns. Confederate States of America. Army. Virginia Cavalry Regiment, 2nd. Chaplains, Military -- United States -- Biography. Confederate States of America. Army -- Chaplains -- Biography. United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Chaplains. United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Personal narratives, Confederate. United Confederate Veterans. Mosby, John Singleton, 1833-1916. $ t Stuart's cavalry in the Gettysburg campaign. 1999-01-27, Celine Noel and Wanda Gunther revised TEIHeader and created catalog record for the electronic edition. 1999-01-11, Natalia Smith, project manager, finished TEI-conformant encoding and final proofing. 1999-01-10, Jill Kuhn finished TEI/SGML encoding 1998-12-30, Carlene Hempel finished scanning (OCR) and proofing. When we entered the train which was to take us to Strasburg en route to Winchester, whence we meant to make our way into Maryland, I called Robert to me and told him I could no longer delay responding to the call of my country, and was resolved to join the army as soon as we reached Winchester, but he must continue on his way and do his duty by returning to his mother. I shall never forget the dear boy's joy when be heard of my resolve. He sprang to his feet, clapped his hands, and said, "I shall follow your example," nor could I dissuade him from his resolve. Arrived at Winchester, we made our way next morning, eighteen miles, to Darksville on the Martinsburg pike, where the army of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston was encamped. I enlisted July 11th, ten days before the battle of Manassas. We found the troops forming in line of battle to meet the reported advance of General Patterson, which was hourly expected. Naturally we sought the regiment of Maryland infantry, in whose ranks I soon found a place in the company of my dear friend Capt. Win. H. Murray. But Bob McKim, unable to find a musket, went over to the Rockbridge (Va.) Artillery, and decided to enlist in Page 27 its ranks, as he had several friends in the company. The brave boy met his death at the battle of Winchester, May 25th, 1862, only ten months later, gallantly serving his piece. General Patterson did not advance, however, so we had no battle that day, but I had two little foretastes of army life which I will mention. Our captain having given instructions to the men as they stood in line of battle that, when any member of the company should be wounded, but one man should leave the field to care or him, my cousin Duncan McKim, who was immediately in front of me, turned to me and said with a twinkle in his eye and a smile on his lips, "Randolph, when you fall, I'll carry you off the field." I thanked him, with rather a sickly smile, and thought that soldiering was getting to be a serious business. After waiting several hours for General Patterson's call, to no purpose, about four P.M. we stacked arms, broke ranks, and charged upon the camp-fires, eager for dinner, which had been interrupted by the call to arms. Having had nothing to eat since early morning, and having ridden eighteen miles, and stood in the ranks several hours, my appetite was keen, and I gladly accepted Giraud Wright's invitation to "dine" with him. My host provided the "dinner" by dipping a tin cup into a black camp kettle and procuring one iron spoon. He then invited me to a seat on a rock beside him and we took turns at the soup with the spoon, each also having a piece of hard-tack for his separate use. Alas! my dinner, so eagerly expected, was soon ended, for one or two spoonfuls of the greasy stuff that came out of the camp kettle completely turned my stomach, and I told my friend and host I Page 28 was not hungry and would not take any more. Inwardly, I said, "Well, I may get used to standing up and being shot at, but this kind of food will kill me in a week!" I had expected a baptism of fire, and looked forward to it with some nervousness, but, instead I had had a baptism of soup which threatened an untimely end to my military career! The real experience of a soldier's life now began in earnest. Drill and discipline were applied to the new recruit, by dint of which the raw material of young manhood was to be converted into a soldier. The man at the head of this military factory was Col. George H. Steuart, and he thoroughly understood his business. A "West Pointer," and an officer in the old army, he was imbued with a very strong sense of the value of strict discipline. The First Maryland Infantry was under his command and he very soon "licked it into shape," and it began to have a reputation for precision of drill and excellence in marching. These qualities were to be subjected to a practical test very soon, for not many days after the experience narrated in the last chapter, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston quietly broke camp near Winchester and took up his march for Manassas, there, to effect a junction with General Beauregard and help him win the first great, battle of the war. We marched late in the afternoon of July 18th, and by midnight were ten or twelve miles on our way. As we approached the village of Millwood Clarke County, I observed the home of my aunt, Mrs. Wm. Fitzhugh Randolph, brightly illuminated, and when I entered, the dear old lady met me with perplexity on her face and said, "Randolph, what am I to do? The Page 29 soldiers have been coining in ever since five o'clock and they have eaten up everything I have in the house and still they keep coming." "No wonder," I replied "your house is right at the cross-roads, and you have it brightly illuminated, as if you expected them. Put out the lights and shut the doors and you will soon be at peace." Well, the door that shut out the rest shut me in and I had a few hours sleep on a bed, after a refreshing "bite" in the dining-room. By four o'clock I was on the road again with one or two of my company approaching the river which the army was obliged to ford. As we trudged along, with knapsack and musket, in a lonely part of the road, we were overtaken by a mounted officer, muffled up in a cloak, who gruffly demanded what we were doing ahead of our regiment to which I hotly replied, "What business is that of yours?" One of my companions pulled me by the sleeve and said, "Man, that is General Elzey; you'd better shut up, or you'll be arrested and put in the guard-house or shot for insubordination." I suppose I must have known he was an officer, and that my reply was a gross breach of discipline. But obedience and submission to military authority was a lesson I had not yet learned in my seven days of soldiering. The general, however paid no attention to what I said, and my only punishment was the amusement of my fellow soldiers at my greenness. It was a lonely spot and it was still rather dark. Perhaps that accounts for the general's making as if he did not hear my insubordinate reply. After wading the Shenandoah we took our way up through Ashby gap and were soon descending the eastern slope of the Blue Ridge. Near the great tree Page 30 whose branches stretch into four counties we went into camp, and our mess was presently delighted by the approach of a well-furnished wagon from the farm of Mr. Robert Bolling, in charge of the old gentleman himself. He was the father of John Bolling, one of the privates in Murray's company. Both John and his father were very popular men that day in Company H, and long lingered the delicious memory of those Virginia hams and well-fed poultry and goodies too numerous to mention. It was here I received a letter from my mother which showed that she had no idea I had enlisted in the army, or would do so. I immediately sat down and wrote her the following letter, wholly devoted to explaining my course of action and deprecating her displeasure and my father's. It must have been indited just before taking the cars which were to convey us to the battle of Manassas, fought the next day. It contained no allusion to our forced march, or to the approaching battle. PIEDMONT STATION, Saturday, July 20, 1861. MY MOST PRECIOUS MOTHER: Mr. Hall has just made his appearance and handed me your letter and dear Margie's. It grieved me to the quick to find that you are still in ignorance of my real position in Virginia now, and I confess I almost felt self-reproached when you said that you were perfectly satisfied with my promise not to join the Southern Army "without my father's consent." I recollect full well writing the letter, and that was the thing which has kept me back so long from following what I have felt my duty to my country. This made Page 31 me change my mind about joining when I had almost made up my mind to it some time ago, and this made me resolve to use every effort to get home and try and get consent to do so. I would not now be in the army, and would be at home, I expect, if the condition of things in Baltimore had not rendered it pretty certain that I would be arrested because I went in arms to Harper's Ferry. I say then in justification of my course that I could not get home safely to get advice, and I felt very hopeful that papa, as most other Union men in Baltimore, had changed his sentiments when he found that the government means to establish a despotism and call it by the sacred name of Union. I do not now believe, after learning that I am disappointed to a great extent in this expected change so far, that papa will not finally cease to support what he has believed a free and righteous government, when he finds beyond contradiction that Lincoln has overthrown the government of our forefathers and abolished every principle of the Declaration of Independence. My dear, dear mother, I could hardly restrain tears in the midst of all the confusion and bustle of the camp this morning when I read your letter with those renewed expressions of your tender love for me. Oh, I hope you will not think me unworthy of such a love. If I have erred, do be lenient to me, you and papa both, and do not disown your son for doing what he felt to be a holy duty to his country. Papa, if you place yourself in my position, with the profound conviction I have of the holiness and righteousness of this Cause, ask yourself whether you would not have unhesitatingly done what I have done. You have yourself, in my hearing, placed the duty of country first in this world's duties and second only to the duty I owe my God. How then am I reprehensible for obeying what my very heart of hearts told me was my country's call, when I had some hope that your will would not be at variance with it, and I was unable to find out whether it was or not? Page 32 I have suffered much in mind and still do suffer. At all events I am not actuated by selfish or cowardly motives. How easy it would have been to sit down at quiet Belvidere, preserving an inactivity which all my friends would have regarded as honorable, than at the possible loss of your parental love and care, and at the sacrifice of my comforts and the risk of my life, to do what I have done-- enlist as a common soldier (i.e., a volunteer private) in the cause of liberty and right! Camp life is a hard life--I know by experience. Forced marches, scanty provisions sometimes, menial offices to perform, perfect discipline to submit to, are not attractive features to anyone. Then military life has little charm for me. I have no taste for it, and no ambition for military glory. But I am ready and willing to suffer all these hardships, and, when necessary, to lay my life upon the altar of my country's freedom. I hope I do not seem to boast or to glorify myself in speaking thus, but if I know my own heart this is the truth, and God give me grace to be consistent with this profession. Do not, my precious mother, be too much alarmed and too anxious about me. I trust and hope that God will protect me from "the terror by night" and "the destruction that wasteth at noon-day." I feel as if my life was to be spared. I hope yet to preach the Gospel of the Jesus Christ; but, my dear mother, we are in God's hands, and He doth not willingly afflict or grieve the children of men. "He that dwelleth in the secret place of the most High shall abide under the shadow of the Almighty." He does all things well, and He will give you grace to bear this trial too. Farewell, dear mother and father, Telfair, Mary, and Margie. I am, in this life and the next, Your fond and affectionate RANDOLPH. Page 33 The following letter from my mother reflects the sentiment prevalent in Baltimore at that time: BALTIMORE, July 1, 1860. MY BELOVED CHILD: . . . . . . . . . . . The plot thickens around us here, the usurpation becoming more and more dictatorial. Thankful I feel that we are not personally endangered, but I do not feel the less indignant at the outrageous arrest of our citizens, or the less sympathy for my neighbors who are subjected to the tyranny of the arbitrary power in Washington. We are such a loyal people, that it takes only 30,000 men to keep us quiet; and our police and marshal of police arrested! There will be no stop to this until you send them flying from Virginia, then we may have a chance to show our loyalty. Page 34 CHAPTER IV OUR FIRST BATTLE AS we disembarked from the cars on that Sunday morning, July 21st, 1861, the distant booming of cannon fell upon our cars, and we realized that now we were indeed on the fiery edge of battle. We had orders to cast off our knapsacks that we might march unimpeded to the field. Leaving them in a pile by the roadside under a small guard, we were soon marching at the double quick for Manassas. Our pulses beat more quickly than our feet, as we passed on, the sounds of battle waxing nearer and nearer every moment. It was a severe test of endurance, for the field was six miles away, and the heat of that July day was very exhausting. The weather had been very dry, and the dust rose in clouds around us, as we double-quicked on--so thick was it that I distinctly remember I could not see my file-leader. We were by and by near enough to hear the rattle of the musketry, and soon we began to meet the wounded coming off the field in streams, some limping along, some, on stretchers borne by their comrades. Stern work was evidently right ahead of us, and it did not steady our nerves for our first battle to be told, as the wounded told us, especially those whose wounds were slight, that it was going very badly with our men at the front. At length the dreadful six-mile double-quick Page 35 march was over, and the firing line was right in front of us. Some few--very few--had dropped out exhausted. All of us were nearly spent with the heat and the dust and the killing pace; and a brief halt was made to get breath, moisten our lips from the canteens, and prepare for the charge. I remember how poor "Sell" Brogden, panting and exhausted, turned to me and asked for a drink of water from my canteen. I had scarcely a swallow left, but he was so much worse off than I, and his appeal was so piteous, that I gave him the last drop. We had arrived on the field in the nick of time, at the very crisis, when victory or defeat was trembling in the balance. The Federal general, McDowell, had turned General Beauregard's flank, and only Gen. Joe Johnston's timely arrival on that flank of the Confederate position had saved him from disaster. Jackson at the head of his Virginia troops was "standing like a Stonewall"--those were the words of General Bee as he sought to rally his retreating South Carolinians. But the Confederate line was wavering, and the result of the day hung in grave doubt, when Elzey's brigade arrived on the field and deployed for attack. Of this brigade, the leading regiment (the one first on the field) was the First Maryland under Colonel Steuart, and it was the blow struck by this fine body of men, 600 strong, that turned the balance of battle in favor of the Southern Army. Looking back now, I think the moral effect of the great cloud of dust which rose as we double-quicked to the field, and which was easily seen by the Federals, was worth quite as much as our 600 muskets in action. For it gave the enemy the impression that it was at least a brigade instead of a Page 36 regiment that was being launched against them at the moment of our charge. This was intensified by the shout, "Go in, Baltimore," which rose above the din of battle as we swept forward. It so happened that the same Massachusetts regiment which was so roughly handled by the people in the streets of Baltimore on the 19th of April was in our front on the 21st of July, and prisoners afterwards told us that when we charged the Massachusetts men said, "Here come those d-d Baltimore men! It's time for us to git up and git!" Then, after the day was won, and General Elzey, our brigade commander, was saluted as the Blücher of the day, we men of the First Maryland were proud to say that our regiment was the head of the spear that Elzey drove into the vitals of the enemy that eventful day. I remember that after the first rush, when a brief pause came, some of us dashed down to a tiny little brook for a mouthful of water--only to find the water tinged with blood. Nevertheless not a few stooped and lapped it up where it was clearest. The first man I saw fall in the battle was Gen. Kirby Smith, who was riding by the side of our column before we deployed for the charge. He fell in the most spectacular way--the reins falling from his grasp, he reeled in the saddle, threw out his arms and fell to the ground, seriously but not fatally wounded. The New York Zouaves, in their red breeches, were deployed as skirmishers in our front, and did us some damage before we formed our line. One of the amusing incidents that occurred (and the Confederate soldier was always eager to see some fun in the serious work of war) was when Geo. Lemmon in his excitement Page 37 fired his musket too close to Nick Watkins' head and shot a hole in his cap--fortunately not in his head--and Nick turned and said in the coolest way, "George Lemmon, I wish you'd look where you're shooting--I'm not a Yankee." How well I remember our eager expectancy that night. We had seen the rout, and had followed the fleeing Federals some distance along the road back towards Washington. It was full of the evidences of the panic into which the Union Army had been thrown. I need not describe a scene so often described before. But with all the evidences of the demoralization of our enemy, we were confident they could be pursued and Washington taken, if the Confederate Army pressed on. This we confidently expected, and were bitterly disappointed when the next day, and the next, came and went without any serious advance. As I lay down to sleep on the battle field that night, I had much to think of. The weariness of the day and the peril of the battle were lost sight of in the awful scenes of death and suffering to which we had been introduced that day for the first time. I had seen the reality of the battle field, its carnage, its desolation, its awful pictures of the wounded, the dying, and the dead. Somehow I was especially moved by the sight of the battery horses on the Henry Hill, so frightfully torn by shot and shell. The sufferings of the poor brutes, not in their own battle or by their own fault, but for man's sake, appealed to me in a peculiar way. Mingled with my devout thankfulness for my own safety was my sorrow as news came in of friend after friend, and some relatives too, who had fallen. Page 38 It was reported all over Virginia that I had been among the killed. One of my cousins, Col. Randolph Harrison, when he saw me, exclaimed, "Why, I thought you were dead." These unfounded reports were often the occasion of much needless distress to the relatives of the men in the field. The following letter referred to the battle: FAIRFAX, CO. H, July 30, 1861. MY DEAR MOTHER: I have written twice since the battle to tell you I was safe; still I will embrace this opportunity, as I know you will be glad to hear from me whenever you can. We have been here some time, ever since the fight in fact. How grateful I feel that none of our close friends in the Maryland regiment were killed, or even wounded in the fight. Yet we have to mourn the loss of two very near to us in ties of blood, and others dear by friendship. Cousin Peyton Harrison--dear sweet fellow--I saw him only a week before his death,--and Cousin Carter Harrison who fell in the battle of Thursday while bravely bringing up his men to battle. My dear mother, I am so grateful to God for sparing me in safety through the dangers of the day for your sake and the sake of the dear girls and Telly and papa as well. I thought of you all on the field of battle, and prayed God to spare me, or, if not, to comfort you, for I know that it would be a severe blow to you to lose me in this way so soon. Still, confident in the justice of our cause, and looking to the great God of truth and justice to be our salvation, I was ready to yield up myself, if necessary, on the altar of my country. Our regiment behaved beautifully on the field; they would pick blackberries, though, notwithstanding the indignation of the officers. We were in that brigade which came up so opportunely just as the fortune of the Page 39 day seemed to be going against us. We fired several times on the Yankees and drove them before us, though our numbers were far inferior to theirs. It was truly the hand of Providence which gave us the victory on that day, and our Congress very appropriately gave thanks to Him and appointed last Sunday as a day of thanksgiving. The panic which spread among the Northern Army was almost unaccountable; they were beaten back with half their numbers, but there was no need of such a flight as they made to Alexandria, leaving behind them all their baggage trains, ammunition, etc. We only had fifteen to twenty thousand men engaged, because we had so many points to defend, and did not know where they were going to attack us. In the same way, I suppose, they had only about 35,000. The people in this neighborhood said that when they saw the army pass here they thought we would never return again, but that the Southern army would be certainly crushed. How different the result! When they passed here on the way up, they destroyed all the private property, broke into the houses and pillaged everything; but when they returned they hadn't time for anything of that sort. They were perfectly demoralized; thousands had no arms at all. I have a splendid overcoat gotten from a number they left behind. Cousin Wirt Harrison was wounded in the foot. Holmes and Tucker Conrad were killed side by side. Page 40 CHAPTER V CAMP LIFE AFTER the battle of Manassas, we settled down to camp life, varied by occasional picket duty at one of the advanced outposts, such as Mason's and Munsen's Hill, whence the Maryland hills could be seen and which for that reason was a favorite post with our boys. Our colonel, George H. Steuart, had no superior as a camp officer in the Army of Northern Virginia. He kept his camp in good order by careful policing. He paid particular attention to the quartermaster and commissary departments, and looked well after the interests of his men, holding every officer, including the surgeon, to the strict performance of his duty. But he drilled us hard--generally six hours a day; company drill two hours before breakfast, regimental drill two hours after breakfast; and, when he rose to be brigadier, brigade drill two hours in the afternoon. Moreover, he was a strict disciplinarian, and it was not easy for any breach of his orders to escape his lynx-eyed observation. He had some tough elements to deal with in some of his companies, and when these became unruly, the colonel was severe in his punishments. It was not uncommon in his camp to see two or three men tied up by the thumbs to a cross-pole--and in those July and August days this punishment was peculiarly painful. One sometimes Page 41 heard men muttering curses and threatening to "shoot old Steuart" in the first battle they got into. But after Manassas, when the good result of his strict drill and discipline was seen, he became popular with the men. The regiment soon had the reputation of being the best drilled and the best marching regiment in Gen. Joe Johnston's army; and the men, proud of this, well knew that they owed it to Colonel Steuart. We had a large drum corps, and its quick-step march was unique in that army of 30,000 men around Manassas that summer. It was a fine sight to see the First Maryland marching with that quick Zouave step by which they were distinguished. It was a sturdy body of men, not so tall as the Virginia regiments usually were, but well set up, active and alert, and capable of much endurance. Best of all, they stood to their work and showed the same fine soldierly qualities that characterized the Maryland line in the first Revolutionary War. Colonel Steuart was in the habit of testing his men when on guard in some lonely spot by suddenly rushing upon them on foot or on horseback, taking them by surprise if possible. One night a sentinel had been posted near the colonel's tent, and part of his duty was to protect a lot of tent-flies piled up close by. In the small hours of the night, Colonel Steuart crept out of the rear of his tent, and stealthily approaching, while the sentinel was leaning on his musket, gazing at the stars and probably thinking of his sweetheart or his mother, took up one of the tent-flies, shouldered it, and was walking off with it when the sentinel, turning, rushed upon him, and pretending not to recognize him, seized him by the shoulders and gave him such Page 42 a shaking that the colonel could hardly get breath to cry, "I'm your colonel--I'm your colonel!" Then when the sentry let go his hold and apologized, the colonel slapped him on the back and said, "Good soldier! Good soldier! I'll remember this." The regiment was divided into messes containing each about fifteen men, and two of these were detailed for the duty of cooking and chopping wood and bringing water. In many of the Southern regiments there were negro cooks, but we, of Maryland, had to do our own cooking, and first we had to learn how--a slow and painful process. Bacon and flour and salt constituted our bill of fare, with some kind of substitute for coffee, which was a mighty poor make-believe. At first we could only make "slap-jacks,"--composed of flour and water mixed, and floated in bacon-grease. When sufficiently fried on one side, it was then "up" to the cook to toss the frying-pan up and cause the half-cooked cake to turn a somersault in the air and come down "slap-jack" on the pan again--if it did not happen to come down in the fire instead. But by degrees we learned to make biscuits baked in the small oven, and to boil our beef (when we had any), and make soup at the same time. Horse beef was issued sometimes, and we found it a difficult dental proposition. On a famous occasion when we had invited Captain Murray to dine with us, I suggested to my co-cook, Sergeant Lyon, that we should create an apple pie. He was doubtful if the thing could be done. The apples we had in hand as the result of a forage, but how on earth were we to make the pastry? I told him I remembered (when a smaller boy) seeing our cook Josephine make pastry, rolling out the dough thin and sticking Page 43 little dabs of butter all over it--then folding it and rolling it again. So we made some dough as if for biscuit, then rolled it with a bottle on the top of a barrel, and planted it thick with small pats, of butter --doubled it over and rolled it--and repeated the process until the butter was exhausted. The pie that resulted from all this culinary strategy we considered fit to set before a general, to say nothing of a mere captain. In this connection I recall once on a march making a loaf of bread about three feet long and one-eighth of an inch thick by wrapping the dough round my ramrod and setting it up before the fire to bake. With the modern breech-loader this could not have been done. About once a week it was my duty to cook for the mess of fifteen men, or else to chop the necessary wood and fetch the water. One of our number, Harry Oliver, a gentleman of wealth and position before he became a soldier, was an enthusiast, almost a monomaniac, about washing, spending much of his leisure time washing himself or his clothes, and I recall more than one occasion when it was his turn to cook breakfast, that when we returned from our first two hours drill, eager for breakfast, Harry was nowhere to be seen, nor was there any breakfast prepared--he was "off at the branch washing." So our mess No. 5, not without maledictions on Harry, were compelled to go out breakfastless to the second drill of two hours more. Well, I daresay it was a good preparation for the bad time coming when we had to march and fight so often on an empty stomach. On picket duty sometimes we lived for three days on corn plucked in the fields and roasted in the shuck, a process highly conducive to diarrhoea. Page 44 On one of these occasions, after a long march, our captain at nightfall called for volunteers to perform a special duty, without specifying what the duty was. Some of us, fancying, as we were on an advanced picket and very near the enemy, that it was some exciting and adventurous task, stepped out of the ranks and offered ourselves as volunteers. What was our disgust when we discovered it was special guard duty! When my turn came it was very dark and raining heavily, and I was in a very bad humor with myself and everybody else for having thus put my head into the noose. Arrived at my post, the sentinel whom I relieved gave me the instructions he had received and whispered the countersign, which I could not understand, though I asked him twice to repeat it. Quite out of patience I turned to the corporal of the guard and said, "Corporal, I wish you'd tell me the countersign, I can't understand this man." He approached and whispered something like "Wanis." "Spell it," I said. In reply he whispered with staccato emphasis on each letter, "We-e-noos." Then at last I understood that the countersign was "Venus"! It was too funny! Here was an illiterate Irish sentinel pronouncing "Venus" in the most approved, modern European style! It almost put me in a good humor. I would here point out that our Maryland men faced from the start some of the hardships and limitations that came to many Southern regiments at a later stage of the war. In some commands the private soldiers had their trunks with them. It is related of a young Richmond gentleman, private in the Howitzers, that he had as part of his outfit a dozen face towels besides bath towels, and that when orders were issued that all Page 45 trunks, should be sent back to Richmond, the elegant young dandy took offence and sent in to the captain his "resignation"! Needless to say, our Maryland boys had neither trunks, nor cooks, nor woodchoppers. The following letter refers to this period: FAIRFAX, CO. H, August 3, 1861. TO MY MOTHER: Though I have written I think three times since the battle to assure you of my safety, yet the news which Mr.-- brings, that I am reported among the killed in Baltimore, makes me anxious to embrace this new and certain opportunity of setting your mind at rest on this score, especially as the report is current at the University and in Richmond, and you may suppose it occurred in some way since the fight, on picket duty for instance. You have no idea how I long to see you and dear old Belvidere again. I lay in my tent the other morning while the rain poured in torrents outside, and pictured to myself the dear old place with the damasks on the porch, so fragrant, and then I entered the door in imagination and saw you all seated at a comfortable breakfast-table while I was almost drenched and obliged to fly to my crowded tent before completing my breakfast by half. You should see me engaged in cooking, making fires, washing, etc. It is truly hard work and young men like Duncan, Wilson Carr and myself find that it is a difficult thing to make bread and coffee good enough to support life. Our mess consists of ten, some of whom I will mention; Duncan, Wilson Carr, Willie Colston, Giraud Wright, Charlie Grogan, McHenry Howard. We have no yeast, and so our bread must needs be heavy and indigestible as we have no means of rolling it out into biscuits. We make rice cakes though, and frequently get corn meal and make first Page 46 rate corn bread. We are able occasionally to get our bread cooked by the country people and we buy sometimes eggs, with a stray chicken or two. You have no idea how one gets accustomed to any sort of fare. I can now eat salt junk of the very fattest with great gusto, and drink coffee without milk, made in the company pot, and feel refreshed. The first hard washing of my clothes which I did, burned off the skin from my arms dreadfully. Sometimes we have been out all day and part of the night in a drenching rain. In that forced march from Winchester to Manassas we knew no distinction between night and day, but marched during both without rest almost, and almost entirely without food. Our regiment marches very fast and finds it very tiresome marching behind some Virginia and Tennessee regiments. We passed through Millwood, and Aunt Jane had her house lit up and was giving supper to all the soldiers who came in on their way. From five to six o'clock in the afternoon till three in the morning she was cooking for them, till she was eaten out of house and home nearly. We forded the Shenandoah up to our breasts and then marched on to Piedmont where we were delayed some time. We reached the Manassas Junction at 10.30 o'clock Sunday morning. As I told you, during the whole march we had not a single regular meal. Immediately after the victory we were marched back to Manassas (some six miles) and stayed there all Monday in a drenching rain, without tents, blankets or overcoats. Our company was out on picket duty night before last and we could hear the drums beating in the enemy's camp nearly all night long. We were within seven miles of Alexandria. You would like to know how I spend a day here. The bugle sounds at half past four and then we go out to drill till six. Then we get breakfast, wash and get ready for drill again at nine o'clock. Then we drill an hour and a half or two hours. Then sleep, or write a letter, or clean up camp, or wash clothes, or put the tents in order. Then get Page 47 dinner ready-- drill again in the evening (the whole regiment together, battalion drill) at five o'clock. Dress parade at 6.30 P.M. Then supper. Soon after, at nine o'clock, the tattoo sounds and roll is called; then at 9.30 come three taps on the drum and all lights must instantly be extinguished. I have been very sick all day for the first time, but am nearly well now. Good-by, my dear mother,--God bless and keep you all. I am sad often thinking of my dear home and longing to hear from you. Wish I could see you again just for one little day or week. Never cease to pray for your fond son. Sometime in October I was detailed for duty during two days at General Johnston's headquarters at Centreville under Major John Haskell, a gallant member of a gallant South Carolina family of brothers, who did royal service in the Confederate Army. Wm. Haskell was one of my most valued friends at the University. I looked up to him with reverence. He fell at the battle of Gettysburg--a costly sacrifice to the Southern cause. Major John still lives, wearing an empty sleeve, witness of one of his many brave deeds. During those ten days I had frequent opportunity of seeing that superb soldier and strategist, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, whose removal in 1864 from the command of the southwestern army sealed, or at any rate hastened, the doom of the Confederacy. The following letter refers to this period: CENTREVILLE, October 20, 1861. "I sat up late reading, and after putting out the candle, stretched myself out on my pallet of straw, and commenced thinking. It was about midnight and not a sound could be heard but the dull pattering of the rain on the tent. Page 48 Everything that can distract the mind was hushed, and I seemed to hear only the voice of the Almighty in each drop of rain. I felt then that I was a spirit, an immortal spirit--consciousness of my bodily, mortal nature almost left me. The God that sends each drop of that rain on its separate mission,--can He not take care of all dear to me? Can He not restore us peace, and return me to my home? . . . And will not all he does be right and good and for the best?" Page 49 CHAPTER VI WINTER QUARTERS, 1861-62 THE autumn of 1861 was spent in camp at Centreville. Our tents were pitched on the summit of a bare hill, from which the encampment of the entire army of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston--about 30,000 men--was visible. At night, when the camp-fires glowed all round us for miles, it was a very beautiful sight. My cousin, W. Duncan McKim, and I used to lie there and fancy we were looking down on the city of Baltimore from Belvidere hill. He would say, "Randolph, there are the lights of Barnum's Hotel, and there is the Shot Tower, and there is the jail, and far away there are the lights on Federal Hill." Our thoughts turned, in every quiet hour, to home and kindred and friends. Duncan had a great aversion to serving as cook for our mess of fifteen men, and when his turn came round for this duty, he would do his best to exchange with some comrade for guard duty. As winter approached, we suffered with the cold on that bleak hill-top, and some of the men excavated the entire space under their tents to the depth of three or four feet, and so slept snug and warm, while the less energetic of the company were exposed to the keen, cold winds. This, however, had occasionally its disadvantages. I remember, for instance, one night as I was going out to take my guard duty, looking Page 50 enviously into one of these tents and seeing the men grouped cosily together in their "dug-out," some reading, some playing cards, all quite secure from the sweep of the wintry winds; and I wished I could return after my four hours "on guard" to such a snug refuge. But before my watch was over there arose a tempest of wind and rain, and when I passed that tent again, it had collapsed, and there were six inches of water in the cosey place," and blankets and knapsacks, etc., were all afloat! John Bolling, his cousin Robert, and I had a small "A" tent together in that camp. It was just wide enough to hold the three of us when we lay "spoon fashion," and by "pooling" our assets of blankets, we managed to sleep warm--at least the fortunate man in the middle was quite comfortable. But after lying an hour or so on the rough stony ground, our bones would begin to ache, and the man who waked up first, aching, would punch the others so that all might turn over together and preserve the "spoon" alignment, for only in that formation would the blankets cover all three. So, often during the night, the order would be given to our little squad by whichever man wanted to turn over, "Company A, right face," or "Company A, left face." Later, I think early in December, we moved from Centreville to the vicinity of Fairfax Station, and there built ourselves huts for winter quarters. The spot selected was a forest of pines, in the midst of which we hewed out an open space large enough to accommodate huts for the entire regiment. This was unaccustomed work for many of us. Indeed, very few men in Murray's company could wield an axe, but, under the pressure of stern necessity, we learned the art just as Page 51 we had learned the art of cooking. We hacked down the trees "somehow," and at last--long after our comrades in most of the other companies--we got our huts built, and set to work to make ourselves comfortable. The composition of our mess was notable. It was certainly a rare group of men to be serving as private soldiers, on the munificent pay of eleven dollars per month, Confederate money. There was Harry Oliver, a country gentleman of large means, and Wilson Carr, a lawyer who left a good practice in Baltimore to shoulder a musket for the Confederacy, and Redmond, a highly educated Irish gentleman, and Wm. Duncan McKim, a graduate of Harvard, the president of the "Hasty Pudding Club" there and an intimate of Rufus Choate. Then there was McHenry Howard, a second-honor man of Princeton, and John Bolling, who had taken M.A. at the University of Virginia, an honor so difficult of achievement; and, most accomplished of all, Geo. Williamson, master of several modern languages, educated in a European university, widely read and widely travelled. He was a man of great personal charm and of the most exalted ideals. So nice was his sense of duty and honor that we dubbed him "Mr. Conscientious Scruples." We had also a candidate for Holy Orders in the Episcopal Church, and I, too, had devoted myself at the age of sixteen to the ministry of the Gospel. I may say that, in such a circle of accomplished men, the conversation in our log hut, as we lay in our bunks waiting for taps to sound, was of a very high order. In a fragment of a diary kept at this time (Jan. 24th, 1862), I find the following entry: Page 52 "I have felt my ignorance lately in listening to men in the mess of greater age and far greater reading and information than myself. In listening to George Williamson, describing the cities, and the manners of foreign countries, and the monuments of art and antiquity in Europe, I have felt a longing to travel, and to learn more of men and things; and I have sighed in contemplating my ignorance of the world of Nature, of literature and of art, and yearned to drink deep of knowledge." I sent to the University of Virginia for some of my books, among them some nice editions of the classics that belonged long ago to my father, only to lose them all when we suddenly broke camp in the spring and left all such impedimenta behind. The following letter gives a picture of our life in winter quarters at Fairfax Station: WINTER QUARTERS, January 27, 1862. TO MY MOTHER: . . . . . . . . . . . Wouldn't you like to peep in on us some evening as we sit around our stove amusing ourselves until it is time to retire? We are a happy but a boisterous family, as the neighbors next door will tell you. Our amusements are various --reading, singing, quarreling, and writing. We employ the twilight in conversation, the subject of which is the "latest grapevine" (i.e., rumor), or a joke on the Colonel, or when we are alone, our domestic concerns. We amuse ourselves with the many-tongued rumors which float about on the popular breeze, that England or France has recognized the Confederacy, or that the Confederates have gained anew victory, etc., etc. Then there are frequent domestic quarrels, free fights, passes with the bayonet, and hand to hand encounters, to vary the monotony of our peaceful life here. As soon as night sets in the candles Page 53 are lit and we draw round the stove and take down our book, or else someone reads aloud till the newspaper arrives, when, other occupations are suspended, and we listen to the news of the day. Then someone proposes a song and "Maryland, my Maryland" is generally the first. We hear that it is universally popular in Baltimore. We sang it by request for General Beauregard some time since. I will send you an account of it taken from the Richmond Dispatch. I was one of the singers, The "enthusiastic young lieutenant" was my captain. Sometimes we get George Williamson to tell of his travels in Europe. He is so entertaining, so happy in conversation, and so thoroughly cultivated, that it is delightful to listen to him. He is one of the finest men I know. Do the girls know him well? We laugh at him about his restless energy. If he cannot be at anything else, he will drive some nails to hang his coat on, or make a shelf to put his books on, or something of the sort. We visited Carvel Hall the other night (C., George, Mac., Jim G. and myself) and had a very pleasant time. Some of the party played whist, and the rest (Carvel, George and I) talked cozily around the fire. Colonel--, a Virginian, came in and sat down with us, and talked to us in a friendly a way as if we had been his equals in rank. Later in the evening we had oysters, raw and stewed, and at intervals of about half an hour, those who drank indulged in whiskey-toddy. When we returned to our hut ("Mrs." Bolling and "Mrs." Redmond had promised to sit up for us) we found the mess chest and a barrel and boxes piled up before the door: this was followed by a fall, and then we routed the rest out of bed and the fight that ensued made such a noise that the colonel sent some men to arrest us. They did not do it though. We have a cook now and live very comfortably. It is a great satisfaction to feel that all this is the work of our own hands. We appoint an "officer of the day" whose duty it is to make the fire and spread the ashes on the floor and sweep up. We have a kitchen, Page 54 outside the shanty. This morning we had inspection, and afterwards each shanty was inspected by the colonel and staff. "Ah!" said he, "this looks like a soldier's house." Our roof is of shingles, out of trees felled by our own hands. Our beds are made of light poles laid close together; they have a pleasant spring to them and I think as agreeable a bed as I ever slept in. Yesterday I put up a rack for the guns, and everything is now in first-rate order. Who knows how long we will be here to enjoy the fruit of our labors? Our disaster in Kentucky is much to be deplored. Yet our men fought well till they were overpowered. . . . . . . . . . . . I have been promoted to the rank of corporal of the Color Guard, (about two months ago.) Intend trying to improve the months of inactivity by reading and studying German. I received from you the other day some gloves and sugar plums. The last article was particularly acceptable. Don't try to send me anything, for it is so uncertain, and I have everything I want. Love to all. Among the other literature that occupied me during these few brief weeks in winter quarters, I find note of the following: some of the works of Spenser, the poet, and his Life; Macaulay's Essay on Madame D'Arblay, and the latter's famous novel, "Evelina"; also Carlyle's "Heroes and Hero-worship." And among the subjects discussed in our mess, I find the following: Vattel and Philmore on International Law; Humboldt's works and travels; the African explorations of Harth, the great German traveller, from the Atlantic almost to the Red Sea, in a line a few degrees above the equator; the influence of climate on the human features; the culture of cotton; the laws relating to property, etc. In further illustration of the high character of the rank and file of the Confederate Army, Page 55 I may mention that in the Rockbridge Artillery (Va.) (one company) there were, in 1861, seven Masters of Arts of the University of Virginia (a degree very difficult of attainment there), twenty-eight college graduates, and twenty-five theological students,--all these serving as private soldiers. I may also mention that the present eminent professor of oriental languages in Harvard University, Dr. Crawford H. Toy, was a private in a Virginia regiment. He was found by a friend in an interval of the battle of Cold Harbor in June, 1864, lying on his oil-cloth, immersed in the study of Arabic. Major Robert Stiles, in his fascinating book, "Four Years under Marse Robert," writes: "I had lived for years at the North, had graduated recently from Yale, and had but just entered upon the study of law in the City of New York when the war began. Thus torn away by the inexorable demands of conscience and of loyalty to the South, from a focal point of intense intellectual life and purpose, one of my keenest regrets was that I was bidding a long good-by to congenial surroundings and companionships. To my surprise and delight, around the camp-fires of the First Company, Richmond Howitzers, I found throbbing an intellectual life as high and brilliant and intense as any I had ever known." He adds that no law school in the land ever had more brilliant or powerful moot court discussions than graced the mock trials of the Howitzer Law Club. "I have known," he says, "the burial of a tame crow . . . to be dignified not only by salvos of artillery, but also by an English speech, a Latin oration, and a Greek ode, which would have done honor to any literary or memorial occasion at old Yale." Page 56 Nor was this high type of men confined to the troops of Maryland and Virginia. By no means. In the Louisiana regiments, for instance, in Dick Taylor's brigade, besides his "gentle Tigers," who were indeed chiefly of a decidedly tough element, the Seventh and Ninth Louisiana were largely made up of planters and the sons of planters, and the majority were said to be men of fortune. And so it was in many regiments from the other Southern States. The following from my diary shows the feeling of a youth of nineteen about the deteriorating influence of army life. "Friday, Jan. 24th, 1862. Nearly seven months have flown by in my soldier's life, and they have been months of external activity, but activity of the body only. It has been a period of mental slumber--nay, sloth--for the mind has not even dreamed, it has stagnated,--the outward life, the daily duties of a soldier, have been all-absorbing, and reflection--the turning of the mind back upon itself-- has been almost entirely obscured. This has been the tendency, but need not have been the result, except to a degree, of circumstances. The gaze of men has been upon me by day, and by night wearied nature has claimed repose. "I wish to begin anew a reflective life, now that a breathing spell is afforded after the labors of the campaign. In this humble hut, when my companions are wrapt in slumber, I will say to my mind 'Be free!' I desire also to improve the time, and to discipline and drill my mind. To this end, daily reading, a greedy ear, and a summing up at the end of each day of what I have learned by reading, by listening, and by observation, will be conducive." What a boy of nineteen thought of "Evelina" is thus set down under date of Feb. 1, 1862: Page 57 "I read the story before knowing anything of the established reputation and great merit of Miss Burney. The admiration then which the purity and simplicity of her style, and the vivacity of her wit awakened in me, was totally unprejudiced. I received her book as she threw it on the world, with no recommendation save its own intrinsic merits. The simple truth of her delineation of character, and the exalted morality which pervades the whole book, struck me with great force, even while ignorant of the literary period in which she wrote, when novels were generally vicious, and always indelicate. The character of Evelina approaches as near as may be my ideal of female delicacy and refinement. Yet she seems to me to have lacked firmness and decision on several occasions, and to have shown too facile and yielding a disposition. Macaulay's critique is extremely interesting. He places the author in the rank of eminent English novelists, yet denies her the first rank." One day word came to our quarters that two ladies desired to see my cousin, W. Duncan McKim, and myself at Fairfax Station. This was exciting news, but I found Duncan very reluctant to obey the summons. In civilized life he had been rather exquisite in dress and manners, and he shrank from appearing in the presence of ladies, surrounded as they would be by well-dressed and well-mounted staff officers, in his rough private's garb. He seemed particularly sensitive about wearing a roundabout jacket instead of a coat before them. However, he yielded to my persuasions, and we prepared to go to the station, brushing and polishing up to the best of our ability. I think we succeeded in finding or borrowing, each, a white collar for the occasion! The ladies who had summoned us were Miss Hetty Page 58 Cary, of Baltimore, and Miss Connie Cary, of Virginia. They had ridden to Fairfax Station on the cow-catcher of an engine to visit the army, and when we approached they were on horseback in the midst of a bevy of mounted officers, for they were both famous beauties, and, besides, enthusiastic friends of the cause. When the young lieutenant who had ridden to our camp, to deliver the message saw us coming he pointed us out to the ladies, saying, "There come your friends." We heard afterwards (fortunately not then) that they told him he must be mistaken--those men could not be the gentlemen they were expecting. Doubtless we were much changed and looked very rough. It was embarrassing for us; but when we were near enough to be recognized, they were most gracious and soon put us at our ease. Life in winter quarters was varied by a very occasional excursion. Thus, under date of February 6, I find the following entry: "On Tuesday I rode to Centreville and passed a delightful day, principally in the genial company of my dear friend Galliard. He is a man of sweetness of disposition and such warmth of feeling as is rarely met with; and he is withal so intelligent in his conversation, and so spirited and resolute in his actions that no one that knows him could withhold their admiration. I borrowed of him Carlyle's "Heroes and Hero-worship." On my return I found a letter from Tom Mackall. He is in his cousin Colonel Mackall's office, and he is Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston's adjutant-general at Bowling Green, Ky. His letter is full of interest, and I have learned more from it of the Bowling Green army and the situation of affairs in that quarter than by all that has been in the papers since the place was occupied. The army (he thinks) is a very fine one, equal in many respects Page 59 to our army here,--deficient in the manual of arms and in 'the cadenced step,' but familiar with the evolutions not only of the battalion and the brigade, but also of the division. He is much struck with the remarkable superiority of the horses and mules to those in this army. The army too is much better provisioned. He tells me he is confident if I get a certificate from Colonel Steuart and go out there, his cousin, Colonel Mackall, will appoint me drill master with rank and pay of first or second lieutenant." How thankful I feel that I did not take this bait and leave the army of Lee and Jackson, but contented myself with my place as a private soldier in the Army of Northern Virginia, and so had part in the great campaigns of 1862, 1863, and 1864. I have mentioned above the name of Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston, the commander of the western Confederate Army. He fell, as will be remembered, at the battle of Shiloh, April 6th, 1862, in the moment of a great victory achieved by his masterly strategy and his indomitable resolution. Nothing is clearer than that, had he lived to follow up his success and carry out his plans, General Grant's army would have been destroyed before General Buell with his fresh troops, 25,000 strong, could have reached him. I embrace this opportunity of paying the tribute of my reverent admiration to this great soldier and knightly Christian gentleman, and I would recall to the reader the fact that he lost his life as a result of his chivalrous act in imperatively requiring his surgeon, who should have been by his side, to go to the help of the Federal wounded on the field of battle from which their army had been driven. "These men," he said, "have been Page 60 our enemies; they are now our prisoners. Do all you can to relieve their sufferings." Had the surgeon been with General Johnston when he received his wound, he could easily have saved his life. He bled to death from a wound in the lower part of the leg. This unselfish act of his at Shiloh surpasses the deed of Sir Philip Sidney at Zütphen, which has made him an immortal example of generous chivalry. This brief sketch of life in winter quarters would be incomplete without some reference to the religious services which some of us conducted in our company. Our chaplain was a man without much force, and with still less zeal for his sacred functions, so that we felt the need of supplementing his efforts. Under date of Jan. 30th, 1862, I find the following: "For the third or fourth time in these singular months since July last, I endeavored to give an impetus to my cherished idea of social prayer-meetings, and this time (the beginning of Dec., 1861) with marked success. They were held nightly, instead of weekly, or occasionally, as before. At first we met in private tents, but finally we procured a tent for the purpose, and fitted it up with rude benches so as to accommodate twenty-five or thirty men. Gradually our numbers had increased, and this would hardly give seats to as many as would come. Among the attendants were some from the other companies of the regiment. Captain Murray was a regular and devout attendant. I began to feel grateful for the success of the effort in its outward manifestations, and hopeful of its inward benefit to the soldiers of the regiment. Giraud Wright, George Williamson, Valiant, and myself regularly conducted the meetings. Giraud and I used extempore prayer; the others Page 61 the forms of the Prayer-book. This continued till we broke up our camp at Centreville and removed to our present position. In the hurry of departure, I forgot the tent and it was left behind. This loss, together with the all-absorbing employment of building our winter quarters has broken up this hopeful work. I cannot acquit myself of much blame on this account. Thus, after five or six weeks this effort, like its predecessors, was discontinued." But another effort was made, for on Tuesday, Feb. 4th, I wrote in my diary: "On Saturday evening I again commenced the prayer-meetings. Only a few came, but I felt sure the numbers would increase. The next day I was sent over to Major Snowden's headquarters as corporal of the guard and was obliged to stay all night. I read the XXVIIth chapter of St. Matthew aloud to the men on guard." Later in the war a wave of religious interest and revival swept over the entire Army of Northern Virginia,-- but it has often been described and I need not dwell upon it here. Page 62 CHAPTER VII A WINTER FURLOUGH AS the spring of 1862 approached, the Confederate authorities were confronted by the prospect of seeing their armies melt away in face of the enemy, by reason of the fact that most of the regiments had been enlisted for but one year. So, to encourage reënlistment, a furlough of thirty days and a bounty of fifty dollars were offered to all volunteers who should reënlist "for two years" [so my diary reads, but my memory says "for the war"--and this I think is correct], "provided not more than one-fifth of a regiment shall be absent at one time." Hearing this news, I told Watkins and Inloes of it "and proposed to them to embrace the offer." "Next day we went round and talked to those of the regiment who were in camp (the bulk of it being on picket), and finally seven agreed to reënlist." "In a few days we will get our furlough and the bounty of fifty dollars and leave this delectable place!" Words cannot express the delight a soldier felt at the prospect of a return to "civilization" for the space of thirty days. To have the opportunity of a daily bath, or at least a daily "wash up"; to change one's clothes; to sleep in a bed; to hear no "reveille" at four in the morning; not to be disturbed in the evening by the inevitable "taps"; to sit down at a table covered Page 63 with a white cloth; not to be met at every meal by the unvarying "menu" of "slap-jacks and bacon," or "bacon and soda biscuit,"--yes, to feast on the "fat of the land" before the land had grown lean and hungry, as it did in another twelvemonth; to bask in the smiles of the noble women of the Confederacy; to enjoy once more their delightful society; to be welcomed and fêted like a hero wherever you went by the men as well as the women,--all this was an experience the deliciousness of which no man who has not been a Confederate soldier can have any idea of,--and the private soldier enjoyed it in a higher degree than the commissioned officer, for he generally had a few more comforts, or at least a few less hardships, than the soldiers in the ranks. True, we Maryland boys had no home waiting to open its doors to us during our furlough, but the Virginians always gave us a peculiarly warm welcome, and, because we were exiles, did their best to make us feel that their homes were ours. The soldiers of the Union were well clothed and well fed, but they could never have such a welcome as we had, or be such heroes as we were when they went on furlough, because there was no such solidarity of feeling in the North as there was in the South. The condition of the two peoples was entirely different. The Southern soldier was fighting to repel invasion. He was regarded as the defender of the homes and firesides of the people. The common perils, the common hardships, the common sacrifices, of the war, welded the Southern people together as if they were all of the same blood, all of one family. In fact, there was, independently of the war, a homogeneity in the South that the North knew nothing of. But when the war came all this was Page 64 greatly intensified. We were all one family then. Every Confederate soldier was welcomed, wherever he went, to the best the people had. When he approached a house to seek for food or shelter, he never had the least misgiving as to how he would be received. The warmest welcome and the most generous hospitality awaited him--that he knew beforehand. Such an experience, even though it lasted but thirty or forty days, was a compensation for much that he endured. The memory of it lingers delightfully after eight and forty years. We could truly say, "Olim meminisse juvabit." And to have passed four years in such an atmosphere, to have felt one's self a unit in such a society, where all hearts beat as one, where all toiled together, and suffered together, and hoped and gloried together, or else bent before the same blast of adversity,--that was something to have lived for--something to die for, too-- something the fragrant memory of which can never pass away. In my case, however, there was more even than this. Allied, through my noble mother, with many of the old families of Virginia,--the Randolphs, the Harrisons, the Carters, the Pages, the Nelsons, the Lees (to name no more),--I found myself among kinsfolk wherever I went in the old State. During my thirty days furlough, which somehow was lengthened out to forty days, I visited Clarke County, and then Richmond and the James River, and Lynchburg, and Fredericksburg and Charlottesville and Staunton, and in all those places I was welcomed by people of my own blood, who knew all about me, and who received me, not only with cordiality because I was a Confederate soldier, but with affection because I was a relative. Page 65 So on my travels, those six weeks, I had "the best time going" and was as happy as the days were long. Millwood, Clarke County, was my first objective. Taking the train at Manassas, February 7th, I got out at Piedmont, where fortunately I found a conveyance which took me as far as Upperville. To quote from my diary: "For the second time I travelled over that road, but this time in a different direction, under different circumstances and for a different purpose. All the scenes and occurrences of the 19th, 20th, and 21st of July came vividly back. How weary and worn had I trudged with musket and knapsack over that same road, little conscious of the eventful scene I was soon to play a part in. It was a moonlight night and I recognized each turn in the road and each spring by the wayside." It was late when I reached Bollingbrooke. The family had retired to bed, and it was with difficulty I waked them up. John Bolling was one of my mess, and news of him was welcome, even at the midnight hour. Next day, Willie, a younger son, drove me to Millwood. "At the highest point in the gap (through the Blue Ridge), just beside the road stands a tree whose branches overshadow parts of four counties: Fauquier, Loudon, Warren and Clarke. We reached the Shenandoah before we expected to, so pleasing was the road, and so busy was my mind recalling each spot associated with the march of the 19th of July. The river was swollen many feet above the watermark of last summer. It swept on rapidly as if defying any attempt to ford it a second time. Indeed, independent of its depth, it would have been impossible for man or horse to stem such a tide. . . . Willie Bolling told me that when he and Page 66 his father drove to our camp at Winchester last summer a little boy at the ford directed them purposely to drive into a deep hole, and when they were almost drowned, rolled over on his back on the river bank, convulsed with laughter. They were obliged to take the horses out and hire some men to drag the wagon out with ropes. It appears it was this boy's habit to hang about the ford and watch for strangers and make them drive into this hole for his amusement. He could not have been more than eight or nine years of age." I was again the guest at Millwood of one of my mother's sisters, Mrs. Wm. Fitzhugh Randolph, to whom I have already referred. "Aunt Randolph makes a baby of me. I am not allowed to wait on myself--not even to pick up a pin! At my age I do not particularly enjoy swaddling bands!" Here I lingered for twelve days of my precious thirty, visiting many of the delightful country homes, dining out, spending the night in some cases, singing with the girls, sleigh-riding, attending a wedding, and other festivities. At "The Moorings" lived the family of my quondam navy cousin, now Major Beverly Randolph. At "Saratoga" I was welcomed by my charming cousins, Mary Frances and Lucy Page. We sang together "Maryland, my Maryland," and I sang for them "The Leaf and the Fountain," "The Pirate's Glee," and "Silence," which they seemed pleased with. I dined also at stately "Carter Hall," and my diary mentions that "seven, eight, and nine o'clock struck while we were at the dinner table." They "compelled me to stay all night,"--to my sorrow, for breakfast Page 67 was not served next day till eleven o'clock, and this to a soldier disciplined for months to answer roll-call at four A.M. was no small trial! "Bored to death," was my memorandum of this. Another day I dined at "New Market" with my cousin Dr. Robert Randolph, and was warmly received and as usual "compelled to stay all night." Cousin Lucy (Dr. R.'s wife) "was very affectionate and kissed me." "Next morning, after prayers, seeing an old lady with a cap on come into the room," I supposed she was Mrs. Randolph, "though looking much older than on the previous evening." Accordingly "I saluted her with a kiss before the old lady had time to show her surprise," and before I discovered that it was Mrs. Burwell, Mrs. Randolph's mother. We had never met before, but nobody seemed surprised at what I had done. I may here set down a remark in my diary to this effect: "I have never heard anyone here address anyone else by a more formal title than 'cousin.' Whatever the company, it is always the same." This reminds me of Michelet's description of Burgundy, which is applicable in several respects to Virginia. However, the only part of it I can now recall is this, "It is a land of joyous Christmases, where everyone calls everyone else 'cousin.' " My diary mentions also the wedding of Mr. Warren Smith and Miss Betty Randolph, which took place at "New Market" at five P.M., "with eight bridesmaids." The entertainment which followed was prolonged till one o'clock next morning. Such was the happy gayety and the prodigal hospitality in old Clarke County the first winter of our Page 68 cruel war. It had not yet felt the iron heel of the invader. The winters that followed till 1865 would tell a different tale. It is still a beautiful country, and some of the fine old homesteads still survive, though few of them are owned by the same old families. I next turned my steps, February 20th, to Richmond, the capital of the Confederacy, where I found another nest of relatives and many friends. At Piedmont, where I struck the railroad and spent the night, "I wrote some blank verse rather to vent my feelings than to while away the time,"--the subject whereof has not been preserved in my record! Met many old acquaintances on the way, and made some new ones, among them a very clever and charming young lady, with whom I had "a long conversation on the subject of matrimony,"--altogether impersonal, however! I was just in time for the inauguration of Mr. Jefferson Davis as President of the Confederate States of America. It took place February 22d, in the Capitol Square, amid a downpour of rain. In the evening the President held a levee which I attended in company with Mrs. James Lyons and Miss Mary Lyons, enjoying myself hugely, and finding Mr. Davis very gracious and affable. He was a man of fine presence and of distinguished abilities, as was well recognized in ante bellum days when he was Secretary of War, and later when he represented Mississippi in the United States Senate. It was he who first projected a transcontinental railway. His State papers were models of vigorous English. He was a graduate of West Point, and had shed his blood gallantly in the Page 69 Mexican War. Had he been quite ignorant of military matters, he would have been a more successful President. In that case it is likely Robert E. Lee would have been made commander-in-chief in 1862, instead of in 1865, when it was too late. The Southern people forgave all his mistakes and set him on high as their martyred President, when Gen. Nelson Miles put him in irons at Fortress Monroe after the war was over. He was a man of exalted character, and had a knightly soul. In Richmond I met "acquaintances innumerable," and many relations, among the former "Tom Dudley" (destined to be a famous bishop), with whom I dined. He was, I think, in one of the departments of the government in Richmond. The very next day, February 23d, Fort Donelson fell, and my Uncle Peyton's son, Dabney Harrison, was killed, gallantly leading his company. He was a Presbyterian minister, but felt the call to defend his State from the invader, and, doffing his ministerial office, raised a company in his own congregation and was elected its captain. His course and his fate were similar to those of Bishop Polk, who laid aside his episcopal robes and became lieutenant-general in the Southwestern Army--with this difference, that he had had a military education at West Point. General Pendleton, Lee's chief of artillery, was another example of a clergyman. entering the army as a combatant. The same day my uncle lost his daughter Nannie by scarlet fever at Brandon on the James River. The previous July, at the battle of Manassas, the dear old gentleman had lost another son, Capt. Peyton Page 70 Harrison, and still another, Wm. Wirt Harrison, had been severely wounded. Not long afterwards, his married daughter Mary, Mrs. Robt. Hunter, died in childbed, her illness brought on prematurely by a raid of the Federal soldiers. Still later his son, Dr. Randolph Harrison, was wounded and died, and his youngest son Harry was taken prisoner. He bore it all like a noble Roman--or rather like a brave Christian, which he was. The story of this family is that of many another in the South. I may here mention that I had twenty-four first cousins in the Confederate Army on my mother's side, most of them bearing the name of Harrison. After some halcyon days in Richmond among my many friends, college mates, and kinsfolk, I took the steamboat, February 26th, down the river to upper Brandon, the home of my mother's sister, Mrs. Wm. B. Harrison and her husband. There I indulged in the sport of wild duck shooting several times with varying luck. George Harrison, a year younger than I, was at home, and we had long talks over the fire till the "wee sma' hours," much of it about the Christian ministry, to which we both aspired, and we usually ended with united prayer. The following Sunday was the Fast Day appointed by President Jefferson Davis, and we rode horseback to Cabin Point to the Episcopal Church, and received the holy communion together. The following Sunday was stormy, so we had the church service at home, and I read a sermon aloud. I also examined Dr. A. T. Bledsoe's "Theodicy,"--a very able book, by the way. The next day, March 3d, George and I set out for Page 71 Jamestown Island, but the boat was caught in a fog and obliged to return. On the 4th we started again and reached the island, which we found fortified with thirteen guns, Columbiads, thirty-two pounders, and Dahlgrens. How strange a spectacle--the island where the first English settlers landed in 1607 and planted the seeds of English civilization, English liberty, and the English Church, fortifying itself against the invasion of the descendants of the Puritans who landed in 1620! George's brother and my dear friend, Capt. Shirley Harrison, was there in command of a company of heavy artillery. He was "well, and living like a lord"! Twice more we went ducking. It is sad to reflect on the fate of my uncle's princely home of Brandon, where in the old days as many as forty guests would sometimes be entertained. It was shelled later in the war by the Federal gunboats and rendered untenantable. After the war financial disaster overtook him and his sons, and the place was sold for debt. Lower Brandon and Berkeley were two other Harrison seats, much older than my uncle's. The family's history in America began in 1634 with Benjamin Harrison, the emigrant. It was one of the most distinguished in the old colonial days. March 6th I returned to Brandon, and next day drove with my uncle William to Petersburg, thirty miles--roads very bad, and the journey took seven hours. We found Richmond under martial law. March 8th I proceeded to Fredericksburg, where I was the guest, at Kenmore, of another aunt, Mrs. Randolph Harrison. Visited also "Santee," the home of Mr. Page 72 Sam Gordon. Saw more Harrison soldiers, my cousins. The following extract from a letter to my mother, written just before returning from furlough, may illustrate the spirit of the Southern people at this time: KENMORE, March 10, 1862. . . . . . . . . . . . Our affairs look dark, but not hopeless. The war may be a long one, but it can have but one termination--our independence. We are stimulated to new exertion, our people are roused to action, and there exists a deep-seated resolve in the heart of the nation, to choose extermination before subjugation. "God and the Right" is our motto. For my part, I have cast my lot irrevocably with this sacred cause. I have reënlisted, and shall continue to do so until the end is accomplished. If I fall, do not grieve for me. Your son would prefer such a death to any but a martyrs, and you will not be ashamed to think that I have died in my country's cause. But I have no presentiment whatever,-- I only speak of possibilities. Good-by, father, mother, brother, sisters. God bless you all is my prayer. On March 11th I set out again for Millwood--why, I do not know, for my thirty days furlough was at an end, and I have no record of its extension--though I conclude it must have been, for I would not have been insubordinate, I am sure. I travelled by stage as far as Mt. Jackson, but did not reach Millwood, for Manassas had been evacuated, Winchester also, and Clarke County was now in possession of the enemy. I passed through Staunton, where I found more Harrison relations, and then stopped at Greenwood Depot with another sister of my mother, Mrs. Dr. Garrett. Then to Charlottesville, where of course I Page 73 met many friends, and also another daughter of my Uncle Peyton, Mrs. Hoge, and the widow of my cousin Dabney Harrison. March 17th I set out again for camp, but was "stopped" at Gordonsville and obliged to return to "Edge Hill," where I had a nest of Randolph cousins-- among them Cousin Sarah, who later wrote that charming book, "Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson." We had a most interesting horseback ride together to Monticello, Jefferson's seat. March 22d set out once more for camp, and on the 23d, by walking ten miles from Culpeper Court House, reached the regiment encamped on the Rappahannock, having been absent six weeks. I have given some account of my visits to different parts of Virginia during my furlough because they reflect the spirit and the life of the people at that period of the war, February and March, 1862. There was still much comfort, even luxury, in the manner of living, and a spirit of joyousness and gayety among the young. The war had not yet begun to press heavily on the resources of the South. There had been in Virginia but one great battle, and that had resulted in so great a victory that there was an absolute confidence among all classes of the ultimate success of the cause. This feeling was damped by the reverses in the west at Fort Donelson, the last week in February; and the surrender of so large a force, in face of the indignant protest of Gen. N. B. Forrest, was galling to the pride of the South. I found everywhere I went a deep religious feeling. At the great houses in Clarke County I was generally asked to conduct family worship. The churches Page 74 in Richmond and elsewhere were largely attended. Among the young men, I found it easy to introduce the subject of religion. The following entry in my diary illustrates this: "While at Brandon, George and I had some very sweet interviews. One of them is peculiarly pleasant to recall. He was speaking of his future prospects in life, and I turned the conversation to the ministry, and was delighted to find that he had himself frequently thought of it. I endeavored to strengthen and encourage his inclinations to enter the sacred calling. He told me it had been his sainted mother's wish that he should devote himself to God, and that his father echoes the same desire. Then I invited him to join me in prayer, and with tears of penitence and humility we sought God's blessing. . . . Never did we embrace with as much tenderness and emotion as when we rose from that prayer at the still midnight hour." I brought back with me to camp thirty-four copies of the New Testament for distribution and made this entry: "The campaign now opening is likely to be a very active and also a very bloody one. How necessary to enter upon it with a soul at peace with God, and a mind prepared for any event!" Page 75 CHAPTER VIII THE OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1862 EARLY in March the war entered upon a new phase. General McClellan had withdrawn from Johnston's front at Manassas, and transported his army by water to Fortress Monroe, and was now advancing on Richmond by way of the peninsula, making the York River and the James his bases. Undoubtedly this was good strategy on his part, for it enabled him to advance under protection of the Federal gunboats nearly as far as Williamsburg. In fact, McClellan established his lines on the Chickahominy, within a day's march of Richmond, with very small loss, fighting only one battle, the unimportant battle of Williamsburg, in securing a position so near the capital of the Confederacy. It cost General Grant, two years later, a long and hard-fought campaign, with many bloody battles, involving the loss of nearly one hundred thousand men, to get as close to Richmond as his predecessor had done with only trifling loss. So far, surely, the strategic honors were with McClellan, and had he been given in 1862 the supreme authority which Grant wielded in 1864, enabling him to summon to his aid, as he earnestly wished to do, General McDowell with his forty thousand men from Fredericksburg, it is doubtful whether the army of Page 76 Lee could have achieved the victory it did in those seven days battles before Richmond. Before my return to camp, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston had transferred the bulk of his army to the peninsula to contest the advance of McClellan; Gen. T. J. Jackson had been sent to the valley, and the division of General Ewell was left on the old line. Our regiment was attached to his command. Manassas had been evacuated. Our log huts at Fairfax Station had been left, and all our little accumulations of comfort lost. Our tents had been burned at Manassas, for what reason I do not know, and I found the regiment bivouacking under their blankets stretched over poles on a little rocky hill back of the Rappahannock. My precious store of books had of course been left behind and lost. We now had two months of marching and countermarching, without any object that we could divine, under conditions of more acute discomfort than we had ever known before, enlivened by an occasional skirmish or artillery duel. The following sketch, under date of March 28th, may serve as a sample: "On the banks of the Rappahannock. The bridge is on fire at both ends--the flames of a house on the opposite side of the river darting fiercely up to the sky. Our regiment in line of battle. A shell has just passed hissing over our heads. The bridge blows up as I write with a double explosion. The Yankees are shelling the woods as they advance. Our artillery on our left has just opened. I suppose we intend protecting General Steuart's retreat. It is not desired to fight unless the Federals press us hard.--Another shell.--Another--An officer rides up and asks for five rounds of cartridges from each man of our regiment. He has but fifteen rounds to a man. We have forty.-- Page 77 The Baltimore Light Artillery fires its first shell. This is their maiden engagement. The Federal infantry advances toward the river; they are saluted by the Baltimore Light Artillery from an eminence on our right. The enemy's artillery changes position. As yet they have not found our range. The bridge falls in with a rattle like the discharge of musketry, or the rattling of wagons. The Baltimore Light Artillery are firing round shot, and not shell, as I supposed.--Infantry firing in rapid succession. One of our companies (Goldsborough's) is engaged, deployed as skirmishers. Now they are moving double quick (still as skirmishers) by the left flank. The Artillery at the other side has slackened its fire.--Chesney (Elsey's adjutant-general) dashes past at full speed between us and our skirmishers.--Musketry again from skirmishers.--Another rattling crash, from the bridge, I suppose.--The Federals discover the Baltimore Light Artillery and begin to open on them. They reply, and it seems probable we shall have a brisk artillery duel. They seem to have gotten the range of our battery. . . . octagons are seen on the other side of the river. It may be an armed reconnaissance in force after forage. The battery on our right has limbered up, and is moving off. A shell bursts between--[Here we were called to attention and moved off a mile or so from the river. It was nearly dusk. The enemy shelled us as we retreated up the railroad, but without doing us any damage. General Elzey and Captain Brockenbrough had a very narrow escape: a shell burst just between them, throwing light on their faces. The Baltimore Light Artillery did good practice, driving the enemy's artillery twice from their position. Our cavalry next day crossed the river and found two (artillery) horses dead, and that several cannon balls had passed through the house behind which the enemy took refuge.]" On Good Friday, April 18th, we had another artillery duel. Page 78 The weather was very severe through March and far into April--"much rain and sometimes sleet or snow. As late as April 10th the ground is covered with snow frozen and the air is very keen. The mountains look beautiful in their white garments." Marching and bivouacking without tents (which were not supplied us again till April 6th), we had many rough experiences, often drenched to the skin, and as the wood was wet and soggy, sometimes it was next to impossible to light a fire. A favorite device was to get three fence rails and rest them at one end on the ground, placing the other end on the third rail of the fence, the middle rail depressed below those on either side. This made a bed which kept us out of the mud, while we covered with our blankets and made out to be fairly comfortable--only the knots or other protuberances of the rails made themselves objectionable. In one of those "driving sleets" "John Post and I constructed a bunk together with blankets stretched over and straw to lie on. We were obliged to retreat into it about one o'clock. We talked as long as we could about old times and Monument street girls. He read me an extract from a letter from R. N., and showed me the daguerreotype of a mutual friend. Then we went to sleep and would not have waked up till morning but for the cold and rain on our feet and the water which gradually crept under us. We went off about eleven o'clock from a camp where the mud was ankle deep to a warm country house (Mr. Wise's) just above Brandy Station, where we stayed till next day." Another entry, March 30th, is as follows: "We awoke to the most disagreeable consciousness that the rain of the day preceding was unabated, that our feet Page 79 wet and cold, that the straw on which we were lying was almost saturated, and our bodies of course chilled with the wet and cold." The Mr. Wise mentioned above, who treated us so hospitably (refusing compensation), used to keep the Warm Springs, Va., and knew my father and grandfather. It was Sunday, and Post and I sang hymns together. Then we read the New Testament and wrote letters to our people in Baltimore. During the weeks of March when we had no tents and when the weather was so inclement and our exposure so unusually severe, we would slip off to some private house whenever opportunity offered and leave could be obtained, and sometimes without leave. Only in this way, I think, could we have endured the ordeal. Often our only meal in camp was a piece of hardtack and a piece of bacon toasted on a forked stick. And when at length the tents were furnished, orders were issued that they should be pitched every night and struck every morning early--evidently to prevent the enemy discovering our whereabouts. I give here part of a letter written to my mother on my twentieth birthday: TUESDAY, April 15, 1862. . . . . . . . . . . . After dinner.--The regiment has gone out to drill, but I am excused as cook. I have not told you of the receipt of three letters from you all a few days ago. One dated February 28th, from you (in which I am glad to find you so cheerful, my precious mother); a second containing one from Telly (Feb. 28), one from Sister Mary (Nov. 8th!!!), and a third from Marge written on the 4th and 5th. How exultantly I seated myself on my bunk and, strewing my Page 80 letters around, devoured them one by one, over and over again. I gave George Williamson your message, for which he thanks you warmly; he sends kindest regards to you all. So does Jim Howard. Telly's letter amused and entertained me greatly: he has "broken out" in so many new places, I shall not know him when I see him. Tell him, however, to stay where he is. He is so full of Shakespeare and the classics that he will despise such a rough soldier as his brother has gotten to be. But the funniest metamorphosis in the boy is his conversion to the creed of Byron and Cupid. He need not flatter himself that he can cut me out in Annapolis. When I come home "from the wars," I will throw him in the shade completely by my "honorable wounds," "deeds of valor," etc.! I can't thank you enough for your frequent letters; every one attests the spirit of a love which I have not deserved and can never repay. There was one for Duncan from sister Mary too, enclosed in mine. He is, you know, on General Trimble's staff, his aide-de-camp. You never saw such a change in a man in your life. When he returned from Richmond with his sunburnt hair cut off, his beard shaven, except mustache, and imperial "staff" boots replacing his old "regulations," and his dirty uniform exchanged for a nice new suit, it was hard to recognize him. You may imagine how he was changed by camp life, when I tell you that Mr. Hollingsworth was introduced to him as Captain Jones, talked with him some time, and finally left him to go in search of his friend Duncan McKim, who he learned was in the hotel. How fortunate he is to be with Carvel, Jim L., Wm. C (Carvel's brother-in-law), and on General Trimble's staff. We were so amused at an incident over there some time since before Jim and Duncan had their appointments. Geo. W. Duncan, and one other of our mess took dinner at the General's. A Colonel Kirkland from Mississippi (or N. C.) came in; after our boys left he remarked to Carvel: "Those men are very well educated and have remarkably good Page 81 manners for privates." I have been enjoying myself lately in visiting about in the neighborhood (generally in quest of meals). One day I got lost in an immense forest twelve miles long; it was a sleety, misty day, and the water was an inch deep all the way. I walked from eleven to three before I came to a house; then I went in to dry myself, and was invited out to dinner; returning I slept at another house where were two very pretty ladylike girls; we talked together some time, then I sang "Maryland" to a new audience, and took my departure, though the old white-haired father asked me to stay all night. I have been there once since, and borrowed a volume of Mrs. Hemans' poems. There is a beautiful stanza at the commencement of the "Forest Sanctuary," which I will transcribe: "The voices of my home! I hear them still! They have been with me through the dreamy night-- The blessed household voices, wont to fill My heart's clear depths with unalloyed delight! I hear them still, unchanged:--though some from earth Are now departed, and the tones of mirth-- Wild, silvery tones--that sang through days more bright, Have died in others,--yet to me they come, Singing of boyhood back--the voices of my home." The poetry was certainly not of a very high order of merit, but the sentiment waked a warm response in the heart of the exile soldier boy. On the evening of April 18th, Good Friday, orders were received to leave our camp on the Rappahannock and take up the line of march for Culpeper. This is my entry on that occasion: "We started at dusk after standing drawn up in line of battle for an hour and a half in a furious storm of rain. We could only turn our backs upon it and take it. At last, Page 82 thoroughly drenched, we set out (along the railroad track), and what with the darkness and the mud and the culverts and cow-catchers we had a most miserable march. We would move three or four steps and halt, then three or four more and halt again--this, from dusk till two o'clock in the night when we reached Culpeper,--six miles in seven hours! Then laid us down in the rain and slept till morning. No rations served out! Charlie Grogan and I were most hospitably entertained by a Mrs. Patterson near Culpeper. She gave us also ground coffee and green coffee, and offered us sugar and salt."--"Marched four miles on the road to Madison Court House. Halted a couple of hours. Then marched back in a drenching rain over muddy roads at almost a double quick. Still no rations. Men almost broken down with the weather and with fasting. Halted a mile above Culpeper for the night; still raining hard. Ground wet, wood soggy, air cold, men starved. In the morning [it was Easter Sunday] set out again up the railroad in a cold, driving rain. Redmond and I walked a mile ahead and got a plain breakfast and tried to dry ourselves. Rejoined the regiment and marched twelve miles to Rapidan. Still no rations furnished. Stopped at Colonel Talisferro's to see Miss Molly. Had an elegant dinner--enjoyed 'civilization.' " "Rode up from Rapidan to Orange on the cars--five miles; got in ahead of the regiment; stayed at a private house on the outskirts of the village, at Mrs. Bull's. She and her pretty daughters pleased me much. She invited me to stay all night, which I did. After I got into bed, the door opened and two gentlemen came in with a candle. I started up and asked if I had made a mistake. They said 'No,' and soon General Trimble and I recognized each other." "Monday, April 21st, 1862. Rained pitilessly all day. The regiment rode up to Gordonsville ten or twelve miles on open cars. This is one of the severest experiences we have ever had. Friday evening, Saturday, Sunday, and Monday exposed constantly Page 83 to cold, drenching rain, with no shelter, and during two whole days without anything to eat. Our blankets and clothing were soaked with water: we marched wet, slept wet, and got up in the morning wet. On the evening of Monday we got tents . . . orders to march in the morning with two days cooked provisions." These quotations (rather tedious, I fear, to the reader) show several things very clearly. First, the wretchedness of our commissariats; second, the hardships of the Confederate infantrymen; and third, the never-failing hospitality of the people of the country, rich and poor alike. What a debt of gratitude we poor weary, starved men owed them, and especially the women, for their goodness. They heartened us for our severe work, and inspired us with fresh resolve to defend the country from the invaders. How one would like to express to them now (to such as may be still living) our heartfelt thanks for what they did for us eight and forty years ago! In the light of a narrative like this, the fortitude and steadfast devotion of the Confederate soldier stands out in strong light. How patiently he trudged along those muddy roads, carrying musket and knapsack, cold and wet and hungry day after day--without murmuring, without ever a thought of giving the thing up, without regretting his act in leaving home and exiling himself for the Confederate cause, though his State had not seceded. I do not remember that any of our men deserted then, or at any time during the war. Not many of that regiment were as I was; for Virginia was a second home to me, and everywhere I went I found my mother's kin. This made it more Page 84 natural and easier for me to stand up to the work and stick to the Cause. The frequent absences from the regiment, even over night, which I have mentioned, seem to show a lack of the strict discipline of which I have spoken on a previous page as the characteristic of Colonel Steuart. But I think that about this time he was promoted to be brigadier-general, and given another command; and besides two things are to be considered: first, that under such circumstances, discipline was necessarily and wisely relaxed, and, second, that our commanding officer knew he could trust us to report for duty in any emergency that might arise. Yet failure to perform camp duty, or absence from roll-call would bring its punishment. Several times I mention having been put under arrest for the latter omission, and once that I was made sergeant of the guard for the night because of my absence at Orange Court House. The inclement weather of that unfriendly spring continued nearly to the end of April. As late as the 25th we had snow, and about the same time my record is, "In camp we have no shelter and it is almost impossible to cook. This morning it is again raining hard." And again, "Poor Giraud Wright sat up all night in the rain over the fire, and is now sleeping with his head resting on a chair." Notwithstanding the cold, whenever the sun did come out, Redmond and I would plunge into the chill waters of the swift Rapidan and have a swim. Bathing was a rare privilege, and so much valued that it was my habit during the winter at one of our camps to break the ice and take a plunge in a pool of water Page 85 by the side of the railroad. Under the genial sun we would soon forget our miseries and enjoy the beautiful scenery sometimes spread out before us in our marches. Here is a note of April 25th: "This is a beautiful country, and highly cultivated. Tobacco is successfully grown. Farms are large. Dwellings, all the way from Culpeper to Gordonsville and from Gordonsville to this point on the Rapidan, are large and handsome. . . . The spring has arrived very suddenly. Vegetation has sprung as it were from death to vigorous life without the usual intermediate stages. Fruit trees are all in bloom except the later varieties. Even pear trees are beginning to blossom. The wheat is luxuriant and wears a constant and fresh verdure. The banks of the river just above our camp are enchanting. The river flows narrow, but deep, and very rapid. The banks, from which the water has receded, are covered with the wildest and rankest growth of weeds and flowers, the usual denizens of marshy ground. Running along parallel to the right bank is a rocky cliff, about forty or fifty feet high. It is covered with trees, some of them growing out of the clefts in the rocks, and many of them (wild cherry, dogwood, etc.) covered with bloom. Ferns hang gracefully over the rocks, while the level at the foot is completely carpeted with moss; from wild flowers of every variety and hue spring up." About this time Giraud Wright was made second lieutenant in Doctor Thom's company. He was the eighth member of our mess (
7368	dbpedia	1	43	https://www.guardianangeldevices.com/state-statutes/maryland/	en	Maryland Emergency Vehicle Light State Statutes	https://www.guardianange…avicon-32x32.jpg	https://www.guardianange…avicon-32x32.jpg	[ "https://dc.ads.linkedin.com/collect/?pid=2546986&fmt=gif", "https://www.guardianangeldevices.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/ga_logo.png", "https://www.guardianangeldevices.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/ga_logo.png", "https://www.guardianangeldevices.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/ga_logo_test_2022_black_horizontal-768x108.png", "https://www.guardianangeldevices.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Maryland-1-300x203.jpg", "https://www.facebook.com/tr?id=1038845369526987&ev=PageView&noscript=1" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2020-02-13T09:42:41+00:00		en	https://www.guardianange…avicon-32x32.jpg	Guardian Angel Devices	https://www.guardianangeldevices.com/state-statutes/maryland/	Maryland Police Light Laws According to Section 22-218 of the Maryland Code (Statutes), all police vehicles have to be equipped with signal lamps displaying red flashing lights. Also people viewing the vehicle from the front and people watching the vehicle from the back need to see those police lights. Those lights must also be strong enough to be seen within 500 feet of the vehicle from any direction. As part of their lighting system, police vehicles may also use white or blue strobe police lights and may use these light colors for their signal devices. Maryland Fire Truck Light Laws Section 22-218 of the Maryland Code (Statutes) states that all fire trucks must be fitted with signal lamps that display red flashing lights. Both people viewing the vehicle from the front and people viewing the vehicle from the back need to see those lights. These lights and light bars also have to be strong enough to be seen within 500 feet of the vehicle from any direction. Fire trucks are licensed to use red or white lights as part of their illumination or signaling systems. Maryland Volunteer Fire Fighter Light Laws Section 22-218 of the Maryland Volunteer Fire Fighter Light Laws Code of Maryland (Statutes) states that all volunteer fire fighter trucks must be equipped with signal lamps that display red flashing lights. Both people viewing the vehicle from the front and people viewing the vehicle from the back need to see those lights. Those lights must also be strong enough to be seen within 500 feet of the vehicle from any direction. Volunteer fire department vehicles can use both white and red lighting devices or lighting systems for their signals. Just 5 volunteer fire department officers are allowed to have their vehicles equipped with red or white lights. Maryland Ambulance Light Laws Section 22-218 of the Maryland Code (Statutes) states that all ambulances must have signal lamps displaying red flashing lights. Both people viewing the vehicle from the front and people viewing the vehicle from the back need to see those lights. Those lights must also be strong enough to be seen within 500 feet of the vehicle from any direction. Ambulances may use red as well as white lights for their lighting systems and display devices. Maryland Tow Truck Light Laws According to section 22-218 of the Maryland Code (Statutes), tow trucks may use either yellow or amber-colored lights for their display devices or lighting systems. Maryland Construction Vehicle Light Laws Section 22-218 of the Maryland Construction Vehicle Light Laws Code of Maryland (Statutes) states that all construction vehicles may be fitted with amber or yellow colored lights for their lighting systems or display devices. Maryland Utility Vehicle Light Laws Section 22-218 of the Maryland Code (Statutes) states that Utility Vehicles may use either amber or yellow lights for their display devices or lighting systems. Maryland Pilot Vehicle Light Laws According to Section 22-218 of the Maryland Code (Statutes), pilots are permitted to use either amber or yellow colored lights for their display devices or lighting systems. In addition, a pilot vehicle must use at least one rotating light when traveling 20 mph below speed limit. The light must have a diameter of at least 3 inches and be visible from both the front and back of the vehicle. Maryland Security Vehicle Light Laws Section 22-218 of the Maryland Security Vehicle Light Laws Code of Maryland (Statutes) states that safety vehicles may use either yellow or amber-colored lights for their strobe lighting systems or display devices. In Conclusion We have gone over the light laws of many different types of vehicles over the course of this report. We addressed the colors each vehicle is permitted to use and the standards that certain vehicles must meet. Throughout this article we also referred to Section 22-218 of the Maryland Code (Statutes). For more information on what lights are available to you, please call your State Highway Patrol office at: 410-761-5130 *Please note that these numbers are what we can currently find, and the numbers may have changed since this listing.
7368	dbpedia	2	16	https://www.nationalguard.mil/About-the-Guard/Today-in-Guard-History/June/	en	National Guard > About the Guard > Today in Guard History > June			[ "https://www.nationalguard.mil/Portals/31/Images/ng-seal-100px.png?ver=-moB4lJJKI-S1cDnzaUlfw%3d%3d", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0601.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0602.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0603.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0604.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0605.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0606.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0607.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0608.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0608b.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0608c.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0609.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0610.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0611.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0612.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0613.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0614.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0616.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0617.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0618.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0618b.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0618c.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0619.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0619b.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0620.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0621.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0622.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0623.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0626.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0627.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0628.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0628b.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/portals/31/Images/About/TodayInGuardHistory/June/0629.jpg", "https://www.nationalguard.mil/DesktopModules/SharedLibrary/Images/VCL 988_Hoz_CMYK.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	/Portals/31/favicon.ico?ver=iXLtor0suvMbtiVsz6VzPA%3d%3d		null	On this day, the National Guard officially got its name after Congress passed an important act to strengthen the U.S. military. On 3 June 1916, the National Defense Act made the use of the term "National Guard" mandatory for state militias, and the act gave the President the authority to mobilize the Guard during war or national emergencies here, for service or in different parts of the world, for the duration of the event that caused the mobilization. The Act was intended to guarantee the State militias' status as the nation's primary reserve force. In 1933, the National Guard officially became a component of the Army. State militias had been around in some form since the early 1600s and they represent the oldest-known segment of the U.S. defense infrastructure. The role of state militias was frequently mentioned in the Constitution. Article 1, Section 8, defined the duties of the federal government and the states in forming militias, and using them within the United States. The National Defense Act of 1916 also doubled the number of yearly drills and tripled the number of training days; established the Reserve Officer Training Corps; and paid for 375 new airplanes, thereby creating the Army's first Air Division. President Woodrow Wilson championed the move as part of a preparedness effort related to World War I. The newly formed National Guard's first mission in 1916 was to help Army forces battling Mexican revolutionary Pancho Villa on the Mexican border. During World War I, the National Guard accounted for 40 percent of the troop strength in the American Expeditionary Force. The militias or National Guard of the 54 states, territories, and the District of Columbia contributed to every military campaign the U.S. had been involved with. The National Guard has a state and federal role. In a state role, it responds to various domestic situations such as fighting forest fires and assisting communities recover from natural disasters. In the state role, the governors have the ability to call up Guard members. The President also has the right to mobilize the Guard, putting members on federal duty status (federal role). Arkansas Guardsmen of the 206th Coast Artillery down an enemy plane in the defense of Dutch Harbor Heritage Series 1942Dutch Harbor, AK - In response to the surprise B-25 bomber attacks on Japan staged by Lieutenant Colonel Jimmy Dolittle in April 1942, the Japanese decided to capture Midway Island 1,000 miles northwest of Hawaii as a staging base to attack Hawaii itself. As part of their plan they deployed a small diversionary force to take several islands in the Aleutian's chain of Alaska. Recently arrived as part of the garrison at the newly developed outpost of Dutch Harbor was Arkansas' 206th Coast Artillery Regiment (Anti-Aircraft). The unit was armed with obsolete 3-inch anti-aircraft guns and water-cooled .50 caliber machine guns. The morning of June 3rd found thick fog lying off the Alaskan coast. The Japanese launched a surprise aerial attack from two aircraft carriers, catching the defenders off-guard. However, within a few minutes the men of the 206th were in action, shooting down one enemy plane and putting up such a heavy rate of fire that Japanese pilots missed their targets while trying to dodge the Arkansan's barrage. The Japanese attacked again the next day, causing some casualties but failing to put the harbor out of action. This was their last attack. The 206th remained as part of the garrison until it was reassigned to the European Theater in 1944. Corporal Urban Siergirast takes a quick wash in a pool of rain water during a lull in the fighting on Okinawa. He is a member of the Cannon Company, 165th Infantry (NY), the famous "Fighting 69th" of Civil War and World War I fame. National Archives and Records Administration 1945Okinawa, Ryukyus Island Group - After almost two months of steady, often bitter fighting, sometimes including "banzai" charges and hand-to-hand combat with fanatical Japanese soldiers intent of dying for the Emperor, New York's 27th "Empire" Infantry Division is in the final stages of the climatic battle for this Japanese island. On this day its advanced elements have finally reached the northern tip of the island, still encountering fierce resistance. The division, part of a joint Army-Marine Corps operation, landed on Okinawa on April 9th. It took part in the northern operations against the outer belt of the Shuri defenses. Although subjected to tremendous naval and aerial bombardment the Japanese, dug into caves and concealed pillboxes, continued to offer a determined defense. With almost every position captured or destroyed the remaining Japanese defenders will surrender on June 9th. This marked the conclusion of the last major battle of World War II. The 27th Division lost 1,844 men killed and nearly 5,000 wounded in the course of this campaign.. Circular written by General Dwight D. Eisenhower explaining the importance of the Normandy invasion on winning the war. These were distributed to every member of the attacking force the night prior to the D-Day landings. Sergeant J. Robert "Bob" Slaughter, a Guard member of Virginia's Company D, 116th Infantry, passed his copy around among the members of Company D to get their signatures (front and back) as they waited to load aboard the landing craft that would take them to Omaha Beach. By nightfall of June 6, about half of these men were dead or wounded. National Archives and Records Administration 1944Normandy, France - The Allied invasion of France, commonly known as "D-Day" begins as Guardsmen from the 29th Infantry Division (DC, MD, VA) storm onto what will forever after be known as "bloody Omaha" Beach. The lead element, Virginia's 116th Infantry, suffers nearly 80% casualties but gains the foothold needed for the invasion to succeed. The 116's artillery support, the 111th Field Artillery Battalion, also from Virginia, loses all 12 of its guns in high surf trying to get on the beach. Its men take up arms from the dead and fight as infantrymen. Engineer support came from the District of Columbia's 121st Engineer Battalion. Despite high loses too, its men succeed in blowing holes in several obstacles clearing paths for the men to get inland off the beach. In the early afternoon, Maryland's 115th Infantry lands behind the 116th and moves through its shattered remnants to start the movement in off the beach. Supporting the invasion was the largest air fleet known to history. Among the units flying missions were the Guards' 107th (MI) and 109th (MN) Tactical Reconnaissance Squadrons The Normandy campaign lasted until the end of July with four Guard infantry divisions; the 28th (PA), 29th, 30th (NC, SC, TN) and the 35th (KS, MO, NE) taking part along with dozens of non-divisional units all earning the "Normandy" streamer. The F-100C Super Sabre fighter-bomber of Captain Michael Adams, of the 188th Tactical Fighter Squadron (NM), returning to Tuy Hoa Air Base after a sortie in April 1969. About two weeks after this image was taken Adams was killed in action when this aircraft was shot down while on a mission National Archives and Records Administration 1968Tuy Hoa Air Base, Vietnam - New Mexico's 188th Tactical Fighter Squadron (TFS) arrives, becoming the third Air National Guard unit to serve in Vietnam. Combined on June 14th with New York's newly arrived 136th TFS into the 31st Tactical Fighter Wing, both squadrons immediately began flying close ground support missions for American troops. These two units are the only Guard units, Air or Army to actually be assigned to the same operational headquarters while serving in Vietnam. During the course of its tour the 188th will fly 6,029 sorties and lose three pilots in combat, including two missing in action and later declared killed. The 136th flew nearly as many sorties, with one pilot killed in combat and three killed in stateside training. One member of the 188th, Sergeant Melvyn S. Montano, will become a commissioned officer after the unit returns home and in December 1994 he is appointed the Adjutant General of New Mexico; the only known enlisted Guardsman serving in Vietnam War to later achieve this position in any state. The shoulder patch of today's 30th Infantry Brigade was adopted by members of the 30th Division during World War I. The outer circle represents the "O" of 'Old Hickory' while the "H" is evident in the center enclosing the Roman numerals "XXX". National Guard Bureau Historical Files National Archives and Records Administration 1845The Hermitage, TN - Seventh President Andrew Jackson dies. Born in South Carolina in 1767, Jackson gained his first military experience at the age of 15 when, as a member of a local militia company, he helped to repel a British raiding party in 1782. Later he served in the Tennessee militia, rising to the rank of major general. He was affectionately known by his troops as "Old Hickory" because of his hard but fair discipline. During the War of 1812 he commanded a combined force of Regulars and militiamen in suppressing the Creek Indians in Alabama. His determined leadership soon led to his appointment as a major general in the Regular Army in 1814, just in time to lead a combined Regular and militia force in the defense of New Orleans against a British attack in January 1815. In 1818-1819 he lead a combined army of Regulars and militia in his invasion of western Florida chasing raiding Indians who sought sanctuary in the then Spanish colony. In fact, his action helped induce the Spanish government to sell Florida to the US. Jackson was elected president in 1828. In 1918, the 30th Division, composed of National Guard soldiers from the Carolina's and Tennessee, proudly adopted a division shoulder patch that featured the Roman numerals "XXX" indicating the division's designation surrounded by the letters "OH" for "Old Hickory" in honor of Jackson. Technical Sergeant Frank Peregory wearing his Soldiers Medal (seen hanging just below tie), 1942 Taken from Joseph Ewing's 29, Let's Go! 1944Grandcamp, Normandy, France - Technical Sergeant Frank Peregory, a Guard member of Company K, 116th Infantry (VA), 29th Infantry Division earns the Medal of Honor by single-handily killing or capturing more than 20 Germans manning a trench that blocked the regiment's advance along the Normandy coast to relieve the 2nd Ranger Battalion at Pointe de Hoc. While the men of his company gave him covering fire, Peregory ran across an open field and entered the trench unseen. Using just his M-1 rifle, bayonet and several hand grenades he cleared the trench in short order. But Peregory had demonstrated his quick thinking under pressure even prior to leaving the United States for combat. In early 1942, as his unit was moving along an icy road in North Carolina one of the trucks slipped down an embankment and plunged into a small river. Two men were trapped under the canvas cover and would soon be drowned. Peregory borrowed a knife from another soldier and jumped into the freezing water to cut the top and brought each man to the bank safely. For this deed he was awarded the Soldiers Medal, the Army's highest decoration for valor, at the risk of one's life, but not related to combat. Unfortunately Peregory never saw his Medal of Honor, he was killed in action ten days later. A detachment of the 3rd Indiana Cavalry on duty as Headquarters Guard of the Army of the Potomac during the Gettysburg campaign. This unit fought at Brandy Station and suffered so many casualties that it was detailed to as a Headquarters guard until it could be reconstituted. Army Heritage and Education Center 1863Brandy Station, VA - As the Army of Northern Virginia, under the command of General Robert E. Lee, started moving northward to take the war to the Union (a move that would eventually end at Gettysburg, PA), General J.E.B. Stuart was tasked to use the Confederate cavalry to screen this movement from Union scouts. But the Federals soon learned of a large rebel presence in area around Culpeper Court House, near a train depot named "Brandy Station." Two Union cavalry corps, numbering some 11,000 men were dispatched as a "reconnaissance in force" when it clashed with Stuart's 9,000 man mounted force. This set the stage for the largest cavalry engagement ever fought on the North American continent. Perhaps the toughest fighting of the day occurred when the 6th Pennsylvania Cavalry collided with 10th Virginia Cavalry. In a scene reminiscent of a movie there was a swirling, melee as sabers flashed and dust was kicked up by injured and frightened horses. The 10th Virginia was about to give way when the 9th Virginia Cavalry galloped into the fray and caused so much damage to the 6th PA that it pulled back to regroup. The type of combat experienced by these three units was repeated in numerous encounters over an area of several square miles as nearly 20,000 men and horses charged into each other much as waves clash onto a beach, only to recede to regroup and charge again. At the end of the day the Confederates held the ground but the Union cavalry, which up to this point in the war had proved ineffective against the rebels, held its own in most of the engagement. The number of Union dead was 852 while the Confederates lost 515 men. Thousands of horses were killed or injured and had to be destroyed. The 6th PA Cavalry was organized by Colonel Richard Rush in Philadelphia in July 1861, by raising new recruits and combining them with an existing mounted volunteer militia unit from Berks County. The men were issued ten foot lances then popular with European light cavalry. Known as "Rush's Lancers" they were high-trained, which was enhanced by their assignment to a brigade of five Regular Army cavalry squadrons under the command of Brigadier General John Buford. By the time of the Battle of Brandy Station the Lancers had traded their lances for Sharps carbine rifles. However several veterans later regretted not having retained the lances as they would have been more effective in the melee than letting their opponent get close enough to use his saber. The Air National Guard contingent marching down the "Canyon of Heroes" in the New York City Desert Storm Victory Parade. Note the large yellow ribbon in the background welcoming the troops home. National Guard Bureau Historical Files 1991New York, NY - For the second time in three days the nation witness's a "Victory Parade" to celebrate the quick defeat and expulsion of Iraqi forces from Kuwait in Operation "Desert Storm." Among the marching units is the New York Guard's 719th Transportation Company, a descendent of the all-black 369th Infantry which gained fame as the "Harlem Hellfighters" in World War I. This parade is the first military ‘victory' parade held in Manhattan's "Canyon of Heroes" since the end of the World War II. While General Douglas MacArthur was given a ‘ticker-tape' parade by the city in 1951 (after being relieved of his command in Korea by President Truman), no "victory parade" was offered by the city after the end of the Korean or Vietnam wars. So when the plans for the Desert Storm parade were made, special announcements were made to Korean and Vietnam veteran's organizations welcoming them to join in the march. Colonel George Washington in the uniform of the Virginia Regiment, 1772. Washington would have been similarly dressed when he accompanied Braddock's expedition in 1755. >Washington/Custis/Lee Collection, Washington and Lee University 1755Fort Necessity, PA - A combined British and colonial army camp at the site of the stockade built by Major George Washington of the Virginia militia the year before during his failed attempt to capture Fort Duquesne (on the site of present day Pittsburgh) from the French. England and France, though technically not yet at war, both claim the area of western Pennsylvania and Ohio as their own. Washington, under orders from Virginia's governor in 1754 to secure the fort, failed and was forced to surrender his small army of colonial soldiers of the French, who let them return home. The British government now became involved and dispatched Major General Edward Braddock to take the fort. His army, numbering some 2,000 men, includes two regiments of British regulars as well as militia men from Virginia and Maryland. Braddock, who had met and become friends with Washington, took him along as a staff officer and advisor. The English, unused to fighting in a frontier environment, make slow progress as they hack a road through the wilderness for their baggage wagons. One of the teamsters is a young Daniel Morgan from Winchester, VA. He got into a fight with a British officer and was given 200 lashes. From that day on he will have a burning hatred of the British which he repays during the Revolution when he first commands an elite corps ofAmerican riflemen, helping to win the great victory at Saratoga. Later, though in poor health he is in command of the American army that wins the decisive victory of Cowpens. Despite Washington's council to leave the wagons and move a ‘flying column' to take the fort, Braddock ignores the advice and would soon lead his army, much of it strung out along the road for over a mile, into a devastating defeat. Members of Hawaii's 298th Artillery Group prepare to test fire their Nike Hercules missiles at the Oahu Test Range Heritage Series 1966Oahu, Hawaii - With the onset of the Cold War and the threat of long-range Soviet nuclear bombers, the Guard wrote a new chapter in its history of homeland defense. Beginning in 1954, thousands of Army Guardsmen manned antiaircraft artillery positions across the country, adopting for the first time a federal mission while in a state status. In the late 1950s the Guard began transitioning from guns to longer-ranged and more lethal missiles. For exactly 16 years, from September 1958 to September 1974, the Army Guard manned Nike-Ajax and Nike-Hercules missile batteries in an operational status. At the height of the program in 1969, 17 states (CA, CT, HI, IL, MD, MA, MI, MO, NJ, NY, OH, PA, RI, TX, VA, WA, WI) provided more than 7,000 soldiers to staff 54 missile batteries around sixteen key metropolitan areas. The Hawaii Guard's 298th Artillery Group was the first National Guard unit to adopt the Nike-Hercules missile, becoming operational in early 1960. Hawaii was also the only state to man all of its firing batteries with Guardsmen; in the continental United States the Guard manned about a third of all Nike sites. While the rest of the Nike force conducted its annual live fire practices at the White Sands Missile Range in NM, the Hawaii Guard was unique in that it conducted its annual live-fire certifications from mobile launchers firing off the north shore of the island of Oahu. It was during such an exercise that Battery B, 1st Missile Battalion, 298th Artillery Group recorded the longest successful Nike-Hercules missile intercept of a target. The advent of the intercontinental ballistic missiles in the 1960s led to cut backs in the Nike program by the early 1970s. The entire program ended in 1974. Though no missile was ever fired in anger, the duty encompassed a 24-hour watch, 365 days a year and thousands of alerts. Guardsmen had demonstrated their ability to conduct real-world missions while in a part-time, state-controlled, status, in the process proudly adopting for themselves the title "Missile-Age Miuntemen." 1933Washington, DC - The National Guard Status Act of 1933, creating a dual status for Guardsmen, is signed into law. This little-known but critical legislation finally solved a Constitutional dilemma that had troubled the Army and Guardsmen since 1903. Despite all the laws passed from 1903 to 1933 increasing the readiness of the Guard to serve as a reserve of the Army, the Guard remained the militia of the states according to the Constitution. It was thus limited in its federal service to the three purposes specified in the Constitution: executing the laws of the union, suppressing insurrections and repelling invasions. In order to remove Guardsmen from these restrictions imposed on the militia, the federal government drafted each National Guardsman for World War I, thus legally removing him from the militia and placing him in the Army. Guardsmen universally resented being drafted, since they all considered themselves volunteers. However, they also did not wish in peacetime to surrender the independence from Army control that membership in the state-controlled militia conferred, and (barring an amendment to the Constitution) they could not simultaneously be members of both a state and a federal military force, no matter how the law was written. The solution to this problem was developed in the 1920s after considerable study by leaders of the National Guard Association of the United States. When it was finally passed by Congress in 1933, the National Guard Status Act created a new federal reserve component of the Army called "The National Guard of the United States." This new reserve component would only be populated when the Guard was ordered into federal service; at all other times this federal reserve would have only an inactive "shadow" existence, its personnel residing in identical units of the Organized Militia (called "The National Guard of the several States, Territories, and the District of Columbia") under state control. The law also changed the name of the Army staff organization that oversaw the National Guard from the Militia Bureau to the National Guard Bureau Guardsmen of an unidentified Massachusetts infantry regiment marching near El Paso, TX, while training during the Mexican border crisis. Note this unit is carrying its state flag rather than a regimental or battalion flag as is the custom today Massachusetts Military Museum 1916Washington DC - President Woodrow Wilson, acting only fifteen days after he signed the historic National Defense Act of 1916, calls up most of the National Guard for duty along the Mexican Border. Because the National Guard was called up under the militia clause of the Constitution, it was restricted to service within the borders of the United States to "repel invasion" by Pancho Villa's bandits. By July 31st, more then 110,000 Guardsmen had joined the 5,000 AZ, TX, and NM Guardsmen who had previously been called for service on the border in May. The Guard's deployment freed General John Pershing to lead an expeditionary force composed of Army regulars into Mexico in a futile attempt to track down Villa. Over 40,000 Guardsmen were still serving on the border when war was declared against Germany in April 1917. The border experience proved valuable training for the Guard prior to World War I, particularly because it gave officers and men extensive experience in working with large formations of troops that could rarely be assembled in peacetime. A 1¼ ton truck of Battery C, 2nd Battalion, 138th Artillery (KY) destroyed by the North Vietnamese attack on Camp Tomahawk. Courtesy of Mr. David Parrish 1969Fire Base Tomahawk, Vietnam - During a chilly, rainy, very black night North Vietnamese (NVA) soldiers infiltrate this base shared by a platoon of infantrymen from the 101st Airborne Division and Battery C, 2nd Battalion, 138th Artillery from Bardstown, Kentucky. Starting at 1:45 AM the enemy launch their surprise attack, using satchel charges containing 10-15 pounds of TNT and rocket-propelled grenades. Their mission was to destroy all six of the M-109 self-propelled howitzers belonging to Battery C which had been firing effective supporting missions for nearby American forces. After about two hours of confused and heavy fighting during which the Guardsmen played a key role in repulsing the attack, the enemy finally withdrew. The NVA succeeded in destroying four of the six howitzers along with other vehicles and equipment. The human cost was high too. The 101st had four men killed and 13 wounded. The highest losses were suffered by the gunners from Kentucky. The Battery had nine men killed; five of them were from Bardstown and the other four were non-Guard replacements from various, non-Kentucky, locations. And the unit suffered 37 wounded, most of them Guardsmen. In the 1960s Nelson County, Kentucky (location of Bardstown), had a total population of about 30,000. During the Vietnam War it lost a total of seven Guardsmen and four other men serving in other units. This is the highest per capita rate of loss suffered by any community during the war. Today Battery C, 2nd Battalion, 138th Field Artillery is still a Guard unit in Bardstown. Its ranks are filled with men, some of them the sons or grandsons of the Vietnam Guardsmen. Preamble of the United States Constitution. 1788Concord, NH - New Hampshire ratifies the Constitution. As the ninth state to do so, this makes the Constitution binding on all 13 states. The colonial militia was a key institution underlying the new republic; as stipulated in Article 1, Section 8, "The Congress shall have Power . . . To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions" and "To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress."The President was empowered in Article 2, Section 2 to "be Commander in Chief . of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the United States." Major General George Rickards, the first Guardsman to be appointed Chief of the National Guard Bureau National Guard Education Foundation 1921Washington DC - The U.S. Senate confirms Pennsylvania Colonel George Rickards as the first National Guardsman to serve as Chief of the Militia Bureau (today's National Guard Bureau). Rickards was a veteran of 43 years of service, having commanded the 16th Pennsylvania Infantry during the Spanish-American War and on the Mexican Border, then taking his regiment (under the new federal designation 112th Infantry) to France in World War I. Before the war was over, Rickards commanded the 56th Brigade of the 28th Division. After the war Rickards volunteered for federal service and became one of the first Guardsmen assigned to the War Department General Staff.The National Defense Act of 1920 turned over leadership of the Militia Bureau from a regular officer to a Guardsman, and stipulated that the President would select the Chief of the Militia Bureau from a list of eligible officers nominated by the governors, with the Senate confirming the appointment. Rickards, initially selected by President Wilson in December 1919, had to wait six months to be confirmed by the Senate due to the protests of several senators that the President had not selected the officer nominated by the majority of the governors, Charles Martin, the politically powerful Adjutant General of Kansas. However, Wilson refused to change his mind and when Rickards was re-nominated for the position by President Harding in early 1920 the Senate finally relented and confirmed Rickards. He served until his retirement in 1925. "A View of the Landing (of) the New England Forces in yee Expedition against Cape Breton, 1745", a hand-colored copper plate etching by an unknown artist circa 1750. Note it shows the troops dressed in red uniforms like British regulars when in fact there was little uniformity among the different militia units. Anne S.K. Brown Military Collection 1745Cape Breton Island, Nova Scotia - After a 47 day siege conducted entirely by New England militiamen, the great fortress of "Louisbourg" surrenders to the colonial army commanded by General William Pepperrell. What many European military "experts" thought impossible the militia did with professional determination in a very short period of time. The fortress, built in the 1720s by the French to protect the entrance to the St. Lawrence River and French Canada, boasted a protected harbor which in times of war allowed French privateers safe sanctuary from which they could sail to raid British and colonial fishing and merchant fleets. War broke out between Britain and France in 1741 and by 1745 the raids were causing great financial loss to the New England colonies. When England refused to send a naval force to stop the attacks the colonial governments agreed to launch their own expedition to capture Louisbourg and stop the raids. From four colonies; Massachusetts (including present day Maine), Connecticut, Rhode Island and New Hampshire a total of 4,200 volunteers were taken from the militia. In a first of its kind operation in British North America each colony furnished different items needed to make the entire expedition a success. Some furnished camp equipment while others furnished food and other supplies. They amassed funds to buy powder and shot from England. After the surrender many Americans felt betrayed when England returned the fortress to France as part of the peace agreement. For his superb leadership William Pepperrell was knighted by King George II, becoming the only Baronet in the history of Massachusetts. Many of the lessons learned of inter-colony cooperation would be recalled in 1775 as Americans fought for their liberty from England.
7368	dbpedia	1	14	https://29thdivisionassociation.com/29th-division-175th-infantry/	en	175th Infantry (5th Maryland) – 29th Division Association	https://29thdivisionasso…index1-32x32.jpg	https://29thdivisionasso…index1-32x32.jpg	[ "https://29thdivisionassociation.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/index1.jpg", "https://29thdivisionassociation.com/wp-content/plugins/ultimate-social-media-icons/images/icons_theme/default/default_facebook.png", "https://29thdivisionassociation.com/wp-content/plugins/ultimate-social-media-icons/images/icons_theme/default/default_youtube.png", "https://29thdivisionassociation.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/custom_icon0.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	https://29thdivisionasso…index1-32x32.jpg		https://29thdivisionassociation.com/29th-division-175th-infantry/	The 175th Infantry has been part of the 29th Division since the Division’s formation in 1917. One of the oldest regiments in the U.S. Army, the 175th Infantry was first organized in 1774 as the Baltimore Independent Cadets. The Cadets were absorbed into Smallwood’s Maryland Battalion in 1776, which fought heroically at Long Island in August of that year. Eventually Smallwood’s unit grew into seven different Maryland regiments, known collectively as “The Maryland Line.” When the Maryland Militia was reorganized 11 years after the Revolution, several Baltimore volunteer militia companies – including many ex-members of the Maryland Line- established the 5th Regiment of Militia. The 5th Maryland, which found gallantly at the Battle of North Point in September 1814, eventually broke up at the start of the Civil War when many members went south to fight for the Confederacy in the 1st Maryland, C.S.A. The 5th was reborn two years after the close of the Civil War. The “Dandy 5th,” as it became to be known, was federalized in 1917 and attached to the newly established 29th “Blue and Gray” Division. Prior to its overseas transfer, the 5th was consolidated with the 1st and 4th Maryland to form the 115th Infantry. Originally in defense positions in Haute, Alsace, the regiment fought in the great Meuse-Argonne offensive just before the close of World War One. After 22 days of continuous combat, over one third of the regiment was causalities. After the war, the 5th Maryland was reorganized in Baltimore. Just prior to the 5th activation in February 1941, the War Department assigned it a new designation: the “175th Infantry.” The regiment landed on Omaha Beach on the morning of June 7th, delayed a day from landing because of the chaos of the beach. The regiment then captured Isigny, a key German position and an important objective in linking the Omaha and Utah beaches. Practical continuous combat in St. Lo, Vire, Brest, Fallaise Gap, Belgium, Holland, Aachen, Aldenhove, Borheim, Roer Valley and finally a juncture with the Red Army on the Elbe River on 3 May 1945. Fighting with the 29th Infantry Division in France and Germany during World War Two, the 1st Battalion, 175th Infantry gained a Presidential Distinguished Unit Citation and the French Army’s Croix de Guerre with Silver-Gilt Star for its June 1944 stand on Hill 108, just outside St. Lo. The 2nd Battalion later gained a Croix de Guerre for its gallant performance during the siege of Brest in September 1944. Upon the reactivation of the 29th Division in 1985, the 175th consisted of 2 battalions, the 1/175th based at the 5th Regiment Armory in Baltimore, and the 2/175th based in Dundalk. Both belonged to the 3rd Brigade, 29th Division (Light). Following 9/11 and the Global War on Terror, the 175th was mobilized to protect installations across Maryland. Portions of the battalion were deployed to aid in efforts following Hurricane Katrina and to help secure the border along Mexico in 2006. In 2004, Company B, then part of the 1/115th Infantry, was deployed to Iraq and served with the 48th Infantry Brigade from the Georgia National Guard. Upon their return they had become part of the 175th Infantry. In 2007, the entire battalion was mobilized and deployed to Iraq, assigned to the 3rd Infantry Division. The battalion was deployed to the former Iraqi Air Base West of Qayyarah, Iraq, known as Q-West. Company C was detached and deployed to the Forward Operating Base MAREZ and the Logistics Support Area Diamondback located in Mosul, Iraq. There, Company C was attached to the 87th Combat Service and Support Battalion, where they conducted base defense operations and convoy logistics patrols to and from the border crossing at Habur Gate, Turkey. Companies B and D were attached to the 17th Combat Service and Support Battalion to conduct convoy logistics patrols throughout Ninewah Provence also known as Multi-National Division – North (MND-N). The battalion headquarters retained command and control of HHC and Company A. The battalion suffered only 8 wounded while serving 250 days of continuous combat operations. Collectively, the battalion was credited for 310 convoy logistics patrols, 81 route clearance operations and 280 reaction force operations with 100% mission accomplishment, a brigade best IED pre-detonation find rate of 40% and a record of zero successful indirect fire attacks on the Q-West Base Complex during its defense. The battalion redeployed to Fort Dix in mid-April 2008. In 2011, the battalion was deployed to the Sinai for a year as part of the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission. The 175th Battalion is now headquartered in Dundalk and part of the 28th Infantry Division. References 1. Balkoski, Joseph. The Maryland National Guard: A History of Maryland’s Military Forces, 1634-1991. Baltimore, MD: Guard, 1991. Print. 2. Author Unknown. 29 Let’s Go!: 1917-1965. Date and Place Unknown. 3. “175th Infantry Regiment (United States).” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, 03 Feb. 2014. Web. 08 Mar. 2014.
7368	dbpedia	2	41	http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text%3Fdoc%3DPerseus%253Atext%253A2001.05.0271%253Achapter%253D45	en	Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14., The campaign from the Wilderness to Petersburg —Address of Colonel C. S Venable (formerly of General R. E. Lee 's staff), of the University of Virginia,			[ "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/east.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/xml.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/prev.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/next.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/xml.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/prev.gif", "http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/img/next.gif", "https://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-sa/3.0/us/88x31.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null
7368	dbpedia	2	57	https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/56th_nc_regiment.html	en	North Carolina in the American Civil War			[ "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/NCLogo.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/56th_nc_regiment.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/56th_nc_regiment_2.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/56th_nc_regiment_map.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/56th_nc_regiment_3.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/56th_nc_regiment_map_2.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/56th_nc_regiment_4.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/Carolina.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/SCLogo.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null	[Get a fresh cup of coffee. This is a long one. Enjoy!] This regiment was composed of ten (10) companies which assembled at the camp of instruction, known as Camp Mangum, located on the North Carolina Railroad, four (4) miles west of Raleigh, in the Spring and Summer of 1862. Company ACamden County, mainlyAs twelve (12) months' volunteers, they had formed a part of the detachment captured at Hatteras Inlet Batteries on August 29, 1861, and had recently been exchanged. Its officers were successively as follows: Granville Gratiott Luke, Captain, April 7, 1862, elected Lieutenant Colonel on July 31, 1862; Noah H. Hughes, Captain, July 31, 1862, from 2nd Lieutenant on April 7, 1862, died on June 14, 1864 of Typhoid Fever; Thomas P. Savells, Captain, June 12, 1864, from 1st Lieutenant on April 18, 1864; Henry W. Lane, 1st Lieutenant, July 15, 1862, transferred from Sergeant of Company G, killed April 17, 1864 in an accident; Edward F. Hanks, 1st Lieutenant, June 12, 1864, from 2nd Lieutenant on February 20, 1864; Caleb L. Grandy, 3rd Lieutenant, June 1, 1864; William H. Seymour, 2nd Lieutenant, July 1, 1864; Caleb P. Walston, 3rd Lieutenant, August 5, 1862, became Captain in the 68th NC Regiment on August 15, 1863. Company BCumberland County and Johnston CountyThis company came in under Franklin N. Roberts. A good portion of this command was from the old ante-bellum organization known as the Lafayette Light Infantry, and with their present Captain had formed a part of the 1st NC Volunteers known as the "Bethel Regiment," who were six (6) months' volunteers, and who had been in the battle of Big Bethel Church on June 10, 1861. Its officers in succession were: Franklin N. Roberts, Captain, September 30, 1861 (who had been a Lieutenant in the Bethel Regiment), killed on June 18, 1864 during the Siege of Petersburg, VA; Alexander R. Carver, Captain, June 18, 1864, for gallant service from 3rd Lieutenant, May 10, 1864, served in Bethel Regiment, was retired on February 22, 1865, being disabled by wounds; William T. Taylor, Captain, February 22, 1865, from Sergeant Major, served in Bethel Regiment; Richard W. Thornton, 1st Lieutenant, April 1, 1862, captured on May 22, 1863 at the battle of 2nd Gum Swamp, NC; Daniel M. McDonald, 2nd Lieutenant, April 1, 1862, captured on May 22, 1863 at the battle of 2nd Gum Swamp, NC; Benjamin W. Thornton, 3rd Lieutenant, April 1, 1862, killed on April 20, 1864, at the battle of 2nd Plymouth, NC; James A. King, 3rd Lieutenant, July 1, 1864, killed on August 21, 1864, at the battle of 2nd Weldon Railroad (aka Globe Tavern, aka Davis House) near Petersburg. Company CPasquotank County and Chatham CountyAlexander P. White, Captain, May 21, 1862, captured at the battle of Five Forks, VA on April 1, 1865; Matthew W. Fatherly, 1st Lieutenant, July 28, 1862; John B. Lyon, 2nd Lieutenant, May 21, 1862, resigned on August 17, 1863, and appointed Captain in the 68th NC Regiment; William P, Bray, 2nd Lieutenant, November, 1863 from 3rd Lieutenant on June 26, 1862; Edward S. Badger, 2nd Lieutenant, March 1, 1864, captured at the battle of Five Forks, VA on April 1, 1865. The bulk of Company C, under original enlistments, had been among the earliest volunteers and captured at the battle of Hatters Inlet Batteries on August 29, 1861; Capt. Alexander P. White being then 1st Lieutenant in the Independent Grays [Company A of the 7th NC Volunteers], commanded by Capt. William F. Martin. Company DOrange CountyThis company was brought in by John W. Graham, who had entered the service as 2nd Lieutenant on April 20, 1861, in the Orange Guards [Company G of the 27th NC Regiment], which with the Guilford Grays, (both of them ante-bellum volunteer companies,) had been ordered to coast defense duty at Fort Macon. On June 21, 1861, he was appointed Aide-de-Camp to Brig. Gen. Richard C. Gatlin, commanding the Department of Eastern North Carolina, and received a commission as 1st Lieutenant in the 8th NC Regiment [?] State Troops. The company was officered as follows: John W. Graham, Captain, March 23, 1862, from Aide-de-Camp, promoted to Major on September 1, 1863; Robert D. Graham, Captain, September 1, 1863, from 1st Lieutenant May 23, 1863, from 2nd Lieutenant May 17, 1862; David S. Ray, 1st Lieutenant, May 17, 1862, mortally wounded on May 22, 1863 at the battle of 2nd Gum Swamp, NC, died the next day; Joseph B. Coggin, 1st Lieutenant, February 20, 1864, from Sergeant, wounded on June 17, 1864 at the beginning of the Siege of Petersburg, and died therefrom in Petersburg Hospital on August 21, 1864; Robert T. Faucett, 1st Lieutenant, by promotion and transferred from 2nd Lieutenant of Company H on September 18, 1864, from 1st Sergeant of Company D; Charles R. Wilson, 3rd Lieutenant, May 17, 1862, captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Five Forks; William Turner, 2nd Lieutenant, July 25, 1863, from 1st Sergeant, captured on April 1 1865 at the battle of Five Forks. Company ENorthampton County and Moore CountyJoseph G. Lockhart, Captain, April 1, 1862, resignation accepted on October 11, 1864; King J. Rhodes, Captain, October 11, 1864, from 1st Lieutenant May 24, 1863, and 2nd Lieutenant February 1, 1863, from 1st Sergeant (earlier in Bethel Regiment); Jarvis B. Lutterloh, 1st Lieutenant, April 1, 1862, mortally wounded on April 28, 1863 at the battle of 1st Gum Swamp, died the next day (earlier in the Bethel Regiment); John M. Jacobs, 1st Lieutenant, October 11, 1864, from 2nd Lieutenant July 10, 1863, from Sergeant, and Captured at the battle of 2nd Weldon Railroad (aka Globe Tavern); George B. Barnes, 2nd Lieutenant, April 1, 1862, promoted to Assistant Quartermaster (AQM) on August 1, 1862, with rank of Captain; William S. Moody, 3rd Lieutenant, April 1, 1862, resignation accepted on January 17, 1863; Robert B. Peebles, 2nd Lieutenant, August 5, 1862, from 1st Sergeant, promoted and transferred as Adjutant in the 35th NC Regiment, later A.A.G. in Brig. Gen. Ransom's Brigade; Alexander B. McDougald, 3rd Lieutenant, June 9, 1863, from 1st Sergeant, mortally wounded at the beginning of the Siege of Petersburg on June 17, 1864, died on July 2, 1864; Cornelius Spivey, 3rd Lieutenant, September 18, 1864, captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Five Forks; William J. Thomas, 2nd Lieutenant, November 1, 1864. Company FCleveland County, mainlyHenry F. Schenk, Captain, April 1, 1862, Major July 31, 1862, resignation accepted on August 15, 1863; Benjamin F. Grigg, Captain, August 5, 1862 (Lincoln County), from 1st Sergeant May 10, 1862, (earlier in the Bethel Regiment); Valentine J. Palmer, 1st Lieutenant May 10, 1862, captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Five Forks; John R. Williams, 2nd Lieutenant, May 10, 1862, killed at Ware Bottom Church, near Drewry's Bluff, on May 20, 1864; Alfred R. Grigg, 2nd Lieutenant, May 20, 1864, from 3rd Lieutenant, May 10, 1862, captured at Hare's Hill (aka Fort Stedman) on March 25, 1865; Anthony B. Persse, 3rd Lieutenant, July 1, 1864, from Sergeant of Company C. Company GHenderson CountyHenry E. Lane, Captain, April 12, 1862, resignation accepted on May 31, 1864; Otis P. Mills, Captain May 31, 1864, from 1st Lieutenant April 12, 1862; Benjamin D. Lane, 1st Lieutenant, June 1, 1864, from 2nd Lieutenant April 12, 1862; James M. Davis, 3rd Lieutenant, April 12, 1862, resignation accepted on September 21, 1864; Julius A. Corpening, 2nd Lieutenant, July 1, 1864, from Private and Commissary Sergeant; William F. Kimzey, 3rd Lieutenant, October 1, 1864, from Sergeant, captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Five Forks. Company HAlexander, Caswell, Orange, and other CountiesThomas C. Halyburton, Captain, June 5, 1862, appointed Assistant Commissary of Subsistence (ACS) on October 4, 1862, resignation accepted on December 5, 1862; William G. Graves, Captain, August 1, 1862, from 1st Lieutenant July 5, 1862, (earlier in the 13th NC Regiment); James D. Patterson, 2nd Lieutenant, July 5, 1862, resignation accepted on February 13, 1863; Samuel R. Holton, 1st Lieutenant, February 13, 1863, from 3rd Lieutenant July 28, 1862, (often detailed on brigade staff), from 1st Sergeant; Robert T. Faucette, 2nd Lieutenant, March 1, 1863, from 1st Sergeant and transferred with fifteen (15) men from Company D, promoted to 1st Lieutenant and transferred back to Company D on September 18, 1864; Robert W. Belo, 2nd Lieutenant, September 18, 1864, from 3rd Lieutenant March 1, 1863, from 1st Sergeant (captured and lost his right foot at the battle of Ware Bottom Church on May 13, 1864); Solon E. Burkhead, 3rd Lieutenant, September 18, 1864, from 1st Sergeant in Company D, enlisted from Randolph County. Company IRutherford CountyThis company was composed of recruits mainly from Rutherford County and enlisted in February of 1862, by 1st Lieutenant James W. Kilpatrick and Private Lawson Harrill, both then of Company D, 6th NC Volunteers, sent home for recruits. They secured 76 men and organized as Company N on April 7, 1862, at Fredericksburg, VA, by electing James W. Kilpatrick Captain, Lawson Harrill 1st Lieutenant, James H. Sweezy 2nd Lieutenant, and Henry A. L. Sweezy 3rd Lieutenant. Later the following officers were elected to fill vacancies and promoted as follows: At the battle of Seven Pines Capt. James W. Kilpatrick was killed on May 31, 1862 and Lawson Harrill promoted to Captain on June 1, 1862, James H. Sweezy to 1st Lieutenant, Henry A. L. Sweezy to 2nd Lieutenant, and Joseph M. Walker elected 3rd Lieutenant. All of Company N was transferred to the 56th NC Regiment on June 19, 1862 and was then designated as Company I, known as the Rutherford Rifles. On August 28, 1862 James H. Sweezy's, 1st Lieutenant, resignation was accepted, on account of ill health and soon afterwards he died. This caused the following promotions: Henry A. L. Sweezy to 1st Lieutenant on August 28 1862; Joseph M. Walker to 2nd Lieutenant, and Philip H. Gross was elected 3rd Lieutenant (September 22, 1862) from the ranks. At the battle at the Davis House, known as the battle of 2nd Weldon Railroad, on August 21, 1864, 1st Lieutenant Henry A. L. Sweezy was killed, and the following promotions followed: Joseph M. Walker to 1st Lieutenant, Philip H. Gross to 2nd Lieutenant, and Orderly Sergeant Lewis M. Lynch to 3rd Lieutenant. During the month of February, 1865, in latter part of the Siege of Petersburg, 3rd Lieutenant Lewis M. Lynch was killed by a sharpshooter, and Sgt. Columbus P. Tanner was elected 3rd Lieutenant, but was never granted a commission. This company was first attached to the 16th NC Regiment (State Troops) and made the thirteenth company [Company N] in that Regiment. On April 8th, this Company commenced the long march to Yorktown, a distance of 130 miles, and arrived on April 19th. On May 2nd, 1862, Yorktown was evacuated, and at Williamsburg the 16th NC Regiment was held as a reserve to support the line of battle. This was on the famous retreat of General Joseph E. Johnston during the Peninsula Campaign between the James and York rivers. At Seven Pines on May 31, 1862, this attached company, only in service about two (2) months, went into that fearful battle and fought like veterans. Capt. James W. Kilpatrick, Drummer J. G. Price, W. M. Brooks, A. K. Lynch, and H. R. Sorrels were killed, and seven (7) wounded. Soon after this battle the company was ordered to Camp Mangum, near Raleigh, NC, and was designated as Company I of the 56th NC Regiment on June 19, 1862. Total commissioned and non-commissioned officers and men of Company I were (first and last), 146; killed in battle and died from wounds, 23; wounded and sent to hospital, 24; died from diseases, 29; discharged for disability, 5; besides a large number of slight wounds not reported. Company KMecklenburg and Iredell countiesFrancis R. Alexander, Captain, July 26, 1862, mortally wounded in a night charge on June 17, 1864, at the beginning of the Siege of Petersburg, and died on June 19, 1864 (Mecklenburg); John F. McNeely, Captain, June 20, 1864, from 1st Lieutenant December 11, 1862, and 2nd Lieutenant July 2, 1862 (Iredell); James A. Wilson, 1st Lieutenant, July 2, 1862, resignation accepted on December 11, 1862 (Mecklenburg); James W. Shepherd, 1st Lieutenant, June 20, 1864, from 2nd Lieutenant December 11, 1862, from 3rd Lieutenant July 2, 1862 (Iredell), captured on March 25, 1865 at Hare's Hill (aka Fort Stedman); Charles M. Payne, 2nd Lieutenant, June 19, 1864, from 3rd Lieutenant December 20, 1862, from Sergeant (Davidson County), often detailed on Regimental Staff as Acting Adjutant, captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Five Forks; John A. Lowrance, 3rd Lieutenant, July 1, 1864, from Sergeant from Corporal (Mecklenburg), captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Five Forks. May 21, 1862, Col. H. B. Watson assumed command of the Camp of Instruction, with Capt. Alfred H. Belo as Adjutant of the Post and Battalion Drillmaster. The letter designation above given for each company showed the relative rank of its Captain; but the dates of their commissions as they now appear in Moore's Roster, are not thus accurately corroborated. July 31, 1862Organized today by the election of Field Officers. The following shows the result, with Staff and succession as far as preserved: Paul Fletcher Faison, Colonel. Had been Major 4th NC Volunteers. (Northampton) Class of 1861 at West Point. Granville Gratiot Luke, Lieutenant Colonel, from Captain of Company A. (Camden) Henry Franklin Schenk, Major, from Captain Company F, Resignation accepted on August 15, 1863. (Cleveland) John Washington Graham, Major, September 1, 1863, from Captain Company D. (Orange) Edward Joseph Hale, Jr., Adjutant, August 1, 1862; promoted to Assistant Adjutant General (A.A.G.) of Brig. Gen. James H. Lane's (NC) Brigadeon October 24, 1863. (Cumberland) John W. Faison, Adjutant, December 1, 1863. (Northampton) Captured on April 1, 1865 at the battle of Dinwiddie Court House. George B. Barnes, Assistant Quartermaster (AQM), August 1, 1862, from 2nd Lieutenant Company E. (Northampton) Thomas C. Halyburton, Assistant Commissary of Subsistence (ACS), August 1, 1862, from Captain Company H. (Iredell) James Mason Clark, Color Sergeant August 1, 1862, and Ensign September 24, 1864, from Sergeant Company D. (Orange) Columbus Alexander Thomas, Surgeon. (Warrenton) Charles H. Ladd, Surgeon. (South Carolina) Moses John DeRosset, Surgeon. (Wilmington) Cader Gregory Cox, Assistant Surgeon. (Onslow) William T. Taylor, Sergeant Major, from Private Company B, promoted to Captain Company B, February 22, 1865. (Cumberland) Joel Mable, Sergeant Major, August 8, 1862, from Private Company K. (Mecklenburg) William W. Graves, Quartermaster Sergeant, from Private in Company C. (Pasquotank) Stephen O. Mullen, Commissary Sergeant, from Corporal in Company C. (Onslow) John Irvin Elms, Ordnance Sergeant, from Private in Company K (Onslow) Bailey Buie, Hospital Steward, from Private in Company E. (Moore) William Fenoni, Drum Major, August 1, 1862. (Italy) William W. Wallace, Drum Major, from Private in Company A. (Northampton) On August 1, 1862, Col. Paul F. Faison assumed command, and on August 8th the regiment moved to Goldsborough. For the next three (3) months we were frequently on the march and counter-march in reconnoissances between Goldsborough, Warsaw, Magnolia, Beaver Dam Church, Wilmington, the seacoast, and Tarborough. Off the coast we saw the Federal blockading squadrons, which our Advance and other vessels eluded on frequent trips. On November 3rd, we marched through Tarborough to meet our forces retreating from Williamston, and all went into camp near Cross Roads Church. The 26th NC Regiment was sent out on reconnoissance. On November 4th, Governor Zebulon B. Vance, who had been elected Governor from the position of Colonel of the 26th NC Regiment, arrived with Brig. Gen. James G. Martin, Adjutant General of North Carolina. Gov. Vance's reception by his old command was something unique. As the enemy were not in speaking distance, so fine a disciplinarian as their model commander, Col. Henry K. Burgwyn, had to waive ceremony for the time being. The sincerity of their congratulations was attested by utterly ignoring the dignity hedging about his new position, and recalling the camp-fire scenes where the jovial spirit by his wit and humor had always found a silver lining to the darkest cloud, and led them to look upon any sacrifice that might be offered in the name of "the good Old North State," as a privilege. CHECKING FOSTER'S RAID. On November 5th, Brig. Gen. James G. Martin's (NC) command, consisting of the 17th, 26th, 42nd, 56th, and 61st NC Regiments, Walker's squadron of cavalry and two or three (2-3) batteries of artillery, set out for Hamilton [Martin County]. Within six (6) miles of that place the enemy was reported between us and Tarborough. Counter-marched to within three (3) miles of Cross Roads Church. Just at nightfall, Capt. William H. Crawford's company [2nd Company B] of the 42nd NC Regiment encountered the enemy's cavalry, losing none, and the enemy, according to prisoners captured on November 6th, suffering a loss of sixteen (16) killed and wounded. Six (6) of their dead were left on the field. Slept in line of battle expecting a general attack at daybreak. On November 6th, the enemy retreated, and we pursued through a drenching rain; bivouacked in six (6) miles of the terminus of the Wilmington & Weldon Railroad from Tarborough. On November 7th, it snowed through the day and into the night; marched to the railroad terminus. At this point Brig. Gen. Martin organized three (3) brigades of the six (6) regiments, the 44th NC Regiment having joined us on November 5th; our Col. Paul F. Faison commanding a brigade composed of the 17th NC Regiment, under Lt. Col. John C. Lamb, and the 56th NC Regiment under Lt. Col. Granville G. Luke. The 47th NC Regiment, Col. Sion H. Rogers, came in on November 9th. On November 11th, Col. Faison's Brigade reached Hamilton. It is evident now that the campaign is ended, and the enemy frightened from his attempt on Tarborough, has returned to Washington, NC. Their raid was under command of Maj. Gen. John G. Foster, late a superintendent of the United States Military Academy at West Point while Col. Faison was a cadet there. The utterly wanton destruction of household and other private property left in their trail has not inspired their pursuers with any respect for their soldierly qualities. It is estimated that they have carried off 3,000 laborers (slaves) from Martin and adjoining countiesa more legitimate prize, as without such wasting of the sinews of war, the struggle may be prolonged indefinitely. SERVICE ON THE BLACKWATER. On November 15th, the 56th NC Regiment takes up line of march for Franklin, VA, and crosses the Roanoke River at Hill's Ferry, a mile from Palmyra [Halifax County]. On November 16th, through Bertie County by Woodville, bivouacked in a mile of Rockville, making nineteen (19) miles. On November 17th, we reached Murfreesborough [Hertford County], about twenty-two (22) miles. On November 18th, we marched through the town; reception and escort by Colonel Wheeler's Cavalry. Reached Monroe, VA, a ferry on the Nottoway River, eighteen (18) miles. On November 19th, we crossed the Nottoway River, passed through Franklin, six (6) miles beyond, and went into camp. Line of defense includes this point with old South Quay and Cherry Grove. Heavy entrenchments thrown up along this linea week's work. Brig. Gen. Roger A. Pryor (VA), with a portion of Brig. Gen. James J. Pettigrew's (NC) Brigade, is in command at Franklin, Brig. Gen. Pettigrew's headquarters being at Petersburg. On December 8th, a detachment of the 56th NC Regiment, with another from the 42nd NC Regiment, have rebuilt the bridge over the Blackwater River at Joyner's Store. A gunboat on the river was fired into by a portion of Company I, under 1st Lt. Henry A.L. Sweezy. On December 9th, our detachments returned from Joyner's Store, bivouacked near the 52nd NC Regiment, who had been with us at Wilmington last Summer. On December 10th, we rejoined the regiment in camp, expecting an advance of the enemy by morning. 1st Lt. Matthew W. Fatherly, of Company C, had fired into a patrol gunboat at the junction of Nottoway and Blackwater rivers. On December 11th, Col. Paul F. Faison, with six (6) companies, reported to Brig. Gen. Roger A. Pryor (VA) at Franklin, leaving the other four (4) companies with Lt. Col. Granville G. Luke at New South Quay. Brig. Gen. Pryor made a foraging expedition across the river through Carrsville and Windsor, returning on December 28th without loss, and having taken one prisoner. While on the Blackwater River we were thrown with the 11th NC Regiment, now under Col. Collett Leventhorpe, who had been a Captain in the British Army. To this regiment the 56th NC Regiment would concede the palm for superiority in the manual of arms, while for excellence in tactics, military bearing and discipline, it yielded to none. Col. Faison was fresh from West Point, and the officers had chosen him with a full appreciation of the importance of these essentials. Of our service along the Blackwater River the writer heard Brig. Gen. Pryor say: "Colonel Faison was always on time with his regiment." The regiment was also fortunate in the assignment of its Quartermaster, Commissary and Surgeons, Capt. George B. Barnes and Capt. Thomas C. Halyburton being efficient men of affairs, while Drs. Columbus A. Thomas, Charles H. Ladd, Moses J. DeRosset, and Cader G. Cox stood high in their profession. Dr. DeRosset had taken a foreign course, and was an accomplished French and German scholar. EASTERN NORTH CAROLINA. On January 4, 1863, off with Brig. Gen. James J. Pettigrew's (NC) Brigade for Rocky Mount, NC, reaching that point about dark. On January 17th, we were on to Goldsborough, and camped within a short distance of Brig. Gen. John R. Cooke's (NC) Brigade, Brig. Gen. Junius Daniel's (NC) being on the other side of the town. An advance of the enemy is anticipated from the coast. On January 20th, went into bivouac near Brig. Gen. Pettigrew's Brigade, two (2) miles east of Magnolia Station [Duplin County]. On January 21st, we bivouacked near the academy east of Kenansville, and reported to Brig. Gen. Robert Ransom, and thus became a part of that brigade. On February 22nd, off for Wilmington, and at Camp Lamb until February 24th, when we marched out to Old Topsail Sound. On March 9th, Brig. Gen. Ransom followed with the 25th, 35th, and 49th NC Regiments. On March 28th, Capt. John W. Graham, Company D, detailed to relieve Adjutant Edward J. Hale as Judge Advocate, since early in January, of court-martial, sitting in Wilmington. 2nd Lt. Robert D. Graham has been Acting Adjutant in the absence of Adjutant Hale. Brigade remaining here about ten (10) days, and passing through Goldsborough, where a short halt was made, reached Kinston on April 1st. On April 17th, we marched out of camp, east of the premises of George Washington, and proceeding across the river, expected to go down the Dover Road some eighteen (18) miles to reinforce the 59th NC Regiment, which had engaged the enemy at Sandy Ridge. Learning of their withdrawal, we bivouacked on the south side of the river. On April 19th, we marched to Wyse's Fork, and offered battle; but the enemy withdrew, and we returned to camp at Kinston. On April 24th, the 56th NC Regiment is on picket duty east of Wyse's Fork, below Kinston. Companies H and K, under Capt. Francis R. Alexander [K], hold the Neuse River Road; Companies E, G and I, under Capt. Lawson Harrill [I], the Dover Road at Gum Swamp, while Companies A, B, D and F, under Maj. Henry F. Schenk, were posted on the Upper Trent Road at Noble's Farm. Company A was held in reserve. FIRST GUM SWAMP. On April 28th, the enemy driving in the picket line, attacked Companies E, G, and I about 3 p.m. Their line shows four (4) flags, indicating as many regiments, say 1,600 men, in the front line, while our total is 180 men, with earthworks proving rather a death-trap than a defense. The slight elevation of the railroad embankment, four or five (4-5) feet, as it emerges eastward from the swamp, had been utilized to face the enemy advancing on our left flank. This faced north, while a breastwork of equal length, say 150 yards, facing east, starting at a right angle from this improvised line, extended around southward and then westward into the same swamp. Thus the enemy, advancing to the crest of the elevated ground on the south, overlooking the railroad embankment, could count our men aligned along it. In this unequal contest the detachment of three (3) companies under Capt. Lawson Harrill [Company I] held their position for two (2) hours, when they were joined by the Colonel, who, after continuing the fight stubbornly on this and the second line occupied on the west side of the swamp, over three (3) hours, at the approach of night, finding the enemy in sufficient numbers to surround his men, withdrew them. Citizens in their rear report the enemy's loss at 10 killed and 18 wounded. Our loss was one officer and three (3) men killed. This officer is 1st Lt. Jarvis B. Lutterloh [mortally wounded, died the next day], of Fayetteville, commanding Company E. His genial spirit and gallant behavior had made him a favorite throughout the regiment. The men killed were Private Neill T. McNeill, of Moore County; Private Washington M. Vickers, of Orange County, and Private Miles M. Nelson, of Henderson County. A courier from Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Hill (NC) about sundown reached the four (4) companies at the upper Trent River crossing to warn them that they were now cut off, when Maj. Henry F. Schenck drew in his pickets, and avoiding the column by a circuitous march, had all at Wyse's Forks within the lines about sunrise. This was the Major's last field service. He had long fought against failing health, but was now completely broken down and was at once sent to the hospital, from which he was eventually retired by the board of examining surgeons, with the respect and sympathy of his many friends. On May 16th, Brig. Gen. John R. Cooke's North Carolina Brigade has come to Kinston from the vicinity of Charleston, SC. On May 17th, the 56th NC Regiment relieves a regiment of Brig. Gen. Junius Daniel's North Carolina Brigade on outpost duty at Gum Swamp, which is eight (8) miles below Kinston, on the Dover Road. The line of defense has been improved by Col. Henry M. Rutledge with his 25th NC Regiment of Brig. Gen. Robert Ransom's (NC) Brigade. The breastwork, already noted, extending out of the east side of the swamp at a point on the south (right), and continuing around to the north to the fatal railroad embankment (here running back through the swamp at a right angle), is now carried across it, extending the arc of the circle northwest until it enters the swamp again. The railroad embankment thus becomes a traverse, while others are added against the enfilade from the east and south. The country road from New Bern to Kinston here winding like the letter S crosses the Atlantic & North Carolina Railroad three (3) times, and thus with it completes a dollar mark ($) within two (2) miles behind us. A redoubt with one gun commands the first crossing immediately in our rear. May 21st. Scouts late this afternoon report an advance of the enemy from New Bern, four (4) companies of cavalry having crossed Core Creek. SECOND GUM SWAMP. May 22nd. While the regiment is in line of battle, seven (7) companies occupying the circular earthworks, with the other three (3) posted at gaps in the swamp occurring on the right flank, Company I occupying the extreme point a mile to the south, our pickets are driven in at daylight. 2nd Lt. Robert D. Graham soon thereafter calls the attention of the Colonel to an order plainly heard on the left, "Throw out your skirmishers," and is sent out with six (6) men to reconnoiter. Finds the enemy advancing a strong line of skirmishers, with a line of battle behind them, opens the battle by getting the first fire, and returns to report their position. The left wing, ready and waiting for them as they rush forward to the assault, receives them with a steady fire, and they take shelter in a screen of dense woods separated from us by an open space of 100 yards in width. The fire here is maintained briskly for some time, and then their next regiment advances against the right wing of our seven (7) companies, where the reception is equally effective, again silencing their fire. These demonstrations after a considerable interval are renewed with the same result, and the third time all is silent. At this point Col. Paul F. Faison expressed to the writer a determination to charge them, and sent him around their right flank with twenty (20) men to locate them. It was soon evident why they had not up to this time, about 10:30 a.m., used against our front their third regiment of infantry supporting the first two (2), nor the three (3) pieces of artillery held under cover near the Dover Road and supported by the four (4) companies of cavalry, of which we heard the evening before, constituting the brigade here assembled. Another force, whose strength we must learn by feeling it, is now rapidly closing in on the Dover Road directly in rear of our right flank. They have not pierced any point in the line committed to the 56th NC Regiment; but however there, they have gained the rear of the redoubt, and can soon rake the road through the swamp with our own gun. The Colonel is amazed that there is no attack upon them by the always reliable regiment that had been posted at the next crossing as our reserve. They soon develop a considerable force, taking the redoubt in the rear, and a hasty retreat along the railroad before they can gain it, now offers the only escape from capture by the two (2) brigades between which the battalion is being wedged in. Col. Faison accordingly withdrew it, and keeping up a running fire, saved the greater portion of his command before the enemy got possession of the railroad. The enemy had rushed in between 2nd Lt. Robert D. Graham's reconnoitering party and the retiring battalion, but by a circuitous route through the swamp, he joined the rear companies as they were successfully replying to an attack from the swamp upon the left flank of the column. The defense was here vigorously maintained for some time, Lt. Col. Granville G. Luke shouting: "Give it to them boys; it will be all right tomorrow." But the left flank and rear of our new line of battle are now open to the advancing brigade that we have fought throughout the morning on the east side of the swamp, while our right flank and its rear are commanded by the other brigade, which after gaining the crossing that was occupied by our reserve regiment when the battle opened, is rushing in from that point on the west to join the line coming over the railroad embankment from the south, and thus completing the circle around us. The battle is evidently over, and we must save as many men as we can through the swamp in our rear north of the railroad. Plunging into the dense tall growth of reeds, we were met by demands to surrender. The alternative seemed to be capture or to receive a volley of musketry at close quarters. But the cover of the reeds was complete at a short distance. Taking advantage of this and playing men as pawns, the writer sent the smaller number between himself and the enemy directly into their hands. Without waiting to see this maneuver completed, he faced about and set the column in motion in another direction. The enemy realized only about 20 percent of the prize that was within their grasp at this point; for 150 men were thus rescued with the assistance of 3rd Lt. Charles M. Payne, of Company K, since an able Presbyterian Doctor of Divinity, recently deceased. Adjutant Edward J. Hale, Jr., who had acted with coolness and gallantry throughout the whole engagement, was near this point of the rear guard and brought out a good number. If there was any officer of the regiment who failed to measure up to his duty in either of the two (2) battles at this outpost, we never discovered it. A court of inquiry acquitted our Colonel commanding. Of this result none of his comrades had entertained the least doubt. Major Edward J. Hale has recently written me: "I notice that Professor D. H. Hill, in 'Confederate Military History,' Vol. IV, page 155, says that the Fifty-sixth and Twenty-fifth Regiments were surprised at Gum Swamp 22 May, 1863. This is not true of the Fifty-sixth, whatever may be true of any others. We had been engaged for some hours at intervals with the enemy in our front, which we had completely protected and defended by repulsing his three several attacks. No part of the line defended by or belonging to the Fifty-sixth was punctured. "After the third repulse of the enemy an order was given to withdraw the regiment to the Kinston side of Gum Swamp, as the enemy had crossed it some miles south of us. I was shot while directing this movement, but paid no attention to the matter until next day. Shortly after we had gotten most of the men across the country road, I remember that you and I were chatting beside the railroad about the want of orders. We saw the Twenty-fifth in line a few hundred yards to the rear (west). Word was started to them that with a change of front to the south, we would join them in attacking this new force of the enemy which was then coming up from that direction. But suddenly the Twenty-fifth was marched away towards Kinston. Our support being thus withdrawn, we then had nothing to do but to save as many as possible from capture." Capt. Wiliam G. Graves now writes: "I have never felt any scruples about this fight, as no blame could be placed upon the men or regimental officers." Brig. Gen. Robert Ransom (NC), just returned from sick leave, barely escaped capture as he was coming to the outpost and had only passed to the front of the reserve, when he was met by a volley from the enemy at that instant emerging from the swamp to attack the rear of the redoubt and of our right flank. Two (2) regiments of the enemy had gained this position, led by a native guide in a circuitous, all night march of fourteen (14) miles in single file through a marsh that they found well nigh impassable. They thus avoided by several miles the line committed to the 56th NC Regiment, and came upon the field from the southwest. Col. Paul F. Faison was just then quiet for the want of something to shoot at; and was ready to make a counter-charge at the most favorable point; but it seems that his silence was mistaken in the rear for a surrender. This misunderstanding and the consequent withdrawal of the 25th NC Regiment at the very instant when it should have charged and united with us to crush their rear attack, was the mistake of the day. But from such mistakes even Napoleon was not free. Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Hill (NC), reaching the outpost with Brig. Gen. Robert Ransom's (NC) and Brig. Gen. John R. Cooke's (NC) Brigades about 5 p.m., pushed the enemy back within his fortifications at New Bern, a shell there killing Col. J. R. Jones, of the 58th PA Regiment, who had commanded the two brigades in the attack on the 56th NC Regiment [not accurateCol. Jones was killed the next day at Batchelder's Creek]. The brigade in our front was immediately under Colonel Pierson, of one of the four (4) Massachusetts regiments, while Colonel Jones accompanied the column that penetrated the swamp. He was a brave, energetic officer, and doubtless would have been appointed a general for this affair which he reported that afternoon as "partially successful." He therein says that "the enemy was able to defend himself sometime under cover of a swamp, and when finally broken, his men mostly escaped," and that he "almost took General Ransom himself, who was accidentally at the post." Our loss was three (3) Lieutenants and 146 men captured, 1st Lt. David S. Ray, of Company D, dying of his wounds next day in New Bern. He was a gallant and meritorious officer, who had the confidence and affection of the company, of which he was in command. Capt. John W. Graham being on detail as Judge Advocate of the Court-Martial at Wilmington. 2nd Lt. Robert D. Graham was promoted to 1st Lieutenant, and 1st Sergeant William Turner was promoted to 2nd Lieutenant. Query: How did it happen, when it was known at the outpost on the afternoon of May 21st, and presumably at headquarters early in the evening, that a column was advancing from New Bern on the same road by which the four (4) regiments had attacked this outpost within the last four (4) weeks, and this column was morally certain to reach it next morning, that an effective force of three (3) brigades at Kinston, only eight (8) miles distant and ample to give the enemy a complete surprise by striking the first blow, or at least simultaneously with their assault upon our single regiment and possibly cutting off their line of retreat, if strategically disposed during the night, did not start towards the scene of action until the next afternoon, after the incident was closed? No explanation is found in the official records or other source of information. May 28th. The brigade is off for Virginia via Goldsborough and Weldon, reaching Petersburg by train in the night. May 29th, on to Richmond, and bivouacked at Camp Lee (State Fair Grounds). June 2nd. Right-about to Petersburg again, and next day proceeded to Ivor, on the Norfolk & Petersburg Railroad. June 13th. Brig. Gen. Robert Ransom has been promoted to Major General [commissioned on May 26, 1863]; Col. Matthew W. Ransom to Brigadier General today. Back in Petersburg and march over to Drewry's Bluff on the James River, halfway between Petersburg and Richmond. The appearance of troops in permanent quarters, on garrison duty, is here a novel sight to our command, so constantly in motion. June 17th. Back to Petersburg, and June 21st to Halfway Station, towards Richmond. Occupied former cabins of Brig. Gen. Junius Daniel's North Carolina Brigade. During this month all the enlisted men captured at Gum Swamp, have been exchanged and returned to duty. June 26th. Night march to Seven Pines. June 29th. Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's (NC) Brigade is engaged in dismantling breastworks constructed here by the enemy under Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan a year ago. Major Generals Arnold Elzy (VA), Robert Ransom (NC), and Daniel H. Hill (NC) have recently been successively in command at Richmond. Both Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's and Brig. Gen. John R. Cooke's Brigades had been ordered up to participate in the counter-invasion to the north, but at the solicitation of these post commanders were retained for protection of the capital. General Robert E. Lee's letter on the subject says: "I have always considered Cooke's and Ransom's Brigades as part of the Army of Northern Virginia." BATTLE AT CRUMP'S FARM [aka BOTTOM'S BRIDGE]. Ours was now a duty of observation and reconnoissance to meet any demonstration of the enemy from the seacoast. Thus an opportunity was given to participate in one of the most brilliant campaigns of the warsharp, quick and decisive. The enemy watching our capital could learn approximately the strength of the small force, protecting it. Accordingly Federal Maj. Gen. John A. Dix and Maj. Gen. Erasmus D. Keyes, advancing cautiously by the way of the White House, apparently had a walk-over. July 2nd. Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Hill (NC), without waiting for them to approach nearer to his fortified line of defense, which he had not enough troops to adequately man, moved out rapidly upon them with Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's North Carolina, Brig. Gen. John R. Cooke's North Carolina, and Brig. Gen. Albert G. Jenkins' South Carolina Brigades, Branch's Virginia Battery of Artillery and three others-a total of sixteen (16) gunsand a squadron of cavalry. He met them at Crump's Farm, near Bottom's Bridge, between sunset and dark, and immediately opened such a vigorous assault that the enemy were compelled to assume the defensive, and night found them in full retreat, doubtless believing that those three (3) brigades must have been immensely reinforced since their last reports had come in. Brig. Gen. Ransom's Brigade sustained the only loss on our side, one man killed and two (2) wounded. Six or seven (6-7) prisoners taken admitted a loss of thirty (30) on their side. July 11th. To Petersburg again, and camped on Dunn's Farm. RAID AGAINST WELDON BRIDGE CHECKED. July 28th. A part of the 49th NC Regiment and three (3) companies of the 24th NC Regiment and a battery of Georgia Artillery, met Spear's Regiment of New York Cavalry and Dodge's Mounted Riflemen and several pieces of artillery at Boon's Mill, ten (10) miles south of Weldon and two (2) miles from Jackson, NC. The 56th NC Regiment arrived that evening, but the enemy had withdrawn. Disposition was made for attack that night; but they did not return. The 49th NC Regiment lost one man killed, and in the 24th NC Regiment three (3) were wounded. The enemy buried 11 of their dead on the field. August 1st. Back to Garysburg, and camped near Mr. Moody's. August 12th. To Halifax Court House, and August 13th took boat for Hamilton. Down the Roanoke River seventy-three (73) miles, arriving in the afternoon. August 14th. Company D, under 1st Lt. Robert D. Graham, detached to Poplar Point, and threw up breastworks covering the river landing. August 16th. Returned through Palmyra and Halifax to Garysburg. September 1st. Capt. John W. Graham of Company D, on retirement of Maj. Henry F. Schenk, is promoted to Major, 1st Lt. Robert D. Graham to Captain, and Sergeant Joseph B. Coggin to 1st Lieutenant. For the succeeding four (4) months, eight (8) companies of this regiment and the 21st NC Regiment were posted in the West to meet any incursions from East Tennessee, and to break up the refuge found there by deserters and lawless characters from the several States, and to see that the Conscription Act was fairly enforced. The effort was to gain friends, and make no new enemies for the State in her desperate struggle, and thus keep the people united in domestic tranquility. The moral effect of this movement was salutary, whether now viewed from a Confederate or Federal standpoint, and it is beyond doubt that it was so regarded by Federal Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant when the war was over, and the proscription naturally following it was at fever heat. Two companies, H and E, under Capt. William G. Graves [Company H], were protecting the building of the Confederate ram Albemarle on the Roanoke River near Halifax, at Edwards' Ferry. October 24th. Adjutant Edward J. Hale, Jr., is promoted to Assistant Adjutant General and assigned to Brig. Gen. James H. Lane's (NC) Brigade. As his modesty naturally forbade the incorporation of his military record in his history of the Bethel Regiment [1st NC Volunteers], and as he contributed so largely to the efiiciency of the 56th NC Regiment, it will be a pleasure to every survivor of the latter to have an outline of so brilliant a career here preserved for the honor of the State that we all love so well. Private in Bethel Regiment April 17 to November 13, 1861; 2nd Lieutenant December 2, 1861, and Adjutant 56th NC Regiment August 1, 1862, to October 24, 1863; Judge Advocate Court-Martial at Wilmington January to March, 1863. Designated by General Robert E. Lee to convey to Federal Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant assent and permit to remove his dead and wounded lost at Cold Harbor on June 2, 1864, Lt. Gen. Grant reluctantly thus acknowledging a defeat. Assigned as Assistant Adjutant General to Brig. Gen. William B. Taliaferro's (VA) Division, Army Northern Virginia, but re-assigned to Brig. Gen. James H. Lane's (NC) Brigade on petition of its officers, in consequence of Brig. Gen. Lane being absent, wounded. For ''conspicuous gallantry and merit" recommended by Brig. Gen. James H. Lane (NC), Maj. Gen. Cadmus M. Wilcox (NC) and Lt. Gen. A. P. Hill (VA) for Colonel of the 28th NC Regiment on request of all its officers then present, September 26, 1864; but the Act of the CSA Congress was found to provide only for the regular line officers. In March of 1865, he was commissioned Major and Assistant Adjutant General; wounded at 2nd Gum Swamp and at the Wilderness, and was in the surrender at Appomattox. At the crisis in the battle of Fussell's Mills, August 16, 1864, (commanding the Darbytown Road in front of Richmond), Brig. Gen. James H. Lane's (NC) Brigade was put in under the eye of General Robert E. Lee to recapture the lost line. Col. William M. Barbour [37th NC Regiment] commanding, was wounded and the charge arrested, but the Adjutant General assumed command and pushed forward to a speedy victory. In the presence of the troops he was thanked by the chief engineer, Brig. Gen. Walter H. Stevens (VA). For the latter's consideration he then recommended that the line of defense be here so changed as to give full effect to the modern long-range small arms, commanding approaches over wide plains, therefore to be preferred instead of precipices. This was then a new departure in fortifications, but was promptly adopted and superintendence of the work given to Maj. Hale, so that when the next morning dawned the enemy found four (4) miles of such defenses awaiting their assault, and withdrew. It was effectually adopted by the Turks at Plevna, while much later the British lost Majuba Hill by adhering to the antiquated system. In the North Carolina victory at 2nd Reams Station, August 25, 1864, he had a similar experience. Brig. Gen. James Conner (VA) was disabled and Col. William H.A. Speer [28th NC Regiment] mortally wounded just as Brig. Gen. James H. Lane's (NC) Brigade started forward. He assumed command, and they were among the first over the line. Losing only by a legal technicality the promotion to Colonel in the line, as above mentioned, the extraordinary commission of Major and Assistant Adjutant General of Brigade was given him as some measure of compensation. He was succeeded as Adjutant by John W. Faison. FIRST EXPEDITION AGAINST NEW BERN. In January of 1864, an expedition was organized for the recapture of New Bern, under Maj. Gen. George E. Pickett (VA). January 28th. Reached Goldsborough, the 56th NC Regiment reported to Brig. Gen. Montgomery D. Corse, commanding a Virginia Brigade. At night Brig. Gen. Seth M. Barton (AR), commanding his own brigade and the other four (4) regiments under Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom (NC), marched out on the Neuse River Road for New Bern. January 31st. Column consisting of Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's North Carolina, Brig. Gen. Thomas L. Clingman's North Carolina, and Brig. Gen. Montgomery D. Corse's Virginia Brigade (temporarily including the 56th NC Regiment), took the Dover Road, passed through Gum Swamp, whence we marched down the railroad track some six (6) miles, turning into the country road again at Sandy Ridge, the scene of a fight between the 49th NC Regiment and the enemy last year, and went into bivouac about eight (8) miles beyond, making twenty-three (23) miles that day. Skirmishers out that night from Brig. Gen. Corse's Brigade under Maj. John W. Graham, of the 56th NC Regiment. February 1st. Set out at 2 a.m. and captured the outpost at Bachelor's Creek. Here Col. Henry M., Shaw, 8th NC Regiment, was killed at the opening of the engagement. A portion of Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's (NC) men, with Companies B and I, of the 56th NC Regiment, were actively engaged. Our total loss was eight (8) killed and fifty (50) wounded. We captured 250 prisoners with the blockhouse. The railroad crosses the creek at this point, and the 56th NC Regiment made a race to strike the track in the rear of the train carrying the residue of the enemy to New Bern. They escaped. The fort was destroyed and a large quantity of Quartermaster and Commissary stores secured. Our part being thus accomplished, we listened in vain for Brig. Gen. Seth M. Barton's (AR) guns as a signal for our further advance. At night Capt. Robert D. Graham, with 100 men from Companies D and K, of the 56th NC Regiment, with two (2) pieces of artillery, was posted by Brig. Gen. Montgomery D. Corse (VA) on the Washington Road as a force of observation against a garrison cut off in the fort at the crossing of Bachelor's Creek. At daylight Colonel Chew came out with the 29th and 30th VA Regiments and with Capt. Graham's detachment moved upon the garrison. The 30th VA Regiment and the artillery was moved around to the right of the road, while the rest of the force took position on the left. A demand was then made for surrender; and the enemy finding himself within point-blank range of the artillery in his rear, to which he could not reply, without bringing his own outside the fort, capitulated. Our spoils were a section of artillery with caisson, and 100 stand of small arms, with a supply of ammunition. The prisoners, 120 men and four (4) officers. Captain Cowdy commanding. Meanwhile the enemy had advanced from New Bern upon Brig. Gen. Hoke, and been repulsed. Brig. Gen. James G. Martin (NC), on the Wilmington Road, had carried everything before him up to the reserve works. Every assault had been successful, and Brig. Gen. Seth M. Barton (AR) could readily have found men to take the task assigned him. But as he reported it impracticable, the whole expedition was finally abandoned, when it seemed the general opinion that a determined assault would have been crowned with success. I leave the above recital, as most of this sketch, just as written during the war. On consulting U.S. Official Records, I now find that I have expressed the opinion of both Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC) and Maj. Gen. George E. Pickett (VA). But it therein also appears that Brig. Gen. Seth M. Barton (AR) in his official report, says that before abandoning his attempt to cross Brice's Creek, he made, together with the two (2) brigade commanders under him, a personal reconnoissance. He requested a court of inquiry, and this request was recommended accordingly to Adjutant General Samuel Cooper by General Robert E. Lee. February 5th. Rejoined our own brigade under Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom (NC) at Kinston, and on February 7th, we reached Weldon on train via Goldsborough. February 8th. Ordered to Richmond, but countermanded just as the train is about to pull out. In camp again near the Moody house. Daily exercises in company and battalion drill, each Captain successively acting as regimental commander. EXPEDITION TO SOUTH MILLS. February 26th. Off for Franklin, VA, on the Blackwater River, crossed at Old South Quay, and marched to South Mills, Camden County, NC. From this point commissary stores are gathered; and a detachment of the enemy appearing, is chased down the Dismal Swamp canal by Colonel Dearing with his battalion of cavalry to within twelve (12) miles of Norfolk. Captured a 1st Lieutenant, a Surgeon and half a dozen privates. The object accomplished, the wagon trains under our protection having been loaded and started back, the return commences on the night of March 4th, and at the two (2) creeks first to be crossed, Capt. Robert D. Graham's company of the 56th NC Regiment, as rear guard, had prepared bright fires that there should be no delay in crossing. The enemy were reported to have ascended the Chowan River, and were expected to pay us some attention before we were back across the Blackwater River with our long train of wagons loaded with provisions. Halted at Sandy Cross, twenty (20) miles from South Mills, for two (2) days. No appearance of the enemy. RECAPTURE SUFFOLK. March 7th. Proceeded to within eight (8) miles of Old South Quay and learned that the enemy had again occupied Suffolk. March 9th. Passed through Somerton at 10 a.m., and at a church within three (3) miles of Suffolk, routed a cavalry outpost and pressed on to the railroad. Here the enemy's cavalry formed to charge the 24th NC Regiment; but a few well-directed shots put them to flight. Capt. Cicero A. Durham, promoted to Assistant Quartermaster for gallantry in the line and known as the Fighting Quartermaster of the 49th NC Regiment, gathered a squad of a dozen mounted men among the teamsters, and charged them in turn. Seeing the paucity of his numbers, they made a stand, but were attacked with such vigor that they resumed their flight before the infantry could get within range. The 56th NC Regiment was second in the column, led by Lt. Col. Granville G. Luke, and complimented on the good order sustained on a double-quick pursuit of three (3) miles. The only escape for the cavalry was by completing a semi-circle outside the earthworks, defending the town, before we could run through on the street and road forming the chord to the arc. With their spurs and the aid of the shells from our artillery, they beat the race. We had no cavalry and did not lose a man, but Federal Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, like Job's warhorse, "smelleth the battle afar off," and pens to the Secretary of War the following bulletin as it appears in Official War Records: Fort Monroe, 12 March, 1864. No. 1. Cole's Cavalry, Second United States, had a skirmish the day before yesterday with the enemy near Suffolk, Va. While making a rcconnoissance, they came upon Ransom's Brigade, consisting of four regiments of infantry, four pieces of artillery and 300 cavalry. The enemy made a charge upon two squadrons of Cole's, and were handsomely repulsed with a loss of about sixty. The charge brought the colored soldiers into a hand-to-hand fight with the rebels, and the enthusiastic testimony of their officers is that that they behaved with the utmost courage, coolness and daring. I am perfectly satisfied with my negro cavalry. Benj. F. Butler, Major-General. Hon. E. M. Stanton. We pursued them to Bernard's Mills, capturing the camp of the white troops and returned with one piece of artillery and considerable stores. Three (3) negro soldiers took refuge in a house in town and refusing to surrender, perished in its flames. Another, rushing out with his gun and fighting to the last, was shot. March 11th, returned to Franklin via Carrsville. March 12th, off by rail to Weldon, and in camp near Mr. Moody's at Grarysburg, and on March 17th, muster and inspection for January and February, 1864, by Colo. Paul F. Faison. THE PLYMOUTH CAMPAIGN. April 14th. The 24th, 25th, and 56th NC Regiment, under Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom (NC), set out by rail and reported to Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC) at Tarborough. The 49th NC Regiment was on outpost duty near Edenton, and its place was now supplied by the 8th NC Regiment, from Brig. Gen. Thomas L. Clingman's (NC) Brigade. April 15th. The column, consisting of Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's (NC) Brigade under Col. John T. Mercer of the 21st GA Regiment, which was then with it; Brig. Gen. James L. Kemper's (VA) Brigade, under Col. William R. Terry, and Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's (NC) Brigade with Pegram's Battery, under Brig. Gen. Ransom, and Stribblings', Graham's Virginia, Miller's, Moseley's, and Read's batteries of artillery belonging to Col. James Dearing's command, and Dearing's Battalion of cavalry, took up the line of march against Plymouth, NC. At Hamilton we were joined by the 35th NC Regiment. Passing through Williamston and Jamesville, we reached the vicinity Sunday, April l7th, a little before nightfall. Immediately a strong line of skirmishers, including Company I, of the 56th NC Regiment, was thrown out from Brig. Gen. Ransom's Brigade, under Maj. John W. Graham, and pushed forward nearly to the entrenchments. A picket post of eleven (11) men was surprised, nine (9) captured, one killed and one escaped. A reconnoissance in force was made in front of Fort Gray, on Warren's Neck, between the mouths of two (2) creeks emptying into the Roanoke River, two (2) miles west of Plymouth, and Col. Dearing's artillery crippled one of the gunboats so that it sank on reaching the wharf. A redoubt was immediately begun on the Jamesville Road leading south for our 32-pound Parrott gun. The ironclad C.S.S. Albemarle, Cdr. James W. Cooke, was expected during the night. Fort Gray's armament was one 100-pounder and two 32-pounders. April 18th. The C.S.S. Albemarle, for some reason, was making slow progress down the Roanoke River, and the day passed without a sign of it. Shelling at intervals was kept up, the 56th NC Regiment suffering but one casualty, the wounding of a man in Company H. During the night Col. Faison, with 250 men, had completed the earthwork near the Washington and Jamesville Road from which to bombard the fort at Sanderson's. At sundown a demonstration on both sides of Lee's Mill, Bath Road, was made against the enemy's south front by the artillery and Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's (NC) Brigade. Our assaulting column was formed with the left resting on Frank Fagan's house on the Jamesville Road, a mile and a quarter south of town, and two (2) regiments, the 24th and 8th NC Regiment, beyond the Lee Mill Road at Redd Gap. The 56th NC Regiment was next on the left, and then the 35th NC Regiment, while the 25th NC Regiment connected us with Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's (NC) right. The batteries following on the heels of a battalion of sharpshooters composed of Companies B, I, E, and A, of the 56th NC Regiment, under their worthy CaptainsFranklin N. Roberts, Lawson Harrill, Joseph G. Lockhart, and Noah H. Hughes, led by Capt. John C. Pegram, Assistant Adjutant General, driving the enemy over their breastworks, advanced steadily from position to position, firing with the utmost rapidity, while the rest of the brigade in the line of battle kept pace with them. Brig. Gen. Ransom was conspicuous on the field, keeping his mount throughout the engagement. This was kept up till 10 p.m., the enemy replying with great spirit from his forts and gunboats, carrying twenty (20) pieces. The object was as far as possible to draw the enemy's fire in this direction, while Brig. Gen. Hoke's Brigade assaulted in earnest the "85th Redoubt" at the Sanderson House, some distance to our left. The fort was carried after a very stubborn resistance and the death of its commander, Captain Chapin. Among our killed we mourn the loss of the brigade commander, the gallant Col. John T. Mercer, of the 21st GA Regiment. 3rd Lt. Charles R. Wilson, of Company D, and 14 men of the 56th NC Regiment were wounded at our end. Col. Mercer was a West Point classmate of Maj. Gen. J. E. B. Stuart (VA), Lt. Gen. John B. Hood (TX), Brig. Gen. George Washington Custis Lee (VA), and Maj. Gen. William D. Pender (NC). He is buried at Tarborough beside his last named comrade. April 19th. Towards day Col. William J. Clarke, with his own, the 24th NC Regiment, and the 56th NC Regiment, was posted below the town on the Columbia Road, to prevent escape in that direction. But the enemy was still confident in the strength of his fortifications, even after the loss of the "85th Redoubt" and the arrival of our ram, Albemarle, the same night passing the big guns at Warren's Neck unharmed. It sank one of their gunboats, the Southfield, and chased off the other two (2), the naval commander, Flusser, being killed on the deck of the Miami. The enemy still held a continuous, thoroughly fortified line, well constructed, from a point on the river, near Warren's Neck, along their west and south fronts, and terminating on the east in a swamp, bordering which a deep creek, known as Conaby, a mile or two further east, runs into the Roanoke River, on the south bank of which Plymouth is situated. It has four (4) streets parallel with the river and five (5) at right angles to it. Fort Williams, projecting beyond the south face of the parallelogram, is ready for action on all four (4) sides and enfilades, right and left, the whole south front of the fortifications, while Battery Worth was built to command the west, water and land, approach. Between the latter and Warren's Neck was "85th Redoubt" at Sanderson's House. At Boyle's steam mill near the road entering Second Street from the west was another redoubt outside the entrenchments, and within the southwest angle still another at Harriet Toodles'. On the east center was Fort Comfort, with a redoubt on either side of the Columbia Road at James Bateman's and Charles Latham's. Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC) ordered an assault from this (east) side by Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's (NC) Brigade. Accordingly that night our sharpshooters effected a crossing of Conaby Creek on felled trees with some opposition. A pontoon bridge was laid, and before the night was far advanced, the brigade was over. With a line of skirmishers out in front, the brigade slept in line of battle, and perhaps never more soundly, for tired nature's sweet restorer was welcome, even on the eve of certain battle. April 20th. At the first break of day Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom (NC) was again in the saddle, and his ringing voice came down the line: ''Attention, brigade!" Every man was upon his feet instantly, and the adjusting of twisted blankets across the left shoulder and under the belt at the right hip was only the work of another moment; the line of battle was formed, "Fix bayonets," "Trail arms!" "Forward march!" and the charge began. The alignment was as follows: The 56th NC Regiment on the right, flanked by Company I, as sharpshooters, (resting on the Roanoke River and near the Albemarle, then engaged, as it had been at intervals through the night, with Battery Worth on the river face of the town), and 25th, 35th, 8th, and 24th NC Regiments successively on to the left. On our part of the line a large drove of cattle was encountered and driven on as a living wall between us and the enemy until they reached the canal, down which they refused to plunge, or escort us further. Maddened by this strange spectacle of "man's inhumanity to man," they turned about, and "with no reputation to lose," dashing through our line, sought safety in flight. The canal was found with steep banks, but fortunately with fordable water. Ranks were necessarily broken in getting across, but were soon in perfect order on the farther side, and the forward movement resumed. The next obstacle was a swamp, in places waist deep, through which the regiment floundered as best it could, impeded by the mire and cypress knees with which it abounded. The 56th NC Regiment was the first through, and immediately reforming under an oblique fire from the left, charged up a slight hill, and routed the opposing regiment sheltered behind a fence of palings, here the outer line of the town. This and the adjacent houses blocked further advance in regimental line of battle. But the halt here was only for a moment. Company I pressed straight forward, sweeping everything before them between Water Street and the river bank, while the 25th NC Regiment on getting through the swamp and finding the 56th NC Regiment in its front, debouched to the right and thus went up Water Street between the 56th NC Regiment and its detached company. At the same instant Brig. Gen. Ransom, reaching this point, the 56th NC Regiment moved off by the left flank and entered the town on the next street east, by filing to the right, left in front. Maj. John W. Graham was at the extreme left, now head of column, and on gaining the open space about the county jail, deployed the regiment forward into line of battle, just in time to checkmate a battery of artillery taking position to rake the street with its guns. These movements and the obstacles encountered, again divided the regiment, carrying the Colonel and Lieutenant Colonel back to Water Street to direct the extreme right, while the Major, with eight (8) companies, pressed forward to silence the artillery. The fire, delivered before we could reach them, was fortunately a little too high, the shells in a direct line being plainly visible as they passed over, and the guns were at once in our possessionnot, however, until one brave fellow had blown up his limber in our faces, killing his nearest horses and wounding several of our men. It would be a pleasure here to record his name. The man retreating with the caisson was killed in the street, with four (4) of his six (6) horses, by a shell from Fort Williams. This wing of the regiment, then, without waiting for any support, as all seemed to have enough to do, swept on fighting between these two (2) streets the entire length of the town, and without a halt charged the redoubt in their front, constituting a west section of the enemy's heavy line of fortifications, facing front and rear. Here they captured a Pennsylvania regiment, and Maj. John W. Graham, mounting the works with the regimental flag, waved it to Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's (NC) Brigade, now under Lt. Col. William G. Lewis (afterwards Brigadier General), and thus announced that the way was open on that side. In this last charge the 24th NC Regiment went in abreast with us, having entered the town by the Columbia Road, which leads into Second Street, after crossing Conaby Creek with a northwest trend and then midway changing to due west. While the 8th and 35th NC Regiments swung around to invest Fort Comfort, the 24th NC Regiment overcoming all opposition before them at the Bateman and Latham redoubts, pushed forward and connected with our left flank as we struck the fortificationsredoubt and entrenched camp. Maj. Graham's prisoners, some 300 of infantry and artillery, were turned over to Capt. Joseph G. Lockhart, when, under shelter of a ravine, uniting his battalion with Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's (NC) Brigade, he swept down first the west and then the south entrenchments to Fort Williams, into which Federal Brig. Gen. Henry W. Wessels had withdrawn with the remnant of his army. The 24th NC Regiment came up on the other side. After consultation with Lt. Col. William G. Lewis, it was deemed unnecessary to assault it, as its surrender would be compelled by our artillery with the aid of sharpshooters being rapidly posted to overlook its interior from the windows and tops of the nearest houses. The two (2) opposing generals then met in a personal interview, and the demand to capitulate was refused. But the inevitable was soon acknowledged by raising a white flag, as we had silenced every gun in the fort. Meantime, the part assigned to Capt. Lawson Harrill's men, under their fearless leader, had been as effectually accomplished. Through water hip deep, they had crossed the canal and swamp, and keeping near the river, passing around houses and bursting through garden and yard fences, they reached the rear of Battery Worth, containing the 200-pounder, specially provided to anticipate the coming of our ironclad Albemarle. One volley was sufficient. The white flag was run up and the battery, with some twenty (20) artillerymen, surrendered to him. Taking the prisoners with them from this battery on the river, they immediately charged to their left and thus struck in the flank and rear the right section of the enemy's line of battle occupying the breastworks, here on Water Street, facing up the river. His demand to surrender was promptly complied with, and while Capt. Harrill here gathered in his prisoners, largely outnumbering his own rank and file, Lt. Col. Lewis' men who had held the attention of the enemy in their front, came in at a double-quick over the causeway leading through the swamp on the west of Plymouth, passed Capt. Harrill's position, and joined Maj. Graham's detachment at the upper ravine further to the south, as above noted. How does it happen, then, that the capture of Battery Worth, or Fort Hal, noted above as by Company I, has been claimed for Company B, with whom were Col. Paul F. Faison and Col. James Dearing (VA), a portion of the 25th NC Regiment supporting the artillery? Both claims are literally true. A correspondent to the Fayetteville Observer, on April 22, 1864, says: "On the river face of the town was a camp entrenched to resist any attack from the water, and a little lower down an earthwork for the same purpose." The latter, admitted to be Battery Worth, we must observe the distinction between the two, though close together. As to the time of the first movement, Capt. Lawson Harrill's report is embodied in the foregoing narration. Federal Brig. Gen. Henry W. Wessells report: "At daylight the following day, 20 April, while my right and front were seriously threatened, the enemy advanced rapidly against my left, assaulting and carrying the line in that quarter, penetrating the town along the river and capturing Battery Worth." This left the entrenched camp not yet captured, and as no other Confederate troops were in that quarter at that early hour, the claim of Company I to Battery Worth is thus afiirmed. From this point of time Brig. Gen. Wessells thus continues: "A line of skirmishers was formed from the breastworks perpendicularly towards the river in hopes of staying the advance. This effort succeeded for a time; but the troops seemed discouraged and fell back to the entrenchments." The conduct of the 56th NC Regiment was well calculated to create such discouragement, as it broke through all obstacles, driving the enemy from the streets, yards, houses, cellars, and bombproofs, from which Maj. Graham says they came out like a colony of prairie puppies, or groundhogs on the 2nd of February. As those not captured in this charge were thus gradually pressed back to their double-faced entrenchments, the infantry garrison in the entrenched camp at Battery Worth, guarding the water approach and, owing to the contour of the ground, not in sight from his side of the fortifications when Capt. Harrill some two (2) hours before had taken the artillerymen out of the battery, appear now to have had their attention diverted from the commotion of the Albemarle downstream to their right and Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC) up the river to their left. They now for the first time saw their enemy in the town, and were ready with the portion of the retreating line that had joined them, to enfilade Company B as it came up. Here Col. Faison, with this gallant company under Capt. Franklin N. Roberts, had his hands full for some time and accomplished important results, as described by the subsequent Captain, then 1st Sergeant Alexander R. Carver: "In this charge our 3rd Lt. Benjamin W. Thornton, fell on Water Street with a bullet through the side of his forehead near the eye. I stopped long enough to see the wound, and thought him dead; but he survived for a day or two. Our company had become detached by the evolutions and obstacles in getting through the town. Just before Brig. Gen. Henry W. Wessells capitulated, say by 9 or 10 o'clock, we had reached the vicinity of Fort Hal, with the 200-pound gun bearing on the river. It was full of the enemy, on whom we were firing with our rifles and they were briskly returning our fire. Col. Paul F. Faison came up to me during this firing, when I pointed to a hill on the right overlooking the fort, and said if the artillery were posted there, we would have the fort in five (5) minutes. Soon after he left me, I saw our battery open from the hill, and immediately a white handkerchief was hoisted on a bayonet above the fort. I was very near and ran for the fort. Col. James Dearing got across the moat and into the fort ahead of me, and jumped on tbe big gun as if he were going to spike it, when I met an officer at the gate and demanded his surrender. He asked to be allowed to surrender to some higher officer. I called Col. Dearing and he told him to surrender to me. He thereupon handed over his sword and pistol, which I kept during the war. I think he belonged to the infantry. He had on his overcoat." So there were two (2) captures of the same fort, separated by an interval of two or three (2-3) hours. Col. James Dearing subsequently fell [as a Brigadier General] on April 6, 1865, at High Bridge [aka Farmville], on the retreat towards Appomattox Court House, in a hand-to-hand contest with Major Read, of Maj. Gen. Edward O.C. Ord's staff, both antagonists going down together. The big gun was naturally the chief attraction to him, and of course he believed to the day of his death that his portion of the line had captured it, whereas it clearly appears that it had been silent for at least two (2) hours, ever since Capt. Lawson Harrill carried off the artillerymen who had served it. It was the infantry of the adjoining entrenched camp, together with some others, who had taken refuge in the vacant fort, that he and Col. Faison so effectually silenced; and we may say in the spirit of the generous Admiral Winfield Scott Schley, who later said in 1901 "there was glory enough for all." The possibilities of such independent actions by detachments may be better understood when it is remarked that within the fortifications on the west side were three (3) ravines, and on an elevation between the lower one and the river was planted Battery Worth, with the entrenched camp lower down. The redoubt at Boyle's Steam Mill on the road on this side of the town, appears to have been blown up by a shell entering its magazine, and so it offered no resistance to our infantry, while that at Harriet Toodle's, about the southwest angle, and the intervening entrenched camps were taken with the connecting breastworks. The writer was near Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC) when he received Federal Brig. Gen. Henry W. Wessels, accompanied by his officers, as his prisoner. There was everything in his courteous and considerate bearing to lessen the sting of defeat. Dismounting from his horse and clasping the captive's hand, he assured him of his respect and sympathy, and added: ''After such a gallant defense you can bear the fortune of war without self-reproach." Brig. Gen. Henry W. Wessels' official report, made after his exchange four (4) months later, says that Brig. Gen. Hoke's conduct was courteous and soldier-like. His return of casualties, killed, wounded, and missing was 127 officers and 2,707 men, from the 16th CT Infantry, 2nd MA Heavy Artillery, 2nd NC (Union) Infantry, 12th NY Cavalry, 85th NY Infantry, 24th NY Battery, and 101st and 103rd PA Infantry. Besides 3,000 stand of small arms and some twenty (20) pieces of artillery, there was a large quantity of all other supplies. In our advance there were no shirks. The respective muster rolls might be exhibited as lists of those deserving honorable mention. The splendid conduct of Color Guard Corporal Job C. Hughes, of Camden County [Company A], is here gratefully remembered. The regimental colors were carried by a Sergeant, later on given the rank of Ensign by the Confederate Congress, and he was supported by eight (8) volunteer Corporals. This guard of three (3) ranks in line of battle formed the extreme left of the right center company. This position fell to Company D, and was retained by it to the end of the war. It was thus in the assault upon the redoubt beyond the head of Second Street that the Captain of this company found Corporal Hughes at his side while a blue coat in front was drawing a bead on him within a space less than the width of the street"Hughes, kill that Yank," followed, and the enemy's aim was as deliberately changed to save his own life. There was one report from two (2) rifles, and both men went down. It was the last shot ever fired by the Federal. His sight was as good as that of his foeman, his minie ball perforating Corporal Hughes' blanket (13) thirteen times, as it was twisted and worn as above described, but ended with the penetration of the breast-boneprobably owing to his not having driven the ball home in too rapidly loading his piece. Within about a month he was at his post again. He was a brother of the gallant Capt. Noah H. Hughes of Company A. In this charge the brave Corporal William J. Daves, volunteer to the Color Guard from Company I, was killed, and Private James P. Sossaman, of Company K, was also severely wounded at the flag. The Albemarle had advanced along the river front with the charge, firing over the line. The honor of capturing Fort Comfort on our left, fell to the 35th NC Regiment and it was renamed Fort Jones in honor of its Colonel [John G. Jones]. Brig. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC) was thereupon promoted to Major General in recognition of this successful initiation of this campaign, and of a well earned record for gallantry and efliciency in the Army of Northern Virginia, and Col. James Dearing (VA) was made a Brigadier General. Lt. Col. William G. Lewis [43rd NC Regiment] was soon thereafter promoted to Brigadier General. In the 56th NC Regiment, we have one complete company report of casualties: Company D: Mortally wounded, Private James W. Hall, Private John W. Holsemback, and Private Simpson Riley3. Severely wounded, 3rd Lt. Charles R. Wilson, Corporals Green W. Montgomery, and William W. Redding, Privates William F. G. Barbee, DeWitt W. King, Cyrus Laws, James R. Miller, Burroughs Pool, James Roberts, Lewellyn Taylor, Thomas J. Taylor, Harris Wilkinson12. The commander of the company and others were also struck, but not put hors du combat. In Company F, 1st Lt. Valentine J. Palmer, bravely leading Company F, was severely wounded as we passed the court house. 3rd Lt. Benjamin W. Thornton, of Company B, was mortally wounded, the ball entering just above the eye, and coming out near the ear, but was still able, though his sight was gone, to recognize the writer when he visited him with other wounded that evening. He was a faithful and efficient soldier from Fayetteville. The other regiments of the brigade also bore conspicuous parts. One company, at least, of the 56th NC Regiment, and perhaps nearly the whole regiment, here secured a complete equipment of first class rifles. Company I was most fortunate in doing its gallant part, having none permanently disabled and the ever faithful Corporal William J. Daves at the colors being its only man killed today. Since writing the above we have found in the files of the Fayetteville Observer, on May 9, 1864, the report of Adjutant John W. Faison, and give the casualties accordingly: Company AKilled: Lemuel Sawyer. Wounded: Sergeant Samuel S. Smith, Corporal Thomas G. Ferrell, William Garrett, Job C. Hughes (in breast), James H. Johnson, Henry Williams, William G. Gallop, and William Gilbert. Company BWounded: 3rd Lt. Benjamin W. Thornton, mortally. Sergeant Leonidas H. Hurst, Warren Carver, John T. Moore, William Handy, and Richard H. Averett. Company CWounded: Joel S. Sawyer, Basil A. Hackney, John Howard, Pleasant M. Pendergrass, Levi W. Williams, and John Parker. Company D(Given above, 3 killed, 12 wounded). Company EWounded: 2nd Lt. Jacob M. Jacobs, Sergeant Lemuel Harrell, Corporal William H. Turner, Hector M. McNeill, Hezekiah Wheeler, William H. Holland, William H. McBryde, William H. Turner, and Joseph Banks. Company F1st Lt. Valentine J. Palmer, Corporal Anderson Nowlin, Allen C. Cogdale, Adney C. Cogdale, William Chitwood, Hosea M. Gladden, John G. Webb, J. W. Lindsay, Thomas P. Cabaniss, and Noah W. Ross. Company GKilled: Thomas W. Noblin and Ozark D. Kimzey; wounded, Hewit Allen, Ellsberry Carlan, James B. Holinsworth, Landon M. Greer, Henry R. Perry, Leroy Smith, and Stephen Taylor. Company HWounded: 1st Lt. Samuel R. Holton, Charles D. Donoho mortally, Thomas F. Barnwell, Noah C. Fox, Thomas Gately, James H. Miles, David Miller mortally, Bedford J. Page, William M. Thompson, David A. Thompson, and John Chisenhall. Company IKilled: William J. Daves; wounded, Thomas R. Campbell, Samuel Green, Housand D. Harrill, J. P. Philbeck, Henry W. Price, and Riley H. Wall. Company KWounded: John Strider, James P. Sossaman, and James W. Auten. In the same issue is found the report of Capt. Sterling H. Gee, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General, giving Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's total casualties in the three (3) days' operations, as follows: KILLED WOUNDED TOTAL Officers Men Officers Men 8th NC Regiment 2 18 5 102 127 24th NC Regiment 2 11 3 85 101 25th NC Regiment 0 3 0 20 23 35th NC Regiment 1 19 4 84 108 56th NC Regiment 0 4 4 80 88 Maj. Moseley's Artillery 0 0 0 17 17 Maj. Read's Artillery 0 2 1 9 12 5 57 17 397 476 The surrender, already noted, took place at 10:30 a.m. Several interesting, though partial, accounts of this affair were published in the Fayetteville Observer soon after the battle. April 21st. Maj. John W. Graham, with Company I, 24th NC Regiment, Capt. Edwin A. Boykin; Company K, 25th NC Regiment, 1st Lt. Jesse M. Burlison; and Company D, 56th NC Regiment, Capt. Robert D. Graham, was placed in charge of Fort Gray on Warren's Neck. April 22nd. Visited by the commanding Major General who found the post in much better order than we had. April 25th. Detachment rejoined the brigade. At 10 a.m. the column set out for Washington, NC, leaving as a garrison at Plymouth Brig. Gen. James G. Martin's North Carolina Brigade, which has just joined us. April 26th. Arrived in front of Washington, NC. Some shells thrown at us from the enemy's forts. The enemy withdrew during the night to concentrate at New Bern. Thus the second point in the campaign was scored in Maj. Gen. Robert F. Hoke's (NC) favor, this time without the loss of a man. April 28thMay 2nd. At Greenville probably awaiting the arrival of the Confederate marines and pontoons from Richmond. Crossed the Tar River here and Contentnea Creek at Coward's Bridge, where we were joined by Col. John N. Whitford's 67th NC Regiment. May 5th. We passed the Neuse River on a pontoon bridge, not far from where we left the Contentnea Creek. On nearing New Bern, Brig. Gen. William G. Lewis' (NC) Brigade made a dash upon the redoubts at Deep Gully; but the enemy fled to avoid capture. The main column then crossed the Trent River at Pollocksville, captured a Block House near a mill dam, and took position near the railroad bridge. Brig. Gen. James Dearing's (VA) cavalry and artillery moved to the south and captured the Block House on Brice's Creek that Brig. Gen. Seth M. Barton (AR) thought such a Gibraltar last February, and took fifty (50) prisoners. A section of Capt. Henry Dickson's North Carolina Battery [13th NC Battalion Light Infantry], from Orange County, under 1st Lt. Halcott P. Jones, supported by part of Brig. Gen. Nathan G. Evans' South Carolina Brigade, now under Brig. Gen. William S. "Live Oak" Walker (SC), moved to the front and engaged the enemy's railroad ironclad monitor. Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's (NC) Brigade was not far from the south bank of the Trent River. Preparations were made for putting in the river that night a pontoon bridge, first parallel with the stream, securing it to the bank at the lower end and swinging the other across with the current under the protection of our guns, to the New Bern side within the enemy's line of fortifications. The spirit of the troops assured success, and thus was to culminate our North Carolina campaign of 1864. PETERSBURG AND RICHMOND. May 6th. The intended assault has been abandoned, and Federal Brig. Gen. Innis N. Palmer, U.S.A., is left in quiet possession of New Bern; for the morning finds us on a forced march for old Virginia again. Federal Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler is coming up the south side of the James River via Bermuda Hundreds, with 30,000 men to attack Petersburg. If possible, we must get there first. Maj. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC), in a recent letter, says: "Your mention of what was intended at New Bern is correct and I had no doubt of its success. The recall was one of the greatest disappointments I ever had." May 8th. Reach Kinston at 8 a.m. and via Goldsborough proceed to Weldon. May 9th. Off for Petersburg by rail as far as Jarratt's Station. Here Brig. Gen. August V.Kautz's Federal cavalry have dashed in and cut the line of railway. March thence along the track to Stony Creek, about twenty (20) miles, that night. The weird hooting of the great owls in the swamps was almost human in its intonations and called forth comments, half in earnest and half in raillery, here and there along the line, such as: "That is a bad sign, boys; hard times in old Virginia, and worse a'coming." May 10th. At Stony Creek we take the trains that have come out to meet us, and are soon in Petersburg. Stack arms on Poplar Lawn. The generous hospitality of Judge Lyon, William R. Johnson, and other citizens is pleasantly remembered. Hear that the place has been held till our arrival by the single brigade of Brig. Gen. Johnson Hagood's South Carolinians. Lt. Gen. Daniel H. Hill (NC), too earnest to be long quiet, is occupying the anomalous position of volunteer Aide-de-Camp to General Pierre G.T. Beauregard (LA), commanding at Petersburg, pending a dispute with President Jefferson Davis as to an assignment proper to his rank. (This quarrel seems to have resulted in a failure to present his appointment to the CSA Congress for confirmation.) He was noted for a disposition "to feel the enemy;" and on such occasions his feelings were very rough. Our coup de main of July 2, 1863, at Crump's Farm below Richmond, he had just repeated here with more terrible odds, against Federal Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler's advancing column. With this handful of men, he had met him near Chester and made such a desperate assault as to put him on the defensive to await further developments. In the time thus gained reinforcements arrived, and we knew that with the Army of Northern Virginia we could successfully hold Richmond and Petersburg against all opposing forces then in the field. With Maj. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC), there were now Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's North Carolina, Brig. Gen. William G. Lewis' North Carolina, Brig. Gen. William S. Walker's (formerly Evans') South Carolina, Brig. Gen. Montgomery D. Corse's Virginia, and Brig. Gen. James L. Kemper's Virginia Brigades. This division took position a short distance beyond Swift Creek. May 11th. Moved to Half-Way House. The enemy now appears in great force between us and Petersburg, occupying both the railroad and turnpike. We offer battle; but nothing follows beyond some sharp skirmishing. Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom's (NC) Brigade forms the extreme Confederate left, near the river. BATTLE OF 12 MAY. May 12th. This brigade is moved across the turnpike and posted near the winter quarters on rising ground to the right, facing Petersburg, forming now the right flank. In the afternoon, advanced down the railroad towards Petersburg, and occupied breastworks at a point near where the fortified line crosses this road. Here the line terminates after changing its general course and running off at almost a right angle (towards the river on the left near _____ house). Our artillery is engaged with that of the enemy in the woods to the front. A line of skirmishers is scarcely formed and thrown out to our right and rear for a reconnoissance under "the fighting Quartermaster of the Forty-ninth," Capt. Cicero A. Durham, when they receive a volley from a line of battle in ambush, and this gallant leader and many of his brave comrades have fought their last fight. A rush is made by the enemy, and Maj. Gen. Hoke and Brig. Gen. Ransom, just arrived at the house for consultation, barely escape capture. On came the line as to an easy victory, but not as quick as was our command in leaping to the other side of the breastworks. After a sharp fight they were repulsed by the well-directed shots of a portion of the 56th NC Regiment holding the top of the steep bank of earth, while their comrades in the deep ditch below handed up their rifles as rapidly as they could be reloaded. There were here many instances of individual bravery, and it is a matter of regret that the State, at whose call these men offered their lives, has no fuller account of them. In Company B, Private Dixon P. Blizzard was killed, and the gallant 3rd Lt. Alexander R. Carver, then a Lieutenant and subsequently Captain, lost an arm. Private David R. McKee, of Company D, Orange County, is now remembered as among the conspicuous ones in the position which he occupied, and from which he fired sixteen (16) times with steady aim, and it is thought, with fatal effect, at such close quarters. When the exposed portion of the brigade, after resisting the assault upon it, had been withdrawn behind this effective fire, the 56th NC Regiment as rear guard, retired in perfect order. They had simply practiced the tactics of Forrest and checkmated a rear attack of the enemy. "Face about and get in their rear," was his only order for a similar occasion. The perfect discipline of the command was evinced by there being no sign of a panic. Private Solomon Thomas Owens and Private George O. Griffin, of Company I, were also among those who displayed coolness and courage in this action, the former being severely wounded. From exposure he had lost his voice so that he could not speak above a whisper. The wound directly above his breast instantaneously cured his aphonia (laryngitis). But the enemy is evidently in such force that we concentrate upon our second line of defenses. Each side watches for the initiative from the other. At night there is cheering along our lines, and the cause is that General Pierre G.T. Beauregard (LA) has just come in from Petersburg. SECOND DAY'S FIGHT. May 13th. The writer saw General Beauregard on the field. Of medium size and military bearing, his most striking feature is his sharp bright eye, and a thoughtful, intelligent expression befitting his reputation as one of the best military engineers. Firing kept up through the day by the artillery and skirmishers. THIRD DAY'S FIGHT. May 14th. Brig. Gen. Matthew W. Ransom (NC) is severely wounded in the left arm by a minie hall and does not return to the brigade till the fall. Col. William J. Clarke, of the 24th NC Regiment, as senior Colonel, succeeds him. Battle at long range continued through the day. FOURTH DAY'S FIGHT. May 15th. Yesterday's program continued, in which we again lose a brigade commander, Col. Clarke being wounded in the shoulder by the fragment of a shell. Col. Leroy M. McAfee, of the 49th NC Regiment, then assumes command. The 56th NC Regiment occupied a position on the line near the Washington Artillery, of New Orleans. Without the means of corroboration, I here note that we hear that President Jefferson Davis, who has come down from Richmond, orders General Pierre G.T. Beauregard (LA) to make a general assault tomorrow, and that General Beauregard files a protest, in view of the terrible odds against his available forceat least 3 to 2, probably double thatand protected by breastworks. BATTLE OF DREWRY'S BLUFF. May 16th. Soon after midnight the brigade is moved from the trenches, occupied for the last three (3) days, and formed in line of battle across the Petersburg Turnpike, facing towards Petersburg, with the left of the 56th NC Regiment resting on the turnpike. Up to this time it was thought we were going out to get a rest. This opinion, however, was dispelled by the issuing of an extra quantity of cartridges. But for the first time in our history, we start in on the reserve line. Just before dawn we move forward supporting Brig. Gen. Bushrod R. Johnson's Tennessee Brigade. They suffer severely near the turnpike, their advance being impeded by obstructions of telegraph wire upon which many of them are tripped within deadly range. But they gallantly carry the line in their front, while our 24th and 49th NC Regiments take the enemy's line of works in a piece of woods to their right. The assault is, as Mr. Davis had predicted, successful at every point; while Maj. Gen. Robert Ransom (NC), having come out from Richmond with three (3) Brigades, is sweeping down their left flank, and rear, capturing some regiments entire. Before Maj. Gen. Ransom reaches them, spasmodic efforts here and there are made to regain lost points along the line, from which we had dislodged them; but they are repulsed in each instance. They rush down the turnpike with their artillery nearly to our lines, just taken from them, and open fire; but their guns are soon in our hands, men and horses going down under the terrible fire with which they are met. It was not far from this point that the writer saw the President during this battle. He was probably nearer Federal Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler than he had been for four (4) years, as his courier whom we captured in the vicinity, said he was then very near the general. (At the National Democratic Convention of 1860, in Charleston, SC, Butler gave fifty-seven successive votes for Davis as his choice for President of the United States.) And now we waited anxiously for the attacks to be made on the right flank and rear of the enemy by Maj. Gen. William H.C. Whiting (VA) with the two or three (2-3) brigades in his hands on the Petersburg side. But in vain! This plan carried out with the courage for which the General had already made a reputation among the bravest and the best soldiers in the Army of Northern Virginia, should have resulted in the capture of all of Maj. Gen. Butler's artillery and wagons, (that he was safely withdrawing in our sight), and a good portion of his Army of the James. Lt. Gen. Daniel H. Hill was with Maj. Gen. Whiting, but without command. Both his prayers and imprecations to deliver the coup de grace were without avail. Is it an evil genius that thus hovers above the Confederate cross? For this is not the first time that it has been checked on the high tide to an effective victory by a voice that certainly came not out of the North, saying: "Thus far shall thou go, and no farther." The only casualty remembered in the regiment as of today is the mortally wounding of Private Green W. Bowers, of Company D, by a rifle ball which also went through an artillery horse near him on the front line. BUTLER BOTTLED UP. May 17th. Though we have not captured Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, we have "bottled him up" (as Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant reports it to President Abraham Lincoln), between the James and Appomattox rivers, and a much smaller force will be amply sufficient to hold our shorter line across the narrow neck from bend to bend of the here converging rivers, which lower down diverge considerably before uniting, thus suggesting Lt. Gen. Grant's figure. Our line extends from near Bermuda Hundreds on the former to a point in the vicinity of the Confederate Fort Clifton on the latter. Lt. Gen. Daniel H. Hill (NC) urges another assault. May 18th. With a picket line advanced, we throw up a counter line of works, receiving a shelling from Maj. Gen. Butler's gunboats. May 19th. Company D is out in front, some 500 yards to the right of the Howlett House, rectifying the line of rifle pits to conform to the possible line of attack and defense. Consultation with Brig. Gen. William G. Lewis (NC), recently promoted from Lieutenant Colonel to Brigadier General, and well known as an engineer of ability, who appears on the line. BATTLE OF WARE BOTTOM CHURCH, OR CLAY'S FARM. May 20th. Companies B and H, Capt. Franklin N. Roberts and Capt. William G. Graves, relieve Company D, which joins the regiment. About 2 p.m., General Pierre G.T. Beauregard (LA) makes a general assault from right to left on Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler's line, and drives it in three-quarters of a mile on the right, and something less on the left. Our troops on this part of the line were put in too spasmodically, in unsupported detachments, allowing the enemy to reinforce from point to point as successively threatened, or to make a counter-charge and flank movement with fresh troops against ours before they could recover from the disorder incident to a headlong rush into the contested positions. The fight upon the part of the 56th NC Regiment ended with the enemy's picket line, from which we had driven their advanced line of battle, in our possession. The loss to the 56th NC Regiment was 90 killed and wounded in less than half as many minutes, Lt. Col. Granville G. Luke being one of the wounded. In Company D, as follows: Washington Blackwood, Jesse Clark, John Clark, James Hicks, Elzy Riley, James Roberts, William N. Sims, and Corporal James Erwin Laycock; also James M. Clark, Ensign, and Jesse Brown and William E. Faucett, all wounded. Jesse Brown, like Corporal Hughes at Plymouth, had his twisted blanket pierced a dozen times by a minie ball which burnt his arm without breaking the bone, and he will return to duty in a few days. The Captain of Company D promoted Solon E. Burkhead from Private to 1st Sergeant for conspicuous bravery in this battle, known as the battle of Ware Bottom Church, or Clay's Farm. Among the wounded in Company H was 2nd Lt. Robert W. Belo, who lost a foot. Company I lost some of its best men: Sergeant Amos Harrill (brother of the Captain), Corporal William C. L. Beam, George O. Griffin and the brothers, Jackson and Joseph Tessenear, all killed, and twelve (12) men wounded. Company A here lost a great favorite in the wounding and capturing of the brave Isaac G. Gallop, who later died in captivity. May 21st. Busy strengthening the new line, and May 22nd, 3rd Lt. Charles R. Wilson and others rejoined the company, having been wounded at Plymouth. May 23rd, Flag of truce to bury the dead on the contested ground between the two lines. A ghastly sight. Some are not recovered, as they fell within the enemy's lines, three (3) days agoa sad uncertainty around some hearthstones until peace on earth shall return again. Information is obtained of the gallant Brig. Gen. William S. "Live Oak" Walker, whom we met on the field just to our right, May 20th, in command of Brig. Gen. Evans' (SC) Brigade, Colonel Elliott now commanding. The enemy report him doing well after the amputation of his leg. Some of the casualties of the last week's operations were: Company BKilled: Dixon P. Blizzard; wounded. 3rd Lt. Alexander R. Carver, and John Tart. Company CWounded: Corporal James A. Matthews and William Childress. Company ESergeant Isaac N. Clark and Benjamin J. Garner; wounded, Benjamin F. Sykes. Company FWounded: 3rd Lt. Alfred R. Grigg, William C. Wolf, Michael W. Crowder. Company GKilled: James J. Tucker; wounded, Robert P. Smith and Robert C. Love. Company HWounded: Sergeant Thomas F. Montague, Corporal Norfleet A. Horn, David May, James O. Scoggins, Sergeant Sidney A. Thompson (POW), Corporal Hiram C. Murchison (POW), William F. Lackey, Hawkins Bledsoe (POW), Joseph Bolin (POW), George W. Bogle (POW), Silas L. Carden, John T. Lee (POW), Franklin C. Patterson (POW), Thomas J. Peed (missing, probably killed), John M. Stewart (POW), Jesse H. Vickers (POW), William S. Whitaker, Gaston Roberts, William T. Patterson (POW). Missing: Newton P. Combs (POW), John L. Cazorte (POW), and James S. Massey (killed). Company IWounded: Sergeant Columbus P. Tanner, George W. Spurlin, David P. Smart, James M. Michael, John W. Canipe, and George J. Horton. Company KWounded: Sergeant James J. McNeely, George W. Edwards, Zachariah H. Morgan, and Alex C. Shields. May 25th. In the romantic intimacy that has sprung up between the pickets of the two (2) opposing armies, a soldier in the 25th NC Regiment lends his pick to a Yankee to dig his rifle pit, a new one being made necessary by our last move upon them; and the blue coat returns it after completing the job. May 31st. Maj. Gen. Robert F. Hoke (NC), with his di
7368	dbpedia	1	1	https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/History_of_the_Maryland_Militia_in_the_Civil_War	en	History of the Maryland Militia in the Civil War	https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/ucp-internal-test-starter-commons/images/a/aa/FandomFireLogo.png/revision/latest?cb=20210713142711	https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/ucp-internal-test-starter-commons/images/a/aa/FandomFireLogo.png/revision/latest?cb=20210713142711	[ "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/ab/Baltimore_Riot_1861.jpg/250px-Baltimore_Riot_1861.jpg", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/6a181c72-e8bf-419b-b4db-18fd56a0eb60", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/6c42ce6a-b205-41f5-82c6-5011721932e7", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/464fc70a-5090-490b-b47e-0759e89c263f", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/f7bb9d33-4f9a-4faa-88fe-2a0bd8138668" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Contributors to Military Wiki" ]	2024-07-29T22:27:06+00:00	Like other border states, Maryland found herself in a difficult position at the start of the American Civil War, with loyalties divided between North and South. Although Maryland herself remained in the Union, Maryland militia units fought on both sides of the Civil War. Many militia members...	en	/skins-ucp/mw139/common/favicon.ico	Military Wiki	https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/History_of_the_Maryland_Militia_in_the_Civil_War	Main article: Maryland Army National Guard Like other border states, Maryland found herself in a difficult position at the start of the American Civil War, with loyalties divided between North and South. Although Maryland herself remained in the Union, Maryland militia units fought on both sides of the Civil War. Many militia members travelled south at the start of the war, crossing the Potomac River to join the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia. Harper's Ferry[] In 1859 units of the Maryland Militia participated in the suppression of John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry, an abortive attempt to ignite a slave rebellion.[1] Major General George H. Steuart personally led six companies of Militia: the City Guard, Law Greys and Shields Guard from Baltimore, and the United Guards, Junior Defenders and Independent Riflemen from the city of Frederick.[2] The departing Baltimore militia were cheered on by substantial crowds of citizens and well-wishers.[3] After Harper's Ferry, militias in the South began to grow in importance as Southerners began to fear slave rebellion inspired by Northern Abolitionists.[4] The coming of war[] From 1841 to 1861 the senior militia general was George H. Steuart, commander of the First Light Division.[5] Until the Civil War he would be the senior commander of the Maryland Volunteers. In 1833 a number of Baltimore regiments were formed into a brigade, and Steuart was promoted from colonel to brigadier general.[6] From 1841 to 1861 he was Commander of the First Light Division, Maryland Volunteer Militia.[5] Until the Civil War he would be the Commander-in-Chief of the Maryland Volunteers.[1][7] The First Light Division comprised two brigades: the 1st Light Brigade and the 2nd Brigade. The First Brigade consisted of the 1st Cavalry, 1st Artillery, and 5th Infantry regiments. The 2nd Brigade was composed of the 1st Rifle Regiment and the 53rd Infantry Regiment, and the Battalion of Baltimore City Guards.[8] Baltimore Riots[] By April 1861 it had become clear that war was inevitable. On April 16 Steuart's son, George H. Steuart, then an officer in the United States Army, resigned his captain's commission to join the Confederacy.[9] On April 19 Baltimore was disrupted by riots, during which Southern sympathizers attacked Union troops passing through the city by rail. Steuart's son commanded one of the Baltimore city militias during the disturbances of April 1861, following which Federal troops occupied the city. In a letter to his father, the younger Steuart wrote: "I found nothing but disgust in my observations along the route and in the place I came to - a large majority of the population are insane on the one idea of loyalty to the Union and the legislature is so diminished and unreliable that I rejoiced to hear that they intended to adjourn...it seems that we are doomed to be trodden on by these troops who have taken military possession of our State, and seem determined to commit all the outrages of an invading army." [10] Steuart himself was strongly sympathetic to the Confederacy and, perhaps knowing this, Governor Hicks did not call out the militia to suppress the riots.[11] On May 13, 1861 Union troops occupied the state, restoring order and preventing a vote in favour of Southern secession. Steuart moved south for the duration of the American Civil War, and much of the general's property was confiscated by the Federal Government as a consequence. Old Steuart Hall was confiscated by the Union Army and Jarvis Hospital was erected on the estate, to care for Federal wounded.[12] However, many members of the newly formed Maryland Line in the Confederate army would be drawn from the state militia.[13] Maryland militia units fought on both sides of the Civil War. At the Battle of Front Royal, the Union 1st Maryland regiment was engaged and defeated by the Confederate 1st Maryland Regiment. The lineage of the Confedrate 1st Maryland is perpetuated by the 175th Infantry Regiment, whose lineage dates back to 1774. Notes[] References[]
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Army's retreat in 1861 depicted in an engraving by William Ridgway based on a drawing by F. O. C. Darley DateJuly 21, 1861 ( )LocationResult Confederate victory[2] Belligerents United States (Union) Confederate StatesCommanders and leaders Irvin McDowell Joseph E. Johnston P. G. T. BeauregardUnits involved Department of Northeastern Virginia: Army of Northeastern Virginia[3] Department of Pennsylvania: Patterson's Command (not engaged) Army of the Potomac[4] Army of the Shenandoah[4]Strength Army of Northeastern Virginia: 35,732[5] (c. 18,000 engaged)[6] Patterson's Command: 14,000–18,000 (not engaged) 32,000–34,000[7] (c. 18,000 engaged)[6]Casualties and losses 2,708 481 killed 1,011 wounded 1,216 missing[8][9] 1,982 387 killed 1,582 wounded 13 missing[10][11] The First Battle of Bull Run, called the Battle of First Manassas[1] by Confederate forces, was the first major battle of the American Civil War. The battle was fought on July 21, 1861, in Prince William County, Virginia, just north of what is now the city of Manassas and about thirty miles west-southwest of Washington, D.C. The Union Army was slow in positioning themselves, allowing Confederate reinforcements time to arrive by rail. Each side had about 18,000 poorly trained and poorly led troops. The battle was a Confederate victory and was followed by a disorganized post-battle retreat of the Union forces. Just months after the start of the war at Fort Sumter, the northern public clamored for a march against the Confederate capital of Richmond, Virginia, which was expected to bring an early end to the Confederacy. Yielding to political pressure, Brigadier General Irvin McDowell led his unseasoned Union Army across Bull Run against the equally inexperienced Confederate Army of Brigadier General P. G. T. Beauregard, whose forces were camped near Manassas Junction. McDowell's ambitious plan for a surprise flank attack on the Confederate left was poorly executed although the Confederates, who had been planning to attack the Union left flank, found themselves at an initial disadvantage. Confederate reinforcements under Brigadier General Joseph E. Johnston arrived from the Shenandoah Valley by railroad, and the course of the battle quickly changed. A brigade of Virginians under a relatively unknown brigadier general from the Virginia Military Institute, Thomas J. Jackson, stood its ground, which resulted in Jackson receiving his famous nickname, "Stonewall". The Confederates launched a strong counterattack, and as the Union troops began withdrawing under fire, many panicked and the retreat turned into a rout. McDowell's men frantically ran without order in the direction of Washington, D.C. Both armies were sobered by the fierce fighting and the many casualties and realized that the war was going to be much longer and bloodier than either had anticipated. The First Battle of Bull Run highlighted many of the problems and deficiencies that were typical of the first year of the war. Units were committed piecemeal, attacks were frontal, infantry failed to protect exposed artillery, tactical intelligence was minimal, and neither commander was able to employ his whole force effectively. McDowell, with 35,000 men, could commit only about 18,000, and the combined Confederate forces, with about 32,000 men, also committed 18,000.[12] Background [edit] Military and political situation [edit] Main article: Manassas Campaign Opposing political leaders Pres. Abraham Lincoln, USA Pres. Jefferson Davis, CSA On December 20, 1860, South Carolina was the first of seven Southern States to declare secession from the Union of the United States.[13] By February 1, 1861, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas passed ordinances of secession,[14] The Constitution of the Confederate States of America was adopted in Montgomery, Alabama on February 8, 1861.[15] On March 1, 1861, Confederate States Army forces assumed control of the military situation at Charleston, South Carolina from state forces.[16] On April 12, 1861, open warfare between the Confederate States and the United States began when Confederate forces barraged Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor, which had been occupied by the United States Army since December 26, 1860.[17] On April 15, 1861 (two days after the Federal Army forces surrendered at Fort Sumter, one day after the formal surrender), President Abraham Lincoln issued a proclamation declaring an insurrection against the laws of the United States had taken place.[18] To suppress the insurrection of the Confederate States and restore federal law in the Southern States, Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers with ninety-day enlistments to augment the existing U.S. Army of about 15,000 present for duty.[19][20] He later accepted an additional 40,000 volunteers with three-year enlistments and increased the strength of the U.S. Army to 156,861, further enlarged to 183,588 present for duty on July 1.[21] Lincoln's actions caused four more Southern states, including Virginia, Arkansas, North Carolina and Tennessee, to adopt ordinances of secession and join the Confederate States of America.[22] On May 29, 1861, with the arrival in Richmond, Virginia of Confederate President Jefferson Davis, the Confederate States capital had been moved from Montgomery to Richmond.[23] In Washington, D.C., many of the regiments of volunteers raised by States under Lincoln's call rushed to defend the capital. General in Chief Lt. Gen. Winfield Scott laid out his strategy to subdue the Confederate States on May 3, 1861.[24] He proposed that an army of 80,000 men be organized to sail down the Mississippi River and capture New Orleans. While the Army "strangled" the Confederacy in the west, the U.S. Navy would blockade Southern ports along the eastern and Gulf coasts. The press ridiculed what they dubbed as Scott's "Anaconda Plan". Instead, many believed the capture of the Confederate capital at Richmond, only 100 miles (160 km) south of Washington, would quickly end the war.[25][26] By July 1861 many of the thousands of Union volunteers were camped in and around Washington. Since General Scott was seventy-five years old and physically unable to lead this force against the Confederates, the administration searched for a more suitable field commander.[27] Irvin McDowell [edit] Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase championed fellow Ohioan, 42-year-old Maj. Irvin McDowell. Although McDowell was a West Point graduate, his command experience was limited. In fact, he had spent most of his career engaged in various staff duties in the Adjutant General's Office. While stationed in Washington he had become acquainted with Chase, a former Ohio governor and senator. Now, through Chase's influence, McDowell was promoted three grades to brigadier general in the Regular Army and on 27 May was assigned command (by President Abraham Lincoln) of the Department of Northeastern Virginia, which included the military forces in and around Washington (Army of Northeastern Virginia).[27] McDowell immediately began organizing what became known as the Army of Northeastern Virginia, 35,000 men arranged in five divisions. Under public and political pressure to begin offensive operations, McDowell was given very little time to train the newly inducted troops. Units were instructed in the maneuvering of regiments, but they received little or no training at the brigade or division level. He was reassured by President Lincoln, "You are green, it is true, but they are green also; you are all green alike."[28] Against his better judgment, McDowell commenced campaigning. Intelligence [edit] During the previous year, U.S. Army captain Thomas Jordan set up a pro-Southern spy network in Washington, D.C., recruiting Rose O'Neal Greenhow, a prominent socialite with a wide range of contacts.[29] He provided her with a code for messages.[30] After he left to join the Confederate Army, he gave her control of his network but continued to receive reports from her.[29] On July 9 and 16, Greenhow passed secret messages to Confederate General P.G.T. Beauregard containing critical information regarding military movements for what would be the First Battle of Bull Run, including the plans of Union general McDowell.[30][31] McDowell's plan and initial movements in the Manassas Campaign [edit] On July 16, McDowell departed Washington with the largest field army yet gathered on the North American continent, about 35,000 men (28,452 effectives).[6] McDowell's plan was to move westward in three columns and make a diversionary attack on the Confederate line at Bull Run with two columns, while the third column moved around the Confederates' right flank to the south, cutting the railroad to Richmond and threatening the rear of the Confederate army. He assumed that the Confederates would be forced to abandon Manassas Junction and fall back to the Rappahannock River, the next defensible line in Virginia, which would relieve some of the pressure on the U.S. capital.[32] McDowell had hoped to have his army at Centreville by 17 July, but the troops, unaccustomed to marching, moved in starts and stops. Along the route soldiers often broke ranks to wander off to pick apples or blackberries or to get water, regardless of the orders of their officers to remain in ranks.[33] The Confederate Army of the Potomac (21,883 effectives)[34] under Beauregard was encamped near Manassas Junction where he prepared a defensive position along the south bank of the Bull Run river with his left guarding a stone bridge, approximately 25 miles (40 km) from the United States capital.[35] McDowell planned to attack this numerically inferior enemy army. Union Maj. Gen. Robert Patterson's 18,000 men engaged Johnston's force (the Army of the Shenandoah at 8,884 effectives, augmented by Maj. Gen. Theophilus H. Holmes's brigade of 1,465[34]) in the Shenandoah Valley, preventing them from reinforcing Beauregard. After two days of marching slowly in the sweltering heat, the Union army was allowed to rest in Centreville. McDowell reduced the size of his army to approximately 31,000 by dispatching Brig. Gen. Theodore Runyon with 5,000 troops to protect the army's rear. In the meantime, McDowell searched for a way to outflank Beauregard, who had drawn up his lines along Bull Run. On July 18, the Union commander sent a division under Brig. Gen. Daniel Tyler to pass on the Confederate right (southeast) flank. Tyler was drawn into a skirmish at Blackburn's Ford over Bull Run and made no headway. Also on the morning of 18 July Johnston had received a telegram suggesting he go to Beauregard's assistance if possible. Johnston marched out of Winchester about noon, while Stuart's cavalry screened the movement from Patterson. Patterson was completely deceived. One hour after Johnston's departure Patterson telegraphed Washington, "I have succeeded, in accordance with the wishes of the General-in-Chief, in keeping General Johnston's force at Winchester."[36] For the maneuver to be successful McDowell felt he needed to act quickly. He had already begun to hear rumors that Johnston had slipped out of the valley and was headed for Manassas Junction. If the rumors were true, McDowell might soon be facing 34,000 Confederates instead of 22,000. Another reason for quick action was McDowell's concern that the ninety-day enlistments of many of his regiments were about to expire. "In a few days I will lose many thousands of the best of this force", he wrote Washington on the eve of battle. In fact, the next morning two units of McDowell's command, their enlistments expiring that day, would turn a deaf ear to McDowell's appeal to stay a few days longer. Instead, to the sounds of battle, they would march back to Washington to be mustered out of service.[37] Becoming more frustrated, McDowell resolved to attack the Confederate left (northwest) flank instead. He planned to attack with Brig. Gen. Daniel Tyler's division at the Stone Bridge on the Warrenton Turnpike and send the divisions of Brig. Gens. David Hunter and Samuel P. Heintzelman over Sudley Springs Ford. From here, these divisions could outflank the Confederate line and march into the Confederate rear. The brigade of Col. Israel B. Richardson (Tyler's Division) would harass the enemy at Blackburn's Ford, preventing them from thwarting the main attack. Patterson would tie down Johnston in the Shenandoah Valley so that reinforcements could not reach the area. Although McDowell had arrived at a theoretically sound plan, it had a number of flaws: it was one that required synchronized execution of troop movements and attacks, skills that had not been developed in the nascent army; it relied on actions by Patterson that he had already failed to take; finally, McDowell had delayed long enough that Johnston's Valley force, which had trained under Stonewall Jackson, was able to board trains at Piedmont Station and rush to Manassas Junction to reinforce Beauregard's men.[38] Prelude to battle [edit] On July 19–20, significant reinforcements bolstered the Confederate lines behind Bull Run. Johnston arrived with all of his army except for the troops of Brig. Gen. Kirby Smith, who were still in transit. Most of the new arrivals were posted in the vicinity of Blackburn's Ford, and Beauregard's plan was to attack from there to the north toward Centreville. Johnston, the senior officer, approved the plan. If both of the armies had been able to execute their plans simultaneously, it would have resulted in a mutual counterclockwise movement as they attacked each other's left flank.[39] McDowell was getting contradictory information from his intelligence agents, so he called for the balloon Enterprise, which was being demonstrated by Prof. Thaddeus S. C. Lowe in Washington, to perform aerial reconnaissance. Opposing forces [edit] Union [edit] Further information: Union order of battle Key Union Generals Brig. Gen. Irvin McDowell, (Commanding) Brig. Gen. Daniel Tyler Brig. Gen. David Hunter Brig. Gen. Samuel P. Heintzelman Brig. Gen. Theodore Runyon Maj. Gen. Robert Patterson McDowell's Army of Northeastern Virginia was organized into five infantry divisions of three to five brigades each. Each brigade contained three to five infantry regiments. An artillery battery was generally assigned to each brigade. The total number of Union troops present at the First Battle of Bull Run was about 35,000 although only about 18,000 were actually engaged. The Union army was organized as follows: 1st Division of Brig. Gen. Daniel Tyler the largest in the army, contained four brigades, led by Brig. Gen. Robert C. Schenck, Col. Erasmus D. Keyes, Col. William T. Sherman, and Col. Israel B. Richardson; 2nd Division of Col. David Hunter of two brigades. These were led by Cols. Andrew Porter and Ambrose E. Burnside; 3rd Division of Col. Samuel P. Heintzelman included three brigades, led by Cols. William B. Franklin, Orlando B. Willcox, and Oliver O. Howard; 4th Division of Brig. Gen. Theodore Runyon without brigade organization and not engaged, contained seven regiments of New Jersey and one regiment of New York volunteer infantries; 5th Division of Col. Dixon S. Miles included two brigades, commanded by Cols. Louis Blenker and Thomas A. Davies; While McDowell organized the Army of Northeastern Virginia, a smaller Union command was organized and stationed northwest of Washington, near Harper's Ferry. Commanded by Maj. Gen. Robert Patterson, 18,000 men of the Department of Pennsylvania protected against a Confederate incursion from the Shenandoah Valley. Abstract from the returns of the Department of Northeastern Virginia, commanded by Brigadier-General McDowell, U.S.A., for July 16 and 17, 1861.[5] ARMY OF NORTHEASTERN VIRGINIA Commands Present For duty Total Aggregate Officers Men General staff 19 21 First (Tyler's) Division 569 12,226 9,494 9,936 Second (Hunter's) Division 121 2,364 2,525 2,648 Third (Heintzelman's) Division 382 8,680 9,385 9,777 Fourth (Runyon's) Division 247 5,201 5,502 5,752 Fifth (Miles') Division 289 5,884 5,917 6,207 Twenty-first New York Volunteers 37 684 707 745 Twenty-fifth New York Militia 39 519 534 573 Second United States Cavalry, Company E 4 56 63 73 Total 1,707 35,614 34,127 35,732 Abstract from return of the Department of Pennsylvania, commanded by Major-General Patterson, June 28, 1861.[40] PATTERSON'S COMMAND Commanding officer Troops Present for duty Infantry Cavalry Artillery Officers Men Officers Men Officers Men Bvt. Maj. Gen. George Cadwalader First division 322 6,637 11 307 7 251 Maj. Gen. William H. Keim Second division 322 6,410 3 74 Total 644 13,047 14 381 7 251 Aggregate present for duty Infantry 13,691 Cavalry 395 Artillery 258 Total 14,344 Confederate [edit] Further information: Confederate order of battle Key Confederate Generals Brig. Gen. P. G. T. Beauregard, Army of the Potomac Brig. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, Army of the Shenandoah The Army of the Potomac (Brig. Gen. P. G. T. Beauregard, commanding) was organized into six infantry brigades, with each brigade containing three to six infantry regiments. Artillery batteries were assigned to various infantry brigades. The total number of troops in the Confederate Army of the Potomac was approximately 22,000. Beauregard's army also contained thirty-nine pieces of field artillery and a regiment of Virginia cavalry. The Army of the Potomac was organized into seven infantry brigades. These were: 1st Brigade, under Brig. Gen. Milledge Luke Bonham; 2nd Brigade, under Brig. Gen. Richard S. Ewell; 3rd Brigade, under Brig. Gen. David R. Jones; 4th Brigade, under Brig. Gen. James Longstreet; 5th Brigade, under Col. Philip St. George Cocke; 6th Brigade, under Col. Jubal Early; 7th Brigade, under Col. Nathan G. Evans. Reserve Brigade, under Brig. Gen. Theophilus H. Holmes The Army of the Shenandoah (Brig. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, commanding) was also organized into brigades. It consisted of four brigades of three to five infantry regiments each, which totaled approximately 12,000 men. Each brigade was assigned one artillery battery. In addition to the infantry, there were twenty pieces of artillery and about 300 Virginia cavalrymen under Col. J. E. B. Stuart. Although the combined strength of both Confederate armies was about 34,000, only about 18,000 were actually engaged at the First Battle of Bull Run. The Army of the Shenandoah consisted of four infantry brigades: 1st Brigade, commanded by Brig. Gen. Thomas J. Jackson; 2nd Brigade, commanded by Col. Francis S. Bartow; 3rd Brigade, commanded by Brig. Gen. Barnard E. Bee; 4th Brigade, commanded by Brig. Gen. Edmund Kirby Smith. Abstract front field return, First Corps (Army of the Potomac), July 21, 1861.[7] [Dated September 25, 1861.] ARMY OF THE POTOMAC Commands General and Staff Officers Infantry Cavalry Artillery Officers Men Officers Men Officers Men First Brigade 4 211 4,070 Second Brigade 4 133 2,307 Third Brigade 4 128 1,989 Fourth Brigade 4 160 2,364 Fifth Brigade 3 208 3,065 Sixth Brigade 3 261 2,356 Seventh Louisiana 44 773 Eighth Louisiana 43 803 Hampton's Legion 27 627 Thirteenth Virginia 34 642 Harrison's Battalion (three companies) 13 196 Troops (ten) of cavalry 38 545 Washington (Louisiana) Artillery 19 201 Kemper's battery 4 76 Latham's battery 4 86 Loudoun Battery 3 55 Shield's battery 3 82 Camp Pickens (heavy artillery) 18 275 Total 22 1,215 18,354 85 1,383 51 775 Aggregates: Infantry 19,569 Cavalry 1,468 Artillery 826 21,863 Abstract from monthly report of Brig. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston's division, or Army of the Shenandoah (C.S.A.), for June 30, 1861.[7] ARMY OF THE SHENANDOAH Commanding officer Troops PRESENT FOR DUTY Infantry Cavalry Artillery Officers Men Officers Men Officers Men Colonel Jackson First brigade 128 2,043 4 81 Col. F. S. Bartow Second brigade 155 2,391 3 59 Brigadier-General Bee Third brigade 161 2,629 4 78 Col. A. Elzey Fourth brigade 156 2,106 4 45 Col. J. E. B. Stuart First Virginia Cavalry 21 313 Col. A. C. Cummings Virginia Volunteers 14 227 Total 614 9,396 21 313 15 263 Aggregate present for duty. General staff 32 Infantry 10,010 Cavalry 334 Artillery 278 10,654 Battle [edit] Morning phase [edit] Matthews Hill [edit] On the morning of July 21, McDowell sent the divisions of Hunter and Heintzelman (about 12,000 men) from Centreville at 2:30 a.m., marching southwest on the Warrenton Turnpike and then turning northwest toward Sudley Springs to get around the Confederates' left. Tyler's division (about 8,000) marched directly toward the Stone Bridge. The inexperienced units immediately developed logistical problems. Tyler's division blocked the advance of the main flanking column on the turnpike. The later units found the approach roads to Sudley Springs were inadequate, little more than a cart path in some places, and did not begin fording Bull Run until 9:30 a.m. Tyler's men reached the Stone Bridge around 6 a.m.[41] At 5:15 a.m., Richardson's brigade fired a few artillery rounds across Mitchell's Ford on the Confederate right, some of which hit Beauregard's headquarters in the Wilmer McLean house as he was eating breakfast, alerting him to the fact that his offensive battle plan had been preempted. Nevertheless, he ordered demonstration attacks north toward the Union left at Centreville. Bungled orders and poor communications prevented their execution. Although he intended for Brig. Gen. Richard S. Ewell to lead the attack, Ewell, at Union Mills Ford, was simply ordered to "hold ... in readiness to advance at a moment's notice". Brig. Gen. D.R. Jones was supposed to attack in support of Ewell, but found himself moving forward alone. Holmes was also supposed to support, but received no orders at all.[42] All that stood in the path of the 20,000 Union soldiers converging on the Confederate left flank were Col. Nathan "Shanks" Evans and his reduced brigade of 1,100 men.[45] Evans had moved some of his men to intercept the direct threat from Tyler at the bridge, but he began to suspect that the weak attacks from the Union brigade of Brig. Gen. Robert C. Schenck were merely feints. He was informed of the main Union flanking movement through Sudley Springs by Captain Edward Porter Alexander, Beauregard's signal officer, observing from 8 miles (13 km) southwest on Signal Hill. In the first use of wig-wag semaphore signaling in combat, Alexander sent the message "Look out for your left, your position is turned."[46] Evans hastily led 900 of his men from their position fronting the Stone Bridge to a new location on the slopes of Matthews Hill, a low rise to the northwest of his previous position.[45] The Confederate delaying action on Matthews Hill included a spoiling attack launched by Major Roberdeau Wheat's 1st Louisiana Special Battalion, "Wheat's Tigers". After Wheat's command was thrown back, and Wheat seriously wounded, Evans received reinforcement from two other brigades under Brig. Gen. Barnard Bee and Col. Francis S. Bartow, bringing the force on the flank to 2,800 men.[45] They successfully slowed Hunter's lead brigade (Brig. Gen. Ambrose Burnside) in its attempts to ford Bull Run and advance across Young's Branch, at the northern end of Henry House Hill. One of Tyler's brigade commanders, Col. William Tecumseh Sherman, moved forward from the stone bridge around 10:00 a.m.,[47] and crossed at an unguarded ford and struck the right flank of the Confederate defenders. This surprise attack, coupled with pressure from Burnside and Maj. George Sykes, collapsed the Confederate line shortly after 11:30 a.m., sending them in a disorderly retreat to Henry House Hill.[48] (Further map details, see: Additional Map 4, Additional Map 5, Additional Map 6 and Additional Map 7.) Noon phase [edit] Henry House Hill [edit] As they retreated from their Matthews Hill position, the remainder of Evans's, Bee's, and Bartow's commands received some cover from Capt. John D. Imboden and his battery of four 6-pounder guns, who held off the Union advance while the Confederates attempted to regroup on Henry House Hill. They were met by generals Johnston and Beauregard, who had just arrived from Johnston's headquarters at the M. Lewis Farm, "Portici".[49] Fortunately for the Confederates, McDowell did not press his advantage and attempt to seize the strategic ground immediately, choosing to bombard the hill with the batteries of Capts. James B. Ricketts (Battery I, 1st U.S. Artillery) and Charles Griffin (Battery D, 5th U.S.) from Dogan's Ridge.[50] Brig. Gen Thomas J. Jackson's Virginia Brigade came up in support of the disorganized Confederates around noon, accompanied by Col. Wade Hampton and his Hampton's Legion, and Col. J.E.B. Stuart's cavalry along with a contingent of 6-pounder guns. The Hampton Legion, some 600 men strong, managed to buy Jackson time to construct a defensive line on Henry House Hill by firing repeated volleys at Sherman's advancing brigade. Hampton had purchased about 400 British Enfield rifles to equip the men with; however, it is not clear if his troops had them at Bull Run or if the weapons arrived after the battle. If so, they would have been the only foreign-made weapons on the field. The 79th New York was thoroughly decimated by Hampton's musket fire and began to disintegrate. Wade Hampton gestured towards their colonel, James Cameron, and remarked "Look at that brave officer trying to lead his men and they won't follow him." Shortly afterwards, Cameron, the brother of US Secretary of War Simon Cameron, was fatally wounded. It has been claimed that Hampton deliberately targeted officers of the 79th New York in revenge for the death of his nephew earlier in the day, although he had in fact been killed by soldiers of the 69th New York.[citation needed] Jackson posted his five regiments on the reverse slope of the hill, where they were shielded from direct fire, and was able to assemble 13 guns for the defensive line, which he posted on the crest of the hill; as the guns fired, their recoil moved them down the reverse slope, where they could be safely reloaded.[51] Meanwhile, McDowell ordered the batteries of Ricketts and Griffin to move from Dogan's Ridge to the hill for close infantry support. Their 11 guns engaged in a fierce artillery duel across 300 yards (270 m) against Jackson's 13. Unlike many engagements in the Civil War, here the Confederate artillery had an advantage. The Union pieces were now within range of the Confederate smoothbores and the predominantly rifled pieces on the Union side were not effective weapons at such close ranges, with many shots fired over the head of their targets.[52] One of the casualties of the artillery fire was Judith Carter Henry, an 85-year-old widow and invalid, who was unable to leave her bedroom in the Henry House. As Ricketts began receiving rifle fire, he concluded that it was coming from the Henry House and turned his guns on the building. A shell that crashed through the bedroom wall tore off one of the widow's feet and inflicted multiple injuries, from which she died later that day.[53] As his men were pushed back towards Henry House Hill, Bee exclaimed to Jackson, "The Enemy are driving us." Jackson, a former U.S. Army officer and professor at the Virginia Military Institute, is said to have replied, "Then, Sir, we will give them the bayonet."[54] Bee is then said to have exhorted his own troops to re-form by shouting, "There is Jackson standing like a stone wall. Let us determine to die here, and we will conquer. Rally behind the Virginians."[55] This exclamation is often held to be the source for Jackson's (and his brigade's) nickname, "Stonewall". Bee was shot through the stomach shortly afterwards and died the next day, thus it is unclear exactly what he said or meant. Moreover, none of his subordinates wrote reports of the battle, so there is no first-hand account of the exchange. Major Burnett Rhett, chief of staff to General Johnston, claimed that Bee was angry at Jackson's failure to come immediately to the relief of Bee's and Bartow's brigades while they were under heavy pressure. Those who subscribe to this opinion believe that Bee's statement was meant to be pejorative: "Look at Jackson standing there like a stone wall!"[56] After Bee's wounding, Col. States Rights Gist, serving as Bee's aide-de-camp, took command of the brigade. Artillery commander Griffin decided to move two of his guns to the southern end of his line, hoping to provide enfilade fire against the Confederates. At approximately 3 p.m., these guns were overrun by the 33rd Virginia, whose men were outfitted in blue uniforms, causing Griffin's commander, Maj. William F. Barry, to mistake them for Union troops and to order Griffin not to fire on them.[57] Close range volleys from the 33rd Virginia followed by Stuart's cavalry attack against the flank of the 11th New York Volunteer Infantry Regiment (Ellsworth's Fire Zouaves), which was supporting the battery, killed many of the gunners and scattered the infantry. Capitalizing on this success, Jackson ordered two regiments to charge Ricketts's guns and they were captured as well. As additional Federal infantry engaged, the Confederates were pushed back and they reformed and the guns changed hands several times.[58] The capture of the Union guns turned the tide of battle. Although McDowell had brought 15 regiments into the fight on the hill, outnumbering the Confederates two to one, no more than two were ever engaged simultaneously. Jackson continued to press his attacks, telling soldiers of the 4th Virginia Infantry, "Reserve your fire until they come within 50 yards! Then fire and give them the bayonet! And when you charge, yell like furies!" For the first time, Union troops heard the disturbing sound of the Rebel yell. At about 4 p.m., the last Union troops were pushed off Henry House Hill by a charge of two regiments from Col. Philip St. George Cocke's brigade.[59] To the west, Chinn Ridge had been occupied by Col. Oliver Otis Howard's brigade from Heintzelman's division. But at 4 p.m., two Confederate brigades-Col. Jubal Early's, which had moved from the Confederate right, and Brig. Gen. Edmund Kirby Smith's (commanded by Col. Arnold Elzey after Smith was wounded), which had just arrived from the Shenandoah Valley, moved forward and crushed Howard's brigade. Beauregard ordered his entire line forward, and the Union troops began to panic in retreat. At 5 p.m. everywhere McDowell's army was disintegrating. Thousands, in large and small groups or as individuals, began to leave the battlefield and head for Centreville in a rout. McDowell rode around the field trying to rally regiments and groups of soldiers, but most had had enough. Unable to stop the mass exodus, McDowell gave orders for Porter's regular infantry battalion, near the intersection of the turnpike and Manassas-Sudley Road, to act as a rear guard as his army withdrew. The unit briefly held the crossroads, then retreated eastward with the rest of the army.[60] McDowell's force crumbled and began to retreat.[61] (Further map details, see: Additional Map 8, Additional Map 9, Additional Map 10, Additional Map 11 and Additional Map 12.) Union retreat [edit] The retreat was relatively orderly up to the Bull Run crossings, but was poorly managed by the Union officers. A Union wagon was overturned by artillery fire on a bridge spanning Cub Run Creek, inciting panic in McDowell's force. As the soldiers streamed uncontrollably toward Centreville, discarding their arms and equipment, McDowell ordered Col. Dixon S. Miles's division to act as a rear guard, but it was impossible to rally the army short of Washington. In the disorder that followed, hundreds of Union troops were taken prisoner. Wagons and artillery were abandoned, including the 30-pounder Parrott rifle, which had opened the battle with such fanfare. Expecting an easy Union victory, the wealthy elite of nearby Washington, including congressmen and their families, had come to picnic and watch the battle. When the Union army was driven back in a running disorder, the roads back to Washington were blocked by panicked civilians attempting to flee in their carriages.[62] The pell-mell retreat became known in the Southern press as "The Great Skedaddle".[63][64] Since their combined army had been left highly disorganized as well, Beauregard and Johnston did not fully press their advantage, despite urging from Confederate President Jefferson Davis, who had arrived on the battlefield to see the Union soldiers retreating. An attempt by Johnston to intercept the Union troops from his right flank, using the brigades of Brig. Gens. Milledge L. Bonham and James Longstreet, was a failure. The two commanders squabbled with each other and when Bonham's men received some artillery fire from the Union rear guard, and found that Richardson's brigade blocked the road to Centreville, he called off the pursuit.[65] In Washington, President Lincoln and members of the cabinet waited for news of a Union victory. Instead, a telegram arrived stating "General McDowell's army in full retreat through Centreville. The day is lost. Save Washington and the remnants of this army." The tidings were happier in the Confederate capital. From the battlefield President Davis telegraphed Richmond, "We have won a glorious but dear-bought victory. Night closed on the enemy in full flight and closely pursued."[66] Aftermath [edit] Brief observations [edit] The battle was a clash between relatively large, ill-trained bodies of recruits, led by inexperienced officers. Neither army commander was able to deploy his forces effectively; although nearly 60,000 men were present at the battle, only 36,000 had actually been engaged. Although McDowell had been active on the battlefield, he had expended most of his energy maneuvering nearby regiments and brigades, instead of controlling and coordinating the movements of his army as a whole. Other factors contributed to McDowell's defeat: Patterson's failure to hold Johnston in the valley; McDowell's two-day delay at Centreville; allowing Tyler's division to lead the march on 21 July, thus delaying the flanking divisions of Hunter and Heintzelman; and the 2+1⁄2-hour delay after the Union victory on Matthews' Hill, which allowed the Confederates to bring up reinforcements and establish a defensive position on Henry Hill. On Henry Hill, Beauregard had also limited his control to the regimental level, generally allowing the battle to continue on its own and only reacting to Union moves. Johnston's decision to transport his infantry to the battlefield by rail played a major role in the Confederate victory. Although the trains were slow and a lack of sufficient cars did not allow the transport of large numbers of troops at one time, almost all of his army arrived in time to participate in the battle. After reaching Manassas Junction, Johnston had relinquished command of the battlefield to Beauregard, but his forwarding of reinforcements to the scene of fighting was decisive.[67] Jackson and Bee's brigades had done the largest share of fighting in the battle; Jackson's brigade had fought almost alone for four hours and sustained over 50% casualties. Detailed casualties [edit] Bull Run was the largest and bloodiest battle in United States history up until that point. Union casualties were 460 killed, 1,124 wounded, and 1,312 missing or captured; Confederate casualties were 387 killed, 1,582 wounded, and 13 missing (a very high 10% casualty rate of the troops engaged in battle, excluding missing or captured).[11] Among the Union dead was Col. James Cameron, the brother of President Lincoln's first Secretary of War, Simon Cameron.[68] Among the Confederate casualties was Col. Francis S. Bartow, the first Confederate brigade commander to be killed in the Civil War. General Bee was mortally wounded and died the following day.[69] Compared to later battles, casualties at First Bull Run had not been especially heavy. Both Union and Confederate killed, wounded, and missing were a little over 1700 each.[70] Two Confederate brigade commanders, Jackson, and Edmund Kirby-Smith were wounded in the battle. Jackson was shot in the hand and so he remained on the battlefield. No Union officers above the regimental level were killed; two division commanders (Samuel Heintzelman and David Hunter) and one brigade commander (Orlando Willcox) were wounded. Union [edit] Union casualties at the battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861.[8] Army of Northeastern Virginia Troops Killed Wounded Missing Total Remarks Officers Enlisted Men Officers Enlisted Men Officers Enlisted Men General staff 1 1 First Division, General Tyler: First Brigade, Colonel Keyes 19 4 46 5 149 223 Eighteen others slightly wounded. Second Brigade, General Schenck 3 16 15 1 15 50 Third Brigade, Colonel Sherman 3 117 15 193 13 240 581 Fourth Brigade, Colonel Richardson Not engaged. Guarding Blackburn's Ford. Total, First Division 6 152 19 254 19 404 854 Second Division, Colonel Hunter: First Brigade, Colonel Porter 1 83 9 139 9 236 477 Four surgeons missing. Second Brigade, Colonel Burnside 5 35 3 85 2 59 189 Five surgeons missing. Total Second Division 6 118 12 224 11 295 666 Third Division, Colonel Heintzelman: Division headquarters. 1 1 First Brigade, Colonel Franklin 3 68 13 183 4 22 293 Second Brigade, Colonel Willcox 1 70 11 161 186 429 Third Brigade, Colonel Howard 2 48 7 108 6 174 345 Total, Third Division 6 186 32 452 10 382 1,068 Fourth Division, General Runyon In reserve on the Potomac. Fifth Division, Colonel Miles First Brigade Colonel Blenker 6 16 94 116 Second Brigade, Colonel Davies 1 1 1 3 Total, Fifth Division 6 1 17 95 119 Grand total 19 462 64 947 40 1,176 2,708 Union artillery lost in the battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861.[71] Batteries Commanders Guns lost Remarks Rifled Smooth Total First U. S. Artillery, Company G (two 20-pounder Parrotts, one 30-pounder Parrott). Lieutenant Edwards 1 1 20-pounders saved First U. S. Artillery, Company I (six 10-pounder Parrots) Captain Ricketts 6 6 None saved Second U. S. Artillery, Company D Captain Arnold 2 2 4 None saved Second U. S. Artillery, Company E (two 13-pounder James, two 6-pounders (old), two 12-pounder howitzers). Captain Carlisle 2 2 4 Two 6-pounders saved Fifth S. Artillery [Company D], (two 10-pounder Parrotts, two 6-pounders (old), two 12-pounder howitzers). Captain Griffin 1 4 5 One 10-pounder saved Rhode Island Battery (six 13-pounder James) 5 5 One saved Total lost 17 8 25 Confederate [edit] Confederate casualties at the battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861.[10] Command Killed Wounded Missing Aggregate Officers Enlisted Men Officers Enlisted Men Officers Enlisted Men ARMY OF THE POTOMAC INFANTRY First Louisiana (battalion) 8 5 33 2 48 Seventh Louisiana 3 23 26 Thirteenth Mississippi 6 6 Seventeenth Mississippi 2 9 11 Eighteenth Mississippi 2 6 2 28 38 Fifth North Carolina 1 3 4 Second South Carolina 5 6 37 48 Fourth South Carolina 1 10 9 70 6 96 Fifth South Carolina 3 23 26 Eighth South Carolina 5 3 20 28 Hampton Legion 19 100 2 121 First Virginia 6 6 Seventh Virginia 9 1 37 47 Eighth Virginia 6 23 1 30 Seventeenth Virginia 1 3 4 Eighteenth Virginia 6 1 12 19 Nineteenth Virginia 1 4 1 6 Twenty-eighth Virginia 9 9 Forty-ninth Virginia 1 9 1 29 40 ARTILLERY Alexandria Light Artillery 1 2 3 Latham's 1 1 Loudoun 3 3 Washington (La.) 1 2 3 CAVALRY Thirtieth Virginia 2 3 4 9 Hanover 1 3 4 ARMY OF THE SHENANDOAH INFANTRY Fourth Alabama 4 36 6 151 Seventh Georgia 1 18 12 122 Eighth Georgia 3 38 6 153 First Maryland 1 5 Second Mississippi 4 21 3 79 1 Eleventh Mississippi 7 21 Sixth North Carolina 1 22 4 46 Third Tennessee 1 3 Second Virginia 3 15 3 69 Fourth Virginia 1 30 100 Fifth Virginia 6 47 Tenth Virginia 6 10 Twenty-seventh Virginia 1 18 122 Thirty-third Virginia 1 44 101 Total First Corps 6 99 29 490 12 632 Total Second Corps 19 263 34 1,029 1 Grand total 25 362 63 1,519 1 12 632 Effect on Union and subsequent events [edit] Union forces and civilians alike feared that Confederate forces, 14,000 not engaged in the battle and thus rested, would advance on Washington, DC, only 27 miles away [2], with very little standing in their way. On July 24, Prof. Thaddeus S. C. Lowe ascended in the balloon Enterprise to observe the Confederates moving in and about Manassas Junction and Fairfax. He saw no evidence of massing Confederate forces but was forced to land in Confederate territory. It was overnight before he was rescued and could report to headquarters. He reported that his observations "restored confidence" to the Union commanders.[75] The Northern public was shocked at the unexpected defeat of their army when an easy victory had been widely anticipated. Some Northerners visited to overlook the battlefield and picnic since they expected the battle would be won easily.[76] Both sides quickly came to realize that the war would be longer and more brutal than they had imagined. On July 22, President Lincoln signed a bill that provided for the enlistment of another 500,000 men for up to three years of service.[77] On July 25, 11,000 Pennsylvanians who had earlier been rejected by the U.S. Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, for federal service in either Patterson's or McDowell's command arrived in Washington, DC, and were finally accepted.[78] Three months after the First Battle of Bull Run, Union forces suffered another, smaller defeat at the Battle of Ball's Bluff, near Leesburg, Virginia. The perceived military incompetence at both battles led to the establishment of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, a congressional body created to investigate Northern military affairs. Concerning the Battle of First Bull Run, the committee listened to testimony from a variety of witnesses connected with McDowell's army. Although the committee's report concluded that the principal cause of defeat was Patterson's failure to prevent Johnston from reinforcing Beauregard, Patterson's enlistment had expired a few days after the battle, and he was no longer in the service. The Northern public clamored for another scapegoat, and McDowell bore the chief blame. On July 25, he was relieved of army command and replaced by Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan, who would soon be named general-in-chief of all the Union armies. McDowell was also present to bear significant blame for the defeat of Maj. Gen. John Pope's Army of Virginia by Gen. Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia thirteen months later, at the Second Battle of Bull Run.[70][79] Effect on Confederacy [edit] The reaction in the Confederacy was more muted. There was little public celebration, as the Southerners realized that despite their victory, the greater battles that would inevitably come would mean greater losses for their side as well.[80] Once the euphoria of victory had worn off, Jefferson Davis called for 400,000 additional volunteers.[70] Beauregard was considered the Confederate hero of the battle and was promoted that day by President Davis to full general in the Confederate army.[81] Stonewall Jackson, arguably the most important tactical contributor to the victory, received no special recognition but would later achieve glory for his 1862 Valley Campaign. Privately, Davis credited Greenhow with ensuring Confederate victory.[30] Jordan sent a telegram to Greenhow: "Our President and our General direct me to thank you. We rely upon you for further information. The Confederacy owes you a debt. (Signed) JORDAN, Adjutant-General."[82] The battle also had long-term psychological consequences. The decisive victory led to a degree of overconfidence on the part of Confederate forces and prompted a determined organizational effort on the part of the Union. In hindsight, commentators on both sides agreed that the one-sided outcome "proved the greatest misfortune that would have befallen the Confederacy." Although modern historians generally agree with that interpretation, James M. McPherson has argued that the esprit de corps attained by Confederate troops on the heels of their victory, together with a new sense of insecurity felt by northern commanders, also gave the Confederacy a military edge in the following months.[83] Confederate victory: turning point of the American Civil War [edit] "Bull Run" vs. "Manassas" [edit] The name of the battle has caused controversy since 1861. The Union Army frequently named battles after significant rivers and creeks that played a role in the fighting; the Confederates generally used the names of nearby towns or farms. The U.S. National Park Service uses the Confederate name for its national battlefield park, but the Union name (Bull Run) also has widespread currency in popular literature.[84] Confusion between battle flags [edit] Battlefield confusion between the battle flags, especially the similarity of the Confederacy's "Stars and Bars" and the Union's "Stars and Stripes" when it was fluttering, led to the adoption of the Confederate Battle Flag, which eventually became the most popular symbol of the Confederacy and the South in general.[85] Conclusions [edit] The First Battle of Bull Run demonstrated that the war would not be won by one grand battle, and both sides began preparing for a long and bloody conflict. The battle also showed the need for adequately trained and experienced officers and men. One year later, many of the same soldiers who had fought at First Bull Run, now combat veterans, would have an opportunity to test their skills on the same battlefield at the Second Battle of Bull Run/Manassas.[70] Additional battle maps [edit] Gallery: the First Bull Run hour by hour [edit] Map 1: Situation Mid-July 1861 Map 2: Beauregard's defensive situation (Mid-July 1861) Map 3: Situation at 05:30–06:00 (July 21, 1861) Map 4: Situation at 10:30–11:00 (July 21, 1861) Map 5: Situation at 11:00–11:30 (July 21, 1861) Map 6: Situation at 12:00–12:30 (July 21, 1861) Map 7: Situation at 13:00 (July 21, 1861) Map 8: Situation at 14:30–15:00 (July 21, 1861) Map 9: Situation at 15:00 (July 21, 1861) Map 10: Situation at 15:30 (July 21, 1861) Map 11: Situation at 16:00 (July 21, 1861) Map 12: Situation at 16:30–17:30 (July 21, 1861) In popular culture [edit] The First Battle of Bull Run is mentioned in the novel Gods and Generals, but is depicted more fully in its film adaptation. The battle forms the climax of the film Class of '61. It also appears in the first episode of the second season of the mini-series North and South, in the second episode of the first season of the mini-series How the West Was Won and in the first episode of the mini-series The Blue and the Gray. Manassas (1999) is the first volume in the James Reasoner Civil War Series of historical novels. The battle is described in Rebel (1993), the first volume of Bernard Cornwell's The Starbuck Chronicles series of historical novels. The battle is described from the viewpoint of a Union infantryman in Upton Sinclair's novella Manassas, which also depicts the political turmoil leading up to the Civil War. The battle is also depicted in John Jakes's The Titans, the fifth novel in The Kent Family Chronicles, a series that explores the fictional Confederate cavalry officer Gideon Kent. The battle is the subject of the Johnny Horton song, "Battle of Bull Run". Shaman, second in the Cole family trilogy by Noah Gordon, includes an account of the battle. The battle is also depicted in the song "Yankee Bayonet" by indie-folk band The Decemberists. In Murder at 1600, Detective Harlan Regis (Wesley Snipes) has built a plan-relief of the battle which plays a certain role in the plot. Sesquicentennial [edit] Prince William County staged special events commemorating the 150th anniversary of the Civil War through 2011. Manassas was named the No. 1 tourist destination in the United States for 2011 by the American Bus Association for its efforts in highlighting the historical impact of the Civil War. The cornerstone of the commemoration event featured a reenactment of the battle on July 23–24, 2011. Throughout the year, there were tours of the Manassas battlefield and other battlefields in the county and a number of related events and activities.[86] The City of Manassas commemorated the 150th anniversary of the battle July 21–24, 2011.[87] Battlefield preservation [edit] Part of the site of the battle is now Manassas National Battlefield Park, which is designated as a National Battlefield Park. More than 900,000 people visit the battlefield each year. As an historic area under the National Park Service, the park was administratively listed on the National Register of Historic Places on October 15, 1966.[88] The American Battlefield Trust and its partners have preserved more than 385 acres of the battlefields at Manassas in 15 transactions since 2010, mostly on the Second Manassas Battlefield.[89] See also [edit] American Civil War portal Armies in the American Civil War Troop engagements of the American Civil War, 1861 List of costliest American Civil War land battles Origins of the American Civil War Bull Run Mountains Commemoration of the American Civil War on postage stamps Notes [edit] References [edit] Memoirs and primary sources [edit] Further reading [edit]
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Our oncologists and cancer researchers practice and develop some of the most advanced cancer treatments in the world.	en	/sites/default/files/favicon.ico		https://www.dana-farber.org/	Dana-Farber has led the way in cancer breakthroughs for more than 75 years. Our national advertising campaign highlights our momentum of discovery and shows how what we do here changes lives everywhere. Dana-Farber Cancer Institute remains true to Dr. Sidney Farber's vision of a cancer center that is as dedicated to discoveries in cancer research as it is to delivering compassionate, patient-centered care. Discoveries made by Dana-Farber researchers today become tomorrow’s breakthrough treatments. Dana-Farber Brigham Cancer Center has been New England's top-ranked cancer center for over 20 years. Because we specialize in cancer, we're alert to every aspect of treatment and care that can help you get well.
7368	dbpedia	1	18	http://www.georgiaguardhistory.com/2018/04/the-georgia-volunteers-in-spanish_25.html	en	History of the Georgia National Guard: The Georgia Volunteers in the Spanish American War	https://blogger.googleus…llip+G.+Byrd.JPG	https://blogger.googleus…llip+G.+Byrd.JPG	[ "https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg5vlW9xRBul3GinZsG-JOLfPq6oiT5Zqa9OaBopVskr97HuBPkhiWnc0dRMNInX7YNbNFbo_QVlgMYTHqFF0u9EVOBY_8SWcLwHwjq6DvP8cjmffm574F9pJAXGUNlP677AlNqLYEmG0U/s320/1900+Brig.+Gen.+Phillip+G.+Byrd.JPG", "https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhy4FLbIiex-IcY0KAeiiKGm6SUB7MYlSemjdZ3zlOURvVktVbI8FEVNgzoKIEV4z1lO6-YhEDQEjT5uYOB8wwCk2JTxTU5cMuCYsDv3Kj0t5QvfYFaxwuX6R-kdMF4_5-ck7H1lXwIj9w/s400/26625697344_65cc47b88e_o.jpg", "https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgwn1H9vVII2IH-C8_2vE-GHqVruoFLF3hDrsBChBnoB4cGdBciH2YWGA9VBKIYLpVc6XL8wzOHoeHgL8ZGM3HZ_ctxSlc9IpQqB9JxIWVKZHBVrPFp3hk5Q5YNU62_DhW3NjpEFVnoWHc/s320/20776348585_630608a995_o.jpg", "https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj_deUTnFAcdSsw505ioJxEU69RP5Z_SXXd2bTiRhEFY3iXk8IODydif7QtJWWW0oJPCEflU2MeJQzSrwxmeS07XfQDGL_bDCp75J_GpX0B4jw1wuWc-_8WY0xDr59-G3oUiH2iUEFYvA8/s400/39402684191_98ae2309da_o.jpg", "https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_Vk_ooQGX4hNdbfqYiFSjCxLFEXRMlwkWwE6b3XvvwLPCijWSORKXalGPnr9mv506H_B-brbPCeSILon2Cs9WPCM5uSaVqH4rbb9pGHwbhgtx3vd7vCUD1WouohaDTJ_-o0tIomlSSyk/s320/20153753054_0e2ea4a207_o.jpg", "https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj8nak9NeQUnOE9PLoaUF-masRKa8IP3mikSTRUvW-rwESN-x53MLV517uLtgvQAlA7cmV0X2HxBl2zoa4f-yAg0cg5LeXspmyO_PMDL195V5rNJUfQnX5XNl4CCB71jA-dwD17G6oNLZk/s320/39312171712_203bc86753_o.jpg", "https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjhqsV42vAsUiCJ3xYw3cXppVetb-x_-LP6jQcMYd0izo79DIWXZuE4XqAK3ew_pUeXE-UU7gBvgwCaUN_NmUdwuNBR16Z7mNlT-rdgr3spfEVtgvoR81YOBkhrhaZlCdHGqu7zY17iS90/s400/20588366378_1f52074fb0_o.jpg", "https://resources.blogblog.com/img/icon18_edit_allbkg.gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	by Captain William Carraway Historian, Georgia Army National Guard On April 25, 1898, the United Stated declared war on Spain follo...		http://www.georgiaguardhistory.com/favicon.ico		http://www.georgiaguardhistory.com/2018/04/the-georgia-volunteers-in-spanish_25.html	The Barnesville Blues, then Company F, 2nd Georgia Volunteers stand in formation on Main Street in Barnesville after volunteering for service in the Spanish American War. Their commander, Capt. John Howard stands to the left. Georgia Guard archives Soldiers of Company L, 3rd Georgia Volunteer Infantry preparing to be mustered out at Augusta, Ga. Georgia Guard Archives.
7368	dbpedia	2	6	https://padresteve.com/2018/06/	en	The Inglorius Padre Steve's World	https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c6870dd7ddf00e6af5cfca5c9480a95efda98ed3cc7f2eec27be528928814435?s=200&ts=1723921093	https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c6870dd7ddf00e6af5cfca5c9480a95efda98ed3cc7f2eec27be528928814435?s=200&ts=1723921093	[ "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/cropped-img_0333-1.jpg", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/buford.jpg?w=209&h=300", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/burford-reynolds-monuments.jpg?w=408&h=306", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/sam-elliot-as-buford.jpg?w=197&h=300", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/img_0366.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/image-32.jpg?w=274&h=354", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/image-33.jpg?w=200&h=255", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/27-justice-anthony-kennedy-w710-h473.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/img_0358.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/img_0359.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/img_0364.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/img_0360.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/img_0355.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/img_0356.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/img_0354.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/fa641c82-a228-4947-bb49-713109aa7a6c-2220-00000156ce0a5101_file-3.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/img_7097.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/img_7095.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/img_0348.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/img_4767.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/ap_16124077176862-759x453.jpg?w=500", "https://padresteve.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/img_8129-4.jpg", "https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c6870dd7ddf00e6af5cfca5c9480a95efda98ed3cc7f2eec27be528928814435?s=50&d=https%3A%2F%2Fs2.wp.com%2Fi%2Flogo%2Fwpcom-gray-white.png", "https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c6870dd7ddf00e6af5cfca5c9480a95efda98ed3cc7f2eec27be528928814435?s=50&d=https%3A%2F%2Fs2.wp.com%2Fi%2Flogo%2Fwpcom-gray-white.png", "https://pixel.wp.com/b.gif?v=noscript" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	10 posts published by padresteve during June 2018	en	https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/c6870dd7ddf00e6af5cfca5c9480a95efda98ed3cc7f2eec27be528928814435?s=32	The Inglorius Padre Steve's World	null	Friends of Padre Steve’s World As I noted yesterday I am going to be posting about the Battle of Gettysburg for the next few days. All of these articles have appeared on my blog before and are part of my text on the Battle of Gettysburg which my agent is shopping to various publishers. This article is about the Union Cavalry commander, General John Buford who would lead a masterful delaying action against Confederate forces far superior to his small division on July 1st 1863. Buford is a fascinating character, played to perfection by Sam Elliott in the movie Gettysburg he was one of the officers whose extraordinary leadership denied Lee a victory at Gettysburg, preserved the Union and led to the defeat of the Confederacy. I hope you enjoy this little piece about a most amazing man. Peace Padre Steve+ “He was decidedly the best cavalry general we had, and was acknowledged as such in the army, though being no friend to newspaper reporters…In many respects he resembled Reynolds, being rough in the exterior, never looking after his own comfort, untiring on the march and in the supervision of all the militia in his command, quiet and unassuming in his manners.” Colonel Charles Wainwright on Buford (Diary of Battle, p.309) John Buford was born in Kentucky and came from a family with a long military history of military service, including family members who had fought in the Revolutionary War and War of 1812. In fact according to some the family military pedigree reaches back to England’s War of the Roses. Buford’s family was well off with a spacious plantation near Versailles on which labored forty-five slaves, and his father also established a stage line which carried “passengers and freight between Frankfort and Lexington.”His father divested himself of his property, selling his home, business and slaves and moved to Stephenson Illinois in 1838. [1] The young Buford developed an interest in military life which was enlivened by his half-brother Napoleon Bonaparte Buford who graduated from West Point in 1827, and his brother would be influential in helping John into West Point, which he entered in 1844. Buford graduated with the class of 1848 which included the distinguished Union artilleryman John Tidball, and the future Confederate brigadier generals “Grumble Jones and “Maryland” Steuart. Among his best friends was Ambrose Burnside of the class of 1847. He did well academically but his conduct marks kept him from graduating in the top quarter of his class. Upon graduation he was commissioned as a Brevet Second Lieutenant of Dragoons, however too late to serve in Mexico. Instead he was initially assigned to the First United States Dragoons but less than six months after joining was transferred to the Second Dragoons when he was promoted to full Second Lieutenant. Instead of going to Mexico Buford “spent most of the 1850s tracking and fighting Indians on the Plains.” [2] During this period, the young dragoon served on the Great Plains against the Sioux, where he distinguished himself at the Battle of Ash Creek and on peacekeeping duty in the bitterly divided State of Kansas and in the Utah War of 1858. His assignments alternated between field and staff assignments and he gained a great deal of tactical and administrative expertise that would serve him well. This was especially true in the realm of the tactics that he would employ so well at Gettysburg and on other battlefields against Confederate infantry and cavalry during the Civil War. Buford took note of the prevailing tactics of the day which still stressed a rigid adherence to outdated Napoleonic tactics which stressed mounted charges and “little cooperation with units of other arms or in the taking and holding of disputed ground.” [3] While he appreciated the shock value of mounted charges against disorganized troops he had no prejudice against “fighting dismounted when the circumstances of the case called for or seemed to justify it.” [4] Buford’s pre-war experience turned him into a modern soldier who appreciated and employed the rapid advances in weaponry, including the repeating rifle with tremendous effect. Despite moving to Illinois Buford’s family still held Southern sympathies; his father was a Democrat who had opposed Abraham Lincoln. Buford himself was a political moderate and though he had some sympathy for slave owners: “he despised lawlessness in any form – especially that directed against federal institutions, which he saw as the bulwark of democracy…..He especially abhorred the outspoken belief of some pro-slavery men that the federal government was their sworn enemy.” [5] After the election of Abraham Lincoln, the officers of Buford’s regiment split on slavery. His regimental commander, Colonel Philip St. George Cooke, a Virginian and the father-in-law of J.E.B. Stewart announced that he would remain loyal to the Union, others like Beverly Robertson who would command a brigade of cavalry during the Gettysburg campaign resigned their commissions. For many officers, both those who remained loyal to the Union and those who joined the Confederate cause the decision was often difficult, and many anguished over their decisions as they weighed their allegiance to the Union against their loyalty to home and family. Buford was not one of them. Since Buford’s family had longstanding ties to Kentucky, the pro-secession governor of Kentucky, Beriah Magoffin offered Buford a commission in that states’ militia. At the time Kentucky was still an “undeclared border slave state” and Buford loyal to his oath refused the governor’s offer. He wrote a brief letter to Magoffin and told his comrades that “I sent him word that I was a Captain in the United States Army and I intend to remain one.” [6]Around the same time the new provisional government of the Confederacy “offered Buford a general officer’s commission, which reached him by mail at Fort Crittenden.” [7] According to Buford’s biographer Edward Longacre “a well-known anecdote has him wadding up the letter while angrily announcing that whatever future had in store he would “live and die under the flag of the Union.” [8] However Buford’s family’s southern ties, and lack of political support from the few remaining loyal Kentucky legislators initially kept him from field command. Instead he received a promotion to Colonel and an assignment to the Inspector General’s Office, although it was not the field assignment that he desired it was of critical importance to the army in those early days of the war as the Union gathered its strength for the war. Buford was assigned to mustering in, and training the new regiments being organized for war. Traveling about the country he evaluated each unit in regard to “unit dress, deportment and discipline, the quality and quantity of weapons, ammunition, equipment, quarters, animals and transportation; the general health of the unit and medical facilities available to it; and the training progress of officers and men.” [9] Buford was a hard and devastatingly honest trainer and evaluator of the new regiments. He was especially so in dealing with commanding officers as well as field and company officers. Additionally he was a stickler regarding supply officers, those he found to be incompetent or less than honest were cashiered. Buford performed these duties well but desired command. Eventually he got the chance when the politically well-connected but ill-fated Major General John Pope who “could unreservedly vouch for his loyalty wrangled for him command of a brigade of cavalry.” [10] After Pope’s disastrous defeat at Second Bull Run in August 1862 Buford was wounded in the desperate fighting at Second Manassas and returned to staff duties until January 1863 when he was again given a brigade. However, unlike many of the officers who served under Pope, Buford’s reputation as a leader of cavalry and field commander was increased during that campaign. Buford was given the titular title of “Chief of Cavalry of the Army of the Potomac” by George McClellan, a title which sounded impressive but involved no command during the Antietam campaign. Following that frustrating task he continued in the same position under his old West Point friend Ambrose Burnside during the Fredericksburg campaign. Buford lost confidence in his old friend and was likely “shocked by his friend’s deadly ineptitude, his dogged insistence on turning defeat into nightmare.” [11] When Burnside was relieved and Fighting Joe Hooker appointed to command the army, Buford’s star began to rise. While he was passed over by Hooker for command of the newly organized First Cavalry division in favor of Alfred Pleasanton who was eleven days his senior, he received command of the elite Reserve Brigade composed of mostly Regular Army cavalry regiments. When Major General George Stoneman was relieved of command following the Chancellorsville campaign, Pleasanton was again promoted over Buford. In later years Hooker recognized that Buford “would have been a better man for the position of chief” [12] but in retrospect Buford’s pass over was good fortune for the Army of the Potomac on June 30th and July 1st 1863. Despite being passed over for the Cavalry Corps command, Buford, a consummate professional never faltered or became bitter. Despite the Pleasanton’s interference and “lax intelligence-gathering” [13] During the Gettysburg campaign he led his brigade well at Brandy Station as it battled J.E.B. Stuart’s troopers, after which he was recommended for promotion and given command of the First Cavalry division of the Cavalry Corps. [14] Following Brandy Station Buford led his troopers aggressively as they battled Stuart’s troopers along the Blue Ridge at the battles of Aldie, Philmont, Middleburg and Upperville. It was at Upperville while fighting a hard action Confederate Brigadier general “Grumble Jones’s brigade that Buford’s troopers provided Hooker with the first visual evidence that Lee’s infantry was moving north into Maryland and Pennsylvania. When Hooker was relieved on the night of June 27th and 28th George Meade gave Buford the chance at semi-independent command without Pleasanton looking over his shoulder. Meade appreciated Pleasanton’s administrative and organizational expertise and took him out of direct field command. Meade had his Cavalry Corps commander “pitch his tent next to his own on almost every leg of the trip to Pennsylvania and rarely let him out of sight or earshot.” [15] One of Meade’s staff officers, Theodore Lyman gave this description of Buford: “He is one of the best of the officers…and is a singular looking party. Figurez-vous a compactly built man of middle height, with a tawny mustache and a little, triangular gray eye, whose expression is determined, not to say sinister. His ancient corduroys are tucked into a pair of ordinary cowhide boots, his blue blouse is ornamented with holes; from which one pocket thereof peeps a huge pipe, while the other is fat with a tobacco pouch. Notwithstanding this get-up he is a very soldierly looking man. Hype is of a good natured disposition, but is not to be trifled with.” [16] When he was ordered to screen the army as it moved into Pennsylvania, Buford was confident about his troopers and their ability and he and his men performed their duties admirably. On June 29th Buford’s men skirmished with two of Harry Heth’s regiments near the town of Fairfield, which Buford promptly reported to Meade and John Reynolds after ascertaining their size and composition. The Battle of Gettysburg would be the zenith of Buford’s career. His masterful delaying action against Harry Heth’s division on July 1st 1863 enabled John Reynold’s wing of the army to arrive in time to keep the Confederates from taking the town and all of the high ground which would have doomed any union assault against them. Following Gettysburg Buford continued to command his cavalry leading his division in a number of engagements. In early November the worn out cavalryman who had been in so many actions over the past year came down with Typhoid. In hopes that he would recover he was told that he would be appointed to command all the cavalry in the West, however his health continued to decline. He was officially promoted to Major General of Volunteers by President Lincoln, over the objection of Secretary of War Stanton who disliked deathbed promotions. “Upon learning of the honor. Buford is supposed to have whispered, “I wish I could have lived now.” [17] He died later that evening, the last words warning his officers “patrol the roads and halt fugitives at the front.” [18] John Pope wrote of Buford: “Buford’s coolness, his fine judgment, and his splendid courage were well known of all men who had to do with him… His quiet dignity, covering a fiery spirit and a military sagacity as far reaching as it was accurate made him…one of the best and most trusted officers in the service.” [19] Buford was buried at West Point and he is immortalized in the monument dedicated to him on McPherson’s Ridge at Gettysburg where he with binoculars in hand looks defiantly west in the direction of the advancing Confederates. The monument is surrounded by the gun tubes of four Union 3” Rifles, three of which were part of Lieutenant John Calef’s Battery which he directed on the fateful morning of July 1st 1863. He was portrayed masterfully portrayed by Sam Elliott in the movie Gettysburg. Notes [1] Longacre, Edward G. John Buford: A Military Biography Da Capo Press, Perseus Book Group, Cambridge MA p.17 [2] Ibid. Guelzo. Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.121 [3] Ibid. Longacre John Buford p.36 [4] Ibid. Longacre John Buford p.36 [5] Ibid. Longacre John Buford p.54 [6] Ibid. Guelzo. Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.121 [7] Ibid. Longacre John Buford p.70 [8] Ibid. Longacre John Buford p.70 [9] Ibid. Longacre John Buford p.78 [10] Ibid. Guelzo. Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.121 [11] Ibid. Longacre John Buford p.122 [12] Ibid. Coddington The Gettysburg Campaign, A Study in Command p.44 [13] Ibid. Longacre John Buford p.173 [14] Ibid. Coddington The Gettysburg Campaign, A Study in Command p.64 [15] Longacre, Edward G. The Cavalry at Gettysburg: A Tactical Study of Mounted Operations during the Civil War’s Pivotal Campaign, 9 June-14 July 1863 University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln and London 1986 p.168 [16] Girardi, Robert I. The Civil War Generals: Comrades, Peers, Rivals in Their Own Words Zenith Press, MBI Publishing, Minneapolis MN 2013 p.38 [17] Ibid. Longacre John Buford p.245 [18] Ibid. Longacre John Buford p.246 [19] Ibid. Girardi The Civil War General p.38 Lieutenant General A. P. Hill Friends of Padre Steve’s World, I’m hoping to take a few days off from writing about current events and spend a few days reposting some of my writings about the Battle of Gettysburg. Peace, Padre Steve+ When Robert E. Lee learned of the Army of the Potomac’s presence north of the Potomac River he ordered his widely dispersed army concentrate near Cashtown and Gettysburg. It was a complicated movement that involved at least five major operations: the shift of the bulk of Ewell’s Second Corps from its planned attack on Harrisburg, the redirection of Early’s division east from its position on the Susquehanna to the west, the movement of Hill’s Third Corps from the area around Cashtown to a position east of Gettysburg, Longstreet’s First Corps north to Chambersburg and Cashtown and the cavalry brigades of Beverly Robertson, Grumble Jones and John Imboden which were to join the army in Pennsylvania. The movement “would take at least two days – the 29th and the 30th of June – and perhaps more…the complete its concentration, especially since the rains had “made the roads very muddy,” forcing “the infantry” to march off the roads….” [1] Lieutenant General A.P. Hill’s Third Corps that was nearest of Lee’s major units to Cashtown and Gettysburg. Major General Harry Heth’s division led the corps and arrived at Cashtown on June 29th. His division was followed by that of Major General Dorsey Pender which arrived on the 30th. Hill ordered his last division under the command of Major General Richard Anderson to remain behind at “Fayetteville until July 1, when he would join the rest at Cashtown.” [2] Cashtown was important as a road junction and because it “was situated at one of the few gaps in the Pennsylvania Mountains” and because one of the roads emanating from it “snaked eight miles to another community called Gettysburg.” [3] However the order to concentrate the army at Cashtown presented its own problems. First was the matter of forage. There was not enough room for all the units ordered to Cashtown to have adequate areas to forage, as: “each division would (by the standard required of nineteenth-century armies) require a circle twelve and a half miles around its encampments to forage (for water, firewood, and feed for men and horses); one single regiment could denuded an acre of woodland just for firewood every three days.” [4] Likewise, because of the limited road network, Cashtown was becoming a choke point which as his units closed in slowed their movement and created massive traffic problems and confusion. Hill ordered Heth’s division to take the lead and advance to Cashtown on the 29th. The units of Hill’s corps had to endure heavy rains on the 29th which slowed their march and Heth halted at Cashtown knowing that the army would concentrate there while Pender’s division moved into the area his division had vacated. Early in the morning of June 30th Harry Heth decided to undertake a foraging expedition to Gettysburg to “search the town for army supplies (shoes especially), and to return the same day.” [5] It was the first in a series of miscalculations that brought Lee’s army into a general engagement that Lee wished to avoid and it is hard to comprehend in light of Lee’s orders not to precipitate a fight. However, the expedition had taken a toll on the soldiers, especially in terms of shoes, clothes and equipment. The “long march over the hard macadam roads of the North had played havoc with the scraggly foot coverings of Lee’s men.” [6] After muster on the morning of June 30th Heth ordered Johnston Pettigrew’s “brigade to Gettysburg in search of supplies, especially badly needed shoes, which were badly needed by his the men of his division.” Heth, for a reason he never elaborated on decided that there must be shoes in Gettysburg. Perhaps he did not know that the town had been picked clean by John Gordon’s brigade of Jubal Early’s division just a few days before, but for whatever reason he believed this to be the case. Hill’s Third Corps had been formed as part of the reorganization of the army following Stonewall Jackson’s death after the Battle of Chancellorsville. Hill had a stellar reputation as a division commander; his “Light Division” had distinguished itself on numerous occasions, especially at Antietam where its timely arrival after a hard forced march from Harper’s Ferry helped save Lee’s army late in the battle. At Chancellorsville Hill briefly succeeded Jackson until he too was wounded. Hill was recommended for promotion to Lieutenant General and command of the new Third Corps by Lee on May 24th 1863. He was promoted over the heads of both Harvey Hill and Lafayette McLaws. The move displeased Longstreet who considered Lafayette McLaws “better qualified for the job.” Likewise there were others who felt that the command should have gone to Harvey Hill, now commanding the Department of North Carolina who’s “record was as good as that of Stonewall Jackson…but, not being a Virginian, he was not so well advertised.” [7] Ambrose Powell Hill was slightly built and high strung. “Intense about everything” Hill was “one of the army’s intense disbelievers in slavery.” [8] Hill was an 1847 graduate of West Point and briefly served in Mexico but saw no combat. He spent some time in the Seminole wars but due to frequent bouts of ill-health he spent much of his career in garrison duty along the East Coast. Since he was prone to sickness he was assigned to the office of Coastal Survey, a Navy command from 1855 through 1861. Despite pleas from his superiors and his own opposition to secession and slavery, Hill resigned his commission just before Virginia’s secession. At the outbreak of the war he “received his commission as colonel, and soon trained one of Johnston’s best regiments in the Valley.” [9] He commanded a brigade under Longstreet on the Peninsula and was promoted to Major General and command of the Light Division in May 1862, leading it with distinction, especially at Antietam where his march from Harper’s Ferry and timely arrival on the afternoon of September 17th saved the army of Northern Virginia from utter and complete destruction. He was plagued by health problems which had even delayed his graduation from West Point, health issues that would arise on the first day at Gettysburg. Hill’s Third Corps was emblematic of the “makeshift nature of the reorganization of the whole army.” [10] It was composed of three divisions. His best and most experienced division was that of the recently promoted and hard fighting Major General Dorsey Pender. Pender’s division was built around four excellent brigades from Hill’s old “Light Division” one of which Pender had commanded before his promotion. Hill had strongly recommended Pender’s promotion during the reorganization, a proposal which was accepted by Lee. Pender, though a fierce fighter and excellent leader, found command of a division to be a heavy burden. He was “an intelligent, reflective man, deeply religious and guided by a strong sense of duty….” [11] Hill’s second experienced division was that of Major General Richard Anderson. This division had been transferred from Longstreet’s First Corps during the reorganization. Longstreet resented losing the division to Hill, with who he had previously run afoul and this was yet another issue which failed to endear Hill to Longstreet. [12] The unassuming Anderson had distinguished himself as a brigade and division commander in Longstreet’s corps, but in “an army of prima donnas, he was a self-effacing man, neither seeking praise for himself nor winning support by bestowing it on others.” [13] At Chancellorsville Anderson fought admirably and Lee wrote that Anderson was “distinguished for the promptness, courage and skill with which he and his division executed every order.” [14] With four seasoned brigades under excellent commanders it was a good addition to the corps, although the transition from Longstreet’s stolid and cautious style of command to Hill’s impetuous style introduced “another incalculable of the reshuffled army.” [15] Major General Harry Heth’s division was the final infantry division assigned to Third Corps. The division was new and had was cobbled together from two brigades of Hill’s old Light Division and “the two new brigades that Jefferson Davis had forced on an already disrupted army organization.” [16] The organization of this division as well as its leadership would be problematic in the days to come, especially on June 30th and July 1st 1863. The hasty and makeshift organization under leaders who had not served together, many of who were new to command, as well as units which had not fought together spelled trouble. Harry Heth, like Dorsey Pender was also newly promoted to his grade and the action at Gettysburg would be his first test in division command. Heth was a native Virginian. He came from a family that well connected both socially and politically. He had a social charm had “many friends and bound new acquaintances to him” readily. [17] Heth was a cousin of George Pickett. He was a West Point graduate and classmate of Hill. At West Point Heth had an undistinguished academic career and graduated last in the class of 1847. His career in the ante-bellum army was typical of many officers, he served “credibly in an 1855 fight with Sioux Indians” but his real claim to fame was in authoring the army’s marksmanship manual which was published in 1858. [18] Major General Harry Heth Heth’s career with the Confederate army serving in western Virginia was undistinguished but he was a protégé of Robert E. Lee who recommended him as a brigade commander to Jackson before Chancellorsville. Tradition states that of all his generals that Heth was the only one “whom Lee called by his first name.” [19] A.P. Hill when writing Lee about the choice of a successor for the Light Division noted that Heth was “a most excellent officer and gallant soldier” but in the coming campaign “my division under him, will not be half as effective as under Pender.” [20] Douglas Southall Freeman noted that Heth was “doomed to be one of those good soldiers…who consistently have bad luck.” [21] Heth’s division was composed of two depleted brigades from the Light Division which had taken heavy casualties at Chancellorsville. One brigade, commanded by the hard fighting former regular army officer Brigadier General James Archer. Archer was from Maryland and a graduate of Princeton University who had given up a law practice to join the army. Described as a “little gamecock” who “had no sense of fear” [22] Archer had saved the Confederate line at Fredericksburg leading a desperate counterattack at Prospect Hill. The brigade was composed of four veteran regiments, but was now down to barely 1200 soldiers in the ranks by the time it arrived at Cashtown. However, the brigade which was recruited from Alabama and Tennessee was “well led and had a fine combat reputation.” But the second brigade was more problematic. This was the Virginia brigade under the command of “the plodding, uninspiring Colonel John Brockenbrough.” [23] Brockenbrough was an “1850 of the Virginia Military Institute and a farmer,” who had “entered the Confederate service as Colonel of the 40th (Virginia) in May 1861.” [24] The brigade had once been considered one of the best in the army had deteriorated in quality following the wounding of its first commander Brigadier General Charles Field. Heth took command of it at Chancellorsville where both he and the brigade performed well. The brigade had taken very heavy casualties and now was reduced to under 1000 effectives. When Heth was promoted the lack of qualified officers left it under the command of its senior colonel, John Brockenbrough.[25] Lee did not consider Brockenbrough “suited for promotion” but “could be counted on to keep together a command sadly reduced in numbers.” [26] Heth’s third brigade came from Mississippi and North Carolina and was commanded by the “stuffy and ambitious” [27] Brigadier General Joe Davis. Davis’s uncle was President Jefferson Davis. Davis served on his uncle’s staff for months during the early part of the war but had no combat experience, never leading as much as a company. [28] One author noted that Davis’s promotion to Brigadier General was “as unadulterated an instance of nepotism as the record of the Confederacy offers.” [29] Davis’s subordinate commanders were no better; one of them, William Magruder was so incompetent that J.E.B. Stuart suggested that “he have his commission revoked.” In Magruder’s outfit only one of the nine field grade officers in his brigade had military training, and that was because he was a graduate of the Naval Academy, hardly fitting for service in the infantry. [30] This brigade was also a makeshift operation with two veteran regiments including the 11th Mississippi which had “gone through blood and fire together on the Peninsula through Antietam.” [31] After Antietam, these units were then paired with two new regiments and a new politically connected commander and sent to the backwater of North Carolina where they saw no action. The veteran regiments “mistrusted not only their commander, but the reliability of its yet untested units.” [32] Brigadier General Johnston Pettigrew Heth’s largest brigade was new to the army. Commanded by the North Carolina academic Brigadier General Johnston Pettigrew it had no combat experience. Pettigrew himself was considered a strong leader. He had been badly wounded at Seven Pines and thinking his wound mortal “he refused to permit his men to leave the ranks to carry him to the rear.” [33] He was captured but later paroled and returned to the army to command a brigade later in the year. Hill was under the impression that Meade’s army was still miles away, having just come from meeting Lee who assured him that “the enemy are still at Middleburg,” (Maryland) “and have not yet struck their tents.” [34] With that assurance Heth decided to use June 30th to send Pettigrew’s brigade on the foraging expedition to Gettysburg. An officer present noted that Heth instructed Pettigrew “to go to Gettysburg with three of his regiments present…and a number of wagons for the purpose of collecting commissary and quartermaster stores for the use of the army.” [35] However Heth did instruct Pettigrew in no uncertain terms not to “precipitate a fight” should he encounter “organized troops” of the Army of the Potomac. [36] Heth was specific in his report that “It was told to Pettigrew that he might find in the town in possession of a home guard,…but if, contrary to expectations, he should find any organized troops capable of making resistance., or any part of the Army of the Potomac, he should not attack it.” [37] That in mind anyone with the slightest experience in handling troops has to ask the question as to why Heth would employ “so many men on a long, tiring march, especially as without a cavalry escort he took the risk of sending them into a trap” when his “objects hardly justified” using such a large force. [38] Edwin Coddington is particularly critical of Heth in this regard. Likewise it has to be asked why the next day in light of Lee’s standing orders not to provoke an engagement that Hill would send two divisions, two thirds of his corps on what was supposedly reconnaissance mission. Some have said that Hill would have had to move to Gettysburg on July 1st anyway due to forage needs of the army, [39] but this is not indicated in any of Hill or Heth’s reports. As his troops neared Gettysburg Pettigrew observed the Federal cavalry of Buford’s 1st Cavalry Division as they neared the town. He received another report “indicating that drumming could be heard in the distance – which might mean infantry nearby, since generally cavalry generally used only bugles.” [40] He then prudently and in accordance with his orders not to precipitate a fight “elected to withdraw rather than risk battle with a foe of unknown size and composition.” [41] His troops began their retrograde at 11 a.m. leaving Buford’s cavalry to occupy the town at ridges. One Confederate wrote “in coming in contact with the enemy, had quite a little brush, but being under orders not to bring a general engagement fell back, followed by the enemy.” [42] Upon returning Pettigrew told Hill and Heth that “he was sure that the force occupying Gettysburg was a part of the Army of the Potomac” but Hill and Heth discounted Pettigrew’s report. [43] “Heth did not think highly of such wariness” and “Hill agreed with Heth” [44] Hill believed that nothing was in Gettysburg “except possibly a cavalry vedette.” [45] Hill was not persuaded by Pettigrew or Pettigrew’s aide Lieutenant Louis Young who had previously served under both Hill and Pender. Young reported that the “troops that he saw were veterans rather than Home Guards.” [46] Hill reiterated to both that he did not believe “that any portion of the Army of the Potomac was up” but then according to Young Hill “expressed the hope that it was, as this was the place he wanted it to be.” [47] Part of the issue was related to the fact that Pettigrew, though highly intelligent, and who had been an observer of wars in Europe was not a professional soldier. Likewise, since had was new to the Army of the Northern Virginia he was an unknown to both Hill and Heth. As such they dismissed his report. In their casual dismissal of Pettigrew’s report, the West Point Graduates Hill and Heth may have manifested an often typical “distain for citizen soldiers…a professional questioning a talented amateur’s observations” [48] Pettigrew was “aghast at Hill’s nonchalant attitude” [49] while Young was dismayed and later recalled that “a spirit of unbelief” seemed to cloud the thinking of Hill and Heth. [50] In later years Young wrote that the “blindness in part seems to have come over our commanders, who slow to believe in the presence of an organized army of the enemy, thought that there must be a mistake in the report taken back by General Pettigrew.” [51] Since neither man believed Pettigrew’s report, Heth asked Hill “whether Hill would have any objection to taking his division to Gettysburg again to get those shoes.” Hill replied “none in the world.” [52] It was to be a fateful decision, a decision that brought about a series of events which in turn led to the greatest battle even fought on the American continent. Lee’s biographer and apologist Douglas Southall Freeman wrote “On those four words fate hung” [53] and in “that incautious spirit, Hill launched Harry Heth’s division down the Chambersburg Pike and into battle at Gettysburg.” [54] Notes [1] Guelzo, Allen C. Gettysburg: The Last Invasion Vintage Books a Division of Random House, New York 2013 p.128 [2] Coddington, Edwin B. The Gettysburg Campaign, A Study in Command A Touchstone Book, Simon and Shuster New York 1968 p.194 [3] Robertson, James I. Jr. General A.P. Hill: The Story of a Confederate Warrior Random House, New York 1987 [4] Ibid. Guelzo, Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.128 [5] Ibid. Coddington, The Gettysburg Campaign, A Study in Command p. 263 [6] Ibid. Robertson A.P. Hill p.205 [7] Foote, Shelby, The Civil War, A Narrative. Volume Two Fredericksburg to Meridian Random House, New York 1963 p.453 [8] Ibid. Dowdy, Lee and His Men at Gettysburg: The Death of a Nation p.79 [9] Ibid. Freeman Lee’s Lieutenant’s a Study in Command p.109 [10] Ibid. Dowdy, Lee and His Men at Gettysburg: The Death of a Nation p.88 [11] Ibid. Dowdy, Lee and His Men at Gettysburg: The Death of a Nation p.85 [12] Ibid. Dowdy, Lee and His Men at Gettysburg: The Death of a Nation p.86 [13] Ibid. Dowdy, Lee and His Men at Gettysburg: The Death of a Nation p.86 [14] Ibid. Freeman Lee’s Lieutenant’s a Study in Command p.512 [15] Ibid. Dowdy, Lee and His Men at Gettysburg: The Death of a Nation p.86 [16] Ibid. Dowdy, Lee and His Men at Gettysburg: The Death of a Nation p.87 [17] Ibid. Freeman Lee’s Lieutenant’s a Study in Command p.527 [18] Krick, Robert K. Three Confederate Disasters on Oak Ridge: Failures of Brigade Leadership on the First Day of Gettysburg in The First Day at Gettysburg edited by Gallagher, Gary W. Kent State University Press, Kent Ohio 1992 p.96 [19] Ibid. Krick. Three Confederate Disasters on Oak Ridge p.96 [20] Ibid. Freeman Lee’s Lieutenant’s a Study in Command p.527 [21] Ibid. Freeman Lee’s Lieutenant’s a Study in Command p.46 [22] Ibid. Guelzo, Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.134 [23] Sears, Stephen W. Gettysburg. Houghton Mifflin Co. Boston and New York 2003 p.55 [24] Pfanz Harry W. Gettysburg: The First Day University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill and London 2001 p.118 [25] Ibid. Dowdy, Lee and His Men at Gettysburg: The Death of a Nation p.87 [26] Ibid. Freeman Lee’s Lieutenant’s a Study in Command p.529 [27] Ibid. Guelzo, Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.133 [28] Ibid. Freeman Lee’s Lieutenant’s a Study in Command p.533 [29] Ibid. Krick. Three Confederate Disasters on Oak Ridge p.99 [30] Ibid. Krick. Three Confederate Disasters on Oak Ridge p.101 [31] Ibid. Guelzo, Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.134 [32] Ibid. Guelzo, Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.134 [33] Ibid. Freeman Lee’s Lieutenant’s a Study in Command p.136 [34] Ibid. Guelzo, Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.131 [35] Trudeau, Noah Andre. Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, Harper Collins Publishers, New York 2002 p.128 [36] Ibid. Sears Gettysburg p.136 [37] Ibid. Trudeau Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, p.129 [38] Ibid. Coddington, The Gettysburg Campaign, A Study in Command p. 263 [39] Ibid. Guelzo. Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.131 This argument does have merit based on the considerations Guelzo lists but neither Hill, Heth or Lee make any mention of that need in their post battle reports. [40] Ibid. Trudeau Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, p.130 [41] Gallagher, Gary. Confederate Corps Leadership on the First Day at Gettysburg: A.P. Hill and Richard S. Ewell in a Difficult Debut in The First Day at Gettysburg edited by Gallagher, Gary W. Kent State University Press, Kent Ohio 1992 p.42 [42] Ibid. Trudeau Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, p.135 [43] Ibid. Coddington, The Gettysburg Campaign, A Study in Command pp. 263-264 [44] Foote, Shelby, The Civil War, A Narrative. Volume Two Fredericksburg to Meridian Random House, New York 1963 p.465 [45] Ibid. Pfanz Gettysburg: The First Day p.27 [46] Ibid. Gallagher, Gary. Confederate Corps Leadership on the First Day at Gettysburg p.42 [47] Ibid. Pfanz. Gettysburg: The First Day p.27 [48] Ibid. Gallagher, Gary. Confederate Corps Leadership on the First Day at Gettysburg p.42 [49] Ibid. Guelzo. Gettysburg: The Last Invasion p.131 [50] Ibid. Coddington, The Gettysburg Campaign, A Study in Command p. 264 [51] Ibid Pfanz Gettysburg: The First Day p.27 [52] Ibid. Coddington, The Gettysburg Campaign, A Study in Command p. 264 [53] Ibid. Freeman Lee’s Lieutenant’s a Study in Command p. 563 [54] Ibid. Krick. Three Confederate Disasters on Oak Ridge p.94 Friends of Padre Steve’s World, In his book They Thought they Were Free Milton Mayer wrote of his conversation with a German university professor colleague after the Second World War: “How is this to be avoided, among ordinary men, even highly educated ordinary men? Frankly, I do not know. I do not see, even now. Many, many times since it all happened I have pondered that pair of great maxims, Principiis obsta and Finem respice—‘Resist the beginnings’ and ‘Consider the end.’ But one must foresee the end in order to resist, or even see, the beginnings. One must foresee the end clearly and certainly and how is this to be done, by ordinary men or even by extraordinary men? Things might have. And everyone counts on that might. “Your ‘little men,’ your Nazi friends, were not against National Socialism in principle. Men like me, who were, are the greater offenders, not because we knew better (that would be too much to say) but because we sensed better. Pastor Niemöller spoke for the thousands and thousands of men like me when he spoke (too modestly of himself) and said that, when the Nazis attacked the Communists, he was a little uneasy, but, after all, he was not a Communist, and so he did nothing; and then they attacked the Socialists, and he was a little uneasier, but, still, he was not a Socialist, and he did nothing; and then the schools, the press, the Jews, and so on, and he was always uneasier, but still he did nothing. And then they attacked the Church, and he was a Churchman, and he did something—but then it was too late.” I feel that if we already haven’t reached to point of things being too late that we are not far from that point and we are closer now with the Justice Anthony Kennedy’s announcement of his retirement from the Supreme Court. Kennedy announced his retirement yesterday after siding with so-called conservatives on President Trump’s Executive Order targeting Muslims primarily from Iran as supposed security threats. It was an ignominious exit from the Supreme Court for a man who though certainly conservative often acted as the conscience of the court who wrestled with difficult issues and sometimes sided with liberals such in the Obergfell v. Hodges case that at least for now legalized marriage equality. The decision regarding the Executive Order overturned the decision of Korematsu v. United States which upheld the military orders to send Americans of Japanese descent to detention centers, what in were effect American Concentration Camps. JThat ruling along with Dred Scott and Plessy v. Ferguson is considered one of the most unjust in American history. Justice Robert Jackson who later presided as the organizer and chief prosecutor at the Nuremberg War Crimes Trials wrote in dissent of that ruling: “A military commander may overstep the bounds of constitutionality, and it is an incident. But if we review and approve, that passing incident becomes the doctrine of the Constitution. There it has a generative power of its own, and all that it creates will be in its own image. Nothing better illustrates this danger than does the Court’s opinion in this case.” That is the danger of the Executive Order that the Court upheld. Justice Roberts used the twisted logic of Korematsu to uphold the ruling even as he overturned Korematsu. Justice Kennedy concurred and then retired from the Court leaving a vacancy that will almost be certainly filled by a young, aggressive, and doctrinaire conservative of the new order, unrestrained by precedent or principle. Unless the Democrats go Full Bork Jacket and at least two Republicans grow a set of balls civil rights, civil liberties, and the Constitution are doomed. The man that nominates Kennedy’s successor is even now under investigation for actions that could be considered by a reasonable person as treason against the United States. That man is the President and almost every day he uses power of his office to demonize any opposition and to dehumanize racial, ethnic, and religious minorities while attacking the freedoms enshrined in the Constitution to free speech and the freedom of the press by referring to his critics as “enemies of the people.” The President has invoked violence against his opponents since he was a candidate and then cries foul when political opponents urge non-violent resistance to include the public shaming of his staff members and Cabinet officials who plan (Stephen Miller), execute (Kirstjen Nielsen), and defend (Sarah Huckabee Sanders) his actions against helpless people who he labels as murderers, rapists, and criminals. Sadly most are refugees from political and criminal persecution and violence in their countries, countries that since the 1840s Americans or the United States Government have treated as subhumans. What is happening now is the result of our past polcies coming home to roost. Marine Corps Major General and two time Medal of Honor Recipient Smedley Butler wrote in his book War is a Racket: “I spent 33 years and four months in active military service and during that period I spent most of my time as a high class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street and the bankers. In short, I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism. I helped make Mexico and especially Tampico safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street. I helped purify Nicaragua for the International Banking House of Brown Brothers in 1902-1912. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for the American sugar interests in 1916. I helped make Honduras right for the American fruit companies in 1903. In China in 1927 I helped see to it that Standard Oil went on its way unmolested. Looking back on it, I might have given Al Capone a few hints. The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I operated on three continents.” Despite the fact that the United States has been interfering and exploiting their countries for almost two centuries they are criminals because they want to be free. Their crime is being refugees after the United States instituted race based immigration policies in the early 1900s. These policies were later used to deny Jews fleeing the Holocaust from coming to the United States. Justice Kennedy left after a series of rulings which seemed to undermine his past judicious behavior on the bench. Maybe at 82 years old he simply decided to punt and place his vote in the column of men who gut the Voting Rights Act, support gerrymandered Congressional districts, and support Executive Orders that while refuting the notorious Supreme Court Decision of Korematsu v. United States used the same logic as that majority used to uphold the President’s third attempt at a travel ban directed a Muslims, primarily Iranians. Japanese Americans who suffered under the military orders enforced by civilian courts and upheld by Korematsu were appalled with good reason. I am going to leave it there for the night. Until tomorrow, Peace Padre Steve+ Friends of Padre Steve’s World, Dietrich Bonhoeffer wrote the words “silence in the face of evil is evil itself.” This is a very difficult article to write because truthfully I believe that civility and mutual respect should be an ideal that we as Americans should not retreat from, as John F. Kennedy noted: “So let us begin a new remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.” I have written about that a number of times, the last being on November 22nd 2016 shortly after President Trump’s election and on the anniversary of Kennedy’s assassination. However, since that time I have seen the President lead a descent into depravity that I fully comprehended then, though I hoped for a different outcome. The fact is that the President has in his words, deeds, and tweets destroyed any hope of our political divide being healed, or of Americans of different viewpoints being able to reconcile their differences anytime in the foreseeable future. He stokes the hatred and division almost on an hourly basis, and of course his opponents having become wise to him are rolling up their sleeves and fighting back. Too me that is an unfortunate situation that might become a tragedy for the United States and the world, as Abraham Lincoln noted “a house divided against itself cannot stand.” To GOP Congressman Steve King of Iowa the sight and sound of Trump’s opponents is like “Harpers Ferry” and what comes next will be “Fort Sumter.” Since King proudly displays the Confederate Battle Flag in his office I know exactly what side of this fight that he is on. The fact is that he and many like him want bloodshed, they want Civil War, they want to remake the Union in a way that Jefferson Davis and his band of traitors failed to do. As a historian of the period with a book awaiting publication the fact is that in the end it comes down to the fact that King, many of the President’s supporters and quite probably the President himself are all White Supremacists. They want a full and complete return to White Man’s Rule and the subservience of all non-white races and non-Christian religions to it. They are the Know Nothings of the North and Slave Power Secessionists of the South rolled into one package of ignorance, incivility, and hatred. I write often about comparisons of the attitudes and actions administration and its supporters to Nazi Germany, but truth be told there is a lot of dirty laundry in our own history that sheds light on Trump and his supporters. The fact is that for nearly three decades the vast majority of Northerners were too polite to criticize the egregious actions of the Know Nothings in their midst or the Southern Slave Power Block that dominated the presidency, Congress, and the Supreme Court for the three decades prior to the War of the Rebellion, also known as the American Civil War, or the War Between the States. Honestly, I think that the term ascribed to it by many Union Veterans in the Grand Army of the Republic after the war, the “War of the Rebellion” is the best. Those opposed to the Know Nothings and Slave Power Block were condemned as being rude, impolite, and worse. Some were physical assaulted. In 1856 Senator Charles Sumner was attacked by Representative Preston Brooks of South Carolina on the floor of the Senate for his speech against the Kansas Nebraska Act. Sumner was beaten until he was unconscious and Brooks’ heavy cane which he used to conduct the attack broke. Brooks continued to beat Sumner aided by Representative Lawrence Keitt also of South Carolina who brandishing a pistol threatened Senators coming to his aid. Sumner has proclaimed no threats of violence but only spoken the truth about the Act and those that supported it. So much for civility and now. The scurrilous and overtly violent threats against minorities and civil rights advocates by conservatives, especially White Christian conservatives have continued unabated since from the ante-Bellum South and the Know Nothing North, through the War of the Rebellion, Reconstruction, Jim Crow, to the modern day. Whole political campaigns including that of George H.W. Bush run by Lee Atwater turned on the demonization of African Americans. The same is true regarding the Republican revolution led by Newt Gingrich in the 1990s, and again even more so from the time that Candidate Donald Trump descended to the lobby of Trump Tower in 2015 until now. The President proclaims that White Supremacists and Neo-Nazis are “very fine people.” The President and many of his followers including administration officials like Stephen Miller set the tone while Presidential spokesperson Sarah Huckabee Sanders lies and denies the President’s words and vilifies anyone that dares to question her. So when she is asked to leave a restaurant, or when Miller or DHS Secretary Nielsen are shamed when trying to enter Mexican restaurants it makes makes my heart bleed. People who have no compassion, no sense of empathy and behave as sociopaths and then act the victim when the tables are turned only deserve scorn. Their anti-immigrant and often blatantly racist tropes of the President, his administration, and his supporters on the Fox Propaganda Network, the Right Wing media, the Putrid Princes of the Captive Conservative Church, and his assorted sordid supporters should be condemned and opposed around the clock. If they are not then any of us who remain silent knowing the evil of these policies is as guilty as anyone that turned their backs on the Jews in Nazi Germany. The higher the office the greater the guilt and culpability. That being said if had the chance to see any one of them in a public setting I would not resort to public shaming. I do not own a restaurant or business so I could not ask them to leave. However, that being said if any of them the President himself presented themselves to me at my chapel or any civilian church that I might be celebrating the Eucharist I would deny them communion which from a Christian point of view is “a fate worse than a fate worse than death.” Bonhoeffer wrote: “Christianity stands or falls with its revolutionary protest against violence, arbitrariness and pride of power and with its plea for the weak. Christians are doing too little to make these points clear rather than too much. Christendom adjusts itself far too easily to the worship of power. Christians should give more offense, shock the world far more, than they are doing now. Christian should take a stronger stand in favor of the weak rather than considering first the possible right of the strong.” As for me I must tell the truth and protest against the violence and the arbitrary pride of power exhibited by the Trump administration and its supporters. I could not live with myself if I didn’t do so. Some might think this political and in some sense it is, but it is entirely based on my understanding of the Christian faith and the very premise of the founders of this country, that phrase in the Declaration of Independence that “all men are created equal and endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, among them being life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” If need be I would die for that faith and that proposition and I will not be silent in the face of evil. So until tomorrow, Peace, Padre Steve+ Friends of Padre Steve’s World, We are visiting friends in the Washington DC area as we get ready to celebrate our wedding anniversary Monday. It is nice to be relaxing with each other, another friend who is down from Pennsylvania and combined flock of 12 Papillon dogs, three of which are ours. Everyone but me has now gone to their bedrooms while I sip a glass of McClelland’s Highland Single Malt Scotch Whiskey with my little boy Pierre at my side, all 4.8 pounds of him. That’s a good thing. Since tomorrow’s weather forecast is for continued rain I will probably watch World Cup games, read and spend time with Judy, our friends and the Papillons. If the weather is good Sunday Monday hope to take Judy to the Smithsonian Museum of American History. Monday night we will celebrate our 35th wedding anniversary with our friends. Depending on the weather I hope to get some decent runs and walks in along the Potomac River. Likewise, despite all that is going on try to take a break from the incessant pounding of crises manufactured by the President and the chaos that he uses to increase his personal power over his administration, the Congress, the media, and yes all of us. Sadly, none of this is going away anytime soon and it will likely become much worse before it gets better; such is the nature of fledgling dictatorships. Even today he demonized all immigrants as criminals and their supporters as being against the rule of law and his supporters applaud as the leaders of his political party cower before him. Eric Hoffer wrote: Should Americans begin to hate foreigners wholeheartedly, it will be an indication that they have lost confidence in their own way of life. The words and actions of the President and his supporters bear this out, they claim to be making America great again but they are destroying the very fabric of the ideals on which the nation was founded. He did this as his administration and immigration agencies imprisons thousands of children, refuses to reunite them with their families, makes plans for camps on military bases to house nearly 150,000 immigrants, sets up checkpoints on American highways demanding that travelers have proof of citizenship, details military JAG officers with no experience in immigration law to serve as Acting US Attorneys to prosecute immigrants. At a publicity stunt Friday the President compared all immigrants from south of the border to criminals by parading the survivors of people killed by illegals and spouting absolute lies about the number of crimes committed by immigrants, legal and illegal alike. He then took the time to sign his name on the pictures of the victims of those crimes. Don’t get me wrong, I have a tremendous amount of compassion for the victims of any violent crime. I have stood over the bodies of men, women, and children killed by the bullets of criminals and tried to console their survivors. I did that so many times that I have lost count of the number. Likewise I have been the victim of violent crime. I was held up at gunpoint with my wife and her family when we were dating and had a pistol pointed at my head as I sat in the back seat of a car unable to go after the gunman without risking the lives of Judy and her parents. I have also had my liefe threatened by White Supremacist for things that I have written, one that was so specific that I reported it to both the local police and the FBI. But in all cases the people who attacked or threatened me were native born Americans. In the President’s view if you are killed by a dark skinned immigrant your families are called “Angel Families” but if you are killed by an American you and your family do not exist because you serve no political purpose. That my friends is a fact and the statistics show that far more violent crimes are committed by Americans than all immigrants and most actual cases of domestic terrorism in the United States are committed by White Supremacists, and mass murders including those at schools, businesses, entertainment venues, churches or other places of worship are committed by White people, not immigrants. But those go largely unheralded by the President, except for incidental tweets that express thoughts and prayers and praise of law enforcement. But that is how incipient dictatorships behave. Certain groups are targets, demonized and compared to the worst examples. In the parlance of Trump they are all murderers, rapists, terrorists, gang members, and drug dealers. This behavior runs rampant in dictatorships and authoritarian states. The President has persistently and insidiously invoked that immigrants are evil. Hoffer wrote: “Hatred is the most accessible and comprehensive of all the unifying agents. Mass movements can rise and spread without belief in a god, but never without a belief in a devil.” That has been happening since the day that President Trump announced his candidacy for President and it is no secret. Mexicans were the first devil of his campaign, and he called them criminals, murderers and rapists on the day that he announced his candidacy. The videos of his speeches, his manifold number of Tweets, and the actions of his administration are all too widely available not to be found by anyone seeking the truth about him, but for his most fervent supporters all of those facts are fake, even if he said them in front of millions of people. Now, events in the United States and at our borders have shown that the President was absolutely correct about his followers when he said that they would continue “to follow him even if he shot somebody on 5th Avenue.” My friends, it is not going to get any better and we better be ready for what comes next or we will be swept away in the flood of lies and evil to come. Despite his buffoonery, one cannot underestimate the potential evil of the President and his followers. Likewise do not assume that a Blue Wave will happen in November because there may be events that occur which will allow the President to use executive orders enacted by his predecessors during the height of the Cold War and the potential of nuclear war to postpone elections or rule by decree. I refer to this as a Reichstag Fire moment. Historian Timothy Snyder wrote in his book On Tyranny: “Modern tyranny is terror management. When the terrorist attack comes, remember that authoritarians exploit such events in order to consolidate power. The sudden disaster that requires the end of checks and balances, the dissolution of opposition parties, the suspension of freedom of expression, the right to a fair trial, and so on, is the oldest trick in the Hitlerian book. Do not fall for it.” We live in a very perilous time where the vision of our founders could be overturned in the blink of an eye and our Republic, as flawed as it is, but always has embraced the ideal of building a more perfect union will perish from the face of the earth. The nation and people may remain, but the ideal will be gone and with it the Republic. So until tomorrow or the next post, have a good day. Peace Padre Steve+ Friends of Padre Steve’s World, I love the virtues of the law. When I was in seminary I had friends who asked me why I wasn’t in law school and they didn’t mean it as a compliment. In high school and college debate classes I could be assigned to debate for positions that I abhorred and destroy my opponents by using precedent, history, and even appealing to emotion. Honestly had I not felt a real call to the ministry and later the priesthood I would have become a lawyer, which is something that I occasionally think about doing but at my age I find little motivation to follow, I think that as a priest, historian, and stand-up philosopher and ethicist I can do more with the time required to become a lawyer at my age, but I digress… The problem is that I see far too many people, especially those in power to be all in favor of being for “law and order” and harsh actions against those alleged lawbreakers while not only excusing, but wholeheartedly supporting the most lawless of Presidents and his policies, almost all of which are based on the most unconstitutional, undemocratic, and inhuman ideas seen in a Western nation since the time of Hitler. To be a “law and order” supporter of President Trump one must subscribe to racism, sexism, homophobia, paranoia, nationalism, and scorn for humanity and even the law itself. If you do not subscribe to that, if you dissent in any way you are an enemy of the President and since the President equates personal loyalty with patriotism an enemy of the state. Let’s revisit a little bit of history. The founding fathers of the United States were considered lawbreakers, traitors, and rebels by King George III and his government. One of my distant ancestors. Henry Dundas, Viscount Melville, then serving as Lord Advocate and a member of the House of Lords called them traitors to the Crown. He actually coined the word starvation because he recommended that the rebellious colonies be starved into submission, earning him the nickname of Starvation Dundas. But he was a law and order kind of guy. In the years after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 people living in Free States could be prosecuted for harboring escaped slaves in the name of the law, even if they were in complete obedience to the laws of their home state. The fact is that at that time States rights only mattered if you were supporting the rights of Slave owners and Slave states. The Dred Scott decision showed this to be fact. To be law and order at that time one had to support white supremacy and the institution of slavery, even if you lived in a Free State. Please don’t get me started on the post-Reconstruction and Jim Crow eras, you can read all of that in my book Mine Eyes Have Seen the Glory’s: Race, Religion, Ideology, and Politics in the Civil War Era when it eventually gets published. Let’s go now to an even more uncomfortable subject, Nazi Germany and the Holocaust. To be law and order in the Nazi State was to support its racist laws. If you defended or harbored Jews, or for that matter even criticized the policies of the Nazi State you were a criminal. That was the case in Germany as well as the counties that it conquered or occupied. If you harbored or protected Jews you were a criminal. Conversely if you turned in a Jew or informed on their protectors you were obeying the law, thus those who hid and protected people like Anne Frank were criminals while those who turned her and her family in were obeying the law. In our day President Trump, his administration, and his supporters have turned U.S. law, international law, and basic humanity and I dare say Christian morality on their head in regards to immigrants, legal and illegal alike; racial and ethnic minorities, women, LGBTQ citizens, the free press, and political opponents. Most egregiously this is happening on the Southwestern border of the United States where thousands of children have been separated from their parents who are being prosecuted simply because they are seeking asylum and freedom in a country that they believe stands higher than the countries that they are fleeing. The policies of the Trump administration are even worse than those of previous administrations, Republican and Democrat, none of which can be called truly humanitarian or in accordance with the principles of the Declaration of Independence. Instead our government and most Republicans have adopted the ideology of King George III and Starvation Dundas; that of the Know Nothings, that of the slaveholder, that of the Jim Crow segregationists, and worst of all that of the Nazi State. To obey the law is to stand against the principles of the Sermon on the Mount, the Declaration of Independence, the United States Constitution, the Four Freedoms, as well as the principles laid down by the United States and its allies at Nuremberg where Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson stated before the trials ever started: “If certain acts of violation of treaties are crimes, they are crimes whether the United States does them or whether Germany does them, and we are not prepared to lay down a rule of criminal conduct against others which we would not be willing to have invoked against us.” Jackson’s words do not matter to this President or his loyal followers, nor of the words of the Declaration or the Constitution. I do not recognize my country anymore and I hope almost beyond hope that something will stop our slide into the abyss that Trump and his supporters are bringing upon us. I have to agree with Major General Henning Von Tresckow, a Plotter against Hitler who died in the aftermath of Operation Valkyrie: “I cannot understand how people can call themselves Christian and not be furious opponents of the Hitler regime.” He also wrote: “We have to show the world that not all of us are like him. Otherwise, this will always be Hitler’s Germany.” Today we simply have to change one word in either of Von Tresckow’s quotes, Trump for Hitler and we also must seriously consider the words of Von Tresckow: “A man’s moral worth is established only at the point where he is ready to give up his life in defense of his convictions.” All of us have to show the world that we are not Trump’s America. If we do not we will most deserving of the condemnation of God and history on the United States. So until tomorrow, Peace, Padre Steve+ Friends of Padre Steve’s World, Holocaust survivor Primo Levy wrote:“ Monsters exist, but they are too few in number to be truly dangerous. More dangerous are the common men, the functionaries ready to believe and to act without asking questions.” From any kind of moral, humanitarian, or for that matter Christian viewpoint is hard to stomach the actions and words of President Trump and his administration regarding the enforced separation of children from their parents. Over the past few weeks and particularly over the past few days we have seen the Administration state fourteen different official positions on the policy. Almost all were bold-faced lies or were the telling of falsehoods with just a kernel of truth. Among those untruths were that the policies were based on court decisions, notably Flores v. Reno and the subsequent Flores Settlement; that it was based on laws enacted by Democrats and that Congress needed to change those laws; that the President could do nothing as his hands were tied by law and court decisions; that the policy was designed to use the children as bargaining chips to get funding for the border wall with Mexico; and even a claim by the Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security just yesterday that there was no policy directing the separation of children from their parents and housing them in cages. Those claims including the repeated claims of the President himself were all destroyed by the President’s Executive Order ending the policy of separating migrant children from their parents. On the surface that looks like a win for the critics of the President and DHS, but it is not. The Executive Order is designed to enable the Administration to indefinitely detain and imprison families and to hold the children of those families longer than the twenty days that Flores Settlement allows. The order instructs the Justice Department to: The Attorney General shall promptly file a request with the U.S. District Court for the Central District of California to modify the Settlement Agreement in Flores v. Sessions, CV 85-4544 (“Flores settlement”), in a manner that would permit the Secretary, under present resource constraints, to detain alien families together throughout the pendency of criminal proceedings for improper entry or any removal or other immigration proceedings. The DHS has stated that it no plans to reunite the children already detained and separated from their parents including infants and toddlers. The President has directed the Department of Defense to: The Secretary of Defense shall take all legally available measures to provide to the Secretary, upon request, any existing facilities available for the housing and care of alien families, and shall construct such facilities if necessary and consistent with law. The Secretary, to the extent permitted by law, shall be responsible for reimbursement for the use of these facilities. It was announced tonight that the DOD is to provide 21 military Judge Advocate General Corps Officers with trial experience to serve as Assistant U.S. Attorneys to adjudicate the cases of these families. The fact is that these actions of the administration will soil the military with the execution of laws that are all too similar to authoritarian regimes that use race, ethnicity, and religion to persecute, imprison, or expel people who belong to undesirable groups. Likewise the Executive order directed other departments to cooperate with DHS: Heads of executive departments and agencies shall, to the extent consistent with law, make available to the Secretary, for the housing and care of alien families pending court proceedings for improper entry, any facilities that are appropriate for such purposes. The Secretary, to the extent permitted by law, shall be responsible for reimbursement for the use of these facilities. I cannot help but see the warning flags, the order reminds me of Hermann Goering’s directive to SS General Reinhard Heydrich which brought about the Final Solution to what the Nazis euphemistically referred to as the Jewish Problem. Goering wrote to Heydrich on July 31st 1941. Supplementing the task assigned to you by the decree of January 24th 1939, to solve the Jewish problem by means of evacuation and emigration in the best possible way by according to present conditions, I hereby charge you to carry out preparations as regards organizational, financial, and material matters for a total solution (Gesamtlosung) of the Jewish question in all the territories of Europe under German occupation. Where the competency of other organizations touches on this matter, the organizations are to collaborate. I charge you further to submit to me as soon as possible a general plan of the administrative material and financial measures necessary for the carrying out the desired final solution (Endlosung) of the Jewish question.” In March of 2016 I wrote an article entitled Wannsee, Problem Solvers and Trump The article pondered who would be the people who would implement the then candidate’s immigration policies. We now know. Attorney General Jeff Sessions said yesterday that the Nazis “did not deport Jews” as he defended the administration’s policies. Acting ICE Director Holden said without any sense of irony that “comparisons to the Nazis were unfair because” his agents were “just following orders.” The President has referred to immigrants as “animals” and this week referred to Democrats allowing immigrants to “infest” our country. The use of the word infest equates all immigrants with But we are not limited to Hitler, we can go back to our own history as Steven Schmidt, a long time conservative Republican wrote; “This child separation policy is connected to the worst abuses of humanity in our history,” Schmidt wrote on Twitter. “It is connected by the same evil that separated families during slavery and dislocated tribes and broke up Native American families.” The fact is that policies like those of the Trump administration are inherently evil and never fail to be the progenitors of even more evil policies. In 1917 most Russians would never thought that the Soviets would enact terrible measures to murder or starve tens of millions of Soviet citizens. In 1933 the vast majority of Germans, even the most anti-Semitic could have ever believed that their nation would be guilty of the premeditated extermination of about 6 million Jews and millions of others. The fact is that our history shows that as a people we are little different than the citizens of the Third Reich or the Soviet Union who either cooperated with or turned aside as their governments exterminated millions of people. I could continue to go on, but the policies policies of the Trump administration and even the Executive Order are immoral, and while clothed in the veneer of enforcing the law go against every principle of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, they are abhorrent and must be condemned, resisted and fought in court, in the media, and at the ballot box. But that is all for now, Until tomorrow, Peace Padre Steve+
7368	dbpedia	1	59	https://www.marinersmuseum.org/2024/08/commander-catesby-ap-roger-jones/	en	Commander Catesby ap Roger Jones	https://www.marinersmuse…dern-Style-3.png	https://www.marinersmuse…dern-Style-3.png	[ "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Untitled-presentation-3-e1722887681985.jpg", "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Untitled-presentation-4-e1722888015324.jpg", "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Untitled-presentation-7-e1722888180273.jpg", "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Untitled-presentation-2-e1722888377164.jpg", "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Untitled-presentation-8-e1722968191237.jpg", "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Untitled-presentation-1-e1722969400311.jpg", "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Untitled-presentation-10-e1722968810424.jpg", "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Untitled-presentation-12-e1723145290328.jpg", "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Untitled-presentation-11-e1722968912663.jpg", "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Untitled-presentation-e1722969004424.jpg", "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/20210219_AMS_JVQ-DistantHorizons-6-e1661520781103-180x180.jpg", "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/20240610_135748-1-150x150.jpg", "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/JVQ_slide4-150x150.jpg", "https://www.marinersmuseum.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/boat_2-1-scaled.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "John V. Quarstein", "maritime art", "oriental rugs" ]	2024-08-08T19:53:03+00:00	Rear Admiral David Dixon Porter remarked at the outbreak of the Civil War that he regretted the loss of only two officers who had left the U.S. Navy during the secession crisis. One was gun designer John Mercer Brooke and the other was Catesby ap Roger Jones. [1] Tall, well-proportioned, and always immaculately dressed, Jones […]	en	/wp-content/themes/mariners/favicon/apple-touch-icon.png?v=1.0	The Mariners' Museum and Park	https://www.marinersmuseum.org/2024/08/commander-catesby-ap-roger-jones/	Rear Admiral David Dixon Porter remarked at the outbreak of the Civil War that he regretted the loss of only two officers who had left the U.S. Navy during the secession crisis. One was gun designer John Mercer Brooke and the other was Catesby ap Roger Jones. [1] Tall, well-proportioned, and always immaculately dressed, Jones maintained a commanding presence despite walking with a slight limp caused by a gunshot wound to the hip he received during a riot while on leave in Paris in 1851. He was born at his grandmother’s estate, Fairfield Plantation, in Frederick (now Clarke) County on April 15, 1821. His mother, Mary Ann Mason, was a lineal descendant of William Byrd II and Robert ‘King’ Carter, making her a cousin to Robert E. Lee. His father was Roger ap Catesby Jones. He joined the US Marine Corps in 1809 and received his commission to become a captain in the US Army. The artillery officer would be breveted to lieutenant colonel as a result of his service with Brigadier General Winfield Scott during the War of 1812. On March 7, 1825, Jones was appointed Adjutant General of the US Army and eventually was breveted to major general in 1848. Jones died in 1854. The unusual Welsh idiom ‘ap’ in Jones’s name means ‘son of.’ Thus, Catesby ap Roger Jones was noted as the son of Roger Jones. His equally famous uncle was Commodore Thomas ap Catesby Jones. Jones was a War of 1812 hero having unsuccessfully defended the Lake Bourne approach to New Orleans. While Jones was overwhelmed by the British fleet during the Battle of Lake Bourne, he received great accolades for his leadership supporting General Andrew Jackson’s defense of New Orleans. He would later receive national acclaim for his occupation of Monterey, California. [2] The Beginning of Jones’s Navy Career Catesby ap Roger Jones entered the US Navy as a midshipman on June 18, 1836. His first assignment was in USS Macedonian commanded by his uncle. In 1837, he was named aide to the commander of the East India Squadron, Commodore George C. Read. Sailing in the Raritan-class frigate Columbia, the midshipman participated in the 1838 Second Sumatran Expedition. Jones attended the Philadelphia Naval School and became a passed midshipman in 1841. In 1842, he was assigned to the Depot of Charts serving under Lieutenant Matthew Fontaine Maury. Jones was assigned to the schooner Flirt for coastal surveying duty and then detailed to USS Perry in 1843. When the brig reached Hong Kong, the passed midshipman transferred to the frigate Brandywine. He circumnavigated during Brandywine’s voyage back to the United States arriving in late 1845 at Gosport Navy Yard. Although he was assigned to the “Exploring Expedition,” when his uncle resigned from that mission, Jones was detailed to USS Ohio as acting master on November 13, 1846. The ship-of-the-line sailed to join the Pacific Squadron arriving in Baja California just as the Mexican-American War was ending. Catesby Jones was promoted to master in October 1848 and lieutenant on May 12, 1849. He took a two-year leave of absence to travel to Europe. Testing Merrimack’s Battery In February 1853, Jones was assigned to the US Navy Ordnance Bureau at Washington Navy Yard. He worked directly with the bureau’s chief, John A. B. Dahlgren, on various artillery experiments. This work resulted in the development of the IX-inch Dahlgren shell gun and the gun’s acceptance as the standardized broadside gun for the navy’s Merrimack-class frigates and Hartford-class sloops. At Dahlgren’s request, Jones was assigned as ordnance officer of USS Merrimack from 1856 to 1857 to test the frigate’s new artillery. The tests proved satisfactory; Jones noted that “a vessel with such a great deadrise as the Merrimack’s could not offer heavy battery with substantial stability … . In a heavy sea…it will be difficult to handle her battery.” [3] The lieutenant later served aboard several other ships fitted with Dahlgren shell guns to test them, such as the sloop of war Plymouth and the gunboat Pawnee. When Virginia left the Union on April 17, 1861, Jones resigned his commission. On the same day, Governor John Letcher appointed Jones as captain in the newly formed Virginia Navy and dispatched him to Norfolk. Once there, Jones supported Capt. Thomas Kevill of 41st Virginia in the capture of Fort Norfolk across the Elizabeth River from Gosport Navy Yard. The fort contained the yard’s entire supply of gunpowder totalling 300,000 lbs. [4] Gosport was abandoned by Union forces on April 20/21, 1861. The Virginia Navy then merged with the Confederate Navy, and Jones was commissioned lieutenant. He was assigned to build and command the fortifications on Jamestown Island in June 1861. He built several batteries, one atop the 1607 Jamestown fort. Jones, as an ordnance expert, became keenly interested in the conversion of the damaged wooden steam screw frigate Merrimack into an ironclad ram at Gosport Navy Yard. He considered Merrimack “the most important naval affair the country has to deal with and consequently am deeply interested in her success, and anxious that it may be completed.” [5] His friend, Lieutenant John Mercer Brooke was charged with coordinating the guns and iron plate for the conversion project. Brooke wanted thicker plates than Tredegar Iron Works could produce. The foundry was only set up to make one-inch iron plate. Unsure of the casemate’s shot-proof qualities, Brooke resolved to test the protective nature of three courses of one-inch plate with Jones at Jamestown Island. Jones prepared a target in early October 1861 to replicate the proposed shield of the ironclad. Constructed of 24 inches of oak and pine, the target was inclined at an angle of 36 degrees and covered with three layers of one-inch iron plate. An eight-inch Columbiad was positioned 327 yards from the target, and several rounds of solid shot were fired using 10 lb. powder charge. Jones believed that this distance and shot would closely represent the shot enemy ship’s could fire at the Confederate ironclad. The test shield was immediately shattered with the ball entering five inches into the wood backing. It was obvious that one-inch iron plate was insufficient. Jones noted that if explosive shells had been used, the wood backing would have caught fire. [6] Another target was set up using two layers of two-inch iron plate. An VIII-inch and IX-inch shell guns were fired at the target. The outer plate shattered, but the interior plate was only cracked. The wood backing was not touched. The experiment proved that the Merrimack‘s casemate must be shielded with two-inch iron plate. Just to be sure, a third target was covered with two layers of railroad T-iron. This configuration was easily penetrated by both the VIII- and IX-inch shell guns. Lt. Jones submitted the findings of these tests in an October 12, 1861 report to Confederate Secretary of War Stephen Russell Mallory. He wrote that the sloped sides of the casemate would greatly enhance the shot-proof qualities of the shield, but Merrimack must be clad with four-inches of iron, preferably with two layers of two-inch iron plate. [7] Secretary Mallory’s concerns about the ironclad project prompted him to assign Lt. Catesby ap Roger Jones as Merrimack’s executive officer. Jones’s early assignment as Merrimack’s executive officer in November 1861 expedited construction, in part, by mitigating the disagreements between Lt. John Mercer Brooke and Chief Naval Constructor John Luke Porter. His duties included mounting the ironclad’s ordnance, mustering a crew, and preparing the vessel for sea. Jones had numerous problems to solve. The conversion project was scheduled for launching in late November, but it was not ready until the end of January when the ironclad neared completion. [8] Jones and CSS Virginia in Battle When Capt. Franklin Buchanan was named as commander of the James River Defenses with CSS Virginia as his flagship, Catesby Jones was “actually oppressed with undue expectations.”[9] He knew the ship from stem to stern and he had pushed forward to completion. Nevertheless, as the ironclad’s executive officer, he continued to recruit crew and prepare for action. Buchanan did not take long to pit Virginia against the Union wooden fleet in Hampton Roads. On March 8, 1862 Buchanan struck at USS Cumberland and USS Congress off Newport News Point. Cumberland was rammed and quickly sank. Congress ran aground while striving to escape; however, the Confederate shelled the Union frigate into submission. While observing the tugs CSS Raleigh and CSS Beaufort take off wounded from the burning frigate, Buchanan became enraged and began shooting at the Union soldiers on the shore. Such an obvious target, Buchanan was shot in the thigh. The bullet grazed his femoral artery, and Buchanan was carried below and ordered Catesby Jones “to plug hot shot into her and don’t leave until she’s afire.” [10] “Brave and cool, determined old Jones fought the action out in his quiet way,” noted Lt. Robert Dabney Minor, “giving them thunder all of the time.” [11] Jones, “who knew the ship from her keel upwards and who had been made responsible for the efficiency of her battery,” [12] assumed command of Virginia and continued firing on Congress until it was engulfed in flames. “Dearly did they pay for unparalleled treachery,” wrote Lt. John Randolph Eggleston.”We raked her from fore and aft with hot shot and shell.” [13] Then, Jones took his ironclad back into Hampton Roads intent on destroying two grounded frigates: USS Minnesota and USS St. Lawrence. Even though the tide was receding, it had grown “so dark that we could not see to point the guns with accuracy,” remembered the ironclad’s new commander. By 8 p.m., the battle in Hampton Roads was over, but Jones was determined to renew the attack in the morning. [14] Once anchored at Sewell’s Point, Catesby Jones focused on preparing Virginia for the next day’s action. Jones inspected the ironclad for damage and discovered a small leak in the bow but did not notice that the ram was missing because of the dark. He merely thought that the ram was twisted from its collision with Cumberland. Despite the missing anchors, boats, flagstaffs, railings, and howitzers, most of which were lost during the fight with Cumberland, Jones believed that Virginia was ready to venture out against the Union’s wooden fleet. The Confederate ironclad had stood the test of battle rather well during its maiden voyage. [15] The Arrival of USS Monitor Catesby Jones gave his men breakfast at dawn and got underway from Sewell’s Point about 6 a.m. on March 9, accompanied by CSS Patrick Henry, CSS Jamestown, and CSS Teaser. Due to heavy fog, the small squadron delayed entering Hampton Roads until 8 a.m. Jones saw that Minnesota was still stranded on the shoal as his ship steamed into range. At 8:30 a.m., Virginia’s forward Brooke rifle sent the first shot of the day at a range of 1,000 yards through the frigate’s rigging. Another shot quickly followed, exploding on the inside of the ship, causing considerable destruction and setting the ship on fire. Jones expected to make short work of Minnesota; however, a dark object that looked like “a barrel head afloat with a cheesebox on top of it,” [16] moved slowly out from under Minnesota and steamed toward the Confederate ironclad. Jones, who had been following the Union ironclad’s construction in Northern newspapers, calmly told his officers that there “was an iron battery near” Minnesota. Jones knew that it was USS Monitor and prepared his crew for “some hot work.” Monitor opened fire at 8:45 a.m., and for the next four hours, the two ironclads pounded each other with shot and shell. [17 Virginia entered the battle totally unprepared to engage another ironclad, It only had explosive shells, hot shot, and canister to use against wooden ships. The decision not to produce armor-penetrating for the Brooke rifles now haunted Jones. The Confederate ironclad’s commander knew, however, that he could still destroy the wooden ships in the harbor. Yet, Monitor continued blocking Virginia’s access to the frigate. The battle was primarily fought at a range of less than 100 yards. Often, the ships almost touched each other as each ironclad sought to gain an advantage. Monitor’s small size and quickness frustrated the Confederates, who tried to fire at the Union ironclad’s gunports, but found that the turret revolved too fast. [18] Lt. Eggleston complained that “we never got sight of her guns except when they were about to fire into us.”[19] Eggleston was later chided by Catesby Jones for not firing his gun at the Union ironclad. He replied to Jones, “It is quite a waste of ammunition to fire at her. Our power is precious, sir, and I find I can do the Monitor as much damage by snapping my finger at her every five minutes.” [20] Jones attempted to move against Minnesota, but ran his ship aground and was barely able to free Virginia from the shoal. Jones then decided to ram Monitor. The Confederate ironclad made a half-mile run at Monitor, but only struck the Union warship with a glancing blow and did little damage. The missing prow may have made a difference. Monitor’s evasive move enabled Jones to move against the stranded frigate. Seeing Virginia riding high in the water due to all of its usage of coal, shells, and powder, prompted the Union ironclad’s commander. Lt. John Lorimer Worden, to attempt to ram Virginia. At the last moment, a steering malfunction caused Monitor to veer by the Confederate ironclad. A shell from the stern 7-inch Brooke gun struck Monitor’s pilothouse, blinding the ship’s commander Lt. Worden. Monitor broke off action and steamed onto a shoal. [21] Catesby Jones could see that Monitor was damaged. So he decided to renew the attack on Minnesota; however, the tide was receding, and he could not get his ship close enough to effectively shell the frigate. Jones then walked along the gun deck, conferring with his officers. The commander summarized the situation: that this “ship is leaking from the loss of her prow; the men are exhausted by being so long at their guns; the tide is ebbing, so we shall have to remain here all night unless we leave at once. I propose to return to Norfolk for repairs. What is your opinion?” [22] A majority argued for a return to Norfolk. Jones commented that “had there been any sign of Monitor’s willingness to renew the contest we would have remained to fight her.” The ironclad commander then headed his warship into the Elizabeth River destination Gosport Navy Yard. [23] The Battle of Drewry’s Bluff Even though the Confederates were the victors of the Battle of Hampton Roads, the failure to capture or destroy Monitor dampened Southern spirits. Some stated that Jones should have done more to destroy the Union fleet on March 9; officers like Chief Engineer Ashton Ramsay believed that “Jones was a clear-headed, cool and determined man and his reasoning doubtless good.” Jones was soon replaced as commander of Virginia by War of 1812 hero Josiah Tattnall. Nevertheless, he remained as executive officer and focused on repairs to the ironclad while it was in drydock. On two occasions, the Confederate Navy attempted to draw Monitor into battle without result. Virginia remained the primary gatekeeper for the James River until Norfolk was abandoned by the Confederate army on May 10, 1862. Virginia no longer had a deep water port and had few courses of action to take. Flag Officer Tattnall decided it would be best to lighten the ship from a draft of 23 feet to that of 18 feet. As Virginia had lessened its draft, the pilots informed Tattnall that because of the wind and tide, Virginia could not be taken up the James River to Richmond. The ship was run aground on Craney Island and then scuttled by Jones who set a slow match to the powder trails and rowed for shore by the light of the burning Virginia. As Jones organized the crew for the 22-mile march to Suffolk, he paused, and, as recounted by Landsman John F. Higgins, remembered: “Lieutenant Jones halted and addressed a view encouraging words to his men. He then said if anyone had a family or friend in Norfolk or Portsmouth, he would not blame them for returning then, “but be men,” and “be true to the South.” [24] Only two men stepped out of ranks, and the crew resumed their march to Suffolk. Once there, they entrained to Petersburg and marched onto Drewry’s Bluff. Jones and his men arrived at the bluff on May 13. He understood that the enemy, including USS Galena, USS Monitor, USRCS Naugatuck, USS Port Royal, and USS Aroostook, was in the “river; and extraordinary exertions must be made to repel him.” [25] Lt. Jones organized his crew into work parties to construct new gun emplacements. The morale of the men was very low. Although Lt. John Taylor Wood thought that the Confederate Navy for the time had been destroyed, they “must seek other ways of rendering ourselves useful.” [26] By dawn May 15, 1862, Jones’s sailors had mounted five heavy guns, while James River Squadron sailors built a gun position into the brow of the bluff for a seven-inch Brooke gun in an earth-covered log casemate. By 7:45 a.m., the Union flotilla commanded by Captain John Rodgers brought his ships to within 600 yards of Drewry’s Bluff and the river obstructions. He placed Galena at the front of the column and opened fire on the Confederate batteries. The Confederates’ return fire was deadly. Plunging shot and shell wrecked havoc on Galena. The ironclad was struck by 43 projectiles and its weak iron plating was penetrated 13 times during the four-hour battle. Two guns were manned by the Southside Artillery and one gun was crewed by the Bedford Artillery. These guns were in a perfect position to rain fire down upon the Union ships. Jones was stationed with the Southside Artillery and his role was to assist the volunteer artillerists in managing their heavy guns. However, he was so exhausted by his efforts of the past five days, that he actually dozed off while sitting on a shell box. Rodgers was unable to pass over the obstructions, and his flotilla was forced to retreat downriver. Moving Up Through the Ranks On July 22, 1862, Jones was transferred from Drewry’s Bluff to supervise the construction of the gunboat CSS Chattahoochee at David S. Johnston’s shipyard at Saffold, Ga. on the Chattahoochee River. The gunboat was armed with six guns and had a speed of 12 knots. Lt. Jones had hoped to take the steamer down the Apalachicola River to Apalachicola Bay thence into the Gulf of Mexico to attack blockaders. Unfortunately, once the gunboat neared completion, the Confederate Army abandoned the city of Apalachicola and placed obstructions in the river to block any Union advance up the river. This situation meant that Chattahoochee was blocked from reaching the Gulf of Mexico. [27] Just as Catesby Jones asked for a more active assignment, Major General John Bankhead Magruder, commander of the Department of Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona, requested that Jones be detailed to his command. Magruder had just liberated Galveston. During the engagement, the former revenue cutter Harriet Lane was placed under the command of Lt. J.N. Barney. Barney had fought during the battle of Hampton Roads with Jones. Secretary Mallory approved Jones’s transfer on January 24, 1863, as Magruder believed he could arm 10 to 15 gunboats in the near future. Jones was named commodore of all Confederate gunboats in Magruder’s district and was simultaneously promoted to colonel to serve on the general’s staff. [28] Capt. H. H. Bell, commander of USS Brooklyn, stationed off Galveston on March 19, 1863, noted that Jones was in Galveston fitting out CSS Harriet Lane.[29] Jones was not destined to serve in Texas long nor is it confirmed that he arrived there. He was considered to be a brilliant ordnance officer by Stephen Mallory, who detailed Jones on May 9, 1863, to the Charlotte Navy Yard. Before he assumed these new duties, on April 29, 1863, Jones was promoted to the rank of commander for his “gallant and meritorious conduct” during the battles of Hampton Roads and Drewry’s Bluff.” [30] Selma Gun Factory Secretary Mallory felt Jones would better serve the Confederacy as commander of the Selma Gun Factory producing Brooke guns for coastal defense and ship armament. Commander Jones was assigned there in early June 1863.The Selma Ordnance and Naval Foundry was founded by Colin J. McRae to produce cannon, shovels, uniforms, swords, and buttons. The pre-war Mount Vernon Arsenal was moved to Selma in 1862, which enabled the production of more weapons. The facility was the largest of its kind in the Deep South. At its peak, the entire complex of over 100 buildings covering 50 acres employed 10,000 workers. Selma was the perfect place to build a gun foundry. It was situated on the Alabama River, which provided power to operate machinery and gave riverine access to Mobile Bay to arm forts and ironclads. Iron and coal were plentiful and easily shipped by railroad or barge. Jones’s leadership and ordnance skills resulted in the production of over 70 Brooke guns at the gun factory. The production of one Brooke rifle took six to seven weeks. The process included the initial casting, cooling, and banding process, lathing the bore, and cutting the barrel grooves. The factory produced 7-inch Brooke rifles (13,879 lbs.), 6.4-inch rifles (10,680 lbs.), and XI-inch shell guns (23,600 lbs.). Jones’s brilliant mind and exceptional engineering talents made the Selma Gun Factory into a major manufacturer of artillery. He personally supervised each large casting and, on one occasion, narrowly escaped death or severe injury from an explosion. Due to the efforts of Catesby ap Roger Jones, the Selma Gun Works produced half of the Confederacy’s heavy cannon and two-thirds of artillery ammunition. [31] As the war neared its conclusion, Jones was assigned to the Mobile Bay Squadron. He was paroled on May 9, 1865, aboard USS Stockdale. Immediately after the war, Jones established a business partnership with former naval associates John Mercer Brooke and Robert D. Minor. Together they purchased military supplies in the United States and sold them to foreign governments. The business failed. The Death of Cateby Jones Catesby Jones returned home to Selma to sell insurance and live with his young family. He married Gertrude T. Tartt on March 23, 1865. They had six children together. His next-door neighbor was Jared Alphonzo Harrel and his family. Harrel was co-owner of the merchant firm of Harrel & Clay. On the afternoon of June 19, 1877, one of Jones’s sons was playing in the neighbor’s yard when he slapped Harrel’s daughter and began fighting with her brother, who was 10 years old. The fight was broken up by Jones’s sister-in-law. The son, Tartt, was taken home and punished. The next morning, Mrs. Jones sent her son next door with a note of apology and a basket of fruit. Mr. Harrel did not read the note and instructed his son to fight Tartt ap Catesby Jones. A fierce fight ensued. This prompted Catesby Jones to visit. Jones used a cane, and when he arrived at Mr. Harrel’s threshold, excitedly tapping his cane, he asked Mr. Harrel what was meant by this conduct and earnestly asked him if he had read the note. Harrel retorted that he had not read the note and would not have allowed the fight if he had done so; but wished to know if Capt. Jones came there for a fight. Jones told him ”that he did not, and that he would not let himself be drawn into a fight with such a contemptible puppy as he was.” Jones adamantly added, “ ‘I will not shake hands with you,’ stamping his cane hard on the floor.” Harrel immediately drew a revolver and shot Jones through the lungs. Catesby Jones was mortally wounded and would die the next day. Meanwhile, Harrel was arrested and posted a bond of $15,000 and was later found not guilty of murder. [32] Thus ended the life of one of the great heroes of the Confederate Navy. He was an outstanding ordnance officer and should be known as one of the men who helped to transform USS Merrimack into the powerful ram CSS Virginia. Much of his fame is because Catesby ap Roger Jones is the man who fought USS Monitor to a standstill on March 9, 1862, during the Battle of Hampton Roads. His contribution to naval ordnance both before and during the Civil War was excellent and made Jones a trusted, capable, and outstanding officer throughout his career. ENDNOTES 1 David Dixon Porter, Incidents and Anecdotes of the Civil War, New York, D. Appleton & Company, 1885, p.73, 2 Gene A. Smith, Thomas ap Catesby Jones, Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2000, pp. 3-6. 3 Oliver W. Griffiths, “The New War Steamers,” United States Nautical Magazine (April 1855), p. 302. 4 Thomas O. Selfridge, Jr., Memoirs of Thomas O. Selfridge, Jr.: Rear Admiral, U.S.N., New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924, p. 27-28. 5 Jones to Minor, September 1861, Robert Dabney Minor Papers, Minor Family Papers Collection, Virginia Historical Society. 6 John Mercer Brooke, “The Plan and Construction of the Merrimac,” In Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, vol. I, Edited by Robert Underwood and Clarence Clough Buel, New York: Century Co., 1887, 240-41. 7 T. Catesby Jones, “The Iron-Clad Virginia,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 49 (October 1941), pp 301-302. 8 William N. Still, Jr., Iron Afloat:The Story of Confederate Armorclad. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1985, p.21. 9 James Phinney Baxter, III, The Introduction of the Ironclad Warship, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1933, p. 129 and George M. Brooke, Jr., John M. Brooke, Naval Scientist and Educator, Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1980, p.240. 10 John V. Quarstein, CSS Virginia: Sink Before Surrender, Charleston, SC: The History Press, 2012, p.135 and William Norris, “The Story of the Confederate States’ Ship Virginia(Once Merrimac): Her Victory Over the Monitor, Born March 7th, Died May 10th, 1862, Southern Historical Society Papers 41 (September 1916), p. 208. 11 John M. Kell, Recollections of a Naval Life, Washington, D.C.: Neale Publishing Company, 1900, p. 283. 12. Norris, Story of the ‘Virginia,’ p. 208. 13 John R. Eggleston, “Captain Eggleston’s Narrative of the Battle of the Merrimac,” Southern Historical Society Papers 40 (1916), p. 208. 14 Catesby ap Roger Jones, “Services of the Virginia,” Southern Historical Society Papers 11 (January 1883), p.68. 15 Ibid., pp.70-71. 16 Henry Ashton Ramsay, “The Most Famous of Sea Duels, The Story of the Merrimac’s Engagement with the Monitor, and the Events that Preceded and Followed the Fight, Told by a Survivor,” Harper’s Weekly, February 10, 1912, pp.11-12. 17 T. Catesby Jones, p.17. 18 Quarstein, pp. 157-158. 19 Eggleston, pp. 175-176. 20 John Taylor Wood, “The First Fight of the Ironclads; March 9, 1862,” In Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, vol.I, edited by Robert Underwood Johnson and Clarence Clough Buel, New York: Century Co., p. 702. 21 Quarstein, pp. 165-167. 22. Ramsay, p. 12. 23 Catesby ap Roger Jones, p. 72. 24 John F. Higgins, “Brilliant Career of the Merrimac,” Confederate Veteran (August 1900), 357. 25 U.S. War Department.The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies,(hereafter referred to ORN) ser. 1, vol.7, p. 799. 26 Quarstein, p. 223. 27 Lynn Willoughby, “Enchantment and Ennui: The Experiences of the Crew of the CSS Chattahoochee, The Georgia Historical Quarterly, 70 (Fall 1986), pp. 409-432. 28 U.S. War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, ser. I, vol.XV, p. 959. 29 ORN, vol. 1, vol. 20, p. 94. 30 Office of Naval Records and Library, United States Navy Department, Register of Officers of the Confederate Navy, Mattituck, NY: J.M. Carroll & Company, 1983,
7368	dbpedia	1	44	http://www.newyorkcivilwar.com/new_unithistory.html	en	The 67th NY, 1st Long Island Volunteers: Regimental History			[ "http://www.newyorkcivilwar.com/history.jpg", "http://www.newyorkcivilwar.com/button_home_page.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null	A Brief History of the 67th New York Volunteer Infantry The First Long Island Volunteers Written by Private James Neall (a/k/a Bob Hutton) Following the attack on Fort Sumter the call for seventy five thousand three-month volunteers went forth from the Lincoln government to quell the rebellion. Some of the first to answer the call were the men of the Rochester and Brooklyn, Long Island areas of New York. After the Federal Army's defeat at Bull Run, the Government realized that this would not be a brief 'one battle' war. The Militia regiments that had signed up for 90 days in the first months of the Rebellion were disbanding. Many of the NY regiments of militia sent to Washington City under Governor Morton had returned bloodied and disillusioned. New regiments were enlisting for as long as three years. Recruitment occurred at the Recruiting office on Fulton Street in Lower Manhattan. The new citizen soldiers were mustered in for three years on June 24th of 1861 totaling 901 men, and made camp at South Brother Island in New York Harbor before transferring to Fort Schuyler for some basic army training, moving briefly to Fort Hamilton before departing southward. The regiment formally was designated the 67th NY on September 19th, also known as the Brooklyn Phalanx, commanded by Colonel Julius Adams and Lt. Colonel Nelson Cross. The 67th New York departed for Washington City August 22nd 1861 stopping in Baltimore where they slept with loaded muskets at the station, the threat of rioting secessionists in that city still a concern, before leaving for the capital the next morning arriving in vicinity of Washington City on Aug 24th. They were stationed at several camps around the capital including camp 'Meridian' and 'Temple' then marched to Queens Farm Maryland briefly as the new Army was organized, then sent to camp 'Proctor' for winter quarters and training with the new 'Army Of The Potomac' near Washington City, moving around to successive camps finally being assigned to 2nd brigade, 1st division, 4th Army Corps. Left camp Proctor on March 26th 1862 for Alexandria aboard the 'Daniel Webster' arrived at Fortress Monroe March 28th1862, one man was killed falling to the bottom of the transport. Took part in the Yorktown campaign suffering losses in the pursuit of the rebels in the Battle of Williamsburg in May and Fair Oaks or Seven Pines on June 1st. Continued with the 4th Corps during the Peninsula campaign, again suffering losses at battle of White Oak Swamp. Lieutenant Francis Murphy was wounded and captured at Savage Station along with others when McClellan abandoned the wounded and retreated towards Glendale and Malvern Hill. The 67th New York then participated in the Battle of Malvern Hill on July 1st 1862. Transferred north to Washington, missed the battle of second Manassas but pursued Lee's Army north, just after the fight, being present at the Battle of Chantilly. During the Maryland Campaign was engaged at Crampton's Gap in South Mountain and held in reserve during the Battle of Antietam. October 10th saw the departure of Colonel Adams and the elevation of Colonel Nelson Cross as commander of the 67th New York. Refitted, the regiment was transferred to the 6th Army Corps, 3rd Division, 3rd Brigade on September 26th 1862. In December the 67th New York became part of the 1st Brigade. The Battle of Fredericksburg found the 67th NY on the Union left. Following the Union defeat at Fredericksburg the regiment took part in the 'Infamous Mud March' returning to camp at Falmouth. With Hooker now in command of the Army of the Potomac, the 67th New York as part of John Sedgwick's 6th Corps took the Fredericksburg Heights and attempted to strike Lee on His Right Flank during the battle of Chancellorsville in May 1863 only to be delayed by Confederate General Jubal Early and forced to re-cross the Rappahannock. Pursued the Army of Northern Virginia north into Pennsylvania during the Gettysburg campaign and took part in the fighting on Culp's Hill and Cemetery Ridge. The 67th New York's Regimental monument stands today on Culp's Hill. Casualties were one man killed and several wounded. Reports of amazement of such light losses considering the close range withering fire they were exposed to in the recapture of the defense line from the Confederates during an early morning counter attack. Engaged in the pursuit of Rebels across the Potomac River and into Virginia. Went into winter quarters on the Rappahannock line after the fall Mine Run campaign. In January of 1864 the 67th New York was transferred west to Sandusky Ohio where they were stationed at Johnson's Island to guard Confederate prisoners. Returned to the Army Of the Potomac in March of 1864. Took part in the spring Overland Campaign as the 4th Brigade, 1st Division, of the IV Corps, stationed on the Union right, the regiment guarded the wagon train and participated in repulsing Ewell's attack on May 6th at the battle of the Wilderness. Casualties at the Wilderness: lost 18 men killed and 57 wounded. Several days later again engaged in the vicious battle of Spotsylvania. May 10th found the 67th New York taking part in Emory Upton's spearhead drive into the rebel defenses at the 'Mule Shoe Salient'. Again on May 12th as part of the support for the 2nd corps attack in the same area they fought hand to hand at the 'Bloody Angle' suffering heavy losses of 19 men killed, 23 wounded and 2 missing. Engaged at the North Anna River standoff and were on the extreme right during the ill fated frontal assaults at Cold Harbor. Crossed the James River with the 6th Corps arriving at Petersburg in late June of 1864, took part in some of the early fighting at the opening of this campaign. As Confederate General Jubal Early marched up the Valley, Lincoln called on Grant for help in the defense of the Capital. The 6th corps was dispatched and helped drive back the Rebels from the outskirts of Washington City. Their three years up, many of the men of the 67th New York reenlisted as Veteran volunteers along with those whose terms were not yet up having joined the regiment later. The 67th was formally mustered out on July 4th 1864. On September 1st 1864 those who reenlisted as Veteran Volunteers along with the newer recruits became part of the 65th NY in the Army of the Shenandoah now commanded by Phil Sheridan. As the 65th NY they were engaged in the Valley Campaign at 3rd Winchester, Fishers Hill, and most notably at Cedar Creek where as part of the Corps they held a defensive line until Sheridan rallied his panicked troops. As part of the 65th NY helped defeat General Early and close the Shenandoah Valley to the Confederacy. Returned to the 6th corps at Petersburg in Dec 1864, the 65th NY took part in the battles of Hatcher's Run in February of 1865 and again during the final break through with the army on April 2nd. Pursued Lee towards Appomattox engaged at Saylor's Creek on April 6th and witnessing the Surrender on April 9th. The 67th New York lost 7 officers killed, 105 enlisted men killed, 8 officers and 259 enlisted men were wounded, 2 officers and 75 enlisted men died of other causes mostly attributable to disease, engaged in 23 battles during its 3 years of service finally mustering out with the 65th New York on July 1865. List of Engagements 1862 Duty in the Defense of Washington, D.C. till March, 1862. March to Prospect Hill, Va., March 11-15. Ordered to the Peninsula, Va., March 25. Siege of Yorktown, Va., April 5 to May 4. Battle of Williamsburg, May 5. Battle of Seven Pines of Fair Oaks, May 31 - June 1. Seven Days Before Richmond, June 25- July 1. Malvern Hill, July 1. At Harrison's Landing till August 16. Movement to Alexandria, August 16 - September 1. Maryland Campaign, September 4 - 22. Battle of Antietam, September 16 - 17. Duty in Maryland till October 20. Movement to Stafford Court House, Va., October 20 - November 19 and to Belle Plains, December 5. Battle of Fredericksburg, Va., December 12 - 15. 1863 "Mud March", January 20 - 24, 1863. Chancellorsville Campaign, April 27 - May 6. Operations About Franklin's Crossing, April 29 - May 2. Battle of Maryes Heights, Fredericksburg, May 3. Salem Heights, May 3 - 4. Banks' Ford, May 4. Battle of Gettysburg, Pa., July 2 - 4. Pursuit of Lee, July 5 - 24. Duty on Line of the Rappahannock till October. Bristoe Campaign, October 9 - 22. Advance to line of the Rappahannock, November 7-8. Rappanhannock Station, November 7. Mine Run Campaign, November 26 - December 2. 1864 Duty at Johnson's Island, Lake Erie, Ohio, January to March, 1864. Campaign from the Rapidan to the James, May 3 - June 15. Battles of the Wilderness, May 6 - 7. Spotsylvania, May 8 -12. Spotsylvania Court House, May 12 - 21. Assault on the Salient or "Bloody Angle", May 12. North Anna River, May 23 - 26. On Line of the Pamunkey, May 26 - 28 Totopotomoy, May 28 - 31. Cold Harbor, June 1 -12. Before Petersburg, June 17 - 18. Siege of Petersburg, June 17 to July 9. (Non-Veterans mustered out July 4, 1864.) Moved to Washington, D.C., July 9 -11. Repulse of Early's Attack on Fort Stevens and the Northern Defences of Washington, July 11 - 12. Sheridan's Shenandoah Valley Campaign, August 7 - September 1. Battalion consolidated with the 65th Regiment New York Infantry, September 1, 1864.
7368	dbpedia	2	85	https://www.historynet.com/robert-e-lee/	en	Robert E. Lee	https://www.historynet.c…-Lee-203x300.jpg	https://www.historynet.c…-Lee-203x300.jpg	[ "https://www.historynet.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/cropped-Historynet-main-logo.png", "https://www.historynet.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Historynet-favicon.png", "https://www.historynet.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/Rob-Lee-203x300.jpg", "https://www.historynet.com/images/covers/civil-war-times-cover.jpg", "https://www.historynet.com/images/covers/americas-civil-war-cover.jpg", "https://www.historynet.com/wp-content/uploads/image/2009/MHQ/Summer%202009/LEE%20Gettysburg.jpg", "https://www.historynet.com/wp-content/uploads/image/2009/MHQ/Summer%202009/Gettysburg%20Map%20sm.jpg", "https://www.historynet.com/images/covers/military-history-cover.jpg", "https://www.historynet.com/images/covers/civil-war-times-cover.jpg", "https://www.historynet.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/cropped-Historynet-main-logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "HistoryNet Staff" ]	2012-06-19T21:01:49+00:00	Facts & information about Robert E. Lee, a Confederate Civil War General during the American Civil War Robert E. Lee Facts Born January 19, 1807 Died	en	https://www.historynet.c…avicon-50x50.png	HistoryNet	https://www.historynet.com/robert-e-lee/	Did Robert E. Lee Doom Himself at Gettysburg? By blindly relying on poor intelligence and saying far too little to his generals, Lee may have sealed the Rebels’ fate. The afternoon of July 3, 1863, near Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, promised to be hot. A town resident with a scientific bent would record a high temperature of 87 degrees for this day. At his headquarters just west of town, alongside the Chambersburg Pike, Gen. Robert E. Lee was feeling a heat that had little to do with the sun. Everywhere he looked men, animals, and weapons were moving with a sense of purpose instilled by orders he had given just a short time before. A climax to two days of battle was coming, announced by an action sure to be bloody, and certain, he fervently hoped, to be decisive. To anyone passing by the modest headquarters tent, the 56-year-old commander of the Confederacy’s finest army appeared, as one soldier recalled, “calm and serene.” There is no reason to believe otherwise. “I think and work with all my power to bring the troops to the right place at the right time; then I have done my duty,” Lee said. “As soon as I order them into battle, I leave my army in the hands of God.” Over the course of the morning, an unnatural peacefulness had spread across the battlefield save for the occasional pop of a distant rifle firing. Then, at seven minutes past one o’clock, Lee heard a signal cannon shot followed, after a short pause, by a second. No one needed to tell him what it meant. The attack that was to decide the battle, and perhaps the war, was beginning. A great deal would be written about the events at Gettysburg. Lee himself would submit three different reports explaining the critical decisions he made this day and the two days immediately before it. In them he would imply that his principal lieutenants had come up short, and would even wonder if he had asked his men to do too much. But missing from his analysis was any recognition that he based his plans on a great deal of field intelligence that he might have guessed was flat-out wrong, that, given the circumstances (especially the absence of his favored cavalry chief, which forced Lee to rely on information from less trustworthy substitutes) he should at the very least have treated with far more caution. Nor does it indicate that General Lee ever asked himself if he could have done more to ensure that those empowered with executing his orders fully understood his intentions. To put it bluntly, it is clear these 146 years after his reflections that Lee—even though he had just completely reorganized his army, with new officers serving at all levels—failed to see that his battle instructions were fully communicated to all of his commanders. It wasn’t the first time, nor would it be the last, that a battle turned on a misapprehension or miscommunication. Gettysburg had more than its share of both, however, due in no small part to Lee’s hands-off management style—and his determination to make this battle the one that changed the war. Lee had been on the road to Gettysburg from the start of the conflict. From the moment he was placed in command of the Army of Northern Virginia, he believed that the Confederacy’s survival depended on expanding the fighting deep into Union territory. Even as he struggled to hold back a massive Federal army under Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan that was threatening Richmond in 1862, he tried to assemble a sufficiently strong force for Lt. Gen. Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson to invade Pennsylvania from the Shenandoah Valley. It wasn’t to be; the resources of the Confederacy were spread too thin. But the impulse became an idée fixe in Lee’s strategic thinking. When he led Confederate forces into Maryland in September 1862, in the operation climaxing at Antietam, he intended to press through the border state into Pennsylvania. Once again, circumstances forced him to divert. Following the battle of Chancellorsville (May 1–3, 1863), Lee found himself in an administrative tug-of-war with Richmond over the control of his army. Certain powerful officials wanted to detach pieces of it to prevent the loss of Vicksburg in Mississippi. Lee argued that allowing him to march north would accomplish the same thing, by capturing the enemy’s attention and diverting Federal reinforcements that otherwise would be sent west. Besides, as he would later state, an “invasion of the enemy’s country breaks up all of his preconceived plans, relieves our country of his presence, and we subsist while there on his resources.” In the end, President Jefferson Davis backed the only general who could deliver him victories. Granted permission to mount his operation, Lee assured Davis that any advance would be carried out “cautiously, watching the result, and not to get beyond recall until I find it safe.” Despite his promise, Lee never seriously considered halting the campaign once he commenced disengaging from the Union Army of the Potomac near Fredericksburg, Virginia. Even a wholehearted Federal strike at his cavalry force camped around Brandy Station, Virginia, on June 9, did not deter him. By June 16, the entire Army of Northern Virginia (70,000 men, comprising three infantry corps plus cavalry and artillery) was stretched out in a long column whose tail was just departing Fredericksburg even as its head was approaching the Pennsylvania border. Six days later his advance commander—Lt. Gen. Richard S. Ewell, in charge of the Second Corps—was handed instructions sanctioning the capture of Harrisburg should the situation become favorable. On June 28, headquartered outside Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, Lee was poised to commit his force to a broad sweep to the east as far as the Susquehanna River. His goal was not to take northern territory, but to hurry the Army of the Potomac into a showdown. As he explained to one of his senior commanders, he fully expected to “throw an overwhelming force on their advance, crush it, follow up the success, drive one corps back and another, and by successive repulses and surprises before they can concentrate; create a panic and virtually destroy the army.” Only then, Lee believed, could the Confederacy expect to talk peace with the North on advantageous terms. But several days earlier he had made a fateful decision that would afterward be seen as critical to the outcome of this operation, and a significant factor in the intelligence failures at Gettysburg. His cavalry, under Maj. Gen. James Ewell Brown “Jeb” Stuart, had been tied down in northern Virginia protecting the right flank of his infantry columns tramping north through the Shenandoah Valley. Lee needed his horsemen with Ewell’s Corps in the advance and listened as Stuart proposed to get to the head of the line by riding east and then north, behind the Union columns thought to be scattered in a disorganized pursuit. Stuart’s ingenious work at Chancellorsville made Lee comfortable granting broad discretion to his cavalry chief, even though senior subordinates like Lt. Gen. James Longstreet felt that Stuart required “an older head to instruct and regulate him.” Lee agreed to Stuart’s plan, estimating it would take three days before his cavalry chief would be back in contact. Stuart departed with most of his riders early on the morning of June 25. Three days later, there was no word from Stuart and no reliable information as to where he was. In the absence of intelligence, Lee assumed that all was going according to plan and that his opponent was spread thin in a protective arc shielding the immediate approaches to Washington, leaving the way clear for his advance to the Susquehanna River. His mental image of an enemy disorganized and hesitating to intervene seemed borne out. But it was on this very night of June 28 that he learned from an irregular scout employed by Longstreet, his First Corps commander, that the Union army was much closer and more concentrated than he had imagined. Very suddenly, the risk to the long Confederate column had increased exponentially. Lee had no recourse but to dramatically alter plans. A phalanx of couriers hurried out from headquarters with fresh instructions for the army to draw together. It was Lee’s intention to regroup his potent force just east of the Catoctin Mountains around the village of Cashtown, Pennsylvania. Confident he would have his army well in hand before the Federals began arriving in strength, he still anticipated attacking and defeating them a piece at a time as they scrambled to confront him. When Lee entered the western end of the Cashtown Pass on the morning of July 1, everything was going according to the new plan. Ewell’s Corps was falling back from its advance positions along the Susquehanna River (two divisions marching southward, the third on a roundabout route that brought it traveling east through the pass later that morning), Lt. Gen. Ambrose Powell Hill’s Third Corps was already on the eastern side of the pass, and Longstreet’s First Corps was due to complete its passage by day’s end. Union cavalry had been reported in the area, so when Lee reached the midpoint and heard distant gunfire toward the east he was not alarmed. But by the time he had nearly cleared the pass, the faraway musketry had been joined by the deeper rumble of cannon fire, indicating something more than a light skirmish was taking place. Arriving in Cashtown, Lee checked with General Hill, who was suffering from one of his periodic bouts of illness and clearly out of touch with events. Hill had no idea what all the firing was about, but one of his three divisions (that commanded by Maj. Gen. Henry Heth) was supposed to be investigating reports of Federal horsemen in the town of Gettysburg. He left to find out what was happening, while Lee slowly followed. Approaching the outskirts of Gettysburg it became apparent that a fight of some magnitude had taken place earlier this day. When Hill appeared with Heth in tow, Lee heard a confused tale of a small scrap against cavalry that had suddenly escalated into a full-blown battle when the Yankee horsemen had been reinforced by veteran infantry. Writing a decade after the war about his handling of the morning fight, Heth, who had a lot to answer for regarding his poor deployments and combat management, chose to put all the blame on Stuart’s absence. “Train a giant for an encounter and he can be whipped by a pigmy—if you put out his eyes,” he declared. At this moment Lee’s best information came from what he could see with his own eyes. From just behind the Confederate lines spread north to south along Knoxlyn Ridge, he observed a parallel Federal deployment across Herr’s Ridge. Based on the flags displayed and prisoners taken, he was facing one Union corps. At this point approaching midday, he preferred to let combat end. Although Heth’s Division had been roughly handled in the morning fight, the rest of Hill’s Corps was close at hand and not under any immediate threat. The first of Longstreet’s men were transiting the Cashtown Pass and Lee expected that the remaining two divisions from Ewell’s Corps were completing their march via roads north of Gettysburg. There was ample reason to use the rest of July 1 to consolidate his army. Ewell, however, had altered course when his maps indicated that he could save time by routing his columns through Gettysburg rather than around it. This brought his leading elements into contact with the Union infantry that had bested Heth shortly after midday. Despite specific orders to avoid any major engagements until the army was concentrated, Ewell (who afterward claimed that he believed Hill’s Corps urgently needed the help) pitched into the fight, extending the combat to Gettysburg’s north side where a second enemy corps—the XI Corps—was encountered. Lee watched as the Federals reoriented themselves to counter Ewell’s advance. Unwilling to stand idly by while one of his corps was engaged, he reluctantly allowed Hill to press the attack. The result was some hard fighting on both the western and northern fronts that eventually compelled the Yankees to retreat through Gettysburg, closely pursued by jubilant Rebels. Lee rode forward to Seminary Ridge, the ridge closest to the town. There he could observe that the defeated enemy soldiers were regrouping on the high ground of Cemetery Hill just to the south of the town. This would not do, but how to prevent it? Two of Hill’s divisions had taken heavy losses driving the enemy, and Lee did not believe them capable of a further effort this day. Longstreet’s column was too distant, leaving Ewell’s soldiers as the best option. A series of messages now passed between Lee and Ewell, who led what had been Stonewall Jackson’s old command. Lee appears to have made no adjustment to having a different personality in charge. His trust in Jackson had been implicit. As he said of his late lieutenant: “I have but to show him my design, and I know that if it can be done it will be done.” Now Lee was giving Ewell the same degree of latitude by suggesting or urging an action, not demanding it, though Ewell, for his part, apparently preferred more specific orders. Ewell indicated to Lee a willingness to resume the attack, but only if he could get Hill to cover his right flank. Despite having the one unengaged division of Hill’s Corps close at hand, Lee insisted that Ewell would have to act alone. (When questioned on his decision to withhold these 7,000 fresh troops, Lee answered “that he was in ignorance as to the force of the enemy in front,…and that a reserve in case of disaster, was necessary.”) Worried about a possible enemy threat to his own left flank, and with no help offered for his right, Ewell decided to stand pat. In time Lee would fault Ewell for not doing more. Conversing after the war with Cassius Lee, a trusted cousin, he expressed his regret over Ewell’s hesitancy. “[Stonewall] Jackson,” he said, “would have held the heights.” The night of July 1 was a time for critical decisions. Lee’s original plan to concentrate near Cashtown was discarded. He was inclined to take up a position along the north-south ridges running west of Gettysburg until Ewell was able to convince him that it made more sense to keep his corps as it was, spread across Gettysburg’s northern side. To sweeten the deal, Ewell anticipated that a key piece of high ground (Culp’s Hill) would soon fall into his hands, which would cut off one of the principal roads being used by the Union army. Lee allowed everyone to hold their positions for the night. He had entered Pennsylvania anticipating he would fight a major battle, and while he may not have planned for it to happen at Gettysburg, he was also realistic enough to understand that a commander can’t expect to choose his arena. He arose early on July 2, half expecting to find that the Yankees had skedaddled. Not only was the Union army still on the high ground, but it was obvious that reinforcements had reached it during the night. Enemy units now occupied a line that stretched southward from Cemetery Hill along Cemetery Ridge. Lee’s first encounter this morning was with James Longstreet. His First Corps commander proposed that the Confederates break contact in order to swing south to flank the enemy. The prospect of untangling Ewell’s men from Gettysburg’s north side and marching in vulnerable columns while the enemy gathered strength made Lee rule out Longstreet’s option. Although rebuffed in his attempt to change Lee’s mind about attacking the enemy at Gettysburg, Longstreet left their conversation convinced that Lee had not absolutely ruled out a flanking option. In later years, Southern writers anxious to promote an image of Lee free from any failures of judgment insisted that he had issued Longstreet orders for an early morning attack, which the sulky corps commander ignored. Histories appearing as late as the 1960s accepted this as a matter meriting discussion. Yet it is clear that Lee could not have ordered such an action for July 2. When he awoke that morning, the exact location of the Union army was unknown. Until he could pin that down it would have been irresponsible to mount any offensive. Most modern historians give little credence to the “dawn attack” orders and the officers whose recollections support it. Before and after speaking with Longstreet, Lee dispatched scouts to identify the Yankee deployments. While waiting to hear from them, he learned that Ewell’s men had not occupied Culp’s Hill. Rebel parties probing the position before dawn encountered Union soldiers in strength. It took Lee until mid-morning to collate his scouting reports. Some came from (presumably) reliable army engineers, others from officers just trying to help. Lee asked questions when the reports were given, but does not appear to have tagged any as questionable or requiring further verification. Time was his greatest enemy now. Based on what he heard, he believed the Federal line stretched south along the Emmitsburg Road for a relatively short distance, terminating near or at a peach orchard. With Hill’s men still recovering from yesterday’s fighting, and Ewell’s snagged in rugged terrain unsuitable for large-scale offensive operations, Lee decided that his best chance for success was to employ Longstreet’s fresh troops (only two divisions, though; the third was still in transit) to roll up the enemy’s left flank. On July 1, Lee had allowed less than half his army to become engaged without being able to control the fight or complete the victory. On July 2, he felt he had sufficient strength to do the job and had identified the enemy’s weak point. Unfortunately for Rebel arms, his conclusions stemmed from bad information and his own overoptimistic assumptions. Lee believed that the Army of the Potomac was still in the process of reaching Gettysburg when, in fact, much of it (including its commander, Maj. Gen. George G. Meade) had arrived or was very close by. Six of the Union army’s seven corps were present—roughly 54,700 soldiers to Lee’s 42,000—though perhaps just four corps would have been immediately visible from the Confederate lines. He imagined that the Federals were dispirited and demoralized when in reality their fighting spirit was at a fever pitch. The enemy position sketched for him was wrong in several important ways. Instead of running along the course of the Emmitsburg Road, the Union forces followed the actual ridgeline, which diverged to the east before terminating at a low hill (Little Round Top), rather than hanging in the air at the Peach Orchard. The attack Lee planned for July 2 would have struck unoccupied ground but for an act of insubordination by one of Meade’s corps commanders who moved off Cemetery Ridge to occupy the Peach Orchard and nearby high ground without orders. The army Lee was sending into battle at Gettysburg had been patched together in record time. In the short period between receiving permission for the operation and actually beginning it, he had reorganized it from top to bottom. A two-corps force had become a three-corps arrangement, with new officers put in charge at all levels. There had not been time to road test any of the parts and Lee chose to ignore that critical stage of army building. Greatly worried that bad news from Vicksburg would renew calls to disperse portions of his command, he had set off on his most critical campaign of the war with an army whose command-and-control elements had yet to jell. July 2 at Gettysburg would subject this construct to maximum stress. Lee later described this day’s battle plan: “It was determined to make the principal attack upon the enemy’s left, and endeavor to gain a position [in the Peach Orchard] from which it was thought that our artillery could be brought to bear with effect. Longstreet was directed to place the divisions of McLaws and Hood on the right of Hill, partially enveloping the enemy’s left, which he was to drive in. General Hill was ordered to threaten the enemy’s center, to prevent re-enforcements being drawn to either wing, and co-operate with his right division in Longstreet’s attack. General Ewell was instructed to make a simultaneous demonstration upon the enemy’s right, to be converted into a real attack should opportunity offer.” While any commander expects there will be differences between what is planned and what occurs, it is sobering to realize how much of Lee’s plan was either mistaken in its assumptions or misunderstood by its participants. Some six hours had passed from Lee’s receipt of the scouting report concerning the enemy’s left flank and until Longstreet actually reached it there had been no updates. It would seem that with Stuart still absent, there was no one other than Lee himself charged with gathering field intelligence. Longstreet emerged from a lengthy, circuitous route (chosen to avoid detection) to find the enemy not just in the Peach Orchard, but positioned farther back to enfilade the flank of any force moving north along the Emmitsburg Road. This required him to commit nearly a full division, 10,892 men, to neutralize the problem and spend precious hours dislodging the stubborn Yankees from the nearby Devil’s Den and the Wheatfield. Once begun, the energy of Longstreet’s attack was to spread along the line held by Hill’s troops. It was here that clear, effective communication was vital, but Lee became a mere bystander as his orders passed down through Hill’s chain of command and were corrupted in the process. It took skill and experience to know when a demonstration should be converted into an attack. From subsequent events, it is evident that there was no common sense of purpose among Hill’s subordinates. Some brigades advanced in conjunction with a movement to their immediate right, others held back waiting to be called up to support the neighboring advance, while at least one refrained from moving at all. Any cumulative assault power was dissipated as a result, and countless acts of valor wasted. Even though Lee remained close to Hill throughout this day’s actions, there is no evidence he did anything to spur his lieutenant to better prosecute the action. Communication was no better with the opposite flank. On the far left, Richard Ewell acted with little regard for what was taking place elsewhere on July 2. This despite a personal visit from Lee in the morning, as Longstreet was preparing for his flank march. When Lee departed, Ewell’s orders were unchanged and from appearances he did not display any sense of urgency. The clear inference is that Lee did not convey the importance of making “a simultaneous demonstration” on the Confederate right flank. According to a recent biography of Ewell, nothing is known of his activities this afternoon. The biographer’s best guess is that the general “probably slept.” His infantrymen maintained a desultory skirmishing on the town’s outskirts throughout the day, but otherwise posed no threat. His artillery provided some help. At the time that Longstreet’s cannons signaled the start of his attack on the far right, 16 of Ewell’s guns rolled onto the constricted crest of Benner’s Hill (northeast of Gettysburg) and targeted Cemetery Hill. For a short period the Rebel cannoneers gave as good as they got, but the heavier weight of the Federal counterbattery fire soon exacted a high price from the Rebel gunners. By 6 p.m., nearly an hour before any of Hill’s brigades became engaged, the firing died down on Ewell’s front. Things became so quiet that George Meade began shifting 7,700 troops from Culp’s Hill to support his battered left. Then, around 9:30 p.m., with the fighting just about finished on Longstreet’s and Hill’s fronts, Ewell threw 7,600 men against Culp’s Hill and the eastern side of Cemetery Hill. The former effort grabbed some empty trenches on the lower slope, while the latter was hurled back after fierce fighting. Lee, posted near the physical center of the action, was curiously detached from the combat. According to one of the foreign observers accompanying the Rebels, during the afternoon and early evening the general “only sent one message, and only received one report.” An artilleryman positioned nearby noted that his “countenance betrayed no more anxiety than upon the occasion of a general review.” Soon after the combat ended, Lee had to evaluate what had been accomplished this day, yet of his three corps commanders only Hill made a personal report. The other two sent surrogates with summaries that failed to convey a complete picture of their circumstances. Perhaps that in itself should have made it clear that Longstreet and Ewell had their hands full. However, already lining up his sights on July 3, Lee did not read anything into the absence of the two officers whose personal observations should have shaped his planning. Based on what he saw, what he was told, and what he believed, Lee assessed that “Longstreet succeeded in getting possession of and holding the desired ground….Ewell also carried some of the strong positions which he assailed….” The desired ground was the Peach Orchard, which Lee thought presented his cannons with an elevated platform sufficient to dominate the Yankee lines along Cemetery Ridge. In fact, as Longstreet’s able artillery chief, Col. Edward P. Alexander, had learned firsthand late on the afternoon of July 2, the ground rose again some 40 feet at the Federal main line of resistance, so packing the Peach Orchard with Confederate cannons provided none of the advantages Lee imagined. Similarly, Ewell’s report suggested he had penetrated the enemy’s principal defensive lines when, in fact, his troops had taken possession of trenches abandoned by the Federals located well down the slope from the hilltop, which was still heavily fortified and stoutly defended. Ewell’s inaccurate information led Lee to conclude that the Confederate Second Corps “would ultimately be able to dislodge the enemy.” With the benefit of hindsight, it now seems clear that the victory Lee was seeking at Gettysburg loomed so large in his thinking that he only processed the pieces of information that would validate his resolve to continue the fight for one more day. Having composed a picture of an enemy army on the ropes, and buoyed by his faith in his men, he determined to press ahead. “The result of this day’s operations induced the belief that with proper concert of action, and with the increased support that the positions gained on the right [by Longstreet] would enable the artillery to render the assaulting columns, we should ultimately succeed,” he later wrote, “and it was accordingly determined to continue the attack. The general plan was unchanged. Longstreet, re-enforced by Pickett’s three brigades,…was ordered to attack the next morning, and General Ewell was directed to assail the enemy’s right at the same time.” Also receiving orders was Jeb Stuart, who had reached the battlefield at some point in the afternoon of July 2, well ahead of his troopers, who would not be available for any serious work that day. Lee appears to have passed over Stuart’s belated arrival without comment, although some postwar memoirs manufactured a bit of dialogue to show his displeasure. Speaking of these events some five years in the future, Lee alluded to Stuart’s failure when he allowed that the Gettysburg fight was “commenced in the absence of correct intelligence.” What was supposed to be a rapid cavalry march to the head of Lee’s infantry columns had been bedeviled by fate and fateful decisions. Despite what Lee and Stuart believed, the Union forces were already moving north when the operation began, forcing the Rebel riders on a wide detour to reach an unguarded Potomac ford. The chance capture of a U.S. supply train outside Washington that same day further upset Stuart’s timetable. He lost valuable time paroling Yankee teamsters and guards, and was then burdened by attaching the slow-moving wagons to his column. There were several brief but sharp encounters with Yankee cavalry and a poor read of the situation by Stuart who, on July 1, closed on Carlisle, Pennsylvania, in a vain effort to connect with Ewell. Compounding his errors in judgment, Stuart then tried to dislodge Pennsylvania militiamen holding the town until early in the morning of July 2, when he at last learned the location of Lee’s army. Lee arose on the morning of July 3 to find his plans already unraveled. Without waiting for any signal from the opposite flank, Richard Ewell resumed his assaults against Culp’s Hill at dawn. Lee intended for Ewell and Longstreet to launch their attacks “at the same time,” yet nothing in Ewell’s instructions to his subordinates suggested any need for coordination. It would seem that Ewell’s sudden obsession with capturing Culp’s Hill overrode any other considerations. Once again Lee had failed to make explicit the critical part he expected his Second Corps commander to play. Ewell wasn’t Lee’s only problem lieutenant this morning. When he checked with Longstreet to find out how far along his preparations were, he learned that the officer had spent the night trying to locate a way around the enemy’s left flank, now pegged to the two Round Tops. Lee also discovered, seemingly for the first time, that the two Longstreet divisions engaged on July 2 were in no shape to resume operations. Considering the proximity of his and Longstreet’s headquarters, Longstreet’s failure to inform—and Lee’s failure to discern—this state of affairs again represented a significant breakdown. It speaks to Lee’s mental resilience and unflagging determination that he immediately cobbled together a new plan. The prospect of calling off an attack never entered his mind. Longstreet and Hill, as well as several subordinate officers and their staffs, now met with their chief to see what resources were actually available. From Longstreet, Lee had Maj. Gen. George Pickett’s fresh division, waiting close by in ready reserve. From Hill came Heth’s Division to join Pickett, backed up by four brigades—two from Pender’s Division, two from Richard Anderson’s—for a total of about 11,800 troops. Selecting Heth’s Division provided a focus for the attack, since it was roughly opposite the Federal center, defended by 6,500 troops. Much to Longstreet’s surprise, he was tapped by Lee to direct the combined operation, even though Hill had at least as many men committed to the assault. Speaking with a bluntness that perhaps he hoped would recuse him once and for all, Longstreet said: “General, I have been a soldier all my life. I have been with soldiers engaged in fights by couples, by squads, companies, regiments, divisions, and armies, and should know, as well as any one, what soldiers can do. It is my opinion that no fifteen thousand men ever arrayed for battle can take that position.” Nonetheless, Hill’s poor handling of troops on July 1 was still fresh in Lee’s mind, so Longstreet got the assignment. While preparations went forward, Lee added other elements to the plan to improve its chances of success. He intended to precede the assault with a massive bombardment of the target area involving all the cannons from Longstreet’s and Hill’s corps. With Hill’s guns included in the mix, the Confederates would catch many of the Federal batteries on Cemetery Hill and Ridge in a killing crossfire. He explained this to the Army of Northern Virginia’s artillery chief, Brig. Gen. William Nelson Pendleton, and left him to handle the details. There was a second part to the artillery scheme, as important as the preliminary softening-up phase. The movement against Cemetery Ridge would initially pass over rolling ground that offered sheltered swales where the men in the advancing lines of battle could duck the enemy fire and realign. Once they reached Emmitsburg Road, however, the men would be fully exposed to cannon fire and musketry at point-blank range. Lee planned to advance as many batteries as possible with the infantry and have the guns drench the enemy positions with shells just prior to the final lunge. This, he expected, would suppress any Union cannons that managed to survive the opening bombardment and sufficiently cow the enemy infantry. The plan required that Alexander’s batteries be promptly resupplied after firing off their ready rounds during the opening bombardment, another matter left to Pendleton’s attention. Some historians believe that there was another element to the assault as planned. There is evidence that provisional orders were issued to selected units holding the line for a follow-up advance once the enemy’s line had been breached. Taken in the aggregate, these units constituted a second wave intended to exploit the breakthrough. The responsibility for committing this group rested with Longstreet, who was already an unwilling participant in the attack. Why Lee did not reserve this decision for himself is another of the battle’s unanswered questions. With the arrangements made, Lee briefly prowled the lines before returning to his headquarters to wait. If the bombardment did its work, if the flanks were protected, and if enough of the artillery advanced with the infantry, Lee felt that his superb soldiers would smash through the Yankee army. He expected that the Federal soldiers would lose their nerve, and he was utterly confident that his men would press the attack all the way to Cemetery Ridge. There was little more for him to do. It was all now in God’s hands. That the subsequent assault, known as Pickett’s Charge, failed was a major setback to Lee. Afterward he seemed to blame the soldiers involved. In his second official Gettysburg report, he admitted that he might have asked more of his men “than they were able to perform.” To his wife, Lee wrote that his men “ought not to have been expected to have performed impossibilities.” What he seemed to miss in his analysis, then and after the war, were his own failures to ensure that his instructions were carried out. He might have started with his artillery chief, Pendleton. While Longstreet’s artillery commander, Alexander, knew the game plan, it is clear that his equivalent in Hill’s Corps, Col. R. Lindsay Walker, did not. Numerous Third Corps batteries failed to participate in the bombardment, leaving most of the Federal guns on Cemetery Hill and Ridge free to pummel the infantry wave. Pendleton also neglected to keep the critical ordnance resupplies close at hand, so when the time came for Alexander’s batteries to move forward with the infantry, only a handful had sufficient ammunition to justify making the effort, not enough to make a difference. As Lee had feared, the tract from the Emmitsburg Road to Cemetery Ridge proved to be the killing ground that broke the back of the assault. Lee refrained from any negative comments about Pendleton’s performance in his Gettysburg reports, while the artillery chief’s narrative makes it seem that every instruction was carried out. Lee appears to have had a soft spot for the West Pointer, who had forsaken the ministry for a military career, even though Pendleton informally acknowledged his inadequacies as artillery chief by granting tactical control of batteries on the battlefield to younger officers of lower rank. The cost for Lee’s personal kindness of carrying the weaker man along was dear. It is also worth noting that while Lee waited at his headquarters for Longstreet’s attack to begin, he made no effort to coordinate with Ewell. By the time Pickett’s Charge began, Ewell had shot his bolt on Culp’s Hill and was no longer threatening that enemy flank. Lee recognized on the evening of July 1 that it would be a stiff challenge to effectively integrate his Second Corps operations with the rest of the army. Once he agreed to let Ewell remain on the north side of the town, it was incumbent on him to make certain Ewell knew his part. From the evidence in hand, Lee failed to do so. Jeb Stuart’s role on July 3 is also the subject of much speculation. His instructions for July 3, as recollected by his adjutant, were to “protect the left of Ewell’s corps…observe the enemy rear and attack it in case the Confederate assault on the Federal lines were successful…[and] if opportunity offered, to make a diversion which might aid the Confederate infantry.” While accomplishing the first, Stuart was unable to do more. His efforts to advance were checked in fierce fighting over what is today known as the East Cavalry Battlefield. It should be stressed that his orders to attack the enemy rear were conditioned on a successful infantry breakthrough. The failure of the assault against Cemetery Ridge marked an end to Lee’s offensive designs. After personally helping to rally the defeated men from Longstreet’s and Hill’s corps, he planned a withdrawal from Pennsylvania that began on the night of July 4. Even when blessed by a timid pursuit from Union forces, the march was staggered by bad weather and the burden of carrying so many casualties. A good estimate of Lee’s losses is 22,874 killed, wounded, or missing, more than a third of his force. Not until July 14 would the Army of Northern Virginia be safely across the Potomac River, ending the campaign. Lee’s performance at Gettysburg was far from masterful. Time and again he failed to impress upon his key lieutenants the full intent of his orders, and at critical moments in the battle’s second and third days he crafted offensive plans based on misinformation. On July 1 he was reluctant to finish the fight and refrained from using a readily available reserve to assist Ewell in taking the high ground that would prove central to the Union success. He also permitted his Second Corps to remain in a position that greatly compounded the normal difficulties of command and control. On July 2 Lee based the day’s battle plan on faulty intelligence and then kept hands off once the action began. His position near the Confederate center put him at the critical boundary between Hill’s and Ewell’s corps, yet he took no proactive steps to ensure a maximum effort was mounted. On July 3, Lee’s determination to strike a blow led to a compromise plan that needed careful management to succeed, oversight that was tragically absent. There is no evidence that Lee ever marked the irony that Vicksburg surrendered to Union forces on July 4. Even though he afterward insisted that the Gettysburg campaign had achieved most of its goals (resupply of his army and deterring Federal incursions into Northern Virginia for the harvest season), Lee submitted his resignation on August 8, citing health issues and public discontent over the battle results. President Davis promptly rejected the request, leaving Lee in command of the Army of Northern Virginia to the war’s end. In another note to Davis, Lee observed: “I still think if all things could have worked together [then victory] would have been accomplished. But with the knowledge I had then…I do not know what better course I could have pursued.” In the few years left to him after the war, Lee rarely commented on his experiences in Confederate service. When he did talk about some of the battles he fought, Gettysburg figured high on the list. One gets the impression that he was still struggling to understand how that one got away from him. Speaking about it with Washington College faculty member and former Army of Northern Virginia officer William Allen, Lee once more voiced his disappointment with Jeb Stuart, who “failed to give him information, and this deceived him into a general battle.” Looking back, he told Allen he was certain that “victory would have been won if he could have gotten one decided simultaneous attack on the whole line.” The closest Lee would come to acknowledging the part his misconceptions and poor communication played in losing the battle was an admission to a confidant in 1868 that his defeat in Pennsylvania “was occasioned by a combination of circumstances.” Perhaps the most unguarded expression of Lee’s feelings about the battle came at the end of July 4. It was late and he had been active all day organizing the withdrawal—heavy work for an older man—and was feeling the effort. When he met with the officer charged with escorting the train of the wounded, who was expecting orders, Lee instead made him audience to a rare monologue. With the anguish of a master designer who has seen one of his finest constructs fall, Lee let down his guard. “Too bad! Too bad!” he exclaimed. “Oh! Too bad!”
7368	dbpedia	0	24	https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text%3Fdoc%3DPerseus%253Atext%253A2001.05.0123%253Achapter%253D6.55	en	Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 10., General Ewell 's report of the Pennsylvania campaign.			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7368	dbpedia	3	4	https://www.nps.gov/civilwar/search-battle-units-detail.htm%3FbattleUnitCode%3DUOH0001RAL1	en	The Civil War (U.S. National Park Service)			[ "https://www.nps.gov/theme/assets/dist/images/branding/logo.png", "https://www.nps.gov/common/commonspot/templates/assets/images/branding/nps_logo-bw.gif", "https://www.nps.gov/common/commonspot/templates/assets/images/app-promo/footer-app-promo.png", "https://www.nps.gov/common/commonspot/templates/assets/images/app-promo/app-store-badge.svg", "https://www.nps.gov/common/commonspot/templates/assets/images/app-promo/google-play-badge.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	/common/commonspot/templates/images/icons/favicon.ico		https://www.nps.gov/subjects/civilwar/search-battle-units-detail.htm	UNION OHIO VOLUNTEERS 1st Regiment, Ohio Light Artillery Overview: OHIO VOLUNTEERS 1st REGIMENT LIGHT ARTILLERY. BATTERY "A," 1st REGIMENT LIGHT ARTILLERY. Organized at Camp Chase, Ohio, and mustered in September 6, 1861. Moved to Louisville, Ky., September 25, thence to Camp Nevln, Ky., October 22. Attached to Thomas' Command, Camp Nevin, Ky., to November, 1861. Negley's Brigade, McCook's Command, at Nolin, Ky., to December, 1861. 6th Brigade, 2nd Division, Army Ohio, to September, 1862. Artillery, 2nd Division, 1st Corps, Army Ohio, to November, 1862. 1st Brigade, 2nd Division, Right Wing, 14th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to January, 1863. Artillery, 2nd Division, 20th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberiand, to October, 1863. 1st Division, Artillery Reserve, Dept. of the Cumberland, to March, 1864. 2nd Division, Artillery Reserve, Dept. of the Cumberland, to April, 1864. Artillery, 2nd Division, 4th Army Corps, Dept. of the Cumberland, to July, 1864. Artillery Brigade, 4th Army Corps, to November, 1864. District of Nashville, Tenn., Dept. Cumberiand, to March, 1865. 4th Sub-District, Middle Tennessee, Dept. of the Cumberland, to July, 1865. Service: Duty on Green River, Ky., December 10, 1861, to February 13, 1862. Advance on Bowling Green and Nashville, Tenn., February 13-March 3. March to Duck River March 16-21, and to Savannah, Tenn., March 31-April 6. Battle of Shiloh April 7. Advance on and siege of Corinth, Miss., April 29-May 30. March to Battle Creek. Ala., June 10-July 18, and duty there till August 20. March to Louisville, Ky., in pursuit of Bragg August 20-September 26. Siege of Munfordsville, Ky., September 14-17. Pursuit of Bragg into Kentucky October 1-16. Lawrenceburg October 8. Dog Walk October 9. March to Nashville, Tenn., October 19-November 7, and duty there till December 26. Advance on Murfreesboro December 26-30. Battle of Stone's River December 30-31, 1862, and January 1-3, 1863. At Murfreesboro till June. Reconnoissance from Murfreesboro March 6-7. Duck River Island April 26. Middle Tennessee or Tullahoma Campaign June 23-July 7. Liberty Gap June 24-27. Manchester July 1. Occupation of Middle Tennessee till August 16. Passage of Cumberland Mountains and Tennessee River and Chickamauga (Ga.) Campaign August 16-September 22. Battle of Chickamauga September 19-20. Siege of Chattanooga, Tenn., September 24-October 18. Joined Gen. Spear at Sale Creek October 18. Action at Blythe's Ferry November 13. March through East Tennessee to Strawberry Plains November 28, 1863, to January 30, 1864. Duty in East Tennessee till April, 1864. Atlanta (Ga.) Campaign May to September. Demonstration on Rocky Faced Ridge May 8-11. Buzzard's Roost Gap May 8-9. Battle of Resaca May 14-15. Adairsville May 17. Near Kingston May 18-19. Near Cassville May 19. Advance on Dallas May 22-25. Operations on line of Pumpkin Vine Creek and battles about Dallas, New Hope Church and Allatoona Hills May 25-June 5. Operations about Marietta and against Kenesaw Mountain June 10-July 2. Pine Hill June 11-14. Lost Mountain June 15-17. Assault on Kenesaw June 27. Ruff's Station, Smyrna Camp Ground, July 4. Chattahoochie River July 5-17. Buckhead, Nancy's Creek, July 18. Peach Tree Creek July 19-20. Siege of Atlanta July 22-August 25. Flank movement on Jonesboro August 25-30. Battle of Jonesboro August 31-September 1. Lovejoy Station September 2-6. Operations against Hood in North Georgia and North Alabama September 29-November 3. Nashville, Tenn., Campaign November-December. In front of Columbia, Duck River, November 24-27. Spring Hill November 29. Battle of Franklin November 30. Battle of Nashville December 15-16. Moved captured cannon off the field December 17. Duty at Nashville and Gallatin, Tenn., and in District of Middle Tennessee till July. Mustered out July 31, 1865. Battery lost during service 15 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 33 Enlisted men by disease. Total 48. BATTERY "B" 1st REGIMENT LIGHT ARTILLERY. Battery organized at Camp Dennison, Ohio, and mustered in October 8, 1861. Ordered to Camp Dick Robinson, Ky. Attached to 1st Division, Army of Ohio, to March, 1862. 7th Independent Brigade, Army of Ohio, to July, 1862. Artillery, 4th Division, Army of Ohio, to September, 1862. Artillery, 4th Division, 2nd Corps, Army of Ohio, to November, 1862. Artillery, 2nd Division, Left Wing 14th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to January, 1863. Artillery, 2nd Division, 21st Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to October, 1863. 1st Division, Artillery Reserve, Dept. of the Cumberland, to March, 1864. Artillery, 2nd Division, 12th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to April, 1864. Garrison Artillery, Bridgeport, Ala., Dept. of the Cumberland, to July, 1865. Service: Action at Rockcastle Hills or Camp Wildcat, Ky., October 21, 1861. Duty at Fishing Creek November 5, 1861, to January 17, 1862. Action at Logan's Cross Roads, Ky., January 19. Battle of Mill Springs January 20. At Somerset, Ky., till February 10. Movement to Nashville, Tenn., February 10-March 4. Expedition to Rodgersville May 13-14. Lambs Ferry, Ala., May 14. Action at Chattanooga June 7. Engaged by sections in Expeditions through Middle Tennessee till July 10. Moved to Murfreesboro, Tenn., July 18. March in pursuit of Bragg to Louisville, Ky., September 3-22. Pursuit of Bragg into Kentucky October 1-10. Battle of Perryville, Ky, October 8 (Reserve). Pursuit of Bragg to Loudon October 10-22. Wild Cat October 17. Nelson's Cross Roads October 18. March to Nashville, Tenn., October 22-November 7, and duty there till December 26. Advance on Murfreesboro, Tenn., December 26-30. Lavergne December 26-27. Battle of Stone's River December 30-31, 1862, and January 1-3, 1863. Outpost duty at Cripple Creek January 7 to June 24. Expedition to Woodbury April 2. Middle Tennessee or Tullahoma Campaign June 24-July 7. Occupation of Middle Tennessee till August 16. Passage of Cumberland Mountains and Tennessee River and Chickamauga (Ga.) Campaign August 16-September 22. Lee and Gordon's Mills September 11-13. Battle of Chickamauga September 19-21. Siege of Chattanooga, Tenn., September 24-November 23. Chattanooga-Ringgold Campaign November 23-27. Battles of Mission Ridge November 24-25. Moved to Nashville, Tenn., December 4, and duty there till March, 1864. Moved to Bridgeport, Ala., March 26, and garrison duty there till July, 1865. Elrod's Tan Yard January 27, 1865 (Detachment). Mustered out July 22, 1865. Battery lost during service 11 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 1 Officer and 28 Enlisted men by disease. Total 40. BATTERY "C" 1st REGIMENT LIGHT ARTILLERY. Organized at Camp Dennison, near Cincinnati, Ohio, and mustered in September 9, 1861. Left State for Camp Dick Robinson, Ky., October 1. Attached to Schoepf's Brigade, Army of Ohio, to December, 1861. Artillery, 1st Division, Army of Ohio, to September, 1862. Artillery, 1st Division, 3rd Army Corps, Army of the Ohio, to November, 1862. Artillery 3rd Division (Centre), 14th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to January, 1863. Artillery, 3rd Division, 14th Army Corps, to October, 1863. 1st Division, Artillery Reserve, Dept. of the Cumberland, to March, 1864. Artillery, 2nd Division, 11th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to April, 1864. Artillery, 3rd Division, 20th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to July, 1864. Artillery Brigade, 20th Army Corps, to June, 1865. Service: Advance on Camp Hamilton, Ky., January 1-17, 1862. Battle of Mill Springs January 19-20. Moved to Louisville, Ky., thence to Nashville, Tenn., February 11-March 3. Moved to Savannah, Tenn., March 20-April 8. Advance on and siege of Corinth, Miss., April 29-May 30. Pursuit to Booneville May 31-June 12. March to Iuka, Miss., and Tuscombia, Ala., June 17-29; thence to Winchester July 29-August 7; thence to Dechard and Pelham Gap August 19-31. Moved to Nashville, Tenn., September 1-7; thence march to Louisville, Ky., in pursuit of Bragg September 14-26. Pursuit of Bragg into Kentucky October 1-15. Battle of Perryville, Ky., October 8 (Reserve). March to Gallatin, Tenn., October 20-November 7, and duty there till December 25. Expedition through Kentucky to intercept Morgan December 25, 1862, to January 2, 1863. Boston December 29, 1862. Action at Rolling Fork December 29-30. Duty at Lavergne till June, 1863. Expedition toward Columbia March 4-14. Middle Tennessee (or Tullahoma) Campaign June 24-July 7. Hoover's Gap June 24-26. Occupation of Middle Tennessee till August 16. Passage of the Cumberland Mountains and Tennessee River and Chickamauga (Ga.) Campaign August 16-September 22. Battle of Chickamauga, Ga., September 19-21. Siege of Chattanooga, Tenn., September 24-November 23. Chattanooga-Ringgold Campaign November 23-27. Battles of Mission Ridge November 24-25. Re-enlisted January 4, 1864. Atlanta (Ga.) Campaign May to September, 1864. Demonstrations against Rocky Faced Ridge and Dalton May 5-13. Battle of Resaca May 14-15. Near Cassville May 19. New Hope Church May 25. Battles about Dallas, New Hope Church and Allatoona Hills May 25-June 5. Big Shanty June 4. Operations about Marietta and against Kenesaw Mountain June 10-July 2. Pine Hill June 11-14. Lost Mountain June 15-17. Golgotha or Gilgal Church June 15. Muddy Creek June 17. Noyes Church June 19. Kolb's Farm June 22. Assault on Kenesaw Mountain June 27. Ruff's Station July 4. Chattahoochie River July 5-17. Peach Tree Creek July 19-20. Siege of Atlanta July 22-August 25. Operations at Chattahoochie River Bridge August 26-September 2. Occupation of Atlanta September 2-November 15. March to the sea November 15-December 10. Siege of Savannah December 10-21. Campaign of the Carolinas January to April, 1865. Chesterfield, S. C., and Thompson's Creek, near Chesterfield, March 2. Taylor's Hole Creek, Averysboro, N. C., March 16. Battle of Bentonville March 19-21. Occupation of Goldsboro and Raleigh, N. C. Near Smithfield April 11. Bennett's House April 26. Surrender of Johnston and his army. March to Washington, D. C., via Richmond, Va., April 29-May 20. Grand Review May 24. Mustered out June 15, 1865. Battery lost during service 7 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 29 Enlisted men by disease. Total 36. BATTERY "D" 1st REGIMENT LIGHT ARTILLERY. Organized at Camp Dennison, near Cincinnati, Ohio, September, 1861. Moved to Mt. Sterling, Ky., October 1-10. Attached to Nelson's Command, Mt. Sterling, Ky., to December, 1861. Artillery, 2nd Division, Army of Ohio, to February, 1862. Artillery, 4th Division, Army of Ohio, to September, 1862. Captured at Munfordsville, Ky. 33rd Brigade, 10th Division, 1st Corps, Army of Ohio, to Novemher, 1862 (1 Section). 2nd Brigade. Cavalry Division, Army of the Cumberland, to December, 1862 (Section). Artillery, 1st Cavalry Division, Army of the Cumberland, to March, 1863. Artillery, 2nd Cavalry Division, Army of the Cumberland, to December, 1863 (Section). Battery at Columbus, Ohio, January to April, 1863. 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, 23rd Army Corps, Army of Ohio, to July, 1863. 1st Brigade, 4th Division, 23rd Army Corps, to August, 1863. 1st Brigade, 3rd Division, 23rd Army Corps, to April, 1864. Artillery, 3rd Division, 23rd Army Corps. to February, 1865. Artillery, 3rd Division, 23rd Army Corps, Dept. of North Carolina, to July, 1865. Service: Skirmish at West Liberty, Ky., October 23, 1861. Nelson's Expedition up the Big Sandy October 23-November 17. Ivy Creek November 7. Ivy Mountain November 8. Moved to Louisville, Ky., November 17-25; thence to Munfordsville, Ky., November 28-29. Moved to Nashville, Tenn., February 13-25, 1862. Occupation of Nashville February 25. Moved to Pittsburg Landing, Tenn., March 18-April 6. Battle of Shiloh, Tenn., April 7. Advance on and siege of Corinth, Miss., April 29-May 30. Occupation of Corinth May 30. Pursuit to Booneville October 31-June 12. Buell's Campaign in Northern Alabama and Middle Tennessee till August March to Lebanon, thence to Munfordsville, Ky., August 23-September 6. Siege of Munfordsville September 14-17. Battery captured September 17, except Newell's Section, which participated in the pursuit of Bragg into Kentucky October 1-15. Battle of Perryville, Ky., October 8. Assigned to duty with Minty's Cavalry Brigade November, 1862. Gallatin, Tenn., November 8. Lebanon November 9. Rural Hill November 15. Hollow Tree Gap December 4. Wilson's Creek Road December 11. Franklin December 12. Advance on Murfreesboro December 26-30. Lavergne December 26. Battle of Stone's River December 30-31, 1862, and January 1-3, 1863. Stewart's Creek January 1, 1863. Lavergne January 1. Expedition against Forest January 9-19. Expedition to Franklin January 31-February 10. Unionville and Rover January 31. Rover February 13. Bradysville February 16. Expedition toward Columbia March 4-14. Rover March 4. Expedition from Franklin to Columbia March 8-12. Thomson's Station March 9, Rutherford Creek March 10-11. Expedition to Auburn, Liberty, Snow Hill, etc., April 2-6. Snow Hill, Woodbury, April 3. Franklin April 10. Expedition to McMinnville April 20-30. Near Murfreesboro June 3. Shelbyville Pike and operations on Edgefield Pike, near Murfreesboro, June 4. Marshall's Pass June 4. Scout on Middleton and Eagleville Pike June 10. Middle Tennessee (or Tullahoma) Campaign June 23-July 7. Eagleville and Rover June 23. Middleton June 24. Fosterville, Guy's Gap and Shelbyville June 27. Occupation of Middle Tennessee till August 16. Expedition to Huntsville July 13-22. Chickamauga (Ga.) Campaign August 16-September 22. Reconnoissance toward Rome, Ga., September 11. Alpine and Dirt Town, Lafayette Road, Chattanooga River, September 12. Reconnoissance toward Lafayette and skirmish September 13. Near Stevens' Gap September 18. Battle of Chickamauga September 19-21. Cotton's Ferry September 30. Anderson's Cross Roads October 2. Farmington October 7. Rejoined Battery at Knoxville, Tenn., December. Battery reorganized at Columbus, Ohio, January, 1863. Ordered to Lexington, Ky., thence to Mt. Vernon, Ky., April 4-18. Saunder's Raid into East Tennessee June 14-24. Knoxville June 19-20. Strawberry Plains June 20. Powder Springs, Ga., June 21. Burnside's Campaign in East Tennessee August 16-October 17. Expedition to Cumberland Gap September 3-7. Operations about Cumberland Gap September 7-10. Knoxville Campaign November 4-December 23. Siege of Knoxville November 17-December 4. Re-enlisted January, 1864. Atlanta (Ga.) Campaign May to September, 1864. Movements on Dalton May 5-8. Demonstration on Rocky Faced Ridge May 8-11. Battle of Resaca May 13-15. Cartersville May 20. Kingston May 24. Operations on line of Pumpkin Vine Creek and battles about Dallas, New Hope Church and Allatoona Hills May 25-June 5. Operations about Marietta and against Kenesaw Mountain June 10-July 2. Muddy Creek June 17. Noyes Creek June 19. Cheyney's Farm June 22. Olley's Farm June 26-27. Assault on Kenesaw June 27. Nickajack Creek July 2-5. Chattahoochie River July 6-17. Battle of Atlanta July 22. Siege of Atlanta July 22-August 25. Utoy Creek August 5-7. Flank movement on Jonesboro August 25-30. Battle of Jonesboro August 31-September 1. Lovejoy Station September 2-6. Pursuit of Hood into Alabama October 3-26. Nashville Campaign November-December. Columbia, Duck River, November 24-27. Columbia Ford November 28-29. Franklin November 30. Battle of Nashville December 15-16. Pursuit of Hood to the Tennessee River December 17-28. Movement to North Carolina January 15-February 9, 1865. Fort Anderson February 18-19. Town Creek February 19-20. Capture of Wilmington February 22. Campaign of the Carolinas March 1-April 26. Advance on Goldsboro March 6-21. Occupation of Goldsboro March 21. Gulleys March 31. Advance on Raleigh April 10-14. Occupation of Raleigh April 14. Bennett's House April 26. Surrender of Johnston and his army. Duty at Raleigh and Greensboro, N. C., till July. Mustered out July 15, 1865. Battery lost during service 8 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 28 Enlisted men by disease. Total 36. BATTERY "E" 1st REGIMENT LIGHT ARTILLERY. Organized at Camp Dennison, near Cincinnati, Ohio, and mustered in October 7, 1861. Action at West Liberty, Ky., October 23. Expedition into Eastern Ohio and West Virginia after Jenkins' Cavalry November 23-29. Moved to Louisville, Ky., December 2, 1861; thence to Bacon Creek, Ky., and duty there till February, 1862. Attached to 3rd Division, Army of Ohio, December, 1861, to September, 1862. Artillery, 2nd Division, 1st Army Corps, Army of Ohio, to November, 1862. 2nd Brigade, 2nd Division, Right Wing 14th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to January, 1863. Post of Nashville, Tenn., Dept. of the Cumberland, to June, 1863. Artillery, 2nd Division, Reserve Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to October, 1863. Unassigned, Dept. of the Cumberland, to November, 1863. 1st Division, Artillery Reserve, Dept. of the Cumberland, to December, 1863. Garrison Artillery at Bridgeport, Ala., Dept. of the Cumberland, to July, 1864. 1st Division, Artillery Reserve, Dept. of the Cumberland, to November, 1864. Garrison Artillery, Nashville, Tenn., Dept. of the Cumberland, to July, 1865. Service: Advance on Bowling Green, Ky., and Nashville, Tenn., February 10-25. Occupation of Nashville February 25. Reconnoissance to Shelbyville and McMinnville March 25-29. Advance on Fayetteville April 4-7, and on Huntsville April 10-11. Capture of Huntsville April 11. Advance on and capture of Decatur, Florence and Tuscumbia April 11-14. Action at West Bridge, near Bridgeport, April 29. Destruction of railroad bridge across the Tennessee River. Relief of 18th Ohio at Athens May 1 and dispersement of Scott's Forces. Negley's Chattanooga Campaign May 27-June 14. Duty at Battle Creek June-July. Action at Battle Creek June 21. Occupy Fort McCook August 20-25. March to Louisville, Ky., in pursuit of Bragg August 25-September 26. Pursuit of Bragg into Kentucky October 1-15. Lawrenceburg October 6. Dog Walk October 9. March to Nashville, Tenn., October 20-November 7, and duty there till December 26. Reconnoissance from Lavergne November 19. Advance on Murfreesboro December 26-30. Battle of Stone's River December 30-31, 1862, and January 1-3, 1863. Battery captured December 31. Ordered to Nashville, Tenn., January 20, 1863, and duty there till September. Moved to Stevenson, Ala., September 6; thence to Battle Creek, Anderson's Cross Roads and Chattanooga. Chattanooga-Ringgold Campaign November 23-27. Battles of Chattanooga November 23-25. Garrison duty at Bridgeport, Ala., till July, 1864, and at Nashville, Tenn., till July, 1865. Battle of Nashville December 15-16, 1864. Mustered out July 10, 1865. Battery lost during service 3 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 29 Enlisted men by disease. Total 32. BATTERY "F" 1st REGIMENT LIGHT ARTILLERY. Organized at Camp Lucas, Ohio, August, 1861. Moved to Camp Dennison, Ohio, September 1, and mustered in December 2, 1861. Left State for Louisville, Ky., December 3. Attached to 4th Division, Army of Ohio, to February, 1862. Artillery, 6th Division, Army of Ohio, to July, 1862. Artillery, 4th Division, Army of Ohio, to September, 1862. 19th Brigade, 4th Division, 2nd Corps, Army of Ohio, to November, 1862. Artillery, 2nd Division, Left Wing 14th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to January, 1863. Artillery, 2nd Division, 21st Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to October, 1863. Artillery, 1st Division, Artillery Reserve, Dept. of the Cumberland, to March, 1864. 2nd Division, Artillery Reserve, Dept. of the Cumberiand, to March, 1864. Garrison Artillery, Decatur, Ala., District of Northern Alabama, Dept. of the Cumberland, to July, 1865. Service: Moved to Nashville, Tenn., February 10-25, 1862. March to Savannah, Tenn., March 18-April 6. Battle of Shiloh April 7. Advance on and siege of Corinth, Miss., April 29-May 30. Pursuit to Booneville May 31-June 12. Buell's Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee Tune to August. March to Louisville, Ky., in pursuit of Bragg August 21-September 26. Pursuit of Bragg to London, Ky., October 1-22. Battle of Perryville, Ky., October 8 (Reserve). Danville October 11. Wild Cat Mountain October 16. Big Rockcastle River October 16. Near Mt. Vernon October 16. Near Crab Orchard October 16. March to Nashville, Tenn., October 23-November 7. Duty at Nashville till December 26. Advance on Murfreesboro December 26-30. Battle of Stone's River December 30-31, 1862, and January 1-3, 1863. Woodbury, Tenn., January 24. At Readyville till June. Middle Tennessee (or Tullahoma) Campaign June 23-July 7. At Manchester till August 16. Passage of Cumberland Mountains and Tennessee River and Chickamauga (Ga.) Campaign August 16-September 22. Battle of Chickamauga, Ga., September 19-20. Siege of Chattanooga, Tenn., September 24-November 23. Battles of Chattanooga November 23-27. Moved to Nashville, Tenn., and duty there till March, 1864. Moved to Decatur, Ala., and duty there till July, 1865. Expedition from Decatur to Moulton, Ala., July 25-28, 1864. Action at Courtland, Ala., July 25. Siege of Decatur October 26-29, 1864. Mustered out July 22, 1865. Battery lost during service 1 Officer and 7 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 28 Enlisted men by disease. Total 36. BATTERY "G" 1st REGIMENT LIGHT ARTILLERY. Soldiers: View Battle Unit's Soldiers »
7368	dbpedia	3	67	https://gtc.co.za/grant-thornton-capital-announces-strategic-acquisition-of-first-light-administration-services/	en	Acquisition of First Light Administration Services			[ "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/gtc-twitter.fw_.png", "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/gtc-facebook.fw_.png", "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/gtc-linkedIn.fw_.png", "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/gtc-youtube.fw_.png", "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/GTC_logo_BIG2.png", "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/News-update-150x150.png", "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/themes/versatile/images/dark/social-icon/facebook.png", "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/themes/versatile/images/dark/social-icon/linkedin.png", "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/themes/versatile/images/dark/social-icon/twitter.png", "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/gtc-linkedIn.fw_.png", "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/gtc-facebook.fw_.png", "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/gtc-twitter.fw_.png", "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/gtc-youtube.fw_.png", "https://gtc.co.za/wp-content/plugins/cookie-law-info/legacy/public/images/logo-cookieyes.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Trystan" ]	2011-10-13T09:35:15+00:00	Grant Thornton Capital, a subsidiary of Grant Thornton SA, has announced the total acquisition of First Light Administration Services (First Light).	en	https://gtc.co.za/wp-con…/GTC-Favicon.png		https://gtc.co.za/grant-thornton-capital-announces-strategic-acquisition-of-first-light-administration-services/	13 October 2011 Grant Thornton Capital, one of the country’s leading independent financial advisory businesses for over 20 years and a subsidiary of Grant Thornton South Africa, has announced the total acquisition of First Light Administration Services (First Light), formerly a wholly owned subsidiary of Sekunjalo Investments, a JSE listed company. First Light, established 11 years ago, is a well-known retirement fund administrator providing services to listed and privately owned employers. The company will integrate into Grant Thornton Capital’s employee benefits division, specifically into the retirement fund administration business. “The acquisition of First Light sees Grant Thornton Capital being the administrators to over 80 000 member records,” says Gary Mockler, executive chairman of Grant Thornton Capital. “This accounts for over 300 participating employers with assets of some R6bn under management and administration.” Bruce Knight, managing director of First Light, says: “We’re thrilled to join Grant Thornton Capital because both of our businesses share a mutual focus in the delivery of reliable, transparent financial advisory client service as a differentiating approach.” With the increased capability in the retirement fund management division at Grant Thornton Capital, the business now offers expanded services and enhanced expertise to the benefit of all clients. “The integration of First Light not only bolsters our employee benefits offering but it also brings value to our clients through our existing diversified financial services including consulting, private client wealth management and investment management,” adds Mockler. Grant Thornton’s national staff numbers are approximately 900, which further cements Grant Thornton’s position as the fifth largest auditing firm in South Africa by fee income, with 2010 revenues over R400m (September 2010 International Accounting Bulletin Survey). Grant Thornton Capital’s staff complement is now some 90 employees. In October last year, BDO Cape merged into Grant Thornton creating a formidable service offering in the Cape region. In addition, this year two Durban regional professional services firms Campbell Brown and AC&T merged with Grant Thornton in the KZN region. “Grant Thornton continues to build critical mass and we are well on track in terms of the firm’s strategic growth plan to double revenues by 2015,” says Leonard Brehm, Grant Thornton SA’s national chairman. “We look forward to working with our new colleagues in order to offer our clients superior advisory services throughout their businesses.”
7368	dbpedia	1	91	https://www.defense.gov/	en	U.S. Department of Defense	https://www.defense.gov/…es/home-tile.jpg	https://www.defense.gov/…es/home-tile.jpg	[ "https://www.defense.gov/Portals/1/Images/DOD-Icon-Header.png?ver=5sAfFl2--9znca0j3SrX_g%3d%3d", "https://media.defense.gov/2024/Aug/15/2003526742/1280/1280/0/240815-D-PM193-1156.JPG", "https://media.defense.gov/2024/Aug/15/2003526742/1280/1280/0/240815-D-PM193-1156.JPG", "https://media.defense.gov/2023/Dec/27/2003366067/825/780/0/230113-F-QD077-1110.JPG", "https://media.defense.gov/2024/Jul/17/2003505111/825/780/0/240711-M-PI941-1038M.JPG", "https://media.defense.gov/2024/Aug/14/2003523334/825/780/0/240726-A-OQ825-1005X.JPG", "https://media.defense.gov/2024/Aug/15/2003526343/825/780/0/240808-A-D0439-001.JPG", "https://media.defense.gov/2024/Aug/15/2003526286/825/780/0/240804-M-AS577-1041C.JPG", "https://media.defense.gov/2024/Aug/15/2003526421/825/780/0/240813-N-NO824-1001C.JPG", "https://media.defense.gov/2024/Aug/16/2003526947/825/780/0/240815-F-AF000-1005A.JPG", "https://media.defense.gov/2024/Aug/16/2003527000/825/780/0/240809-F-NO318-1329C.JPG", "https://media.defense.gov/2024/Aug/16/2003526897/825/780/0/240807-Z-ES212-1065A.JPG", "https://www.defense.gov/portals/1/Spotlight/2022/taking-care/vcl-988_hoz_rgb.svg", "https://media.defense.gov/2024/Feb/27/2003401032/1280/1280/0/130514-N-FE409-172Y.JPG", "https://media.defense.gov/2024/Aug/06/2003519159/1280/1280/0/240806-A-MZ827-8989X.JPG", "https://media.defense.gov/2024/Feb/28/2003401405/1280/1280/0/240228-D-D0439-100.JPG", "https://www.defense.gov/Portals/1/Images/DOD-Icon-Header.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	The Department of Defense is America's largest government agency. With our military tracing its roots back to pre-Revolutionary times, the department has grown and evolved with our nation.	en	/Portals/1/favicon.ico?ver=wSJzjXOlssZVvf5cay20vA%3d%3d	U.S. Department of Defense	https://www.defense.gov/
7368	dbpedia	2	93	http://civilwarcavalry.com/%3Fp%3D5	en	Rantings of a Civil War Historian	https://civilwarcavalry.…5mv2-300x300.png		[ "https://civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/themes/wittenberg/images/theme-logo.png", "http://www.civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/06/bookad.jpg", "http://civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/themes/wittenberg/images/rss-icon.png", "http://civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/themes/wittenberg/images/ornament-2.png", "http://civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/themes/wittenberg/images/read-more-arrow.png", "http://civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/themes/wittenberg/images/comments-icon.png", "http://civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/themes/wittenberg/images/ornament-2.png", "https://civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/51NQt0etMfL._SX331_BO1204203200_-200x300.jpg", "http://civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/themes/wittenberg/images/read-more-arrow.png", "http://civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/themes/wittenberg/images/comments-icon.png", 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"http://civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/themes/wittenberg/images/curl-black-left.png", "http://civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/themes/wittenberg/images/curl-black-right.png", "http://civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/themes/wittenberg/images/curl-black-left.png", "http://civilwarcavalry.com/wp-content/themes/wittenberg/images/curl-black-right.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "The General" ]	null		en	favicon.ico		null	Civil War Museum transfers collection to Gettysburg with Constitution Center exhibit planned Updated: May 4, 2016 — 3:22 AM EDT by Stephan Salisbury, Culture Writer The homeless Civil War Museum of Philadelphia, steward of what scholars regard as one of the finest collections of Civil War materials anywhere but possessing no place to display them, reached an agreement Monday to transfer ownership of its roughly 3,000 artifacts to the Gettysburg Foundation, the private, nonprofit partner of the National Park Service. At the same time, the National Constitution Center on Independence Mall has agreed to mount a permanent exhibition exploring the constitutional impact of the Civil War, using artifacts drawn from what is now the foundation’s Gettysburg collection. …
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Learn more about Brandy Station, Aldie, and other great cavalry battles in 1863.	en	/themes/client/abt/favicon.ico	American Battlefield Trust	https://www.battlefields.org/learn/articles/mount-cavalry-operations-gettysburg-campaign	On May 15, 1863, Maj. Gen. George Stoneman, the commander of the Army of the Potomac’s Cavalry Corps, took medical leave to seek treatment for a terrible case of hemorrhoids that made every moment bouncing in the saddle a living hell. Brig. Gen. Alfred Pleasonton, his senior division commander, assumed de facto command of the Cavalry Corps. Thirty-nine-year-old Pleasonton, a member of the West Point Class of 1844, had spent his entire military career in the dragoons. He became a division commander in the fall of 1862. Pleasonton had a sharp eye for talent, but was an ambitious intriguer not known for his courage on the battlefield. In spite of these less than attractive traits, Pleasonton left an indelible mark on the Army of the Potomac’s Cavalry Corps that began with the Gettysburg Campaign. Following the crushing defeat of Hooker’s army at Chancellorsville at the beginning of May 1863, the Confederate high command decided to take the war to the North, electing to invade Pennsylvania to gain a respite for Virginia’s farmers from the harsh realities of the war. Gen. Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia began concentrating in Culpeper County in preparation for the invasion. Seven full brigades of Southern horse gathered near Brandy Station, a stop on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad near Culpeper. Their commander, 30-year-old Maj. Gen. James Ewell Brown “Jeb” Stuart, had already earned a reputation as a bold and dashing cavalier. The Virginia-born West Pointer possessed a valuable gift for scouting, screening and reconnaissance, and had already made himself indispensable to Lee as the eyes and ears of the army. As May turned to June, Stuart held a series of grand reviews of his horsemen, culminating with a review by Robert E. Lee himself on June 8, 1863. Lee inspected nearly 12,000 gray-clad horsemen and several battalions of horse artillery on the grounds of John Minor Botts’ farm just outside the town of Culpeper. The Army of Northern Virginia’s infantry was scheduled to march north the next day, with Stuart’s horsemen leading the way, scouting and screening the infantry’s advance. Little did Stuart realize that as General Lee inspected his troops, 9,000 Federal cavalrymen lay just across the Rappahannock River preparing to attack the following morning. Joseph Hooker, suspicious of the large build-up of Confederate cavalry in Culpeper County, ordered Pleasonton to take the entire Cavalry Corps of the Army of the Potomac out and either disperse or destroy them. Pleasonton took three divisions of horsemen, two brigades of horse artillery and two brigades of selected infantry (numbering 3,000 men), and prepared to pounce on the Confederate cavalry on the morning of June 9, 1863. Pleasonton formulated an excellent plan for his foray across the river. His senior division commander, 37-year old Brig. Gen. John Buford, a native Kentuckian who was a member of the West Point Class of 1848 and a career dragoon, would command the right wing of the operation, including his own First Division and a brigade of infantry. Pennsylvanian Brig. Gen. David M. Gregg would command the left wing, which included the other infantry brigade, Gregg’s Second Division and Col. Alfred N. Duffíe’s Third Division. In addition, several batteries of Federal horse artillery would accompany the columns, adding firepower to the already potent Union force. Under Pleasonton’s plan, Buford’s men would cross the Rappahannock at Beverly Ford, while Gregg’s crossed at Kelly’s Ford. Buford would then ride to Brandy Station, where they would rendezvous with Gregg’s Second Division. Duffíe, a deserter from the French Army, commanded a small division that would also cross at Kelly’s Ford, then proceed to the small town of Stevensburg to secure the flank east of Culpeper. Buford and Gregg would then push for Culpeper, where they would fall upon Stuart’s unsuspecting forces and destroy them. In case Confederate infantry appeared, the Federal infantry would support the attacks. Pleasonton had his men pack three days’ rations because he intended to chase the routed Confederates. Careful timing was required to pull off the attack as planned. The Battle of Brandy Station Buford’s veteran division began crossing the Rappahannock at Beverly’s Ford about 5:00 a.m. on June 9. The division advanced in columns of four, with Col. Benjamin F. “Grimes” Davis’ brigade leading the way. Davis, a Mississippi-born West Pointer, was known as a martinet, but he was a fine officer. The blue-clad horsemen emerged from the early morning mists to find pickets of Capt. Bruce Gibson’s company of the 6th Virginia Cavalry of Brig. Gen. William E. “Grumble” Jones’ brigade just on the other side of the river. Gibson’s pickets made enough of a stand to allow time for word of the advance of a large Union force to reach Jones, who quickly got his troopers into the saddle and on the move to meet the threat. Davis, far in advance of his brigade, was killed instantly during an encounter with an officer of the 12th Virginia Cavalry, and his leaderless brigade fell back. Jones deployed his dismounted troopers to defend most of the Confederate horse artillery, posted on a ridge line above Beverly’s Ford near St. James Church. Learning that Davis had been killed, Buford splashed across the river and ordered five companies of the 6th Pennsylvania Cavalry to charge the artillery. The Pennsylvanians dashed at the guns, losing their commanding officer, Maj. Robert Morris, Jr., who had his horse shot out from under him midway across the wide field. The Keystone Staters reached the barrels of the guns before being repulsed. By this time, troopers of Brig. Gen. Wade Hampton’s fine brigade of Southern cavalry had arrived to reinforce Jones. The battle devolved into a standoff, as Buford’s men made numerous unsuccessful dismounted attacks against a stone wall held in force by troopers of Brig. Gen. William H. F. “Rooney” Lee’s brigade. Rooney Lee, second son of Robert E. Lee, was not a West Pointer; he was a Harvard-trained lawyer and gentleman planter, but he had demonstrated competence in commanding cavalry. The 6th Pennsylvania Cavalry, this time supported by troopers of the 6th U.S. Cavalry, made another determined charge at Lee’s position along the stone wall, again taking heavy losses. Buford and his troopers fought alone for nearly six long hours that morning. In the meantime, David Gregg’s Second Division made its way across the Rappahannock at Kelly’s Ford and finally headed toward Brandy Station. The lead elements of Gregg’s column came within view of the high ground at Fleetwood Hill and saw that the area was largely undefended, but for the tent fly of Jeb Stuart’s headquarters. One of Stuart’s staff officers spotted the Federal advance, grabbed a single cannon, and sent back to get more ammunition. The lone gun belched fire upon the advancing Federals, who slowed to deploy into line of battle. Stuart, now aware of his critical situation, called for Jones’ and Hampton’s brigades, which galloped several miles from the vicinity of St. James Church to meet the Federals as they advanced on Fleetwood Hill. There, in the fields around Fleetwood Hill, played out one of the great romantic dramas of the American Civil War. For hours, mounted charges and countercharges took place, as four full brigades clashed in mounted, hand-to-hand combat. Federal troopers nearly seized Fleetwood Hill and Stuart’s headquarters before finally being driven off. The focus of the fighting then shifted back to Buford’s troopers. After driving Rooney Lee’s men from the stone wall, Buford sent his Reserve Brigade, consisting of the U.S. Regular cavalry and the 6th Pennsylvania Cavalry, up Yew Ridge, the northern extension of Fleetwood Hill. The Yankee horsemen gained the crest of the hill before again slamming into Rooney Lee’s men, and another melee of hand-to-hand fighting broke out. Rooney Lee fenced with Capt. Wesley Merritt, the commander of the 2nd U. S. Cavalry, and suffered a serious saber wound. Lee’s troopers slowly drove Buford’s men back. In the interim, Duffíe’s division had been stopped dead in its tracks by two regiments of Confederate cavalry at Stevensburg, not far from Kelly’s Ford. The Frenchman’s troopers killed Lt. Col. Frank Hampton of the 2nd South Carolina Cavalry and then routed the South Carolinians and the 4th Virginia Cavalry, which had been sent to their support. The 2nd South Carolina fell back to a strong defensive position and was only driven off after a Union artillery shell took the foot of Col. Matthew C. Butler, the commander of the Palmetto Staters. Duffíe’s troopers finally pushed their way through and headed toward the sound of the guns at Fleetwood Hill, arriving as Gregg’s men were beginning to withdraw. By now, it was nearly 5:00 p.m., and Pleasonton had seen enough. He ordered his men to withdraw, and they did, slowly and in an orderly fashion, fighting as they fell back. Stuart was perfectly happy to let them go. Both sides suffered significant casualties in a battle that had lasted 13 long hours. The Yankee troopers had given as well as they had gotten, and if the Confederates needed proof that the tide had turned, Brandy Station amply provided the evidence. At the end of the day, Stuart’s troopers held the field. They had prevented Pleasonton’s men from achieving any of their objectives, and they had survived the unpleasant surprise delivered by the Federal horsemen. The great Battle of Brandy Station was over. Aldie, Middleburg and Upperville The Army of Northern Virginia’s infantry marched the next day, June 10. Stuart’s diligent horsemen screened their advance, keeping Pleasonton’s aggressive troopers away from the main body of Lee’s army. In the meantime, Pleasonton reorganized the Cavalry Corps. Duffíe’s division was absorbed into Gregg’s division, and the Frenchman reverted to command of the 1st Rhode Island Cavalry. He was not competent to command a division, and also did not have the requisite rank for the position. A full day of fighting took place at Aldie on June 17, as Stuart prevented the Federals from pushing through Aldie Gap in the Bull Run Mountains. Duffíe’s Rhode Islanders were cut to pieces when Pleasonton sent the single regiment alone and unsupported behind enemy lines, leading to Duffíe’s relief. He never again commanded cavalry in the Army of the Potomac. Two days later, Gregg’s division fought Stuart’s horsemen a few miles west at Middleburg, and again, Stuart’s men prevented Gregg’s troopers from finding the main body of Lee’s army. On June 21, at Upperville, near the mouth of Ashby’s Gap through the Blue Ridge, Stuart’s horsemen suffered their first battlefield defeat at the hands of the Federal cavalry. Pressed by Buford’s troopers on their flank and by Brig. Gen. Judson Kilpatrick’s brigade, supported by a brigade of V Corps infantry, at its front, Stuart’s vaunted horsemen were routed and driven from the field for the first time in the war. They fell back on Lt. Gen. James Longstreet’s infantry, passing down the Shenandoah Valley just on the other side of the Blue Ridge. However, Pleasonton did not press his advantage, and never did find the main body of Lee’s army, which was spread out in the Valley just on the other side of the Blue Ridge. Stuart successfully traded time for space, however, and conducted a masterful delaying action and demonstrated his brilliance at scouting and screening. A second reorganization of the Army of the Potomac’s Cavalry Corps took place at the end of June. A third division of cavalry assigned to the defenses of Washington, D.C., joined the Cavalry Corps, and Pleasonton placed Kilpatrick in command of it. He then arranged for three young officers, Wesley Merritt, George A. Custer and Elon J. Farnsworth, to be promoted from captain to brigadier general. Merritt took command of Buford’s Reserve Brigade, while Custer and Farnsworth assumed command of the two brigades of Kilpatrick’s Third Division. Stuart’s Ride Stuart received orders to take three brigades of cavalry on a ride. If he found that the Army of the Potomac had moved, and that the cavalry forces remaining with the Army of Northern Virginia could safely hold the mountain passes, Stuart was to move east of South Mountain, then cross the Potomac River. He was to gather supplies for the use of the army, create chaos where possible and then link up with Lt. Gen. Richard S. Ewell’s Second Corps of the Army of Northern Virginia, which would be operating in south-central Pennsylvania. Stuart rode out on June 25 and fell behind schedule immediately. When the head of his column emerged from the mouth of Glasscock’s Gap, near Haymarket, he found Maj. Gen. Winfield S. Hancock’s entire Federal II Corps spread out in the valley below. After some desultory skirmishing, Stuart broke off and withdrew. He then passed around the Union army to the south, and had an unexpected encounter with Federal cavalry near Fairfax Court House. After plundering the Federal supply depot there, his troopers crossed the Potomac River at Rowser’s Ford and headed north. They captured a train of 150 wagons near Rockville, Md., on June 28, and skirmished with a force of feisty Delaware cavalry at Westminster, Md., on June 29. The next day Stuart spent an entire day engaged in combat at Hanover, Pa., with Kilpatrick’s Third Division. Hanover witnessed one of the few instances of mounted street fighting, with charges and countercharges up and down the streets of the town. Stuart himself narrowly escaped capture, leaping his horse over a wide ditch to make his escape. After hard fighting that featured the combat debut of newly promoted Union Brig. Gen. George A. Custer, assigned to command a brigade of Michigan horse soldiers, Stuart broke off and withdrew, heading toward York, Pa., where he hoped to find Confederate infantry. Stuart arrived near York and learned that the Southern infantry had left the day before. Unsure what to do next, but expecting to find the rest of the Ewell’s men in the vicinity of Carlisle, Pa., Stuart marched there with the brigades of Brig. Gen. Fitzhugh Lee and John R. Chambliss, Jr. (commanding the wounded Rooney Lee’s brigade). Arriving at Carlisle about 6:00 p.m. on July 1, Stuart was shocked to find not Confederate infantry, but Union infantry instead. Stuart shelled the town when the Federal commander refused to surrender, and skirmishing continued for a number of hours. The Confederates set the buildings of the Carlisle Barracks (an important Federal military base) and the town gas works ablaze, lighting the night sky with an eerie glow. When one of his staff officers finally reported that the Confederate army had concentrated at Gettysburg and was fighting there, Stuart withdrew and turned toward Gettysburg, arriving there mid-afternoon on July 2. Buford’s Stand, July 1 While Stuart’s command went on its ride, Buford’s division made its way north, crossing the Potomac River near Leesburg, Va. Buford marched through Maryland and on into Pennsylvania, arriving at the Monterey Pass on June 29. After a brief skirmish with Mississippi infantry of Maj. Gen. Henry Heth’s division at Fairfield on the morning of June 30, Buford marched to Emmitsburg, Md., met briefly with Maj. Gen. John F. Reynolds (who commanded the three advance corps of the Army of the Potomac) and then marched the remaining 13 miles to Gettysburg. While just south of town, Buford sent a squadron ahead to investigate any Confederate infantry in the area of the Chambersburg Pike, but a reconnaissance mission from Brig. Gen. James J. Pettigrew’s brigade was already withdrawing to the west. The head of Buford’s column entered town about noon and marched out Washington Street to the Chambersburg Pike. Buford recognized the good defensive ground to the south and east of the town and determined to defend it. Buford’s brigades moved two miles west of town to McPherson’s Ridge, and Buford then spent the night preparing his defense of the town. If attacked, he would conduct a classic, textbook example of a covering force action, trading ground for time until the Union infantry could come up. Buford established an early warning system by deploying videttes, or mounted sentries, farther to the west. Those pickets would give word of any Confederate advance and then fall back to prepared positions until they finally reached the main line on McPherson’s Ridge. Two brigades, nearly 3,000 men, covered a front seven miles long. It was a daunting task. Shortly after 7:00 a.m. on July 1, the head of Maj. Gen. Henry Heth’s Division appeared, in the van of Lt. Gen. A.P. Hill’s Third Corps of the Army of Northern Virginia, marching east on the Chambersburg Pike. Lt. Marcellus Jones of the 8th Illinois Cavalry borrowed a carbine, rested it on a fence post, and squeezed off a shot that hit nothing. However, the sound of the weapon sent up the alarm, and the Confederates halted and deployed skirmishers. When they resumed their advance, Heth’s skirmishers faced stout resistance from the dismounted troopers of Col. William Gamble’s brigade. Gamble’s troopers fell back to Herr Ridge and finally to McPherson’s Ridge, fighting hard and fooling the Confederates into believing that they faced infantry and not dismounted cavalry. Buford’s men stood and fought on McPherson’s Ridge against Heth, who had formed a line of battle at Herr’s Ridge. It was now about 9:30 a.m., and the outnumbered Buford was getting worried. Just then, Reynolds and his staff arrived. After conferring with Buford, Reynolds spurred off to bring up the Army of the Potomac’s I Corps, which double-quicked cross-country to save time. The blue infantry arrived just as Gamble’s men were running out of ammunition and being pressed on both flanks. Buford had bought time for the Army of the Potomac to arrive. That afternoon, Gamble’s men made another stand on Seminary Ridge, helping to hold the Confederate infantry back long enough for the routed I Corps to make its escape. These dismounted horsemen had proven, once and for all, that the Union cavalry was a force to be reckoned with. The next day, Buford’s two brigades were pulled from the line and sent to Westminster, Md., to guard lines of supply. They had faced a heavy task, and they had proven they were equal to the challenge. July 2-3, 1863 In the early afternoon of July 2, Gregg’s division arrived in the vicinity of Gettysburg from Hanover. His men engaged Confederate infantry at Brinkerhoff’s Ridge, disallowing a brigade of veteran soldiers from participating in the Southern assaults on Culp’s Hill and East Cemetery Hill that night. They did a superb job of protecting the Union right flank. In the meantime, Kilpatrick’s Third Division, at Hunterstown, had another encounter with Hampton’s cavalry. Hampton’s brigade was escorting the captured wagons to Gettysburg. In a classic example of a meeting engagement, a sharp fight broke out, featuring a mounted charge led by Custer himself. Custer’s horse was shot out from under him, and only good luck and the courage of his orderly prevented him from being captured. As darkness fell, the fighting petered out, and Kilpatrick went to take up a position on the Federal flank. The next morning, recognizing the importance of the intersection of the Hanover and Low Dutch Roads – the Low Dutch Road being a direct route to the rear of the Union center – Gregg decided to strongly picket it. With his two brigades, Gregg deployed a long, thin line. Col. John B. McIntosh’s men covered the intersection, while Col. J. I. Gregg’s men connected with Union infantry on Wolf’s Hill. McIntosh’s men relieved Custer’s brigade, who began moving out. However, Gregg persuaded Custer, who was not under his command, to stay. Just then, Stuart’s command, which had arrived on nearby Cress Ridge, fired four artillery shells and tried to flush out the Union cavalry, signaling the beginning of fighting at East Cavalry Field. Custer agreed to stay, and McIntosh’s men deployed. Before long, a heavy dismounted engagement raged in the fields around the John Rummell farm. Stuart’s command took heavy casualties in this engagement, and he sent Chambliss’ brigade forward in a mounted charge. Gregg responded by sending the 7th Michigan Cavalry, with Custer leading them, forward in a mounted charge that stopped the Confederate assault dead in its tracks. The Southerners fell back, and Stuart ordered a mounted countercharge by the brigades of Brig. Gens. Fitzhugh Lee and Wade Hampton. The Southern horsemen deployed into line of battle, slowly marching, the blades of their sabers glinting in the bright afternoon sun. They charged, headed straight for Union artillery blasting away at them. Gregg again ordered one of Custer’s units, the 1st Michigan Cavalry, to charge, and, with Custer at their head crying, “Come on you Wolverines!” their charge split the Confederate line in two. Units of McIntosh’s brigade and elements of the 5th, 6th and 7th Michigan Cavalry regiments joined in, attacking the flanks of Stuart’s charging lines, and the confused Confederates broke and fell back. Taking more heavy losses, Stuart abandoned his quest to reach the intersection of the Hanover and Low Dutch Roads. The fight for East Cavalry Field was over. Another drama played out on the main battlefield at Gettysburg, six or seven miles away. Kilpatrick had received orders to operate on the Confederate right flank, so he sent elements of Brig. Gen. Elon J. Farnsworth’s brigade forward. After several hours of dismounted skirmishing, Kilpatrick ordered Farnsworth to make a mounted charge. His protests denied, Farnsworth led 255 officers and men of the 1st Vermont Cavalry forward, charging the Confederate infantry and then headed for two batteries of artillery deployed on a ridge behind. In a scene akin to the fabled “Charge of the Light Brigade,” Farnsworth’s men were repulsed and the young Illinoisan, who had worn a general’s star only since June 28, was killed at the head of his men. The charge accomplished little but the needless death of a promising young officer. In the meantime, Brig. Gen. Wesley Merritt’s Reserve Brigade of Buford’s division came up from Emmitsburg and engaged Confederate cavalry and infantry along the Emmitsburg Road. Some of Merritt’s Regulars made a mounted charge that briefly made its way around Lee’s far right flank, but their attack was unsupported and the Regulars fell back. Dismounted skirmishing continued until dark. Had these attacks been properly coordinated, they might have accomplished something. However, disjointed and unsupported, they did little. Merritt had earlier detached one of his regiments, the 6th U.S. Cavalry, and sent it about 10 miles west to Fairfield, where Merritt was told a large Confederate wagon train ripe for the picking would be found. Instead, the regiment found the brigade of Grumble Jones, and after a short but sharp fight, the Regulars were repulsed with heavy losses, including the severe wounding of their commander, Maj. Samuel H. Starr. Again, a single regiment, unsupported and operating behind enemy lines, had little hope of success, and another opportunity was lost. The Retreat and Pursuit of Lee’s Army The Battle of Gettysburg ended at dark on July 3. Lee’s army began its retreat on the evening of July 4, heading toward the Potomac River crossings near Williamsport, Md. However, it began raining when the battle ended, and the heavy rains continued for several days, causing the Potomac to rise to flood stage, meaning it could not be forded. A force of marauding Federal cavalry destroyed the unguarded pontoon bridge across the river at Falling Waters, meaning that Lee would have to wait until the river level dropped to cross. The task of holding off the Federals fell upon Stuart’s cavalry. Brig. Gen. John D. Imboden’s brigade of cavalry drew the task of escorting a 17-mile-long wagon train filled with wounded men to Williamsport, and Imboden handled the task superbly, delivering most of the wagons to the river crossing in spite of harassing Federal cavalry nipping at the edges and rear of the column. Imboden would have to defend the town until the river could be forded, and he faced a tremendous challenge. The Union and Confederate cavalry clashed almost every day for more than a week. Kilpatrick’s division, joined by one of Gregg’s brigades, fought an engagement against Southern cavalry at the Monterey Pass in a blinding rainstorm on the night of July 4, finally breaking through and capturing some 250 Confederate ambulances and wagons and approximately 1,300 soldiers and teamsters. The next day, at Smithsburg, Md., Kilpatrick’s troopers skirmished with Stuart’s men before moving on to Boonsboro. July 6 was the day of decision. Imboden, commanding his cavalry brigade and a scratch force of walking wounded and teamsters, held off a day’s worth of determined attacks by Buford’s division at Williamsport, while Stuart’s men defeated Kilpatrick’s division at Hagerstown. These twin victories by Stuart meant that Lee’s path to the Potomac River was kept open for use by his army. The Federal cavalry had failed, and it would not again have the opportunity to interdict the retreat of the Southern army. Had Buford and Kilpatrick succeeded, they would have forced Lee to fight the Federals on ground of their choosing. On July 8, Stuart attacked Buford’s troopers at Boonsboro, hoping to prevent the Federals from seizing the initiative. In a full day of brutal combat, the Union troopers held off Stuart’s thrusts, forcing the Army of the Potomac to commit infantry and artillery to the fight. However, Stuart’s gambit worked, and the Army of Northern Virginia retained the initiative. On July 10, Buford’s troopers again met Stuart near Funkstown in a large engagement that eventually involved both Union and Confederate infantry. The Federals won this fight, briefly offering Maj. Gen. George Gordon Meade’s Army of the Potomac an opportunity to split the Army of Northern Virginia in twain, but the opportunity slipped away, and the last chance for the Army of the Potomac to seize the initiative evaporated. By July 12, Robert E. Lee’s engineers had laid out and constructed a stout defensive position along the north bank of the Potomac, and Lee ordered Stuart’s weary troopers to step aside and take up a position along the flanks. After two days of indecisive skirmishing, Meade decided to attack with the entire army on the morning of July 14. However, by the night of the 13th, the river had dropped enough to be fordable, and Lee’s engineers had cobbled together a new pontoon bridge at Falling Waters. The Army of Northern Virginia moved out, and by morning all but a division of Hill’s corps had safely crossed to the Virginia side. Kilpatrick’s men sortied to Williamsport, found it empty, and then galloped toward Falling Waters. With the 6th Michigan Cavalry leading the way, the men of Kilpatrick’s command charged Henry Heth’s division of infantry, which was the rear guard of Lee’s army. Buford’s command later joined, but the lack of coordination cost the combined divisions a chance to inflict a heavy blow on the Army of Northern Virginia. Although Brig. Gen. James J. Pettigrew was mortally wounded and hundreds of Confederates were captured, Lee’s army had slipped away. As Buford’s troopers reached the river crossing at Falling Waters, the Confederates on the Southern side cut the ropes holding the pontoon bridge in place, and it swept downriver. The Gettysburg Campaign was over. The mounted arms of both armies fought long and hard throughout the Campaign. It can be argued that the cavalry of both sides bore the bulk of the Gettysburg Campaign’s burdens, and that the horsemen had been asked to perform superhuman feats. They had done so, to their eternal glory. As Buford put it, “The zeal, bravery, and good behavior of the officers and men on the night of June 30, and during July 1, was commendable in the extreme. A heavy task was before us; we were equal to it, and shall all remember with pride that at Gettysburg we did our country much service.”
7368	dbpedia	3	47	https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/2023/12/psyche-first-images/	en	NASA’s Psyche captures its "first light," continues testing other instruments	https://www.nasaspacefli…Illustration.jpg	https://www.nasaspacefli…Illustration.jpg	[ "https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/NSF-Logo-Blue-300.svg", "https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/NSF-Logo-Blue-300.svg", "https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/NSF-Logo-Blue-300.svg", "https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/NSF-Logo-Blue-300.svg", "https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/Psyche_Illustration-1170x658.jpg", "https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/Psyche_Imager_Mosaic_231204-scaled.jpg", "https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/ng-2022-8.jpg", "https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/Nova.gif", "https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/signal-2023-04-07-174540_0021.png", "https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/logo_128x48-1.png" ]	[ "https://www.youtube.com/embed/VsKgYmQS-Kw?feature=oembed", "https://www.youtube.com/embed/uxVc2VEPff0?feature=oembed" ]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Martijn Luinstra" ]	2023-12-09T20:29:47+00:00	On Dec. 4, the cameras of NASA’s Psyche spacecraft took their first images 26 million…	en	/apple-touch-icon.png	NASASpaceFlight.com	https://www.nasaspaceflight.com/2023/12/psyche-first-images/	1.3K On Dec. 4, the cameras of NASA’s Psyche spacecraft took their first images 26 million kilometers away from Earth. This milestone, called “first light,” was one of many the agency needed to complete on its way to its destination, a metallic asteroid called 16 Psyche. The spacecraft is set to reach this asteroid in the main asteroid belt between Mars and Jupiter in 2029. Psyche was launched on Oct. 13 atop a SpaceX Falcon Heavy rocket from Launch Complex 39A at the Kenedy Space Center in Florida. A few hours after launch, the spacecraft entered an initial checkout phase that is set to last about 100 days, during which teams will test the spacecraft’s instruments and systems to verify they are working as planned. Testing the spacecraft’s cameras was the latest step in this phase to be completed. Psyche’s “first light” The first image from Psyche shows stars in the constellation Pisces, which the spacecraft’s Multispectral Imager instrument happened to be pointing at when it was first turned on. Each of the instrument’s two identical cameras took one image, both of which were stitched together to create one picture. “These initial images are only a curtain-opener,” said Psyche imager instrument lead Jim Bell of Arizona State University. “For the team that designed and operates this sophisticated instrument, first light is a thrill. We start checking out the cameras with star images like these, then in 2026 we’ll take test images of Mars during the spacecraft’s flyby. And finally, in 2029, we’ll get our most exciting images yet – of our target asteroid Psyche. We look forward to sharing all of these visuals with the public.” The team captured 68 images to test and calibrate the instrument and its filters. These filters allow scientists to observe 16 Psyche in different wavelengths of light and analyze the composition of the asteroid’s surface. Additionally, they will use the cameras to study Psyche’s geology and history by creating a 3D map of the asteroid. Psyche’s Multispectral Imager instrument provides scientific images and serves as a mission-critical optical navigation instrument. The spacecraft is fitted with a pair of cameras to provide redundancy for these important tasks. The full image can be found here. An annotated version of the same image with stars labeled can be found here. Laser communication experiment Earlier, on Nov. 14, the teams reached another notable milestone when they tested the Deep Space Optical Communications (DSOC) experiment. This experiment is designed to demonstrate optical communications using near-infrared laser beams in deep space. Even though this technology has been used in space before, this was the first test using optical communications beyond the Moon. To test this experiment, NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL) used a laser beacon to send a signal to Psyche, which the spacecraft then locked onto and used to aim its laser at a receiving telescope on Earth. The large distance between the spacecraft and the earth – 16 million kilometers at the time of the test – meant the spacecraft had to be capable of aiming its laser extremely precisely. As an additional challenge, the teams had to compensate for the distance Psyche had traveled during the time it took the signal to traverse space. If DSOC can demonstrate reliable optical communications, future space missions can use this technology to send and receive a lot more data per unit of time compared to radio communications. NASA hopes the DSOC can increase transmission rates by 10 to 100 times what they are currently. “Optical communication is a boon for scientists and researchers who always want more from their space missions, and will enable human exploration of deep space,” said Dr. Jason Mitchell, director of the Advanced Communications and Navigation Technologies Division within NASA’s Space Communications and Navigation program. “More data means more discoveries.” Even though Psyche did not use the DSOC experiment to transmit mission data, the DSOC and Psyche teams had to work closely together to make sure the test did not interfere with the spacecraft’s operations. “It was a formidable challenge, and we have a lot more work to do, but for a short time, we were able to transmit, receive, and decode some data,” said Meera Srinivasan, operations lead for DSOC at JPL. Other tests and instruments The DSOC experiment was not the only distance record achieved by the spacecraft. When teams fired up two of the four electric Hall-effect thrusters on Nov. 8, it was the first time this type of propulsion was used beyond lunar orbit. Besides the Multispectral Imager instrument and the DSOC experiment, Psyche carries three more science instruments. The spacecraft’s magnetometer will measure the asteroid’s magnetic field, the Gamma-Ray and Neutron Spectrometer (GRNS) will allow scientists to determine the elemental composition of the asteroid, and finally, the X-band radio communications system will also be tasked with measuring the asteroid’s gravity field. Shortly after Psyche’s magnetometer was powered on in late October, it detected a magnetic signal caused by a solar eruption. This not only indicated that the instrument worked and was able to detect small magnetic fields but also confirmed that the spacecraft itself did not generate magnetic fields that interfered with the observations. The latter could not be verified on Earth because of the planet’s magnetic field. Between Nov. 6 and Nov. 27, the gamma-ray spectrometer of the GRNS was turned on to collect data for the first time since launch. “[The data] are showing us that we have a really high-performance instrument, and will allow us to refine calculations about how sensitive we’ll be when we get to Psyche,” said Psyche Gamma-Ray Spectrometer investigation lead David Lawrence of The Johns Hopkins University Applied Physics Laboratory. Next, the teams are planning to test the neutron spectrometer of the GRNS during the week of Dec. 11. (Lead image: Illustration of NASA’s Psyche spacecraft and asteroid 16 Psyche. Credit: NASA/JPL-Caltech/ASU)
7368	dbpedia	0	12	https://www.gutenberg.org/files/58632/58632-h/58632-h.htm	en	The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Maryland Line in the Confederate States Army, by W. W. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license Title: The Maryland Line in the Confederate States Army. Author: W. W. Goldsborough Release Date: January 6, 2019 [EBook #58632] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 * START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MARYLAND LINE * Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by the Library of Congress) Almost four years have elapsed since the surrender of General Lee at Appomattox Court House, and as yet nothing has been presented to the world to show the prominent part taken in the Great Rebellion by the sons of Maryland. It is a glorious and important page in her honored history, and future generations seem likely to look in vain for a record of the patient suffering and heroic achievements of their forefathers when struggling for their rights against Yankee tyranny and oppression, and which was not surpassed by their sires of the Revolution of â76. Thus believing, the author has yielded to the importunities of many of the officers and men of the several commands that composed the young âMaryland Line,â and presents to the public a little book describing briefly its operations during those four eventful years, and to which they can refer, and by which future historians may be in a measure guided. That it is written by a feeble pen, and by one unaccustomed to such work, will be seen at a glance, and he therefore craves the indulgence of a generous people. It is much to be regretted that the young men who went South did not organize themselves into one command; but the proper steps were not taken in time, and consequently batteries and companies of infantry and cavalry were assigned to other commands whose States were accredited with their services. Nevertheless 6Maryland had one representative, at least, in this little organization, and for which she has no reason to blush. The books at the War Department contained the names of over twenty thousand Marylanders in the service, and still at no time could the âMaryland Lineâ be increased to the proportions of a brigade, much less a division. One great reason for this was the fact that they were required to officer companies, regiments, and brigades of troops from other States, for, as a general thing, the young men from Maryland were of a superior order intellectually, who were actuated by patriotism alone, and not driven into the service by the conscript officer, or influenced by mercenary motives. Thinking to contribute to the interest of this little book, the author has added a few incidents of a personal character, which, with the âMaryland Line,â he hopes will be favorably received by the Southern people, and by that portion of the people of the North from whom we received a sympathizing tear during our struggle for independence. CHAPTER I. It was towards the close of April, 1861, that several members of the Baltimore City Guard Battalion (which organization had been under arms since the memorable 19th) were sitting around the dinner table in their armory, discussing the probability of Baltimore soon being in the possession of the troops under the command of the subsequently infamous Benjamin F. Butler. Various were the opinions expressed; but it was pretty generally conceded that, to use Hawk-Eyeâs expression, the city âwas circumvented,â and the Maryland Militia had no longer any terrors for the doughty Butler and his legions. I had long before determined upon going South, when I could no longer serve my native State; and such was also the determination of most of those around me. âThe thing is up, boys,â said Dr. Harry Scott, 8Surgeon of the Guards, âand we now begin to see who is who. All seemed mighty anxious for a fight last Sunday; but, Lord, what a change has come over the spirit of their dreams! of glory and of conquest, now that the city is about to fall into the hands of the enemy. And how hard those who were most violent at first, are now striving to prove themselves the most loyal men in Baltimore. Then all were disloyal; now look at the loyal! and it pains me to see many of this very organization appear here in citizenâs dress, as though they were frightened at what they had done. Thereâs Fulton, of the American, out this morning in an article denouncing the outrage upon the American flag in opposing the passage of troops through the city; and it is well known to all that he was among the first and most earnest advocates of the measure. For my part, I am going South to join the Confederate army.â âAnd I, and I, and I,â came from a dozen present. âAnd I,â exclaimed Jim Sellman, springing to his feet and assuming an attitude that only Jim Sellman could assume. âI tell you, gentlemen, the Federal Union must not and shall not be preserved, old Hickory to the contrary, notwithstanding. Such an outrage as this coercion has never before been perpetrated upon a free people; no, not since Noah drove into the ark his monkeys, dromedaries, 9rhinoceroses, kangaroos, etc., etc. But then the Lord told Noah to coerce the dumb brute for the benefit of future generations; and it is the devil who tells this government to drive us back into the Union, for the benefit of Yankee cotton and boot and shoe manufacturers. I tell you it shanât be âdid;â and I say again, in the language of the immortal Andrew Jackson, âThe Federal Union must not and shall not be preserved at the expense of Southern independence,â and I for one shall help to bust her. Follow me. Iâll be your Beauregard. Iâll lead you on to victory or to death. Keep in my foot-prints, thatâs all.â Twenty men volunteered upon the spot, whereupon the inimitable Beauregard, (for so Sellman was ever after called,) placing his dexter finger in his mouth, and imitating the popping of a champagne cork, circulated the ice-water freely, declaring vehemently it was his âtreat.â It was about the 7th of May that the party, now increased to forty men, left Baltimore by the several routes to Richmond. Upon reaching that city we met quite a number of Marylanders who had preceded us. Two companies of infantry were quickly formed, and placed under the command of Captains Edward R. Dorsey and J. Lyle Clark. A third was also started, which, upon being completed, was commanded by the gallant Capt. Wm. H. Murray. I will not tire the reader with a description of 10our life at the camp of instruction, to which place we were ordered after being mustered in; nor of our quarters in the pig-pens, but lately occupied by the four-legged recruits of the fair grounds; of the countless millions of fleas that took up their quarters in closer proximity to our flesh than was agreeable; of the sweats around the race track at the double quick; no, suffice it to say, that through the exertions of our officers, in a very short time our drill and discipline rivalled that of the famous Lexington cadets, who were upon the ground, and vast were the crowds attracted by our afternoon drills and dress parades. The 25th of June found the companies of Captains Dorsey and Murray in Winchester, to complete the organization of the First Maryland. Capt. Clark, for some reason, preferred attaching his company to the Twenty-First Virginia Regiment, a step he ever after regretted, for the regiment was sent to the wilds of West Virginia, where they saw but little service, and were compelled to endure dreadful sufferings and privations. The companies of the regiment we met at Winchester had been organized at Harperâs Ferry, where they were for several weeks engaged in picketing Maryland Heights and other points, and through their exertions, in the evacuation of the place and destruction of the rifle works, government property of much value to us was saved that would have been otherwise destroyed by the excited and 11thoughtless troops, for we were yet young in the art of war.[1] For their services upon this occasion, General Joseph E. Johnston issued the following complimentary order: The Commanding General thanks Lt. Col. Steuart and the Maryland Regiment for the faithful and exact manner in which they carried out his orders of the 19th inst. at Harperâs Ferry. He is glad to learn that, owing to their discipline, no private property was injured and no unoffending citizen disturbed. The soldierly qualities of the Maryland Regiment will not be forgotten in the day of action. The First Maryland was organized and officered as follows: Colonel, Arnold Elzey; Lieutenant-Colonel, George H. Steuart; Major, Bradley T. Johnson; Acting Adjutant, Frank X. Ward. Company A.âCaptain, W. W. Goldsborough; Lieutenants, George R. Shellman, Chas. Blair and George M. E. Shearer. Company B.âCaptain, Columbus Edelin; Lieutenants, James Mullin, Thomas Costello and Jos. Griffin. 12Company C.âCaptain, E. R. Dorsey; Lieutenants, S. H. Stewart, R. C. Smith and William Thomas. Company D.âCaptain, James R. Herbert; Lieutenants, George Booth, Nicholas Snowden and Willie Key Howard. Company E.âCaptain, Harry McCoy; Lieutenants, John Lutts, Joseph Marriott and John Cushing. Edmund OâBrien was shortly after elected Captain, McCoy having resigned. Company F.âCaptain, Louis Smith; Lieutenants, Joseph Stewart, William Broadfoot and Thos. Holbrook. Company G.âCaptain, Willie Nicholas; Lieutenants, Alexander Cross and John Deppich. Company H.âCaptain, Wm. H. Murray; Lieutenants, George Thomas, Frank X. Ward and Richard Gilmor. Some time after, whilst at Centreville, Company I joined us, having the following officers: Company I.âCaptain, Michael S. Robertson; Lieutenants, H. H. Bean, Hugh Mitchell and Eugene Diggs.[2] The regiment numbered over seven hundred men, and was second to none in the Confederate army. But two companies were uniformed at the time of its organization, (those from Richmond), but soon after, through the exertions of Mrs. Bradley T. 13Johnson, the whole command was dressed in neat, well-fitting gray uniforms. With the exception of two companies, the regiment was armed with the deadly Mississippi rifle, which was also procured by Mrs. Johnson, through her influence with the Governor of North Carolina, of which State she was a native. The organization had scarcely been effected when, in the afternoon of the first day of July, orders were received to cook two dayâs rations and prepare to move at a momentâs notice. Our destination was for some time unknown; but it was soon whispered around that Patterson had crossed the Potomac at Williamsport with a large army, and, although vigorously attacked by a brigade under General Jackson, was driving that General before him, and advancing rapidly in the direction of Winchester. At four oâclock, we commenced the march to meet the enemy, every man full of confidence and enthusiasm. As we passed the then beautiful residence of the Hon. James M. Mason, that venerable gentleman, with his lovely family, stood in the gateway and bid us God speed. Alas, Yankee vandals have been there since; and, when last I visited the place, I found nothing but a mass of rubbish to mark the spot where once stood the stately mansion of one of Virginiaâs wisest and purest statesmen. That night the army went into camp near Bunker Hill, some ten miles from Winchester. The 14march was resumed early next morning, and by twelve oâclock our line of battle was formed a short distance beyond the little village of Darksville, and about five miles from the advance of Pattersonâs army. To the First Maryland was assigned the post of honor, the extreme right; and, had there been occasion, most stubbornly would they have contested every inch of the ground they occupied. The army, under the command of General Joseph E. Johnston, numbered eleven thousand men of all arms, indifferently armed and equipped, and totally unacquainted with the drill and discipline so essential to the soldier; and yet these were the very troops that a few days later hurled back the legions of McDowell from the plains of Manassas, and who now threw down the gage of battle to Patterson and his twenty-five thousand trained volunteers from the cities of the North. The material was there, and time was only required to make them the invincible troops they afterwards proved themselves on more than one hard fought battle field. Four days we awaited the coming of the Federal army, although General Johnston wished to avoid an engagement if possible. The odds were fearful, two to one, but the troops were sanguine of success should the enemy attack us upon ground of our own choosing. But the enemy did not advance; and, fearing he was too far from Manassas, where Beauregard was daily expecting an attack from 15McDowell, the Confederate commander determined to fall back to Winchester, and from that place watch the movements of Patterson. A few days after, that General advanced his army to Bunker Hill, and went into camp. No change took place in the relative positions of the two armies until the 18th day of July, when Patterson broke camp and moved around in the direction of Charlestown. General Johnston was quickly informed of this change of position by the ever vigilant Colonel J. E. B. Stuart, in command of the cavalry; and almost at the same hour he received a despatch from General Beauregard announcing that the enemy had attacked him at Bull Run in heavy force, and that he required assistance. Orders to march were immediately issued, and by four oâclock the last of the troops filed through the streets of Winchester. It was a silent march indeed. There were no bright smiles to greet us from the fair daughters of the town; no waving of handkerchiefs, no expression of joy; for all believed that the Confederate army was retreating from the superior forces of Patterson, and that they were soon to experience the horrors of a military despotism. And the troops partook of the same feeling, for, as yet, our destination had not been divulged to them. But few cheers were heard as they moved sullenly along the quiet streets. We took the Millwood road, and, after marching 16about three miles. Col. Elzey halted the regiment and read the order to march to the assistance of Beauregard. âYou are, therefore,â he continued, âon the march to meet the enemy; and, in the hour of battle, you will remember that you are Marylanders. Every eye from across the waters of the Potomac which separates you from your homes is upon you, and all those who are dear to us are watching with anxious, beating hearts the fleshing of your maiden sword. And they shall not be disappointed, for he had better never been born who proves himself a craven when we grapple with the foeman.â A cheer that might have been heard for miles went up from that little band of patriots; and, with flushed cheek and flashing eyes, they asked to be led against the enemy. All that night we pressed forward, halting at intervals for a few minutesâ rest; and an hour before day we reached the Shenandoah at Berryâs Ferry, where it was determined to halt for breakfast. At seven oâclock we resumed our march, and, fording the river, crossed the mountain at Ashbyâs Gap, and took the road to Piedmont, on the line of the Manassas Gap railroad, where we expected to find transportation to the scene of strife. The dayâs march was a distressing one, as the heat was intolerable; but the gallant troops pressed rapidly forward, stimulated by occasional reports from the battle field. 17During the day, General Johnston organized his army into brigades, which, it is strange to say, had been deferred until the very eve of battle. It was our good fortune to be placed under the command of General Kirby Smith, whose brigade was composed of the First Maryland, Colonel Elzey; Thirteenth Virginia, Col. A. P. Hill (afterwards the famous corps commander); Tenth Virginia, Colonel Gibbons, and Third Tennessee, Colonel Vaughn. Piedmont was reached late that night by the rear of the army in the midst of a terrific thunderstorm, and, despite the pelting rain, the exhausted troops threw themselves upon the soaking ground and slept soundly until morning. CHAPTER II. The sun rose next day bright and beautiful, and, the scene that presented itself as we responded to reveille was animated indeed. The troops were eagerly crowding into the cars prepared to convey them to the battle field, and, from the boisterous mirth to be heard on all sides, one would have supposed them on their way to participate in some grand holiday parade instead of scenes of death and carnage. Several regiments had been forwarded, and all were impatiently awaiting their turn, when we met 18with a disaster that threw a damper over all, and well nigh lost us the first battle of Manassas. The engineers of two of the trains were Yankees, who had been in the employ of the company for a long time. These men, true to their natural instincts and training, treacherously concocted a plan to collide their trains and thereby delay the troops of Johnston so much needed by Beauregard; and totally regardless of the consequences that might ensue to the hundreds of brave men placed at their mercy, consummated their wicked designs. Fortunately but few were hurt, and none killed; but an engine and train were destroyed, and the road so blockaded and injured that the utmost efforts of the large force immediately set to work failed to put it in running order before next morning. The loss of this train was a severe blow to us, as we now had but two trains left. However, on the morning of the 21st of July these two resumed their trips, and each had made a successful run when, in making the second, the engine of the hindmost trainâupon which was Kirby Smithâs brigadeâbroke down, and we were consequently delayed until the return of the first engine, some two hours and a half. The battle had been raging since morning, and the whole of the army should have reached Beauregard the evening before, whereas barely two-thirds had joined him at the close of the fight. It was nearly one oâclock when we disembarked 19at Manassas, where we found an officer of Johnstonâs staff awaiting with an order for us to push forward with all possible dispatch. Hastily throwing off their knapsacks, the troops struck across the country in the direction of the smoke of battle and the sound of artillery, which could now be plainly seen and heard. Not a breath of air was stirring, and the heat and dust were almost suffocating; but on, on we went, sometimes slacking our pace to a walk to recover breath, but never halting until we had made four miles and were within a mile of the battle-field. Here we stopped but for a minute to allow the men to fill their canteens out of a muddy little stream, when the march was resumed at the same rapid gait, the gallant Smith at our head, encouraging us to âpush on.â As we neared the field, we knew by the rapid discharges of artillery and the incessant rattle of musketry, that the fight was being stubbornly contested. We presently began to meet the wounded, one of whom to our inquiry as to how the fight was going, answered, âGo on, boys, go on; but Iâm afeared youâll be too late, for Iâm thinkinâ theyâre licken of us. But go on; thereâs no tellin.â All told us the same, but encouraged us to press forward, as we âmight get there in time yet.â As we drew nearer the field, the enemy were made aware of our approach by the clouds of dust we raised, and several pieces of artillery were trained 20upon us. The scene that presented itself as we emerged from a strip of pines was frightful indeed, and in no way calculated to encourage us to advance farther. Wagons in great numbers were coming to the rear at headlong speed, and demoralized fugitives by hundreds from the battle-field were rushing frantically by, crying out, âAll is lost, all is lost; go back, or youâll be cut to pieces; the army is in full retreat,â etc. And indeed so it seemed; for presently we met a whole regiment coming off, and, upon making inquiry for the cause, we were coolly told that âThey had got somewhat tangled in the fight; and as we were whipped and retreating, they didnât think it worth while to stay any longer.â But amid prospects so discouraging, the command from our gallant general was ever âForward, forward, my brave men! pay no attention to those miserable cowards and skulkers.â The First Maryland had the right of the line, at the head of which was riding General Kirby Smith. We were still marching by the flank, when, just as the column entered a strip of woods, it was fired upon by about a dozen of the 14th Brooklyn Zouaves; and the general fell from his horse shot through the neck, and it was feared at the time fatally wounded. Corporal John Berryman, of Company C, First Maryland, fell at the fire also, with a dreadful wound through the groin. The regiment, as did the brigade, formed line of battle 21instinctively, and, not knowing what might be the enemyâs force, prepared for an attack. The command now devolved upon Colonel Elzey, the senior officer, who, after waiting some minutes, and the enemy not appearing, moved the brigade obliquely through the woods to the left and front, and as we approached its edge the Federal line of battle appeared in view, which, as they perceived us, poured into our ranks a terrific volley of musketry, that took effect upon several of the men of the brigade. Private John Swisher, of Company A, First Maryland, fell from a musket ball in the head, and died soon after, being the first man from Maryland killed in actual battle. Colonel Elzey immediately prepared to attack. Holding the Thirteenth Virginia in reserve, he formed the First Maryland, Tenth Virginia, and Third Tennessee, and under cover of a hot fire from the Newtown battery of light artillery, ordered a âcharge!â The enemy held a strong position on a ridge difficult of ascent, and immediately in front of a dense pine thicket. At least three hundred yards separated us, and the charge was to be across a wheatfield, and of course without shelter of any description. It was a desperate undertaking; but upon that charge rested the fate of the Confederate army. At the command, with one wild, deafening-yell, the Confederates emerged from the woods, and, amidst a perfect storm of bullets, the gallant fellows rushed 22across the field. But they never wavered nor hesitated, and, dashing up the acclivity, drove the enemy pell-mell from their strong position into the thicket in their rear. Halting the column for a minute to reform, Elzey pressed on in pursuit; and, when we came once more into the open country, we saw before us, and for a mile down to our right, no organized force, but one dense mass of fugitives. With the successful charge of Elzey upon their right flank, the whole of the Federal army had given way, and was rushing madly in the direction of Washington. Nothing that I ever saw afterwards could compare with that panic; and, as we pressed on in pursuit, men surrendered themselves by hundreds. It was whilst thus pursuing the enemy that President Davis and Generals Johnston and Beauregard rode up to Colonel Elzey, amid the joyful shouts of the men, and the former, with countenance beaming with excitement and enthusiasm, seizing him by the hand, and giving it a hearty shake, exclaimed: âGeneral Elzey, you are the Blucher of the day.â Inclining to the right, the command halted for a few minutes near the Henry House, and close by the famous Rickettâs battery, which had been captured by the Eighth Georgia infantry, after a most desperate struggle. The ground was thickly strewn with the dead and wounded of the Seventy-Ninth New York Highlanders, which gallant regiment had supported the battery. The wounded were suffering 23terribly for water; and our men spent every moment in attending to their wants. A little incident occurred here which I shall relate. Among the fatally wounded was an officer who, from his uniform, we knew to be a captain. The poor fellow had been shot through the head, and was about to breathe his last. Thinking to relieve him, Captain (afterwards Colonel) Herbert unbuttoned his coat, when he discovered a pocket-book and a package of letters in one of the pockets. Taking possession of them, he attended the wounded officer until he died. Upon examining the pocket-book, he found it contained some sixty-five or seventy dollars in gold; the letters were from his wife, and proved his name to be Brown. Two years after Captain Herbert was wounded and taken prisoner upon the field of Gettysburg. He had never parted with the gold nor the letters, and when sufficiently recovered from his wounds, he caused to be inserted in the New York Herald an advertisement calling upon the widow of the deceased officer to come forward and claim the property. In due time she made her appearance, a charming Scotch woman, not, as she said for the sake of claiming the money, but to hear from his own lips all about the last moments of her husband. She had received an imperfect account of his being shot from some of his men, but wished to learn of his death. Never shall I forget the look of gratitude she gave the Captain when he finished his story, (for the author 24was present at the interview,) and seizing his feeble hand, while great tears stole down her beautiful cheeks, she heaped upon him a thousand blessings. She was our constant attendant for a week afterwards, and when she left us, seemed much affected. We subsequently learned from her that a valuable and highly-prized watch that her husband had on his person when shot, had been recovered with much difficulty, one of his own men having appropriated it after his Captainâs fall. Resuming our march, the column crossed the Stone Bridge, and took the turnpike leading to Alexandria, confident that we were to pursue the enemy to the very gates of his capital. But we were doomed to a bitter disappointment; for, after marching a mile or two, we came to a right-about, and silently retraced our steps to Manassas. Tired, hungry and dispirited, we reached our camping ground long after nightfall, and, despite a drenching rain that set in about 12 oâclock, enjoyed a refreshing sleep. CHAPTER III. The morning after the battle of Manassas all seemed chaos, or confusion worse confounded. The cold, disagreeable rain that had set in during the night still continued, and the troops were provided 25with no means to shelter themselves from the pitiless storm which raged; and to add to this discomfort, the commissary wagons could not be found, and the men were almost entirely without provisions. Staff officers were galloping in every direction, looking for regiments that had been lost on the march of the night before, and it seemed for a while as though the utmost efforts of the general officers and their assistants would never be able to restore order out of all this muddle. All day long this state of affairs continued. We had gained a great battle, it was true, and had we continued the pursuit, the command would have remained intact to a great degree; but the demoralizing effects of countermarching an army in the moment of victory were here strongly evidenced. The impression had gained ground that an opportunity had been let slip to deal the enemy a fatal blow, and therefore dissatisfaction was expressed on every side, and more than once I heard it said that âif we had not intended following up what successes we might meet with, there was but little gained in fighting the battle.â Towards evening something like order seemed restored, and we waited in momentary expectation of hearing the command âForward.â But night came on, and we were still idly facing the pelting rain. Shivering, shaking, and wretched, the troops threw themselves upon the wet ground to await the morrow. 26At midnight we were aroused by the rattle of the kettle-drum calling us to arms, and never did men more readily respond to the summons. An order had been received for the First Maryland and the Third Tennessee to accompany Colonel J. E. B. Stuart, with cavalry and artillery, to Fairfax Court House. The night was intensely dark, and our progress was, therefore, necessarily slow. For hours we toiled through the deep mud, stumbling and falling over rocks, stumps and logs, and mistaking our way every mile, when at daylight we struck the turnpike leading to Alexandria, and but six miles from where we had started. The rain had now ceased, the clouds grew lighter and lighter, and presently the wind springing up, they were sent fleeting, and dancing, and skipping across heavenâs blue face, to be seen no more, we trusted, for many days to come. Never before had the glorious sun been more heartily welcomed by suffering humanity than it was that morning as it rose with silent majesty in the eastern sky. Never before had it appeared so lovely, never risen with such stately grandeur; and, as we gazed in its full, bright face, and began to feel its warm breath envelop us, we forgot all the sufferings and privations of the past thirty-six hours, and were made as happy as we had just before been miserable. Evidences of the enemyâs rapid retreat now appeared on every side. The first thing which we 27encountered was an abandoned wagon, ladened with army bread. Nothing could have been more acceptable, and the troops were bountifully supplied. A little farther a large camp was found, filled with everything conceivable that could contribute to the comfort and efficiency of an army. As we progressed, wagons in great numbers presented themselves, containing army stores, ammunition, arms, etc., while camp kettles, muskets, cartridge boxes, belts, breast-plates, etc., lined the road for miles. Broken-down buggies that had, no doubt, been abandoned by the valiant Yankee members of Congress who had started with the army, bound for Richmond, put in an occasional appearance. At one place a human arm was found that had, no doubt, been amputated in the ambulance which was conveying the sufferer to the rear in the general flight. It evidently had belonged to an officer, for it was of delicate mould and fair as womanâs, and on the little finger was an exquisitely-wrought ring, containing a brilliant and valuable diamond set. We reached Fairfax Court House by 12 oâclock, where we also found an immense quantity of stores, especially of clothing, which at that time was much needed by the Confederate Government. Nothing could exceed the joy of the inhabitants at once more beholding the gray they loved so well; but more than once they expressed their regret that we had not arrived some hours earlier; âfor,â said one of them, âfour thousand Yankees left here but 28this morning, who would have surrendered to a corporalâs guard, and those in advance of them were, if possible, in a worse plight, utterly demoralized, and without the semblance of organization.â A half mile beyond the village the command went into camp in a woods by the side of the turnpike, there to await orders from General Johnston, whom we supposed moving with the whole army upon Washington, and but a short distance in our rear. Reclining upon a bundle of straw, resting my tired, aching limbs, I was joined by my first Lieutenant, Shellman, who, with face radiant with joy, informed me that he had just heard the Colonel commanding express his belief that we would surely be in front of Washington before thirty-six hours. With all my heart did I hope it might prove true; but I had my doubts. I did not like the confusion we had witnessed, and feared it would require some days to reorganize the army, and place it in a condition to assume the offensive. That it was possible to yet retrieve the great error committed on the 21st and 22d, I was inclined to believe; but that it would be done was another question; and an observation from a private soldier suggested itself to me more than once. It was made while we were retracing our steps to Manassas after the battle, when all were out of humor. âA President and two Generals,â said he, âare too many to command one army.â And subsequent events proved how correct it was. 29As day after day passed by, and there appeared no indications of offensive operations being resumed, our hopes of a speedy peace vanished, and we saw nothing before us but a protracted and bloody struggle. Rapidly the enemy reorganized and reinforced his broken and discomfited army; and in an incredibly short time the genius of McClellan had placed around Washington an army and fortifications that it would have been madness for the Confederate Generals to attack. It was determined, however, to present to them a bold front to conceal as much as possible our own numerical inferiority, and, therefore, the Confederates were advanced until they held possession of Masonâs Hill, but five miles from Alexandria. Munsonâs Hill was soon after taken also, after a slight resistance; and the Southern army was thereby placed still nearer to the National Capital. The infantry, under the command of Colonel J. E. B. Stuart, remained some weeks at Fairfax, when it was ordered to Fairfax Station, on the line of the Orange and Alexandria railroad, there to reunite with the balance of the brigade, now commanded by General Elzey. Here we set ourselves down for a long stay, as everything indicated that hostilities would not be renewed until spring, for both governments seemed to have set to work preparing their respective armies for the desperate fighting to be then begun. 30Strict and rigid discipline was sought to be enforced throughout the Confederate army; and it was then we saw the incompetency of many of our officers, and had forebodings of the disastrous results likely to accrue from the wretched system adopted by the government of electing officers to companies instead of their being appointed by the Executive after a searching examination by an experienced and competent soldier. In a measure, the First Maryland Regiment was free from this evil, which was owing principally to the determined steps taken by Colonel Geo. H. Steuart, who had succeeded Colonel Elzey in its command. An old and experienced soldier himself, he soon saw who was competent and who was not. Some of the latter he disposed of in a summary manner, and with others he thought to bide his time. He enforced discipline to the strictest letter of the old army regulations, which, though at first very objectionable to both officers and men of his command, afterwards became popular as the good resulting therefrom developed itself. Drill by companies was had in the morning of every favorable day, and drill in the afternoon by battalion, with dress parade in the evening. Both officers and men were required to pay the strictest attention to their clothing and person, and the slightest neglect of either would draw from him a rebuke or punishment. The most rigid sanitary regulations were adopted for the camp; and when 31the neat appearance and healthy condition of the men were contrasted with that of other regiments around us, the most indifferent were stimulated to exert themselves to their utmost in sustaining the commandant in his efforts to promote the health and comfort of those placed under his charge; and, therefore, from its being at first one of the most obnoxious duties which the soldier had to perform, it became one of the most pleasant. That Colonel Steuart was popular with the regiment upon assuming command, I cannot say. In fact, I believe he was much disliked; but in less than two months he had won the love and affection of all. Where was there such a camp as that of the First Maryland? Where such drill and discipline; such healthy, rugged looking troops; such neat and soldierly fellows? Where was the regiment that could follow them on a long, weary march with that rapid, elastic step for which they were so famous? Nowhere in the Confederacy. Ever vigilant, ever watchful, ever cheerful in the discharge of their duties, they were the pride and boast of the army. With his officers, Colonel Steuart was strict and exacting, but always kind and courteous. He established a school for their instruction in tactics, and daily they were assembled at his headquarters for recitation; and not for his commission would one of them have appeared before him unable to recite the lessons he had been instructed to get. As a 32body, they were as intelligent a set of men as could be found in the army. I am compelled to say, however, that there were one or two disgraceful exceptions in the number. One of these, in particular, was a Captain Edelin, alias Lum Cooper, who had by some means been elected to the command of a fine company, composed principally of young men from Baltimore. Without even the rudiments of a common school education, holding the truth in utter contempt, and a low swaggerer, he had nothing to recommend him but his having lighted the lamps in the streets of Washington for years, and beat a drum in the war with Mexico. His conduct everywhere in the army was disgraceful in the extreme, and reflected discredit, not only upon the regiment to which he belonged, but upon the State, of which he was neither a native nor a resident. Finally, despised and avoided by all who, without knowing the man, had associated with him in the regiment, he ran the blockade, took the oath of allegiance to the Federal Government, and turned informer upon the Government of which he had been a sworn servant. CHAPTER IV. The fall of 1861 will ever be remembered by the survivors of the regiment, as the most pleasant experienced by them during the whole war. We 33had an abundance of clothing and wholesome food, whilst there was no scarcity of money with which to indulge in even some of the luxuries of life. And then the monotony of the camp was often changed to the excitement of picketing in front of the enemy on Masonâs and Munsonâs Hills, in the capture of both of which the First Maryland bore a conspicuous part. In the engagement at the latter place, we lost a private of Company I killed, and Lieutenant Mitchell, of the same company, badly wounded. During these picket reliefs, we had daily encounters with the enemy, in which we invariably got the better of him. The first that occurred I will relate, as Mr. Captain Edelin then and there gave us a specimen of military skill acquired on the head of a kettle-drum in Mexico. It was on the morning after the capture of Masonâs Hill, that Colonel Smith, the officer in command, wishing to advance his pickets as far as Clampittâs house, a mile in front of the main body, detailed Edelin for the duty. He moved his company forward through a thicket, and in a few minutes we were startled by the rapid discharges of musketry, which led Colonel Smith to believe he had encountered a heavy force of the enemy. Captain James R. Herbertâs company and my own were immediately sent to his support. Coming up with Edelin, he informed us that he had met a regiment of infantry, but, after a stubborn fight, the enemy had retreated, carrying his dead and wounded along. 34âBut,â said he, âthey are in the woods before us, and I must have artillery to drive them out;â and, turning to an orderly, he directed him to post off to Colonel Smith and request that officer to send him a battery forthwith. I saw an expression of ineffable contempt and disgust spread over the face of Lieutenant Costello, of his company, who, calling me aside, informed me that the sight of but one picket had occasioned all the firing, and that by the Captainâs orders. The courier dispatched to the commandant soon returned with the not very polite reply that âCaptain Edelin was a dâd fool, and he wanted no more such crazy requests.â âPuss in Boots,â as he was usually called, dropped his feathers instanter, but was heard to mutter something about âchallenge,â âduel.â Being the senior officer, he had command of the three companiesâsomething which neither Herbert nor myself relished in the least; and we, therefore, requested to be returned, as there was not the least likelihood of the enemy appearing in any force. Herbertâs request was granted; but I was ordered to remain where I was. A short time after two Yankee soldiers accidentally wandered into our lines and were captured. Here was a chance for our hero to win back the good opinion of the Colonel; so, mounting a great tall horse, (he was a very little man) he, in a pompous and important manner, marched the poor, 35half-frightened wretches into the presence of Col. Smith, to whom he told a wonderful story of the skill and strategy he had displayed in their capture. Being in command during his absence, and not feeling altogether satisfied with the position we held, I concluded to make a reconnoissance. Lieutenants Shearer and Costello were therefore detailed, and, with a squad of men, directed to move forward until they encountered the enemyâs pickets. In a few minutes the crack of several rifles told me they had found them. Fearing the party had perhaps fallen in with a superior force, I advanced with a few men to render assistance if required. Upon reaching them, however, I found it was but a single picket they had stumbled upon, who was shot and killed in attempting to escape. Edelin had heard the firing, and came down the road at full speed, but, halting his horse at a safe distance, bawled out: âCome back, come back; youâll all git killed.â Withdrawing my men, I rejoined the main body, where I was saluted with, âCapting, how dare you do anythink of this kind without my orders?â I explained to him that my purpose was to find a safer place in which to post the men, and suggested that we should move the whole command back to where I had just left. âI shall do no sich thing,â he answered. âYou 36never fit in Mexico, and, therefore, what in the devil do you know about plannin a military battle.â Late in the fall the enemy in our front grew restless; and Generals Johnston and Beauregard thought it expedient to withdraw from Munsonâs and Masonâs, and concentrate the whole army on the heights of Centreville, as everything indicated an advance of the immense army assembled around Washington. Therefore leaving at Munsonâs a small party, with an old stove pipe mounted on cart wheels, to annoy the Federal advance, we took a last look into the streets of Alexandria, and at the detested Federal Capitol, and marched to our new quarters at Centreville. It was with regret we left our old camp at Fairfax Station, around which lingered so many pleasant associations of the past; and our last reveille seemed to make sad the hearts of all; and the summons to fall in was not as promptly responded to as on former occasions. Never again were the hearty, joyous shouts of the Maryland boys to be heard through its now deserted streets, nor the heavy tramp and the sharp command, as the battalion performed, to astonished, gaping thousands, those intricate evolutions inimitable. No, nor the unhappy sentinel to be frightened to death by the fearful shriek of âIndians got you! Indians got you!â when it turned out only to be our good Colonel making his periodical grand rounds. And never more was the gallant Elzey to display his 37superb horsemanship to the fair daughters of Baltimore on a visit to the camp, but which performance, much to their disappointment and regret, was brought to an abrupt termination by the breaking of a stirrup strap. No, never, never! all is past and gone forever! Even the old guard house and the Colonelâs pen, that had ever and for so long extended to the refractory ones a hearty welcome and tender, affectionate embrace, were bid a sad, sad farewell. Centreville, when we reached it, presented a scene of bustle and confusion. Troops were arriving in large numbers, and were striving to reach the grounds selected for the respective regiments and brigades all over the same road. At last, tired and hungry, the brigade of Elzey halted upon the very summit of one of the highest hills around the place. The sight that presented itself from this point that night was one of the grandest I ever witnessed. Before us, as far as the eye could reach, flashed thousands upon thousands of camp fires; and spell-bound we gazed upon this grand pyrotechnic display for hours. And then the next day, and for days after, the evolutions of forty thousand troops of all arms in the plain below us, was a scene indescribably grand. The intelligence we received from Washington now grew every day more threatening. That McClellan, with his immense and splendidly appointed army, intended to advance upon Centreville there seemed no doubt; but whether Johnston intended to fight was by us much questioned. We were in no way prepared to meet the enemy. The army was not organized, and but imperfectly equipped. Sickness prevailed in our camp to an alarming extent; and the utmost efforts of our able commander had failed to increase his force a single man. Time must, therefore, be gained. But how? Johnston was the man for the emergency. We must present a bold and defiant front to the enemy. Heavy details from the various regiments were, therefore, at once made to erect fortifications. Steadily the work progressed, and in a short time the heights of Centreville were crowned with what seemed at a distance most formidable works. Of siege guns we did not have one; but immense blackened logs answered the same purpose, and frowned most threateningly from many an embrasure. None but those immediately in charge were allowed to approach them; for it was well known our camp was swarming with spies. These preparations had the desired effect; and McClellan, believing 39the position to be impregnable, quietly settled himself down to await the coming of spring. I will not tire the reader with details of the same every-day dull and monotonous camp-life at Centreville, but shall, as rapidly as possible, hasten on to the more exciting and interesting scenes and incidents in which the regiment participated. Suffice it to say, we remained there until late in November, when the brigade was ordered back to Manassas, there to prepare their winter quarters. The spot selected by the Colonel on which to build our cabins was in the midst of a dense pine woods, and much sheltered from the cold blasts of winter, and where was also wood and water in abundance. By the last of December, in this heretofore lonely and deserted forest, had been reared a neat and substantial village, in which we hoped to remain undisturbed until the spring should have set in, and from whence we would once more go forth to measure our strength with the hosts that had just threatened us with annihilation. During the months of December and January, with the exception of a little disagreeable picket duty along the line of the Orange and Alexandria railroad, and the surprise of a picket post at Sangsterâs Station, nothing occurred to disturb the quiet of our winter quarters. The picket alluded to was commanded by Lieut. Richard Hough, of Company F, and in the fight which ensued, Sergeant Sheehan was badly wounded, and Lieut. Joseph Stewart and 40ten or twelve men captured. The Federal loss was a lieutenant killed. The term of enlistment of the twelve monthsâ men was now rapidly drawing to a close, and to have an efficient army in the field when the spring campaign should open, it became necessary for the Confederate Government to take some steps to that end. An order was therefore issued some time in January, granting to all twelve monthsâ men who would re-enlist for the war, furloughs of from thirty to sixty days. The majority did so, and for the first time since entering the army, went home to see their families and friends. The unwise policy of the government in having enlisted men for a less time than the war here proved itself, and for a long while after occasioned much trouble and caused much demoralization in the army of General Johnston, for bitterly did those who were compelled to remain in camp by reason of their having enlisted for the war, complain of the injustice they believed had been done them. Particularly was this the case in the First Maryland, which contained several twelve monthsâ companies, two of which, Companies A and B, had re-enlisted almost to a man, and gone off on furlough; the others, Companies C, H and I, preferring to remain in the field until their time was up, when many of them proposed to go into the cavalry and artillery, they having a dislike for the infantry arm of the service. However, the war men became reconciled 41in a measure, and it was hoped nothing more would be heard of the matter; but in this we were mistaken, as will be seen hereafter. The Confederate army was now, owing to the depletion of regiments and brigades by furloughs, reduced to about twenty thousand men, whilst not an organized brigade could be found in the whole command. Of this condition of things the Federal authorities were soon apprised, and therefore, in the early part of March, 1862, an advance upon Manassas by the whole army under McClellan was determined upon. Having no facilities for the transportation of the immense quantities of stores gathered there, and unable to resist the overwhelming force of McClellan, there was no alternative left Johnston but to destroy his supplies and withdraw the army to the south bank of the Rappahannock. It was a sad necessity, and as the troops were guided on their way for many weary miles by the lurid flames from their burning buildings that seemed to lick the very heavens, all felt that the first battle of the war had proved more disastrous as a victory than would have been a defeat. There was no pretension to organization, and what had been but a few months before an organized and victorious army, now presented the appearance of an ungovernable mob, and entirely at the mercy of the enemy, should he have the enterprise and energy to pursue it. Fortunately, however, McClellan contented himself 42with occupying our deserted quarters at Manassas, thereby enabling us to reassemble and reorganize in a manner our demoralized and straggling troops upon the Rappahannock. Therefore, when soon after that General retraced his steps and prepared to move around to Yorktown, from whence he had determined to advance upon Richmond, Johnston had under his command quite a respectable army with which to reinforce the little band of heroes under Magruder, showing so bold a front to the hosts of the Federal General. But it was also necessary to leave troops behind to watch the movements of McDowell, who still remained at Manassas with a large army, and to this duty the division of Ewell was assigned. It was, perhaps at that time, the finest and best organized division in the army, and was comprised of Elzeyâs, Trimbleâs and Dick Taylorâs brigades, with artillery and cavalry. From the opposite banks of the river the two commands narrowly watched each other, and exchanged an occasional shot until the evening of the 19th of April, when orders to âpack upâ were given, and in the midst of a drenching rain, we took up our line of march for Gordonsville along the Orange and Alexandria railroad.âFor three days the cold, chilly rain continued, and for three days the troops, destitute of provisions, toiled over the uneven surface of the railroadâs bed before the command reached its destination, cold, hungry and dispirited. 43We were allowed to remain here several days to rest and recruit, when one bright, beautiful day, orders were received by General Ewell for his command to cross the Blue Ridge and join Jackson, who was then encamped at Swift Run Gap. Nothing could have exceeded the joy of the troops at this unexpected order, for we had supposed ourselves destined to reinforce the army of Johnston in the swamps of the Chickahominy. To be with Jackson, then, the great and glorious Jackson, in the beautiful Valley of Virginia, was a pleasure unexpected, and it was, therefore, with light hearts and elastic step that we left our camp at Gordonsville. The march was made by easy stages, and in a few days, about nine oâclock in the evening, from the mountainâs summit, his camp-fires were descried away down in the plain below us. No more stupid hours in camp, if you please. We now belong to Jacksonâs army, and if laurels were to be won, we felt that they would surely be ours. Already visions of shattered and beaten armies, of prisoners innumerable, of captured camps filled with the good things with which we had been for so long unacquainted, flitted before us, and thus thinking, and thus trusting, we descended the mountain sides and threaded our way through the camps of the heroes of Kearnstown, and went into bivouac a short distance beyond, at Conradâs store. At the first sound of the reveille next morning, every man sprang nimbly to his feet. They wanted 44to see Jackson, to talk with his troops over the great battle they had so recently fought, and more than all, to discuss the prospects before us, and, if possible, ascertain our destination; but, to our utter amazement, when we turned our faces to where we had passed his army the evening previous, nothing met our gaze but the smouldering embers of his deserted camp-fires. We rubbed our eyes and looked again and again, loth to believe our sense of vision. But gone he was, and whither and for what no one could tell. Quietly, in the dead of night, he had arisen from his blanket, and calling his troops around him, with them had disappeared. For more than two weeks his whereabouts remained a mystery, and various were the conjectures as to what had become of him, when one day there came the news of Milroyâs defeat at McDowell, more than one hundred miles away. Swiftly he had traversed the steep ranges of mountains that separated him from his prey, and with irresistible fury had hurled his legions upon the astonished foe in his mountain fastness and routed him with heavy loss, and was even now on his return, and within two daysâ march of us. General Ewell was ordered to join him at once near Luray, and on the 16th of May we encamped at Columbia Bridge on our way thither. It was the next day that the term of enlistment of Company C, First Maryland, expired, and the men clamored for an immediate discharge, which, 45under the circumstances, was reluctantly given by Colonel Bradley T. Johnson, who had succeeded to the command by the promotion of Colonel Steuart to the rank of brigadier general, and ordered to organize the Maryland Line. And here again the discontent that had prevailed at Manassas among the men enlisted for the war broke out afresh. They declared they had enlisted for twelve months only, and that if the muster rolls had it otherwise they had been grossly deceived by their officers. The dissatisfaction grew more apparent every hour, and when, on the 18th day of May, we marched to join General Jackson, the men were almost in a state of mutiny. It was on the banks of the Shenandoah, the 21st of May, that we first caught sight of the glorious soldier as he dashed along the lines with hat off, and bowing right and left in acknowledgment of the vociferous cheers that went up from his enthusiastic army. Our camp that night was within a mile of Luray, and here we were destined to part with the gallant Elzey, who had so long commanded us, and who had led us to our first victory. As I have said, Colonel Steuart had been promoted and ordered to organize and command the Maryland Line, of which the First Maryland and Baltimore Light Artillery were to form the nucleus. For the present, however, Colonel Johnson was in command, as General Steuart had been temporarily assigned to a 46brigade of cavalry. Never shall I forget General Elzeyâs emotion as he drew the regiment up in line for the last time, and with tears rolling down his war-worn cheeks, thanked them for the honor they had helped to confer upon him at Manassas. CHAPTER VI. On the evening of the 22d, the army, about twelve thousand strong, went into camp within an easy dayâs march of Front Royal, where, rumor had it, was stationed a considerable force of the enemy. Here the dissatisfaction that had so long existed in the First Maryland broke out into open mutiny, and the majority of the men in the war companies threw down their arms and demanded an immediate discharge. It was in vain that General Steuart and Colonel Johnson expostulated with them upon their disgraceful conduct, but they declared they had served out their term of enlistment, and would serve no longer, and when next morning we resumed our march, nearly one-half the regiment was disarmed and under guard. The affair was kept concealed from General Jackson, as it was still hoped the men would return to reason, for it was not calculated to impress him very favorably with the troops from whom he expected so much. 47A halt was made about five miles from Front Royal, and whilst resting ourselves by the wayside, an aid-de-camp was observed to dash up to Colonel Johnson and hand him a dispatch. It took him but an instant to acquaint himself with its contents, when, turning to his command, in a voice tremulous with suppressed anger and with a face flushed with mortification and shame, called it to âattention.â âI have just received an order from General Jackson that very nearly concerns yourselves,â he said, âand I will read it to you:â âColonel Johnson will move the First Maryland to the front with all dispatch, and in conjunction with Wheatâs battalion attack the enemy at Front Royal. The army will halt until you pass. âYou have heard the order, and I must confess are in a pretty condition to obey it. I will have to return it with the endorsement upon the back that âthe First Maryland refuses to meet the enemy, though ordered by General Jackson.â Before this day I was proud to call myself a Marylander, but now, God knows, I would rather be known as anything else. Shame on you to bring this stigma upon the fair fame of your native Stateâto cause the finger of scorn to be pointed at those who confided to your keeping their most sacred trustâtheir honor and that of the glorious old State. Marylanders you call yourselves. Profane not that hallowed 48name again, for it is not yours. What Marylander ever before threw down his arms and deserted his colors in the presence of the enemy, and those arms, and those colors, too, placed in your hands by a woman? Never before has one single blot defaced her honored history. Could it be possible to conceive a crime more atrocious, an outrage more damnable? Go home and publish to the world your infamy. Boast of it when you meet your fathers and mothers, brothers, sisters and sweethearts. Tell them it was you who, when brought face to face with the enemy, proved yourselves recreants, and acknowledged yourselves to be cowards. Tell them this, and see if you are not spurned from their presence like some loathsome leper, and despised, detested, nay, abhorred by those whose confidence you have so shamefully betrayed; you will wander over the face of the earth with the brand of âcoward,â âtraitor,â indelibly imprinted upon your foreheads, and in the end sink into a dishonored grave, unwept for, uncared for, leaving behind as a heritage to your posterity the scorn and contempt of every honest man and virtuous woman in the land.â The Colonelâs address, of which I have given the reader but a faint idea, was delivered with much feeling and listened to with close attention, and scarcely had he concluded when a wild yell broke the painful stillness that had prevailed, and a simultaneous rush was made for the ordnance wagon by those to whom he had just administered so 49scathing a rebuke. Never before, perhaps, had they seized their arms with such avidity, or buckled on their equipments with greater rapidity. âNow, sir,â they cried out, âlead us against the enemy, and we will prove to you that we are not cowards, and that neither have we forgotten these arms were placed in our hands by a woman.â âForward!â was the command, and at the double-quick the regiment passed along the whole army amid the most deafening cheers. âWe are going to have some work cut out now, boys, for the Marylanders are going to the front,â could be heard on all sides as we moved along, and every man inwardly determined that work should be cut out if material could be found. On the right of the army we joined Wheat with his battalion of Louisianians, and with them moved swiftly upon the doomed Federals holding Front Royal. We approached within a mile of the town, but saw no signs of the enemy. âAnother disappointment,â ran down the line, but the next moment two or three frightened soldiers in blue broke cover from a picket post, and fled in the direction of the village. They were pursued by several mounted men, and speedily overtaken and brought back. Upon being questioned, they told us that they belonged to the First Maryland, and that the force in town consisted of that regiment, two companies of Pennsylvanians, two pieces of artillery, and a squadron of cavalry, the latter having joined 50them that very day, all under the command of Colonel John R. Kenly, who did not dream that Jackson was within fifty miles of him. So at last we had met the much boasted Yankee First Maryland, and although greatly outnumbered, we were ready to take up the gage of battle so defiantly thrown down to us some time before. First Maryland against First Maryland! It was, indeed, a singular coincidence. We approached the town rapidly, and entered the main street before the enemy were aware of our approach. For a minute they resisted our advance, and a sharp exchange of musketry shots ensued. They were quickly driven out, however, with the loss of several in killed, wounded and prisoners. The whole command had now taken the alarm, and assembled behind their artillery, which was posted on a hill that commanded the town and its approaches. Dashing through the streets, we were soon in the open country, when the companies commanded by Captains Nicholas, Herbert and Goldsborough were deployed as skirmishers, with Wheat on the left, the whole being under the command of Lieutenant Colonel E. R. Dorsey (who had reached that rank by reason of seniority upon the promotion of Elzey and Steuart), whilst Colonel Johnson commanded the reserves. The enemy now opened his artillery with great precision, and his shell began to tell in our ranks. Nothing daunted, however, the gallant fellows 51moved steadily forward, and reached the very foot of the hill upon which he was posted. From there the fight was stubbornly waged for at least two hours, with no apparent advantage on either side. In the meantime the troops of Jackson were moving to the right and left to envelop the enemy and cut off his retreat. Kenly saw the movement, and determined to withdraw his forces and cross the river (immediately in his rear) if possible. On his right was the turnpike bridge, and on his left, in our front, was the long and high trestle-work of the Manassas Gap Railroad. Dorsey divined his purpose, and, as the enemy commenced to fall back, immediately ordered a charge along the whole line. With a yell the men responded to the command, and the long line of skirmishers pressed forward in pursuit. The fight would have terminated then and there had not the Louisiana battalion stumbled upon the enemyâs camp, and bent on plunder, the threats and entreaties of their officers were for some time in vain, and when they were at length prevailed upon to move forward, it was found the enemy in their front, with artillery and cavalry, had escaped over the bridge. Not so in front of the Maryland command. The enemy were closely pressed to the riverâs bank, where, finding it impossible to escape across the trestle-work, they threw down their arms in a body. By this time a heavy force of cavalry had forded the river some distance below, and charging the remainder of Kenlyâs command, which was 52rapidly retreating up the turnpike, captured it almost to a man, not, however, without meeting with a desperate resistance, in which many were killed and wounded on both sides. Thus ended the battle of Front Royal, if it can be so termed, and in which Marylander met Marylander for the first time in the war. It has been said Kenlyâs command had fought a vastly superior force of the Confederates, whereas it was a much inferior one, which, however did not compel him to withdraw from the position he had taken in front of the town, but the flank movement by heavy bodies of our troops did, and it was then we pressed our advantage. The actual number of assailants prior to his recrossing the river with what remained of his command, did not exceed four hundred men. And it has been more than once asserted, also, that Colonel Kenly did not offer the spirited resistance to the Confederate advance expected of him, and that there was no reason why he should have lost his command. This is doing him injustice. He fought his troops like the brave man that he is, and Commissary Banks can thank him for being instrumental in saving the little he did from the wreck of his army at Strasburg and Winchester. He committed one great, inexcusable error, however, in not having his cavalry scouts and pickets out, but it is said they reached him but an hour or two before our attack, although he had called for them several days before. If this be true, 53he deserves no blame or censure for his misfortune at Front Royal. The morning after the fight, when the prisoners were drawn up in line, it was truly amusing to see the men of the two Maryland regiments greet each other. âWhy, if there ainât my brother Bill;â âAnd thereâs my cousin Jim,â could be heard, whilst nearly all recognized old friends and acquaintances, whom they greeted cordially, and divided with them the rations which had just changed hands. The kindest attention was shown the wounded officers and men, the former being paroled, and allowed to accept the invitation of the citizens to accompany them to their homes, where they were provided with all they required. And whilst we were thus treating our enemies in the field, the cowardly ruffians in Baltimore, who had remained at home, were brutally assaulting every citizen there suspected of sympathizing with the people of the South in their struggle for independence, because some poltroon, who had deserted his companions at the first fire, reported they had been murdered in cold blood to a man after having surrendered themselves. The officers of the First Maryland Confederate called upon those of the First Maryland Federal, and offered them any assistance in their power, and in some instances it was thankfully accepted. Colonel Kenly was quite badly wounded, by either a pistol ball or a sabre cut, in the head, and at the 54time that I saw him appeared to be suffering much mental depression, caused by his misfortune. His wound he seemed to care but little for; but, as he paced the floor, would, from time to time, bend over his adjutant, Tarr, who was desperately wounded, and gaze anxiously in his face. CHAPTER VII. On the morning of the 24th Ewell took up the line of march for Winchester, Jackson having moved on Strasburg the evening before. That night we encamped on the banks of the Opequon, six miles from our destination. Here we were ordered to cook some rations, and be ready to move at midnight upon Banks, whom we intended to attack at daylight. Long before the sun had risen on the morning of the 25th, the commands of Jackson and Ewell were in line of battle about two miles from the town, the former to the left of the Valley turnpike, the latter joining him on the right. Skirmishers were thrown out, and cautiously, at early dawn, through the dense fog that prevailed, the Confederate line advanced. In front of a portion of Ewellâs line the First Maryland was deployed, which, after proceeding a short distance, encountered the enemyâs skirmishers, 55who fell back at our approach. About the same time was heard the spattering of musketry in the direction of Jackson, which told us he, too, had them in his front. The fog had now become so dense as to make it impossible to see twenty steps in any direction; and Colonel Johnson therefore thought it advisable to assemble his skirmish line, as we had entirely lost sight of our line of battle, and did not know but we might be enveloped by the enemy. Quietly the men were drawn in, and the regiment lay down in an orchard and concealed itself behind a board fence, to await the lifting of the fog. For an hour everything was still as death, when, the fog rising somewhat, a column of the enemy was revealed lying behind a stone wall about three hundred yards in our front, with his right flank resting toward us, and totally unconscious of our close proximity. They were apparently intent on watching something before them; and presently, to our horror, there emerged from the fog the Twenty-First North Carolina regiment, marching directly upon the stone wall, and altogether ignorant of the ambuscade there awaiting. Scarcely two hundred yards separated them, and in a minute the poor fellows would be in the fatal trap. Like ourselves, they had become separated from the main body and lost their way; but, unlike ourselves, had failed to exercise the precaution to ascertain where they were before advancing. 56There was nothing on earth we could do to warn them of their danger. Oh! it was a sad, sickening sight, to see them thus unconsciously marching straight into the jaws of death. On, on they go, and nearer and nearer they approach the treacherous fence, behind which they expect to shelter themselves. They are but forty yards from it. âCan nothing be done for them?â I heard from more than one around me. No; too late; too late; and the next instant the long line of blue rise from their cover; there is an instantâs pause, and then comes a deafening volley of musketry, and the deadly minnie by hundreds are sent tearing and crashing through the Confederate columns. The slaughter was appalling, and the survivors fled to the rear in the utmost confusion. But they were avenged; for just then the gallant Griffin, of the Baltimore Light Artillery, espied them, and training the guns of his splendid battery upon the fence, he raked it from one end to the other, sending the enemy flying to a safer position nearer the town. On the left Jackson was now hotly engaged, whilst, with the exception of his artillery, Ewell is unaccountably idle. Why could he not swing the right of his division around in the rear of the town, thereby enveloping the enemy and cutting off his retreat, whilst he at the same time attacked those who appeared only in front of his left, for there was no enemy on our right, and Jackson was more than 57a match for those with whom he was contending? No, he is awaiting orders from Jackson, as he afterwards did from Lee at Gettysburg, and the opportunity is lost. The fog had now entirely disappeared, and on the hillâs side to the left of us were the contending forces of Jackson and Banks engaged in a desperate struggle. For an hour the fight raged, of which we were silent but unwilling spectators. At length Jacksonâs reserves reached him, a little late, but in time, taking into consideration their long march from Strasburg that night, and he immediately prepared for a charge. The enemy was also hurrying forward reinforcements to resist the onset he knew was coming. Dick Taylorâs and three Virginia brigades were thrown into position to make the charge; and it was a grand sight as, with a yell, they moved forward at the double quick. âI shall wait for orders no longer, but will join in that charge if I live!â exclaimed Colonel Johnson, quickly swinging himself into the saddle. âForward, double quick,â was the command, and the next instant we were dashing across the country in the direction of the enemy. Jacksonâs right was not more than four hundred yards to the left of us, and therefore Johnson thought by moving diagonally and at a rapid pace we would join him almost at the instant he should strike the enemy. 58Steadily, in the face of a deadly fire, the Confederate column advances, leaving in its wake scores of dead and wounded; but never halting, never hesitating, it hurls itself upon the enemy with irresistible fury, rending, tearing, and grinding them to pieces. Closely pursued the survivors fled towards Winchester, and pursued and pursuers entered the town simultaneously. The First Maryland passed down Loudoun street, and, pressing on, capturing prisoners at every step, did not halt until it reached the Taylor Hotel, opposite which we found two large storehouses on fire, filled with medical stores. Colonel Johnson quickly detached a portion of the regiment to suppress the flames, while he at the same time ordered a company to surround and search the hotel for the notorious Dave Strother, or âPorte Crayon,â who a citizen informed us was there. The flames were speedily extinguished, but fortunately for Strother he had been gone about five minutes, or I am inclined to think much of his âPersonal Recollectionsâ would have treated of Libby and Belle Isle. In obedience to the orders of Banks the town had been set on fire in several places, and men and women were rushing frantically through the streets appealing to the troops to save them from the dreadful calamity that seemed so imminent. Their appeals were not in vain; and in a short time the flames were everywhere extinguished, except near the depot, where several large warehouses had been fired, and which were totally consumed with 59their contents. Had the troops of Jackson been one half hour later this ancient and once thriving town would have been only a mass of smouldering ruins. The defeat of the enemy was complete; but owing to the apathy of Ewell and the wretched disposition of our cavalry very many of them effected their escape, carrying with them most of their artillery and a large wagon train. As it was, however, we captured an immense amount of stores of every description, and about four thousand prisoners. The joy of the citizens of Winchester at once more having the protection of the Confederate troops, knew no bounds, and as we filed through the streets in pursuit of the enemy, provisions and delicacies in abundance were lavished upon us, while more than one of our young fellows came in for an earnest embrace from the matron of some well-grown household. Indeed, Colonel Johnson himself received one of these favors. Now, the Colonel was regarded one of the handsomest men in the First Maryland, and having dismounted from his horse in an unguarded moment, was espied and singled out by an old lady of Amazonian proportions, just from the wash tub, who, wiping her hands and mouth on her apron as she approached, seized him around the neck with the hug of a bruin, and bestowed upon him half a dozen kisses that were heard by nearly every man in the command; and when at length she relaxed her hold the Colonel looked as though he had just come out of a vapor bath. 60âHow do you like that, Colonel?â I heard Captain Willie Nicholas ask, who, convulsed with laughter, had been watching the performance. Drawing forth his handkerchief and wiping from his face the profuse perspiration that covered it, the Colonel replied: âI shouldnât have cared; but, dââ it, she smells so strong of rosin soap, and I never could bear the stuff.â That night the First Maryland went into camp close by the Winchester and Martinsburg turnpike, and about four miles from the former town. Upon the call of the roll but one man was found missing, Lieutenant Colonel Dorsey, who had been severely wounded through the right shoulder after entering the town. On the morning of the 26th orders were received to move to Martinsburg, and there collect the large amount of stores abandoned by the enemy. Two or three days were consumed in this duty, after which we rejoined the main body of the army, encamped near Charlestown. General Jacksonâs movements since the battle of Winchester had much puzzled his troops, and entirely confounded the enemy. âSurely,â we reasoned, âhe is not going to cross over into Maryland with the handful of men under his command, for McDowell would quickly compel him to return, and then it would be too late to escape Fremont, who will certainly come down from 61West Virginia with his army of twenty-five thousand men.â Our situation seemed a critical one; but then Jackson was with us, and with him nothing seemed impossible. The day after our arrival at Charlestown General George H. Steuart was ordered to take the First Maryland and two batteries of artillery and attack the enemyâs camp on Bolivar Heights, while a small force was also directed to make a demonstration from the Shenandoah Heights upon Harperâs Ferry. It now became apparent to all that the whole movement of Jackson from Winchester was a feint, but for what purpose we were entirely at a loss to conjecture. Little did we then dream of the splendid combinations General Lee had formed for the relief of Richmond, the principal moves in which had been intrusted to Jackson, the first of which he was executing. Our batteries opened upon the enemy posted on Bolivar Heights about ten oâclock in the morning, and continued the fire without intermission until late in the afternoon, when his guns were silenced, and it became evident he had abandoned the heights. The infantry then crossed over and took possession of his camp, which was found entirely deserted. As soon as we were perceived the batteries upon the Maryland Heights and at Barberâs house opened their fire, without effect, however, and our object having been accomplished, after helping ourselves 62to the bountiful meal we found on the fire, we retired, and went into camp near Halltown. The next day found us retracing our steps to Winchester, everything betokening haste, but no confusion. It soon became known to us that Fremont was rapidly approaching Strasburg from Franklin, and that a force under Shields was moving to the same point to intercept Jackson should he attempt to escape down the Valley. It seemed almost impossible for us to get away, encumbered as we were with four thousand prisoners and over two thousand wagons, most of which were ladened with the spoils captured from Banks; but Jackson had calculated it all, and he knew what his troops could do. All day long we toiled on, and at dusk the rear of the army (of which we were part) passed through Winchester; but with what different feelings and with what a different reception from that of a week before. Then it was amid the exultant shouts of the overjoyed citizens; now it was in sorrow and silence, for it was well known that the victorious army of yesterday was in full retreat to-day. Without a word the troops moved through the almost deserted streets, and all felt a relief when we once more reached the open country. On, on, we pushed, through a drenching rain; and when at last, away in the night, exhausted, and unable to go farther, the men threw themselves down to rest upon the damp ground, it was found we had made thirty-six miles since morning. Hungry and but little refreshed, we resumed the march at daylight next morning. When six miles from Strasburg the sound of artillery in our front told us how narrow had been our escape. It was the gallant General Charlie Winder contesting a mountain pass with Fremont until the army, with its long train, should pass. We now felt comparatively safe, our greatest fear having been that Fremont would pass the defile before we could throw troops into it. Of Shields we had no fear, as our rapid marching had thrown him far in our rear, and he could not possibly overtake us. Fisherâs Hill was reached late that evening, and all danger being past, the men were allowed some time to rest. Six miles more to make that night, and then we should be compelled to go supperless to bed: for the commissary wagon had stuck in the creek at Newtown, and we had but little doubt it had fallen into the hands of the enemy. It was all the fault of Commissary Captain John Howard, who would insist upon placing in it a barrel of whisky and three barrels of molasses, besides the regimentâs regular rations. Tired and broken down from the excessive marching of the past few days, the men were but little disposed to go farther, and when the command to 64âfall inâ was given it was but indifferently obeyed. The delay thereby occasioned was, however, productive of good results, for presently the sound of a wagon was heard approaching from the direction we had just come, and in a moment more the missing commissary wagon came in sight, in charge of private George Bush, of Company A. Colonel Johnsonâs countenance underwent a wonderful change, as did that of every man in the regiment. Looking stern, however, he demanded to know of Bush âwhy he had been straggling?â âWhy you see, Colonel,â he replied, âmy feet were kind oâ sore, and I couldnât cotch up; so I seed this here wagon stuck in the mud, and knowd it belonged to us; and you see I knowd as you know what was in it, and so I says to myself, âThem ar Yanks shanât have her;â and so I confisticated that are team; but it couldnât pull it nary inch. So you see, Colonel, as the crackers and meat wasnât very heavy, but the whisky and merlasses wor, so you see, Colonel, there was no alternation but ter empty her out.â âEmpty her out, sir,â interrupted the Colonel, in a voice of thunder, and with a countenance black as midnight; âempty her out, you rascal? Why didnât you save a part of the contents, at least?â âAnd so I did, sir. The meat and crackers wor ondispensable; but you see, Colonel, them ere people about Newtown are mighty poor, and you know, sir, I always wor kind oâ good-hearted, and then 65them merlasses and the barrel of whisky wor so tarnal heavyââ âAnd you gave them the whisky and the molasses?â roared the Colonel. âNow, Colonel,â said Bush, âyou must really excuse me this time if I gave them allââ âAll?â interrupted the Colonel. âYes, sir; all the superfluity but the barrel of whisky.â âBush, you are a bad soldier,â said the Colonel, âand shall have a weekâs extra guard duty for wasting âthem merlasses,â as you call it, though, under the circumstances, I might have done the same. But it wonât do to encourage such extravagance in a well-disciplined command. Captain Howard, knock the bung out of that barrel and give each of the men a stiff drink, while you will take care and reserve an extra one for the officers.â It is needless to say the order was obeyed with alacrity, and the six miles were made in quick time to the song of âOh, let us be joyful!â Our camp that night was about midway between Strasburg and Woodstock. At midnight we were awakened from our sound slumbers by the rattle of small arms in the direction of the former place, and shortly after a broken and disordered mass of cavalry came dashing into our camp, riding everything down that came in their way, and yelling at the top of their voices that the enemy was upon us. Convinced that we were in more danger of bodily 66harm from the cowardly cavalrymen than from the enemy, we turned out en masse and drove them from the ground, and the last we saw of them they were making their way at the top of their horsesâ speed towards Woodstock. It afterwards turned out that they had encountered a number of the broken down men, and mistaking each other for enemies, in the dark, a fight had ensued, in which the cavalrymen were routed. Early next morning we resumed our march, the First Maryland being in the rear of the infantry, with orders to support the cavalry and artillery under Generals George H. Steuart and Turner Ashby, who were keeping the enemyâs advance in check. When within a mile or two of Woodstock, Fremontâs cavalry, under Colonel Percy Wyndham, dashed upon the cavalry under Stewart and scattered it in every direction. It was in vain that gallant officer endeavored to rally the frightened troopers; but the harder he swore the faster they rode, until they came upon the First Maryland in the streets of Woodstock. âGet out of the way! get out of the way! the enemy are upon you!â they called out at the top of their voices, as they dashed madly through the town. But Colonel Johnson, not understanding such tactics, coolly wheeled his regiment across the street, and, charging them with the bayonet, drove them back in the direction from whence they came. Some 67were rallied by the General, who had by this time come up; but the majority took to the fields, and made good their escape from both friends and foes. In this disgraceful affair we came near losing two pieces of the Baltimore Light Artillery. Entirely deserted by the cavalry supporting them, they were at the mercy of the enemy; but the brave Griffin, although surrounded, drove his guns through their ranks, and bore his pieces off in triumph. These skirmishes were of daily occurrence as the Confederate army marched leisurely in the direction of Staunton. By burning bridges along our route we were enabled to retard the enemyâs advance, and by easy marches to rest and refresh our men and keep the wagon train and prisoners well up. Finally, in the afternoon of the 5th of June, the army reached Harrisonburg, where we received intelligence that made the stoutest of us tremble. The turnpike bridge across the Shenandoah had been destroyed, and having no pontoons it was impossible to cross as the stream was very high and rapid. Any other man but Jackson would have given up in despair, and we should have been lost. Not so with him. There was still another bridge that spanned the river at Port Republic, and thither he determined to march, over roads indescribable. Diverging to the left, therefore, about a mile from Harrisonburg, he took the road to Port Republic, 68and, after marching a mile or two, went into camp for the night, the enemy occupying Harrisonburg. The next morning, the 6th day of June,âa day that will ever be remembered by usâthe enemyâs videttes were within rifle-shot upon the hills behind us. He was following us closely; and it was evident we would be compelled to fight before reaching the river. Slowly we retired, the enemy as slowly following. In this way we marched about four miles, when Ashby, in command of the rear guard, determined to give his persistent foe a little turn up. Placing his men in the woods by the side of the road he quietly awaited the attack. Catching sight of the man he had for days been endeavoring to âbag,â the dashing Wyndham charged at the head of his New Jersey troops; but, alas! he had reckoned without his host, for a counter charge ordered by the brave Ashby, and made with irresistible impetuosity, overthrew Wyndham, and scattered his Jersey Blues to the four winds. The pursuit was continued until Ashby was nearly up with their advanced infantry, the Pennsylvania Bucktails, who were encamped about two miles from Harrisonburg. Gathering up his prisoners, among whom was Wyndham himself, he fell back to the infantry, determined upon attacking this body, for he deemed their capture an easy matter. Alas! it was a sad, sad mistake, and cost many valuable lives, and among them the incomparable Ashby himself. 69Contrary to his own judgment, General Ewell yielded to General Ashbyâs earnest solicitations, and furnished him with three regiments of infantry with which to attack and surprise the enemyâs advance. The regiments selected for the work were the First Maryland and Fifty-Eighth and Forty-Fourth Virginia. So fearful was General Ewell that some disaster would befall the expedition that he accompanied it himself. The troops moved with the utmost caution through the dense woods for about three miles, when they were halted, and the companies of Captains Herbert and Nicholas thrown forward as skirmishers. These were under the command of Ashby, closely followed by the main body under command of Ewell. In a few minutes the rattle of musketry in our front told us that the enemy had been found, and the Fifty-Eighth was immediately sent in, when the fight became very severe, the contending forces not being over fifty yards apart. For about fifteen minutes the conflict continued, when the Fifty-Eighth broke and came to the rear in great confusion. The Forty-Fourth was then sent forward, and appeared to be faring but little better, when General Ewell, who had been in the thickest of the fight and exposed to much danger, dashed up to Colonel Johnson and called out, âCharge, Colonel, charge, and end this matter!â For some minutes we had been suffering from the enemyâs fire, and the order was therefore gladly obeyed. Steadily the regiment moved 70through the woods to the attack, guided by the firing, for not one of the foemen could be seen. At length, feeling that he was within striking distance, Johnson gave the command, âForward, double quick,â and with a yell our fellows dashed up the hill which shielded the enemy from our view; but, as we gained its crest, a terrible volley was poured into our very faces, and the regiment reeled and staggered, for Johnson was down struggling to disengage himself from his dying horse, and some twenty of the officers and men had fallen. The pause was but momentary, however, for collecting themselves the brave fellows rushed furiously upon the enemy, and, reserving their fire until they were within twenty paces of them, poured into their ranks so destructive a volley that the survivors broke and attempted to reach their main body. In this but few succeeded, as they were compelled to recross an open field, about four hundred yards wide, and all the while subjected to our fire, which was delivered with the utmost coolness and precision. Our loss in this unfortunate fight was severe, for besides the many brave officers and men in the three little regiments, we had to mourn the death of the chivalrous Ashby, the idol of the army. Early in the conflict, while urging his men forward, and exposing himself most recklessly, a ball passed through his body, and he fell dead. 71When the news of the death of this Christian gentleman and glorious soldier became known to the army, a universal wail went up, and strong men wept like children, for truly they had lost one they dearly loved. Never more was his clarion voice to be heard as he led his fierce legions in the headlong charge. Never more the piercing gray eye to sparkle as he dashed with lightning speed through the ranks of the foemen, dealing death blows at every stride, avenging his peopleâs wrongs and the death of a basely-murdered brother. The First Maryland had many of its noblest spirits to mourn for, and among them the gallant Captain N. S. Robertson, Lieutenant Nicholas Snowden, and privates Beatty, Schleigh, Harris, and others whose names I do not remember. The loss of the enemy was very severe. Their commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Kane, with several of his officers and many of the men were wounded and prisoners in our hands, and, to use Kaneâs own words, âhardly a dozen of the command escaped.â Sadly, as the dusk of evening came on, we gathered together our dead, and the wounded of both sides who could bear removal, and mournfully retraced our steps, and near midnight lay down to rest beside our cold, inanimate companions. As we lay there we could not but think how many of us would in a few hours be with them, sleeping our last sleep; and the next morning, as we listened to the reveille, we thought it might be our last, for our dead comrades had heard it but yesterday. Such is the uncertainty of a soldierâs life. 72In a little churchyard attached to Union Church, near Cross Keys, we dug the one grave that was to contain all that was left of them, and in their uniforms, wrapt in their blankets, we lay them down to rest. Theirs was the burial they would have most wishedâa soldierâs burial. CHAPTER IX. Sullenly, as the foe advanced, we fell back in the direction of Port Republic, determined, when attacked by Fremontâs overwhelming army, to fight to the last man. At length we halted at Cross Keys, and made preparations to pass our wagons and prisoners over the crazy old bridge, which afforded us the only means of escaping the destruction which threatened us. Therefore, forming his army in line of battle on the morning of the 8th of June, to keep Fremont in check, Jackson moved his prisoners upon the bridge, but scarcely had the first of them crossed when they were surprised by a squadron of Shieldsâ cavalry, that dashed into the town of Port Republic, and who speedily captured the guard and released the prisoners. Indeed, General Jackson himself narrowly escaped. Hastening back, however, he brought forward a body of cavalry, and charging them in turn recaptured not only all he had lost, but many of the enemy beside. 73From the prisoners he learned that Shields was rapidly approaching with a large force from McDowellâs army, and they expressed themselves confident that we would be crushed between him and Fremont. Things looked gloomy enough, it was true, but such was the confidence of the troops in Jackson that our situation caused little or no uneasiness. Quickly detaching his own division from the line of battle he had formed in front of Fremont, he placed it in position to hold Shields in check, and at the same time cover the passage of the bridge, whilst Ewell, with his little division of five thousand men, was to fight Fremontâs twenty-five thousand. Thus when the battle commenced the Confederate lines presented the singular spectacle of two armies standing back to back, facing a foe in front and rear, and but three miles apart. About ten oâclock the enemy moved to the attack upon Ewell in beautiful order, and first struck his left, which was barely a skirmish line of the First Maryland supporting Griffinâs Baltimore Battery. On came the enemy until they had arrived within a hundred yards of us, when the deadly fire from our Mississippi rifles and the grape and canister from Griffin drove them back in confusion. Again they advanced and took position about three hundred yards distant, when they opened upon us a most terrible fire from the Belgium gun. Fortunately we were posted in a skirt of woods, and were well protected from their fire. For hours this desperate 74conflict continued, the enemy making repeated attempts to penetrate our line, but every assault was repelled with heavy loss to the assailants. And during those precious hours Jackson was accomplishing his purpose of passing his trains and provisions over the old bridge. All day long Ewell fought on with the same troops and held the same line of battle, for there were none to relieve those first put in, and these the enemy were unable to drive one foot. The odds were fearful indeedâfive to one; but we were desperate men, fighting for our lives and liberties. At length relief came to us in the declining day; and how anxiously, we watched the sun go down that evening, for we were well nigh worn out from seven hourâs incessant fighting. At dark the firing almost entirely ceased, and we still held the ground we did in the morning, and Jacksonâs trains were safely over the river. The loss of the First Maryland in this engagement was severe, although we fought mostly under cover of the woods, but so terrible was the enemyâs fire that it was almost impossible to expose for an instant any part of the body without being struck. It is strange to say not a single man was killed outright, though we had more than thirty wounded out of one hundred and seventy-five men; several of whom, however, afterwards died. In this fight General George H. Steuart, who was in command of the Maryland line, was desperately wounded in 75the breast by a grape shot, and General Elzey, who commanded the left, was wounded in the leg. Late that night, leaving our fires brightly burning to deceive the enemy, we stealthily moved from before them and commenced to cross the bridge, and by daylight the last man had reached the longed-for shore, and Jackson was safe. As the last foot left it, the bridge was fired in many places, and having been filled with combustible material, was almost instantly enveloped in flames. Great indeed must have been the surprise and chagrin of the âgreat explorer,â as at daylight he beheld the lurid flames and dense black smoke that ascended high up to heaven, and heralded to him the escape of the wily foe he had believed inextricably within his toils. But our work was not yet done; for six thousand men and a battery of artillery of Shieldsâ command, under General Tyler, held a strong position right in our path, and must be disposed of. They had been silent spectators of the passage of the bridge, never offering to molest us in the least, and Jackson had refrained from attacking them until he had escaped from his more powerful antagonist. But now they must be got rid of, and for that purpose General Dick Taylor and his Louisiana and two Virginia brigades were moved down the river side, and a vigorous attack made upon the enemyâs position. They were repulsed, however, with heavy loss, but a second attempt proved more successful, 76and the enemy was driven from his position with terrible slaughter, and the battery captured. In this engagement, which was of but two hoursâ duration, the enemy lost over two thousand in killed and wounded, besides nearly a thousand prisoners. During the latter part of the battle of Port Republic Fremontâs army remained drawn up on the opposite bank of the river, unable to render any assistance to the unfortunate Tyler, and to whose destruction they were silent spectators. The battle over though, and whilst the Confederates were burying the dead and succoring the wounded of both sides, the brutal Fremont, wild with disappointment, opened his batteries upon the ambulance and burial parties, which fire killed many of his own wounded people, and compelled us to leave the balance on the field uncared for, and his dead unburied. The battle of Port Republic closed Jacksonâs Valley Campaign, for Fremont finding it useless to attempt to cope with his wily antagonist in his mountain fastness, retired in the direction of Winchester. Never in his previous or subsequent campaigns did Jacksonâs military genius and daring show to greater advantage than in this of the Valley of Virginia. In less than six weeks he had beaten the army of Milroy, destroyed that of Banks, baffled that of Fremont, and annihilated that of Tyler, and all with less than twelve thousand men; besides 77capturing from the enemy millions worth of stores, &c. From General Ewellâs official report of the Valley Campaign we take the fol
7368	dbpedia	3	10	https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/unit-history/artillery/1st-artillery-regiment-light/battery-l-1st-artillery-regiment-light	en	Battery L, 1st Artillery Regiment (Light) :: New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center	https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/application/files/9315/9121/8175/nysmm_bookmark_favicon.ico	https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/application/files/9315/9121/8175/nysmm_bookmark_favicon.ico	[ "https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/application/themes/nysmm/images/NYS-logo.png", "https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/application/files/thumbnails/unit_gallery_image/4115/5068/9020/1stArtLightBatLMonument.jpg", "https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/application/files/thumbnails/unit_gallery_image/2915/5068/9016/1stArtLightBatLPersonOstler.jpg", "https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/application/themes/nysmm/images/footer-logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null			https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/application/files/9315/9121/8175/nysmm_bookmark_favicon.ico		https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/unit-history/artillery/1st-artillery-regiment-light/battery-l-1st-artillery-regiment-light	THE FOLLOWING IS TAKEN FROM NEW YORK IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION, 1ST ED. FREDERICK PHISTERER. ALBANY: J. B. LYON COMPANY, 1912. Battery L — Rochester Union Greys — Capt. John A. Reynolds, recruited principally at Rochester, Palmyra and Elmira, was mustered in the United States service at Elrnira, November 17, 1861. Members of the 1st Battalion, Light Artillery, State Militia, formed part of the battery. It served at Baltimore, Md., and in Dix's Division, Army of Potomac, from November, 1861; at Winchester, Va., and Harper's Ferry, W. Va., from May 27, 1862; in the 1st Brigade, Sigel's Division, Department of Shenandoah, from June, 1862; in the 2d Division, 2d Corps, Army of Virginia, from June 26, 1862; in the 3d Corps and 1st Division, 2d Corps, Army of Virginia, from August, 1862; in the 1st Division, 1st Corps, Army of Potomac, from September, 1862; in the Artillery Brigade, 1st Corps, from February, 1863; with the 1st Division, 1st Corps, at Chancellorsville; in the Artillery Brigade, 5th Corps, from March, 1864; in the Artillery Reserve, Army of Potomac, but attached to the 9th Corps, from January, 1865, and it was mustered out and honorably discharged, commanded by Capt. George Breck, June 17, 1863, at Elmira. THE FOLLOWING IS TAKEN FROM THE UNION ARMY: A HISTORY OF MILITARY AFFAIRS IN THE LOYAL STATES, 1861-65 -- RECORDS OF THE REGIMENTS IN THE UNION ARMY -- CYCLOPEDIA OF BATTLES -- MEMOIRS OF COMMANDERS AND SOLDIERS, VOLUME II: NEW YORK, MARYLAND, WEST VIRGINIA AND OHIO. MADISON, WI: FEDERAL PUB. CO., 1908. Battery L ("Rochester Union Greys"), Capt. John A. Reynolds, recruited at Rochester, Palmyra and Elmira, was mustered into the U. S. service at Elmira, Nov. 17, 1861. The 1st militia battalion of light artillery supplied many members of the battery. When Capt. John A. Reynolds was promoted major on May 9, 1863, Capt. Gilbert H. Reynolds was given the command and on his resignation May 3, 1864, was succeeded by Lieut. George Breck. It was stationed at Baltimore, Winchester and Harper's Ferry until the latter part of May, 1862, and was engaged at Charlestown, W. Va., and Harper's Ferry. It fought with Pope at Cedar Mountain and with the 1st division, 2nd corps, was engaged at Gainesville and the second Bull Run. It was then assigned to the 1st division, 1st corps, with which it took part in the battles of South Mountain, Antietam, Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville. As a part of the artillery brigade, 1st corps, it did gallant service at Gettysburg, going into action under Capt. Gilbert Reynolds, who was severely wounded at the very beginning of the battle on the first day, when Lieut. Breck took command. Its loss in men was 2 killed and 16 wounded, and 22 horses were killed or disabled. In Nov., 1863, it participated in the Mine Run campaign, and fought throughout Grant's campaign of 1864 in the artillery brigade of the 5th corps, at the Wilderness, Spottsylvania. the North Anna, Totopotomy, Bethesda Church, the assault on Petersburg in June, and the Weldon railroad. In the final campaign in 1865 it was in the artillery reserve, attached to the 9th corps, and was active at Hatcher's run. Fort Stedman, and the final assault on Petersburg. It was mustered out on June 17, 1865, at Elmira, under Capt. Breck. It lost during service II men killed and mortally wounded; 12 men died of disease, accidents, in prison, etc., a total of 23. The following is taken from Final Report on the Battlefield of Gettysburg (New York at Gettysburg) by the New York Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and Chattanooga. Albany, NY: J.B. Lyon Company, 1902. ADDRESS OF MAJ. GEORGE BRECK. COMRADES OF BATTERY L: It is exactly twenty-eight years ago to-day since this organization was formed in the city of Rochester, and more than a quarter of a century since we fought here, as Lincoln declared on this historic field that, " A government of the people, for the people, and by the people, should not perish from the earth." In this long interval of nearly a generation, I believe that few, if any, of us have ever set foot on this scene where for three days raged one of the fiercest battles of modern times, and where our desperate, courageous, but misguided foes fought for their last great stake on Northern soil. As you recall your activity amid the death throes and din of that tumultuous strife, you may well feel proud that Battery L was permitted to do its appointed share in securing the great victory which settled the fate of the Republic. You may well reflect too that this triumph was not easily purchased nor cheaply won; and had we suffered a reverse here of the magnitude of some of those which overcame the Army of the Potomac in its earlier history the face of modern civilization might have been changed. Suppose, for instance, the army of General Lee, with its sullen resolve and impetuous daring to strike panic into the Northern heart, and hence to secure influential political allies in our rear, had successively occupied Harrisburg, Philadelphia, and New York,— what might not have been the termination o f , the war? It is perhaps idle to speculate upon such a contingency. Yet we, who passed through the greatest civil war in all history, all know that there is no such thing as certainty in the result of the clash of conflicting armies, such as we witnessed here. But the victory was priceless all the same; and the survivors of this field, remembered by a grateful people, have written over this undulating surface, in granite, and marble, and bronze, the story of that three days' triumphant struggle, making this battlefield unique for all time. Pass over the fields of Waterloo, of Austerlitz, of Sadowa, or Gravelotte, and you behold nothing to mark the gigantic strife of nations on those famous theatres of war. It has remained for America to remember her sons who fell, as we see them, commemorated on these diversified acres; and certainly we cannot feel otherwise than proud that not the least among the commands who have a monument here is our veteran battery, which I had the honor to command during the latter part of the battle. In keeping with the proprieties of this occasion I have prepared, with the assistance of Lieutenant Shelton, a sketch of the part which this battery took in the action. I have also prepared a brief sketch of Battery " L," and a complete roster of the command from the date of its organization until it was finally mustered out of service at Elmira, June 17, 1865. Most of the data for the following sketch of Reynolds' Battery at Gettysburg are taken from the official report of General Wainwright to General Hunt, chief of artillery, and bearing date July 17, 1863. We are indebted to the politeness of Major Cooney, at the New York headquarters of the Gettysburg Monuments Commission, for access to the advance sheets of a government work on Gettysburg not yet published, and which contains the report aforesaid. On the night of June 30, 1863, Reynolds' Battery was encamped with the batteries and troops of the First Corps, about two miles from Emmitsburg, along the Pike leading to Gettysburg. Marching orders were received about 8 o'clock on the morning of the 1st of July. We were soon apprised of the presence of the enemy by the sound of skirmish firing ahead, and between 10 and 11 o'clock the battery was drawn off the road and parked in a field, but a short distance from the Seminary Grove. Those of us who were present at that time, will remember the clouds of cavalry skirmishers which, having been relieved by the infantry, were falling back down the hillsides which hid the village of Gettysburg from our view. Leaving the caissons at this point, the battery advanced into the fields between the town and the Lutheran Seminary. The first mention of the battery in the report says: " Directing Captain Reynolds to move his battery of six three-inch guns forward, I rode up onto the ridge, but finding that the battery would be exposed and totally without support, I withdrew it before it reached the crest." After occupying one or two positions advancing, Battery L was ordered to relieve Tidball's Horse Battery, and it was during the execution of this movement that Captain Reynolds was wounded and the command of the battery devolved upon Lieutenant Breck. Captain Reynolds is mentioned in the report as gallantly refusing to leave the field. At this point the battery was certainly without infantry support and subjected to a severe cross-fire from our right. "Both batteries," says the report, " were obliged to retire." Many of us can remember the plunging shots of the enemy throwing up the black earth in rear of the carriages as they fell back across the soft stubble field to the next ridge. General Wainwright continues: " Receiving another request from General Wadsworth for some guns in his front, I posted Lieutenant Wilbur, with a section of Company L, First New York, in the Orchard on the south side of the Cashtown Road, where he was sheltered from the fire of the enemy's battery on his right flank by the intervening houses and barn, and moved the remaining four pieces around to the south side of the wood on the open crest." Some confusion about the Seminary and Cemetery Ridges seems to have prevailed at this stage of the battle, and Colonel Wainwright, understanding the former instead of the latter was to be held at all hazard, proceeded with his usual tenacity of purpose to post his batteries at this end. The enemy's infantry, meanwhile, in two columns, having outflanked us to the left, formed in double line of battle and came directly up the crest. * * * " The firing of Lieutenant Breck's guns was much interfered with by our own infantry moving in front of his pieces. * * * I withdrew Lieutenant Breck's two sections when the first line was within about 200 yards, and ordered him behind a strong stone wall on the Seminary Crest." At this juncture the infantry support was rapidly withdrawn by conflicting orders, and it was not until such support was seen in full retreat towards the town that the limbers were ordered to the rear, and the batteries moved at a walk down the Cashtown Road until the infantry had all left the road and passed behind and under cover of the railroad embankment. By this time the enemy's skirmishers had lapped our retreating column within fifty yards of the road. " The Pike being clear the batteries broke into a trot, but it was too late to save everything. Lieutenant Wilbur's last piece had the off wheel-horse shot, and as he had just disentangled it, three more of the horses were shot down and his own horse killed, so it was impossible for him to bring it off. It affords me pleasure to say that not the slightest blame can be attached to Lieutenant Wilbur in the loss of this gun." After passing through the village of Gettysburg the enemy was checked, and the national forces seized and held a position of great importance on the Cemetery Ridge. At dusk the batteries outside the Cemetery Gate were reposted: Battery B, Fourth United States, with four guns, across the Baltimore Road facing the village. Next it four guns of Battery I, First New York, Captain Wiedrich; next Cooper's four-gun battery, and on the extreme right of this line, Reynolds' Battery, with five guns. This turn or refusal of the line of batteries thus mounted thirteen three-inch guns and four Napoleons, and breastworks of the horse-shoe form were at once constructed before the pieces. The Fifth Maine Battery is described as posted to the right and some fifty yards in front of this line, on a small knoll, whence it commanded a flanking fire at close range upon any column attacking this front. " During the morning several moving columns of the enemy were shelled at intervals, but no engagement occurred until about 4 p. m., when they planted a battery of four twenty-pounders and six ten-pound Parrotts in a wheatfield in our immediate front, at about 1,300 yards, and opened the most accurate fire I have ever yet seen from their artillery." This engagement lasted for an hour and a half, when the enemy retired, hauling two of their guns off by hand. A portion of their guns maintained a brief fire from a new position a little to the right, but were soon silenced. After this engagement Cooper's Battery was relieved by Ricketts' Battery, giving the line two additional guns. About dusk (of the 2d) there was a general attack on our position from the direction of the village by General Hays' Louisiana Brigade, and Hoke's North Carolina Brigade. Quoting again from the report: "As their column filed out of the town they came under the fire of the Fifth Maine Battery at about 800 yards. Wheeling into line they swung around, their right resting on the town, and pushed up the hill, which is quite steep at this point. As their line became fully unmasked all the guns which could be brought to bear were opened on them, at first with shrapnel and afterwards with canister, making a total of fifteen guns in their front and six on their left Hank. Their centre and left never mounted the hill at all, but their right worked its way up under the cover of the houses and pushed completely through Wiedrich's Battery into Ricketts'. The cannoneers of both these batteries stood well to their guns, driving the enemy off with fence-rails and stones, and capturing a few prisoners. I believe it may be claimed that this attack was almost entirely repelled by the artillery. My surgeon, who was in town, and dressed many of their wounds, tells me that they reported their loss in this engagement as very great.' On the third day the battery was not engaged, and from its position could take no part in the heavy cannonade which preceded the great Pickett charge. From our sheltered position we could see gray figures moving among the guns and monuments along the Cemetery crest, and listen to the awful chorus of batteries that ushered in the last act on this great field. The following is a list of the casualties at this great struggle, as reported at the time to headquarters: Capt. G. H. Reynolds, lost his left eye and bruised in left side; taken to hospital in town; taken prisoner, and found in Gettysburg on its evacuation by the enemy. Edward Costello, killed. Michael Elringer, wounded in head. John Vallier, wounded in right foot and missing. Patrick Gray, wounded in back by piece of rail, a shell striking it; missing. Edward Foster, wounded in left foot. George Morris, wounded slightly in side. John P. Conn, fatally wounded. George Gavitt, wounded in face and leg, and missing. William Cronoble, wounded in the right shoulder. Sergt. Charles A. Rooney, slightly wounded, and missing. Amos Gibbs, wounded in left wrist. Victor Gretter, slightly wounded in leg. William Wood, slightly wounded in ankle. Corp. George Blake, slightly wounded in left side. Most of the above were taken prisoners in Gettysburg, and found there on our army occupying the town. Isaac Weinberg, the battery's guidon, was captured while attending to Captain Reynolds, but was released with him. Battery L, or Reynolds' Battery, as it is always better known, was organized in the city of Rochester, September 17, 1861. Thirteen men enlisted that day for three years' service in the volunteer army, forming the nucleus of an organization which in a few weeks was filled to the maximum number of a sixgun battery, consisting of 150 men. The company, before its full completion, departed for Elmira, October 7th, and the event was duly celebrated by the old Union Grays of Rochester firing a salute, and by Hill's Union Blues acting as an escort to the depot. On the 25th of October, the company was mustered into service, numbering then 81 men, with John A. Reynolds as captain, Edward A. Loder, first lieutenant, and Gilbert H. Reynolds, second lieutenant. On the l3th of November the company left Elmira for Albany, where it received a sufficient number of recruits to entitle it to two additional commissioned officers. Charles L. Anderson, of Palmyra, and George Breck, of Rochester, were made second lieutenants, G. H. Reynolds being promoted to be one of the first lieutenants. The company remained at Albany until November 21st, when it was ordered to Washington. Here it was quartered at Camp Barry for about three months, during which time the battery was fully equipped with horses, six three-inch rifled cannon, caissons, forge and battery wagons, and everything to perfect its organization. On February 25, 1862, the company received orders to proceed to Baltimore, and the following day it encamped in that city at Camp Andrew, or Stewart's Mansion, where it remained some three months, pleasantly located, doing holiday soldiering and practicing almost daily in artillery drill. On the 25th day of May, on a bright Sabbath afternoon, the company received its first marching orders for active field service. It was ordered to Harper's Ferry from Baltimore, with all possible despatch, and at an early hour the next morning it.had reached its destination. Stonewall Jackson was making his famous raid in the Shenandoah Valley, repulsing General Banks's army and threatening the capture of Harper's Ferry and the city of Washington. The whole North was in commotion over this strategic movement of the Rebel forces, and there was a hurrying of Federal troops to Harper's Ferry to avert the impending danger. It was then and there that Reynolds' Battery first began to soldier in good earnest; and not until the close of the war was there any suspension, for any length of time, of hardship, marching, and fighting. Its halcyon days of military life, as experienced in Baltimore, were at an end. Henceforth it was to confront " grim-visaged war " for the preservation of the Republic, and how well the company did its work is a matter of record. It was an organization of which Rochester and Monroe County could be and were proud. From Harper's Ferry the battery began to move up the Shenandoah Valley, attached to General Sigel's Division, in pursuit of Jackson's army. It was a long and hard chase, attended with many incidents; but the day came when disaster was turned into victory. Then followed the great retreat of the Union army upon Washington, one of the leading events of the war. Reynolds' Battery took an active part in it. At about the commencement of the retreat the battery was near the Rappahannock River, which stream it crossed and recrossed several times in the movements of the army. It was at Rappahannock Station, about half-way between Culpeper and Warrenton Junction, that the battery engaged in its first real fight. It fought in company with General Patrick's Brigade, of McDowell's Corps, and performed efficient service. The first member of the company who was wounded in the battery's service was Sergt. William H. Bower, then acting as lieutenant, and subsequently promoted to a lieutenancy. It was here he lost his left arm by the fragment of a Confederate shell. The company's next engagement was at White Sulphur Springs, Va., where John F. Deitz was badly wounded. Then followed the battle of Gainesville or Groveton, one of the hottest and severest engagements which the battery ever participated in. Here brave John Smith and gallant John Van Zandt were killed. Then occurred the second battle of Bull Run, and here the battery won additional credit for gallantry and efficiency. The company could muster now but seventy men and needed new recruits. For several months there had been almost constant marching and fighting, and the severest hardships had been experienced. And then occurred the battle of South Mountain, where the battery was held in reserve; and, following this, was the great battle of Antietam, on the 17th of September, 1862, just one year from the date of the organization of the company. In this fierce and bloody conflict the old colors of Battery L were conspicuous from the commencement of the struggle until its close. Here Myron Annis was killed and Peter Proseus had both legs badly shattered. With the grand Army of the Potomac the battery again turned its face in the direction of Virginia in the latter part of October, 1862, and " Onward to Richmond" was once more the cry. In November, General Burnside was placed in command of the army, and in December following, the battery was engaged in the battle of Fredericksburg. Here David Morrison, of Scottsville, was mortally wounded. Then followed the "masterly retreat" from that historic battlefield, and the battery went into camp for four or five months at Waugh Point, the monotony of which was relieved for a little time when General Burnside made his famous mud movement in the latter part of January, 1863, in which the battery took an active part Shortly after this General Hooker assumed command of the Army of the Potomac, and the battles of Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville were fought May 2d, 3d, and 4th, in which the battery, still in the First Corps, was hotly engaged, particularly below Fredericksburg, three or four miles on the south side of the Rappahannock, where brave Charles Carpenter was killed and several of the men were wounded. The attacks of the enemy's batteries were gallantly repulsed, two of his caissons being blown up and two guns dismounted, It was here that General Reynolds, commanding the First Army Corps, came on the ground where the battery was in action and complimented it by remarking: " If that battery continues to stand such a fire as it is receiving, it will stand anywhere." It was in the latter part of May, that John A. Reynolds, the chief organizer of, and for more than a year and a half the captain of the battery, was commissioned as major in the First New York Light Artillery Regiment, and subsequently was assigned to the Army of the Cumberland as chief of artillery of the Twentieth Army Corps. First Lieut. G. H. Reynolds was commissioned as captain and took command of the battery. George Breck was made first lieutenant; Charles L. Anderson, second first lieutenant; and William H. Bower was promoted from first sergeant to a second lieutenancy. About six weeks after was fought the greatest battle of the war — the battle of Gettysburg. In this terrible conflict Battery L was an active participant from the first to the close of the third day's fighting. In this engagement the battery lost its first gun, on the first day's encounter with the enemy, a detailed account of which, with the operations of the battery through the three days' fight, has already been described. Following the battle of Gettysburg was a multiplicity of incidents and movements culminating in the battle of Mine Run, where the battery was closely engaged. It lay at Culpeper in winter quarters until May 4, 1864, when the last great general movement of the Army of the Potomac, under command of General Grant, was begun. The battery took part in the battles of the Wilderness, Spotsylvania, North Anna, Totopotomoy, Cold Harbor (where Lieutenant De Mott was killed), Bethesda Church, Petersburg, Weldon Railroad, and Peebles' Farm; and upon its colors are inscribed the names of these battlefields and others in which it participated. On the 31st of May, 1865, the company broke camp near City Point, Va., and made its first movement homeward bound. The orders disposing of the battery as one of the batteries of the volunteer artillery of the Army of the Potomac were issued about May 3oth, and on the 6th of June following, the company bade adieu to Washington and started for Elmira, the original place of mustering into service, arriving there two days subsequently. On the17th of June, Reynolds' Battery was duly disbanded and the members, with glad hearts, went to their respective homes. Of the number of men who originally joined the battery, twenty-five remained at the time it was mustered out of service. One hundred and sixty joined in 1861, 44 joined in 1862, 100 joined in 1863 and 1864; 11 men were killed or died from wounds received in action and 29 died from sickness contracted in service. Thus, comrades, have I sought to briefly trace the succession of events, when, as citizen-soldiers, we first took service in the artillery, at the very threshold of manhood, until we again disappeared in the civic pursuits of life. If we have regrets to utter to-day, it is over the memories of those who did not live to enjoy the fruits of that great struggle which left us a permanent Union, but fell upon this and other fields. Nor is it probable that we shall ever again be gathered in such a reunion and amid such surroundings as these; but true as that may be, each for himself will long cherish the recollection that on the twenty-eighth anniversary of the formation of this battery, neither our patriotism nor our estimate of heroic deeds was inadequate to the true appreciation of the sacrifices made here at Gettysburg.
7368	dbpedia	1	48	https://walterreed.tricare.mil/Getting-Care/Planning-Your-Visit/Driving-Directions	en	Walter Reed National Military Medical Center > Getting Care > Planning Your Visit > Driving Directions	https://media.defense.go…-A-AB123-001.PNG		[ "https://walterreed.tricare.mil/Portals/126/Logo_WalterReed.jpg?ver=oeX4WcwjATFDFefxAJMvgA%3d%3d", "https://tricare.mil/-/media/Images/MTFs/NCR-Region/WalterReed/Other-Images/Logo_WalterReed.jpg?h=55&la=en&w=167&hash=5654F4A6573C4BD078306C70D7A7437AE8AB0A688DEF8BC2E0BD9A6F9DEAA8B5", "https://walterreed.tricare.mil/portals/1/Images/DODseal-55px.png?ver=rtlWKmtkxXxafvjNBJyAXQ%3d%3d", "https://walterreed.tricare.mil/portals/1/Images/MHSseal-55px.png?ver=j_H2C39NwIBpIpoxRilSLA%3d%3d", "https://media.defense.gov/2022/Mar/11/2002964425/-1/-1/0/110322-A-AB123-001.PNG", "https://walterreed.tricare.mil/DesktopModules/SharedLibrary/Images/VCL 988_Hoz_CMYK.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	/Portals/126/favicon.ico?ver=W8BYpYjHg1JFXBFbQFoT7g%3d%3d		null	Driving Directions If you are not driving to Walter Reed, information about alternative transportation options are at the bottom of this page. Local Origins George Washington (GW) Parkway route: From DC, take I-395 South, crossing the Potomac River. Exit onto northbound George Washington (GW) Parkway. 12 miles on GW Parkway, following the Potomac River on the Virginia side. From right lane, exit onto I-495 North, the Capital Beltway, heading north to Maryland on the inner loop of the Beltway. Take Exit 34, Rt. 355, South, Wisconsin Ave. towards Bethesda, in left lane. Cross Cedar Lane; at first median crossing (at the light), turn left to enter Naval Support Activity Bethesda, home of Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. Show your ID at the guard station. City routes through DC: a. From Massachusetts Ave., turn north on Rt. 355, Wisconsin Ave. for approximately 5 miles. After passing Jones Bridge Rd. intersection, the Walter Reed National Military Medical Center will be on your right. (Medical Center METRO station on left). Turn right onto Naval Support Activity Bethesda, home of Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. Show your ID at the guard station. b. From Connecticut Ave., drive north away from DC. Approximately 2 miles north of Chevy Chase Circle, turn right on Manor Rd.; at light, turn left on Jones Bridge Rd. Cross Connecticut Ave. At 4th light, turn right on Rt. 355, Wisconsin Ave. At first light, turn right to enter Gate 2 (South Gate) on South Wood Rd. Show your ID at the guard station. c. METRO (subway): Red Line towards Shady Grove or Grosvenor. Exit at Medical Center METRO station. At top of escalator, turn right and cross Rockville Pike. Swipe ID card to use the pedestrian turnstiles at the access gate. Approximately 50 minutes. From Capital Beltway (I-495): WRNMMC lies on the Maryland side of the Capital Beltway (I-495) in Montgomery County. The Beltway is accessed from the north on Interstate 95 or the Baltimore-Washington Parkway, from the east on MD Rt. 50, from southern MD on MD Rt. 4 or 5, from all points south on Interstate 95, and from the west on Interstate 66. Head west on the Capital Beltway. Take Exit 34, Rt. 355, South, Wisconsin Ave. towards Bethesda, in left lane. Cross Cedar Lane; at first median crossing (at the light), turn left to enter Naval Support Activity Bethesda, home of Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. Show your ID at the guard station. North, South, East, West Origins From Points North: Frederick, MD: South on I-270 for approximately 24 miles. Between 0600 and 0900 observe the left HOV-2 lane that starts at Exit 8, Shady Grove Rd. Where I-270 divides into “spurs,” take the left spur to I-495 East towards College Park/Silver Spring. (Do not take the far left lane which is the HOV access to I-495 South to Washington/Virginia.) After approximately 2 ¼ miles, from the left lane, exit onto Rt. 355 South, Wisconsin Ave. towards Bethesda. Get into left lane. Cross Cedar Lane intersection; at first median crossing (at the light), turn to enter Naval Support Activity Bethesda, home of Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. Show your ID at the guard station. Baltimore, MD: From I-695, the Baltimore Beltway, or from the Harbor Tunnel or Francis Scott Key Bridge - Drive south on I-95 for approximately 22 miles or on the Baltimore-Washington Parkway for approximately 20 miles to I-495 West, the Capital Beltway. Head west (right) towards Silver Spring/Bethesda for approximately 9 miles from I-95 or 12 miles from B/W Parkway. You will be on the outer loop of the Beltway. Take Exit 34, Rt. 355 South, Wisconsin Ave./Rockville Pike. As you exit from the Beltway, stay in right lane and immediately bear left at light to loop under and south on Rt. 355 towards Bethesda. Cross Cedar Lane intersection; at first median crossing (at the light), turn left to enter Naval Support Activity Bethesda, home of Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. Show your ID at the guard station. From Points South: Portsmouth/Norfolk: Follow I-64 West towards Richmond for approximately 75 miles. Take Exit 20, I-295/US-60 exit - towards Washington/Rocky Mt, NC. Keep right at the fork in the ramp. Merge onto I-295 North for approximately 13 miles. Take Exit 43 to I-95 North for approximately 85 miles. Take Exit 170B to I-495 North - towards TYSONS CORNER for approximately 20 miles. Take Exit 34, Rt. 355 South, Wisconsin Ave. towards Bethesda. Get in left lane. Cross Cedar Lane intersection; at first median crossing (at the light), turn left to enter Naval Support Activity Bethesda, home of Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. Show your ID at the guard station. Other points south: North on I-95. Take Exit 170B to I-495 North - towards TYSONS CORNER for approximately 20 miles. Take Exit 34, Rt. 355 South, Wisconsin Ave. towards Bethesda. Get in left lane. Cross Cedar Lane intersection; at first median crossing (at the light), turn left to enter Naval Support Activity Bethesda, home of Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. Show your ID at the guard station. From Points East (Annapolis): Drive west on Rt. 50 , John Hanson Highway. Exit right onto I-495 North, the Capital Beltway towards Baltimore/Silver Spring, on the outer loop of the Beltway. After approximately 20 miles, take Exit 34, Rt. 355 South, Wisconsin Ave./Rockville Pike. As you exit from the Beltway, stay in right lane and immediately bear left at light to loop under and south on Rt. 355 towards Bethesda. Cross Cedar Lane intersection; at first median crossing (at the light), turn left to enter Naval Support Activity Bethesda, home of Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. Show your ID at the guard station. From Points West (I-66): Drive east on I-66. Exit onto I-495 North, the Capital Beltway, towards Maryland on the inner loop of the Beltway. Take Exit 34, Rt. 355 South, Wisconsin Ave. towards Bethesda. Get in left lane. Cross Cedar Lane intersection; at first median crossing (at the light), turn left to enter Naval Support Activity Bethesda, home of Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. Show your ID at the guard station. Area Terminals Reagan National Airport Driving: From the Airport, exit north on George Washington Parkway. After about 2 miles, you will see but do not take a left exit for Memorial Bridge and Arlington National Cemetery. Be sure to bear right and continue on GW Parkway, which follows the Potomac River on the Virginia side, for approximately 12 miles. From right lane, exit onto I-495, Capital Beltway, heading north to Maryland. You will be on the inner loop of the Beltway. Take Exit 34, Rt. 355 South, Wisconsin Ave., towards Bethesda. Get in left lane. Cross Cedar Lane intersection; at first median crossing (at the light), turn left to enter Naval Support Activity Bethesda, home of Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. Show your ID at the guard station. Using METRO (subway): Take Yellow Line towards Mt Vernon Square. Exit at Gallery Place METRO station. Take Red Line towards Grosvenor or Shady Grove. Exit at Medical Center METRO. At top of escalator, turn right and cross Wisconsin Ave/Rockville Pike. Swipe ID card to use the pedestrian turnstiles at the access gate. Approximately 35 minutes. Dulles International Airport Driving: Drive east on the Dulles Airport Access Road for approximately 13 miles. Exit onto I-495 North, the Capital Beltway, towards Maryland on the inner loop of the Beltway. Take Exit 34, Rt. 355 South, Wisconsin Ave. towards Bethesda. Get in left lane. Cross Cedar Lane intersection; at first median crossing (at the light), turn left to enter Naval Support Activity Bethesda, home of Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. Show your ID at the guard station. Baltimore-Washington International Airport (BWI) Driving: Follow the airport access road, I-195 to the Baltimore-Washington Parkway. Drive south on the Parkway for approximately 18 miles to I-495 West (right), the Capital Beltway towards Silver Spring/Bethesda for approximately 12 miles. You will be on the outer loop of the Beltway. Take Exit 34, Rt. 355 South, Wisconsin Ave./Rockville Pike. As you exit from the Beltway, stay in right lane and immediately bear left at light to loop under and south on Rt. 355 towards Bethesda. Cross Cedar Lane intersection; at first median crossing (at the light), turn left to enter Naval Support Activity Bethesda, home of Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. Show your ID at the guard station. Union Station (Rail); Amtrak Reservations Take METRO (subway) accessed from the west end of Union Station. Take Red Line towards Grosvenor or Shady Grove. Exit at Medical Center METRO station. At top of escalator, turn right and cross Rockville Pike. Swipe ID card to use the pedestrian turnstiles at the access gate. Approximately 30 minutes. Using METRO (Metrorail): Safe, clean, and efficient, Metrorail service to WRNMMC is available from downtown DC, suburban Maryland and Virginia, Reagan National Airport and Union Station. WRNMMC is on the Red Line at the Medical Center Station. Exiting from the station, at top of escalator, turn right and cross Rockville Pike. This will be the South Gate (Gate 2), South Wood Rd. entrance. Swipe ID card to use the pedestrian turnstiles at the access gate. At first intersection, right on Palmer Rd. South. Building 10, the main hospital is on left. Public Transportation Resources Find help with all public transportation, including METRO (Metrorail), RideGuide, and trip planner:
7368	dbpedia	1	33	http://www.footguard.org/listing.html	en	Centennial Legion Historic Military Commands Listing			[ "http://www.footguard.org/bhome.gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null	CENTENNIAL LEGION HISTORIC MILITARY COMMANDS 1638 ANCIENT & HONORABLE ARTILLERY COMMAND LOCATED IN MASSACHUSETTTS 1652 or 1680 FIRST VIRGINIA REGIMENT, 176TH INFANTRY, ARNG LOCATED IN VIRGINIA 1726 VETERAN ASSOCIATION OF THE FIRST CORPS OF CADETS LOCATED IN MASSACHUSETTS 1728 FIRST CORPS OF CADETS (HEADQUARTERS, 1ST BATTALION, 220TH INFANTRY) LOCATED IN MASSACHUSETTS 1739 FIRST CONNECTICUT REGIMENT (HEADQUARTERS, 1ST BATTALION, 169TH INFANTRY) LOCATED IN CONNECTICUT 1739 SECOND CONNECTICUT REGIMENT OF MILITIA (HEADQUARTERS, 1ST BATTALION, 102ND INFANTRY) LOCATED IN CONNECTICUT 1741 ARTILLERY COMPANY OF NEWPORT, R.I.M. LOCATED IN RHODE ISLAND 1747 VETERAN CORPS, FIRST REGIMENT INFANTRY, N.G.P. LOCATED IN PENNSYLVANIA 1747 VETERAN GUARD, THIRD REGIMENT INFANTRY, N.G.P. LOCATED IN PENNSYLVANIA 1771 FIRST COMPANY GOVERNOR'S FOOT GUARD LOCATED IN CONNECTICUT 1773 THE LEXINGTON MINUTE MEN LOCATED IN MASSACHUSETTS 1774 FIRST BATTALION, 175TH INFANTRY (FIFTH MARYLAND) MDARNG LOCATED IN MARYLAND 1774 KENTISH GUARDS, R.I.M. LOCATED IN RHODE ISLAND 1775 SECOND COMPANY GOVERNOR'S FOOT GUARD LOCATED IN CONNECTICUT 1776 FIRST DELAWARE REGIMENT (THE AMERICAN RIFLES ASSOCIATION) (HEADQUARTERS, 1ST BATTALION (AW) (SP) 198TH ARTILLERY) LOCATED IN DELAWARE 1777 ARTILLERY CORPS, WASHINGTON GRAYS LOCATED IN PENNSYLVANIA 1778 FIRST COMPANY GOVERNOR'S HORSE GUARD LOCATED IN CONNECTICUT 1784 VETERANS ASSOCIATION OF THE EIGHTH REGIMENT INFANTRY, N.Y.N.G. LOCATED IN NEW YORK 1785 SECOND CORPS CADETS, 1ST BATTALION, 102D FIELD ARTILLERY BATTALION, 26TH YANKEE INFANTRY DIVISION LOCATED IN MASSACHUSETTS 1786 CHATHAM ARTILLERY LOCATED IN GEORGIA 1787 FUSILIER VETERAN CORPS LOCATED IN MASSACHUSETTS 1789 RICHMOND LIGHT INFANTRY BLUES VETERANS CORPS LOCATED IN VIRGINIA 1790 VETERAN CORPS OF ARTILLERY, STATE OF NEW YORK LOCATED IN NEW YORK 1790 CRANSTON BLUES, R.I.M. LOCATED IN RHODE ISLAND 1792 WASHINGTON INFANTRY OF PITTSBURG LOCATED IN PENNSYLVANIA 1793 FAYETTEVILLE INDEPENDENT LIGHT INFANTRY COMPANY LOCATED IN NORTH CAROLINA 1802 SAVANNAH VOLUNTEER GUARDS LOCATED IN GEORGIA 1807 WASHINGTON LIGHT INFANTRY LOCATED IN SOUTH CAROLINA 1808 UTICA CITIZENS CORPS VETERANS ASSOCIATION LOCATED IN NEW YORK 1808 SECOND COMPANY GOVERNOR'S HORSE GUARD LOCATED IN CONNECTICUT 1813 STATE FENCIBLES INFANTRY LOCATED IN PENNSLYVANIA 1816 NEW HAVEN GRAYS (COMPANY A, 1ST BATTALION, 102ND INFANTRY) LOCATED IN CONNECTICUT 1818 FIRST LIGHT INFANTRY REGIMENT, R.I.M. LOCATED IN RHODE ISLAND 1819 OLD GUARD STATE FENCIBLES LOCATED IN PENNSYLVANIA 1819 SUMTER GUARDS VETERANS ORGANIZATION LOCATED IN SOUTH CAROLINA 1826 OLD GUARD OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK LOCATED IN NEW YORK 1831 DUQUESNE GREYS (HEADQUARTERS, 2ND BATTALION (N-H), 176TH ADA) LOCATED IN PENNSYLVANIA 1836 MASSACHUSETTS NATIONAL LANCERS LOCATED IN MASSACHUSETTS 1840 OLD GUARD INFANTRY CORPS OF NATIONAL GUARDS LOCATED IN PENNSYLVANIA 1853 BOSTON LIGHT ARTILLERY ASSOCIATION, INC. LOCATED IN MASSACHUSETTS 1854 AMOSKEAG VETERANS LOCATED IN NEW HAMPSHIRE 1854 OLD GUARD OF THE GATE CITY GUARD LOCATED IN GEORGIA 1856 DANVILLE GRAYS (HEADQUARTERS, 1ST HOW, 246TH ARTILLERY) LOCATED IN VIRGINIA 1856 OLD GUARD CITY OF PHILADELPHIA, INC. LOCATED IN PENNSYLVANIA 1858 PUTNAM PHALANX LOCATED IN CONNECTICUT 1859 VETERANS OF THE SEVENTH REGIMENT, N.Y.N.G. LOCATED IN NEW YORK 1860 FIRST VOLUNTEER REGIMENT OF GEORGIA LOCATED IN GEORGIA 1861 FIFTH MASSACHUSETTS BATTERY (e) LIGHT ARTILLERY, ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, INC. LOCATED IN MASSACHUSETTS 1861 FIRST REGIMENT, CONNECTICUT VOLUNTEER CAVALRY, INC. LOCATED IN CONNECTICUT 1866 SECOND CORPS OF CADETS VETERANS ASSOCIATION, INC. LOCATED IN MASSACHUSETTS 1867 104 FIELD ARTILLERY BATTALION, N.Y.N.G. LOCATED IN NEW YORK 1869 VETERAN ASSOCIATION 71ST REGIMENT, N.Y.N.G. LOCATED IN NEW YORK 1871 VETERANS OF THE NINTH REGIMENT, N.Y.N.G. LOCATED IN NEW YORK 1874 VETERANS CORP, 69TH REGIMENT, INC. LOCATED IN NEW YORK 1876 WORCESTER CONTINENTALS LOCATED IN MASSACHUSETTS 1883 VETERAN ASSOCIATION OF THE TWELFTH REGIMENT, N.Y.N.G. LOCATED IN NEW YORK 1887 MORRIS GUARDS LOCATED IN NEW JERSEY 1888 VETERANS CORPS, FIFTH REGIMENT INFANTRY, M.N.G. LOCATED IN MARYLAND 1890 ESSEX TROOP LOCATED IN NEW JERSEY 1907 VARNUM CONTINENTALS LOCATED IN RHODE ISLAND
7368	dbpedia	2	66	https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/culture-of-military-organizations/ulysses-s-grant-and-the-culture-of-the-union-army-of-the-tennessee/FB1D4810573C23AD8AF918D660329EE4	en	Ulysses S. Grant and the Culture of the Union Army of the Tennessee (Chapter 3)	https://www.cambridge.or…hare_600x600.jpg	https://www.cambridge.or…hare_600x600.jpg	[ "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/icn_circle__btn_close_white.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/logo_core.png", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/logo_core.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/logo_core.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/logo_core.svg", "https://assets.cambridge.org/97811087/24487/cover/9781108724487.jpg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/page-component/img/share-icon.cbcfad8.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/page-component/img/close-icon.194b28a.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/page-component/img/cite-icon.44eaaa4.svg", "https://www.cambridge.org/core/cambridge-core/public/images/cambridge_logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Peter R. Mansoor", "Ohio State University", "Williamson Murray" ]	null	The Culture of Military Organizations - October 2019	en	/core/cambridge-core/public/images/favicon.ico	Cambridge Core	https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/culture-of-military-organizations/ulysses-s-grant-and-the-culture-of-the-union-army-of-the-tennessee/FB1D4810573C23AD8AF918D660329EE4	To save this book to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle. Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
7368	dbpedia	0	3	https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/1st_Maryland_Infantry_Regiment_(Confederate)	en	1st Maryland Infantry Regiment (Confederate)	https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/ucp-internal-test-starter-commons/images/a/aa/FandomFireLogo.png/revision/latest?cb=20210713142711	https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/ucp-internal-test-starter-commons/images/a/aa/FandomFireLogo.png/revision/latest?cb=20210713142711	[ "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/cd/1st_Maryland_Regiment.jpg/180px-1st_Maryland_Regiment.jpg", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/32/Flag_of_the_Confederate_States_%281861%E2%80%931863%29.svg/23px-Flag_of_the_Confederate_States_%281861%E2%80%931863%29.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/13/Crossland_Banner.svg/23px-Crossland_Banner.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/97/Battle_flag_of_the_Confederate_States_of_America.svg/20px-Battle_flag_of_the_Confederate_States_of_America.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/3e/Arnold_Elzey.jpg/150px-Arnold_Elzey.jpg", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/3e/Arnold_Elzey.jpg/150px-Arnold_Elzey.jpg", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/5b/GHSteuart.jpg/125px-GHSteuart.jpg", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/5b/GHSteuart.jpg/125px-GHSteuart.jpg", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/3d/Bradley_T._Johnson.jpg/150px-Bradley_T._Johnson.jpg", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/3d/Bradley_T._Johnson.jpg/150px-Bradley_T._Johnson.jpg", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/6a181c72-e8bf-419b-b4db-18fd56a0eb60", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/6c42ce6a-b205-41f5-82c6-5011721932e7", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/464fc70a-5090-490b-b47e-0759e89c263f", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/f7bb9d33-4f9a-4faa-88fe-2a0bd8138668" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Contributors to Military Wiki" ]	2024-07-29T22:27:06+00:00	The 1st Maryland Infantry, CSA was a regiment of the Confederate army, formed shortly after the commencement of the American Civil War in April 1861. The unit was made up of volunteers from Maryland who, despite their home state remaining in the Union during the war, chose instead to fight for...	en	/skins-ucp/mw139/common/favicon.ico	Military Wiki	https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/1st_Maryland_Infantry_Regiment_(Confederate)	1st Maryland Infantry, CSA Camp Johnson, near Winchester, Virginia. This engraving shows the 1st Maryland Infantry Regiment "playing football before evening parade". Published in Harper's Weekly on August 31, 1861. The Marylanders wear uniforms received in May and June 1861 Active April 1861 - August 1862Country Confederate States of AmericaAllegiance Maryland MilitiaBranch Confederate States ArmyType InfantryRole RegimentSize One regimentEngagements First Battle of Manassas Shenandoah Valley Campaign Peninsular Campaign.CommandersCeremonial chief President of the Confederate States of AmericaColonel of the Regiment Col. Francis J. Thomas (April 1861-June1861) Col. Arnold Elzey (June 1861- July 21, 1861). The 1st Maryland Infantry, CSA was a regiment of the Confederate army, formed shortly after the commencement of the American Civil War in April 1861. The unit was made up of volunteers from Maryland who, despite their home state remaining in the Union during the war, chose instead to fight for the Confederacy. The regiment saw action at the First Battle of Manassas, in the Shenandoah Valley Campaign, and in the Peninsular Campaign. It was mustered out of service in August 1862, its initial term of duty having expired. Many of its members, unable or unwilling to return to Union-occupied Maryland, went on to join a new regiment, the 2nd Maryland Infantry, CSA, which was formed in its place. History[] Baltimore riots of April 1861[] After the bombardment of Fort Sumter on April 12–14, 1861, President Lincoln called for the states to send troops to preserve the Union. On April 19, Southern sympathizers in Baltimore attacked Union troops passing through by rail, causing what were arguably the first casualties of the Civil War. Major General George H. Steuart, commander of the Maryland State Militia, and most of his senior officers were strongly sympathetic to the Confederacy. He ordered the militia to turn out, armed and uniformed, to repel Federal soldiers.[1] Perhaps knowing of these sympathies, and that public opinion in Baltimore was divided, Governor Thomas Holliday Hicks did not order out the militia.[2] Joining the Confederacy[] During the early summer of 1861, several thousand Marylanders crossed the Potomac river to join the Confederate Army. Most of the men enlisted into regiments from Virginia or the Carolinas, but six companies of Marylanders formed at Harpers Ferry into the Maryland Battalion.[3] Among them were members of the former volunteer militia unit, the Maryland Guard Battalion, initially formed in Baltimore in 1859.[4] Captain Bradley T. Johnson, commander of Company A., refused the offer of the Virginians to join a Virginia Regiment, insisting that Maryland should be represented independently in the Confederate army.[3] When the regiment was organised the first commander was Colonel Francis J. Thomas, a graduate of West Point in the class 1844. His choice as commander was vocally objected by several company commanders, and on June 8 he was relieved of command. It was agreed that Arnold Elzey, a seasoned career officer from Maryland, would take command. His executive officer was the Marylander George H. Steuart, who would later be known as "Maryland Steuart" to distinguish him from his more famous cavalry colleague JEB Stuart.[3] The 1st Maryland Infantry Regiment was officially formed on June 16, 1861, and, on June 25, two additional companies joined the regiment in Winchester.[3] Its initial term of duty was for twelve months. Civil War[] In June 1861 General Johnston evacuated Harper's Ferry, and the 1st Maryland was ordered to assist in destroying its arsenal of weaponry.[3] Battle of First Manassas[] At the First Battle of Manassas, also known as the First Battle of Bull Run, on July 21, 1861, the 1st Maryland was combined with the 13th Virginia Infantry, 10th Virginia Infantry and 3rd Tennessee Regiments to form the 4th Brigade, led by Brigadier General E. Kirby Smith. Smith's men were late in arriving at the battle and approached the Confederate left near Chinn Ridge. The battle got off to a bad start when Elzey was forced to assume temporary command of the brigade, as General Smith was shot from his horse and injured by enemy fire. However, Elzey was able to bring his men into line facing the flank of the Federal army, the brigade commanded by General Oliver O. Howard. His men advanced to the edge of a wood without being detected by the Union army and opened fire, after which they charged over open ground into the Union position. Soon they were joined by Colonel Jubal A. Early on the Confederate left flank and shortly afterwards Howard's line began to disintegrate. As the federal forces fled, General Beauregard congratulated Elzey, commending him as "the Blucher of the day".[3] After the battle Elzey was promoted to Brigade Commander, and Colonel George H. Steuart was given command of the 1st Maryland Regiment. Major Bradley Johnson was appointed his second in command.[3] During the winter of 1861-2 the regiment was quartered at Centerville. In April 1862 it was marched back to the Rappahannock River, and assigned to the command of General Richard S. Ewell, following which the regiment joined General "Stonewall" Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley, meeting him at Luray, Virginia. At this point an unsuccessful attempt was made to form a "Maryland Line" in the CSA, uniting all Maryland units under one command.[3] Training and discipline[] Under Steuart's command the regiment was drilled relentlessly. Steuart soon began to acquire a reputation as a strict disciplinarian, eventually gaining the admiration of his men,[5] though initially unpopular as a result. Steuart was said to have ordered his men to sweep the bare dirt inside their bivouacs and, rather more eccentrically, was prone to sneaking through the lines past unwitting sentries, in order to test their vigilance.[6] On one occasion this plan backfired, as Steuart was pummeled and beaten by a sentry who later claimed not to have recognized the general.[7] Eventually however, Steuart's "rigid system of discipline quietly and quickly conduced to the health and morale of this splendid command."[8] According to Major W W Goldsborough, who served under Steuart at Gettysburg: "...it was not only his love for a clean camp, but a desire to promote the health and comfort of his men that made him unyielding in the enforcement of sanitary rules. You might influence him in some things, but never in this".[9] George Wilson Booth, a young officer in Steuart's command at Harper's Ferry in 1861, recalled in his memoirs: "The Regiment, under his master hand, soon gave evidence of the soldierly qualities which made it the pride of the army and placed the fame of Maryland in the very foreground of the Southern States".[10] Shenandoah campaign and the expiry of the regiment's term of duty[] On May 17 the initial 12-month term of duty of C Company expired, and the men began to clamor for their immediate discharge. By this time Steuart had been promoted brigadier general, assigned with the task of forming the Maryland Line, and Colonel Bradley Tyler Johnson had succeeded to command of the regiment. Johnson reluctantly agreed with the men, but could not disband the entire regiment in mid-campaign, and discontent began to spread.[12] By May 22, on the eve of the Battle of Front Royal, discontent became open mutiny. Steuart and Johnson argued with the men to no avail, though news of the rebellion was kept secret from General Jackson. When given orders to engage the enemy, Johnson addressed his soldiers: "You have heard the order, and I must confess are in a pretty condition to obey it. I will have to return it with the endorsement upon the back that 'the First Maryland refuses to meet the enemy', despite being given orders by General Jackson. Before this day I was proud to call myself a Marylander, but now, God knows, I would rather be known as anything else. Shame on you to bring this stigma upon the fair name of your native state - to cause the finger of scorn to be pointed at those who confided to your keeping their most sacred trust - their honor and that of the glorious Old State. Marylanders you call yourselves - profane not that hallowed name again, for it is not yours. What Marylander ever before threw down his arms and deserted his colors in the presence of the enemy, and those arms, and those colors too, placed in your hands by a woman? Never before has one single blot defaced her honored history. Could it be possible to conceive a crime more atrocious, an outrage more damnable? Go home and publish to the world your infamy. Boast of it when you meet your fathers and mothers, brothers, sisters and sweethearts. Tell them it was you who, when brought face to face with the enemy, proved yourselves recreants, and acknowledged yourselves to be cowards. Tell them this, and see if you are not spurned from their presence like some loathsome leper, and despised, detested, nay abhorred, by those whose confidence you have so shamefully betrayed; you will wander over the face of the earth with the brand of 'coward', 'traitor', indelibly imprinted on your foreheards, and in the end sink into a dishonored grave, unwept for, uncared for, leaving behind as a heritage to your posterity the scorn and contempt of every honest man and virtuous woman in the land." Johnson's speech seems to have worked where threats had failed, and the Marylanders rallied to the regimental colors, seizing their weapons and crying "lead us to the enemy and we will prove to you that we are not cowards"[13] Battle of Front Royal[] At the Battle of Front Royal, May 23, 1862, the 1st Maryland was thrown into battle with their fellow Marylanders, the Union 1st Regiment Maryland Volunteer Infantry.[3] This is the only time in United States military history that two regiments of the same numerical designation and from the same state have engaged each other in battle. After hours of desperate fighting the Southerners emerged victorious. When the prisoners were taken, many men recognized former friends and family. According to Goldsborough: "nearly all recognized old friends and acquaintances, whom they greeted cordially, and divided with them the rations which had just changed hands".[14] Among the prisoners was Charles Goldsborough, captured by his brother, William Goldsborough, who would go on to write the history of the Maryland Line in the Confederate Army.[15] Battle of Winchester[] Just two days later, on May 25, 1862, the 1st Maryland fought again at the First Battle of Winchester, another Confederate victory. After the battle, Colonel Johnson, who was described by Goldsborough as "one of the handsomest men in the First Maryland", was the recipient of some not entirely welcome female attention: "having dismounted from his horse in an unguarded moment, [Col. Johnson] was espied and singled out by an old lady of Amazonian proportions, just from the wash tub, who, wiping her hands and mouth on her apron as she approached, seized him around the neck with the hug of a bruin, and bestowed upon him half a dozen kisses that were heard by nearly every man in the command, and when at length she relaxed her hold the Colonel looked as if he had just come out a vapor bath".[11] Battle of Cross Keys[] The unit again saw action at the Battle of Cross Keys on June 8, where the 1st Maryland were placed on General Ewell's left, successfully fighting off three assaults by Federal troops.[3] At Cross Keys George H. Steuart, was severely injured in the shoulder by grape shot, and had to be carried from the battlefield.[16] A ball from a canister shot had struck him in the shoulder and broken his collarbone, causing a "ghastly wound".[16] The injury did not heal well, and did not begin to improve at all until the ball was removed under surgery in August. It would prevent him from returning to the field for almost an entire year, until May 1863.[17] Peninsula Campaign[] On June 26 the 1st Maryland fought at the Battle of Gaines' Mill where the regiment held off an assault by Federal infantry until the Baltimore Light Artillery could be wheeled into place to dislodge the Federal troops. They saw action the next day when they participated in an attack which captured a number of guns, weapons and many prisoners.[3] The regiment also saw action on 1 July 1862 at the Battle of Malvern Hill, this time a Union victory. The regiment was held in reserve, but still suffered severe casualties from the heavy barrage of the Federal artillery. On July 2 they fought off a Federal cavalry attack in a brief skirmish.[3] Disbandment[] By late summer the Southern capital of Richmond, Virginia was considered safe from Federal attack, and the Regiment's one-year term of duty having expired, it was soon disbanded.[18] Company A. was assigned to escort duty, bringing General Jackson's prisoners to Richmond, and soon after this it was mustered out of service. On August 17 the rest of the regiment was also disbanded at Gordonsville, Virginia. In September 1862 the regiment's former commander, Colonel Bradley Tyler Johnson, and many members of his staff, finding themselves without a command, offered their services to General "Stonewall Jackson".[3] However, the soldiers of the disbanded regiment found themselves in a precarious position, being unable to return home to Union-occupied Maryland, having effectively committed themselves to the Confederacy for the duration of the war. With little choice but to fight on, many went on to join other units of artillery, or cavalry, while others waited to form a new Maryland Infantry Regiment, which would become known as the 2nd Maryland Infantry, CSA in order to distinguish it from the original regiment.[3] The new regiment would suffer such severe casualties during the course of the war that, by the time of General Robert E. Lee's surrender at Appomattox Court House on April 9, 1865, only around forty men remained. See also[] History of the Maryland Militia in the Civil War Maryland in the American Civil War Maryland Civil War Confederate units Maryland Line (CSA) References[] Andrews, Matthew Page, History of Maryland, Doubleday, New York (1929) Booth, George W., Personal Reminiscences of a Maryland Soldier in the War Between the States, 1861-1865. Lincoln, NE: U NE press, 2000 reprint of 1898 ed. Ernst, Kathleen. Accompanied by Cries of 'Go It, Boys! Maryland Whip Maryland! Two 1st Marland Infantries Clashed. America's CW (Jul 1994: pp. 10, 12, 14 & 16. Field, Ron, et al., The Confederate Army 1861-65: Missouri, Kentucky & Maryland Osprey Publishing (2008), Retrieved March 4, 2010 Goldsborough, W.W., p. 285-91, Grant's Change of Base: The Horrors of the Battle of Cold Harbor, From a Soldier's Notebook. Southern Hist Soc Papers 29 (1901) Goldsborough, W. W., The Maryland Line in the Confederate Army, Guggenheimer Weil & Co (1900), ISBN 0-913419-00-1. Green, Ralph, Sidelights and Lighter Sides of the War Between the States, Burd St Press (2007), ISBN 1-57249-394-1. Howard, McHenry. Recollections of a Maryland Confederate Soldier and Staff Officer Under Johnston, Jackson and Lee. Dayton, OH: Morningside, 1975. Reprint of 1914 ed. Johnson, Bradley T. The Cause of the Confederate States: Address Delivered Before the Society of the Army and Navy of the Confederate States, in the State of Maryland, and the Association of the Maryland Line, at Maryland Hall, Baltimore, Md., November l6th, 1886. Baltimore: A.J. Conlon, 1886. McKim, Randolph H. A Soldier's Recollections: Leaves From the Diary of a Young Confederate. NY: Longmans, Green, 1911. Swank, Walbrook D. Courier for Lee and Jackson: 1861-1865-Memoirs. [John Gill] Shippensburg, MD: White Mane, 1993. Wilmer, L. Allison; J. H. Jarrett; Geo. W. F. Vernon (1899). History and Roster of Maryland Volunteers, War of 1861-5, Volume 1. Baltimore: Guggenheimer, Weil, & Co.. pp. 71–72. http://www.msa.md.gov/megafile/msa/speccol/sc2900/sc2908/000001/000367/html/index.html. Tagg, Larry, The Generals of Gettysburg, Savas Publishing (1998), ISBN 1-882810-30-9. Archival Collections Civil War Memoirs of Washington Hands - served in 1st Maryland Infantry, and in the Baltimore Light Artillery. University of Virginia Library, Special Collections Department, Alderman Library, Charlottesville, VA. Bradley T. Johnson Papers, University of Virginia Library, Special Collections Department, Alderman Library, Charlottesville, Virginia. Muster Roll of 1st Maryland Infantry, Fray Angelico Chavez History Library, Santa Fe, New Mexico. Photographs of unit members, Photo Collection, USAMHI, Carlisle, PA Selvage, Edwin HCWRTCollGACColl, USAHMI, Carlisle, PA Notes[] []
7368	dbpedia	3	8	https://www.1stmardiv.marines.mil/Units/3D-LAR-BN/History/	en	1st Marine Division > Units > 3D LAR BN > History	https://www.29palms.mari…05-16-181733-823		[ "https://www.1stmardiv.marines.mil/Portals/122/mdmlogo.png?ver=kq3pMeN8p7QgrE_LgidVqA%3d%3d", "https://www.1stmardiv.marines.mil/Portals/122/Web%20capture_27-9-2022_9422_www_militaryonesource_mil.jpeg", "https://www.1stmardiv.marines.mil/Portals/122/Docs/DSTRESS.png?ver=xuI8RSpGpz12oPBBOUGUWQ%3d%3d", "https://media.defense.gov/2023/May/03/2003214880/1088/820/0/230502-M-QH615-1001.JPG", "https://www.1stmardiv.marines.mil/portals/122/Site%20Images/IMEF_SARP.gif", "https://www.29palms.marines.mil/Portals/56/Site%20Images/QLinks/eagle_eyes.jpg?ver=2016-05-16-181733-823", "https://www.1stmardiv.marines.mil/Portals/122/Web%20capture_3-10-2022_83016_nmcrs_org.jpeg", "https://www.1stmardiv.marines.mil/Portals/122/Web%20capture_3-10-2022_83258_www_med_navy_mil.jpeg", "https://www.1stmardiv.marines.mil/portals/122/Site%20Images/5thmarregt/vote.png", "https://www.1stmardiv.marines.mil/portals/122/Site%20Images/mypay.png", "https://www.1stmardiv.marines.mil/portals/122/Site%20Images/flu.gif", "https://www.1stmardiv.marines.mil/portals/122/Site%20Images/outlook.png", "https://www.militaryonesource.mil/", "https://www.militaryonesource.mil/", "https://www.1stmardiv.marines.mil/DesktopModules/SharedLibrary/Images/VCL 988_Hoz_CMYK.jpg", "https://www.1stmardiv.marines.mil/Portals/_default/skins/marinestheme/resources/img/logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en			null	In 1980, the Marine Corps identified a requirement to enhance the mobility and firepower of the units tasked with rapid deployment responsibilities. A family of six Light Armored Vehicles was determined to be the means of meeting this requirement. On 27 September 1982, a production contract for the LAV-25 and a companion development contract for five other LAV configurations (Maintenance/Recovery, Logistics, Mortar, Anti-Tank, and Command and Control) were awarded to General Motors of Canada. The LAV family of vehicles was highly mobile and able to move on land and water, therefore providing a fighting capability previously unrealized. The 3d Light Armored Vehicle Battalion originally began as Company A (Reinforced), 1st Light Armored Vehicle Battalion in May 1983, and began receiving LAVs in April of 1984. Company A, 1st Light Armored Vehicle Battalion became Company A, 3d Light Armored Vehicle Battalion in late 1985. The 3d Light Armored Vehicle Battalion, 27th Marines, 7th Marine Amphibious Brigade was activated on 11 September 1986. The battalion was re-designated as the 3d Light Armored Infantry Battalion on 1 October 1988 and subsequently relocated to Okinawa, Japan in February 1989. The battalion returned to Twentynine Palms on 18 July 1991 and was assigned to Regimental Combat Team (RCT) 7. A detachment from the battalion deployed to Saudi Arabia on 16 August 1990 in support of Operation DESERT SHIELD, as part of the 7th Marine Expeditionary Brigade, Task Force Lima. Later, the battalion conducted screening and deception operations as part of Task Force Shepherd, the forward unit of the First Marine Division. On 25 January 1991, Company B saw combat in the first ground offensive action of the war by participating in an artillery raid with 5th Battalion, 11th Marines. On the night of 29 January 1991, during the battle of Umm Hjul, Company D was the primary unit to turn back a major Iraqi attack. Once the ground war commenced, 3d Light Armored Infantry Battalion again found itself at the forefront of the action. While assigned to the First Marine Division Command Post on the second day of the ground war, Company B repelled an Iraqi counterattack on the Division's Command Post. Additionally, Company D provided a mobile screen for Task Force Ripper, the leading unit for the Division. On the third day of the ground offensive, Task Force Shepherd was the first coalition force to enter Kuwait City where it liberated the Kuwait International Airport from Iraqi occupation. In March of 1991, the 3d Light Armored Infantry Battalion detachment returned to Twentynine Palms, California. While the rest of the battalion was deterring Iraqi aggression, Company A had been assigned to Marine Air Ground Task Force 4-90 in the Far East with a mission to conduct security patrols. When a large earthquake hit the Philippine Islands, Company A participated in relief efforts. In April of 1991, Mount Pinatubo erupted and once again, Company A was called upon to provide security against looters as well as to assist in the clean up efforts. During this deployment, Company A also participated in Exercise Cobra Gold in Thailand and Exercise Team Spirit in Korea. Company A returned to Twentynine Palms on 7 August 1991 after completing an arduous 15-month deployment. From December 1992 to April 1993, 3d Light Armored Infantry Battalion deployed Company B and Company C along with the forward command group and forward logistics support for Operation RESTORE HOPE in Somalia. The mission consisted of convoy escorts which delivered over 4,000 metric tons of grain to outlying areas. Additionally, During this relief operation, the battalion also conducted over 400 day and night security patrols and was involved in numerous combined patrols and security checkpoints with other United Nations units. On 1 March 1994, 3d Light Armored Infantry Battalion was re-designated as 3d Light Armored Reconnaissance (LAR) Battalion. Throughout 1994, the battalion participated in counter-drug operations in support of Joint Task Force 6 in Arizona. In 1995, the battalion had one platoon from Company A participate in Operation UNITED SHIELD: the retrograde of United Nations forces from Somalia. It was during the early 1990s that the battalion’s nickname and collective call sign became “WOLFPACK.” From the mid-1990s into early 2000, the battalion was recognized as the premier LAR unit and it tested many of the Marine Corps’ innovative operational concepts. Participating in large, complex combined arms and maneuver exercises throughout Southern California, the battalion validated the combat effectiveness and agility of LAR. 3d LAR Battalion also continued to support the 1st Marine Division’s Unit Deployment Program (UDP) by rotating an LAR company to Okinawa, Japan every six months. In late January through February 2003, the battalion, minus Company C who was in the UDP, deployed with the First Marine Division to Kuwait in support of Operation IRAQI FREEDOM. Upon arrival, the battalion attached Company B, 4th LAR Battalion, which was subsequently re-designated as Company E. On 21 March, 3d LAR Battalion and its attachments kicked off Operation IRAQI FREEDOM by attacking into the Rumaylah oil fields of southern Iraq. The battalion then cleared in zone, seized the Safwan Airfield, and secured artillery positions north of the battalion's battle space. The WOLFPACK, along with 1st LAR Battalion, led the Division's rapid attack north by passing through Task Force Tarawa just 56 hours after attacking into Iraq, then crossing the Euphrates River and continuing the attack north along Highway 1. On 23 March 2003, while advancing hundreds of kilometers in front of the Division to seize a bridge over the Tigris River, the battalion uncovered a night ambush by dozens of Iraqi irregular forces known as the Fedeyeen. This was the first major and only battalion-level engagement of the war which resulted in several dozen enemy killed in action and the destruction of Iraqi armor forces attempting to maneuver south against the Division. From the afternoon of 24 March until 1 April, the battalion was attached to RCT-5. On 25 March, the battalion’s advance north was temporarily halted due to “The Mother of All Sandstorms’” which reduced visibility throughout Southern Iraq to less than a few feet during daylight and to nothing during hours of darkness. Once the sandstorm lifted on 26 March, the battalion continued its advance north on Highway 1 until the entire Division was temporarily halted west of Ad Diwaniyah in order to allow for supplies and logistics to catch up to the lead units. From 24 through 31 March, all four companies continued to participate in company-level engagements, both while working directly for the battalion and while attached temporarily to other battalions. On 31 March, the battalion attacked north as part of RCT-5 and secured the northern portion of the Hantush Airfield. As the battalion continued its advance north, Company D was attached to RCT-7 on 29 March. They remained attached until 6 April, where they led RCT-7’s attack to seize the Salman Pak peninsula. As the Division continued its attack north, the battalion was assigned to conduct a moving flank screen north of Highway 6. As the Division attacked into Baghdad, the battalion screened the area east of the city to prevent enemy forces from reinforcing, as RCTs 1, 5, and 7 stormed across the Diyala River. On 10 April, the battalion was tasked to provide a headquarters and two companies to Task Force Tripoli. This ad-hoc task force comprised of elements of 1st, 2nd and 3d LAR Battalions, as well as G/2/23 and the TOW Plt from 1st Tank Bn attacked north toward Tikrit. The remainder of Task Force WOLFPACK, Companies B, E, and one half of H&S Company, as well as the Rear Command Post element, remained outside Baghdad conducting stabilization operations while attached to 3d Assault Amphibian Battalion. In its advance north towards Tikrit, the elements of the battalion attached to Task Force Tripoli made national headlines in the town of Samarra. On 13 April 2003, Marines from Company D rescued 7 American servicemen and women who had been taken prisoner earlier in the conflict. The rescued prisoners included two Army helicopter pilots and Shoshanna Johnson, a soldier from the same unit as Jessica Lynch. An image from this moment is captured in the “Operation IRAQI FREEDOM” mural on a building in 29 Palms. After this rescue, the battalion continued north to Tikrit where it attacked into the city the same day, then blocked south of it and cleared several former palaces and residences of Saddam Hussein and other prominent Ba’ath party members. On 21 April, the battalion reformed in Ad Diwaniyah, Iraq. Shortly thereafter, the battalion was again tasked to provide forces to Task Force Tripoli, this time moving south to the Saudi Arabian border as part of a reconnaissance in force mission in an area that had not seen US forces or witnessed combat operations since the war commenced. Within a week of returning to Ad Diwaniyah, the battalion again provided a show of force which demonstrated the speed and mobility of the LAV. This time the battalion moved north and east to the Iranian border and back south through several towns that had rarely seen a Coalition presence in order to develop an assessment of the area as the Division prepared to take control of an expanded area of operations. Shortly after completing this final mission, the battalion retrograded to Kuwait in preparation for redeployment to the United States. By mid-June 2003, the entire battalion had redeployed to Twentynine Palms, with the remainder of the Division following in September. In November of 2003, the battalion was given a warning order to prepare to redeploy to Iraq in August 2004 in order to participate in the Division’s resumption of support and stability operations in the Al Anbar province. In preparation for this deployment, the battalion executed platoon, company and battalion-level training which culminated with a two-week deployment to the US Army’s National Training Center in Ft. Irwin, CA in conjunction with a US Army brigade training exercise. In early August of 2004, the battalion deployed the advance party to Kuwait with the remainder of the battalion arriving in Kuwait during September 2004. In September, 3d LAR conducted a relief in place (RIP) with 1st LAR Battalion. Upon arrival at Camp Korean Village, the battalion attached Battery S, 5/10 as a provisional infantry company as well as Company A, 1/23, a reserve infantry company out of Houston, TX. The battalion's higher headquarters was RCT-7. During the early part of the deployment, Company D operated out of Al Qaim, north of the Euphrates River and along the Syrian border, while the remainder of the battalion operated out of Camp Korean Village. In late October 2004, the battalion was tasked to provide a headquarters element and one LAR company to RCT-1 in support of the Division's effort to retake the city of Fallujah. This mission forced the creation of two separate battalion task forces. Task Force WOLFPACK, comprised of the battalion command element, part of Headquarters and Service Company, and Company C (reinforced) moved to Habbiniyah and attached Company B/1/23, C/1-9 IN, Small Craft Company, 36 Commando/ISOF Brigade, the Scout Sniper Platoon from BLT1/4, and an Interim Iraqi Security Force Platoon. Task Force Naha, consisting of H&S Company (-), Company A (-)/ 3d LAR, A/1/23, and S/5/10 remained at Camp Korean Village and was later reinforced with a detachment of four CH-46s from Marine Medium Helicopter Squadron (HMM) 265. Task Force Naha continued to execute the same enduring tasks that Task Force WOLFPACK had executed prior to its departure. Beginning on 7 November 2004, Task Force WOLFPACK participated in Operation AL FAJR (Phantom Fury), the Division’s operation to retake Fallujah. Task Force WOLFPACK’s mission was to attack to seize three key objectives on the Fallujah Peninsula—-the North and South Bridges and the Fallujah Hospital. Both bridges spanned the Euphrates River and connected the peninsula to the city of Al Fallujah. Across these bridges, insurgents could either reinforce efforts in the city or withdraw onto the peninsula. Coalition forces suspected that the insurgents used the hospital as a strong point or received medical care at the facility. At 1900 on 7 November 2004, Task Force WOLFPACK attacked north onto the peninsula and seized all three battalion objectives. During this time, Company D was attached to 1st Battalion, 23d Marines and operated near the cities of Hit and Haditha securing the main supply routes and patrolling known insurgent areas. Task Force Naha continued securing the theater-level supply routes in its area of operations while conducting offensive operations against the insurgents in and around Ar Rutbah. They also maintained security and enforced customs regulations at two of the border crossing points located in Trebil and Waleed, Iraq. In late November 2004, Task Force WOLFPACK departed the Fallujah peninsula and was attached to the US Army’s 2nd Brigade Combat Team (2BCT), 1st Infantry Division. Task Force WOLFPACK quickly conducted a re-arm/re-fit operation in Ar Ramadi and then participated in several operations to capture Division and Brigade-level high value individuals. In December, Task Force WOLFPACK began conducting route security operations in the Fallujah-Ar Ramadi corridor. In early 2005, both Task Force Naha and Task Force WOLFPACK supported the 2005 Iraqi National and Provincial Elections. During this period, Task Force Naha was reinforced with Company C, 1/3, and significant Naval Mobile Construction Battalion (SeaBee) assets. Task Force Naha utilized these new attachments to construct, secure, and operate four separate polling stations in conjunction with Iraqi security forces and the International Electoral Commission. At the end of February 2005, Task Force WOLFPACK reattached to RCT-7 and conducted offensive operations along the Euphrates River in vicinity of the cities of Hit and Haditha as part of Operation RIVER BLITZ. When these operations were completed in early March, Task Force WOLFPACK returned to Camp Korean Village where the battalion reformed and subsequently conducted a RIP with 2d LAR Battalion. During April of 2005, the battalion redeployed to Twentynine Palms, CA. In May 2005, 3d LAR was given a warning order to prepare two line companies and Headquarters and Service Company to deploy in support of OIF 05-07.1. Once again the battalion quickly re-organized, while still supporting the UDP rotation to Okinawa with Companies B and C. Pre-deployment training consisted of individual, crew, platoon and company-level training at the Army’s NTC in Fort Irwin, CA during September and October 2005 and a battalion deployment to Stu Segall’s Strategic Operations Studios near Miramar, CA in January of 2006. In March of 2006, the battalion deployed in support of OIF 05-07.1 and subsequently became Task Force WOLFPACK by attaching C/1/10 as a provisional infantry company, one HET detachment and one CAG detachment. Immediately upon arrival, Task Force WOLFPACK detached Company D to RCT-5 in Fallujah to reinforce this AO in order to support decisive operations in and around Baghdad, Iraq. In June 2006, Task Force WOLFPACK received Company D back from RCT-5 and began conducting more aggressive Counter Insurgency (COIN) operations in and around Ar Rutbah, Iraq. In July 2006, Task Force WOLFPACK was tasked with splitting the battalion by providing a headquarters and maneuver capability to operate near Rawah, Iraq. Task Force Rutbah, which consisted of Company A, 3d LAR, C/1/10 and one half of Headquarters and Service Company (-), 3d LAR continued to conduct counter-insurgency operations in and around Ar Rutbah, Iraq. Task Force Rawah, consisting of one half of Headquarters and Service Company (-) (REIN), 3d LAR and Company D, 3d LAR, conducted a RIP with 4-14 CAV and subsequently began COIN operations in and around Rawah and Anah, Iraq. In September of 2006, Task Force Rutbah and Task Force Rawah conducted a RIP with 2d LAR in both areas of operation. By early October 2006, the battalion had redeployed to Twentynine Palms, CA. The battalion deployed again to Iraq in November 2008, where it conduct COIN operations in AO Rutbah. The WOLFPACK redployed to Twentynine Palms, CA in May 2008. Upon returning from Iraq, 3d LAR Bn began pre-deployment training for its fifth deployment to Iraq, including a month long alternate mission rehearsal exercise at the U.S. Army National Training Center (NTC) at Fort Irwin, CA, in January of 2009. In March 2009, the battalion deployed in support of Operation IRAQI FREEDOM 09.1. While deployed to Iraq, Task Force WOLFPACK operated from the expeditionary air base Sahl Sinjar Airfield, conducting full-spectrum counterinsurgency operations throughout Iraq's restive and austere Ninewa Province. In partnership with U.S. Army Special Forces, U.S. State Department, and Iraqi Security Forces, the Wolfpack engaged with local political and military leaders from the Kurdish Regional Government and the Iraqi central government in order to facilitate a peaceful resolution of political disputes in an area with a long history of ethnic conflict. 3d LAR Battalion also interdicted smuggling efforts along the Iraq-Syrian border, with a presence that spanned more than 200 miles from the Jazirah Desert to the Tigris River and Iraq-Turkey border. The Wolfpack then conducted the light armored reconnaissance community's last military operation in Iraq, executing the responsible drawdown of the entire light armored reconnaissance equipment set and its return to the continental United States in September 2009. Concurrent to the deployment in support of Operation IRAQI FREEDOM, Company A provided a platoon in support the 31st Marine Expeditionary Unit. In January 2010, the WOLFPACK began pre-deployment training for its inaugural deployment to Afghanistan in support of Operation ENDURING FREEDOM. The training included squad, platoon, company, and the capstone battalion-sized training at Exercise ENHANCED MOJAVE VIPER in August 2010. In November 2010 the battalion departed Twentynine Palms, CA and conducted a transfer of authority with 1st Light Armored Reconnaissance Battalion in the Southern Helmand River Valley of Afghanistan.
7368	dbpedia	1	64	https://salvationarmypotomac.org/potomac/	en	Potomac Division	http://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/f8fda59b-b9e8-45c6-a37e-67180ee64de2_Red-Shield-Centered.jpg	http://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/f8fda59b-b9e8-45c6-a37e-67180ee64de2_Red-Shield-Centered.jpg	[ "https://static.salvationarmy.org/us-east-1/templates/symphony/static_resources/images/global/shield-en.svg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/cbddfe57-a6bf-40f7-af37-18dd6e83eeb3_FueporAmor.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/c94edbff-ebdd-4947-aeb9-db557ae31910_Potomac+July24+Web+Banner+Back+To+School+2600x1016.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/b4a7da17-5e1b-4f54-8db0-32d849c0e145_Potomac+July24+Web+Banner+Back+To+School+200x425.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/22a2a03c-2aac-43c6-b449-0c239d67e3ce_Potomac+July24+Web+Banner+Caring+Communities+2600x1016.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/1ac2112d-cbf7-4841-8477-c36e6071e7e2_Potomac+March24+Web+Banner+Easter+1300x508.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/57a3b69f-83fe-4826-9ceb-8a7ab54ecad5_Potomac+April24+Web+Banners+New+Beginnings+1300x508.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/9502bc3b-50f4-48c1-855b-3c201de079bc_Potomac+August24+Web+Banner+Pantry+2600x1016.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/cf493ee7-8b39-4f2f-b3a4-8c5b4ff9adca_Potomac+August24+Web+Banner+Pantry+500x425.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/2c9e2e1c-bd8b-43bf-a229-41749ddd40f4_ministryGrid-overcomePoverty.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/001ecddb-2ce1-4dc7-98bc-91efc0329725_kid_canned_food_360x195.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/e95ae581-47e1-4c2a-a0fd-fd3613045794_ministryGrid-cureHunger.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/ee2fae56-5921-42d5-86cf-cb691c8c1e28_brighten-the-holidays.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/2af079a9-d79b-42d7-ab24-d07c3aca0b7a_ministryGrid-helpDisasterSurvivors.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/dae13df6-26cd-41fa-88eb-2e457b356438_grid_holidays-lg.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/3216f35e-c426-4337-9ee2-89c8afea7c23_grid_music.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/d7c4dda2-d53e-4175-8d69-3e21221dbbd4_uniform_hat_360x195.jpg", "https://s3.amazonaws.com/uss-cache.salvationarmy.org/60717645-142d-4ab9-bf36-6ac8d9a5cc0f_ECFA.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	The Salvation Army USA \| Potomac Division Headquarters	en	//static.salvationarmy.org/templates/us-east-1/symphony/static_resources/images/favicons/apple-touch-icon-57x57.png		https://salvationarmypotomac.org/potomac/	Join Our Text List. Subscribe for text updates on how we're helping those in Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, and the District of Columbia. By providing your phone number, you are consenting to receive texts, including autodialed and automated texts, to that number with important updates and impact notifications from The Salvation Army of Potomac. If you have questions, you can call (703)844-7691. Reply HELP for help, or STOP to discontinue receiving messages. Message & Data Rates May Apply. Message frequency may vary. SMS opt-in will not be sold, rented, or shared. Privacy Policy
7368	dbpedia	0	29	https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/3rd_nc_regiment.html	en	3rd NC Regiment (Infantry)			[ "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/NCLogo.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/3rd_nc_regiment.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/Carolina.jpg", "https://www.carolana.com/NC/Civil_War/Images/SCLogo.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null	For the record, this regiment and the 1st NC Regiment served together for almost the entire war, assigned to the same brigades and fighting in all the same battles/skirmishes except for Farmville, VA (as shown below). This regiment, one of ten authorized by the Constitutional Convention [actually, it was simply named the State Convention to decide on the upcoming war, not the state constitution], enlisted for the war, and was composed of field officers, Gaston Meares as Colonel; Robert H. Cowan as Lt. Colonel; William L. DeRosset as Major, all of Wilmington, NC, and comprised the following ten companies: Company A was raised in Greene County, and originally commanded by Capt. Robert H., Drysdale. Company B was raised in Duplin County, and originally commanded by Capt. Stephen D. Thruston, M. D. of Brunswick County. Company C was raised in Cumberland County, and originally commanded by Capt. Peter Mallett. Company D was raised in Wilmington [New Hanover County], and originally commanded by Capt.Edward Savage. Company E was raised in Onslow County, and originally commanded by Capt. Marquis LaFayette S. Redd. Company F was raised in Wilmington [New Hanover County], and originally commanded by Capt. William M. Parsley. Company G was raised in Onslow County, and originally commanded by Capt. Edward H. Rhodes. Company H was raised in Bladen County, and originally commanded by Capt. Theodore M. Sikes. Company I was raised in Beaufort County, and originally commanded by Capt. John R. Carmer. Company K was raised in New Hanover County, and originally commanded by Capt. David Williams. The several companies were ordered to assemble at Garysburg; and in the latter part of May they began to report to the officer in charge of the camp. A portion of the 3rd NC Regiment was ordered to Richmond early in July, where it was joined some weeks later by the remaining companies. A few days after the first battle of Manassas the regiment was ordered to report to Major General Theophilus H. Holmes (NC) at Acquia Creek, and went into camp near Brooks' Station, on the Richmond, Fredericksburg & Potomac Railroad, later moving camp to a point near the Potomac River. As winter approached, having meantime built substantial quarters, they took up their abode therein immediately in rear of the lower battery of those constructed for the defense of Acquia Creek. Upon the evacuation of the line of the Potomac, the 3rd NC Regiment, with the 1st NC Regiment, was ordered to Goldsborough to meet an expected advance of Federal Major General Ambrose Burnside from New Bern, remaining thereabouts until early in June, 1862. In May, Lt. Colonel Cowan having been promoted to the colonelcy of the 18th NC Regiment, Major William L. DeRosset was made Lt. Colonel and Capt. Edward Savage became Major. The 1st and 3rd NC Regiments were under the same brigade commanders from first to last; but, unfortunately, were brigaded with troops from other States until the capture at Spotsylvania Court House, on May 12, 1864, of so many of this regiment. First, Colonel John G. Walker (TX) was promoted to Brigadier General and assigned to command the brigade, then consisting of the 1st and 3rd NC Regiments and the 30th Virginia and 1st Arkansas. This regiment having been ordered to Richmond, arrived on the battlefield of Seven Pines just after the battle had been fought. Here it remained for several weeks, chiefly on picket duty, with an occasional skirmish with the enemy, losing several of its men. While here a new brigade was formed, composed of the 1st and 3rd NC Regiments, the 4th and 44th Georgia, with Brigadier General Roswell S. Ripley (SC) was assigned to its command, Major General Daniel H. Hill (NC) being in command of the division. During the period from that date to the opening of the battles around Richmond the command was in camp about six miles from Richmond, drilling and preparing for the summer campaign. Late in the evening of June 25, 1862, Col. Gaston Meares received orders to march, and proceeding early next morning in a northerly direction, we halted on the high hills on the south of the Chickahominy River where it was crossed by the Mechanicsville Pike. On the 26th of June, after a circuitous and fatiguing night march, the regiment arrived in the vicinity of Mechanicsville. Here a detail of one company from each regiment was made, and Lt. Col. William L. DeRosset, of the 3rd NC Regiment, was placed in command. The object of this select battalion was to clear the way and examine the bridge across the Chickahominy River. (A mine was thought to have been placed under it by the enemy). In order to understand its duties more fully, its officers were sent to the top of the hill nearby, from which could be seen the route intended, etc. On this hill, and in range of the enemy's guns, a group of distinguished Confederates were assembled, including President Jefferson Davis, Mr. George W. Randolph (CSA Secretary of War), Generals Robert E. Lee, James Longstreet and Daniel H. Hill, waiting to hear Lt. General Stonewall Jackson's guns on the north side of Mechanicsville before ordering an advance. After the battalion alluded to above had examined and crossed the bridge, and cleared the field of skirmishers, Ripley's Brigade having been selected as the assaulting column, was ordered across the bridge and to form a line of battle. It advanced to the attack in front of the splendid artillery of the enemy strongly posted across the pond at Ellyson's Mills. The regiment pressed forward in the face of this heavy fire in open field for more than a mile, advancing steadily to what seemed inevitable destruction, until it reached the top of the hill, when a halt was ordered, bayonets fixed, and a charge, led by Col. Gaston Meares, was made down the hill, which was checked by the canal; and after lying down a short while, the regiment was ordered to the right and rear, and up the hill, taking shelter in a skirt of woods, where we remained until just before daybreak. We were so near the enemy that the least noise, even the snapping of a twig, provoked their fire. From thence, before day, we marched to Mechanicsville and were placed in line of battle under a heavy artillery fire in the rear of the 18th NC Regiment, until the enemy were driven from their works on the opposite side of the creek. The 3rd NC Regiment lost perhaps less than either of the other regiments. Maj. Edward Savage being the only one of our field officers wounded. Joining, after the battle, the forces of Lt. General Stonewall Jackson, the command was marched by a circuitous route to Cold Harbor, or Gaines's Mill, where the battle took place on the afternoon of June 27th. Here the regiment, under the command of Col. Meares, with the exception of a small portion which had somehow become detached, was exposed to a musketry and a very severe artillery fire, and endured the ordeal known among all soldiers to be the most trying to which they are subjected, that of being under fire without being engaged in the fight. Marching thence, after two or three days' delay, the brigade found itself in front of one of the bridges over the Chickahominy River, which had been destroyed by the enemy on the south side, who had crossed the day before on the famous "grape-vine" bridge, some distance above. Here, being exposed to the enemy's fire of artillery without the means of replying, Ripley's Brigade was withdrawn into a heavy woods on the northwest side of the road, lying there all day under the artillery fire, at times very annoying, but with little loss. This was the day of the battle of Frayser's Farm, a few miles lower down the stream. Next day, the enemy having withdrawn and the bridge having been repaired, Brig. Gen. Ripley crossed and marched on Malvern Hill, arriving there at noon, and was posted immediately in the rear of what was known as the Parsonage, on the near side of the road leading by Malvern Hill, and on the left of the army. Being ordered to advance, the whole line moved forward up the hill, across the parsonage yard, into the road beyond. Being under a most terrific fire of musketry and canister, and in close proximity to the enemy stationed in an open field in front, the left of our regiment penetrated the woods beyond, into the open field on Poindexter's Farm, where it engaged the enemy, making several charges upon him, led by Capt. David Williams of Company K, and causing the battery in front to move back. To Capt. Williams and his men great praise should be accorded for their gallantry. The right of the regiment, then in the road, after firing several rounds, was ordered by Col. Meares to lie down. At this point Capt. William M. Parsley, of Company F, was wounded in the neck, fell, and Col. Meares, being very near, went to him. The regiment was thrown into some confusion prior to reaching this position, owing to the fact that the Parsonage and yard referred to were an obstruction. About an hour before dusk word came from the left that Capt. Hamilton A. Brown, commanding the 1st NC Regiment, was hard pressed, and wanted assistance, when the gallant Col. Meares gave the command to move by the left flank. He, being on foot in the road in front of the line, upon reaching a point near the left of the 3rd NC Regiment, stopped, and mounting the bank on the side of the road, was using his field glass surveying the Federal lines, when he was instantly killed by a slug from a shrapnel fired from a battery directly in front, said to be the 3rd Rhode Island Battery, not over seventy-five yards distant. Col. Meares was a dignified and elegant gentleman and a true type of a soldier. Kind, humane, intrepid, he always commanded the admiration of his regiment, for in him they recognized a leader who would lead. Upon his death, Lt. Col. William L. DeRosset took over command of the 3rd NC Regiment - Lt. Colonel Robert H. Cowan had been given command, as a Colonel, over the 18th NC Regiment. Night came at last to end this bloody and disastrous struggle, though the firing was kept up until about 11 o'clock. Darkness revealed the explosive balls which the Yankees fired at us, as they struck the fences in front and rear and the undergrowth. The removal of the wounded back to Bethesda Church, our hospital, was pushed with vigor. So great was the loss of all commands in the field and road that one could walk hundreds of yards on the dead and wounded without touching the ground. The next day the dead of these two regiments, the 1st and 3rd, were found nearer to those of the enemy than were those of any other troops on this part of the line, proving that they approached nearer the enemy's line of battle than any of the other regiments that fought on this part of the field. Our regiment suffered heavily in this engagement. The 3rd held its position during the night and bivouacked near that point for several days, when the brigade was ordered back to the old camping grounds nearer Richmond. Ripley's Brigade lay in camp for several weeks, while details were made to work on the intrenchments in our front and for several miles down towards the Chickahominy River, and other details gathered arms from several battlefields. In the latter part of July, Col. William L. DeRosset returned from Raleigh, and brought with him four hundred conscripts, who were at once divided into squads, and, under command of non-commissioned officers, were drilled several hours daily. This not only helped to discipline the raw levies, but hardened them somewhat, thus enabling them the better to stand the strains incident to the march into Maryland, which soon followed. About the 9th of August the regiment moved in the direction the army had taken, passing the battlefield of Cedar Run, and was in reserve at 2nd Manassas and Chantilly. Afterwards, it crossed the Potomac River at Point of Rocks and camped near Frederick, MD, where it remained for several days, then crossed the South Mountain at Crampton's Gap and remained at Boonsboro Gap until the 14th, when it participated in the battle of the gap, Ripley's Brigade marched by a road leading towards the Boonsboro and Sharpsburg Pike. On reaching a point on the crest of the hill, just after crossing Antietam Creek on the stone bridge, the command was placed in line of battle under the hill, the right of the 3rd NC Regiment, in the absence of the 4th Georgia, on the right of the bridge, and resting on the Boonsboro Pike. This was on the evening of the 15th, and the brigade remained in that position until the evening of the 16th, under a heavy artillery fire from the enemy's guns on the side of the creek, but without loss, being well protected by the crest of the hill under which they lay. Col. Stephen D. Thruston's account of the battle of Sharpsburg, MD: On the evening of the 16th September, 1862, being in line of battle in front of the town of Sharpsburg, a little before sunset we were moved, left in front, from this position, along the Sharpsburg-Hagerstown Pike, some distance to the left, until reaching the mouth of a lane (apparently a private road leading to a farm) leading in a generally perpendicular direction from the pike to Antietam Creek; following this lane a short distance, we again filed to the left, across the field and halted under the brow of a hill, on which and in front was a white farmhouse (Mumma's) about two hundred yards distant. A little to the right and rear of this honse was an apple orchard surrounded by a rail fence. In this position we slept, to be aroused at early dawn of the 17th by the guns of the enemy. Before advancing to the attack, the house was set on fire by order of Major General Daniel H. Hill (NC), three men from the 3rd NC RegimentLt. James F. Clark was one of the three, also Jim Knightvolunteering to perform the duty. The order to advance was then given, and we moved up the slope of the hill until reaching the fence around the orchard, where we halted to give time for the left center of the brigade to pass the obstruction of the burning house. (It was at this fence Brigadier General Roswell Ripley (SC) was hit in the throat - he survived). The house being passed, the 3rd NC Regiment mounted over the fence and through the orchard, when the order was given to change direction to the left, to meet the pressure upon Lt. General Stonewall Jackson, near what is known as the Dunkard Church, on the Sharpsburg-Hagerstown Pike. This change of front was admirable, though executed under a heavy fire of infantry and artillery. Owing to this change, our line of battle was five hundred yards further to the left than that of the early morning, when first ordered to advance, which brought us in close connection with the troops of the right, and in the deadly embrace of the enemy. I use the word embrace in its fullest meaning. Here, Col. DeRosset fell, severely wounded, and permanently disabled, Capt. Stephen D. Thruston taking command at once. It was now about 7:30 a m., and Lt. Gen. Jackson's troops were in the woods around and west of the Dunkard Church and north of the Sharpsburg-Hagerstown Pike. As we came up he advanced and drove the enemy back across a corn field and into a piece of woods east and north of the church; here the enemy, being reinforced by Federal Major General Joseph K. Mansfield's Corps of three divisions, returned to the assault, and the fight became desperate for an hour. The two weak divisions of Lt. Gen. Jackson aud one brigade of Brig. Gen. Daniel H. Hill (SC) fought and held in check the six divisions of Federal Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker and Maj. Gen. Mansfield. So tenaciously did these brave troops cling to the earth, that when reinforced by Maj. Gen. John B. Hood (TX) and two brigades of Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Hill (NC), they were still north of the pike and contending for every inch of ground between it and the corn field in front. At the moment when their ammunition was absolutely exhausted, and all had been used from the boxes and pockets of their wounded and dead comrades, the reinforcements of Hill and Hood, above referred to, came up and stayed the tide for a short time. Now Federal Maj. Gen. Edwin V. Sumner, with his three divisions, put in an appearance, when our thin lines were slowly pressed back, by weight of numbers, into the woods and beyond the church to the edge of a field to the south, through which the divisions of Maj. Gen. John G. Walker (TX) and Maj. Gen. LaFayette McLaws (GA) were hurrying to our assistance. When the 3d NC Regiment laid down on the edge of the field to allow their friends to pass over them to the front, there was not one single cartridge in the command, and every gun was empty. It was now about 10:30 o'clock a.m., so that the men of this gallant regiment had been fighting vast odds for three hours, never quitting the field until absolutely pushed off, and not then until every cartridge of the living and the dead had been exhausted. One curious incident of this morning's battle was when Federal Maj. Gen. Mansfield's Corps came into action a Federal division marched up, and halting in column of battalions in the west woods, part of the time within one hundred yards of the right of the 3rd NC Regiment, made no effort to advance, although for five hundred yards to our right there was nothing to prevent its doing so. Nor did this division make any show of resistance until attacked by Brig. Gen. Alfred H. Colquitt's (GA) and Brig. Gen. Samuel Garland's (VA) Brigades (the latter under Colonel D. K. MacRae), when we were reinforced by Maj. Gen. Hill. The only grounds upon which we can account for this are that this division was covering the movements of Federal Maj. Gen. Israel B. Richardson and Brig. Gen. William H. French, who were preparing to assault our center, now desperately weakened, at a point now known as the "Bloody Lane." This conjecture is based on the fact that these two divisions did make an attack at that point a short time after Maj. Gen. Hill had sent his two brigades from that position to reinforce the left, and just as Maj. Gen. Walker came to the relief of Maj. Gen. Hill. It is a fact, that for five hundred yards on our right, that is, from the right of the 3rd NC Regiment to the left of Maj. Gen. Hill, there was a gap in our lines, directly in front of which, in the early part of the engagement, a Federal division halted and remained halted until it was filled by a part of Walker's Division [?]. The gap existed, and the enemy was expected every minute to march through. In the June "Century" Longstreet (page 313) speaks of Col. John R. Cooke's (NC) holding a fence without ammunition, while his staff (Longstreet's) fought two guns of the Washington Artillery. He does not say that while working the guns the 3rd NC Regiment, having refilled its cartridge boxes, and going to the front a second time, volunteered to relieve Col. Cooke's 27th NC Regiment, and while doing so two more full batteries also came to his relief, from whose duels with the enemy the 3rd NC Regiment suffered severely. He says nothing about my message to him by Lt. Cicero E. Craige, who rather exaggeratingly delivered it thus: "Captain sends his compliments, and requests re-nforcements, as he has only one man to every panel of fence, and the enemy is strong and very active in his front," and his reply: "Tell Captain Thruston he must hold his position if he has only one man to every sixteen panels of fence. I have no assistance to send him." Nor does he say how faithfully this order was obeyed, by which the regiment remained on that hill and under that fence, with the rails of which the enemy's artillery played battle-dore and shuttlecock from midday of the 17th until 10 o'clock a.m. of the 18th, with not so much as one drop of water. Yet these are facts, and stand a monument to the soldierly endurance of the 3rd NC Regiment on the memorable field of Sharpsburg. It was while riding with Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Hill (NC) on the morning of the 18th, to obtain a regiment to relieve the 3rd NC Regiment, from that position at the fence, that he said: "Your regiment fought nobly yesterday." The words are well remembered as we all know that a compliment from General Hill was of the rarest sort. The tenacity with which the 3rd NC Regiment held its ground in front of the Dunkard Church, entirely unsupported on its right, and with a very thin line on its left, with three separate lines of the enemy pelting it mercilessly in front and a reserve column standing like a hound in the leash on its immediate right, waiting its chance to pounce upon it as soon as any wavering was seen; its steadiness when ammunition began to run short, and the cartridge boxes and pockets of the wounded and dead were emptied to meet its necessities; the sullen backward step, as inch by inch it was pressed from its line, all pronounce it, with voices loud, a fearless, enduring, self-reliant body of as glorious men as were ever led to battle. Every man seemed to know and feel the responsibility of his position; seemed to know that there was no help to send him, and that he must do or die until relief had time to reach him from the rear, or General Lee's army was doomed. And how thoroughly was that duty performed. Twice, before any relief or reinforcements came, did the regiment, when reduced to a handful, but that handful dauntless, stand and receive the volleys of the Federals at twenty paces, and then, with a yell, dash and drive back the foe. As Brig. Gen. Alfred H. Colquitt's (GA) Brigade dashed in splendidly on our right, the joyful yell: "Come on, boys; we've no ammunition, but we will go with you!" was heard over the din of battle. But human endurance has a limit. At this moment the 3rd NC Regiment reinforcement, in the shape of Federal Maj. Gen. EdwinV. Sumner's Corps, was marched to the Federal assistance, and our brave boys were forced stubbornly and sullenly from the field. Their duty was nobly done; their sacrifice had enabled Maj. Gen. Walker and Maj. Gen. McLaws to come up, and the day was saved. Thus was fought, and successfully, the battle of the 3rd NC Regiment at Sharpsburg; and if it had been retired from service and had not fired another gun, the endurance fearlessness, tenacity and valor of that day would have been a crown of glory suitable to adorn the brow of the bravest of the brave. In truth, this one North Carolina regiment was in the vortex of the fire, the pivot upon which success or annihilation turned, and thank God, it stood the test and saved the day. Of the twenty-seven (27) officers who went into action on that memorable morning, all save three were disabled, and seven killed. Lt. Duncan E. McNair, of Company H, was badly wounded in the leg early in the day, but refused to leave, although urged to do so by the Colonel, and soon after gave up his life-blood on his country's altar. The official report of the division commander gives the loss in the 3rd NC Regiment, but it is less than was reported at the close of the day by Lt John S. F. Van Bokkelen [by now at Sharpsburg, he was a captain], acting Adjutant, who stated that of the five hundred and twenty carried into action only one hundred and ninety could be accounted for. Ripley's Brigade, after bearing the brunt of the battle, was ordered to retreat, the enemy not pursuing. The manner of this retreat was slow and in order, and under Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Hill's personal supervision. Observing an abandoned caisson, he (Hill) ordered the soldiers to remove it from the field, remarking: "We will not leave the enemy so much as a wheel." We continued the retreat to the Dunkard Church, on the Hagerstown Road, where, after being supplied with ammunition, our lines were reformed, the enemy making no further demonstration on that day. The following day the troops rested on the field, in plain view of the enemy's lines, and during the night crossed the swollen Potomac River at Shepherdstown, marched to Bunker Hill, where they bivouacked for several weeks, being employed in watching the enemy and tearing up the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad at night, near Martinsburg, Charlestown, and Harper's Ferry. End of Thruston's account of the battle of Sharpsburg, MD. After resting several weeks in the lower valley, the army moved by way of New Market Gap, passing Orange Court House in the direction of Fredericksburg. While in bivouac for the night near Gordonsville, Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Hill issued orders requiring company commanders to see that the bare-footed men made moccasins for themselves of the hides just taken from the beeves, and the brigade continued its march to Port Royal, on the Rappahannock River, where it remained for several days. On the morning of the 12th of December the troops moved back in the direction of Fredericksburg, marching the greater part of the night, and reached Hamilton's Crossing on the morning of the 13th. This regiment was in the second line until the evening of the first day, when it took position in the first line. The enemy being driven back, we lay on the field, anticipating another furious battle, and "bitterly thought of the morrow," but no blood was shed this day. The enemy sent a flag of truce on the 14th, asking permission of Lt. General Stonewall Jackson to remove his dead and wounded. The enemy retreated, and thus ended the first battle of Fredericksburg. After this the regiment built and occupied winter quarters on the Rappahannock River, near Skinker's Neck. Here we spent the winter of 1862-'63 on picket duty along the river. While stationed at this point this regiment, which had been in Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Hill's Division, was now changed to Jackson's old division, commanded by Maj. Gen. Isaac R. Trimble (VA), and our gallant Georgia comrades, the 4th and 44th Regiments, were exchanged for the 10th, 23rd, and 37th Virginia Regiments. These regiments, with the 1st and 3rd NC Regiments, formed a new brigade, and Brig. Gen. Raleigh E. Colston (VA) was assigned to command it. Lest the continuity in the promotion of the field officers should not be apparent to all, and especially such as are unacquainted with the military gradation below the rank of a general officer, we formulate it with the following results: After the death of Col. Gaston Meares at Malvern Hill, Lt. Col. William L. DeRosset was promoted to Colonel; Maj. Edward Savage became Lt. Colonel; and Captain Stephen D. Thruston became Major. You will observe in Colonel Thruston's account of :the battle of Sharpsburg (not report, as it appears, for it was written some years after the war) that he refers to himself as Captain; his commission as Major had not then reached him, owing to the rapid and uncertain direction of the movements of the army, and consequently the greater uncertainty of the mails. It not infrequently happened that commissions were dated months prior to their being received by officers in the Army of Northern Virginia for whom they were intended. Subsequent to the battle of Sharpsburg, Lt. Col. Edward Savage resigned on account of ill health, Maj. Stephen D. Thruston then became Lt. Colonel, and Capt. William M. Parsley was promoted to Major. Subsequently Col. William L. DeRosset resigned his commission, having been disabled by a wound received at Sharpsburg. By regular gradation then Lt. Colonel Thruston became Colonel; Major William M. Parsley became Lt. Colonel, and Capt.William T. Ennett was promoted to Major. Such was the personnel of the field officers prior to the battle of Chancellorsville, in May of 1863, and so it remained until the close of the war. The regiment was ever after this time commanded either by Colonel Thruston or Lt. Colonel Parsley, as further narration will show, save for three days after the death of Lt. Colonel Parsley, which occurred on April 6, 1865, and until the surrender, April 9, 1866, when Major Ennett was in command. On the 29th of April, 1863, this regiment, commanded by Lt. Colonel Stephen D. Thruston, left its camp at Skinker's Neck and marched to Hamilton's Crossing, thence in the direction of Chancellorsville. On the 2nd of May, Saturday morning, was commenced that grand strategic movement which has since been the wonder and admiration of the world. Rapidly marching around the enemy's lines to his right and rear, crossing the plank road and arriving on the old turnpike about 4 o'clock p.m., two and a half miles west of Chancellorsville, having marched in all more than fifteen miles in a few hours, and about five miles in a direct line from the starting point in the morning, Lt. Gen. Stonewall Jackson's Corps had been detached from the main body of the army to make this attack. Regimental commanders were ordered to march in rear of their regiments, with a guard of strong men with fixed bayonets, to prevent straggling. Immediately on arriving at the stone road the troops were formed in three lines of battle, Brig. Gen. Raleigh E. Colston's (VA) Brigade being in the second line. The order to advance was obeyed with promptness. Rushing on toward the enemy's camp, the first scene that can be recalled is the abundant supply of beef and slaughtered rations cooking. The Federal Brig. Gen. Alexander Schimmelfennig's (PA) Brigade suffered heavily as prisoners. The whole affair was a wild scene of triumph on our part. Thus we continued the pursuit until night, when the enemy made a stand within a mile of the Chancellor house. Here great confusion ensued. The two front lines having become mingled, were halted and reformed. Shortly after, it was charged by a company of Federal cavalry, which proved to be a part of the 8th Pennsylvania Regiment. The greater portion of them were unhorsed and captured. This was a critical period in the battle, and Lt. General Jackson seemed unusually anxious. The fighting was kept up until night, when this regiment was relieved and put in the second line, and during the first part, and even up to midnight, they were exposed to a terrific cannonading. Our men were completely exhausted from the forced march and the three or four hours of brisk fighting. Our position had to be changed from the time that we were placed in the second line until about midnight, and most of the time without avail, until the enemy's fire ceased, before our men could get any rest. They would locate our troops in the second line and so time the fuses that their shells would explode just over our heads. On Sunday, the 3rd instant, the regiment was formed on the right of the road, and, advancing, captured the first line of the enemy's worksa barricade of huge logs with abatis in front. The portion of these works that crossed a ravine and swamp, and which was favorable to the occupancy of the enemy, was assaulted three times by the Confederates before it was finally held. During one of these assaults Col. Stephen D. Thruston was wounded, and the command devolved upon Lt. Colonel William M. Parsley, who remained in command during the campaign of 1863, known as the Pennsylvania Campaign. This regiment participated in the last two of these charges. It was then that Maj. Gen. J. E. B. Stuart, who was in command (Lt. Gen. Jackson and Maj. Gen. Hill having been wounded on the evening before), ordered the whole line forward. The enemy's earthworks in front were carried by storm, and many pieces of artillery, which had occupied them, were captured. We were now in full view of the Chancellor House, and the captured guns were turned on the fleeing enemy. Soon the Chancellor House was in flames, and a glorious victory perched upon our banners. The Confederate line was again moved forward, and executed a wheel to the left, bringing this brigade and regiment immediately to the Chancellor House, hence this brigade, which had been commanded since early in the day by Lt. Colonel Hamilton A. Brown, of the 1st NC Regiment, the other officers of the brigade out-ranking him having been wounded, was the first of the Confederate troops to reach the Chancellor House. During one of these assaults alluded to above, this brigade became detached from the division, and when it arrived at the Chancellor House was between two of Major General Robert E. Rodes' brigades. On May 6th the brigade marched to U. S. Ford. While here the enemy was permitted by General Robert E. Lee to lay a pontoon bridge and send over about one thousand ambulances to the battlefield of Chancellorsville for his wounded. The ofiicers of this regiment and brigade acted on the part of the Confederates to carry out these negotiations, General Sharp, Deputy Provost Marshal of the Army of the Potomac, acting on the part of the enemy. A whole week was consumed in effecting this object, after which the brigade was removed and operations resumed. The troops now returned to the vicinity of Fredericksburg. Early in June of 1863, soon after the Chancellorsville battle, Major General Edward Johnson (VA) was assigned to command the former Maj. General Stonewall Jackson's Division, and Brigadier General George H. Steuart took over Brig. Gen. Raleigh E. Colston's Brigade. The division was now composed of Brig. Gen. John M. Paxton's, or the First Brigade; Brig. Gen. John M. Jones's, or the Second Brigade; and now Brig. Gen. George H. Steuart's, the third Brigade, and Lt. Col. William M. Parsley being in command of the 3rd NC Regiment. The army now marched in the direction of Winchester, crossing the Blue Ridge Mountains at Chester Gap and participating in the battle of 2nd Winchester on the 13th and 14th June, 1863. This brigade marched all night, and by indirect route arrived at daylight on the 15th five miles below Winchester. This movement was intended to intercept and capture the fleeing troops of Maj. Gen. Robert H. Milroy (IN), who had been driven from Winchester on the previous evening. After a sharp contest at Jordan Springs more than twenty-five hundred of the enemy threw down their guns. This engagement, though of short duration, was decidedly of an active character on both sides, and this regiment, as was its wont, was in the thickest of the fray. In this battle George Rouse, of Company D, was killed, and Lt. Cicero E. Craige and others wounded. Our position being in a railroad cut, we were in a great measure protected from the enemy's bullets. While Steuart's Brigade fought the battle, a guard from Paxton's Brigade was sent to Richmond with the prisoners, and were highly commended for gallantry, which praise belonged to this brigade. On June 18, 1863, our regiment crossed the Potomac River at Shepherdstown and encamped near the Dunkard Church, in a piece of woods embraced in the battlefield of Sharpsburg. While here and in the quietude of twilight, when all nature seemed to be in repose, and so emblematic of those weary souls, which slept peacefully under the sod of this spot, made so memorable by the heroism displayed by them scarcely a twelvemonth ago, the 1st and 3rd NC Regiments assembled, and with arms reversed and to the roll of the muflied drum marched to the battlefield, where the Rev. George Patterson, Chaplain of the 3rd, read the burial services. A detail of men under the command of Lt. James I. Metts (afterwards Captain) had previously during the day fired a military salute over the spot where their bodies were buried. Upon this solemn occasion many tears stole down the bronzed cheeks of the old veterans, and all heads were bowed in grief. From this camp the regiment, with the brigade, marched via Hagerstown to Chambersburg, Greencastle, and McConnelsburg, to the vicinity of Carlisle, from which point we counter-marched, and after a very long and tiresome march, on the 1st of July, 1863, arrived at Gettysburg, PA about 7:30 o'clock, and filed to the left, nearly encircling the town. Here we lay in line of battle until the evening of the 2nd, when about 6 o'clock we were ordered forward. We were on the right of the brigade and were ordered to connect our right with the left of Brig. Gen. Francis T. Nicholls' (LA) Brigade, and at the same time by wheel to the right to properly prolong their lines. We did so, thereby in some degree disconnecting our regiment from the rest of the brigade. We continued to the front, driving the enemy's skirmishers before us without trouble, and with very little loss, until we met his line of battle at his first line of breastworks. He was, however, driven from those, and soon thereafter we received a front and oblique fire from behind his second line of breastworks, to which he had fallen back. He was soon driven from the portion from which we received the oblique fire, and then the fire from the front seemed even more terrific. A steady firing was kept up until 10 o'clock p.m., when, as by common consent, it ceased, re-opening at 4:30 o'clock next morning. We here found our ammunition nearly exhausted, some men having not more than two rounds. We partially refilled our cartridge boxes from those of the dead and wounded, of whom there was a great number, and held this position that night and the next morning, exposed to a terrific fire until about 10:30 o'clock p.m., when we were ordered to move by the left flank along the line of the captured breastworks, and to cross them and form line with the rest of the brigade to charge the enemy's works on what was supposed to be his right flank. The few men then remaining in this regiment were formed on the right of the brigade and very soon thereafter were ordered forward, the line advancing beautifully under the heaviest fire, until we found our regiment alone moving to the front, unsupported, when the officers and men were ordered to withdraw, which was done slowly and without confusion, the regiment being greatly reduced (one companyCaptain John Cowan'sand part of another being detached to fill up a space between the regiment and the Louisiana brigade). Too much praise cannot be given to the officers and men of our command for their coolness and bravery, for the promptness with which they obeyed all orders given them, and their untiring zeal generally. The enemy was driven back to the Baltimore Turnpike in this charge by Steuart's Brigade, which came so near inflicting a critical blow on the enemy's extreme right flank. Had this gallant movement been supported the charge of Longstreet would not have been necesssary. That last charge on the third day was a cruel thing for the 3rd NC Regiment. They had borne their full share of the engagement, not even enjoying the protection of the works they had captured from the enemy, by reason of their position, other regiments of the brigade happening by the fortunes of the battle to have them (breastworks) in their front. There they stood, heroes, holding their ground unprotected, receiving a most deadly fire, giving in turn, like true soldiers, what they could from their decimated ranks, most of their comrades being already down, dead or wounded, until ordered to the right to join the balance of the brigade to participate in the charge. The battle of Gettysburg is generally conceded to have been the hardest fought battle of the war on either side; at least of those in which General Robert E. Lee's army was engaged. This regiment certainly suffered more in killed and wounded than in any of the many battles in which it was engaged. What fearful slaughter it endured is shown beyond peradventure by the figures. Entering the battle with three hundred guns, it was greatly reduced by the killing and wounding of two hundred and twenty-three men. When the regiment was mustered after the battle, seventy-seven muskets were all that could be gotten in the ranks, and it lost no prisoners and had no stragglers. The loss was within a fraction of seventy-five per cent. Lt. Col. William M. Parsley, Capt. Edward H. Armstrong and Lt. Robert H. Lyon were the only officers, perhaps, not killed or wounded. Next day we turned our faces toward Virginia, and after several skirmishes and hard marches, arrived at Williamsport, MD, and forded the swollen Potomac River on the 15th, the men having to put their cartridge boxes on their bayonets to keep them above the water. After various marches via Front Royal and Page Valley, and with some skirmishing, we reached Orange Court House early in August and participated in the Bristoe Campaign in October of 1863, with an occasional skirmish with the enemy. Prior to going into winter quarters, while in bivouac, the order was given about noon of November 27th for the march instanter, probably to go in force on a reconnoitering expedition, as the sequel would seem to show. However, on the first and only day of the march, about 3 o'clock p.m. on November 27, 1863, the battle of Payne's Farm was fought by Maj. Gen. Edward Johnson's Division (VA), of which this regiment formed a part. This was decidedly one of the most unique battles, in all the details connected with it, in the annals of warfare, being conducted, seemingly, regardless of tactical evolutions. A body of troops marching slowly along a country road, with no idea that their progress would be impeded or their right to proceed peaceably questioned, indulging in the characteristic chat which was usual among troops of the "same persuasion," passing two or three cavalrymen dressed in gray, who had reined their horse to the side of the road and were quietly at a standstill, ostensibly waiting for the column to pass, and when questioned by the men, as they would reach them, as to the whereabouts of the enemy, or in the usual vernacular, "have you seen any Yankees around this way?" with the utmost assurance replying, "No, there are no Yankees within miles of this place." Imagine that under such conditions, and within a few minutes after the rear of the column had passed the point where the cavalrymen, who doubtless were spies, were stationed, this small body of troops being suddenly fired upon; what consternation, demoralization, is likely to ensue among any troops, raw or veterans, and yet these heroes of many a hard-fought battle, who had been in so many perilous positions, stood the test of this hazardous situation. Skirmishers are at once thrown out, and meet with a hot fire. They are confronted either by a line of skirmishers vastly out-numbering them, or by a close line of troops; they are checked and have to be reinforced to enable them to hold their ground. The enemy, which proved to be Maj. Gen. William H. French's Corps of infantry, has evidently flanked us, for our line of battle is immediately formed perpendicular to our line of march, and facing the direction from which we were marching, and then begins as warm a contest as this regiment was ever engaged in for the same length of time. It seemed as if the enemy was throwing minnie balls upon us by the bucketfull, when the battle got fairly under way. The 1st and 3rd NC Regiments charged across a field and routed the men who were there in a skirt of woods and in their front. Our casualties were many for a fight of such short duration. Maj. Gen. Johnson's horse was killed under him; he immediately mounted the horse of a courier and continued the direction of the battle. We drove the enemy back, completing the job by nightfall, and then pursued our way to Payne's Farm. So adroitly did Maj. Gen. Johnson handle his troops at Payne's Farm, and so successfully did he extricate them from the chaotic situation described, being further successful in repelling the enemy who were, numerically, by long odds superior to his command, that he was complimented in a special congratulatory order by General Robert E. Lee. Reaching Mine Run (aka Payne's Farm), we remained in line of battle several days. Pickets in force were of course kept out day and night. The weather was as cold as we ever experienced; raining, too, which added to the disagreeableness of the situation. The men on the picket line were almost benumbed with cold, for fires were prohibited by special order, as if to emphasize the precarious situation at this particular juncture. Officers in command of the picket lines did endeavor, and successfully, to keep up the spirits of the men; not that the men were wanting in patriotic fervor, or that their characteristic fortitude had abated one jot or tittle, but human endurance hath limits, and poorly fed, and worse clad, their suffering was intense. When the men were stationed on the picket line after dark, they remained stationary until relieved the next night, and were expected to be the eyes and ears of that particular post or point; for the interval between the pickets was short, and each man was required to exercise the extremest surveillance over that part assigned to him individually. There was a consolatory reflection even at that time, founded upon the hypothesis that "misery loves company," to-wit, the enemy were in the same plight we were. There we lay, watching each other for several days, and beyond an occasional artillery duel, for a short time, and an occasional fire of musketry from one side or the other at some soldier who was sent out from one of the flanks to ascertain what he could, nothing occurred. The temperature was well down to zero and the biting cold was such as to chill the warmest resolution, and when both sides marched (or stole) away, each was glad. This ended the campaign of 1863, and the regiment built and occupied winter quarters near the Rapidan River and did picket duty along that river at Mitchell's Ford during the winter 1863-'64. The writers again find themselves under special obligations to Col. Stephen D. Thruston, who has so vividly described events from the 4th to the 10th, when he was wounded; and as he says in an elaborate account covering those seven days: "The only object is simply to put upon record, for history, those men and comrades who at the time had no one to do that duty for them." On the morning of May 4, 1864, the brigade, commanded by Brig. Gen. George H. Steuart, being on picket along the Rapidan River, discovered the columns of the Federal army in the distance, moving to the right, and apparently to the river below. The order soon came to be ready to move, and at midday the brigade took up the line of march in the direction of Locust Grove, a point on the old stone pike running from Orange Court House to Fredericksburg. This point was reached and passed in the evening of the same day, and the brigade went into bivouac about two and one half miles beyond. The night was passed in quiet. The next morning (May 5th) about 10 :30 o'clock, a few scattering shots being heard in the front, the troops were called to arms and put in motion towards the firing. We soon discovered that the Sixth Corps of the Federal army was posted in line of battle, while the remainder of the Army of the Potomac was passing on the right, along the road from Germania Ford, immediately in the rear of this line to cover the movement. Lt. Gen. Richard S. Ewell's Corps, our brigade forming a part, and the Sixth Federal Corps were then both in what was known and always called the Wilderness Campaign, the name being derived from the character of the land, which is described as "covered with a matted growth of scrub oak, stunted pine, sweet-gum brush and dogwood," and the two corps of which we write were only separated by a few hundred yards. Steuart's Brigade was in column on the pike a very few minutes after the firing began at 10:30 o'clock a.m. Line of battle was immediately formed in the following order: The 3rd NC Regiment to the right, the 1st NC Regiment across, and the Virginia regiments to the left of the pike. It was now 10:30 o'clock a.m. (The line advanced and struck a stout line of Federal infantry in a thicket of pines skirting a field. This line of Federals was assaulted, and after a hard fight the 3rd NC Regiment and the 1st NC Regiment captured two pieces of artillery and more than one hundred prisoners. Here Colonel Jenkins, of the 146th New York Regiment, was killed. Lt. Shelton, commanding the battery (Battery D, New York Light Artillery), the captain, Winslow, having been wounded, at last surrendered two guns, howitzers, the other two escaping. We attempted to bring off the two guus captured, and did get them some distance, but the enemy, being reinforced, made an advance, and we were in turn driven back to our first position, leaving the guns between the lines. Preceding and up to the capture of the howitzers referred to the fighting was desperate, muskets and their butt ends and bayonets being used. At one time there was such an intermingling of troops that confusion decidedly predominated; every man was going it on his own hook, for it was a hand-to-hand contest. We recall that in a gully which formed a part of the topography of this battlefield, and which ran for more than a brigade front, Confederates and Federals were so nearly on even terms, or at equal advantage, that they were simultaneously demanding each other to surrender. However, we succeeded in establishing the superiority of our claim, and came off victors. It was now about 2 o'clock p.m. No more fighting was done on this front, save a few picket shots and a feeble attempt of the enemy late in the afternoon to recapture the two guns, which still remained between the lines and at a point to which we had pulled them in the morning. This was a signal failure, and the repulse was largely assisted by the men of the 1st and 3rd NC Regiments. After dark the two howitzers were brought in by details from the two North Carolina regiments. In the early morning of the 6th, Steuart's Brigade was closed in to the left, until its right rested on the pike, with Jones's (Virginia) Brigade on its right, which connected with the left of Battle's (Alabama) Brigade. Several vigorous attempts were made during the day by the enemy by attack upon that quarter, to force the line to the left, but they were as vigorously repulsed, and then we would return to our position of the morning. The morning of May 7th revealed the enemy gone, and the day was spent by the men in congratulations. Late in the evening of this day the brigade began closing or extendingcannot call it marchingto the right, which continued during the entire night, the men having no time for rest or sleep. The morning of May 8th dawned bright and hot. The line of march was taken up and pushed with vigor, notwithstanding the heat, dust, parching thirst and smoke and fire of burning woods. The nature of the march was sufficient to convince those heroes that their presence was required to meet the foe on some other field, and gallantly did they toil through the day. As the sun was hiding behind the western wood the brigade was thrown in line to the support of Maj. Gen. Robert E. Rodes's Division, in front of the Spotsylvania Court House, but was not engaged. After dark it marched and counter-marched in search of a position, and at 10 p.m. was formed in line and ordered to throw up works in that salient which proved so disastrous on the 12th following. By daylight of May 9th, in spite of the fatigue and loss of sleep on the night of the 7th and the terrible march of the 8th, the entire brigade, with no tool except the bayonet and tin plate, was entrenched behind a good and defensible rifle pit. This day was spent in strengthening the lines, scouting to the front, and that sleep, so much needed. The works or fortifications referred to assumed the shape of, and were always designated as, the "horseshoe." The morning of May 10th found the brigade closed to the right, connecting with the left of Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Hill's Corps, with Brig. Gen. John M. Jones's (VA) Brigade on our left, occupying the works in the salient proper. Late in the afternoon Brig. Gen. George P. Doles's (GA) Brigade, whose position was on the left of Jones' Brigade, was attacked about sunset, and was pressed back upon Steuart's rear, followed closely by the exultant enemy. Orders to "Fall in," "Take arms," "Face by the rear rank," and "Forward" were repeated in quick succession. The brigade responded with alacrity, and soon was moving steadily, though moving in line of battle by the rear rank, through a small strip of woods into a field (in which stood a dwelling), and there meeting the enemy, immediately attacked. The work here was sharp and quick, resulting in the repulse of the Federals across and out of Brig. Gen. Doles's works and their occupation by Brig. Gen. Steuart. It was, however, soon discovered that Steuart did not cover Doles's entire front to the left, and fifty or more of the enemy were having a happy time enfilading the lines. Lt. Robert Lyon, with Company H, 3rd NC Regimentthe then left companywas formed across and perpendicularly to the line, and, moving promptly down the left, drove them off. Before this could be accomplished the 3rd NC Regiment, on the left, had suffered severely. Many men were wounded, including Col. Stephen D. Thruston, seriously, and Lt. Cicero E. Craige and Sergeant-Major Robert C. McRee were killed. Lt. Colonel William L. Parsley, of course, after Col. Thruston was wounded, was in command of the regiment. The brigade was then moved back to its original position and remained inactive throughout May 11th. Just after nightfall of the 11th, the artillery, for some reason or other which was never apparent to those not high in authority, if to them, was removed from their position on this part of the line, and for aught we know, from all parts, the direct effect of such withdrawal, commencing to be felt on the 12th, was never fully recovered from. We had great generals, but they were human, and "to err is human." At the peep of dawn on May 12, 1864, dark and rainy, an attack was made by the Federals en masse on Jones's Brigade, occupying the salient angle of this doomed "horseshoe," the shock of which was felt throughout the entire Confederacy. No pen can adequately portray what occurred then and there. The weather, thus early, was a fitting prelude to a day that eventuated in so great sorrow and anguish. The elements seemed to portend impending fatehopes blasted, aspirations crushed. The 1st NC Regiment was on the right of Jones' Brigade, and their commander, the brave Col. Hamilton A. Brown, says: "For a short time the fighting was desperate. The terrific onslaught of this vast multitude was irresistible, there being a rectangular mass of twenty thousand Federal troops, not in line of battle, but in column of regiments doubled on the centre, supported by a division on each flankin all more than thirty thousand concentrated against this one point. The portion of the works assaulted by this formidable column was little more than four hundred yards wide. The Confederate troops occupying this angle were Jones's Brigade and the 1st NC Regiment, numbering about two thousand." The clash of arms and the murderous fire around this bloody angle are indescribable. The enemy sweeping to the right and rear of the fortifications and striking the 3rd NC Regiment, which adjoined the 1st NC Regiment, and capturing that entire regiment, with very few escapes, pursued their way into the lines of Lt. Gen. A. P. Hill's (VA) Corps, making many captures there. Lt. Col. William L. Parsley, commanding the 3rd NC Regiment on that morning, and who was captured in his works, says: "Steuart faced the rear rank and continued to fight inside the lines until a second column attacked him in front, when, finding himself betweeen two fires at short range, he was compelled to surrender." At what particular point the enemy was checked on our right we do not know, as we were captured with Lt. Col. Parsley. The prisoners of war hauled in by the Federals on that morning we have heard estimated at three thousand, including Maj. Gen. Edward Johnson, Brig. Gen. George H. Steuart and other brigadiers, and very many field and line officers. Captain Edward H. Armstrong of Company G was killed. Some aspersion has been cast, and that, too, by one high in command, upon Jones' Brigade, for not holding their ground when attacked that morning (12th). Such a judgment, in our opinion, is not only at fault, but has a tinge of garrulous fatuity, or is predicated upon malevolence. In the name of all that is reasonable, fair, or an equitable decision as to another, how could about two thousand men, probably less, withstand the combined attack of thirty thousand men, concentrated upon a point of four hundred yards, and resist them successsfully, and that, too, without an important arm of the service (the artillery) aiding them, for, as we have said, it had been removed from their front? Remember, this was in an open space. The breastworks referred to were trenches, in depth not more than four and one-half or five feet. We have said this much in sheer justice to Jones' Brigade, for we do not believe that any similar number of troops could be found anywhere who could have done more than was done by them. We count any brigade fortunate which was not exposed to such a test. [This website Author provides the following list of the known officers of the 3rd NC Regiment killed, wounded, or captured at the battle of Spotsylvania, VA on May 12, 1864:] Col. Stephen D. Thruston (wounded) Lt. Col. William L. Parsley (POW) Capt. Edward H. Armstrong (killed) Capt. John A. Cantwell (POW) Capt. Archibald Craige (probable POW) Capt. John C. Gorman (wounded) Capt. Henry W. Horne (POW) Lt. Thaddeus P. Barrow (POW) Lt. Cicero E. Craige (killed) Lt. John E. King (POW) Lt. Christopher C. Lane (POW) Lt. Robert H. Lyon (POW) Lt. Charles P. Mallett (POW) Lt. Charles W. McClammy (POW) Lt. George M. Ormsby (POW) Lt. Isaac J. Pickett (POW) Lt. George Washington Ward (wounded). At this time such portions of the 1st and 3rd NC Regiments as were not captured on May 12th were consolidated and placed in Brig. Gen. William R. Cox's (NC) Brigade. On the night of May 21st, the army was withdrawn from its position to meet the enemy, who had retired toward the North Anna River. On the morning of the 23rd we confronted the enemy near Hanover Junction, where the line of battle was formed and earthworks thrown up. May 24th the enemy attacked the sharpshooters and drove them from their position, but after a sharp and hand-to-hand fight for several minutes they were driven to the opposite side of the breastworks and the assault was continued several hours. The enemy several times attempted to recapture the works, but were as often repulsed. A heavy rain having set in and darkness approaching, the enemy retired. Shortly after dark the army retired towards Richmond to meet the enemy, who were moving in the same direction. Nothing save frequent skirmishing occurred until the afternoon of May 30th, on which the battle of Bethesda Church occurred. Further skirmishing took place May 31st, June 1st, and the battle of Gaines's Mill on June 2d, and Cold Harbor on June 3rd, in all of which the 1st and 3rd NC Regiments (consolidated) participated. After the battle of Cold Harbor on June 3rd, the Second Corps, composed of Maj. Gen. Stephen D. Ramseur's (NC), Maj. Gen. Robert E. Rodes's (VA), and Maj. Gen. John B. Gordon's (GA) Divisions, under the command of Lt. General Jubal Early (VA), was directed to proceed to the Valley of Virginia for the purpose of destroying or capturing Federal Maj. Gen. David Hunter, who was in camp near Lynchburg. Maj. Gen. John C. Breckinridge (KY) and Maj. Gen. Robert Ransom (NC), commanding the cavalry, were awaiting our arrival. Maj. Gen. Hunter, upon learning of the arrival of the Confederates on the 18th, under the cover of night, made a hasty retreat. Early on the morning of June 19th we commenced pursuit, and just before night overtook the enemy's rear at Liberty, where a skirmish ensued, and again at Buford's Gap, on the afternoon of the 20th. The pursuit was continued on the 21st through Salem, Va., where another skirmish took place. After resting a day, we resumed the march in the direction of the Potomac River, reaching Staunton on the morning of the 27th, then marched in the direction of Harper's Ferry, which was reached on the morning of July 4th. Here Bolivar Heights was captured about 10 o'clock a.m., and about 8 o'clock p.m. the enemy was driven from Harper's Ferry across the river to Maryland Heights. On July 6th, the corps crossed the Potomac River at Shepherdstown, and engaged the enemy in the rear of Maryland Heights (aka 2nd Hagerstown). The battle continued nearly all day. We moved through Crampton's Gap toward Frederick, and after many skirmishes reached Frederick MD, on the morning of the 9th, where Maj. Gen. Lewis Wallace's Division of Federals was strongly posted on the eastern bank of the Monocacy River. After a stubborn fight the enemy was driven from the field, leaving in our hands six or seven hundred prisoners, besides killed and wounded. Our loss in killed and wounded was severe. The march was resumed on July 10th in the direction of Washington City. As the weather was hot and the roads dusty, it was very trying to our troops, who arrived in front of Fort Stevens on the evening of July11th, within sight of the dome of the Federal Capitol. After reconnoitering and skirmishing a couple of days, and upon hearing of the arrival of two additional corps at Washington from the Army of the Potomac, our troops were withdrawn on the night of the 12th, and we crossed the Potomac River on the night of the 15th near Leesburg, followed by the enemy's cavalry. We then moved towards the Valley of Virginia, crossing the Blue Ridge Mountains at Snicker's Gap on the 17th of July, the Federals slowly following. On the afternoon of the 18th Maj. Gen. Robert E. Rodes's (VA) Division attacked the enemy at Snicker's Ford, driving them in the Shenandoah River, where they lost heavily in killed and drowned. On the 19th the division moved towards Strasburg, and on the afternoon of the 20th to the support of Maj. Gen. Stephen D. Ramseur (NC), but arrived after the engagement had ceased. The division then retired to Fisher's Hill, remaining until the enemy was attacked at 2nd Kernstown, on the 24th, and driven across the Potomac River into Maryland. Maj. Gen. Rodes's Division then marched and counter-marched between the Potomac River and Fisher's Hill until September 22nd, during which time it was engaged almost daily in skirmishing, and took part in the battles of Winchester on August 17th; Charlestown on August 21st; Smithfield Crossing on August 29th; Bunker Hill on September 3rd; 3rd Winchester on September 19th; Fisher's Hill on September 22nd. On the morning of September 19th this division, while moving in column up the Martinsburg Road to the support of Maj. Gen. Stephen D. Ramseur (NC), who was engaged with Federal General Philip H. Sheridan's army near Winchester, was unexpectedly called to attention, faced to the left and moved forward to engage the enemy, who had advanced to within one hundred yards of the road. After a brief and vigorous assault the Federals commenced falling back, and were driven through the woods and the open fields until Brig. Gen. John R. Cooke's (VA) Brigade was brought to a temporary halt and Brig. Gen. William R. Cox (NC) received orders to push forward his brigade. At this time Maj. Gen. Robert E Rodes (VA) was shot in the head by a ball, and fell from his horse. The troops pushed on, unaware of this calamity, and struck a weak line of the enemy. At this point the Federals were severely punished, and fell back, leaving their killed and wounded. A large number of officers and men, who were secreted in a ditch, were captured. We pursued the enemy with a hot fire beyond the crest of a hill, on which Brig. Gen. Bryan Grimes (NC) had established his line. Here Brig. Gen. Clement A. Evans's (GA) Brigade, upon meeting a heavy fire, fell back, which exposed this brigade to a concentrated, direct and left-oblique fire. At the request of Brig. Gen. William R. Cox (NC), a battery was placed on a hill in our rear, and the brigade fell back and formed behind it, which opened with telling effect upon the enemy's heavy lines. They laid down, and the victory appeared to be ours. While our loss in men and officers had been severe, the troops had good spirits. Here Col. Stephen D. Thruston was severely wounded, the command devolving upon Lt. Col. Wiliam L. Parsley. After remaining until about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, we discovered that the Federals were in our rear, and fell back in good order to the Martinsburg Pike and formed on the left of our troops. Here we were exposed without any protection, to a heavy artillery fire, which was telling upon our men. We were then faced about and commenced retiring deliberately to the hills, all the troops conforming to this movement. Lt. Gen. Jubal Early, through a staff officer, directed Brig. Gen. William R. Cox (NC) to return, when we were faced about and moved to the front. Upon reaching the turnpike, we were ordered by Lt. Gen. Early to fall back, which we slowly accomplished. Our troops now retreated toward Fisher's Hill. While retreating in column, this brigade was ordered to protect the artillery then passing. Facing about, we were deployed, and advanced between the enemy's cavalry and our artillery, which was done with great spirit and promptness. In this manner we moved on, protecting the artillery until near dusk, when we found Maj. Gen. Stephen D. Ramseur (NC) with his division thrown across the turnpike to prevent pursuit. About the time this brigade and the artillery crossed his line the enemy made a spirited charge to capture the guns, which was met with a well-directed fire from Ramseur's men, which stopped further pursuit. After our defeat at 3rd Winchester we fell back and formed line of battle behind Fisher's Hill. After the fall of Maj. Gen. Robert E. Rodes (VA), Maj. Gen. Stephen D. Ramseur (NC) was placed in charge of his division. On the 22nd we had a skirmish with the enemy. About dusk the brigade was promptly formed across the road to cover the retreat. We advanced rapidly to a fence, where we met the enemy in a hand-to-hand encounter, repulsed him, and stopped pursuit for the night. Here Lt. Col. Alexander S. Pendleton (VA), of the artillery, fell, mortally wounded. After the defeat at Fisher's Hill we fell back up the Valley as far as Waynesboro, where reinforcements were received. On October 1st, we returned down the Valley, reaching Fisher's Hill again on October 13th, and there formed behind breastworks. A flanking movement was directed by Lt. Gen. Early, and we commenced moving soon after dark. The night was consumed by a very fatiguing and exhausting march, which was conducted with the greatest secrecy. We crossed Cedar Creek at early dawn, being joined here by Brig. Gen. William H.F. Payne's (VA) Cavalry, who at full speed advanced upon and captured Federal General Philip Sheridan's headquarters. But for his absence they would have captured him. The first warning Federal Maj. Gen. George Crook's Corps had of our presence was the rebel yells and volleys of our musketry, which sent them hastily from their camp, leaving all behind. This victory was delightful to our troops, after so many repulses. So great was the demoralization of the enemy after this little brigade drove back a division ten times its number, meeting with but slight resistance, that by 8 o'clock we had captured all of their artillery and from one thousand five hundred to two thousand prisoners. The Federals were in retreat. About 3 o'clock in the afternoon General Sheridan, having joined and rallied his troops, the tide of battle was turned, and the Confederates were driven up the Valley to New Market (aka Belle Grove). Here, Maj. Gen. Stephen D. Ramseur (NC) was mortally wounded endeavoring to rally his troops, where they remained until about the 22nd of November, when Ramseur's Division routed General Sheridan, commanding a considerable body of cavalry, between New Market and Mount Jackson. This ended the Valley Campaigns of 1864, and North Carolina Brigadier General Bryan Grimes was promoted to Major General, and assigned to the command of this division. About a week before Christmas this regiment and other troops composing the Second Corps returned to Petersburg and went into winter quarters at Swift Creek, about three miles north of the city. About the middle of February, 1865, we moved to Southerland's Depot, on the right of the Army of Northern Virginia. Here the regiment remained until the middle of March, when it was ordered into the trenches in front of Petersburg, where it remained until the night of the 24th of March, when Maj. Gen. John B. Gordon's (GA) Corps, this brigade forming a part, was massed opposite Hare's Hill, where the distance between the lines was, one hundred yards. On the morning of the 25th the division corps of sharpshooters, commanded by Colonel Hamilton A. Brown of the 1st NC Regiment, surprised and captured the enemy's pickets and entered his main lines. This regiment, with the other troops of the division immediately following, occupied the enemy's works for some distance on either side of Hare's Hill, and held them against great odds for about five hours, during which time the enemy poured a deadly fire into the Confederates from several batteries, and having massed large bodies of infantry, forced the withdrawal of the Confederates, with considerable loss in killed, wounded and prisoners. We then resumed our position in the trenches. About 11 o'clock on the night of April 1st the enemy opened a heavy cannonading all along the line, under cover of which they attacked in heavy forces at several points, making a break in the division on our right. On Sunday morning, April 2nd, at daylight, they made a breach in the line held by the brigade of the left center of the division, and occupied our works for some distance on either side of Fort Mahone. The division attacked the enemy at close quarters, driving him from traverse to traverse, sometimes in a hand-to-hand fight, until the works were retaken up to a point opposite Fort Mahone, which was finally captured. The Confederates thus regained the entire works taken from the division in the early morning. The enemy, however, promptly moved forward and recaptured the Confederate line and Fort Mahone, leaving Maj. Gen. Bryan Grimes's (NC)) Division still in possession of that portion of the line retaken from the enemy in the early part of the day, and which was held until the lines in front of Richmond and Petersburg were opened, when we, with the army, commenced to retreat. Marching day and night, with only short intervals of rest, we reached Amelia Court House on April 4th, where the exhausted troops rested a few hours. Being closely pursued by the enemy, the march was resumed that night. Maj. Gen.Bryan Grimes (NC) was assigned to the position of rearguard. Brig. Gen. William R. Cox (NC) still commanding our brigade and Lt. Col. William L. Parsley the 3rd NC Regiment. The enemy's cavalry, elated over their successes, frequently rode into the Confederate lines, making it necessary to form a line of battle across the road in column of brigade, while the others continued to march. This running fight continued until the afternoon of the 6th, when at Sailor's Creek, near Farmville, VA, a general engagement ensued, where the Confederates, overwhelmed by superior numbers, retreated along the bridge at Farmville. Here the gallant hero, Lt. Col. Parsley, gave up his life, being shot in the head with a minnie-ball. Beyond Farmville, on the morning of April 7th, the division charged the enemy and recaptured a battery of artillery which had been taken by him. We continued the march towards Lynchburg upon a parallel road to that the enemy had taken for the purpose of intercepting us. We reached Appomattox Court House on Saturday evening, the 8th, where the exhausted troops bivouacked until about the middle of night, when this division was ordered from the position of rearguard to the front to open the road towards Lynchburg, now occupied by the enemy in large force. About sunrise on Sunday morning, April 9, 1865, this division (Grimes's) engaged a large body of the enemy's cavalry, supported by infantry, and drove them more than a mile, capturing a battery and several prisoners. While engaged in this pursuit, they were ordered back to a valley. This brigade was commanded by the veteran soldier, Brig. Gen. William R. Cox (NC), who, as his men were retiring, ordered a halt, and the command was given: "Right about, face!" to meet a cavalry force which was coming down upon him. It was promptly obeyed, and once more and for the last time, these valiant, ragged, foot-sore, and half-starved North Carolinians withstood in the strength of their invincible manhood the men whom they had met and driven back on many a bloody field. In the clear and firm voice of the gallant Brig. Gen. Cox, the command rang out: "Ready, Aim, Fire!" and the last volley fired by the Army of Northern Virginia was by these North Carolina troops, this regiment among the number. Defeated, but not dishonored! On leaving the valley, we learned the sad intelligence that the Army of Northern Virginia had surrendered. Sad and gloomy indeed were the faces of those noble heroes, who could not realize that General Robert E. Lee would ever surrender. The fragment of the 1st and 3rd NC Regiments, commanded by Maj. William T. Ennett, since the loss of Lt. Col. William L. Parsley on April 6th, was bivouacked with the brigade (Cox's), Grimes's Division, Gordon's Corps, and prepared the muster rolls for the final capitulation. On the morning of April 12th they laid down their arms, dispersed on foot, many ragged and without shoes, and made their way to their desolated homes. * The above was written by former Captains John Cowan and James Metts on April 9, 1900, and provided as Pages 177-214, in the compilation known as "Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War 1861-'65 - Volume I," edited by Walter Clark, and published by E. M. Uzzell, Printer and Binder, in 1901. Minor edits and deletions were provided by this Author for clarity and consistency.Additional sketch of the 3rd NC Regiment: Gaston Meares, of Wilmington, NC, was appointed by Governor John W. Ellis to the command of the 3rd NC Regiment of State Troops, and Robert Harper Cowan and William Lord DeRosset were commissioned, respectively, Lieutenant Colonel and Major of the same regiment. Steps were at once taken to form the regiment, first from material already partially organized into companies and partly by regular enlistments under company officers likewise appointed by the Governor. This regiment, one of ten authorized by the Constitutional Convention [no, State Convention] to be raised, enlisted for the war, and all officers were appointed by the Governor, with the understanding clearly had that all vacancies should be filled by promotion or appointment by recommendation of the commanding officer. The several companies were ordered to assemble at the camp of instruction at Garysburg as fast as their ranks were filled, and in the latter part of May they began to report to the officer in charge of the camp. Colonel Meares and Lieutenant Colonel Cowan reported at the camp about June 1st. Major DeRosset, having been ordered to Fort Macon to relieve Colonel Charles C. Tew, of the 2nd NC Regiment, of the command of that post, was delayed in joining his command until some two weeks later. Meanwhile, the men were being drilled in the school of the soldier, preparatory to company drill; and so soon as Major DeRosset reported for duty he was ordered to take charge of the drilling and disciplining of the force. A portion of the 3rd NC Regiment was ordered to Richmond early in July, where it was joined some weeks later by the remaining companies which had been left at Garysburg under Maj. DeRosset. A few days after the first battle of Manassas the regiment was ordered to report to Major General Theophilus H. Holmes (NC), at Acquia Creek, and went into camp near Brooks' Station, on the Richmond, Fredericksburg & Potomac Railroad, later moving camp to a point near the Potomac River, and, as winter approached, having meantime built substantial winter quarters, they took up their abode therein, immediately in rear of the lower battery of those constructed for the defense of Acquia Creek. Upon the evacuation of the line of the Potomac the 3rd NC Regiment, with the 1st NC Regiment, was ordered to Goldsborough to meet a supposed advance of Brig. Gen. Ambrose Burnside from New Bern, remaining thereabouts until early in June of 1862. In May, Lt. Colonel Cowan having been promoted, Major DeRosset was made Lt. Colonel, and Capt. Edward Savage became Major. The 1st and the 3rd NC Regiments were under the same brigade commanders from first to last, but, unfortunately, were always brigaded with troops from other States, and never received the deserved meed for their achievements. First, Colonel John G. Walker (TX) was assigned to command, the brigade then consisting of the 1st and 3rd NC Regiments and the 30th Virginia and 1st Arkansas; but Colonel Walker proved to be the junior colonel in the brigade, and Maj. Gen. Holmes asked for and obtained a commission for him as brigadier general, and he continued in command. Brigadier General Roswell S. Ripley (SC) next had its command, and upon reaching Richmond on the evening of the last day's fight at Seven Pines a change was made in the composition of the brigade and the 40th and 44th Georgia Regiments took the places of the Virginia and Arkansas troops. The 3rd NC Regiment reached the battlefield only in time to be held in reserve late in the evening, but were not ordered to participate. The march from Richmond was most trying to the raw troops of the brigade, who had not then received their baptism of fire, passing thousands of dead and wounded from the time they left the rail cars until they arrived on the field; and the groans and cries of the wounded were not calculated to inspire the boys with a martial spirit. During the period from that date to the opening of the battles around Richmond the command was in camp about six miles from Richmond, drilling and preparing for the summer campaign. Late in the evening of June 25, 1862, Col. Gaston Meares received orders to march, and proceeding early next morning in a northerly direction, was halted on the high hills on the south of the Chickahominy River where it was crossed by the Mechanicsville Pike. Lt. Colonel DeRosset was here again detached and ordered to take charge of a battalion composed of one company from each regiment, and to advance, crossing the stream, to Mechanicsville; but after reaching the middle of the creek he was ordered to assemble his command and cross on the bridge. The battalion was thus thrown on the left of the brigade, advancing left in front, and, on being drawn up in line of battle on the north side, went into action, charging the enemy's position, which was well fortified on the further side of a small stream about one-half mile from the pike. The brigade suffered severely in this attack, mainly from the stupid manner in which it was put into action. The 44th Georgia was almost annihilated, having lost heavily in killed and wounded, the others mostly routed. The 40th Georgia lost its colonel early in the action, and were more or less demoralized. The 1st NC Regiment perhaps suffered in killed and wounded more than either of the regiments, if not of all combined. They had the misfortune to be immediately in front of the heaviest of the Yankee batteries, which swept the approaches with grape and canister continuously. The 3rd NC Regiment lost perhaps less than either of the others, Maj. Edward Savage being the only one of the field officers wounded. Joining after that battle the forces of Lt. General Stonewall Jackson, the command was marched by a circuitous route to Cold Harbor, or Gaines's Mill, where the battle took place on the afternoon of June 27th. Here but a small fraction of the 3rd NC Regiment was exposed to direct musketry fire, for reasons none but Brigadier General Roswell S. Ripley (SC) could explain, and the officers of the command are not known to have said that any explanation was vouchsafed. Marching thence, after two or three days' delay, the brigade found itself in front of one of the bridges over the Chickahominy River which had been destroyed by the enemy on the south side, he having crossed the day before on the famous "grape-vine" bridge, some distance above. Here, being exposed to the enemy's fire of artillery without the means of replying, Brig. Gen. Ripley was withdrawn into a heavy woods on the northwest side of the road, lying there all day under the artillery fire, at times very annoying, but with little loss. This was the day of the battle of Frayser's Farm, a few miles lower down the stream. Next day, the enemy having withdrawn and the bridge repaired, Brig. Gen. Ripley crossed and marched on Malvern Hill, arriving there at noon, and was posted immediately in the rear of what was known as the Parsonage, on the near side of the road leading by Malvern Hill, and on the left of the army. Being ordered to advance, the whole line moved forward, and from the peculiar conformation of the land in front, the hill up which Brig. Gen. Ripley moved being almost an isolated knoll on Poindexter's Farm, upon reaching the top each regiment was found to be represented in the mass of disorganized troops occupying the yard of the Parsonage and the road in front. The officers of the several commands seemed not to have noted the conformation of the ground, and as each company reached the foot of the hill it would change direction to go up the shortest road, thereby bringing about the trouble as seen at that point. Meantime a terrific fire of artillery and infantry swept the field, and the men involuntarily hugged the ground. Here they lay for some time, men falling every minute, and some leaving the field in search of surgical assistance. There was no possibility of doing anything, so far as could be seen by the field officers, and Brig. Gen. Ripley had not been seen about the lines after the first order was given to advance. About an hour before dusk word came from the left that Capt. Hamilton A. Brown, commanding the 1st NC Regiment, was hard pressed, and wanted assistance, when Col. Gaston Meares determined to reinforce him, and gave the command to move by the left flank. He, going on foot into the road in front of the line, upon reaching a point about opposite the left of the 3rd NC Regiment, stopped, and mounting the bank on the side of the road, was using his field glass, surveying the Yankee lines, when he was instantly killed by a slug from a shrapnel fired from a battery directly in front, said to be the 3rd Rhode Island Battery, not over seventy-five yards distant. Col. Meares was a man of marked individuality. Respected by his superior officers, beloved by his subordinate officers, and even by the most humble private, his untimely death was deeply deplored by all alike. It is certain that he would have been recommended for promotion. The 3rd NC Regiment held its position until withdrawn sometime during the night, aud bivouacked near that point for several days, when the brigade was ordered back to the old camping grounds nearer Richmond. The losses in officers of the regiment were numerous, but several were temporarily disabled by wounds. Some vacancies occurred about this time, and the conspicuous gallantry of Cicero H. Craig caused his recommendation for promotion, and he was at once put on duty, by brigade orders, as 2nd Lieutenant of Company I. Col. William L. DeRosset having been promoted to the command of the regiment, decided to visit Raleigh for the purpose of recruiting for the regiment. Brig. Gen. Roswell S. Ripley (SC) lay in camp for several weeks, while details were made to work on the entrenchments in our front and for several miles down towards the Chickahominy River, while other details gathered arms from the several battlefields. Up to this time the 3rd NC Regiment was armed principally with smooth-bore muskets, but with the ample supply of the Springfield rifled muskets gathered from the field and captured, there was enough to supply our whole army with the improved gun. Orders came from headquarters that all muskets should be turned in and the troops armed with the rifles. Col. DeRosset believed firmly in the great efficiency of the smooth-bore with buck and ball cartridges, and, after a consultation with Brig. Gen, Ripley, secured a modification of the order as applying to the 3rd NC Regiment, and was allowed to retain muskets for eight companies, arming the two flank companies with the rifles. He always insisted that it was owing to the good use of the buck and ball at close range at Sharpsburg that the 3rd NC Regiment were enabled to do so much damage, and to hold their position after advancing for so long a time. In the latter part of July, Col. DeRosset returned from Raleigh and brought with him four hundred conscripts, who were at once divided into small squads, and, under command of non-commissioned officers, were drilled several hours daily. This not only helped to discipline the raw levies, but hardened them somewhat, thus enabling them the better to stand the strains incident to the march into Maryland, which soon followed. During this period, awaiting marching orders, the first execution under sentence of a military court took place in the brigade on the person of an Irishman who had deserted and was captured in his efforts to reach the enemy's lines. He belonged to Capt. Guilford L. Dudley's company, of the 1st NC Regiment, and the firing party was from his own company, who did their sad duty like true soldiers. About the time that Lt. Gen. Stonewall Jackson was looking for Federal Maj. Gen. John Pope's "headquarters," from Culpeper to Manassas, Ripley received marching orders, and our brigade went by rail to Orange Court House. Here the brigade bivouacked for several days, officers and men wondering why we were held back, when it was evident that hard work was going on at the front. However, marching orders came at last, and after much time given to preparation, we finally took the road for Culpeper Court House, thence in a northerly direction to the Alexandria and Luray Pike, striking that road about sundown at a point called Amisville. To the amazement of the field and line officers, instead of marching toward Warrenton, where it was generally understood General Robert E. Lee had passed, the head of the column was changed to the left. One of the officers here rode up to the head of the column, and accosting Brig. Gen. Ripley, asked if he had any objection to saying where we were marching to. His reply was: "I am going to see my sweetheart at Luray." He thereupon ordered a halt, and to go into bivouac at once and prepare rations as issued, having just received by courier orders from General Lee to march at once, and quickly, to Manassas Junction. Next morning, after a deliberate breakfast, the column counter-marched and reached Warrenton about 2 or 3 o'clock p.m. The General repaired to a private house for refreshments, directing the command to proceed to a point a mile or two out on the Manassas Road and bivouac, with special instructions to the officers left in command to have the column drawn up in line on the road ready to march at 4 o'clock a.m. next day, but not to move until he came up. The command was on time, and stood in a drenching rain until about 7 o'clock, when Brig. Gen. Ripley appeared, and the column moved on. Arriving at the Junction about 3 or 4 o'clock p.m., in full hearing of the desperate conflict going on a short distance ahead of us, we were deliberately filed off the road in an opposite direction and halted, bivouacked there that night and next morning crossed Bull Run Creek at Sudley's Ford, having passed over perhaps the bloodiest portion of the field, where the dead and many wounded still lay in the sun. Marching through a country entirely destitute of water for several miles, we finally reached the Alexandria and Leesburg Pike, where a halt was made to allow the men to drink and fill their canteens. Moving on in the direction of Alexandria, which point was understood to be General Robert E. Lee's objective point, we came up while the battle of Ox Hill was being fought, and were held in reserve until its close, falling back next morning to a beautiful country-seat known as Chantilly, where we bivouacked for several days. The march into Maryland then commenced, and we moved towards Leesburg, where we received rations again and prepared them for another march; bivouacked there for twenty-four hours, and then taking a road direct to the Potomac River, crossed at Point of Rocks ; thence moving down the bank of the river along the canal to Point of Rocks, where, taking our last view of old Virginia, we took the road for Frederick City direct, halting there for two or more days. The army moved westwardly along the Great Western Turnpike, crossing the mountains, and bivouacked that night a little beyond Boonsboro. On the evening of Saturday, September 13, 1862, the brigade was counter-marched toward the mountain and placed in line of battle on the north side of the pike, near the foot of the mountain, again in reserve. Next morning, Sunday, Col. George P. Doles, with the 4th Georgia, was detached and ordered to take position in a gap on the north side of the pike, and the other three regiments were moved up the mountain, and just to the east of the tavern on the summit filed to the right, and moved along the summit road, having, before leaving the pike, passed the body of Brig. Gen. Samuel Garland, Jr. (VA) who had just been slain at the head of his command. Leaving this road, they moved by one leading diagonally down the mountain, and, on reaching the foot, were halted some half mile to a mile from the pike, on the south. Here Brig. Gen. Ripley concluded that his command and that of Brig. Gen. George B. Anderson (NC) were cut off from the troops on his left, and assuming command of the division, notified Col. William L. DeRosset to take command of the brigade. Brig. Gen. Anderson seemed to have moved up the mountain very promptly, and Brig. Gen. Ripley ordered Col. DeRosset to do likewise. Lt. Col, Stephen D. Thruston was ordered to take a company of skirmishers, covering the front of the brigade, and soon reported that troops were in his front, and later that Brig. Gen. Anderson was moving across his front. Brig. Gen. Ripley, remaining at the foot of the mountain, was informed of the situation, and at once ordered his brigade to fall back. It was then moved by the left flank up a road leading diagonally up the mountain and halted, occupying that position until quietly withdrawn sometime between 9 o'clock p.m. and midnight. Brig. Gen. Ripley again assumed command of his own brigade and marched by a road leading towards the Boonsboro and Sharpsburg Pike. On reaching a point on the crest of the hill, just after crossing Antietam Creek on the stone bridge, the command was placed in line of battle under the hill, the right of the 3rd NC Regiment, in absence of the 4th Georgia, on the right of the brigade and resting on the Boonsboro Pike. This was on the evening of the 15th, and the brigade remained in that position until the evening of the 16th, under a heavy artillery fire from the enemy's guns on the east side of the creek, but without loss, being well protected by the crest of the hill under which we lay. Meantime the battle had opened on our left, and as that seemed to be the point at which Federal General George McClellan would make his greatest effort. Brig. Gen.Ripley was ordered in that direction and bivouacked to the east of the Hagerstown Pike, directly opposite the Dunkard Church and south of the Mumma farm house, which latter was destroyed by fire early next morning. About daylight on September 17th the Federal artillery opened, and one of the first guns, from a point near which Gen. McClellan made his headquarters, fired a shell which fell just in front of the brigade, wounding some sixteen officers and men of the 3rd NC Regiment. The advance was soon ordered, and the enemy was first encountered in an open field a little to the south of the famous cornfield near the East Woods, and the smooth-bore muskets with the buck and ball cartridges did most excellent service, being at very close quarters, not over one hundred yards from the first line of the three lines of the enemy. There being quite a gap in our lines on Brig. Gen. Ripley's right, a change of front was made to meet a flank attack by the 128th Pennsylvania, a new and large regiment, and the 3rd NC Regiment, being still on the right, met with heavy losses from this attack before the movement could be made with assured safety. Brig. Gen. Ripley had been slightly wounded in the throat early in the action and the brigade was now under the command of Col. George P. Doles, of the 4th Georgia, the ranking officer. About the time that the movement in changing from front to rear began, Col. William L. DeRosset was severely wounded, and permanently disabled. Lt. Col. Stephen D. Thruston at once took command, and charged the enemy, maintaining his advanced position until forced back by mere weight of numbers. From this time the 3rd NC Regiment was under the command of Col. Thruston, who succeeded to the full command upon the resignation of Col. DeRosset, some months later, when it was definitely determined that the wound of the latter had disabled him permanently for active service. There were few, if any, regimental commanders in the Army of Northern Virginia who were the superior of Col. Thruston, if his equal, in all that goes to make up an intelligent, able and successful leader. He was painfully wounded during this action, but refused to leave the field. Of the twenty-seven (27) officers who went into action on that memorable morning all save three were disabled and seven killed. Lt. Duncan E. McNair, Company H, was badly wounded in the leg early in the day, but refused to leave, although urged to do so by the Colonel, and soon after gave up his life-blood on his country's altar. The official report of the division commander gives the loss in the 3rd NC Regiment, but it is less than was reported at the close of the day by Capt. John F. S. Van Bokkelen, Acting Adjutant, who stated that of the five hundred and twenty carried into action only one hundred and ninety could be accounted for. Of the conscripts who were enlisted in the 3rd NC Regiment, about one hundred succeeded in keeping up with their comrades and taking part in the Sharpsburg battle. During this engagement, while the whole line was busily engaged in their deadly work, one of the conscripts was observed calmly walking up and down behind his company, and upon being asked why he was not in ranks and firing, replied: "I have seen nothing to shoot at, and I have only sixty rounds of cartridges; I don't care to waste them." He was instructed to lie down, and being shown the blue breeches under the smoke, his face brightened up at once as he began firing. Seldom was truer courage displayed than by this man, who, under his first experience in battle, having evidently been left behind as his company double-quicked to the front, came up after the smoke from the first volleys had obscured everything, and could see nothing in front. It would indeed be interesting to know this man's name and fate, but such cannot be, for he probably sleeps in a soldier's grave in the famous cornfield, unhonored and unsung, where so many comrades lie buried. Of the original captains of the 3rd NC Regiment: - Capt. Robert H. Drysdale died in winter quarters at Acquia Creek during the winter of 1861-'62,'and was buried in Goldsborough. He died of pneumonia contracted in service. - Capt. Stephen D. Thruston held each office in succession until he reached the colonelcy. He lives in Dallas, Texas, and is an honored member of the medical profession. - Capt. Peter Mallett, having been appointed conscript officer of the State, with the rank of Major and subsequently Colonel, resigned his captaincy. He now lives in New York. - Capt. Edward Savage, afterwards Lt. Colonel, resigned after the battles around Richmond. He now resides in New York. - Capt. Marquis LaFayette F. Redd resigned his commission on December 31, 1861. He is now a farmer in Onslow County. - Capt. William R. Parsley, rising to the rank of Lt. Colonel, was killed only three days before the surrender at Appomattox, respected and beloved by all. - Capt. Edward H. Rhodes was wounded at Sharpsburg, and as he has never since been heard of, it is supposed he died of his wounds. - Capt. Theodore M. Sikes, having absented himself from his command during the Seven Days' fight, and gone to his home without proper leave of absence, was allowed to resign. - Capt. John R. Carmer resigned his commission on May 12, 1862, soon after the battles around Richmond. - Capt. David Williams, known by his men as "Pap," as brave a man as ever lived, was disemboweled by a rifle shot from the enemy's batteries at Sharpsburg, and sleeps in a soldier's grave, with his blanket for a shroud, in the front yard of the house in rear of the village, which was used as a field hospital near the Shepherdstown Pike. The above was written by former Colonel William L. DeRosset on April 9, 1900, and provided as Pages 215-228, in the compilation known as "Histories of the Several Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War 1861-'65 - Volume I," edited by Walter Clark, and published by E. M. Uzzell, Printer and Binder, in 1901. Minor edits, additions, and deletions were provided by this Author for clarity and consistency.
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"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/f1/Vietnam_Civil_Actions_Unit_Citation.png/50px-Vietnam_Civil_Actions_Unit_Citation.png", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/military/images/6/62/PD-icon.svg/revision/latest/scale-to-width-down/12?cb=20131022192148", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/military/images/b/bb/Commons-Logo.svg/revision/latest/scale-to-width-down/30?cb=20131022191840", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/6a181c72-e8bf-419b-b4db-18fd56a0eb60", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/6c42ce6a-b205-41f5-82c6-5011721932e7", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/464fc70a-5090-490b-b47e-0759e89c263f", "https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/f7bb9d33-4f9a-4faa-88fe-2a0bd8138668" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Contributors to Military Wiki" ]	2024-07-29T22:27:06+00:00	The 1st Infantry Division of the United States Army is the oldest division in the United States Army.[2][3] It has seen continuous service since its organization in 1917.[2] It was officially nicknamed the The Big Red One after its shoulder patch[2] and is also nicknamed The Fighting First.[2...	en	/skins-ucp/mw139/common/favicon.ico	Military Wiki	https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/1st_Infantry_Division_(United_States)	1st Infantry Division 1st Infantry Division shoulder sleeve insignia Active 24 May 1917 – presentCountry United States of AmericaBranch United States ArmyType InfantryRole InfantrySize DivisionPart of Forces CommandGarrison/HQ Fort Riley, KansasNickname(s) "The Big Red One"[1] "The Fighting First"Motto(s) "No Mission Too Difficult, No Sacrifice Too Great—Duty First!"Colors Red and greenMarch "The Big Red One Song"Mascot(s) Rags (WW I)Engagements World War I Western Front World War II Operation Torch Operation Husky Operation Overlord Battle of Hurtgen Forest Battle of the Bulge Vietnam War Tet Offensive Persian Gulf War Operation Desert Storm War on Terror Iraq War Afghanistan War CommandersCommander Major General John S. KolasheskiCeremonial chief Command Sergeant Major Raymond S. HarrisInsigniaDistinctive unit insigniaCombat service identification badgeFlag The 1st Infantry Division of the United States Army is the oldest division in the United States Army.[2][3] It has seen continuous service since its organization in 1917.[2] It was officially nicknamed the The Big Red One after its shoulder patch[2] and is also nicknamed The Fighting First.[2] However, the division has also received troop monikers of The Big Dead One and The Bloody First as puns on the respective officially-sanctioned nicknames.[4] It is currently based at Fort Riley, Kansas. World War I[] The First Expeditionary Division, later designated the 1st Infantry Division, was constituted on 24 May 1917, in the Regular Army, and was organized on 8 June 1917, at Fort Jay, on Governors Island in New York harbor under the command of Brigadier General William L. Sibert, from Army units then in service on the U.S.-Mexico border and at various Army posts throughout the United States. The original table of organization and equipment included two organic infantry brigades of two infantry regiments each, one engineer battalion; one signal battalion; one trench mortar battery; one field artillery brigade of three field artillery regiments; one air squadron; and a full division train. The total authorized strength of this TO&E was 18,919 officers and enlisted men. George S. Patton, who served as the first Headquarters commandant for the American Expeditionary Force oversaw much of the arrangements for the movement of the 1st Division to France, and their organization in-country. The first units sailed from New York City and Hoboken, New Jersey on 14 June 1917.[5] Throughout the remainder of the year, the rest of the division followed, landing at St. Nazaire, France, and Liverpool, England. After a brief stay in rest camps, the troops in England proceeded to France, landing at Le Havre. The last unit arrived in St. Nazaire 22 December. Upon arrival in France, the division, less its artillery, was assembled in the First (Gondrecourt) training area, and the artillery was at Le Valdahon. On 4 July (Independence Day in the United States), the 2nd Battalion, 16th Infantry,[6] paraded through the streets of Paris to bolster the sagging French spirits. At Lafayette's tomb, one of General John J. Pershing's staff uttered the famous words, "Lafayette, we are here!" Two days later, 6 July, Headquarters, First Expeditionary Division was redesignated as Headquarters, First Division. On 8 August 1917, the 1st Division adopted the Square Table of Organization and Equipment, which included two organic infantry brigades of two infantry regiments each; one engineer regiment; one signal battalion; one machine gun battalion; one field artillery brigade of three field artillery regiments, and a complete division train. The total authorized strength of this new TO&E was 27,120 officers and enlisted men. On the morning of 23 October, the first American shell of the war was fired toward German lines by a First Division artillery unit. Two days later, the 2nd Battalion of the 16th Infantry suffered the first American casualties of the war. By April 1918, the Germans had pushed to within 40 miles (64 km) of Paris. In reaction to this thrust, the Big Red One moved into the Picardy Sector to bolster the exhausted French First Army. To the division's front lay the small village of Cantigny, situated on the high ground overlooking a forested countryside. The 28th Infantry Regiment[7] attacked the town, and within 45 minutes captured it along with 250 German soldiers. It was the first American victory of the war. The 28th was thereafter named the "Black Lions of Cantigny."[7] Soissons was taken by the First Division in July 1918. The Soissons victory was costly – 700 men were killed or wounded. (One of them, Private Francis Lupo of Cincinnati, was missing in action for 85 years, until his remains were discovered on the former battlefield in 2003).[8] The First Infantry helped to clear the St. Mihiel salient by fighting continuously from 11–13 September 1918. The last major World War I battle was fought in the Meuse-Argonne Forest. The division advanced seven kilometers and defeated, in whole or part, eight German divisions. The war was over when the Armistice was signed. The division was at Sedan, the farthest American penetration of the war, and was the first to cross the Rhine into occupied Germany. By the end of the war, the division had suffered 22,668 casualties and boasted five Medal of Honor recipients. The division's famous dog-mascot was a cairn terrier known as Rags. Rags was adopted by the division in 1918 and remained its mascot until his death in 1936.[9] Rags achieved notoriety and celebrity as a war dog, after saving many lives in the crucial Argonne Campaign by delivering a vital message despite being bombed and gassed. Casualties 4,411 killed in action 17,201 wounded in action 1,056 missing or died of wounds Order of battle in WWI[10][] Assigned[] 1st Infantry Brigade 16th Infantry 18th Infantry 2nd Machine Gun Battalion 2nd Infantry Brigade 26th Infantry 28th Infantry 3rd Machine Gun Battalion 1st Field Artillery Brigade 5th Field Artillery (155mm) 6th Field Artillery (75mm) 7th Field Artillery (75mm) 1st Trench Mortar Battery Divisional Troops 1st Machine Gun Battalion 1st Engineers 2nd Field Signal Battalion Headquarters Troop Trains 1st Train Headquarters and Military Police 1st Ammunition Train 1st Supply Train 1st Engineer Train 1st Sanitary Train (Ambulance Companies and Field Hospitals 2, 3, 12, 13) Attached units[] en route to France and in 1st (Gondrecourt) Training Area 9 June – 23 September 1917 5th Regt USMC Ménil-la-Tour Area 28 February – 3 April 1918 1st Bn 2nd Engrs (2nd Div) Cantigny Sector, at times from 27 April – 7 July 1918 Fr 228th FA Regiment (75mm) Fr 253d FA Regiment (75mm) 1st and 2nd Bns Fr 258th FA Regiment (75mm) 4th Bn Fr 301st Arty Regiment (155mm) 1 btry Fr 3d Cl Arty Regiment (155mm) 3d and 4th Bns Fr 284th Arty Regiment (220mm) 2d Bn Fr 289th Arty Regiment (220mm) 1 btry Fr 3d Cl Arty Regiment (220mm) 6th Bn Fr 289th Arty Regiment (280mm) 2 btrys Fr TM (58mm) 1 btry Fr TM (150mm) 1 btry Fr TM (240mm) Fr 5th Tank Bn (12 tanks) Aisne-Marne Operation, at times from 18–23 July 1918 Fr 42d Aero Sq Fr 83d Bln Co Fr 253d FA-Portée (75mm) Fr 11th and 12th Groups of Tanks Saizerais Sector, at times from 8–24 August 1918 Fr 258th Aero Sq 6th and 7th Bln Cos 3 btrys Fr 247th FA- Portée Preceding and during St-Mihiel Operation, at times from 8–14 September 1918 8th Obsn Sq 9th Bln Co 58th FA Brig and 108th Am Tn (33d Div) 76th FA (3d Div) (75mm) 2 btrys 44th CA (8") Troops D, F, and H, 2d Cav 2 platoons Co A 1st Gas Regt (8 mortars) 2 bns of Inf (42d Div) 6th Inf Brig (3d Div) 2 cos 51st Pion Inf 7th MG Bn (3d Div) 49 tanks of 1st Tank Brig Meuse-Argonne Operation 1–2 October 1918 60th FA Brig 110th Am Tn (35th Div) Meuse-Argonne Operation, at times from 1–12 October 1918 1st Aero Sq 2d Bln Co Fr 219th FA (75mm) Fr 247th FA (6 btrys 75mm) Fr 5th Bn 282d Arty (220mm) Provisional Sq 2d Cav Co C 1st Gas Regt Co C 344th Tank Bn, 1st Tank Brigade (16 tanks) Cos B and C 345th Tank Bn, 1st Tank Brigade (16 tanks) Meuse-Argonne Operation 7 October 1918 362d Inf (91st Div) Meuse-Argonne Operation 8–11 October 1918 181st Inf Brigade (91st Div) Coblenz Bridgehead, at times from 18–30 June 1919 14th Bln Co MG elements Fr 2d Cavalry Division Coblenz Bridgehead 18–29 June 1919 4th MG Bn (2d Div) Coblenz Bridgehead 20–30 June 1919 7th MG Bn (3d Div) Detached service[] at Le Valdahon 22 August – 18 October 1917 with 15th (Scottish) Division during the Second Battle of the Aisne 24 July 1918 with US 90th Division 1st FA Brig 1st Am Tn with the 15th (Scottish) Division during Aisne-Marne Operation 24 July 1918 in Saizerais (Villers-en-Haye) Sector 24–28 August 1918; with 42d Division in Meuse-Argonne Operation 13–31 October 1918; with 2nd Division in Meuse-Argonne Operation 1–4 November 1918. 1st Sn Tn with III Corps 28 September – 2 October 1918 1st Engineers with American Forces in Germany after 9 August 1919. 2d 6th FA Co A 1st Engrs Cos A, B, C, D, 1st Sup Tn F Hosp 13 Interwar period[] The 1st Division returned to the Continental U.S. in September 1919, demobilized its war-time TO&E at Camp Zachary Taylor at Louisville, Kentucky, and then returned to New York, with its headquarters located at Fort Hamilton in Brooklyn. On 7 October 1920, the 1st Division organized under the peacetime TO&E, which included two organic infantry brigades of two infantry regiments each, one engineer regiment; one observation squadron; one field artillery brigade of two field artillery regiments; one medical regiment; one division quartermaster train; and a special troops command replacing the remainder of the division train. The total authorized strength of this TO&E was 19,385. 1st Division was one of three infantry divisions and one cavalry division that was authorized to remain at full peacetime strength, and it was the only Regular Army division assigned to the Second Corps Area, which also included the 27th Infantry Division of the New York National Guard; the 44th Infantry Division of the New Jersey, New York, and Delaware National Guards; the 21st Cavalry Division of the New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and New Jersey National Guards; and the 77th, 78th, and 98th Infantry Divisions and the 61st Cavalry Division of the Organized Reserves. This was the organization that existed in the Second Corps Area for the duration of the peace period. 1st Division adopted a new peacetime TO&E in preparation for war on 8 January 1940, which included three infantry regiments, one military police company, one engineer battalion, one signal company, one light field artillery regiment of three field artillery battalions and one medium field artillery regiment of two field artillery battalions, one medical battalion, and one quartermaster battalion. The authorized strength of this TO&E was 9,057 officers and enlisted men. 1st Infantry Division reorganized again on 1 November 1940 to a new TO&E, which added a reconnaissance troop, and organized the two field artillery regiments into a division artillery command, and beefed up the strength to a total authorized strength of 15,245 officers and enlisted men. World War II[] Shortly after the beginning of World War II in Europe, the 1st Division was moved to Fort Benning, Georgia, on 19 November 1939 where it supported the Infantry School as part of American mobilization preparations. It then moved to the Sabine Parish, Louisiana area on 11 May 1940 to participate in the Louisiana Maneuvers. The division next relocated to Fort Hamilton on 5 June 1940, where it spent over six months before moving to Fort Devens, Massachusetts, on 4 February 1941. As part of its training that year, the division participated in both Carolina Maneuvers of October and November before returning to Fort Devens on 6 December 1941. A day later, on 7 December 1941, the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor and then the United States declared war. The division was ordered to Camp Blanding, Florida, as quickly as trains could be gathered and winter weather permitted, and arrived on 21 February 1942. The division was there reorganized and refurbished with new equipment, being re-designated as the 1st Infantry Division on 15 May 1942. Within a week, the division was returned to its former post at Fort Benning, from where it was expedited on 21 Jun 1942 to Indiantown Gap Military Reservation for wartime overseas deployment final preparation. The division departed New York Port of Embarkation on 1 August 1942, arrived in Beaminster in south-west England about a week later, and departed 22 October 1942 for the combat amphibious assault of North Africa.[11]:75, 622 As part of II Corps, the division landed in Oran, Algeria on 8 November 1942 as part of Operation Torch, the Allied invasion of French North Africa.[12] The 1st Division commander was Major General Terry de la Mesa Allen and Brigadier General Theodore Roosevelt, Jr. as deputy division commander. Elements then took part in combat at Maktar, Tebourba, Medjez el Bab, the Battle of the Kasserine Pass (where American forces were pushed back), and Gafsa. It then led the allied assault in brutal fighting at El Guettar, Béja, and Mateur. The 1st Infantry Division was in combat in the North African Campaign from 21 January 1943 – 9 May 1943, helping secure Tunisia. In July 1943, the division took part in Operation Husky invading Sicily still under the command of Major General Allen. Lieutenant General George S. Patton specifically requested the Big Red One as part of his forces for the invasion of Sicily. It was assigned to the II Corps. It was in Sicily that the 1st saw heavy action when making amphibious landings opposed by Italian and German tanks at the Amphibious Battle of Gela. The 1st then moved up through the center of Sicily, slogging it out through the mountains along with the 45th Infantry Division. In these mountains, the division saw some of the heaviest fighting in the entire Sicilian campaign at the Battle of Troina; some units losing more than half their strength in assaulting the mountain town. On 7 August 1943, command was assumed by Major General Clarence R. Huebner. When that campaign was over, the division returned to England 5 November 1943[11]:622 to prepare for the eventual Normandy invasion.[2] The First Infantry Division and one regimental combat team from the 29th Infantry Division comprised the first wave of troops that assaulted German Army defenses on Omaha Beach on D-Day[2][13] with some of the division's units suffering 30 percent casualties in the first hour of the assault,[14] and secured Formigny and Caumont in the beachhead by the end of the day. The division followed up the Saint-Lô break-through with an attack on Marigny, 27 July 1944, and then drove across France in a continuous offensive, reaching the German border at Aachen in September. The division laid siege to Aachen, taking the city after a direct assault on 21 October 1944.[2] The First then attacked east of Aachen through the Hurtgen Forest, driving to the Rur, and was moved to a rear area 7 December 1944 for refitting and rest following 6 months of combat. When the German Wacht Am Rhein offensive (commonly called the Battle of the Bulge) was launched on 16 December 1944,[2] the division was quickly moved to the Ardennes front. Fighting continuously from 17 December 1944 to 28 January 1945, the division helped to blunt and reverse the German offensive. Thereupon, the division attacked and again breached the Siegfried Line, fought across the Ruhr, 23 February 1945, and drove on to the Rhine, crossing at the Remagen bridgehead, 15–16 March. The division broke out of the bridgehead, took part in the encirclement of the Ruhr Pocket, captured Paderborn, pushed through the Harz Mountains, and was in Czechoslovakia, fighting at Kinsperk, Sangerberg, and Mnichov when the war in Europe ended. Sixteen members of the division were awarded the Medal of Honor. World War II – casualties[] Killed in Action: 3,616 Wounded in Action: 15,208 Died of Wounds: 664 Order of battle 1944–1945[] 1st Infantry Division – order of battle 1944–1945 HQs & HQs Co 1st Infantry Division HQs & HQs Battery Division Artillery Headquarters Special Troops Military Police Platoon 1st Cav Recon Squadron 1st CIC Detachment 1st Engineer Combat Battalion 1st Medical Battalion 1st Quartermaster Company 1st Signal Corps Company 5th Field Artillery Battalion (155-MM) 7th Field Artillery Battalion (105-MM) 16th Infantry Regiment 18th Infantry Regiment 26th Infantry Regiment 32nd Field Artillery Battalion (105-MM) 33rd Field Artillery Battalion (105-MM) 701st OD Light Maint Company 745th Tank Battalion – at : 6 June 1944 – 8 May 1945 634th Tank Destroyer Battalion – at : 1 August 1944 – 2 May 1945 635th Tank Destroyer Battalion – at : 7 June 1944 – 30 September 1944 703rd Tank Destroyer Battalion – at : 18 December 1944 – 31 December 1944 103rd AAAA-W Battalion – at : 16 June 1944 – 7 February 1945 103rd AAAA-W Battalion – at : 24 February 1945 – 8 May 1945 Assignments in the European and North African theaters[] 1 February 1943: II Corps, British First Army, 18th Army Group July 1943: US II Corps, U.S. Seventh Army, 15th Army Group 1 November 1943: US First Army.[note 1] 6 November 1943: VII Corps. 2 February 1944: V Corps, First Army, British 21st Army Group 14 July 1944: US First Army. 15 July 1944: VII Corps. 1 August 1944: VII Corps, First Army, 12th Army Group. 16 December 1944: V Corps. 20 December 1944: Attached, with the entire First Army, to the British 21st Army Group. 26 January 1945: XVIII Airborne Corps, First Army, 12th Army Group. 12 February 1945: III Corps. 8 March 1945: VII Corps. 27 April 1945: VIII Corps. 30 April 1945: V Corps. 6 May 1945: United States Third Army, 12th Army Group. Cold War[] Korean War[] During the Korean War, the Big Red One was assigned to occupation duty in Germany, while acting as a strategic deterrent against Soviet designs on Europe. 1st Infantry Division troops secured the Nuremberg War Crimes Trials and later transported seven convicted Nazi war criminals to Spandau Prison in Berlin. In 1955 the division colors left Germany and were relocated to Fort Riley, Kansas.[2] 1950s–1970s[] Following its return from Germany, the 1st Infantry Division established headquarters at Fort Riley, Kansas. Its troops reorganized and trained for war at Fort Riley and at other posts. In 1962 and 1963, four 1st Infantry Division Pentomic battle groups (2nd Battle Group, 12th Infantry; 1st Battle Group, 13th Infantry; 1st Battle Group, 28th Infantry; and 2nd Battle Group, 26th Infantry) rotated, in turn, to West Berlin, Germany to augment the U.S. Army's Berlin Brigade during an international crisis initiated by construction of the Berlin Wall. These "Long Thrust Operations" were the most significant deployments conducted by 1st Infantry Division troops during the Cold War, placing Big Red One troops in confrontation with hostile communist forces. From President Kennedy's approval on 25 May 1961, the Army divisions began to convert to the "Reorganization Objectives Army Division 1965" (ROAD) structure in early 1962. The ROAD structure abolished the battle group and reintroduced the battalion. It also introduced the brigade level that replaced the regiment or combat command of old The three brigades within a ROAD division did not have fixed subordinate commands, but each would control 2 to 5 maneuver battalions drawn from a pool of 10 or 11 battalions. The infantry division had 8 infantry battalions and 2 tank battalions. The mechanized division had 7 mechanized infantry battalions and 3 tank battalions. The armor division had 6 tank battalions and 5 mechanized infantry battalions. The airborne division had 9 airborne infantry battalions and 1 assault gun battalion. In addition, each division had 5 artillery battalions. The reorganization also increased Army aviation significantly witiiin each ROAD division. Initially each new division was to have 50 Light Observation Helicopters, 49 HU-1, and 4 AO-1, or a total of 103. (A mixture of H-13, H-23, and L-19 continued to serve as interim substitutes, since the LOH was not yet in service.) By late 1962 the Army changed this to 48 LOII, 49 UH-1, 4 OV-1, and 2 U-6 (still 103 aircraft in total). This was around double the number in the Pentomic divisions.[15] While the bulk of the division was stationed at Fort Riley, its 3rd Brigade, a mixture of cavalry and infantry, was forward-deployed to Germany. The brigade was stationed at Cooke Barracks, Goeppingen, Baden-Württemberg. Vietnam[] The division fought in the Vietnam War from 1965 to 1970.[2] Arriving in July 1965, the division began combat operations within two weeks. By the end of 1965 the division had participated in three major operations: Hump, Bushmaster 1 and Bushmaster II, under the command of MG Jonathan O. Seaman. In 1966, the division took part in Operation Marauder, Operation Crimp II, and Operation Rolling Stone, all in the early part of the year. In March, Major General William E. DePuy took command.[16] In June and July the division took part in the battles of Ap Tau O, Srok Dong and Minh Thanh Road. In November 1966, the division participated in Operation Attleboro. 1967 saw the division in Operation Cedar Falls, Operation Junction City, Operation Manhattan, and Operation Shenandoah II. MG John H. Hay assumed command in February. On 17 October 1967, the 1st I.D suffered heavy casualties at the Battle of Ong Thanh with 58 killed. The division involved in the Tet Offensive of 1968, securing the massive Tan Son Nhut Air Base. In March, MG Keith L. Ware took command. That same month the division took part in Operation Quyet Thang ("Resolve to Win") and in April the division participated in the largest operation of the Vietnam War, Operation Toan Thang ("Certain Victory"). On 13 September, the division commander, Maj. Gen. Ware, was killed in action when his command helicopter was shot down by enemy anti-aircraft fire.[17] MG Orwin C. Talbott moved up from his position of assistant division commander to assume command of the division. In the first half of 1969, The Big Red One conducted reconnaissance-in-force and ambush operations, including a multi-divisional operation, Atlas Wedge. The last part of the year saw the division take part in Dong Tien ("Progress Together") operations. These operations were intended to assist South Vietnamese forces to take a more active role in combat. In August, MG A. E. Milloy took command of the 1st I.D. while the division took part in battles along National Highway 13, known as "Thunder Road" to the end of the year. In January 1970 it was announced that the division would return to Fort Riley.[2] 11 members of the division were awarded the Medal of Honor. During its involvement in the Vietnam war, the division lost 6,146 killed in action, with a further 16,019 wounded. Twenty of its number were taken as prisoners-of-war. Modern era[] First Gulf War[] The division, commanded by Major General Thomas G. Rhame, also participated in Operation Desert Storm. The division's two maneuver brigades from Ft. Riley were rounded out by the addition of two tank battalions (2nd and 3rd of the 66th Armor Reg.), an infantry battalion (1–41st Infantry Regiment), and a field artillery battalion (4-3 FA) from 2nd Armored Division (Forward) in Germany. It was responsible for the initial breach of the Iraqi defenses, consequently rolling over the Iraqi 26th Infantry Division and taking 2,600 prisoners of war. The Big Red One continued with the subsequent 260-kilometre (160 mi) long assault on enemy-held territory over 100 hours, engaging eleven Iraqi divisions, destroying 550 enemy tanks, 480 armored personnel carriers and taking 11,400 prisoners. By the early morning of 28 February 1991, the division had taken position along the "Highway of Death", preventing any Iraqi retreat. The division's HHC, Alpha, Bravo, Charlie and Delta 3/37 Armor, and 1st Squadron, 4th Cavalry Regiment (1/4 CAV), was then tasked with securing town of Safwan, Iraq, and the airfield there where the Iraqis were later forced to sign the surrender agreement. Valorous Unit Citation reads as follows: For extraordinary heroism during ground combat operations in Operation Desert Storm from 24 February 1991 through 4 March 1991. Organized as Task Force 3/37th Armor, the Unit was composed of HHC, B, and C Companies, 3/37th Armor; A and D Company, Second Battalion, Sixteenth Infantry; First Platoon of B Company and Second Platoon of C Company, Second Battalion, Third Air Defense Artillery; C Company, First Engineer Battalion; and Ground Surveillance Radar Team B, One Hundred and First Military Intelligence Battalion. As part of the First Infantry Division (Mechanized) and VII Corps main effort, Task Force 3/37th Armor breached the Iraqi defense on 24 February 1991, clearing four passage lanes and expanding the gap under direct enemy fire. The Task Force then attacked 300 kilometers across southern Iraq into northern Kuwait, severing Iraqi lines of communication, and then drove north once again into Iraq to assist in the seizure of the City of Safwan, Iraq, and the securing of the Safwan Airfield for the Coalition Forces-Iraqi Cease-Fire negotiations. During the operation, over fifty enemy combat vehicles were destroyed and over 1700 prisoners were captured. Throughout the Ground War, the soldiers performed with marked distinction under difficult and hazardous conditions. Their gallantry, determination, and Esprit de Corps guaranteed victory and maintained the finest traditions of the United States Army. There was also the "bulldozer assault", wherein the 1st & 2nd brigades from the 1st Infantry Division (Mechanized) used mine plows mounted on tanks and combat earthmovers to bury Iraqi soldiers defending the fortified "Saddam Line." While approximately 2,000 of the troops surrendered, escaping burial, one newspaper story reported that the U.S. commanders estimated thousands of Iraqi soldiers had been buried alive during the two-day assault 24–25 February 1991.[citation needed] In 1996 the division colors were relocated to the German city of Würzburg. Balkans[] 2nd (Dagger) Brigade Combat Team deployed to Bosnia as part of IFOR (and subsequent SFOR) from October 1996 to April 1997. 2nd Brigade was replaced by element from 3rd Brigade and the division's aviation brigade. Units from the 1st (Devil) Brigade Combat Team also deployed to Bosnia as part of SFOR6 ("Operation Joint Forge") from August 1999 to April 2000. Elements of the division, to include personnel and units from the 2nd, 3rd and aviation brigades, served in Kosovo. During the Kosovo War three soldiers were captured by Serbian forces but were later released after peace talks. Units of the 1st Infantry Division served in Kosovo as part of the NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR) 1A and KFOR 1B from June 1999 to June 2000, then again for KFOR 4A and 4B from May 2002 to July 2003. Iraq 2003[] One battalion of the 3rd (Duke) Brigade, 1–63 Armor, deployed to Kirkuk, Iraq from their base in Rose Barracks, Germany, during the first-ever deployment of the USAREUR (United States Army Europe) Immediate Ready Task Force (IRTF) in March 2003, in support of the 173rd Airborne Brigade. The battalion redeployed to Europe with the 173rd in March 2004. The 1st (Devil) Brigade, 1st Infantry Division deployed from Fort Riley, Kansas in September 2003 to provide support to the 82nd Airborne Division in the city of Ramadi, Iraq. In February 2004, the Division deployed to Iraq, where it conducted a relief in place of the 4th Infantry Division, primarily in Salah ad-Din and Diyala provinces, with the division headquarters being located on Forward Operating Base Danger, near Saddam Hussein's hometown of Tikrit. Task Force Danger, as the division was called during OIF2, also had a light infantry brigade from the 25th Infantry Division, another brigade the 30th Infantry Brigade (Enhanced) (Separate) "Old Hickory" of the North Carolina Army National Guard, and the 264th Engineer Group of the Wisconsin Army National Guard. In September 2004, the 1st Brigade was replaced by elements from the 2nd Infantry Division in Ramadi and redeployed to Ft. Riley. In February 2005, the division was replaced by the 42d Infantry Division, New York National Guard, and elements of the 3rd Infantry Division and returned to its home in Germany. Rebasing to CONUS[] In July 2006 the division was withdrawn from Germany back to Fort Riley in CONUS, leaving only 2nd (Dagger) Brigade in Schweinfurt, Germany until 28 March 2008 when the 3rd Brigade, 1st Armored Division reflagged as the 2nd Brigade, 1st Infantry Division. Currently there are three maneuver (1st, 2nd and 4th BDE), one CAB and one sustainment brigade are based at Fort Riley, Kan., with one brigade (3rd BDE) based out of Ft Knox, KY. Operation Iraqi Freedom 06-08[] The 2nd (Dagger) Brigade Combat Team deployed to Iraq from mid-August 2006 to late November 2007. 1st Battalion, 26th Infantry Regiment was the first to embark and was sent to the Adhamiya district of Baghdad to assist in suppressing the widespread sectarian violence. The 1st Battalion, 77th Armor Regiment was deployed to Ramadi and the 1st Battalion, 18th Infantry Regiment was sent to Forward Operating Base Falcon in the Al Rashid district of southwest Baghdad. HQ and HQ Company 2BCT, 1st ID, 9th Engineer BN, 1st Battalion, 7th Field Artillery Regiment, 299th Support Battalion, and 57th Signal Company were all (Dagger) units occupying Camp Liberty, a sprawling encampment of 30,000+ military and DoD civilians located just east of Baghdad International Airport (BIAP). 2BCT MP PLT (formerly 2nd Platoon, 1st Military Police Company) was located at FOB(Forward Operating Base) Justice. During the 15-month deployment, 61 soldiers from the Brigade were killed including 31 from 1–26 infantry which gained notoriety for having the most casualties in any single battalion since the Vietnam War. Elements from Fort Riley's 1st (Devil) Brigade deployed in the fall of 2006 to other area of operations in Iraq. Units include companies from the 1st Battalion, 16th Infantry; 1st Battalion, 34th Armor; 1st Battalion, 5th Field Artillery; 1st Engineer Battalion; and D Troop, 4th Cavalry. Transition team training mission[] State-side training for the military transition teams (MiTTs) is located at Fort Riley, Kansas. Training began 1 June 2006. Some of the units such as the 18th Infantry Regiment, the 26th Infantry Regiment, and the 16th Infantry Regiment have already gone into Afghanistan along with some reconnaissance units. Those units have been in the Kunar Province since mid-2006. As of fall 2009 the transition team training mission has moved to Fort Polk, and the 1st Brigade has transitioned into a combat ready force with possible plans to deploy in the next few years. Iraq 2007[] In February 2007, the 4th Infantry Brigade Combat Team deployed to southern Baghdad in support of Operation Iraqi Freedom. the second unit tasked with the "surge" announced earlier in the year by President Bush. The main force of the brigade was under Col "Ricky" Gibbs at FOB Falcon. 2nd Battalion, 16th Infantry was put under operational control of 2nd Brigade, 2nd Infantry Division, and located at FOB Rustamiyah (Featured in the Book "the Good Soldiers" by Washington Post reporter David Finkel) In the fall of 2007, the Combat Aviation Brigade (Demon Brigade), 1st Infantry Division deployed to Iraq and was placed under the command of Multinational Division – North located at COB Spiecher. The majority of the CAB is stationed at COB Spiecher, with the 1st Squadron, 6th Cavalry Regiment and some supporting elements stationed at FOB Warrior. Afghanistan 2008–09[] In June and July 2008, 3rd Brigade deployed to Eastern Afghanistan under the command of CJTF-101, relieving the 173rd Airborne Brigade and taking control of the Kunar, Nuristan, Nangarhar, and Laghman provinces. One of the brigades infantry battalions, 2nd Battalion, 2nd Infantry, was tasked out down south in the Kandahar province outside of the brigade command. Main focuses of the brigade and PRT were to protect population centers such as Jalalabad and Asadabad and help develop the local economy through the construction of roads, and provide security while doing so. The brigade returned to Ft. Hood, Texas in July 2009 after a year of combat in which they recorded over 1000 firefights, over 1000 enemy killed, over 500 bombs dropped, 26,000 rounds of artillery fire and over 400 Purple Hearts awarded, giving them the highest casualty rate of any Army or Marine Corps unit during their year-long tour.[citation needed] Iraq 2008–09[] In October 2008, the 2nd Heavy Brigade Combat Team deployed to northwest Baghdad in support of Operation Iraqi Freedom. The brigade HQ was located on VBC (Victory Base Complex) and the brigade was responsible for the NW quarter of Baghdad. During this deployment soldiers of the 1st CAB (Combined Arms Battalion), 18th Infantry Regiment were located on FOB Justice. The 1st CAB, 63rd Armor was initially located in Mah-Muh-Diyah (south of Baghdad) and then relocated to JSS Nasir wa Salam (NWS) in the Abu Ghraib area to the west of Baghdad. 5th Squadron, 4th Cavalry was located in the Ghazaliyah area of West Baghdad where they battled the 1920s Revolutionary Brigade and eventually wrested control of the area from them. The 1st Battalion, 7th Field Artillery was located on FOB Prosperity within the "Green Zone", and the 2nd Brigade Special Troops Battalion located in the Victory Base Complex. During the course of this deployment, the 4th Squadron, 10th Cavalry was attached to the brigade for several months, as well as the 1st Battalion, 41st Field Artillery, and a battalion from the 56th Stryker Brigade Combat Team (PAARNG). The most notable events which occurred during this time were the Iraqi provincial elections, the expiration of the UN Mandate and the corresponding implementation of the security agreement (SA), between the Government of Iraq and the United States, and "Bloody Wednesday" 19 August 2009 coordinated bombing of the finance ministry and the foreign ministry, with rocket attacks in the green zone. The bombings resulted in 101 dead and over 560 wounded. The Dagger Brigade experienced minor enemy contact during this deployment—although the brigade still had two KIAs (one serving as the brigade deputy commander's personal security detachment and one from the attached PAARNG battalion) and numerous WIA. During this deployment, LTC J.B. Richardson III (commander of 5–4 CAV) earned a Bronze Star for Valor for single-handedly assaulting through an enemy RKG-3 ambush and inflicting multiple casualties on the enemy. Iraq 2009–10[] 4th Infantry Brigade Combat Team (Dragons) deployed in August 2009 as one of the last combat units to be deployed to Iraq. Iraq 2010–11[] 1st Heavy Brigade Combat Team headquarters with their Brigade Support Battalion (BSB) and Special Troops Battalion deployed to Kirkuk, Iraq in October 2010 to establish the 1-1 Advise and Assist Task Force as part of Operation New Dawn. They were later joined by 1–5 FA in northern Iraq in late spring 2011. 2nd Heavy Brigade Combat Team deployed to Baghdad, Iraq in November 2010 in an advise and assist role as part of Operation New Dawn under the command of COL Paul T. Calvert. The brigade HQ was located at Victory Base Complex, where it was co-located within the USD-C Division HQ building and shared the same TOC. This unique C2 relationship earned the brigade the moniker of the "Luckiest Brigade in the Army" from the USD-C commander. The brigade was placed under USD-C (initially 1st AD, then 25th Infantry Division after Dec 2011) and was single-handedly responsible for the entire province of Baghdad. As the brigade responsible for the "center of gravity" (i.e. Baghdad) for United States Forces-Iraq, the 2nd "Dagger" Brigade was responsible for advising and assisting 50% of the Iraqi security forces within Iraq to include two Iraqi corps HQ (the Karkh Area Command and Rusafa Area Command) and seven Iraqi divisions (6th IA, 9th IA—Mechanized, 17th IA, 11th IA, 1st FP, 2nd FP, and 4th FP) and 50,000 Iraqi policemen. The 1st Battalion, 18th Infantry Regiment, commanded by LTC John Cross, was located at Camp Taji and FOB Old MOD. They were partnered with the 9th and 11th IA Divisions. 1st Battalion, 7th FA, commanded by LTC Andrew Gainey, was located at JSS Loyalty. They were partned with the 1st Federal Police Division. 1st Battalion, 63rd Armored, commanded by LTC Michael Henderson, was located at JSS Deason, Muthana Airfield, and VBC. They were partnered with the 6th and 17th IA Divisions. 5th Squadron, 4th Cavalry, commanded by LTC Mathew Moore was located at JSS Falcon. They were partnered with the 2nd and 4th FP Divisions. The Special Troops Battalion, commanded by LTC Shilisa Geter, was located at VBC (Victory Base Complex) and partnered with the Baghdad Police Directorate. Meanwhile, due to the drawdown of US forces and the redeployment of theater-level sustainment brigades, the 299th BSB, commanded by LTC Dale Farrand, assumed the area support mission for all DOD and DOS elements within the province of Baghdad in addition to supporting the Dagger Brigade. Significant events during this deployment included the resumption of attacks by the Sadrist movement and other Iranian-backed militia, the subsequent operations that stopped those attacks, the rearward passage of lines of USD-North as they redeployed through Baghdad, the organization and training of divisional field artillery regiments for the IA divisions, the fielding of M1 tanks for the 9th IA Division, and the hand-over of all US facilities within Baghdad to the Government of Iraq or elements of the US State Department. During this deployment the brigade simultaneously trained ISF units to the point of conducting Iraqi-led battalion CALFEXs, advised ISF units as they conducted hundreds of Iraqi-led raids which disrupted the attacks of Iranian-backed militia, while also conducting unilateral and combined force protection operations to ensure the security of US bases and redeploying US forces. The brigade experienced nine KIAs during this deployment, the majority of which resulted from a single IRAM attack (improvised rocket-assisted munition) conducted against JSS Loyalty by Iranian-backed militia on 6 Jun 2011. The brigade departed Iraq in November 2011 after having turned the majority of the city of Baghdad over to complete Iraqi control. http://www.1id.army.mil/NewsViewer.aspx?id=6258===Afghanistan 2011–12=== From 1st Heavy Brigade Combat Team, 1–16 IN (CAB) and 4-4 CAV deployed to Afghanistan in the winter of 2011, with 2–34 AR (CAB) later deploying in the spring of 2011. 1–16 IN (CAB) was assigned to support the combined joint special task force, the Iron Rangers were deployed to 58 remote locations across Afghanistan. They completed more than 10,000 missions as part of village stability operations with the Afghan people. The operations connected the government of Afghanistan to the village level and taught Afghans about their constitution. 2-34 AR (CAB) was deployed to Maiwand District, Kandahar Province located southern Afghanistan near the Kandahar/Helmand Province border.[18] 4-4 CAV was deployed to central Zhari District, Kandahar province and conducted thousands of combat patrols throughout the birthplace and homeland of the Taliban. 3rd Infantry Brigade Combat Team deployed to Khost and Paktya provinces in Eastern Afghanistan in January 2011. 2nd Battalion, 2nd Infantry Regiment was once again detached from the brigade and deployed to Ghazni province under Polish command.[citation needed] The brigade conducted Operations Tofan I and II. Tofan I's mission was to disrupt insurgent safe havens in the Musa Khel region of Khowst province, improve the ability for the government to reach the people there and gather intelligence for planning future operations.[19] Tofan II's mission was to establish contact with the insurgents, disrupt their logistics, and reduce any material or moral support from the local population. Movement to the extremely remote area, which featured narrow or non-existent roads set among mountains, included mounted and dismounted soldiers who also had to be aware of the need to control the key terrain features around Suri Kheyl.[20] Afghanistan 2012–13[] The 1st Infantry Division Headquarters deployed to Bagram, Afghanistan in April 19, 2012 as part of Operation Enduring Freedom XIII after receiving responsibility for Regional Command (East)(RC(E)) from 1st Cavalry Division.[21] The Division served as the Combined Joint Task Force-1 (CJTF-1) and RC(E), command and controlling the vital region (Bamiyan, Parwan, Panjshayr, Kapisa, Laghman, Nuristan, Konar, Nangarhar, Wardak, Logar, Paktiya, Khowst, Ghazni, and Paktika) surrounding Kabul and a large portion of the volatile border with Pakistan. During the Division's tenure in Afghanistan, the Big Red One oversaw a transition of authority to the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF)201st Corps North of Kabul and had prepared the ANSF 203rd Corps to assume full security responsibility South of Kabul prior to transitioning RC(E) to 101st Airborne Division (AASLT). The 4th IBCT deployed to Afghanistan in May 2012 for a 9-month deployment. The brigade operated in Ghazni and Paktika provinces in eastern Afghanistan.[22] Dragon Brigade concluded its deployment in February 2013, transitioning oversight of Ghazni province to 1st Brigade, 10th Mountain Division and Paktika province to 2nd Brigade, 10th Mountain Division and full security responsibility for those provinces to 3rd and 2nd Brigades, ANSF 203rd Corps, respectively.[23] The 1st Infantry Division Combat Aviation Brigade will deploy to Southern Afghanistan in August 2013. Insignia[] The insignia of the 1st Infantry Division originated in World War I. There are two theories as to how the idea of the patch came about. The first theory states that the 1st Division supply trucks were manufactured in England. To make sure the 1st Division's trucks were not confused with other allies, the drivers would paint a huge "1" on the side of each truck. Later, the division engineers would go even farther and put a red number one on their sleeves.[24] The second theory claims that a general of the division decided the unit should have a shoulder insignia. He decided to cut a red numeral "1" from his flannel underwear. When he showed his prototype to his men, one lieutenant said, "the general's underwear is showing!" Offended, the general challenged the young lieutenant to come up with something better. So, the young officer cut a piece of gray cloth from the uniform of a captured soldier, and placed the red "1" on top.[24] Song[] Toast of the Army, Favorite Son! Hail to the brave Big Red One! Always the first to thirst for a fight. No foe shall challenge our right to victory. We take the field, A grand sight to see. Pride of the Infantry. Men of a great division, Courage is our tradition, Forward the Big Red One! According to the 1st Infantry Division history, the song was composed in 1943 by Captain Donald T. Kellett, who retired after a 30-year career as a Colonel and died in 1991.[25] Current structure[] 1st Infantry Division consists of the following elements: Division Headquarters and Headquarters Battalion (DHHB) Headquarters and Support Company Operations Company Intelligence and Sustainment Company Division Signal Company 1st Infantry Division Band Commanding General's Mounted Color Guard 1st Brigade Combat Team (Heavy) Devil Brigade[1][26] Special Troops Battalion "Defiant"[27] 4th Squadron, 4th Cavalry Regiment Pale Riders 2nd Battalion, 34th Armor Regiment Dreadnaughts 1st Battalion, 16th Infantry Regiment Iron Rangers 1st Battalion, 5th Field Artillery Regiment 101st Brigade Support Battalion 2nd Brigade Combat Team (Heavy) Dagger Brigade Special Troops Battalion Griffins[28] 5th Squadron, 4th Cavalry Regiment 1st Battalion, 63rd Armor Regiment Dragons 1st Battalion, 18th Infantry Regiment Vanguards 1st Battalion, 7th Field Artillery Regiment First Lightning 299th Brigade Support Battalion Lifeline 3rd Brigade Combat Team (Infantry) Duke Brigade at Fort Knox, Kentucky (to inactivate by 2017)[2] Special Troops Battalion[29] 6th Squadron, 4th Cavalry Regiment 1st Battalion, 26th Infantry Regiment 2nd Battalion, 2nd Infantry Regiment 1st Battalion, 6th Field Artillery Regiment 201st Brigade Support Battalion 4th Brigade Combat Team (Infantry) Dragon Brigade (to inactivate by 2017)[3] Special Troops Battalion[30] 1st Squadron, 4th Cavalry Regiment 1st Battalion, 28th Infantry Regiment Black Lions 2nd Battalion, 16th Infantry Regiment Rangers 2nd Battalion, 32nd Field Artillery Regiment Proud Americans 701st Brigade Support Battalion Combat Aviation Brigade, 1st Infantry Division Demon Brigade Headquarters and Headquarters Company 1st Battalion (Attack), 1st Aviation with 24 AH-64D Apache Longbows 1st Squadron, 6th Cavalry Regiment with 24 OH-58 Kiowas The Fighting Sixth 2nd Battalion (General Support), 1st Aviation Regiment with 8 UH-60L/M Black Hawks, 10 CH-47D Chinooks and 10 HH-60L/M Black Hawks 3rd Battalion (Assault), 1st Aviation Regiment with 30 UH-60M Black Hawks 601st Aviation Support Battalion The division is supported by the 1st Sustainment Brigade at Fort Riley and by the 75th Fires Brigade at Fort Sill. Awards and decorations[] Campaign credit[] Conflict Streamer Year(s) World War I Montdidier-Noyon 1918 Aisne-Marne 1918 St. Mihiel 1918 Meuse-Argonne 1918 Lorraine 1917 1917 Lorraine 1918 1918 Picardy 1918 1918 World War II Algeria-French Morocco (with arrowhead) 1942 Tunisia 1942 Sicily (with arrowhead) 1943 Normandy (with arrowhead) 1944 Northern France 1944 Rhineland 1945 Ardennes-Alsace 1944-1945 Central Europe 1945 Vietnam War Defense 1965 Counteroffensive 1965–1966 Counteroffensive, Phase II 1966–1967 Counteroffensive, Phase III 1967–1968 Tet Counteroffensive 1968 Counteroffensive, Phase IV 1968 Counteroffensive, Phase V 1968 Counteroffensive, Phase VI 1968–1969 Tet 69/Counteroffensive 1969 Summer-Fall 1969 1969 Winter-Spring 1970 1969–1970 Gulf War Defense of Saudi Arabia 1990-1991 Liberation and Defense of Kuwait 1991 Ceasefire 1991 Global War On Terrorism Global War on Terrorism 2001-Current Operation Iraqi Freedom Iraqi Governance 2004 National Resolution 2005 Iraqi Surge 2007 Iraqi Sovereignty 2009 New Dawn 2010 Operation Enduring Freedom Transition I 2011–2012 Unit decorations[] Ribbon Award Year Notes Meritorious Unit Commendation (Army) VIETNAM 1968 Meritorious Unit Commendation (Army) SOUTHWEST ASIA Army Superior Unit Award (Army) 1997 French Croix de Guerre, with Palm KASSERINE French Croix de Guerre, with Palm NORMANDY French Croix de guerre, World War II, Fourragere Belgian Fourragere 1940 Cited in the Order of the Day of the Belgian Army For action at MONS Cited in the Order of the Day of the Belgian Army For action at EUPEN-MALMEDY Republic of Vietnam Cross of Gallantry, with Palm 1965-1968 For service in Vietnam Republic of Vietnam Civil Action Unit Citation 1965–1970 For service in Vietnam See also[] The Big Red One (1980), a movie about the division's experiences in World War II written by Samuel Fuller who served in the division during World War II. Cantigny, the former estate of Col. Robert R. McCormick, is where the 1st Infantry Division Museum is located. The museum showcases the history of the 1st Infantry Division, from their involvement in World War I to the present, along with several tanks situated outside the museum dating from World War I to the present. First Division Monument Iraq Assistance Group, a former joint command coordinating the coalition military transition team mission in Iraq which was formed from the 1st Infantry Division. Notes[] References[] This article incorporates public domain material from the United States Army Center of Military History document "1st Infantry Division Honors". Further reading[] Felix G. "Third Graders at War" The true story of a Cavalry Scout during Operation Desert Storm ISBN 978-1-4575-0152-4 Rohan, John Rags, The Dog Who Went to War, Diggory Press, ISBN 978-1-84685-364-7 Gantter, Raymond Roll Me Over, An Infantryman's World War II, Ivy Books, ISBN 0-8041-1605-9 Stanton, Shelby, Vietnam Order of Battle: A Complete Illustrated Reference to the U.S. Army and Allied Ground Forces in Vietnam, 1961–1973, Stackpole Books 2006 ISBN 0-8117-0071-2 [] Official 1st Infantry Division website Society of the First Infantry Division Duty First: The 1st Infantry Division's award-winning quarterly magazine First Division Museum at Cantigny Park GlobalSecurity.org page on 1ID The First! The Story of the 1st Infantry Division (WWII divisional history booklet, 1945) Echoes of War: Stories from the Big Red One Interactive PBS documentary about the 1st Infantry Div. 1st Infantry Division Living History Group – Germany Cantigny First Division Oral Histories, includes freely accessible video oral history interviews with veterans of the U.S. Army's First Infantry Division Media The short film Big Picture: The Big Red One is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more] The short film "The Fighting First (1946)" is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more] The short film STAFF FILM REPORT 66-5A (1966) is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more] The short film STAFF FILM REPORT 66-1OA (1966) is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more] The short film STAFF FILM REPORT 66-17A (1966) is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more] The short film STAFF FILM REPORT 66-21A (1966) is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more] The short film STAFF FILM REPORT 66-22A (1966) is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more] The short film STAFF FILM REPORT 66-29A (1966) is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more] The short film STAFF FILM REPORT 66-30A (1966) is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more]
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7368	dbpedia	2	67	https://www.gutenberg.org/files/58632/58632-h/58632-h.htm	en	The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Maryland Line in the Confederate States Army, by W. W. Goldsborough			[ "https://www.gutenberg.org/files/58632/58632-h/images/i002.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/files/58632/58632-h/images/d007.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/files/58632/58632-h/images/i008.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/files/58632/58632-h/images/i049.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/files/58632/58632-h/images/i075.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/files/58632/58632-h/images/i108.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/files/58632/58632-h/images/i117.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/files/58632/58632-h/images/i169.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/files/58632/58632-h/images/i192.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/files/58632/58632-h/images/i212.jpg", "https://www.gutenberg.org/files/58632/58632-h/images/i309.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en			null	The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Maryland Line in the Confederate States Army., by W. W. Goldsborough This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license Title: The Maryland Line in the Confederate States Army. Author: W. W. Goldsborough Release Date: January 6, 2019 [EBook #58632] Language: English Character set encoding: UTF-8 * START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MARYLAND LINE * Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by the Library of Congress) Almost four years have elapsed since the surrender of General Lee at Appomattox Court House, and as yet nothing has been presented to the world to show the prominent part taken in the Great Rebellion by the sons of Maryland. It is a glorious and important page in her honored history, and future generations seem likely to look in vain for a record of the patient suffering and heroic achievements of their forefathers when struggling for their rights against Yankee tyranny and oppression, and which was not surpassed by their sires of the Revolution of â76. Thus believing, the author has yielded to the importunities of many of the officers and men of the several commands that composed the young âMaryland Line,â and presents to the public a little book describing briefly its operations during those four eventful years, and to which they can refer, and by which future historians may be in a measure guided. That it is written by a feeble pen, and by one unaccustomed to such work, will be seen at a glance, and he therefore craves the indulgence of a generous people. It is much to be regretted that the young men who went South did not organize themselves into one command; but the proper steps were not taken in time, and consequently batteries and companies of infantry and cavalry were assigned to other commands whose States were accredited with their services. Nevertheless 6Maryland had one representative, at least, in this little organization, and for which she has no reason to blush. The books at the War Department contained the names of over twenty thousand Marylanders in the service, and still at no time could the âMaryland Lineâ be increased to the proportions of a brigade, much less a division. One great reason for this was the fact that they were required to officer companies, regiments, and brigades of troops from other States, for, as a general thing, the young men from Maryland were of a superior order intellectually, who were actuated by patriotism alone, and not driven into the service by the conscript officer, or influenced by mercenary motives. Thinking to contribute to the interest of this little book, the author has added a few incidents of a personal character, which, with the âMaryland Line,â he hopes will be favorably received by the Southern people, and by that portion of the people of the North from whom we received a sympathizing tear during our struggle for independence. CHAPTER I. It was towards the close of April, 1861, that several members of the Baltimore City Guard Battalion (which organization had been under arms since the memorable 19th) were sitting around the dinner table in their armory, discussing the probability of Baltimore soon being in the possession of the troops under the command of the subsequently infamous Benjamin F. Butler. Various were the opinions expressed; but it was pretty generally conceded that, to use Hawk-Eyeâs expression, the city âwas circumvented,â and the Maryland Militia had no longer any terrors for the doughty Butler and his legions. I had long before determined upon going South, when I could no longer serve my native State; and such was also the determination of most of those around me. âThe thing is up, boys,â said Dr. Harry Scott, 8Surgeon of the Guards, âand we now begin to see who is who. All seemed mighty anxious for a fight last Sunday; but, Lord, what a change has come over the spirit of their dreams! of glory and of conquest, now that the city is about to fall into the hands of the enemy. And how hard those who were most violent at first, are now striving to prove themselves the most loyal men in Baltimore. Then all were disloyal; now look at the loyal! and it pains me to see many of this very organization appear here in citizenâs dress, as though they were frightened at what they had done. Thereâs Fulton, of the American, out this morning in an article denouncing the outrage upon the American flag in opposing the passage of troops through the city; and it is well known to all that he was among the first and most earnest advocates of the measure. For my part, I am going South to join the Confederate army.â âAnd I, and I, and I,â came from a dozen present. âAnd I,â exclaimed Jim Sellman, springing to his feet and assuming an attitude that only Jim Sellman could assume. âI tell you, gentlemen, the Federal Union must not and shall not be preserved, old Hickory to the contrary, notwithstanding. Such an outrage as this coercion has never before been perpetrated upon a free people; no, not since Noah drove into the ark his monkeys, dromedaries, 9rhinoceroses, kangaroos, etc., etc. But then the Lord told Noah to coerce the dumb brute for the benefit of future generations; and it is the devil who tells this government to drive us back into the Union, for the benefit of Yankee cotton and boot and shoe manufacturers. I tell you it shanât be âdid;â and I say again, in the language of the immortal Andrew Jackson, âThe Federal Union must not and shall not be preserved at the expense of Southern independence,â and I for one shall help to bust her. Follow me. Iâll be your Beauregard. Iâll lead you on to victory or to death. Keep in my foot-prints, thatâs all.â Twenty men volunteered upon the spot, whereupon the inimitable Beauregard, (for so Sellman was ever after called,) placing his dexter finger in his mouth, and imitating the popping of a champagne cork, circulated the ice-water freely, declaring vehemently it was his âtreat.â It was about the 7th of May that the party, now increased to forty men, left Baltimore by the several routes to Richmond. Upon reaching that city we met quite a number of Marylanders who had preceded us. Two companies of infantry were quickly formed, and placed under the command of Captains Edward R. Dorsey and J. Lyle Clark. A third was also started, which, upon being completed, was commanded by the gallant Capt. Wm. H. Murray. I will not tire the reader with a description of 10our life at the camp of instruction, to which place we were ordered after being mustered in; nor of our quarters in the pig-pens, but lately occupied by the four-legged recruits of the fair grounds; of the countless millions of fleas that took up their quarters in closer proximity to our flesh than was agreeable; of the sweats around the race track at the double quick; no, suffice it to say, that through the exertions of our officers, in a very short time our drill and discipline rivalled that of the famous Lexington cadets, who were upon the ground, and vast were the crowds attracted by our afternoon drills and dress parades. The 25th of June found the companies of Captains Dorsey and Murray in Winchester, to complete the organization of the First Maryland. Capt. Clark, for some reason, preferred attaching his company to the Twenty-First Virginia Regiment, a step he ever after regretted, for the regiment was sent to the wilds of West Virginia, where they saw but little service, and were compelled to endure dreadful sufferings and privations. The companies of the regiment we met at Winchester had been organized at Harperâs Ferry, where they were for several weeks engaged in picketing Maryland Heights and other points, and through their exertions, in the evacuation of the place and destruction of the rifle works, government property of much value to us was saved that would have been otherwise destroyed by the excited and 11thoughtless troops, for we were yet young in the art of war.[1] For their services upon this occasion, General Joseph E. Johnston issued the following complimentary order: The Commanding General thanks Lt. Col. Steuart and the Maryland Regiment for the faithful and exact manner in which they carried out his orders of the 19th inst. at Harperâs Ferry. He is glad to learn that, owing to their discipline, no private property was injured and no unoffending citizen disturbed. The soldierly qualities of the Maryland Regiment will not be forgotten in the day of action. The First Maryland was organized and officered as follows: Colonel, Arnold Elzey; Lieutenant-Colonel, George H. Steuart; Major, Bradley T. Johnson; Acting Adjutant, Frank X. Ward. Company A.âCaptain, W. W. Goldsborough; Lieutenants, George R. Shellman, Chas. Blair and George M. E. Shearer. Company B.âCaptain, Columbus Edelin; Lieutenants, James Mullin, Thomas Costello and Jos. Griffin. 12Company C.âCaptain, E. R. Dorsey; Lieutenants, S. H. Stewart, R. C. Smith and William Thomas. Company D.âCaptain, James R. Herbert; Lieutenants, George Booth, Nicholas Snowden and Willie Key Howard. Company E.âCaptain, Harry McCoy; Lieutenants, John Lutts, Joseph Marriott and John Cushing. Edmund OâBrien was shortly after elected Captain, McCoy having resigned. Company F.âCaptain, Louis Smith; Lieutenants, Joseph Stewart, William Broadfoot and Thos. Holbrook. Company G.âCaptain, Willie Nicholas; Lieutenants, Alexander Cross and John Deppich. Company H.âCaptain, Wm. H. Murray; Lieutenants, George Thomas, Frank X. Ward and Richard Gilmor. Some time after, whilst at Centreville, Company I joined us, having the following officers: Company I.âCaptain, Michael S. Robertson; Lieutenants, H. H. Bean, Hugh Mitchell and Eugene Diggs.[2] The regiment numbered over seven hundred men, and was second to none in the Confederate army. But two companies were uniformed at the time of its organization, (those from Richmond), but soon after, through the exertions of Mrs. Bradley T. 13Johnson, the whole command was dressed in neat, well-fitting gray uniforms. With the exception of two companies, the regiment was armed with the deadly Mississippi rifle, which was also procured by Mrs. Johnson, through her influence with the Governor of North Carolina, of which State she was a native. The organization had scarcely been effected when, in the afternoon of the first day of July, orders were received to cook two dayâs rations and prepare to move at a momentâs notice. Our destination was for some time unknown; but it was soon whispered around that Patterson had crossed the Potomac at Williamsport with a large army, and, although vigorously attacked by a brigade under General Jackson, was driving that General before him, and advancing rapidly in the direction of Winchester. At four oâclock, we commenced the march to meet the enemy, every man full of confidence and enthusiasm. As we passed the then beautiful residence of the Hon. James M. Mason, that venerable gentleman, with his lovely family, stood in the gateway and bid us God speed. Alas, Yankee vandals have been there since; and, when last I visited the place, I found nothing but a mass of rubbish to mark the spot where once stood the stately mansion of one of Virginiaâs wisest and purest statesmen. That night the army went into camp near Bunker Hill, some ten miles from Winchester. The 14march was resumed early next morning, and by twelve oâclock our line of battle was formed a short distance beyond the little village of Darksville, and about five miles from the advance of Pattersonâs army. To the First Maryland was assigned the post of honor, the extreme right; and, had there been occasion, most stubbornly would they have contested every inch of the ground they occupied. The army, under the command of General Joseph E. Johnston, numbered eleven thousand men of all arms, indifferently armed and equipped, and totally unacquainted with the drill and discipline so essential to the soldier; and yet these were the very troops that a few days later hurled back the legions of McDowell from the plains of Manassas, and who now threw down the gage of battle to Patterson and his twenty-five thousand trained volunteers from the cities of the North. The material was there, and time was only required to make them the invincible troops they afterwards proved themselves on more than one hard fought battle field. Four days we awaited the coming of the Federal army, although General Johnston wished to avoid an engagement if possible. The odds were fearful, two to one, but the troops were sanguine of success should the enemy attack us upon ground of our own choosing. But the enemy did not advance; and, fearing he was too far from Manassas, where Beauregard was daily expecting an attack from 15McDowell, the Confederate commander determined to fall back to Winchester, and from that place watch the movements of Patterson. A few days after, that General advanced his army to Bunker Hill, and went into camp. No change took place in the relative positions of the two armies until the 18th day of July, when Patterson broke camp and moved around in the direction of Charlestown. General Johnston was quickly informed of this change of position by the ever vigilant Colonel J. E. B. Stuart, in command of the cavalry; and almost at the same hour he received a despatch from General Beauregard announcing that the enemy had attacked him at Bull Run in heavy force, and that he required assistance. Orders to march were immediately issued, and by four oâclock the last of the troops filed through the streets of Winchester. It was a silent march indeed. There were no bright smiles to greet us from the fair daughters of the town; no waving of handkerchiefs, no expression of joy; for all believed that the Confederate army was retreating from the superior forces of Patterson, and that they were soon to experience the horrors of a military despotism. And the troops partook of the same feeling, for, as yet, our destination had not been divulged to them. But few cheers were heard as they moved sullenly along the quiet streets. We took the Millwood road, and, after marching 16about three miles. Col. Elzey halted the regiment and read the order to march to the assistance of Beauregard. âYou are, therefore,â he continued, âon the march to meet the enemy; and, in the hour of battle, you will remember that you are Marylanders. Every eye from across the waters of the Potomac which separates you from your homes is upon you, and all those who are dear to us are watching with anxious, beating hearts the fleshing of your maiden sword. And they shall not be disappointed, for he had better never been born who proves himself a craven when we grapple with the foeman.â A cheer that might have been heard for miles went up from that little band of patriots; and, with flushed cheek and flashing eyes, they asked to be led against the enemy. All that night we pressed forward, halting at intervals for a few minutesâ rest; and an hour before day we reached the Shenandoah at Berryâs Ferry, where it was determined to halt for breakfast. At seven oâclock we resumed our march, and, fording the river, crossed the mountain at Ashbyâs Gap, and took the road to Piedmont, on the line of the Manassas Gap railroad, where we expected to find transportation to the scene of strife. The dayâs march was a distressing one, as the heat was intolerable; but the gallant troops pressed rapidly forward, stimulated by occasional reports from the battle field. 17During the day, General Johnston organized his army into brigades, which, it is strange to say, had been deferred until the very eve of battle. It was our good fortune to be placed under the command of General Kirby Smith, whose brigade was composed of the First Maryland, Colonel Elzey; Thirteenth Virginia, Col. A. P. Hill (afterwards the famous corps commander); Tenth Virginia, Colonel Gibbons, and Third Tennessee, Colonel Vaughn. Piedmont was reached late that night by the rear of the army in the midst of a terrific thunderstorm, and, despite the pelting rain, the exhausted troops threw themselves upon the soaking ground and slept soundly until morning. CHAPTER II. The sun rose next day bright and beautiful, and, the scene that presented itself as we responded to reveille was animated indeed. The troops were eagerly crowding into the cars prepared to convey them to the battle field, and, from the boisterous mirth to be heard on all sides, one would have supposed them on their way to participate in some grand holiday parade instead of scenes of death and carnage. Several regiments had been forwarded, and all were impatiently awaiting their turn, when we met 18with a disaster that threw a damper over all, and well nigh lost us the first battle of Manassas. The engineers of two of the trains were Yankees, who had been in the employ of the company for a long time. These men, true to their natural instincts and training, treacherously concocted a plan to collide their trains and thereby delay the troops of Johnston so much needed by Beauregard; and totally regardless of the consequences that might ensue to the hundreds of brave men placed at their mercy, consummated their wicked designs. Fortunately but few were hurt, and none killed; but an engine and train were destroyed, and the road so blockaded and injured that the utmost efforts of the large force immediately set to work failed to put it in running order before next morning. The loss of this train was a severe blow to us, as we now had but two trains left. However, on the morning of the 21st of July these two resumed their trips, and each had made a successful run when, in making the second, the engine of the hindmost trainâupon which was Kirby Smithâs brigadeâbroke down, and we were consequently delayed until the return of the first engine, some two hours and a half. The battle had been raging since morning, and the whole of the army should have reached Beauregard the evening before, whereas barely two-thirds had joined him at the close of the fight. It was nearly one oâclock when we disembarked 19at Manassas, where we found an officer of Johnstonâs staff awaiting with an order for us to push forward with all possible dispatch. Hastily throwing off their knapsacks, the troops struck across the country in the direction of the smoke of battle and the sound of artillery, which could now be plainly seen and heard. Not a breath of air was stirring, and the heat and dust were almost suffocating; but on, on we went, sometimes slacking our pace to a walk to recover breath, but never halting until we had made four miles and were within a mile of the battle-field. Here we stopped but for a minute to allow the men to fill their canteens out of a muddy little stream, when the march was resumed at the same rapid gait, the gallant Smith at our head, encouraging us to âpush on.â As we neared the field, we knew by the rapid discharges of artillery and the incessant rattle of musketry, that the fight was being stubbornly contested. We presently began to meet the wounded, one of whom to our inquiry as to how the fight was going, answered, âGo on, boys, go on; but Iâm afeared youâll be too late, for Iâm thinkinâ theyâre licken of us. But go on; thereâs no tellin.â All told us the same, but encouraged us to press forward, as we âmight get there in time yet.â As we drew nearer the field, the enemy were made aware of our approach by the clouds of dust we raised, and several pieces of artillery were trained 20upon us. The scene that presented itself as we emerged from a strip of pines was frightful indeed, and in no way calculated to encourage us to advance farther. Wagons in great numbers were coming to the rear at headlong speed, and demoralized fugitives by hundreds from the battle-field were rushing frantically by, crying out, âAll is lost, all is lost; go back, or youâll be cut to pieces; the army is in full retreat,â etc. And indeed so it seemed; for presently we met a whole regiment coming off, and, upon making inquiry for the cause, we were coolly told that âThey had got somewhat tangled in the fight; and as we were whipped and retreating, they didnât think it worth while to stay any longer.â But amid prospects so discouraging, the command from our gallant general was ever âForward, forward, my brave men! pay no attention to those miserable cowards and skulkers.â The First Maryland had the right of the line, at the head of which was riding General Kirby Smith. We were still marching by the flank, when, just as the column entered a strip of woods, it was fired upon by about a dozen of the 14th Brooklyn Zouaves; and the general fell from his horse shot through the neck, and it was feared at the time fatally wounded. Corporal John Berryman, of Company C, First Maryland, fell at the fire also, with a dreadful wound through the groin. The regiment, as did the brigade, formed line of battle 21instinctively, and, not knowing what might be the enemyâs force, prepared for an attack. The command now devolved upon Colonel Elzey, the senior officer, who, after waiting some minutes, and the enemy not appearing, moved the brigade obliquely through the woods to the left and front, and as we approached its edge the Federal line of battle appeared in view, which, as they perceived us, poured into our ranks a terrific volley of musketry, that took effect upon several of the men of the brigade. Private John Swisher, of Company A, First Maryland, fell from a musket ball in the head, and died soon after, being the first man from Maryland killed in actual battle. Colonel Elzey immediately prepared to attack. Holding the Thirteenth Virginia in reserve, he formed the First Maryland, Tenth Virginia, and Third Tennessee, and under cover of a hot fire from the Newtown battery of light artillery, ordered a âcharge!â The enemy held a strong position on a ridge difficult of ascent, and immediately in front of a dense pine thicket. At least three hundred yards separated us, and the charge was to be across a wheatfield, and of course without shelter of any description. It was a desperate undertaking; but upon that charge rested the fate of the Confederate army. At the command, with one wild, deafening-yell, the Confederates emerged from the woods, and, amidst a perfect storm of bullets, the gallant fellows rushed 22across the field. But they never wavered nor hesitated, and, dashing up the acclivity, drove the enemy pell-mell from their strong position into the thicket in their rear. Halting the column for a minute to reform, Elzey pressed on in pursuit; and, when we came once more into the open country, we saw before us, and for a mile down to our right, no organized force, but one dense mass of fugitives. With the successful charge of Elzey upon their right flank, the whole of the Federal army had given way, and was rushing madly in the direction of Washington. Nothing that I ever saw afterwards could compare with that panic; and, as we pressed on in pursuit, men surrendered themselves by hundreds. It was whilst thus pursuing the enemy that President Davis and Generals Johnston and Beauregard rode up to Colonel Elzey, amid the joyful shouts of the men, and the former, with countenance beaming with excitement and enthusiasm, seizing him by the hand, and giving it a hearty shake, exclaimed: âGeneral Elzey, you are the Blucher of the day.â Inclining to the right, the command halted for a few minutes near the Henry House, and close by the famous Rickettâs battery, which had been captured by the Eighth Georgia infantry, after a most desperate struggle. The ground was thickly strewn with the dead and wounded of the Seventy-Ninth New York Highlanders, which gallant regiment had supported the battery. The wounded were suffering 23terribly for water; and our men spent every moment in attending to their wants. A little incident occurred here which I shall relate. Among the fatally wounded was an officer who, from his uniform, we knew to be a captain. The poor fellow had been shot through the head, and was about to breathe his last. Thinking to relieve him, Captain (afterwards Colonel) Herbert unbuttoned his coat, when he discovered a pocket-book and a package of letters in one of the pockets. Taking possession of them, he attended the wounded officer until he died. Upon examining the pocket-book, he found it contained some sixty-five or seventy dollars in gold; the letters were from his wife, and proved his name to be Brown. Two years after Captain Herbert was wounded and taken prisoner upon the field of Gettysburg. He had never parted with the gold nor the letters, and when sufficiently recovered from his wounds, he caused to be inserted in the New York Herald an advertisement calling upon the widow of the deceased officer to come forward and claim the property. In due time she made her appearance, a charming Scotch woman, not, as she said for the sake of claiming the money, but to hear from his own lips all about the last moments of her husband. She had received an imperfect account of his being shot from some of his men, but wished to learn of his death. Never shall I forget the look of gratitude she gave the Captain when he finished his story, (for the author 24was present at the interview,) and seizing his feeble hand, while great tears stole down her beautiful cheeks, she heaped upon him a thousand blessings. She was our constant attendant for a week afterwards, and when she left us, seemed much affected. We subsequently learned from her that a valuable and highly-prized watch that her husband had on his person when shot, had been recovered with much difficulty, one of his own men having appropriated it after his Captainâs fall. Resuming our march, the column crossed the Stone Bridge, and took the turnpike leading to Alexandria, confident that we were to pursue the enemy to the very gates of his capital. But we were doomed to a bitter disappointment; for, after marching a mile or two, we came to a right-about, and silently retraced our steps to Manassas. Tired, hungry and dispirited, we reached our camping ground long after nightfall, and, despite a drenching rain that set in about 12 oâclock, enjoyed a refreshing sleep. CHAPTER III. The morning after the battle of Manassas all seemed chaos, or confusion worse confounded. The cold, disagreeable rain that had set in during the night still continued, and the troops were provided 25with no means to shelter themselves from the pitiless storm which raged; and to add to this discomfort, the commissary wagons could not be found, and the men were almost entirely without provisions. Staff officers were galloping in every direction, looking for regiments that had been lost on the march of the night before, and it seemed for a while as though the utmost efforts of the general officers and their assistants would never be able to restore order out of all this muddle. All day long this state of affairs continued. We had gained a great battle, it was true, and had we continued the pursuit, the command would have remained intact to a great degree; but the demoralizing effects of countermarching an army in the moment of victory were here strongly evidenced. The impression had gained ground that an opportunity had been let slip to deal the enemy a fatal blow, and therefore dissatisfaction was expressed on every side, and more than once I heard it said that âif we had not intended following up what successes we might meet with, there was but little gained in fighting the battle.â Towards evening something like order seemed restored, and we waited in momentary expectation of hearing the command âForward.â But night came on, and we were still idly facing the pelting rain. Shivering, shaking, and wretched, the troops threw themselves upon the wet ground to await the morrow. 26At midnight we were aroused by the rattle of the kettle-drum calling us to arms, and never did men more readily respond to the summons. An order had been received for the First Maryland and the Third Tennessee to accompany Colonel J. E. B. Stuart, with cavalry and artillery, to Fairfax Court House. The night was intensely dark, and our progress was, therefore, necessarily slow. For hours we toiled through the deep mud, stumbling and falling over rocks, stumps and logs, and mistaking our way every mile, when at daylight we struck the turnpike leading to Alexandria, and but six miles from where we had started. The rain had now ceased, the clouds grew lighter and lighter, and presently the wind springing up, they were sent fleeting, and dancing, and skipping across heavenâs blue face, to be seen no more, we trusted, for many days to come. Never before had the glorious sun been more heartily welcomed by suffering humanity than it was that morning as it rose with silent majesty in the eastern sky. Never before had it appeared so lovely, never risen with such stately grandeur; and, as we gazed in its full, bright face, and began to feel its warm breath envelop us, we forgot all the sufferings and privations of the past thirty-six hours, and were made as happy as we had just before been miserable. Evidences of the enemyâs rapid retreat now appeared on every side. The first thing which we 27encountered was an abandoned wagon, ladened with army bread. Nothing could have been more acceptable, and the troops were bountifully supplied. A little farther a large camp was found, filled with everything conceivable that could contribute to the comfort and efficiency of an army. As we progressed, wagons in great numbers presented themselves, containing army stores, ammunition, arms, etc., while camp kettles, muskets, cartridge boxes, belts, breast-plates, etc., lined the road for miles. Broken-down buggies that had, no doubt, been abandoned by the valiant Yankee members of Congress who had started with the army, bound for Richmond, put in an occasional appearance. At one place a human arm was found that had, no doubt, been amputated in the ambulance which was conveying the sufferer to the rear in the general flight. It evidently had belonged to an officer, for it was of delicate mould and fair as womanâs, and on the little finger was an exquisitely-wrought ring, containing a brilliant and valuable diamond set. We reached Fairfax Court House by 12 oâclock, where we also found an immense quantity of stores, especially of clothing, which at that time was much needed by the Confederate Government. Nothing could exceed the joy of the inhabitants at once more beholding the gray they loved so well; but more than once they expressed their regret that we had not arrived some hours earlier; âfor,â said one of them, âfour thousand Yankees left here but 28this morning, who would have surrendered to a corporalâs guard, and those in advance of them were, if possible, in a worse plight, utterly demoralized, and without the semblance of organization.â A half mile beyond the village the command went into camp in a woods by the side of the turnpike, there to await orders from General Johnston, whom we supposed moving with the whole army upon Washington, and but a short distance in our rear. Reclining upon a bundle of straw, resting my tired, aching limbs, I was joined by my first Lieutenant, Shellman, who, with face radiant with joy, informed me that he had just heard the Colonel commanding express his belief that we would surely be in front of Washington before thirty-six hours. With all my heart did I hope it might prove true; but I had my doubts. I did not like the confusion we had witnessed, and feared it would require some days to reorganize the army, and place it in a condition to assume the offensive. That it was possible to yet retrieve the great error committed on the 21st and 22d, I was inclined to believe; but that it would be done was another question; and an observation from a private soldier suggested itself to me more than once. It was made while we were retracing our steps to Manassas after the battle, when all were out of humor. âA President and two Generals,â said he, âare too many to command one army.â And subsequent events proved how correct it was. 29As day after day passed by, and there appeared no indications of offensive operations being resumed, our hopes of a speedy peace vanished, and we saw nothing before us but a protracted and bloody struggle. Rapidly the enemy reorganized and reinforced his broken and discomfited army; and in an incredibly short time the genius of McClellan had placed around Washington an army and fortifications that it would have been madness for the Confederate Generals to attack. It was determined, however, to present to them a bold front to conceal as much as possible our own numerical inferiority, and, therefore, the Confederates were advanced until they held possession of Masonâs Hill, but five miles from Alexandria. Munsonâs Hill was soon after taken also, after a slight resistance; and the Southern army was thereby placed still nearer to the National Capital. The infantry, under the command of Colonel J. E. B. Stuart, remained some weeks at Fairfax, when it was ordered to Fairfax Station, on the line of the Orange and Alexandria railroad, there to reunite with the balance of the brigade, now commanded by General Elzey. Here we set ourselves down for a long stay, as everything indicated that hostilities would not be renewed until spring, for both governments seemed to have set to work preparing their respective armies for the desperate fighting to be then begun. 30Strict and rigid discipline was sought to be enforced throughout the Confederate army; and it was then we saw the incompetency of many of our officers, and had forebodings of the disastrous results likely to accrue from the wretched system adopted by the government of electing officers to companies instead of their being appointed by the Executive after a searching examination by an experienced and competent soldier. In a measure, the First Maryland Regiment was free from this evil, which was owing principally to the determined steps taken by Colonel Geo. H. Steuart, who had succeeded Colonel Elzey in its command. An old and experienced soldier himself, he soon saw who was competent and who was not. Some of the latter he disposed of in a summary manner, and with others he thought to bide his time. He enforced discipline to the strictest letter of the old army regulations, which, though at first very objectionable to both officers and men of his command, afterwards became popular as the good resulting therefrom developed itself. Drill by companies was had in the morning of every favorable day, and drill in the afternoon by battalion, with dress parade in the evening. Both officers and men were required to pay the strictest attention to their clothing and person, and the slightest neglect of either would draw from him a rebuke or punishment. The most rigid sanitary regulations were adopted for the camp; and when 31the neat appearance and healthy condition of the men were contrasted with that of other regiments around us, the most indifferent were stimulated to exert themselves to their utmost in sustaining the commandant in his efforts to promote the health and comfort of those placed under his charge; and, therefore, from its being at first one of the most obnoxious duties which the soldier had to perform, it became one of the most pleasant. That Colonel Steuart was popular with the regiment upon assuming command, I cannot say. In fact, I believe he was much disliked; but in less than two months he had won the love and affection of all. Where was there such a camp as that of the First Maryland? Where such drill and discipline; such healthy, rugged looking troops; such neat and soldierly fellows? Where was the regiment that could follow them on a long, weary march with that rapid, elastic step for which they were so famous? Nowhere in the Confederacy. Ever vigilant, ever watchful, ever cheerful in the discharge of their duties, they were the pride and boast of the army. With his officers, Colonel Steuart was strict and exacting, but always kind and courteous. He established a school for their instruction in tactics, and daily they were assembled at his headquarters for recitation; and not for his commission would one of them have appeared before him unable to recite the lessons he had been instructed to get. As a 32body, they were as intelligent a set of men as could be found in the army. I am compelled to say, however, that there were one or two disgraceful exceptions in the number. One of these, in particular, was a Captain Edelin, alias Lum Cooper, who had by some means been elected to the command of a fine company, composed principally of young men from Baltimore. Without even the rudiments of a common school education, holding the truth in utter contempt, and a low swaggerer, he had nothing to recommend him but his having lighted the lamps in the streets of Washington for years, and beat a drum in the war with Mexico. His conduct everywhere in the army was disgraceful in the extreme, and reflected discredit, not only upon the regiment to which he belonged, but upon the State, of which he was neither a native nor a resident. Finally, despised and avoided by all who, without knowing the man, had associated with him in the regiment, he ran the blockade, took the oath of allegiance to the Federal Government, and turned informer upon the Government of which he had been a sworn servant. CHAPTER IV. The fall of 1861 will ever be remembered by the survivors of the regiment, as the most pleasant experienced by them during the whole war. We 33had an abundance of clothing and wholesome food, whilst there was no scarcity of money with which to indulge in even some of the luxuries of life. And then the monotony of the camp was often changed to the excitement of picketing in front of the enemy on Masonâs and Munsonâs Hills, in the capture of both of which the First Maryland bore a conspicuous part. In the engagement at the latter place, we lost a private of Company I killed, and Lieutenant Mitchell, of the same company, badly wounded. During these picket reliefs, we had daily encounters with the enemy, in which we invariably got the better of him. The first that occurred I will relate, as Mr. Captain Edelin then and there gave us a specimen of military skill acquired on the head of a kettle-drum in Mexico. It was on the morning after the capture of Masonâs Hill, that Colonel Smith, the officer in command, wishing to advance his pickets as far as Clampittâs house, a mile in front of the main body, detailed Edelin for the duty. He moved his company forward through a thicket, and in a few minutes we were startled by the rapid discharges of musketry, which led Colonel Smith to believe he had encountered a heavy force of the enemy. Captain James R. Herbertâs company and my own were immediately sent to his support. Coming up with Edelin, he informed us that he had met a regiment of infantry, but, after a stubborn fight, the enemy had retreated, carrying his dead and wounded along. 34âBut,â said he, âthey are in the woods before us, and I must have artillery to drive them out;â and, turning to an orderly, he directed him to post off to Colonel Smith and request that officer to send him a battery forthwith. I saw an expression of ineffable contempt and disgust spread over the face of Lieutenant Costello, of his company, who, calling me aside, informed me that the sight of but one picket had occasioned all the firing, and that by the Captainâs orders. The courier dispatched to the commandant soon returned with the not very polite reply that âCaptain Edelin was a dâd fool, and he wanted no more such crazy requests.â âPuss in Boots,â as he was usually called, dropped his feathers instanter, but was heard to mutter something about âchallenge,â âduel.â Being the senior officer, he had command of the three companiesâsomething which neither Herbert nor myself relished in the least; and we, therefore, requested to be returned, as there was not the least likelihood of the enemy appearing in any force. Herbertâs request was granted; but I was ordered to remain where I was. A short time after two Yankee soldiers accidentally wandered into our lines and were captured. Here was a chance for our hero to win back the good opinion of the Colonel; so, mounting a great tall horse, (he was a very little man) he, in a pompous and important manner, marched the poor, 35half-frightened wretches into the presence of Col. Smith, to whom he told a wonderful story of the skill and strategy he had displayed in their capture. Being in command during his absence, and not feeling altogether satisfied with the position we held, I concluded to make a reconnoissance. Lieutenants Shearer and Costello were therefore detailed, and, with a squad of men, directed to move forward until they encountered the enemyâs pickets. In a few minutes the crack of several rifles told me they had found them. Fearing the party had perhaps fallen in with a superior force, I advanced with a few men to render assistance if required. Upon reaching them, however, I found it was but a single picket they had stumbled upon, who was shot and killed in attempting to escape. Edelin had heard the firing, and came down the road at full speed, but, halting his horse at a safe distance, bawled out: âCome back, come back; youâll all git killed.â Withdrawing my men, I rejoined the main body, where I was saluted with, âCapting, how dare you do anythink of this kind without my orders?â I explained to him that my purpose was to find a safer place in which to post the men, and suggested that we should move the whole command back to where I had just left. âI shall do no sich thing,â he answered. âYou 36never fit in Mexico, and, therefore, what in the devil do you know about plannin a military battle.â Late in the fall the enemy in our front grew restless; and Generals Johnston and Beauregard thought it expedient to withdraw from Munsonâs and Masonâs, and concentrate the whole army on the heights of Centreville, as everything indicated an advance of the immense army assembled around Washington. Therefore leaving at Munsonâs a small party, with an old stove pipe mounted on cart wheels, to annoy the Federal advance, we took a last look into the streets of Alexandria, and at the detested Federal Capitol, and marched to our new quarters at Centreville. It was with regret we left our old camp at Fairfax Station, around which lingered so many pleasant associations of the past; and our last reveille seemed to make sad the hearts of all; and the summons to fall in was not as promptly responded to as on former occasions. Never again were the hearty, joyous shouts of the Maryland boys to be heard through its now deserted streets, nor the heavy tramp and the sharp command, as the battalion performed, to astonished, gaping thousands, those intricate evolutions inimitable. No, nor the unhappy sentinel to be frightened to death by the fearful shriek of âIndians got you! Indians got you!â when it turned out only to be our good Colonel making his periodical grand rounds. And never more was the gallant Elzey to display his 37superb horsemanship to the fair daughters of Baltimore on a visit to the camp, but which performance, much to their disappointment and regret, was brought to an abrupt termination by the breaking of a stirrup strap. No, never, never! all is past and gone forever! Even the old guard house and the Colonelâs pen, that had ever and for so long extended to the refractory ones a hearty welcome and tender, affectionate embrace, were bid a sad, sad farewell. Centreville, when we reached it, presented a scene of bustle and confusion. Troops were arriving in large numbers, and were striving to reach the grounds selected for the respective regiments and brigades all over the same road. At last, tired and hungry, the brigade of Elzey halted upon the very summit of one of the highest hills around the place. The sight that presented itself from this point that night was one of the grandest I ever witnessed. Before us, as far as the eye could reach, flashed thousands upon thousands of camp fires; and spell-bound we gazed upon this grand pyrotechnic display for hours. And then the next day, and for days after, the evolutions of forty thousand troops of all arms in the plain below us, was a scene indescribably grand. The intelligence we received from Washington now grew every day more threatening. That McClellan, with his immense and splendidly appointed army, intended to advance upon Centreville there seemed no doubt; but whether Johnston intended to fight was by us much questioned. We were in no way prepared to meet the enemy. The army was not organized, and but imperfectly equipped. Sickness prevailed in our camp to an alarming extent; and the utmost efforts of our able commander had failed to increase his force a single man. Time must, therefore, be gained. But how? Johnston was the man for the emergency. We must present a bold and defiant front to the enemy. Heavy details from the various regiments were, therefore, at once made to erect fortifications. Steadily the work progressed, and in a short time the heights of Centreville were crowned with what seemed at a distance most formidable works. Of siege guns we did not have one; but immense blackened logs answered the same purpose, and frowned most threateningly from many an embrasure. None but those immediately in charge were allowed to approach them; for it was well known our camp was swarming with spies. These preparations had the desired effect; and McClellan, believing 39the position to be impregnable, quietly settled himself down to await the coming of spring. I will not tire the reader with details of the same every-day dull and monotonous camp-life at Centreville, but shall, as rapidly as possible, hasten on to the more exciting and interesting scenes and incidents in which the regiment participated. Suffice it to say, we remained there until late in November, when the brigade was ordered back to Manassas, there to prepare their winter quarters. The spot selected by the Colonel on which to build our cabins was in the midst of a dense pine woods, and much sheltered from the cold blasts of winter, and where was also wood and water in abundance. By the last of December, in this heretofore lonely and deserted forest, had been reared a neat and substantial village, in which we hoped to remain undisturbed until the spring should have set in, and from whence we would once more go forth to measure our strength with the hosts that had just threatened us with annihilation. During the months of December and January, with the exception of a little disagreeable picket duty along the line of the Orange and Alexandria railroad, and the surprise of a picket post at Sangsterâs Station, nothing occurred to disturb the quiet of our winter quarters. The picket alluded to was commanded by Lieut. Richard Hough, of Company F, and in the fight which ensued, Sergeant Sheehan was badly wounded, and Lieut. Joseph Stewart and 40ten or twelve men captured. The Federal loss was a lieutenant killed. The term of enlistment of the twelve monthsâ men was now rapidly drawing to a close, and to have an efficient army in the field when the spring campaign should open, it became necessary for the Confederate Government to take some steps to that end. An order was therefore issued some time in January, granting to all twelve monthsâ men who would re-enlist for the war, furloughs of from thirty to sixty days. The majority did so, and for the first time since entering the army, went home to see their families and friends. The unwise policy of the government in having enlisted men for a less time than the war here proved itself, and for a long while after occasioned much trouble and caused much demoralization in the army of General Johnston, for bitterly did those who were compelled to remain in camp by reason of their having enlisted for the war, complain of the injustice they believed had been done them. Particularly was this the case in the First Maryland, which contained several twelve monthsâ companies, two of which, Companies A and B, had re-enlisted almost to a man, and gone off on furlough; the others, Companies C, H and I, preferring to remain in the field until their time was up, when many of them proposed to go into the cavalry and artillery, they having a dislike for the infantry arm of the service. However, the war men became reconciled 41in a measure, and it was hoped nothing more would be heard of the matter; but in this we were mistaken, as will be seen hereafter. The Confederate army was now, owing to the depletion of regiments and brigades by furloughs, reduced to about twenty thousand men, whilst not an organized brigade could be found in the whole command. Of this condition of things the Federal authorities were soon apprised, and therefore, in the early part of March, 1862, an advance upon Manassas by the whole army under McClellan was determined upon. Having no facilities for the transportation of the immense quantities of stores gathered there, and unable to resist the overwhelming force of McClellan, there was no alternative left Johnston but to destroy his supplies and withdraw the army to the south bank of the Rappahannock. It was a sad necessity, and as the troops were guided on their way for many weary miles by the lurid flames from their burning buildings that seemed to lick the very heavens, all felt that the first battle of the war had proved more disastrous as a victory than would have been a defeat. There was no pretension to organization, and what had been but a few months before an organized and victorious army, now presented the appearance of an ungovernable mob, and entirely at the mercy of the enemy, should he have the enterprise and energy to pursue it. Fortunately, however, McClellan contented himself 42with occupying our deserted quarters at Manassas, thereby enabling us to reassemble and reorganize in a manner our demoralized and straggling troops upon the Rappahannock. Therefore, when soon after that General retraced his steps and prepared to move around to Yorktown, from whence he had determined to advance upon Richmond, Johnston had under his command quite a respectable army with which to reinforce the little band of heroes under Magruder, showing so bold a front to the hosts of the Federal General. But it was also necessary to leave troops behind to watch the movements of McDowell, who still remained at Manassas with a large army, and to this duty the division of Ewell was assigned. It was, perhaps at that time, the finest and best organized division in the army, and was comprised of Elzeyâs, Trimbleâs and Dick Taylorâs brigades, with artillery and cavalry. From the opposite banks of the river the two commands narrowly watched each other, and exchanged an occasional shot until the evening of the 19th of April, when orders to âpack upâ were given, and in the midst of a drenching rain, we took up our line of march for Gordonsville along the Orange and Alexandria railroad.âFor three days the cold, chilly rain continued, and for three days the troops, destitute of provisions, toiled over the uneven surface of the railroadâs bed before the command reached its destination, cold, hungry and dispirited. 43We were allowed to remain here several days to rest and recruit, when one bright, beautiful day, orders were received by General Ewell for his command to cross the Blue Ridge and join Jackson, who was then encamped at Swift Run Gap. Nothing could have exceeded the joy of the troops at this unexpected order, for we had supposed ourselves destined to reinforce the army of Johnston in the swamps of the Chickahominy. To be with Jackson, then, the great and glorious Jackson, in the beautiful Valley of Virginia, was a pleasure unexpected, and it was, therefore, with light hearts and elastic step that we left our camp at Gordonsville. The march was made by easy stages, and in a few days, about nine oâclock in the evening, from the mountainâs summit, his camp-fires were descried away down in the plain below us. No more stupid hours in camp, if you please. We now belong to Jacksonâs army, and if laurels were to be won, we felt that they would surely be ours. Already visions of shattered and beaten armies, of prisoners innumerable, of captured camps filled with the good things with which we had been for so long unacquainted, flitted before us, and thus thinking, and thus trusting, we descended the mountain sides and threaded our way through the camps of the heroes of Kearnstown, and went into bivouac a short distance beyond, at Conradâs store. At the first sound of the reveille next morning, every man sprang nimbly to his feet. They wanted 44to see Jackson, to talk with his troops over the great battle they had so recently fought, and more than all, to discuss the prospects before us, and, if possible, ascertain our destination; but, to our utter amazement, when we turned our faces to where we had passed his army the evening previous, nothing met our gaze but the smouldering embers of his deserted camp-fires. We rubbed our eyes and looked again and again, loth to believe our sense of vision. But gone he was, and whither and for what no one could tell. Quietly, in the dead of night, he had arisen from his blanket, and calling his troops around him, with them had disappeared. For more than two weeks his whereabouts remained a mystery, and various were the conjectures as to what had become of him, when one day there came the news of Milroyâs defeat at McDowell, more than one hundred miles away. Swiftly he had traversed the steep ranges of mountains that separated him from his prey, and with irresistible fury had hurled his legions upon the astonished foe in his mountain fastness and routed him with heavy loss, and was even now on his return, and within two daysâ march of us. General Ewell was ordered to join him at once near Luray, and on the 16th of May we encamped at Columbia Bridge on our way thither. It was the next day that the term of enlistment of Company C, First Maryland, expired, and the men clamored for an immediate discharge, which, 45under the circumstances, was reluctantly given by Colonel Bradley T. Johnson, who had succeeded to the command by the promotion of Colonel Steuart to the rank of brigadier general, and ordered to organize the Maryland Line. And here again the discontent that had prevailed at Manassas among the men enlisted for the war broke out afresh. They declared they had enlisted for twelve months only, and that if the muster rolls had it otherwise they had been grossly deceived by their officers. The dissatisfaction grew more apparent every hour, and when, on the 18th day of May, we marched to join General Jackson, the men were almost in a state of mutiny. It was on the banks of the Shenandoah, the 21st of May, that we first caught sight of the glorious soldier as he dashed along the lines with hat off, and bowing right and left in acknowledgment of the vociferous cheers that went up from his enthusiastic army. Our camp that night was within a mile of Luray, and here we were destined to part with the gallant Elzey, who had so long commanded us, and who had led us to our first victory. As I have said, Colonel Steuart had been promoted and ordered to organize and command the Maryland Line, of which the First Maryland and Baltimore Light Artillery were to form the nucleus. For the present, however, Colonel Johnson was in command, as General Steuart had been temporarily assigned to a 46brigade of cavalry. Never shall I forget General Elzeyâs emotion as he drew the regiment up in line for the last time, and with tears rolling down his war-worn cheeks, thanked them for the honor they had helped to confer upon him at Manassas. CHAPTER VI. On the evening of the 22d, the army, about twelve thousand strong, went into camp within an easy dayâs march of Front Royal, where, rumor had it, was stationed a considerable force of the enemy. Here the dissatisfaction that had so long existed in the First Maryland broke out into open mutiny, and the majority of the men in the war companies threw down their arms and demanded an immediate discharge. It was in vain that General Steuart and Colonel Johnson expostulated with them upon their disgraceful conduct, but they declared they had served out their term of enlistment, and would serve no longer, and when next morning we resumed our march, nearly one-half the regiment was disarmed and under guard. The affair was kept concealed from General Jackson, as it was still hoped the men would return to reason, for it was not calculated to impress him very favorably with the troops from whom he expected so much. 47A halt was made about five miles from Front Royal, and whilst resting ourselves by the wayside, an aid-de-camp was observed to dash up to Colonel Johnson and hand him a dispatch. It took him but an instant to acquaint himself with its contents, when, turning to his command, in a voice tremulous with suppressed anger and with a face flushed with mortification and shame, called it to âattention.â âI have just received an order from General Jackson that very nearly concerns yourselves,â he said, âand I will read it to you:â âColonel Johnson will move the First Maryland to the front with all dispatch, and in conjunction with Wheatâs battalion attack the enemy at Front Royal. The army will halt until you pass. âYou have heard the order, and I must confess are in a pretty condition to obey it. I will have to return it with the endorsement upon the back that âthe First Maryland refuses to meet the enemy, though ordered by General Jackson.â Before this day I was proud to call myself a Marylander, but now, God knows, I would rather be known as anything else. Shame on you to bring this stigma upon the fair fame of your native Stateâto cause the finger of scorn to be pointed at those who confided to your keeping their most sacred trustâtheir honor and that of the glorious old State. Marylanders you call yourselves. Profane not that hallowed 48name again, for it is not yours. What Marylander ever before threw down his arms and deserted his colors in the presence of the enemy, and those arms, and those colors, too, placed in your hands by a woman? Never before has one single blot defaced her honored history. Could it be possible to conceive a crime more atrocious, an outrage more damnable? Go home and publish to the world your infamy. Boast of it when you meet your fathers and mothers, brothers, sisters and sweethearts. Tell them it was you who, when brought face to face with the enemy, proved yourselves recreants, and acknowledged yourselves to be cowards. Tell them this, and see if you are not spurned from their presence like some loathsome leper, and despised, detested, nay, abhorred by those whose confidence you have so shamefully betrayed; you will wander over the face of the earth with the brand of âcoward,â âtraitor,â indelibly imprinted upon your foreheads, and in the end sink into a dishonored grave, unwept for, uncared for, leaving behind as a heritage to your posterity the scorn and contempt of every honest man and virtuous woman in the land.â The Colonelâs address, of which I have given the reader but a faint idea, was delivered with much feeling and listened to with close attention, and scarcely had he concluded when a wild yell broke the painful stillness that had prevailed, and a simultaneous rush was made for the ordnance wagon by those to whom he had just administered so 49scathing a rebuke. Never before, perhaps, had they seized their arms with such avidity, or buckled on their equipments with greater rapidity. âNow, sir,â they cried out, âlead us against the enemy, and we will prove to you that we are not cowards, and that neither have we forgotten these arms were placed in our hands by a woman.â âForward!â was the command, and at the double-quick the regiment passed along the whole army amid the most deafening cheers. âWe are going to have some work cut out now, boys, for the Marylanders are going to the front,â could be heard on all sides as we moved along, and every man inwardly determined that work should be cut out if material could be found. On the right of the army we joined Wheat with his battalion of Louisianians, and with them moved swiftly upon the doomed Federals holding Front Royal. We approached within a mile of the town, but saw no signs of the enemy. âAnother disappointment,â ran down the line, but the next moment two or three frightened soldiers in blue broke cover from a picket post, and fled in the direction of the village. They were pursued by several mounted men, and speedily overtaken and brought back. Upon being questioned, they told us that they belonged to the First Maryland, and that the force in town consisted of that regiment, two companies of Pennsylvanians, two pieces of artillery, and a squadron of cavalry, the latter having joined 50them that very day, all under the command of Colonel John R. Kenly, who did not dream that Jackson was within fifty miles of him. So at last we had met the much boasted Yankee First Maryland, and although greatly outnumbered, we were ready to take up the gage of battle so defiantly thrown down to us some time before. First Maryland against First Maryland! It was, indeed, a singular coincidence. We approached the town rapidly, and entered the main street before the enemy were aware of our approach. For a minute they resisted our advance, and a sharp exchange of musketry shots ensued. They were quickly driven out, however, with the loss of several in killed, wounded and prisoners. The whole command had now taken the alarm, and assembled behind their artillery, which was posted on a hill that commanded the town and its approaches. Dashing through the streets, we were soon in the open country, when the companies commanded by Captains Nicholas, Herbert and Goldsborough were deployed as skirmishers, with Wheat on the left, the whole being under the command of Lieutenant Colonel E. R. Dorsey (who had reached that rank by reason of seniority upon the promotion of Elzey and Steuart), whilst Colonel Johnson commanded the reserves. The enemy now opened his artillery with great precision, and his shell began to tell in our ranks. Nothing daunted, however, the gallant fellows 51moved steadily forward, and reached the very foot of the hill upon which he was posted. From there the fight was stubbornly waged for at least two hours, with no apparent advantage on either side. In the meantime the troops of Jackson were moving to the right and left to envelop the enemy and cut off his retreat. Kenly saw the movement, and determined to withdraw his forces and cross the river (immediately in his rear) if possible. On his right was the turnpike bridge, and on his left, in our front, was the long and high trestle-work of the Manassas Gap Railroad. Dorsey divined his purpose, and, as the enemy commenced to fall back, immediately ordered a charge along the whole line. With a yell the men responded to the command, and the long line of skirmishers pressed forward in pursuit. The fight would have terminated then and there had not the Louisiana battalion stumbled upon the enemyâs camp, and bent on plunder, the threats and entreaties of their officers were for some time in vain, and when they were at length prevailed upon to move forward, it was found the enemy in their front, with artillery and cavalry, had escaped over the bridge. Not so in front of the Maryland command. The enemy were closely pressed to the riverâs bank, where, finding it impossible to escape across the trestle-work, they threw down their arms in a body. By this time a heavy force of cavalry had forded the river some distance below, and charging the remainder of Kenlyâs command, which was 52rapidly retreating up the turnpike, captured it almost to a man, not, however, without meeting with a desperate resistance, in which many were killed and wounded on both sides. Thus ended the battle of Front Royal, if it can be so termed, and in which Marylander met Marylander for the first time in the war. It has been said Kenlyâs command had fought a vastly superior force of the Confederates, whereas it was a much inferior one, which, however did not compel him to withdraw from the position he had taken in front of the town, but the flank movement by heavy bodies of our troops did, and it was then we pressed our advantage. The actual number of assailants prior to his recrossing the river with what remained of his command, did not exceed four hundred men. And it has been more than once asserted, also, that Colonel Kenly did not offer the spirited resistance to the Confederate advance expected of him, and that there was no reason why he should have lost his command. This is doing him injustice. He fought his troops like the brave man that he is, and Commissary Banks can thank him for being instrumental in saving the little he did from the wreck of his army at Strasburg and Winchester. He committed one great, inexcusable error, however, in not having his cavalry scouts and pickets out, but it is said they reached him but an hour or two before our attack, although he had called for them several days before. If this be true, 53he deserves no blame or censure for his misfortune at Front Royal. The morning after the fight, when the prisoners were drawn up in line, it was truly amusing to see the men of the two Maryland regiments greet each other. âWhy, if there ainât my brother Bill;â âAnd thereâs my cousin Jim,â could be heard, whilst nearly all recognized old friends and acquaintances, whom they greeted cordially, and divided with them the rations which had just changed hands. The kindest attention was shown the wounded officers and men, the former being paroled, and allowed to accept the invitation of the citizens to accompany them to their homes, where they were provided with all they required. And whilst we were thus treating our enemies in the field, the cowardly ruffians in Baltimore, who had remained at home, were brutally assaulting every citizen there suspected of sympathizing with the people of the South in their struggle for independence, because some poltroon, who had deserted his companions at the first fire, reported they had been murdered in cold blood to a man after having surrendered themselves. The officers of the First Maryland Confederate called upon those of the First Maryland Federal, and offered them any assistance in their power, and in some instances it was thankfully accepted. Colonel Kenly was quite badly wounded, by either a pistol ball or a sabre cut, in the head, and at the 54time that I saw him appeared to be suffering much mental depression, caused by his misfortune. His wound he seemed to care but little for; but, as he paced the floor, would, from time to time, bend over his adjutant, Tarr, who was desperately wounded, and gaze anxiously in his face. CHAPTER VII. On the morning of the 24th Ewell took up the line of march for Winchester, Jackson having moved on Strasburg the evening before. That night we encamped on the banks of the Opequon, six miles from our destination. Here we were ordered to cook some rations, and be ready to move at midnight upon Banks, whom we intended to attack at daylight. Long before the sun had risen on the morning of the 25th, the commands of Jackson and Ewell were in line of battle about two miles from the town, the former to the left of the Valley turnpike, the latter joining him on the right. Skirmishers were thrown out, and cautiously, at early dawn, through the dense fog that prevailed, the Confederate line advanced. In front of a portion of Ewellâs line the First Maryland was deployed, which, after proceeding a short distance, encountered the enemyâs skirmishers, 55who fell back at our approach. About the same time was heard the spattering of musketry in the direction of Jackson, which told us he, too, had them in his front. The fog had now become so dense as to make it impossible to see twenty steps in any direction; and Colonel Johnson therefore thought it advisable to assemble his skirmish line, as we had entirely lost sight of our line of battle, and did not know but we might be enveloped by the enemy. Quietly the men were drawn in, and the regiment lay down in an orchard and concealed itself behind a board fence, to await the lifting of the fog. For an hour everything was still as death, when, the fog rising somewhat, a column of the enemy was revealed lying behind a stone wall about three hundred yards in our front, with his right flank resting toward us, and totally unconscious of our close proximity. They were apparently intent on watching something before them; and presently, to our horror, there emerged from the fog the Twenty-First North Carolina regiment, marching directly upon the stone wall, and altogether ignorant of the ambuscade there awaiting. Scarcely two hundred yards separated them, and in a minute the poor fellows would be in the fatal trap. Like ourselves, they had become separated from the main body and lost their way; but, unlike ourselves, had failed to exercise the precaution to ascertain where they were before advancing. 56There was nothing on earth we could do to warn them of their danger. Oh! it was a sad, sickening sight, to see them thus unconsciously marching straight into the jaws of death. On, on they go, and nearer and nearer they approach the treacherous fence, behind which they expect to shelter themselves. They are but forty yards from it. âCan nothing be done for them?â I heard from more than one around me. No; too late; too late; and the next instant the long line of blue rise from their cover; there is an instantâs pause, and then comes a deafening volley of musketry, and the deadly minnie by hundreds are sent tearing and crashing through the Confederate columns. The slaughter was appalling, and the survivors fled to the rear in the utmost confusion. But they were avenged; for just then the gallant Griffin, of the Baltimore Light Artillery, espied them, and training the guns of his splendid battery upon the fence, he raked it from one end to the other, sending the enemy flying to a safer position nearer the town. On the left Jackson was now hotly engaged, whilst, with the exception of his artillery, Ewell is unaccountably idle. Why could he not swing the right of his division around in the rear of the town, thereby enveloping the enemy and cutting off his retreat, whilst he at the same time attacked those who appeared only in front of his left, for there was no enemy on our right, and Jackson was more than 57a match for those with whom he was contending? No, he is awaiting orders from Jackson, as he afterwards did from Lee at Gettysburg, and the opportunity is lost. The fog had now entirely disappeared, and on the hillâs side to the left of us were the contending forces of Jackson and Banks engaged in a desperate struggle. For an hour the fight raged, of which we were silent but unwilling spectators. At length Jacksonâs reserves reached him, a little late, but in time, taking into consideration their long march from Strasburg that night, and he immediately prepared for a charge. The enemy was also hurrying forward reinforcements to resist the onset he knew was coming. Dick Taylorâs and three Virginia brigades were thrown into position to make the charge; and it was a grand sight as, with a yell, they moved forward at the double quick. âI shall wait for orders no longer, but will join in that charge if I live!â exclaimed Colonel Johnson, quickly swinging himself into the saddle. âForward, double quick,â was the command, and the next instant we were dashing across the country in the direction of the enemy. Jacksonâs right was not more than four hundred yards to the left of us, and therefore Johnson thought by moving diagonally and at a rapid pace we would join him almost at the instant he should strike the enemy. 58Steadily, in the face of a deadly fire, the Confederate column advances, leaving in its wake scores of dead and wounded; but never halting, never hesitating, it hurls itself upon the enemy with irresistible fury, rending, tearing, and grinding them to pieces. Closely pursued the survivors fled towards Winchester, and pursued and pursuers entered the town simultaneously. The First Maryland passed down Loudoun street, and, pressing on, capturing prisoners at every step, did not halt until it reached the Taylor Hotel, opposite which we found two large storehouses on fire, filled with medical stores. Colonel Johnson quickly detached a portion of the regiment to suppress the flames, while he at the same time ordered a company to surround and search the hotel for the notorious Dave Strother, or âPorte Crayon,â who a citizen informed us was there. The flames were speedily extinguished, but fortunately for Strother he had been gone about five minutes, or I am inclined to think much of his âPersonal Recollectionsâ would have treated of Libby and Belle Isle. In obedience to the orders of Banks the town had been set on fire in several places, and men and women were rushing frantically through the streets appealing to the troops to save them from the dreadful calamity that seemed so imminent. Their appeals were not in vain; and in a short time the flames were everywhere extinguished, except near the depot, where several large warehouses had been fired, and which were totally consumed with 59their contents. Had the troops of Jackson been one half hour later this ancient and once thriving town would have been only a mass of smouldering ruins. The defeat of the enemy was complete; but owing to the apathy of Ewell and the wretched disposition of our cavalry very many of them effected their escape, carrying with them most of their artillery and a large wagon train. As it was, however, we captured an immense amount of stores of every description, and about four thousand prisoners. The joy of the citizens of Winchester at once more having the protection of the Confederate troops, knew no bounds, and as we filed through the streets in pursuit of the enemy, provisions and delicacies in abundance were lavished upon us, while more than one of our young fellows came in for an earnest embrace from the matron of some well-grown household. Indeed, Colonel Johnson himself received one of these favors. Now, the Colonel was regarded one of the handsomest men in the First Maryland, and having dismounted from his horse in an unguarded moment, was espied and singled out by an old lady of Amazonian proportions, just from the wash tub, who, wiping her hands and mouth on her apron as she approached, seized him around the neck with the hug of a bruin, and bestowed upon him half a dozen kisses that were heard by nearly every man in the command; and when at length she relaxed her hold the Colonel looked as though he had just come out of a vapor bath. 60âHow do you like that, Colonel?â I heard Captain Willie Nicholas ask, who, convulsed with laughter, had been watching the performance. Drawing forth his handkerchief and wiping from his face the profuse perspiration that covered it, the Colonel replied: âI shouldnât have cared; but, dââ it, she smells so strong of rosin soap, and I never could bear the stuff.â That night the First Maryland went into camp close by the Winchester and Martinsburg turnpike, and about four miles from the former town. Upon the call of the roll but one man was found missing, Lieutenant Colonel Dorsey, who had been severely wounded through the right shoulder after entering the town. On the morning of the 26th orders were received to move to Martinsburg, and there collect the large amount of stores abandoned by the enemy. Two or three days were consumed in this duty, after which we rejoined the main body of the army, encamped near Charlestown. General Jacksonâs movements since the battle of Winchester had much puzzled his troops, and entirely confounded the enemy. âSurely,â we reasoned, âhe is not going to cross over into Maryland with the handful of men under his command, for McDowell would quickly compel him to return, and then it would be too late to escape Fremont, who will certainly come down from 61West Virginia with his army of twenty-five thousand men.â Our situation seemed a critical one; but then Jackson was with us, and with him nothing seemed impossible. The day after our arrival at Charlestown General George H. Steuart was ordered to take the First Maryland and two batteries of artillery and attack the enemyâs camp on Bolivar Heights, while a small force was also directed to make a demonstration from the Shenandoah Heights upon Harperâs Ferry. It now became apparent to all that the whole movement of Jackson from Winchester was a feint, but for what purpose we were entirely at a loss to conjecture. Little did we then dream of the splendid combinations General Lee had formed for the relief of Richmond, the principal moves in which had been intrusted to Jackson, the first of which he was executing. Our batteries opened upon the enemy posted on Bolivar Heights about ten oâclock in the morning, and continued the fire without intermission until late in the afternoon, when his guns were silenced, and it became evident he had abandoned the heights. The infantry then crossed over and took possession of his camp, which was found entirely deserted. As soon as we were perceived the batteries upon the Maryland Heights and at Barberâs house opened their fire, without effect, however, and our object having been accomplished, after helping ourselves 62to the bountiful meal we found on the fire, we retired, and went into camp near Halltown. The next day found us retracing our steps to Winchester, everything betokening haste, but no confusion. It soon became known to us that Fremont was rapidly approaching Strasburg from Franklin, and that a force under Shields was moving to the same point to intercept Jackson should he attempt to escape down the Valley. It seemed almost impossible for us to get away, encumbered as we were with four thousand prisoners and over two thousand wagons, most of which were ladened with the spoils captured from Banks; but Jackson had calculated it all, and he knew what his troops could do. All day long we toiled on, and at dusk the rear of the army (of which we were part) passed through Winchester; but with what different feelings and with what a different reception from that of a week before. Then it was amid the exultant shouts of the overjoyed citizens; now it was in sorrow and silence, for it was well known that the victorious army of yesterday was in full retreat to-day. Without a word the troops moved through the almost deserted streets, and all felt a relief when we once more reached the open country. On, on, we pushed, through a drenching rain; and when at last, away in the night, exhausted, and unable to go farther, the men threw themselves down to rest upon the damp ground, it was found we had made thirty-six miles since morning. Hungry and but little refreshed, we resumed the march at daylight next morning. When six miles from Strasburg the sound of artillery in our front told us how narrow had been our escape. It was the gallant General Charlie Winder contesting a mountain pass with Fremont until the army, with its long train, should pass. We now felt comparatively safe, our greatest fear having been that Fremont would pass the defile before we could throw troops into it. Of Shields we had no fear, as our rapid marching had thrown him far in our rear, and he could not possibly overtake us. Fisherâs Hill was reached late that evening, and all danger being past, the men were allowed some time to rest. Six miles more to make that night, and then we should be compelled to go supperless to bed: for the commissary wagon had stuck in the creek at Newtown, and we had but little doubt it had fallen into the hands of the enemy. It was all the fault of Commissary Captain John Howard, who would insist upon placing in it a barrel of whisky and three barrels of molasses, besides the regimentâs regular rations. Tired and broken down from the excessive marching of the past few days, the men were but little disposed to go farther, and when the command to 64âfall inâ was given it was but indifferently obeyed. The delay thereby occasioned was, however, productive of good results, for presently the sound of a wagon was heard approaching from the direction we had just come, and in a moment more the missing commissary wagon came in sight, in charge of private George Bush, of Company A. Colonel Johnsonâs countenance underwent a wonderful change, as did that of every man in the regiment. Looking stern, however, he demanded to know of Bush âwhy he had been straggling?â âWhy you see, Colonel,â he replied, âmy feet were kind oâ sore, and I couldnât cotch up; so I seed this here wagon stuck in the mud, and knowd it belonged to us; and you see I knowd as you know what was in it, and so I says to myself, âThem ar Yanks shanât have her;â and so I confisticated that are team; but it couldnât pull it nary inch. So you see, Colonel, as the crackers and meat wasnât very heavy, but the whisky and merlasses wor, so you see, Colonel, there was no alternation but ter empty her out.â âEmpty her out, sir,â interrupted the Colonel, in a voice of thunder, and with a countenance black as midnight; âempty her out, you rascal? Why didnât you save a part of the contents, at least?â âAnd so I did, sir. The meat and crackers wor ondispensable; but you see, Colonel, them ere people about Newtown are mighty poor, and you know, sir, I always wor kind oâ good-hearted, and then 65them merlasses and the barrel of whisky wor so tarnal heavyââ âAnd you gave them the whisky and the molasses?â roared the Colonel. âNow, Colonel,â said Bush, âyou must really excuse me this time if I gave them allââ âAll?â interrupted the Colonel. âYes, sir; all the superfluity but the barrel of whisky.â âBush, you are a bad soldier,â said the Colonel, âand shall have a weekâs extra guard duty for wasting âthem merlasses,â as you call it, though, under the circumstances, I might have done the same. But it wonât do to encourage such extravagance in a well-disciplined command. Captain Howard, knock the bung out of that barrel and give each of the men a stiff drink, while you will take care and reserve an extra one for the officers.â It is needless to say the order was obeyed with alacrity, and the six miles were made in quick time to the song of âOh, let us be joyful!â Our camp that night was about midway between Strasburg and Woodstock. At midnight we were awakened from our sound slumbers by the rattle of small arms in the direction of the former place, and shortly after a broken and disordered mass of cavalry came dashing into our camp, riding everything down that came in their way, and yelling at the top of their voices that the enemy was upon us. Convinced that we were in more danger of bodily 66harm from the cowardly cavalrymen than from the enemy, we turned out en masse and drove them from the ground, and the last we saw of them they were making their way at the top of their horsesâ speed towards Woodstock. It afterwards turned out that they had encountered a number of the broken down men, and mistaking each other for enemies, in the dark, a fight had ensued, in which the cavalrymen were routed. Early next morning we resumed our march, the First Maryland being in the rear of the infantry, with orders to support the cavalry and artillery under Generals George H. Steuart and Turner Ashby, who were keeping the enemyâs advance in check. When within a mile or two of Woodstock, Fremontâs cavalry, under Colonel Percy Wyndham, dashed upon the cavalry under Stewart and scattered it in every direction. It was in vain that gallant officer endeavored to rally the frightened troopers; but the harder he swore the faster they rode, until they came upon the First Maryland in the streets of Woodstock. âGet out of the way! get out of the way! the enemy are upon you!â they called out at the top of their voices, as they dashed madly through the town. But Colonel Johnson, not understanding such tactics, coolly wheeled his regiment across the street, and, charging them with the bayonet, drove them back in the direction from whence they came. Some 67were rallied by the General, who had by this time come up; but the majority took to the fields, and made good their escape from both friends and foes. In this disgraceful affair we came near losing two pieces of the Baltimore Light Artillery. Entirely deserted by the cavalry supporting them, they were at the mercy of the enemy; but the brave Griffin, although surrounded, drove his guns through their ranks, and bore his pieces off in triumph. These skirmishes were of daily occurrence as the Confederate army marched leisurely in the direction of Staunton. By burning bridges along our route we were enabled to retard the enemyâs advance, and by easy marches to rest and refresh our men and keep the wagon train and prisoners well up. Finally, in the afternoon of the 5th of June, the army reached Harrisonburg, where we received intelligence that made the stoutest of us tremble. The turnpike bridge across the Shenandoah had been destroyed, and having no pontoons it was impossible to cross as the stream was very high and rapid. Any other man but Jackson would have given up in despair, and we should have been lost. Not so with him. There was still another bridge that spanned the river at Port Republic, and thither he determined to march, over roads indescribable. Diverging to the left, therefore, about a mile from Harrisonburg, he took the road to Port Republic, 68and, after marching a mile or two, went into camp for the night, the enemy occupying Harrisonburg. The next morning, the 6th day of June,âa day that will ever be remembered by usâthe enemyâs videttes were within rifle-shot upon the hills behind us. He was following us closely; and it was evident we would be compelled to fight before reaching the river. Slowly we retired, the enemy as slowly following. In this way we marched about four miles, when Ashby, in command of the rear guard, determined to give his persistent foe a little turn up. Placing his men in the woods by the side of the road he quietly awaited the attack. Catching sight of the man he had for days been endeavoring to âbag,â the dashing Wyndham charged at the head of his New Jersey troops; but, alas! he had reckoned without his host, for a counter charge ordered by the brave Ashby, and made with irresistible impetuosity, overthrew Wyndham, and scattered his Jersey Blues to the four winds. The pursuit was continued until Ashby was nearly up with their advanced infantry, the Pennsylvania Bucktails, who were encamped about two miles from Harrisonburg. Gathering up his prisoners, among whom was Wyndham himself, he fell back to the infantry, determined upon attacking this body, for he deemed their capture an easy matter. Alas! it was a sad, sad mistake, and cost many valuable lives, and among them the incomparable Ashby himself. 69Contrary to his own judgment, General Ewell yielded to General Ashbyâs earnest solicitations, and furnished him with three regiments of infantry with which to attack and surprise the enemyâs advance. The regiments selected for the work were the First Maryland and Fifty-Eighth and Forty-Fourth Virginia. So fearful was General Ewell that some disaster would befall the expedition that he accompanied it himself. The troops moved with the utmost caution through the dense woods for about three miles, when they were halted, and the companies of Captains Herbert and Nicholas thrown forward as skirmishers. These were under the command of Ashby, closely followed by the main body under command of Ewell. In a few minutes the rattle of musketry in our front told us that the enemy had been found, and the Fifty-Eighth was immediately sent in, when the fight became very severe, the contending forces not being over fifty yards apart. For about fifteen minutes the conflict continued, when the Fifty-Eighth broke and came to the rear in great confusion. The Forty-Fourth was then sent forward, and appeared to be faring but little better, when General Ewell, who had been in the thickest of the fight and exposed to much danger, dashed up to Colonel Johnson and called out, âCharge, Colonel, charge, and end this matter!â For some minutes we had been suffering from the enemyâs fire, and the order was therefore gladly obeyed. Steadily the regiment moved 70through the woods to the attack, guided by the firing, for not one of the foemen could be seen. At length, feeling that he was within striking distance, Johnson gave the command, âForward, double quick,â and with a yell our fellows dashed up the hill which shielded the enemy from our view; but, as we gained its crest, a terrible volley was poured into our very faces, and the regiment reeled and staggered, for Johnson was down struggling to disengage himself from his dying horse, and some twenty of the officers and men had fallen. The pause was but momentary, however, for collecting themselves the brave fellows rushed furiously upon the enemy, and, reserving their fire until they were within twenty paces of them, poured into their ranks so destructive a volley that the survivors broke and attempted to reach their main body. In this but few succeeded, as they were compelled to recross an open field, about four hundred yards wide, and all the while subjected to our fire, which was delivered with the utmost coolness and precision. Our loss in this unfortunate fight was severe, for besides the many brave officers and men in the three little regiments, we had to mourn the death of the chivalrous Ashby, the idol of the army. Early in the conflict, while urging his men forward, and exposing himself most recklessly, a ball passed through his body, and he fell dead. 71When the news of the death of this Christian gentleman and glorious soldier became known to the army, a universal wail went up, and strong men wept like children, for truly they had lost one they dearly loved. Never more was his clarion voice to be heard as he led his fierce legions in the headlong charge. Never more the piercing gray eye to sparkle as he dashed with lightning speed through the ranks of the foemen, dealing death blows at every stride, avenging his peopleâs wrongs and the death of a basely-murdered brother. The First Maryland had many of its noblest spirits to mourn for, and among them the gallant Captain N. S. Robertson, Lieutenant Nicholas Snowden, and privates Beatty, Schleigh, Harris, and others whose names I do not remember. The loss of the enemy was very severe. Their commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Kane, with several of his officers and many of the men were wounded and prisoners in our hands, and, to use Kaneâs own words, âhardly a dozen of the command escaped.â Sadly, as the dusk of evening came on, we gathered together our dead, and the wounded of both sides who could bear removal, and mournfully retraced our steps, and near midnight lay down to rest beside our cold, inanimate companions. As we lay there we could not but think how many of us would in a few hours be with them, sleeping our last sleep; and the next morning, as we listened to the reveille, we thought it might be our last, for our dead comrades had heard it but yesterday. Such is the uncertainty of a soldierâs life. 72In a little churchyard attached to Union Church, near Cross Keys, we dug the one grave that was to contain all that was left of them, and in their uniforms, wrapt in their blankets, we lay them down to rest. Theirs was the burial they would have most wishedâa soldierâs burial. CHAPTER IX. Sullenly, as the foe advanced, we fell back in the direction of Port Republic, determined, when attacked by Fremontâs overwhelming army, to fight to the last man. At length we halted at Cross Keys, and made preparations to pass our wagons and prisoners over the crazy old bridge, which afforded us the only means of escaping the destruction which threatened us. Therefore, forming his army in line of battle on the morning of the 8th of June, to keep Fremont in check, Jackson moved his prisoners upon the bridge, but scarcely had the first of them crossed when they were surprised by a squadron of Shieldsâ cavalry, that dashed into the town of Port Republic, and who speedily captured the guard and released the prisoners. Indeed, General Jackson himself narrowly escaped. Hastening back, however, he brought forward a body of cavalry, and charging them in turn recaptured not only all he had lost, but many of the enemy beside. 73From the prisoners he learned that Shields was rapidly approaching with a large force from McDowellâs army, and they expressed themselves confident that we would be crushed between him and Fremont. Things looked gloomy enough, it was true, but such was the confidence of the troops in Jackson that our situation caused little or no uneasiness. Quickly detaching his own division from the line of battle he had formed in front of Fremont, he placed it in position to hold Shields in check, and at the same time cover the passage of the bridge, whilst Ewell, with his little division of five thousand men, was to fight Fremontâs twenty-five thousand. Thus when the battle commenced the Confederate lines presented the singular spectacle of two armies standing back to back, facing a foe in front and rear, and but three miles apart. About ten oâclock the enemy moved to the attack upon Ewell in beautiful order, and first struck his left, which was barely a skirmish line of the First Maryland supporting Griffinâs Baltimore Battery. On came the enemy until they had arrived within a hundred yards of us, when the deadly fire from our Mississippi rifles and the grape and canister from Griffin drove them back in confusion. Again they advanced and took position about three hundred yards distant, when they opened upon us a most terrible fire from the Belgium gun. Fortunately we were posted in a skirt of woods, and were well protected from their fire. For hours this desperate 74conflict continued, the enemy making repeated attempts to penetrate our line, but every assault was repelled with heavy loss to the assailants. And during those precious hours Jackson was accomplishing his purpose of passing his trains and provisions over the old bridge. All day long Ewell fought on with the same troops and held the same line of battle, for there were none to relieve those first put in, and these the enemy were unable to drive one foot. The odds were fearful indeedâfive to one; but we were desperate men, fighting for our lives and liberties. At length relief came to us in the declining day; and how anxiously, we watched the sun go down that evening, for we were well nigh worn out from seven hourâs incessant fighting. At dark the firing almost entirely ceased, and we still held the ground we did in the morning, and Jacksonâs trains were safely over the river. The loss of the First Maryland in this engagement was severe, although we fought mostly under cover of the woods, but so terrible was the enemyâs fire that it was almost impossible to expose for an instant any part of the body without being struck. It is strange to say not a single man was killed outright, though we had more than thirty wounded out of one hundred and seventy-five men; several of whom, however, afterwards died. In this fight General George H. Steuart, who was in command of the Maryland line, was desperately wounded in 75the breast by a grape shot, and General Elzey, who commanded the left, was wounded in the leg. Late that night, leaving our fires brightly burning to deceive the enemy, we stealthily moved from before them and commenced to cross the bridge, and by daylight the last man had reached the longed-for shore, and Jackson was safe. As the last foot left it, the bridge was fired in many places, and having been filled with combustible material, was almost instantly enveloped in flames. Great indeed must have been the surprise and chagrin of the âgreat explorer,â as at daylight he beheld the lurid flames and dense black smoke that ascended high up to heaven, and heralded to him the escape of the wily foe he had believed inextricably within his toils. But our work was not yet done; for six thousand men and a battery of artillery of Shieldsâ command, under General Tyler, held a strong position right in our path, and must be disposed of. They had been silent spectators of the passage of the bridge, never offering to molest us in the least, and Jackson had refrained from attacking them until he had escaped from his more powerful antagonist. But now they must be got rid of, and for that purpose General Dick Taylor and his Louisiana and two Virginia brigades were moved down the river side, and a vigorous attack made upon the enemyâs position. They were repulsed, however, with heavy loss, but a second attempt proved more successful, 76and the enemy was driven from his position with terrible slaughter, and the battery captured. In this engagement, which was of but two hoursâ duration, the enemy lost over two thousand in killed and wounded, besides nearly a thousand prisoners. During the latter part of the battle of Port Republic Fremontâs army remained drawn up on the opposite bank of the river, unable to render any assistance to the unfortunate Tyler, and to whose destruction they were silent spectators. The battle over though, and whilst the Confederates were burying the dead and succoring the wounded of both sides, the brutal Fremont, wild with disappointment, opened his batteries upon the ambulance and burial parties, which fire killed many of his own wounded people, and compelled us to leave the balance on the field uncared for, and his dead unburied. The battle of Port Republic closed Jacksonâs Valley Campaign, for Fremont finding it useless to attempt to cope with his wily antagonist in his mountain fastness, retired in the direction of Winchester. Never in his previous or subsequent campaigns did Jacksonâs military genius and daring show to greater advantage than in this of the Valley of Virginia. In less than six weeks he had beaten the army of Milroy, destroyed that of Banks, baffled that of Fremont, and annihilated that of Tyler, and all with less than twelve thousand men; besides 77capturing from the enemy millions worth of stores, &c. From General Ewellâs official report of the Valley Campaign we take the fol
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It is headquartered at the Fifth Regiment Armory in Baltimore and has units at armories and other facilities across the state. Description: On a black disc...	en	/skins-ucp/mw139/common/favicon.ico	Military Wiki	https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/Maryland_Army_National_Guard	Coat of Arms of the Maryland Army National Guard. Active 1634-presentCountry United StatesAllegiance MarylandBranch U.S. ArmyPart of U.S. Army National GuardGarrison/HQ Baltimore, Maryland, U.S.Nickname(s) "Maryland Line"Motto(s) Fatti Maschii Parole Femine (English: Manly deeds, womanly words)CommandersCommander, MDARNG BG Peter C. Hinz, USAInsigniaShoulder Sleeve Insignia The Maryland Army National Guard (MD ARNG) is the United States Army component of the organized militia of the U.S. state of Maryland. It is headquartered at the Fifth Regiment Armory in Baltimore and has units at armories and other facilities across the state. Heraldic Items[] Shoulder Sleeve Insignia[] Description: On a black disc 23⁄4 inches (6.99 cm) in diameter within a 1/8 inch (.32 cm) gold border, the shield of the Great Seal of Maryland Proper (1st and 4th quarters, yellow and black; 2nd and 3rd quarters, white and red). Background: The shoulder sleeve insignia was originally approved for Headquarters and Headquarters Detachment on 1949-03-08. It was redesignated with description amended for Headquarters, State Area Command, Maryland Army National Guard on 1983-12-30. Distinctive Unit Insignia[] Description: A gold color metal and enamel device 7/8 inch (2.22 cm) high and 1 inch (2.54 cm) wide overall consisting of the shield, coronet, supporters and motto scroll and motto from the complete heraldic achievement of Lord Baltimore as delineated on the reverse side of the official seal of the State of Maryland and blazoned as follows: Shield: Quarterly I and IV, paly of six pieces Or (gold) and Sable (black) a bend counterchanged; quarterly II and III, quarterly Argent (silver) and Gules (red) a cross bottony counterchanged. Above the shield an earl's coronet. Supporters: Dexter, a plowman Proper, holding a spade in dexter hand. Sinister, a fisherman Proper, holding a fish in sinister hand. Motto Scroll: A scroll folded in four undulating sections and inscribed "FATTI MASCHII PAROLE FEMINE" (Deeds are Manly, Words are Womanly) all gold. Symbolism: The first and fourth (gold and black) quarters of the shield are the arms of the Calvert family and the second and third (silver (white) and red) quarters are those of the Crossland family which Cecil Calvert inherited from his grandmother, Alicia Crossland, wife of Leonard Calvert, the father of George Calvert, first Lord Baltimore. The earl's coronet above the shield indicates that although Calvert was only a baron in England, he was an earl or count palatine in Maryland. Background: The distinctive unit insignia was originally approved for Headquarters and Headquarters Detachment and non-color bearing units of the Maryland Army National Guard on 1971-04-09. It was amended to correct the spelling of the motto on 1971-06-08. The insignia was redesignated effective 1982-10-01 for Headquarters, State Area Command, Maryland Army National Guard. The distinctive unit insignia was amended to correct the spelling of the motto on 2001-12-07. Crest[] Description: That for regiments and separate battalions of the Maryland Army National Guard: From a wreath of colors, a cross bottony per cross quarterly Gules and Argent. Symbolism: The crest and canton are from the arms of Lord Baltimore and appeared on the seal of the Province of Maryland probably as early as 1648. Background: The crest was approved for color bearing organizations of the State of Maryland on 1924-01-11. Note: This Crest is applied to the top of all Maryland National Guard Distinctive Unit Insignias to form the Unit Coat Of Arms. Organization[] The Maryland Army National Guard is organized into several major subordinate commands: the 58th Battlefield Surveillance Brigade (United States); the Combat Aviation Brigade, 29th Infantry Division; the 70th Regiment, a training unit; and the 58th Troop Command. The MSCs report to the Assistant Adjutant General for Army (TAAG-Army), who in turn reports to the Adjutant General (TAG). Both officers are appointed by the governor. History[] The Maryland National Guard traces its roots to 1634, with the landing of two militia captains at St. Mary's City. It has a long and illustrious history. American Revolutionary War[] During the American Revolution, members of the "Maryland Line" repeatedly charged a vastly superior British force at the Battle of Long Island, buying time for the Continental Army to escape. It is from this incident that Maryland draws one of its official nicknames, "The Old Line State." This was the first time the American Army had used the bayonet in combat. Later in the war, the Maryland militia made a number of additional bayonet charges, including at Cowpens, where their charge turned impending defeat into victory, and at Guilford Courthouse, where they forced the elite British Foot Guards to retreat. War of 1812[] Main article: Battle of North Point During the War of 1812, the Maryland militia held the line at the Battle of North Point in 1814, commanded by Brigadier General John Stricker. There, they held up the British attack for two hours, long enough for the defense of Baltimore to be shored up. The British forces, many of whom were veterans of the Napoleonic Wars took around 300 casualties and, though they won the field at North Point, they would eventually turn back rather than attempt an assault on the American defenses at Baltimore.[1] Not all the militia regiments performed with equal distinction. The 51st, and some members of 39th, broke and ran under fire. However, the 5th and 27th held their ground and were able to retreat in good order having inflicted significant casualties on the advancing enemy.[2] The 175th Infantry (ARNG MD), derived from the 5th Regiment, is one of only nineteen Army National Guard units with campaign credit for the War of 1812. American Civil War[] From 1841 to 1861 the senior militia general was Major General George H. Steuart, commander of the First Light Division.[3] Until the Civil War he would be the senior commander of the Maryland Volunteers. In 1833 a number of Baltimore regiments were formed into a brigade, and Steuart was promoted from colonel to brigadier general.[4] From 1841 to 1861 he was Commander of the First Light Division, Maryland Volunteer Militia.[3] Until the Civil War he would be the Commander-in-Chief of the Maryland Volunteers.[5][6] The First Light Division comprised two brigades: the 1st Light Brigade and the 2nd Brigade. The First Brigade consisted of the 1st Cavalry, 1st Artillery, and 5th Infantry regiments. The 2nd Brigade was composed of the 1st Rifle Regiment and the 53rd Infantry Regiment, and the Battalion of Baltimore City Guards.[7] By April 1861 it had become clear that war was inevitable. On April 16 Steuart's son, George H. Steuart, then an officer in the United States Army, resigned his captain's commission to join the Confederacy.[8] On April 19 Baltimore was disrupted by riots, during which Southern sympathizers attacked Union troops passing through the city by rail. Steuart's son commanded one of the Baltimore city militias during the disturbances of April 1861, following which Federal troops occupied the city. In a letter to his father, the younger Steuart wrote: "I found nothing but disgust in my observations along the route and in the place I came to - a large majority of the population are insane on the one idea of loyalty to the Union and the legislature is so diminished and unreliable that I rejoiced to hear that they intended to adjourn...it seems that we are doomed to be trodden on by these troops who have taken military possession of our State, and seem determined to commit all the outrages of an invading army." [9] Steuart himself was strongly sympathetic to the Confederacy and, perhaps knowing this, Governor Hicks did not call out the militia to suppress the riots.[10] On May 13, 1861 Union troops occupied the state, restoring order and preventing a vote in favour of Southern secession. Steuart moved south for the duration of the American Civil War, and much of the general's property was confiscated by the Federal Government as a consequence. Old Steuart Hall was confiscated by the Union Army and Jarvis Hospital was erected on the estate, to care for Federal wounded.[11] However, many members of the newly formed Maryland Line in the Confederate army would be drawn from the state militia.[12] Maryland militia units fought on both sides of the Civil War. At the Battle of Front Royal, the Union 1st Maryland was engaged and defeated by the Confederate 1st Maryland. The lineage of the Confderate 1st Maryland is perpetuated by the 175th Infantry Regiment, whose lineage dates back to 1774. Great Railroad Strike of 1877[] During the Great Railroad Strike of 1877, on July 20 Governor Carroll called up the 5th and 6th Regiments from Baltimore to stop strikers in Cumberland from disrupting rail service. While marching from their armories to a Baltimore and Ohio Railroad train at Camden Station, an armed mob attacked the troops. The 6th Regiment fired on the mob, killing 10 and wounding 25, and several members of both regiments were injured by stones and bricks.[13] The troops were then besieged by 50,000 rioters inside Camden Yards until the arrival of federal troops in Baltimore. The building, now part of a professional sports arena, still bears bullet holes from rioters firing at troops inside. Mexican Border raids of 1916[] In response to Pancho Villa’s cross-border raids, the Maryland National Guard was called up in 1916 and deployed for seven months to the town of Eagle Pass, Texas, on the Mexican border.[14] World War I[] During the First World War, most Maryland National Guard troops served as part of the 29th Division, and their campaign credits include Meuse-Argonne. In addition, the 1st Separate Company, an all-black unit, served as part of the 372nd Infantry Regiment, although ostensibly assigned to the 93rd Division, actually fought under French control. One of the Maryland National Guard's longest-mobilized units during the war was the 117th Trench Mortar Battery, which served under the 42nd Division from October 1917 until the end of the war. It was the first Maryland unit to see combat, and participated in all of the AEF's major battles during that period. World War II[] See also: Omaha Beach World War II also saw the mobilization of the Maryland National Guard. Again, most were assigned to the 29th Infantry Division, where they took part in the D-Day landings and fought their way across France and Germany. In 1945, they missed being the first unit to link up with the Soviet Red Army on the Elbe River by a matter of hours. Korean War[] The Maryland National Guard had very few troops mobilized for the Korean War, but those that were played an important role. The 231st Transportation Truck Battalion was the first National Guard unit to land in Korea, and were immediately put to use keeping supplies flowing within the Pusan Perimeter. Originally a segregated, all-black unit, the 231st was integrated during this service in Korea, only to be again segregated when it returned to state status. Vietnam War[] Although no Maryland Army National Guard units served in Vietnam, the Maryland Army Guard played a significant role during the Cold War. Across the state, Nike missile batteries, armed with nuclear warheads, were manned by Maryland National Guardsmen to defend the National Capital area from Soviet bombers from the mid-1950s until the early 1970s. Maryland National Guard troops were also kept busy with riot-control duty in the 1960s and early 1970s, most notably during the Baltimore Riots of 1968, the Salisbury riots of May, 1968, the University of Maryland student riots of 1970-72, and the Cambridge Riots of 1963 and 1967.[15] Global War on Terrorism[] Since the September 11 attacks, the Maryland Army National Guard has mobilized a number of units, including the 58th Infantry Brigade Combat Team, for service in Iraq; Afghanistan; Guantanamo Bay, Cuba; and Kosovo. Guardsmen from the 115th Military Police Battalion were among the first and most heavily called upon, having arrived at the Pentagon on Sept. 12 and subsequently served in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Guantanamo Bay. Maryland elements of the Combat Aviation Brigade, 29th Infantry Division served in Iraq, Maryland elements of the Combat Aviation Brigade, 42nd Infantry Division served in Afghanistan, and Maryland National Guard elements were attached to 44th Medical Brigade/XVIII Airborne Corps for service in Iraq. Maryland is also home to several Special Operations units, most notably Company B, 2nd Battalion, 20th Special Forces Group (Airborne) and Special Operations Detachment, Joint Forces. Members of these units have both been mobilized to serve in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Currently, the Special Operations Detachment, Joint Forces was selected and mobilized to create the Special Operations Command for the newly created United States Africa Command. Historic units[] 115th Armor Regiment (United States) 158th Cavalry Regiment (United States) 110th Field Artillery Regiment (United States) 224th Field Artillery Regiment (United States) 115th Infantry Regiment (United States) 175th Infantry Regiment (United States) 224th Aviation Regiment (United States) 121st Engineer Battalion (United States) Current Units[] Joint Forces Headquarters Headquarters - Headquarters Company Recruiting & Retention Battalion Training Support Battalion Det. 13, Operational Support Air Command Medical Detachment 32nd Civil Support Team (WMD) 1958th Contingency Contracting Team 229th JAG Trial Defense Team 229th Band 58th Troop Command 1297th Support Battalion 175th Infantry Regiment (United States), attached to the 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 28th Infantry Division, Pennsylvania Army National Guard Company B, 2 Battalion, 20th Special Forces Group (United States) Det 2, HHD, 2 Battalion 20th Special Forces Group (United States) SOD - Joint Forces Command 70th Regiment 58th Battlefield Surveillance Brigade (United States) Headquarters - Headquarters Company 1st Squadron, 158th Cavalry Regiment USAR Intelligence Battalion 729th Support Company 629th Signal Company (Network Support) 29th Infantry Division Combat Aviation Brigade [16] Notable members[] Raymond Berry, professional football Hall of Fame inductee John R. Bolton, United States Representative to the United Nations D. John Markey, 1946 senatorial candidate James Morris, Grammy Award-winning opera baritone Clinton L. Riggs, Secretary of Commerce and Police of the Philippine Commission See also[] History of Maryland Maryland in the American Civil War Coats of arms of U.S. Armor and Cavalry Regiments Coats of arms of U.S. Artillery Regiments Coats of arms of U.S. Infantry Regiments Coats of arms of U.S. Air Defense Artillery Regiments References[] Goldsborough, W. W., The Maryland Line in the Confederate Army, Guggenheimer Weil & Co (1900), ISBN 0-913419-00-1. Notes[] []
7368	dbpedia	1	49	https://historicshepherdstown.com/portfolio-item/the-battle-of-antietam/	en	The Battle of Antietam – Historic Shepherdstown	https://historicshepherd…6/04/favicon.png	https://historicshepherd…6/04/favicon.png	[ "https://i0.wp.com/historicshepherdstown.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/hsc_logo_dummy.png?fit=340%2C156&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/historicshepherdstown.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/gardner_alexander_antietam.jpg?fit=1024%2C717&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/historicshepherdstown.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/jersey_front.jpg?resize=80%2C80&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/historicshepherdstown.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/harpers_battle_shepherdstown.jpg?resize=80%2C80&ssl=1" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	https://historicshepherd…6/04/favicon.png		https://historicshepherdstown.com/portfolio-item/the-battle-of-antietam/	On September 17 of 1862, a day of horror and bloodshed would be branded into the memory of American history. The Confederate army of Northern Virginia under General Robert E. Lee defended itself along the banks of the Antietam Creek in Sharpsburg Maryland against the Army of the Potomac under General George B. McClellan. McClellan would start this day off in the early morning mist through the farm houses to the Confederate left flank in the cornfield and the West Woods. The battle shifted from the left to the middle of the confederate line of battle at the sunken road. One last shift in the fighting put the battle on the right of the confederate line at Burnside Bridge. By the end of the day and three shifts in the battle, the two armies ended the day in roughly the same spots as they started it in. On that day over 23,000 men would be added to the ever growing casualty list of the Civil War. At first light the union army I corps under the command of Major General Joseph Hooker marched from the wood lot and fields of Joseph Poffenberger’s farmstead towards the Confederate forces. The I corps marched with a two division front and one in reserve. The front two divisions marched north in the direction of a large cornfield parallel to the Hagerstown Turnpike. As these solders marched along both sides of the turnpike, Doubleday’s division on the left and Ricketts division on the right, they reached the top of the hill and a flash of light cracked through the mist and struck the union advance. This was the beginning of what would become the battle of Antietam. The line of defense that struck the union advance through the corn was the troops from Georgia under the command of Col Marcellus Douglass. His brigade with the rest of the division stood up and pushed the union forces back through the corn. On the far left of the line Starke took up his division and charged towards the union advance, during his advance he received a bullet to the head and fell dead. After this push back the two sides had a boxing match over the field of corn. The third division of the I corps came up to repel the confederates defending the cornfield. Just as the small defensive line was starting to brake, another confederate division came up as reinforcements to the line. Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson ordered up John Bell Hood and his division to go to the defense of the Confederate battle line. General Hood came up and smashed into the union line pushing them back through the corn. Another union army corps came through the East Woods to help the effort of the union advance on the confederate left. This was the XII army corps under the command of Major General Joseph Mansfield. Once Williams and Greene’s divisions march from the East Woods, it started to shift the line of battle from a north south direction to an east west direction. While the XII corps was starting its advance, General Mansfield was mortally wounded. General Hooker also received a wound in the foot during this time in the battle. The union right was left leaderless for a short time because of this. Coming to the support of these two corps was the II army corps under the command of Major General Edwin Sumner. The only division that reached the action under his command was Sedgwick’s division. By this time in the battle the fighting had shifted to an east to west direction. Sumner marched his only division from the East Woods to the West Woods. The Confederates were again about to break when the last confederate reserves came to save the left flank. When Sumner with Sedgwick’s division started marching through the West Woods, a division under the command of Lafayette McLaws came up on the flank of Sedgwick and stopped the union advance. Sedgwick lost half of his 5,500 men in half an hour. From 5:30 a.m. to 10:00 a.m. these two forces fought over a cornfield and wood lot, and over 10,000 men would fall from lead and iron, including two Generals falling dead, Joseph Mansfield in blue and William Starke in grey. The eastern wood lot of the battle field was a place of anxiety and confusion. By the time the second division of the II corps came up, Sedgwick had already been evacuated from the West Woods and his men were running for the North Woods. The second division was a green division freshly made of three year volunteers and was under the command of an artillery office, William French. The division veered to the south once exiting the eastern wood lot and aimed straight for the confederate center. The third division from the II corps would leave for the battle at about this same time. The troops of the second division marched through the woods and onto the farmstead of the Roulette family. The first brigade of the division marched through this farm receiving musket and artillery fire, warning them of what lay ahead. Max Weber, the brigade commander, brought his men up in brigade front, marching in almost perfect parade order. The confederates watching from a sunken farm lane knew they were coming and lay low in the lane, waiting. The confederates in the lane were the remnants of what was a large division under the command of Danial H. Hill, Stonewalls Jacksons brother in law. Out of his five brigades, only two were fresh to fight. The other three brigades, Cobb, Ripley, and Colquitt, had expended there men and energy in the cornfield and could not muster much of a fighting force for the defense of the confederate center. The last two fresh brigades of D.H. Hills division were of the two states of Alabama and North Carolina. General Rhodes and his Alabamians would receive the brunt of the first wave of union troops to advance on their line. The first union brigade advanced over the rolling hills of Sharpsburg Maryland to charge their enemy and push them out of that road with the cold steel of their bayonets. The confederates waited until their fire would be the most accurate and deadly. The union troops came over the ridge and started to charge down the hill when the men from Alabama and North Carolina stood up and unleashed a devastating volley into the ranks of Weber’s Brigade. That union ranks turned for the hills and fought from behind the sloping ground or retreated for the rear. The second brigade of union troops came up and tried to do the same thing that the first brigade did, and the same effect happened, the union troops ran to join the first brigade behind the hill to hold their ground there. These troops would be firing onto the confederates when the last of the second division came up. This was the only veteran brigade in the second division and it was under the command of a gallant and daring office, Nathen Kimball. This brigade would join the firing line of the rest of the division and cause a growing number of casualties within the confederate ranks in the road. Just as this last union brigade came up, the last division of the II corps started to arrive on the field. Israel Richardson brought to the field three fresh brigades to fight the confederate center. Also coming up to this part of the field was the second part of the last of the confederate reserves. Richard H. Anderson’s division was a part of McLaws troops, but was ordered to go to the center rather than follow McLaws. Richardson soon after arriving on the field would be wounded and taken off the field, leaving the division under the command of Brigadier General Richard Pryor. Pryor was not ready for such a roll and the division would sit in reserve in the fields of the Piper farm. Richardson’s division attacked in brigade front and charged through the fields and hills to reach the fight. The first brigade was the famed Irish Brigade; at the head of this fighting force was Thomas Meagher. This was the height of the fame and glory of this brigade. They marched up and got close and intimate with the North Carolinians under the command of George B. Anderson. The Irish troops were armed with smooth bore muskets that shot buck n’ ball and when in close range, they became very deadly weapons of choice. They would retreat to the ridge behind them leaving many of their comrades out on the field, but they inflicted as much damage as they received. The confederates in the lane suffered a major loss at this time as well. Their commander, General Anderson received a wound in the foot and would be evacuated from the field. This would lead to his death later that year. The confederates still holding onto the lane would lose their grip when the Irish brigade overlapped with the brigade to their left. Caldwell’s brigade preformed a perfect military maneuver under the heat of battle and a combined regiment jumped into the lane on the flank of the confederates and started to roll up the confederates on their right. The left of the confederate line was also starting to retreat from fighting. The leading regimental commander of the Alabamian troops, Colonel John B. Gordon, received his fifth and final wound of the day and was taken to the rear for medical aide. The next in command of this regiment, Col. Lightfoot, asked to pull his battered and beat regiment out from the lane. This regiment was the connecting regiment between the two brigades and its evacuation would lead to the destruction of the line, so he was ordered to turn his regiment to meet the new threat at hand from the flanking of the right. A confusion of the order came about and he pulled the regiment out for retreat, and brought along with him not just his regiment but the entire brigade. At this point in the fight the confederates were in full retreat and joined up with the reserves of R.H. Anderson’s division in the Piper fields. This was the break that the union forces needed to claim victory over this battle. One fresh brigade was left in Richardson’s division and the surviving men of the two divisions in total. Confederate artillery was a major point of advantage on this part of the field however. The confederates had every gun they could spare firing on the union advance on the center. The union had only two short range guns available for the advance, and they could not reach the bigger guns the confederates had firing on the union line. While the union forces were in the lane preparing for the advance on the center, a piece of artillery shrapnel hit the field commander, Israel Richardson, in the shoulder and put him out of action. The preparation for an advance came to a screeching halt with the arrival of the new field commander. General Hancock came to that part of the field with orders from McClellan to halt the advance until further orders came. The fight at the sunken road would become known as the bloody lane. The lane after the fighting would be filled with bodies so deep that a person could walk the length of road and not see or touch the actual road. By 2 in the afternoon, over the course of three hours, the fight over the road would claim another 5,500 casualties. Some of the fatal wounds that would lead to deaths were of two more generals, one of blue and one of grey. Israel Richardson after his wound was taken to McClellan’s headquarters for the Army of the Potomac at the Pry House. Here Richardson would receive treatment and would rest and heal his wound at that place, he was dying however. He was dying of Pneumonia and would be the last general to pass from their wounds from the battle at Sharpsburg; he died on November 3 of that year. The general in grey also would die from infection rather than the wound itself. G.B. Anderson would die from infection of the wound back at his home in the south. During the heat of battle he was told that it was just a minor wound and that he would go home to recover, once it got infected it spread throughout his body and lead to his death. The West Woods was a blaze with confusion and terror for the union troops fighting there. The other side of the battle was in the same state of mind. On the right of the confederate line, the IX army corps under the command of Ambrose Burnside was to be the right jab for the other side of the fields left hook. Burnside would not start his advance until close to 10:00 in the morning. His first goal was to capture a small bridge that span the Antietam creek, known as the lower bridge during the battle. Defending this passing was the small brigade of Georgians, about 300 in total. These Georgians had the task of defending that bridge at all costs, they were not to retreat. Along with the defense of the bridge, they had to defend a small ford a mile below the bridge. This stretched the small command out to its limit. Robert Toombs, a political appointee commander, was in charge of this small command. He was set on keeping that section of line intact and his determination spread throughout the command and gave an entire corps of union troops a hard time to get their goal of crossing the creek. Three divisions were tasked with taking the bridge while a forth one was to cross over the ford below the bridge. For 4 hours, the Georgian defenders stopped wave after wave of union advances to take the bridge. A combination of things broke the defenders from their position. At the perfect timing of everything, the union troops got a break. The Georgians were running out of ammunition and had nothing to fire at the troops in blue, so they started for the rear to get more ammunition; this put a lull in the rate of fire. The division crossing the ford below the creek came up on the flank of the defenders as the lull in fire came about. Also at the same time, the two 51 regiments from New York and Pennsylvania were behind the walls attached to the bridge. These three things all happening at the same time put the union troops over the bridge and pushed the Georgians back to the last line of defense the confederates had, a single division under the command of David R. Jones. Burnside continued his efforts with crossing his entire IX corps across the small lower bridge to continue the advance. It was close to 3:00 in the afternoon by the time the IX corps had crossed the bridge and was ready to advance up the hill to the town of Sharpsburg. The IX corps marched toward the small confederate force guarding the Harpers Ferry road that lead into Sharpsburg and prepared to take the town. The fight of the finial attack of the day was under way when one last piece of luck was had by the confederates. A division from the siege of Harpers Ferry came up on the Harpers Ferry road and smashed into the flank of the union line of attack. On the far flank of the IX corps line of attack was a green regiment, and it was up against the rough and tough veterans of A.P. Hill’s light division. The confederates from Harpers Ferry rolled up the flank of the union advance and started to push the union advance back to the bridge, along with the rest of the confederate defenses on that part of the field. The union troops ran back to just in front of the bridge and set up a defensive position on that part of the field. That charge of A.P. Hill was the last major action on what was America’s bloodiest single day. Two more generals would die from this battle, Lawrence O. Branch, commanding a brigade in A.P. Hill’s light division. The second general was a division commander of the IX corps. Isaac Rodman was a mortally wounded during the battle and would die from his wounds later that month. By the end of the day, over 23,000 men were dead, wounded, or missing from action including six generals, three federal and three confederate. The two forces stood at around the same location as they started with at the beginning of the day and would hold those positions until the end of September 18 when General Lee pulled his men out of Maryland and cross the Potomac at Shepherdstown Virginia under the cover of night.
7368	dbpedia	0	52	https://thisdayinusmilhist.wordpress.com/2005/08/24/august-24/	en	This Day in U.S. Military History	https://thisdayinusmilhi…apture.jpg?w=300	https://thisdayinusmilhi…apture.jpg?w=300	[ "https://thisdayinusmilhist.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/cropped-cropped-us-military-seals.jpg", "https://thisdayinusmilhist.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2005/08/capture.jpg?w=300&h=274", "https://s2.wp.com/i/logo/wpcom-gray-white.png", "https://s2.wp.com/i/logo/wpcom-gray-white.png", "https://pixel.wp.com/b.gif?v=noscript" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "R. W. White" ]	2005-08-24T00:00:00	24 August 1682 - Duke James of York gave Delaware to William Penn. 1781 – A small force of Pennsylvania militia is ambushed and overwhelmed by an American Indian group, which forces George Rogers Clark to abandon his attempt to attack Detroit. 1814 – On the 19th of August British Major - General Robert Ross…	en	https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico	This Day in U.S. Military History	https://thisdayinusmilhist.wordpress.com/2005/08/24/august-24/	24 August 1682 – Duke James of York gave Delaware to William Penn. 1781 – A small force of Pennsylvania militia is ambushed and overwhelmed by an American Indian group, which forces George Rogers Clark to abandon his attempt to attack Detroit. 1814 – On the 19th of August British Major – General Robert Ross had landed his troops and started marching up the Patuxent River, with Rear – Admiral George Cockburn and a naval division of light vessels in support. On the third day, Commodore Joshua Barney, U.S.N. had to destroy his own flotilla of gunboats to prevent them from being captured; he then withdrew his 400 seamen to defend the road leading from the village of Bladensburg to Washington. Brigadier – General Winder was in charge of the troops here. There were 120 dragoons and about 300 regular infantry as well as 1,500 militia. On August 24th, almost 5,000 additional American militia started to arrive on the battlefield that General Winder had selected to be on the Washington side of the village. The American defensive position looked impressive; they were formed up in two lines on the heights. The advanced U.S. forces occupied a fortified house, and Marine artillery covered the bridge that the British would have to cross. Many of the militia are poorly trained and armed and their officers are lacking leadership skills. The British open the engagement by unleashing their secret weapon, Congreve rockets. Though highly inaccurate (no American was reportedly injured by one) they caused great noise and smoke, creating panic in the militia ranks. Almost as soon as the British infantry started their assault, some militia routed off the field. However some units, like the 5th Regiment of Infantry, Maryland Militia (today the 175th Infantry) and the Hartford Dragoon’s fought a delaying action long enough to cover the retreat of other troops. The British entered Washington with no further problem this evening and burned government buildings including the White House and Capital. Commodore Barney and his seamen and Marines attempted to make a real fight of it until ordered by their badly wounded commander to withdraw to avoid being captured. The U.S. cannon took its toll on the advancing British troops and cut large holes in the British lines crossing the bridge. But the British kept on advancing filling in the ranks where soldiers fell. The charging British had 64 killed and 185 wounded while the U.S. forces lost 10 men killed and 12 wounded at what became known as “The Bladenburg Races” After a few hours rest the British formed up and continued on toward Washington 1814 – British forces under General Robert Ross overwhelm American militiamen at the Battle of Bladensburg, Maryland, and march unopposed into Washington, D.C. Most congressmen and officials fled the nation’s capital as soon as word came of the American defeat, but President James Madison and his wife, Dolley, escaped just before the invaders arrived. Earlier in the day, President Madison had been present at the Battle of Bladensburg and had at one point actually taken command of one of the few remaining American batteries, thus becoming the first and only president to exercise in actual battle his authority as commander in chief. The British army entered Washington in the late afternoon, and General Ross and British officers dined that night at the deserted White House. Meanwhile, the British troops, ecstatic that they had captured their enemy’s capital, began setting the city aflame in revenge for the burning of Canadian government buildings by U.S. troops earlier in the war. The White House, a number of federal buildings, and several private homes were destroyed. The still uncompleted Capitol building was also set on fire, and the House of Representatives and the Library of Congress were gutted before a torrential downpour doused the flames. On August 26, General Ross, realizing his untenable hold on the capital area, ordered a withdrawal from Washington. The next day, President Madison returned to a smoking and charred Washington and vowed to rebuild the city. James Hoban, the original architect of the White House, completed reconstruction of the executive mansion in 1817. 1816 – The Treaty of St. Louis of 1816 was signed by Ninian Edwards, William Clark, and Auguste Chouteau for the United States and representatives of the Council of Three Fires (united tribes of Ottawa, Ojibwa, and Potawatomi) residing on the Illinois and Milwaukee rivers. Despite the name, the treaty was conducted at Portage des Sioux, Missouri, located immediately north of St. Louis, Missouri. By signing the treaty, the tribes, their chiefs, and their warriors relinquished all right, claim, and title to land previously ceded to the United States by the Sac and Fox tribes on November 3, 1804 (see, 1804 Treaty, above), By signing, the united tribes also ceded a 20 mile strip of land to the United States, which connected Chicago and Lake Michigan with the Illinois River. In 1848, the Illinois and Michigan Canal was built on the ceded land and, in 1900, the Chicago Sanitary and Ship Canal. 1828 – Confederate General George Hume “Maryland” Steuart is born in Baltimore, Maryland. Steuart attended West Point and graduated in 1844. He served in various capacities in Texas, Kansas, and Nebraska, and he was part of General Albert S. Johnston’s expedition against the Mormons in Utah. Steuart resigned his commission after the firing on Fort Sumter in April 1861, because he anticipated that his native state would follow the other Southern states that had already seceded from the Union, and he was appointed major general of the Maryland volunteers who supported secession. When Maryland did not secede, Steuart accepted a commission as lieutenant colonel in the Confederate army. He earned his nickname from his close association with troops from Maryland. Steuart became colonel when his regiment commander was promoted to brigadier general. He fought at the First Battle of Bull Run and in the spring of 1862 he was promoted to command a brigade. Steuart’s force served on General Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson’s brilliant 1862 Shenandoah Valley campaign, and he fought at Gettysburg with Richard Ewell’s corps, where his brigade participated in the unsuccessful attacks against Culp’s Hill. Steuart was also part of the 1864 campaign in Virginia between Union General Ulysses S. Grant and Confederate General Robert E. Lee. At Spotsylvania Court House in May, he and his entire brigade were captured when Union forces overran the Bloody Angle. He was exchanged in August, and received command of a brigade in George Pickett’s division. Steuart remained with the Army of Northern Virginia until the surrender at Appomattox Court House. After the war, Steuart returned to Maryland, where he farmed and remained active in Confederate veterans’ groups until his death in 1903. 1857 – The Panic of 1857, a financial panic in the United States caused by the declining international economy and over-expansion of the domestic economy, began. Because of the interconnectedness of the world economy by the time of the 1850s, the financial crisis that began in late 1857 was the first world-wide economic crisis. In Britain, the Palmerston government circumvented the requirements of the Peel Banking Act of 1844, which required gold and silver reserves to back up the amount of money in circulation. This circumvention set off the Panic in Britain. The sinking of the SS Central America contributed to the panic of 1857, as New York banks were awaiting a much needed shipment of gold; not recovering financially until after the civil war. Beginning in September 1857, the financial downturn did not last long; however, a proper recovery was not seen until the American Civil War. 1862 – The C.S.S. Alabama was commissioned at sea off Portugal’s Azore Islands, beginning a career that would see over 60 Union merchant vessels sunk or destroyed by the Confederate raider. The ship was built in secret in the in Liverpool shipyards, and a diplomatic crisis between the US government and Britain ensued when the Union uncovered the ship’s birth place. 1863 – General Dabney H. Maury, CSA, reported: “The submarine boat sent to Charleston found that there was not enough water under the Ironsides for her to pass below her keel; therefore they have decided to affix a spike to the bow of the boat, to drive the spike into the Ironsides, then to back out, and by a string to explode the torpedo which was to be attached to the spike.” N. F. Hunley had originally been provided with a floating copper cylinder torpedo with flaring triggers which she could tow some 200 feet astern. The submarine would dive beneath the target ship, surface on the other side, and continue on course until the torpedo struck the ship and exploded. When the method proved unworkable, a spare torpedo containing 90 pounds of powder was affixed to the bow. A volunteer crew commanded by Lieutenant Payne, CSN, of C.S.S. Chicora took charge of H. L. Hunley in the next few days. 1891 – Thomas Edison patents the motion picture camera. 1894 – Congress passed the first graduated income tax law, which was declared unconstitutional the next year. It imposed a 2% tax on incomes over $4000. 1909 – Workers started pouring concrete for Panama Canal. 1912 – US passed an anti-gag law giving federal employees the right to petition government. 1912 – By an act of Congress, Alaska was given a territorial legislature of two houses. 1912 – Launching of USS Jupiter, first electrically propelled Navy ship. This collier will later be converted in to the first US Aircraft Carrier, the USS Langly. 1942 – The Battle of the Eastern Solomons. US Task Force 61, commanded by Admiral Fletcher is comprised of the American aircraft carriers Saratoga, Enterprise and Wasp. The Japanese split their forces into two, Admiral Nagumo commanding the Zuikaku and Shokaku and Admiral Hara, the Ryujo. Both forces are attempting to cover the ferrying of supplies to the respective forces on Guadalcanal. American scout planes discover the Ryujo and Admiral Fletcher dispatches a strike force. When the other two Japanese carriers are sighted, he attempts to redirect the attack, but most of his planes do not receive the new orders and proceed to sink the Ryujo. Admiral Nagumo’s planes find the USS Enterprise inflicting damage, however planes can still land on the carrier. Both carrier groups disengage at the end of the day without a clear result. 1942 – U.S. forces continue to deliver crushing blows to the Japanese, sinking the aircraft carrier Ryuho in the Battle of the East Solomon Islands. Key to the Americans’ success in this battle was the work of coastwatchers, a group of volunteers whose job it is to report on Japanese ship and aircraft movement. The Marines had landed on Guadalcanal, on the Solomon Islands, on August 7. This was the first American offensive maneuver of the war and would deliver the first real defeat to the Japanese. On August 23, coastwatchers, comprised mostly of Australian and New Zealander volunteers, hidden throughout the Solomon and Bismarck islands and protected by anti-Japanese natives, spotted heavy Japanese reinforcements headed for Guadalcanal. The coastwatchers alerted three U.S. carriers that were within 100 miles of Guadalcanal, which then raced to the scene to intercept the Japanese. By the time the Battle of the Eastern Solomons was over, the Japanese lost a light carrier, a destroyer, and a submarine and the Ryuho. The Americans suffered damage to the USS Enterprise, the most decorated carrier of the war; the Enterprise would see action again, though, in the American landings on Okinawa in 1945. As for the coastwatchers, Vice Adm. William F. Halsey said, “The coastwatchers saved Guadalcanal, and Guadalcanal saved the Pacific.” 1944 – The French 4th Armored Division (Leclerc), part of the US 5th Corps, reaches the outskirts of Paris as renewed fighting takes place within the city, between German forces and French resistance members. 1944 – Elements of the US 7th Army advancing northeast along the coast capture Cannes. In the advance northward, Grenoble is occupied while forces moving west take Arles on the Rhone River, south of Avignon. 1945 – The last Cadillac-built M-24 tank was produced on this day, ending the company’s World War II effort. Civilian auto production virtually ceased after the attack on Pearl Harbor, as the U.S. automotive industry turned to war production. Between 1940 and 1945, automotive firms made almost $29 billion worth of military materials, including jeeps, trucks, machine guns, carbines, tanks, helmets, and aerial bombs. 1949 – The North Atlantic Treaty went into effect. 1950 – The U.S. 2nd Infantry Division relieved the 24th Infantry Division on line along the Pusan Perimeter after weeks of continuous combat. 1954 – Congress passes the Communist Control Act in response to the growing anticommunist hysteria in the United States. Though full of ominous language, many found the purpose of the act unclear. In 1954, the Red Scare still raged in the United States. Although Senator Joseph McCarthy, the most famous of the “red hunters” in America, had been disgraced earlier in the summer of 1954 when he tried to prove that communists were in the U.S. Army, most Americans still believed that communists were at work in their country. Responding to this fear, Congress passed the Communist Control Act in August 1954. The act declared that, “The Communist Party of the United States, though purportedly a political party, is in fact an instrumentality of a conspiracy to overthrow the Government of the United States.” The act went on to charge that the party’s “role as the agency of a hostile foreign power renders its existence a clear and continuing danger to the security of the United States.” The conclusion seemed inescapable: “The Communist Party should be outlawed.” Indeed, that is what many people at the time believed the Communist Control Act accomplished. A careful reading of the act, however, indicates that the reality was a bit fuzzier. In 1950, Congress passed the Internal Security Act. In many respects, it was merely a version of the Communist Control Act passed four years later. It used the same language to condemn communism and the Communist Party of the United States, and established penalties for anyone belonging to a group calling for the violent overthrow of the American government. However, it very specifically noted that mere membership in the Communist Party, or affiliated organizations, was not in and of itself sufficient cause for arrest or penalty. The 1954 act went one step further by removing the “rights, privileges, and immunities attendant upon legal bodies created under the jurisdiction of the laws of the United States” from the Communist Party. The Communist Control Act made it clear that “nothing in this section shall be construed as amending the Internal Security Act of 1950.” Thus, while the Communist Control Act may have declared that the Communist Party should be outlawed, the act itself did not take this decisive step. In the years to come, the Communist Party of the United States continued to exist, although the U.S. government used legislation such as the Communist Control Act to harass Communist Party members. More ominously, the government also used such acts to investigate and harass numerous other organizations that were deemed to have communist “leanings.” These included the American Civil Liberties Union, labor unions, and the NAACP. By the mid-to-late 1960s, however, the Red Scare had run its course and a more liberal Supreme Court began to chip away at the immense tangle of anticommunist legislation that had been passed during the 1940s and 1950s. Today, the Communist Party of the United States continues to exist and regularly runs candidates for local, state, and national elections. 1959 – Three days after Hawaiian statehood, Hiram L. Fong was sworn in as the first Chinese-American U.S. Senator while Daniel K. Inouye was sworn in as the first Japanese-American U.S. Representative. 1960 – USS Bexar (APA-237) deploys to Pangahan Province in response to emergency request for aid from the Province’s governor. 1963 – A policy decision reaches Lodge from Washington that Diem must be given a chance to remove his brother Nhu, but will himself have to go if he does not. Lodge is advised to pass this on to Diem’s generals, in effect assuring them of support for a coup against Diem if he does not remove Nhu. 1968 – France became the world’s fifth thermonuclear power as it exploded a hydrogen bomb in the South Pacific. 1969 – Peru nationalized US oil interests. 1969 – Company A of the Third Battalion, 196th Light Infantry Brigade refuses the order of its commander, Lieutenant Eugene Schurtz, Jr., to continue an attack that had been launched to reach a downed helicopter shot down in the Que Son valley, 30 miles south of Da Nang. The unit had been in fierce combat for five days against entrenched North Vietnamese forces and had taken heavy casualties. Schurtz called his battalion commander, Lieutenant Colonel Robert C. Bacon, and informed him that his men had refused to follow his order to move out because they had “simply had enough” and that they were “broken.” The unit eventually moved out when Bacon sent his executive officer and a sergeant to give Schurtz’s troops “a pep talk,” but when they reached the downed helicopter on August 25, they found all eight men aboard dead. Schurtz was relieved of his command and transferred to another assignment in the division. Neither he nor his men were disciplined. This case of “combat refusal,” as the Army described it, was reported widely in U.S. newspapers. 1970 – U.S. B-52s carry out heavy bombing raids along the DMZ. In the United States, a radical protest group calling themselves the New Year’s Gang, a cover for or faction of the Weather Underground, blew up in the Army Mathematics Research Center at the University of Wisconsin Army Mathematics Research Center in Madison. A graduate student who was working late was killed in the blast. The center, which reportedly was involved in war research, had been a focus for protest in the past, but previously protests had all been nonviolent. 1987 – A military jury in Quantico, Va., sentenced Marine Sgt. Clayton Lonetree to 30 years in prison for disclosing U.S. secrets to the Soviet Union. The sentence was later reduced; with additional time off for good behavior, Lonetree ended up serving eight years in a military prison. 1989 – Voyager II passed within three thousand miles of Neptune sending back striking photographs. 1990 – Iraqi troops surrounded foreign missions in Kuwait. 1990 – Soviet President Mikhail S. Gorbachev sent a message to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein warning the Persian Gulf situation was “extremely dangerous.” 1993 – NASA’s Mars Observer, which was supposed to map the surface of Mars, was declared lost. 1995 – Harry Wu, Chinese human rights activist and writer, was sentenced to 15 years in prison by Chinese law and then expelled from China. China expelled Harry Wu, hours after convicting him of spying. 1996 – Four women began two days of academic orientation at The Citadel; they were the first female cadets admitted to the South Carolina military school since Shannon Faulkner. 1998 – The United States and Britain agreed to allow two Libyan suspects in the bombing of Pan Am flight 103 to be tried by a Scottish court sitting in the Netherlands. 1998 – In Egypt Abu Nidal was captured after crossing the border from Libya. He had split from the PLO in 1974 and was responsible for terrorist bombings in 1985 at the Rome and Vienna airports and a 1986 hijacking of Pan Am Flight 73 as well as a number of assassinations of PLO figures. Egypt denied the report of Nidal’s capture. 2000 – Iraq’s Deputy Prime Minister Tariq Aziz says “Iraq will not cooperate”with UNMOVIC, the body created by the United Nations to replace the former UN Special Commission on Iraq (UNSCOM). UNMOVIC is headed by Hans Blix ,a Swedish diplomat and arms control expert. Under the U.N. Security Council Resolution 1284 creating UNMOVIC, U.N. economic sanctions could be lifted if Iraq fulfills various conditions, including cooperation with UNMOVIC. 2001 – The United States decides to support a modified British proposal to tighten procedures for pricing Iraqi crude oil. According to reports, Iraq is attempting to price its oil at artificially low levels, and favouring buyers willing to pay surcharges to secret accounts, thereby circumventing United Nations control over Iraqi oil revenue. Britain had proposed that the U.N. and Iraq set prices every 10 days, instead of the current 30days, to make it more difficult for Iraq to exploit fluctuations in the market. 2002 – In the Canary Islands over a dozen beaked whales beached themselves following NATO exercises that involved a cluster of warships and submarines. 9 of the whales washed ashore dead and showed lesions in the brain and hearing system, consistent with acoustic impact. 2003 – Public power went out in Kabul, Afghanistan, due to lack of water in the local reservoirs. Return of power was not expected until Dec. 2003 – A 150-strong US Marine force ended an 11-day sortie and headed back to warships off the coast of Monrovia, Liberia. 2004 – In Iraq a car bomb killed at least 2 people in Baghdad. In Najaf US forces intensified fighting against rebels loyal to al-Sadr. 2006 – The International Astronomical Union (IAU) redefines the term “planet” such that Pluto is now considered a dwarf planet. 2104 – The British Ambassador to the US apologizes after a British Embassy tweet: “Commemorating the 200th anniversary of the burning of the White house. Only sparkers this time!” The Twitter message was complete with a photo of a Whitehouse cake with the mentioned sparklers surrounding it. Congressional Medal of Honor Citations for Actions Taken This Day *ANDERSON, RICHARD A. Rank and organization: Lance Corporal, U.S. Marine Corps, Company E, 3d Reconnaissance Battalion, 3d Marine Division. Place and date: Quang Tri Province, Republic of Vietnam, 24 August 1969. Entered service at: Houston, Tex. Born: 16 April 1948, Washington, D.C. Citation: For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty while serving as an assistant team leader with Company E, in connection with combat operations against an armed enemy. While conducting a patrol during the early morning hours L/Cpl. Anderson’s reconnaissance team came under a heavy volume of automatic weapons and machine gun fire from a numerically superior and well concealed enemy force. Although painfully wounded in both legs and knocked to the ground during the initial moments of the fierce fire fight, L/Cpl. Anderson assumed a prone position and continued to deliver intense suppressive fire in an attempt to repulse the attackers. Moments later he was wounded a second time by an enemy soldier who had approached to within 8 feet of the team’s position. Undaunted, he continued to pour a relentless stream of fire at the assaulting unit, even while a companion was treating his leg wounds. Observing an enemy grenade land between himself and the other marine, L/Cpl. Anderson immediately rolled over and covered the lethal weapon with his body, absorbing the full effects of the detonation. By his indomitable courage, inspiring initiative, and selfless devotion to duty, L/Cpl. Anderson was instrumental in saving several marines from serious injury or possible death. His actions were in keeping with the highest traditions of the Marine Corps and of the U.S. Naval Service. He gallantly gave his life in the service of his country. By virtue of an act of Congress approved 24 August 1921, the Medal of Honor, emblem of highest ideals and virtues is bestowed in the name of the Congress of the United States upon the unknown American, typifying the gallantry and intrepidity, at the risk of life above and beyond the call of duty, of our beloved heroes who made the supreme sacrifice in the World War. They died in order that others might live (293.8, A.G:O.) (War Department General Orders, No. 59, 13 Dec. 1921, sec. I).