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6497
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https://www.peekyou.com/_kamanger
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Kamanger Facebook, Instagram & Twitter on PeekYou
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Looking for Kamanger? Found 2 people named Kamanger along with free Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and TikTok profiles on PeekYou - true people search.
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/favicon.ico
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PeekYou
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https://www.peekyou.com/_kamanger
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6497
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karipey_Rural_District
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Karipey Rural District
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https://en.wikipedia.org/static/favicon/wikipedia.ico
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2013-10-28T18:54:10+00:00
|
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|
/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karipey_Rural_District
|
Rural district in Mazandaran province, Iran
Rural District in Mazandaran, Iran
Karipey Rural District (Persian: دهستان كارئ پي)[3] is in Lalehabad District of Babol County, Mazandaran province, Iran.[4] It is administered from the city of Zargar.[5]
Demographics
[edit]
Population
[edit]
At the time of the 2006 National Census, the rural district's population was 31,761 in 8,094 households.[6] There were 31,971 inhabitants in 9,506 households at the following census of 2011.[7] The 2016 census measured the population of the rural district as 27,828 in 9,206 households. The most populous of its 51 villages was Aminabad, with 1,952 people.[2]
See also
[edit]
Iran portal
|
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https://www.scribd.com/document/323097559/Archi-Iran
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Archi, Iran
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https://imgv2-1-f.scribdassets.com/img/document/323097559/original/8fc7df8294/1723836561?v=1
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Archi, Iran - Free download as PDF File (.pdf), Text File (.txt) or read online for free. Archi is a village located in Babol County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. According to the 2006 census, Archi had a population of 668 people within 172 families. Archi is situated in Karipey Rural District of Lalehabad District in Babol County.
|
en
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https://s-f.scribdassets.com/scribd.ico?5bf378a0d?v=5
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Scribd
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https://www.scribd.com/document/323097559/Archi-Iran
| |||
6497
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https://www.peekyou.com/_rahkola
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en
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Rahkola Facebook, Instagram & Twitter on PeekYou
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Looking for Rahkola? Found 54 people named Rahkola along with free Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and TikTok profiles on PeekYou - true people search.
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en
|
/favicon.ico
|
PeekYou
|
https://www.peekyou.com/_rahkola
| |||||
6497
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https://www.peekyou.com/_kamanger
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en
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Kamanger Facebook, Instagram & Twitter on PeekYou
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Looking for Kamanger? Found 2 people named Kamanger along with free Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and TikTok profiles on PeekYou - true people search.
|
en
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/favicon.ico
|
PeekYou
|
https://www.peekyou.com/_kamanger
| |||||
6497
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https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q5718041
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en
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Qadi Kola, Babol
|
https://www.wikidata.org/static/favicon/wikidata.ico
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https://www.wikidata.org/static/favicon/wikidata.ico
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village in Iran
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https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q5718041
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village in Iran
edit
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https://www.aimlexchange.com/search/wiki/page/Masir_Mahalleh
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AIMLExchange Search
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Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Masir Mahalleh (Persian: مصيرمحله, also Romanized as Masīr Maḩalleh; also known as Masīr Maḩalleh-ye Bālā, Maşīr Maḩalleh-ye Bālā, and Moşber Maḩalleh)[1] is a village in Karipey Rural District, Lalehabad District, Babol County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 233, in 64 families.[2]
References
[edit]
|
|||||||
6497
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https://alchetron.com/Marzbal
|
en
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Alchetron, The Free Social Encyclopedia
|
[
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] |
[] |
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[
""
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2017-08-18T08:30:48+00:00
|
Marzbal (Persian , also Romanized as Marzbl) is a village in Karipey Rural District, Lalehabad District, Babol County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 593, in 149 families. Marzbal Wikipedia (Text) CC BYSA
|
en
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/favicon.ico
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Alchetron.com
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https://alchetron.com/Marzbal
|
Supriya Ghosh
(Editor)
A teacher by profession and engineer by trade
Marzbal
Share on FacebookTweet on TwitterShare on LinkedInShare on Reddit
Sign in
Country
Iran
County
Babol
Rural District
Karipey
Population
593 (2006)
Province
Mazandaran
Bakhsh
Lalehabad
Time zone
IRST (UTC+3:30)
Marzbal (Persian: مرزبال, also Romanized as Marzbāl) is a village in Karipey Rural District, Lalehabad District, Babol County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 593, in 149 families.
References
Marzbal Wikipedia
(Text) CC BY-SA
Similar Topics
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https://www.browserscan.net/ipcheck/2.147.192.142
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2.147.192.142 - My ip info, What is my ip address, Query IP (IPv4, IPv6) location in common databases/ping test/ip query - BrowserScan
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"my ip info",
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2.147.192.142 - My ip info, What is my ip address, IP address (IPv4, IPv6) location query, get country, region, city and other information. Contains IP2location, BrightData, IPdata, IPinfo and other well-known IP databases
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BrowserScan
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https://www.browserscan.net/ipcheck/2.147.192.142
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Juybar
City in Mazandaran province, Iran
Distance: Approx. 1135 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.6375,52.90055556
Juybar (Persian: جويبار) is a city in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran province, Iran, serving as capital of both the county and the district. Juybar is known as the wrestling capital of Iran.
Central District (Juybar County)
District in Mazandaran province, Iran
Distance: Approx. 1330 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.62944444,52.90972222
The Central District of Juybar County (Persian: بخش مرکزی شهرستان جویبار) is in Mazandaran province, Iran. Its capital is the city of Juybar.
Aliabad, Babol
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 3415 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.61388889,52.895
Aliabad (Persian: علیآباد, also Romanized as ‘Alīābād) is a village in Karipey Rural District, Lalehabad District, Babol County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 455, in 116 families.
Darka Sar
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 3264 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.64277778,52.94888889
Darka Sar (Persian: دركاسر, also Romanized as Darkā Sar; also known as Darkeh Sar) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 422, in 106 families.
Darvish Mohammad Shah
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 2222 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.64444444,52.93694444
Darvish Mohammad Shah (Persian: درويش محمدشاه, also Romanized as Darvīsh Moḩammad Shāh) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 275, in 74 families.
Heydarabad, Juybar
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 1907 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.65833333,52.9125
Heydarabad (Persian: حيدراباد, also Romanized as Ḩeydarābād) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 884, in 234 families.
Mahalleh Kola
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 2493 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.62,52.92138889
Mahalleh Kola (Persian: محله كلا, also Romanized as Maḩalleh Kolā) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 451, in 126 families.
Qadi Mahalleh, Juybar
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 2211 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.63361111,52.93527778
Qadi Mahalleh (Persian: قادي محله, also Romanized as Qādī Maḩalleh) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 311, in 87 families.
Qushchi Mahalleh
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 1794 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.63861111,52.93222222
Qushchi Mahalleh (Persian: قوشچي محله, also Romanized as Qūshchī Maḩalleh; also known as Qūchī Maḩalleh) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 106, in 30 families.
Seyyed Zeyn ol Abedin
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 3308 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.66694444,52.89388889
Seyyed Zeyn ol Abedin (Persian: سيدزين العابدين, also Romanized as Seyyed Zeyn ol ‘Ābedīn) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 312, in 77 families.
Seraj Mahalleh, Juybar
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 2289 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.62527778,52.92861111
Seraj Mahalleh (Persian: سراج محله, also Romanized as Serāj Maḩalleh) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 551, in 154 families.
Vasu Kola
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 3566 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.61111111,52.92611111
Vasu Kola (Persian: واسوكلا, also Romanized as Vāsū Kolā; also known as Asū Kolā) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 1,119, in 275 families.
|
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babol_County
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Babol County
|
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2006-10-08T12:34:14+00:00
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/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babol_County
|
County in Mazandaran province, Iran
Not to be confused with Babolsar County.
For the city, see Babol.
County in Mazandaran, Iran
Babol County (Persian: شهرستان بابل) is in Mazandaran province, Iran. Its capital is the city of Babol.[4]
History
[edit]
Babol county was called Barforush in the 19th century.[5]
Demographics
[edit]
Population
[edit]
At the time of the 2006 National Census, the county's population was 464,538 in 125,187 households.[6] The next census in 2011 counted 495,472 people in 149,320 households.[7] The 2016 census measured the population of the county as 531,930 in 174,351 households.[3]
Administrative divisions
[edit]
Babol County's population history and administrative structure over three consecutive censuses are shown in the following table.
Babol County Population Administrative Divisions 2006[6] 2011[7] 2016[3] Central District 287,006 314,794 349,098 Esbu Kola RD 16,319 18,310 18,709 Feyziyeh RD 24,073 25,451 26,670 Ganj Afruz RD 22,792 23,480 23,024 Amirkola (city) 25,186 28,086 30,478 Babol (city) 198,636 219,467 250,217 Babol Kenar District 24,946 25,069 25,170 Babol Kenar RD 16,990 16,515 15,815 Deraz Kola RD 7,431 7,999 8,487 Marzikola (city) 525 555 868 Bandpey-e Gharbi District 25,577 25,876 26,233 Khvosh Rud RD 11,758 11,878 11,309 Shahidabad RD 10,879 10,681 9,182 Khush Rudpey (city) 2,940 3,317 5,742 Bandpey-e Sharqi District 32,522 33,508 35,232 Firuzjah RD 3,201 3,019 2,600 Sajjadrud RD 26,809 27,846 25,724 Galugah (city) 2,512 2,643 6,908 Gatab District 45,104 46,041 47,054 Gatab-e Jonubi RD 14,743 14,955 15,030 Gatab-e Shomali RD 23,405 23,844 24,650 Gatab (city) 6,956 7,242 7,374 Lalehabad District 49,383 50,184 49,142 Karipey RD 31,761 31,971 27,828 Lalehabad RD 17,197 17,790 17,323 Zargar (city)[a] 425 423 3,991 Total 464,538 495,472 531,930 RD = Rural District
See also
[edit]
Media related to Babol County at Wikimedia Commons
Notes
[edit]
References
[edit]
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https://en.wikipedia-on-ipfs.org/wiki/Deh_Char
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Deh Char
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deh_Char
|
Deh Char (Persian: دÙÚرâ) is a village in Sajjadrud Rural District, Bandpey-ye Sharqi District, Babol County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 41, in 10 families.[1]
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AIMLExchange Search
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Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Kalmadan-e Naqib (Persian: كلمدان نقيب, also Romanized as Kalmadān-e Naqīb; also known as Galmadān, Kalmeyn, Kalmīdān, and Kelemeydān)[1] is a village in Feyziyeh Rural District, in the Central District of Babol County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 287, in 77 families.[2]
References
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About: Karipey Rural District
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Karipey Rural District (Persian: دهستان كارئ پي) is a rural district (dehestan) in Lalehabad District, Babol County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 31,761, in 8,094 families. The rural district has 56 villages.
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DBpedia
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http://dbpedia.org/resource/Karipey_Rural_District
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Karipey Rural District (Persian: دهستان كارئ پي) is a rural district (dehestan) in Lalehabad District, Babol County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 31,761, in 8,094 families. The rural district has 56 villages.
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https://m.famousfix.com/list/mazandaran-province-geography-stubs
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en
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Mazandaran province geography stubs
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https://static.famousfix.com/img/ff/favicon.ico
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FamousFix.com
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https://www.famousfix.com/list/mazandaran-province-geography-stubs
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1.
Kelardasht-e Sharqi Rural District
Former Rural district in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: Kelardasht-e Sharqi Rural District (Persian: دهستان کلاردشت شرقی) is a rural district (dehestan) in Kelardasht District, Chalus County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population ...
0 0
2.
Haraz River
River in Iran
Overview: The Haraz River (Persian: هراز) is a notable river flowing through the Mazandaran Province of northern Iran. It flows northwards, from the Alborz mountain range into the Caspian Sea.
0 0
3.
Sharq va Gharb-e Shirgah Rural District
Rural district in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: Sharq va Gharb-e Shirgah Rural District (Persian: دهستان شرق وغرب شيرگاه) is a rural district (dehestan) in North Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was ...
0 0
4.
Shirgah District
County in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: North Savadkuh County (Persian: شهرستان سوادکوه شمالی) is a county in Mazandaran Province, Iran. The county was formed in 2013 from Shirgah and Narenjestan Districts, including the city of Shirgah ...
0 0
5.
Lar National Park
National park in Iran
Overview: Lar National Park (Persian پارک ملی لار park-e melli-e lar) is a protected area in Mazandaran Province and Tehran Province, in northern Iran.
0 0
6.
Galugah County
County in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: Galugah County (Persian: شهرستان گلوگاه) is a county in Mazandaran Province in Iran. The capital of the county is Galugah. It was separated from Behshahr County in 2005. At the 2006 census, the ...
0 0
7.
Neka County
County in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: Neka County (Persian: شهرستان نکا) is a county in Mazandaran Province in Iran. The capital of the county is Neka. At the 2006 census, the county's population was 104,753, in 26,723 families. The ...
0 0
8.
Sari County
County in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: Sari county (Persian: شهرستان ساری) is the capital of Mazandaran Province in Iran. The capital of the county is Sari. At the 2006 census, the county's population (including portions later split ...
0 0
9.
Babol County
County in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: Babol County (Persian: شهرستان بابل) is a county in Mazandaran Province in Iran. The capital of the county is Babol. At the 2012 census, the county's population was 495,472, in 149,363 families ...
0 0
10.
Fereydunkenar County
County in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: Fereydunkenar County (Persian: شهرستان فریدونکنار) is a county in Mazandaran Province in Iran. The capital of the county is Fereydunkenar. It was separated from Babolsar County in 2008. At the ...
0 0
11.
Hatkeh Rural District
Rural district in Mazandaran province, Iran
Overview: Hatkeh Rural District (Persian: دهستان هتکه) is in Narenjestan District of North Savadkuh County, Mazandaran province, Iran. Its capital is the village of Bur Kheyl. Prior to the formation of the rural ...
0 0
12.
Chaybagh Rural District
Rural district in Mazandaran province, Iran
Overview: Chaybagh Rural District (Persian: دهستان چایباغ) is in Narenjestan District of North Savadkuh County, Mazandaran province, Iran. Its capital is the village of Chaybagh. Prior to the formation of the rural ...
0 0
13.
Kelardasht County
County in Mazandaran province, Iran
Overview: Kelardasht County (Persian: شهرستان کلاردشت) is in Mazandaran province, Iran. Its capital is the city of Kelardasht.
0 0
14.
Lafur Rural District
Rural district in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: Lafour Rural District (Persian: دهستان لفور) is a rural district (dehestan) in North Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 4,826, in 1,427 families ...
0 0
15.
Kelardasht-e Gharbi Rural District
Former Rural district in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: Kelardasht-e Gharbi Rural District (Persian: دهستان کلاردشت غربی) is a rural district (dehestan) in Kelardasht District, Chalus County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population ...
0 0
16.
Nowshahr County
County in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: Noshahr County (Persian: شهرستان نوشهر) is a county in Mazandaran Province in Iran. The capital of the county is Noshahr. At the 2006 census, the county's population was 116,334, in 31,842 families ...
0 0
17.
Nur County
County in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: Nur County (Persian: شهرستان نور) is a county in Mazandaran Province in Iran. The capital of the county is Nur. At the 2006 census, the county's population was 104,807, in 27,699 families. The ...
0 0
18.
Mahmudabad County
County in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: Mahmudabad County (Persian: شهرستان محمودآباد) is a county in Mazandaran Province in Iran. The capital of the county is Mahmudabad. At the 2006 census, the county's population was 90,054, in 24,135 ...
0 0
19.
Qaem Shahr County
County in Mazandaran, Iran
Overview: Qaem Shahr County (also Qa'em Shahr and Ghaemshahr, Persian: قائمشهر شهرستان) is a county in Mazandaran Province in Iran. The center of the county is Qaem Shahr. The city was previously known as ...
0 0
|
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6497
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dbpedia
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1
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https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q5679279
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en
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Karipey Rural District
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rural district in Mazandaran, Iran
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rural district in Mazandaran, Iran
edit
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6497
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dbpedia
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https://alchetron.com/Karipey-Rural-District
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en
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Karipey Rural District
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https://alchetron.com/favicon.ico
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https://alchetron.com/favicon.ico
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2016-01-18T08:30:48+00:00
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Karipey Rural District (Persian ) is a rural district (dehestan) in Lalehabad District, Babol County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 31,761, in 8,094 families. The rural district has 56 villages. Karipey Rural District Wikipedia (Text) CC BYSA
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en
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/favicon.ico
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Alchetron.com
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https://alchetron.com/Karipey-Rural-District
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Karipey Rural District (Persian: دهستان كارئ پي) is a rural district (dehestan) in Lalehabad District, Babol County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 31,761, in 8,094 families. The rural district has 56 villages.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Qadi_Kola,_Babol
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Qadi Kola, Babol
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https://en.wikipedia.org/static/favicon/wikipedia.ico
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Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Qadi Kola (Persian: قاديكلا, also Romanized as Qādī Kolā; also known as Pā’īn Qādī Kolā)[1] is a village in Karipey Rural District, Lalehabad District, Babol County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 530, in 144 families.[2]
References
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6497
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dbpedia
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https://www.browserscan.net/ipcheck/2.147.160.73
|
en
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2.147.160.73 - My ip info, What is my ip address, Query IP (IPv4, IPv6) location in common databases/ping test/ip query - BrowserScan
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https://www.browserscan.net/ipcheck/2.147.160.73
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Greater Tehran
Metropolitan area in Iran
Distance: Approx. 265 meters
Latitude and longitude: 35.69611111,51.42305556
Greater Tehran Metropolitan Area is the urban agglomeration around Tehran that covers the central part of the Tehran Province and eastern part of the Alborz Province, that covers the contiguous cities of Tehran, Ray, Shemirānāt, and other areas. As of 2012, Greater Tehran had a population of close to 14 million residents. The 2016 census had the population at 13.3 million in Tehran Province (only 200 thousands of them outside Tehran and the suburban counties) and 2.2 million in Karaj and Fardis combined.
Baharestan (district)
District in Tehran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 438 meters
Latitude and longitude: 35.69166667,51.425
Baharestan (Persian: بهارستان) is a locality east of the central part of Tehran in Iran. The historical Baharestan building is located in this neighborhood. Kendriya Vidyalaya Tehran, the Embassy of India School, is in Baharestan.
Saadi Metro Station
Station of the Tehran Metro
Distance: Approx. 335 meters
Latitude and longitude: 35.69305556,51.42472222
Saadi Metro Station is a station in Tehran Metro Line 1. It is located in the junction of Saadi Street and Jomhuri-ye Eslami Street. It is between Imam Khomeini Metro Station and Darvaze Dolat Metro Station.
Embassy of the United Kingdom, Tehran
Diplomatic mission of UK in Iran
Distance: Approx. 360 meters
Latitude and longitude: 35.69652778,51.41852778
The Embassy of the United Kingdom in Tehran is the United Kingdom's diplomatic mission to the Islamic Republic of Iran. It is located at 172 Ferdowsi Avenue in Tehran. Following the 2011 attack on the Embassy and the expulsion of the British ambassador by Iran, Britain reduced its diplomatic relations with Iran to "the lowest possible level" and closed its embassy.
Abgineh Museum of Tehran
Museum in Tehran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 569 meters
Latitude and longitude: 35.69345,51.41507
The Glassware and Ceramic Museum of Iran (Persian: موزهٔ آبگینه و سفالینه ایران, Muze-ye Abgineh va Sofalineh-ye Irān) or simply Abgineh Museum (Persian: موزهٔ آبگینه, Muze-ye Abgineh) is located at 30 Tir Street (formerly known as Ghavam Al Saltaneh Street), in Tehran, Iran. It was private residence of longtime Prime Minister Ahmad Qavam from 1921 until 1951. The complex was also Embassy of Egypt for seven years.
Plasco Building
Building in Tehran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 72 meters
Latitude and longitude: 35.69472222,51.42083333
The Plasco Building (Persian: ساختمان پلاسکو, romanized: Sâxtmâne Plâskô) is a 20-story high-rise (5 floors below and 15 floors above ground) landmark building in Tehran, the capital city of Iran. It was built on the site of an earlier Plasco building, which at the time of its construction was the tallest building in Iran and was considered an iconic part of the Tehran skyline. The earlier building caught on fire and collapsed on 19 January 2017; construction on the new building began in 2018 and was completed in 2021.
Holy Mother of God Church, Tehran
Armenian Apostolic church in Tehran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 616 meters
Latitude and longitude: 35.69576547,51.4147684
Surp Asdvadzadzin Church, Holy Mother of God Church, or Saint Mary Church (Armenian: Սուրբ Աստվածածին եկեղեցի, Persian: کلیسای مریم مقدس), is an Armenian Apostolic church in Tehran, Iran completed in 1945. From 1945 to 1970 the church was the official office and the residence of the Armenians' archbishop, which was then transferred to Saint Sarkis Cathedral, Tehran.
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https://www.peekyou.com/_kamanger
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Kamanger Facebook, Instagram & Twitter on PeekYou
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https://www.peekyou.com/_kamanger
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6497
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https://www.peekyou.com/_rahkola
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Rahkola Facebook, Instagram & Twitter on PeekYou
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https://www.peekyou.com/_rahkola
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6497
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https://www.browserscan.net/ipcheck/2.147.192.52
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2.147.192.52 - My ip info, What is my ip address, Query IP (IPv4, IPv6) location in common databases/ping test/ip query - BrowserScan
|
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2.147.192.52 - My ip info, What is my ip address, IP address (IPv4, IPv6) location query, get country, region, city and other information. Contains IP2location, BrightData, IPdata, IPinfo and other well-known IP databases
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/favicon.ico
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BrowserScan
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https://www.browserscan.net/ipcheck/2.147.192.52
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Juybar
City in Mazandaran province, Iran
Distance: Approx. 1135 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.6375,52.90055556
Juybar (Persian: جويبار) is a city in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran province, Iran, serving as capital of both the county and the district. Juybar is known as the wrestling capital of Iran.
Central District (Juybar County)
District in Mazandaran province, Iran
Distance: Approx. 1330 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.62944444,52.90972222
The Central District of Juybar County (Persian: بخش مرکزی شهرستان جویبار) is in Mazandaran province, Iran. Its capital is the city of Juybar.
Aliabad, Babol
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 3415 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.61388889,52.895
Aliabad (Persian: علیآباد, also Romanized as ‘Alīābād) is a village in Karipey Rural District, Lalehabad District, Babol County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 455, in 116 families.
Darka Sar
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 3264 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.64277778,52.94888889
Darka Sar (Persian: دركاسر, also Romanized as Darkā Sar; also known as Darkeh Sar) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 422, in 106 families.
Darvish Mohammad Shah
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 2222 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.64444444,52.93694444
Darvish Mohammad Shah (Persian: درويش محمدشاه, also Romanized as Darvīsh Moḩammad Shāh) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 275, in 74 families.
Heydarabad, Juybar
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 1907 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.65833333,52.9125
Heydarabad (Persian: حيدراباد, also Romanized as Ḩeydarābād) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 884, in 234 families.
Mahalleh Kola
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 2493 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.62,52.92138889
Mahalleh Kola (Persian: محله كلا, also Romanized as Maḩalleh Kolā) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 451, in 126 families.
Qadi Mahalleh, Juybar
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 2211 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.63361111,52.93527778
Qadi Mahalleh (Persian: قادي محله, also Romanized as Qādī Maḩalleh) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 311, in 87 families.
Qushchi Mahalleh
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 1794 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.63861111,52.93222222
Qushchi Mahalleh (Persian: قوشچي محله, also Romanized as Qūshchī Maḩalleh; also known as Qūchī Maḩalleh) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 106, in 30 families.
Seyyed Zeyn ol Abedin
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 3308 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.66694444,52.89388889
Seyyed Zeyn ol Abedin (Persian: سيدزين العابدين, also Romanized as Seyyed Zeyn ol ‘Ābedīn) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 312, in 77 families.
Seraj Mahalleh, Juybar
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 2289 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.62527778,52.92861111
Seraj Mahalleh (Persian: سراج محله, also Romanized as Serāj Maḩalleh) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 551, in 154 families.
Vasu Kola
Village in Mazandaran, Iran
Distance: Approx. 3566 meters
Latitude and longitude: 36.61111111,52.92611111
Vasu Kola (Persian: واسوكلا, also Romanized as Vāsū Kolā; also known as Asū Kolā) is a village in Siyahrud Rural District, in the Central District of Juybar County, Mazandaran Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 1,119, in 275 families.
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https://dokumen.pub/sacral-kingship-in-bourbon-france-the-cult-of-saint-louis-15891830-9781350173194-9781350173224-9781350173200.html
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Sacral Kingship in Bourbon France: The Cult of Saint Louis, 1589–1830 9781350173194, 9781350173224, 9781350173200
|
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Historians of the ancien régime have long been interested in the relationship between religion and politics, and yet man...
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dokumen.pub
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https://dokumen.pub/sacral-kingship-in-bourbon-france-the-cult-of-saint-louis-15891830-9781350173194-9781350173224-9781350173200.html
|
Table of contents :
Title Page
Copyright Page
Contents
Figures
Acknowledgements
Note on proper names and translations
Abbreviations
Archives and libraries
Periodicals
Introduction
Sacral kingship
The politics of memory
Early modern sanctity
The historiography of the cult of Saint Louis
Chapter 1: Patron and protector of France: Saint Louis and his cult up to 1618
From Louis IX to Saint Louis
Henri IV and the establishment of Bourbon legitimacy
The restoration of the cult in 1618
Conclusion
2: The saint of kings and the king of saints: Perceptions of Saint Louis, 1618–1715
Saint Louis in seventeenth-century historiography
The panegyrics of Saint Louis
Saint Louis and the crusading ideal
Conclusion
Chapter 3: Ruling France under the shadow of Saint Louis, 1610–1715
Saint Louis and Louis the Just
Saint Louis during the Fronde
Saint Louis and the Sun King
Royal devotion to Saint Louis
Conclusion
Chapter 4: The spread of the cult, 1618–1789
The feast in Paris
The feast in the dioceses
The feast in the provinces
Dedications across France
Saint Louis in the French colonies
Saint Louis in foreign capitals
Conclusion
Chapter 5: Patterns of devotion
Relics and miracles
Liturgy
A saint for the grands
Conclusion
Chapter 6: Saint Louis in the age of Enlightenment and Revolution, 1715–92
Patron of the monarchy
The legislator king
Controversial crusades
The decline and fall of Saint Louis
Conclusion
Chapter 7: Saint Louis from exile to restoration, 1792–18301
A counter-revolutionary saint
Saint Louis and the Charte
The feast of Saint-Louis during the Restoration
Conclusion
Conclusion
Notes
Introduction
Chapter 1
Chapter 2
Chapter 3
Chapter 4
Chapter 5
Chapter 6
Chapter 7
Conclusion
Bibliography
Manuscripts
Primary sources printed before 1830
Primary sources printed after 1830
Secondary sources
Theses
Index
Citation preview
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https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/view/10.7208/chicago/9780226803975.001.0001/upso-9780226803661-chapter-003
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https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/common-law-civil-law-and-colonial-law/george-harris-and-the-comparative-legal-background-of-the-first-english-translation-of-justinians-institutes/BA552E7E699E46D4237D723CA4F565FE
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George Harris and the Comparative Legal Background of the First English Translation of Justinian’s Institutes (Chapter 4)
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Common Law, Civil Law, and Colonial Law - April 2021
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Cambridge Core
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https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/common-law-civil-law-and-colonial-law/george-harris-and-the-comparative-legal-background-of-the-first-english-translation-of-justinians-institutes/BA552E7E699E46D4237D723CA4F565FE
|
George Harris
George Harris was born in Westminster in 1721. It seems that he spent part of his childhood in Wales with his father, John Harris, who was appointed bishop of Llandaff in 1729. Shortly before his father’s death, in June 1738, George was matriculated at Oriel College, Oxford. In 1745 he obtained the degree of Bachelor in Civil Law and five years later a doctoral degree. Later the same year, on 23 October, Harris was admitted to the College of Advocates, and he began a legal practice. During his long-term membership, he performed many administrative functions: register (1763–4), librarian (1765–6) and treasurer (1767–70; 1781–2). In addition, he was involved in the administrative and judicial organisation of many dioceses. It was noted in his obituary published in The Annual Register that Harris was chancellor of the dioceses of Durham, Hereford and Llandaff as well as the commissioner of Essex, Hertfordshire and Surrey. This list can be supplemented with two more chancellorships in Bangor and Winchester. It seems that most of these appointments were held by Harris almost until his death.
It is possible to locate some traces of Harris’s practice as advocate. Archival investigation indicates the survival of several legal opinions presented by Harris. Most of them concern ecclesiastical matters, primarily regarding staffing of offices. Lambeth Palace Library possesses three such opinions dated 1770/1, 1784 and 1787. Another two opinions are held by the local archives in Yorkshire (1764) and Devon (1780).
Like many other eighteenth-century civilians, Harris was also involved in judicial work. For many years he was a judge of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. Through the press testamentary reports, it is possible to see that Harris was performing judicial duties as early as March 1759, when he proved the will and codicils of Henry Hawley. He was still acting as a judge in 1790 when he proved the will of the well-known eccentric John Elwes.
Besides the Prerogative Court, Harris was also acting as a judge while he was holding the diocesan offices. While he was a commissioner of Surrey, then part of the diocese of Winchester, Harris was engaged in an unusual case. At the time, the bishop of Winchester was visitor of Magdalen College, Oxford. He exercised his powers through the commissioner. In 1769 Harris was presiding over a hearing in a case regarding the deprivation of Ambrose Kent of his Doctor of Divinity degree and fellowship at Magdalen College. It seems that these hearings were partly informal since they were taking place in such different locations as Harris’s chambers, the common-hall of Doctors’ Commons and the bishop’s home in Chelsea.
Harris’s judicial activity on behalf of the Winchester diocese was perpetuated by John Wentworth. By the end of the eighteenth century, this barrister and member of the Inner Temple published several volumes regarding judicial proceedings. The matters discussed were illustrated with actual examples from practice. During the analysis of the writ of prohibition, Wentworth included in his book a motion to grant a writ, the writ itself signed by George III, as well as Harris’s declaration of admitting the writ, all concerning the 1777 case.
Kent’s was not the only university case in which Harris was involved. In 1793 Jesus College, Cambridge sent a request to the civilian for an opinion regarding an appropriate interpretation of the College statute. The proceedings concern the publication of a treatise by William Frend entitled Peace and Union Recommended to the Associated Bodies of Republicans and Anti-Republicans. Although Harris was not called to appear in the Vice-Chancellor’s Court, his opinion was used during the hearing.
As a diocesan official, Harris was also acting widely as an administrator of different ecclesiastical legal matters. For example, as a commissary of Surrey, Harris was involved in the discussion regarding the dispute between the bishop of Winchester and the vicar general of the Province of Canterbury in issuing marriage licences (1765). At another point, Harris was presiding on behalf of the archbishop of Canterbury over proceedings regarding applications for medical licences.
Further, like many other civilians at the time, Harris did not limit his practice to ecclesiastical law. He was also an advocate in the Admiralty, where he gained an important position and held the post of Admiralty Advocate between 1764 and 1782.
George Harris was professionally active until his death. The archives of Lambeth Palace possess documentation of a 1795 case pending in the Arches – the provincial court of the archbishop of Canterbury – wherein Harris was acting on behalf of the diocese of Winchester. Harris died only a few months later, on 19 April 1796. He left a last will in which he disposed of his huge wealth. He established several trusts, including two major ones on behalf of two London hospitals – one worth £20,000, the other £15,000. This is, in fact, not surprising, since Harris was involved in charity work during his lifetime. He was a member of the Corporations of the Sons of Clergy, which financially supported poor ecclesiastics and their families.
Translation of the Institutes: Content
Harris began his opus with an extensive dedicatory note addressed to Sir George Lee, then the dean of the Arches. In a typical panegyric manner, the civilian praised the merits of the judge for the development of English law as well as for his intellectual qualities. It would not be an exaggeration to say that Harris packed the note with all possible flattery. As an illustration, two passages can be quoted: ‘and, as I have the honor to attend those courts, in which you so eminently preside, I may hope to avail myself of the many opportunities of instruction, which must continually offer themselves’ and ‘the benefits, conferred by you, are not confined to individuals; your conduct as a Lord Commissioner of the Admiralty, and the satisfaction it gave the public, are sufficiently known’.
It seems that Harris here had a pragmatic purpose. Not only was George Lee, as the dean of the Arches, the presiding member of the College of Advocates, but he was also the head of the court before which the civilian appeared. It should not be ruled out that Harris’s actions were parts of his efforts to obtain a judgeship in the Arches. If this really was the case, it may be that these efforts were successful. The dedicatory note was signed by Harris on 25 February 1756. Less than three years later, in March 1759, the lawyer was already a surrogate-judge for the dean of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. It is true that at the time the Arches had a new dean, Sir Edward Simpson, but Lee had died only a few months earlier.
After the dedication, Harris placed the advertisement, where he pointed out his main aims in preparing his translation. He emphasised that his work should be treated as an introduction to the Institutes’ edition and commentary written by Arnold Vinnius. The second paragraph of the advertisement contains a short explanation regarding the notes added by Harris to the translation. He pointed out that the majority of them concern English law. He admitted also that they were not perfect but added that they should arouse the curiosity of a ‘young reader’. He hoped that these notes could also rouse the desire of the readers to study more deeply their national law as well as the Civil law, described by Harris as ‘the Master-work of human policy’.
Finally, the introductory part is crowned with the already-mentioned ‘A Brief Account of the Rise and Progress of the Roman Law’. Starting from the earliest stages of Roman legal history, Harris presented first the semi-legendary stories of the legislative activity of Romulus, a gathering of the leges regiae by Sextus Papirius and finally the exile of Tarquinius Priscus from Rome. In the opinion of Harris, the subsequent events that led to the creation of the republic were the times of ‘great incertainity in respect to law’. Arbitrary decisions of the magistrates brought widespread discontent among the people. As a consequence, the patricians succumbed to the plebeians and decided to appoint the ten men – decemviri – who would eventually propose a project to enact a law that would be partially based on Greek laws and partially on previous Roman laws. Next, Harris presented the circumstances that led to the appointment of another decemviri committee and to shape the final version of what would be known as the law of the Twelve Tables.
The story told by Harris is focused on the republican period. He noticed that shortly after the enactment of the lex duodecim tabularum, its provisions started to be changed due to their severity. In his opinion, the Senate was primarily responsible for these changes, as well as the plebeians who voted during their assemblies. It is curious, from a modern point of view, that he did not mention the role played by the far more important legislative body of the republican period, the popular assembly, and their statutes (leges). Instead, Harris pointed out the important role played by the learned jurists, by what he calls ‘auctoritas prudentum’. Harris went on to state that after the promulgation of the law of the Twelve Tables, the Roman system of actiones was constituted. At first, they were unknown to the public until Flavius made them public. Shortly thereafter, Sextus Aelius introduced a newer, much improved system of the legal actions.
Harris then suddenly changed the course of his arguments to focus on the pretorian edict. He explained that although the edict lost its authority after the one-year term of office of the pretor, nevertheless ‘many of them were so truly valuable for their justice and equity, that they have been perpetuated as laws’.
After these extended deliberations regarding the republican period, Harris dealt with the principate in just one paragraph. He declared that after the ‘re-establishment of monarchy’ by Augustus, the Roman law gained new types of sources – the imperial constitutions and the responses of the lawyers. The details regarding their issuing were, however, not interesting to him. Instead, he skipped about three-hundred years and proclaimed that at that time the number of the imperial constitutions was so great that it was necessary to codify them. He listed the names of the lawyers Gregorius and Hermogenes (sic), who compiled private collections of the constitutions during the reign of the emperor Constantine. Next, he emphasised, an official collection was promulgated on the command of Emperor Theodosius. Harris summed up this part of ‘A Brief Account’ by saying that all the foregoing attempts to fix the state of imperial legislation were imperfect. Due to this, the great work of Justinian’s codification was necessary.
In the following paragraphs, Harris presented the stages of the works of codification carried out by the forces appointed by the emperor. He mentioned that the laws created on behalf of the emperor should be unchangeable and that they should not be summarised or excerpted. In a separate paragraph, Harris pointed out that Justinian had continued his legislative efforts by issuing novels and edicts which were written in Greek rather than Latin. He explained that it was a consequence of the greater popularity of Greek language in the Eastern Empire. He finished these deliberations by mentioning the release of the Basilica.
Harris devoted the last part of ‘A Brief Account’ to the problem of later knowledge of the codification in Western Europe. He explained that it was not commonly known in the former Western Empire, and after the Lombard invasion it was nearly forgotten. Both Code and Pandects were missing until their rediscovery in the twelfth century, respectively in Ravenna and Amalfi. Since that time, however, they have been a subject of constant studies.
There are no doubts that the history of Roman law and its sources presented by Harris is disputable, especially when compared with twenty-first-century knowledge of Roman legal science. Harris’s knowledge, especially about the archaic and pre-classical Roman law, is rather simplified and based more on conjectures and legends than scientific arrangements. Other matters, like the rediscovery of the Digest in Amalfi were still unverified. It is important to remember, however, that ‘A Brief Account’ was only a short introduction and should precede further reading of Vinnius’s commentary .
After ‘A Brief Account’, the main section of Harris’s book starts: the translation equipped with numerous notes. His pattern is as follows: he first gives the original Latin text, followed by the English translation typed in italics. Where he believed it was necessary, he included a short commentary and the explanation of the pivotal terms at the end.
One of the characteristic features of Harris’s translation was his inclusion of a reference to the parallel segments in other parts of Justinian’s codification at the start of every title in the Institutes. For example, beneath the name of the first title of the first book of the Institutes (De iustitia et iure) Harris indicated the designation ‘D. 1 T. 1’ that redirects the reader to the first title of the first book of Justinian’s Digest, which bears the same name. In another place, beneath the eighteenth title of the second book of the Institutes (De inofficioso testamento) the translator indicated the parallel places both in the Digest and the Code. Such practice was characteristic for English civilian literature in the eighteenth century. It can be observed in various places throughout the century. Francis Dickins, the Regius Professor of Civil Law in Cambridge (1714–55) used it, for example, in his lecture notes. In the 1770s the same method was exploited by Samuel Hallifax in his textbook.
Another characteristic of Harris’s work was the addition of informal subtitles clarifying the content of the following segment of the Institutes. A good example is the already-mentioned title De inofficioso testamento. It was divided into the following subtitles: Ratio huius querelae (I. 2, 18, pr.); Qui de inofficioso agunt (I. 2, 18, 1); Qui alio iure veniunt, de inofficioso non agunt (I. 2, 18, 2); De eo, cui testator aliquid reliquit (I. 2, 18, 3); Si tutor, cui nihil a patre relictum, pupilli nomine legatum acceperit (I. 2, 18, 4); Si de inofficioso nomine pupilli agens succubuerit (I. 2, 18, 5); De quarta legitima partis (I. 2, 18, 6–7). Although the addition was unique in comparison with other civilian works of the epoch, it was not Harris’s independent idea. The names of the subtitles were borrowed from Vinnius’s commentary.
The publication of the English translation of Justinian’s Institutes was a very important event in the history of the English science of Roman Civil law. A crucial component of that translation was the notes. In fact, they were arguably the most significant element of the translation. Close analysis of them shows that Harris was a very well-read independent scholar who knew both older and more recent legal literature well. His reading was not restricted to Civil law. On the contrary, Harris also reveals extensive knowledge of the English legal system. It is noteworthy that the works to which Harris referred very often represented other disciplines and are a good manifestation of the lawyer’s comprehensive knowledge.
These legal sources are quoted by Harris on many different occasions. He had an extensive orientation in all parts of Justinian’s codification. In many notes it is possible to find direct references to parallel passages of the Digest, Code and Novels . Quite often he based his argumentation also on Theophilus’s Paraphrase. The Theodosian Code, by contrast, was used infrequently. Harris also quoted non-legal sources. Besides the Cicero orations, he also referred to Tacitus’s Annales, Suetonius and Aulus Gellius. Among the Greek authors, he used the works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Herodotus, Plutarch and the Homeric epics.
As for the scholarly works, Harris referred to a great number of Roman Civil law authors who represent different traditions. It is possible to find in the notes citation of the following authors: Bartolus, Philibert Bugnyon, Diego de Covarrubias y Leyva, Cujacius (Cujas), Jean Domat (quoted both in the original version as well as in the English translation by William Strahan), Jean Doujat , Claude-Joseph de Ferrière, Simon van Groenewegen van der Made, Johann Friedrich Gronovius, Grotius, Heineccius, Joachim Hoppe, François Hotman, Gilles Ménage, Joachim Mynsinger von Frundeck, Matthew Wesenbeck and, naturally, Arnold Vinnius. In addition to these Continental scholars, Harris referred to only three English civilians, all of whom were living in the eighteenth century, namely Robert Eden, John Taylor and Thomas Wood.
A separate group, much more interesting than the English civilians, is made up of writers on English law, whom he used extensively. This is a rather surprising occurrence, especially given that Harris had never been trained in Common law. It can be assumed, however, that he was quite well self-educated in this field of knowledge. Besides the oldest English legal treatises, i.e. Glanvill and Bracton, Harris referred also to another medieval text – Britton. The lawyers of later epochs cited by Harris are: Matthew Bacon, Thomas Blount, Edward Coke, John Cowell, Anthony Fitzherbert, John Fortescue, Matthew Hale, William Hawkins, Thomas Littleton, John Rastell, Thomas Smith, Christopher St German and Thomas Wood.
Harris was also keen to refer to English ecclesiastical lawyers, including Edmund Gibson, John Godolphin and Henry Swinburne. In addition, in one of the notes, Harris referred to a work entitled Ordo iudiciorum but did not insert the name of the author. The context of Harris’s statement, however, suggests that he was referring to the work published in 1728 by Thomas Oughton. Pre-Reformation literature was not exploited by Harris, except that he referred three times to Gregory IX’s Liber extra. The ‘ecclesiastical’ context was strengthened by Harris referring to passages from the Bible as well as the theological literature. It is interesting that among that last type of references it is possible to find a citation of the Catholic theologian, Peter Faber, a Jesuit priest and the disciple of Ignatius of Loyola.
As to English law, it has to be emphasised that Harris devoted much of his attention to the problems of legislation and court practice. This last feature of the translation is especially fascinating. The oldest law reports quoted by Harris date back to the sixteenth century. These are the reports of the judge Sir James Dyer, those known as Keilway’s Reports as well as those of the lawyer Edmund Plowden. From the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries come another three law reports: Sir Edmund Anderson’s, Sir Edward Coke’s and Sir George Croke’s. The seventeenth century is represented by the reports by Thomas Hardres, Thomas Siderfin and John Vaughan and the collection known as Levine’s King’s Bench and Common Pleas Reports 1660–1697. The turn of the seventeenth and eighteenth century is represented by the reports series Modern Reports and the reports collected by William Salkeld, whilst the eighteenth century is witnessed by the reports authored by Sir Jeffrey Gilbert, Lord Raymond and Sir John Strange. The activity of the Chancery is attested by Harris through the quotation of four reports series: an anonymous A General Abridgement of Cases in Equity, Argued and Adjudged in the High Court of Chancery etc., the Chancery Cases and the Chancery Reports, as well as the reports of Thomas Vernon. The ecclesiastical judgments are quoted only once, when Harris referred to the reports collected by Edward Stillingfeet.
Quite unique are the references to the experience of Scottish institutional writers – Sir George Mackenzie and Lord Stair. In both cases Harris referred to their Institutions. Also, in one place, it is possible to find a mention of Norman customs of the Channel Islands.
Obviously, Harris was also using some secondary, auxiliary literature. Among these works, it is worth mentioning the historical pieces Basil Kennett’s Antiquities of Rome and John Potter’s Archaeologia Greca or the Antiquities of Greece. Besides, Harris was using philosophical works, like Tetrachordon by John Milton and Montesquieu’s De l’esprit des lois. Among the dictionaries can be mentioned Thesaurus linguae latinae by Robert Estienne and Thesaurus eruditionis scholasticae by Basil Faber.
Following the translation of the Institutes, Harris added a single supplement to his work. It was an English translation of the Novel 118, decreed by Justinian in 543. The imperial constitution was part of the famous changes that the emperor introduced in the field of the intestate succession. The reason for its attachment to the translation of the Institutes is not clear, as Harris did not explain his action in this regard. It seems natural, though, that the translation could have been dictated by practical reasons. After all, ecclesiastical courts – the domain of the civilians’ activity – were mainly preoccupied with testamentary inheritance cases. The Novel and its translation cover a little over ten pages. The text was presented in three ways. First, Harris presented the Greek version of the constitution. Second, the Latin translation of the constitution was added. Finally, beneath these two versions, an English translation was included.
Just as with the Institutes, the lawyer equipped the Novel with extensive commentaries. The apparatus is varied again. Among the civilian works it is possible to find the two pieces already mentioned before – written by Domat and Ferrière. In addition, Harris also used two other civilian treatises authored by Petrus Gudelinus (Pierre Goudelin) and Johannes Voet. English law is again represented by Glanvill, Littleton and Coke, and in addition by the work on criminal law written by Sir Michael Foster. Finally, the law reports were used by Harris. Only the reports of Lord Raymond were reused. In addition, another three were used by Harris for the very first time: the reports prepared by Sir John Holt, Sir Bartholomew Shower and William Peere Williams.
What were the origins of such a wealth of literature? The translation was published in 1756. Even, if it is assumed that this project was initiated by Harris while still at Oxford, the 1749 edition of the translation does not reveal much about Harris’s interest in constructing elaborate notes. It seems plausible that the notes were mostly already written after Harris’s graduation, while he was a member of the College of Advocates. Besides a private library which was definitely continually expanded by Harris, it is most likely that his main supplying source was the library of the Doctors’ Commons. This conclusion can be partially confirmed by juxtaposing the list of works used by Harris with the library catalogue of Doctors’ Commons published in 1818. Although not all the works to which he referred can be found in the catalogue, many of them were in the College’s possession. While he was living in London, it is possible that Harris also had access to Lambeth Palace Library as well as the libraries of the Inns of Court. Finally, it is plausible that he used bishops’ or cathedrals’ libraries while he was travelling around the country to fulfil his professional duties .
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Words in Blond Like Flowers - Babette Babich PDF
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WORDS IN BLOND LIKE FLOWERS - BABETTE BABICH.pdf - Free ebook download as PDF File (.pdf), Text File (.txt) or read book online for free.
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St. Vincent Leters Vol 5 LTR
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St. Vincent Leters Vol 5 Ltr - Free ebook download as Word Doc (.doc), PDF File (.pdf), Text File (.txt) or read book online for free. Vincent writes to Jean Dehorgny, the superior of the priests in Rome, about writing a letter to Cardinal Altieri per Dehorgny's request. He asks Dehorgny to review the letter and suggest any changes. He also asks Dehorgny to visit Cardinal Antoine to renew offers of obedience and reassure him regarding some members of his household who were seized. Vincent mentions others who are traveling and says he eagerly awaits Dehorgny's return to Paris.
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Jean Doujat
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French lawyer
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Books and Borrowing 1750-1830
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APA Style:
Simple search for 'bdate%7C1776/11/8'. 2024. In Books and Borrowing: An Analysis of Scottish Borrowers’ Registers, 1750-1830. University of Stirling. Retrieved 15 August 2024, from https://borrowing.stir.ac.uk
MLA Style:
"Simple search for 'bdate%7C1776/11/8'." Books and Borrowing: An Analysis of Scottish Borrowers’ Registers, 1750-1830, University of Stirling, 2024. Web. 15 August 2024. https://borrowing.stir.ac.uk
Chicago Style
Books and Borrowing: An Analysis of Scottish Borrowers’ Registers, 1750-1830, s.v., "Simple search for 'bdate%7C1776/11/8'," accessed 15 August 2024, https://borrowing.stir.ac.uk
If your style guide prefers a single bibliography entry for this resource, we recommend:
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'hispanism' related words: romancero philippines [504 more]
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Words Related to hispanism
As you've probably noticed, words related to "hispanism" are listed above. Hopefully the generated list of term related words above suit your needs.
P.S. There are some problems that I'm aware of, but can't currently fix (because they are out of the scope of this project). The main one is that individual words can have many different senses (meanings), so when you search for a word like mean, the engine doesn't know which definition you're referring to ("bullies are mean" vs. "what do you mean?", etc.), so consider that your search query for words like term may be a bit ambiguous to the engine in that sense, and the related terms that are returned may reflect this. You might also be wondering: What type of word is ~term~?
Also check out hispanism words on relatedwords.io for another source of associations.
Related Words
Related Words runs on several different algorithms which compete to get their results higher in the list. One such algorithm uses word embedding to convert words into many dimensional vectors which represent their meanings. The vectors of the words in your query are compared to a huge database of of pre-computed vectors to find similar words. Another algorithm crawls through Concept Net to find words which have some meaningful relationship with your query. These algorithms, and several more, are what allows Related Words to give you... related words - rather than just direct synonyms.
As well as finding words related to other words, you can enter phrases and it should give you related words and phrases, so long as the phrase/sentence you entered isn't too long. You will probably get some weird results every now and then - that's just the nature of the engine in its current state.
Special thanks to the contributors of the open-source code that was used to bring you this list of hispanism themed words: @Planeshifter, @HubSpot, Concept Net, WordNet, and @mongodb.
There is still lots of work to be done to get this to give consistently good results, but I think it's at the stage where it could be useful to people, which is why I released it.
Please note that Related Words uses third party scripts (such as Google Analytics and advertisements) which use cookies. To learn more, see the privacy policy.
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Full text of "The teaching and cultivation of the French language in England during Tudor and Stuart times; with an introductory chapter on the preseding period"
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See other formats
Google This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project to make the world's books discoverable online. It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the publisher to a library and finally to you. Usage guidelines Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. 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About Google Book Search Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web at |http: //books .google .com/I D,j,i,i.ab, Google I EXCHANGE ?Û3 L-sat 1 1 1 n-.oj.le , Google , Google , Google , Google PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANeHMFER.\ FRENCH SERIES No. Ill THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND D,j,i,i.ab, Google Publiihed by the Univertiiy of Manchetter at THE UNIVERSITY PRESS (H. M. McKichhie, Secretary) II Lime Grove, Oxford Road, MANCHESTER LONGMANS, GREEN & CO. London : 39 Paternoster Row New Vork : 443-449 Fourth Avenue and Thirtieth Street Chicago ; Prairie Avenue and Thirty-fifth Street Bombay : g Hornby Road Calcutta : 6 Old Court Houk Street Madras: 167 Mount Road Digitized ty Google THE TEACHING AND CULTIVATION OF THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND DURING TUDOR AND STUART TIMES WITH AN INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER ON THE PRECEDING PERIOD KATHLEEN LAMBLEY, M.A. LtcnrtT in Frnth in lit [Aiviriiljf tf Durham AmUfii Licairir in Frach in lit Univtraly t/Manihatir MANCHESTER AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 12 LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD LONGMANS, GREEN & CO. LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY, ETC. 1920 , Google PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER No. CXXIX KXCrtANOS :y Google PREFACE Tkb present work, begun during the author's tenure of a FauMier Fellowship in the Univeraity of Manchester, and completed in subsequent years, is an rauleavour to trace the history of the teacldng and use of French in England during a given epoch, ending with the Bevocation of the Edict of Nantes and the BevoluticHi d 1689, which event« mark the beginning of a new period in the study of the Fr^ioh language in this country. Xo attempt has been made to treat the wider topic of French influence in England in its litraniy and social aspects (this has already been dime by competent hands), tfaongh this aide of the question is naturally touched upon occasionally by way of reference or illostration, I gladly take this opportunity of expressing my gratitude to Professor L. £. Kastner, at whose suggestion this investi- gation was undertaken, for his generous aâsistance, and the unfailing interest he has shown in my work during the whole course of its preparation. I am likewise considerably in- debted to Dr. Fhœbe Sheavyn for helpful criticism and advice, to Profess<» Tout for kindly reading throogh the introductory chapter.aud to Ur. J. Marks for a carefnl revision of the proofs and many useful indicatiims. I owe a great deal to my father also, whose sympathetic advice and en- couragement did much to lighten my task. Nor can I close this list of acknowledgments without recording my obligation to the Secretary of the Press, Mr. H. M. McKecbnie, for the valuable assistance he has so freely given me during the progress of this volume through the Press. KATHLEEN LAMBI^Y. DuRHiu, January 1920. 5rtir,S3 n,zMt, Google , Google ' TABLE OF CONTENTS PAET I INTBODUCTORY CHAPTER I Thb Thibtbbkth and Focrtbienth Cbnturies . French grammars in mediaeval England — The iwe of tha French language— Latin, French, and English Tocabularies — French at the UniTerrities — Popularity of French in the thirteenth centnrj — Ceases to be a vemaoular in England — Treatises for teaching French — A treaUse on French verbs — The Orthographia Qallka —The Traelatv4 M&offmphùu—T. H. Pariaiis stud entia— Walter de Bibbesworth— French in the schools and Universities — The fourteenth century — Treatises on French — The Ifominate — Model letters — Recovery of English in the second half of the fourteenth century — Deterioration of AnglO'French— English in official documenta and correspondence— Decline in use of French. CHAPTER II The Fiftbbnth Cbhtdbv . Triumph of continental French over Anglo-French — "Doux fronçois de Paris " a foreign language — Standard of French toDght in England — PemiTia^Tieatises an Qrammar — Barton's Ztoniwï—EpiatoUriea— Boots of conversation in French — The Cambridge manuscript in French and English — First printed books for teaching French — Dialogues in French and English^ Caiton, Wynkyn de Worda, and Pynaon — French by conversa- tion—Approaching improvement in the standard of French taught in England — Palsgrave's Grammar. DigitizeatyGoO'^lc viii THE PBENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND PART II TUDOR TIMES Tbe Frbnch Langdagx at Coukt and auono thb Nobility 61 French at the Court of the Tudora — English neglsoted by Yoreigners — Latin a, spoken language — Defective pronunoiatioit of the English — Interest in modem languages awakened — -French holds the hrst place — Its use in correspondence and in official documenta— The French of Henry VIII., hia courtiers, and the ladiea^Of Anne Boleyn and the other Queens — Of the royal fiimiiy, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth — French tutors — Bernard André — French Grammars — Alexander Barclay's liUrodiixCiry — Practice and Theory — Pierre Valence, tutor to the Earl of , Lincoln — His Introd-adùmi in /VeiitA— Fragment of a Grammar at Lambeth — Frenoh Humanists as Language tuasten — Bourbon And Denisot — England and the Pléiade. CHAPTER II Frenoh tntora at Court — John Palsgrave and Giles Duwes — Palsgrave's Ssclareàsemeni — The pronunciation of frenoh — His second and third books — The yocabulary— The IntTodvctarie of Duwes — Hifl Dialogues — The metlioda of the two teachers — Dates of composition and editiona— Attitude of the two teachers to each other — Duwes on English teachers of Frenoh — Palsgrave's claims — Palsgrave's acquaintance with French literature — Incidents in Duwea's career in England — His royal pupils — Palsgrave's teaching career — Mary Tudor his pupO — The Duke of Bichmond, Gregory Cromwell, etc. — Palsgrave in the North, at Oxford, and in London — Jean Bellemain, tutor to Edward VI. — The King's French exercises — Intercourse with Calvin — Belle- main on Frenoh orthography — Frenoh tutor to Elizabeth — Her translations from the French — A. K. Chevallier. CHAPTER III The Influence of Religious Rbfdobbs on the Teaching OF French in England — Opbninob for them as Teachers — Demand fob Text -Books — French ScHooLB IN England and Scotland Effects of the persecution of the Protestants on the teaching of French in England— Protestant refugees — Registers and returns of aliens — French churches in London — Reception and treatment Digitized ty Google OONTENIB of foraignen — Incivility of the common people — Conrteay of the gentry — Refllgees received into Englidi families — French in po1it« edniwtioii — French tutors mû text-books — Converse with foreignere^ShBiespeaTB'H French — ProfeBaiooal schoolmaaters — No opening in the grammsr achooU —French schools — Da Plotch's scihool — His Treatise in French and English and method of teaching — His works in monnscript — Claude Holyband — HU Prench SAoolemaitter and French iiWefcm— Hi» Frenoh school^- Holyband as private tutor— His method o[ teaching— - Schools in connection with the French churohes—fichools at Canterbary and elsewhere — Saravia's school at Southampton — Joshua Sylvester — Place of French in the public schools of Scotland — In the parish and private schools — No French grammars produced in Scotland. CHAPTER IV HrrGUBHOT Teach ebs of Frbnch — Othkh Clabsbb of Frbncb Tbachbsb — Rivalries ih the pRorsseiON — The " DnicB " AND Emoush Tbaoherb .... Importance of the Hoguenot teachers in London — St, Paul's Churchyard the centre of the profession — The group of Normans — Robert Fontaine — Jacques Bellot— His French and English grammars, and Jardin de Vertu — The FHnch Méthode — G. de La Motbe — Hie French Alphabet and method of teachÎDg^French teachers from the Netherlands — Boman Catholic schoolmsaters — Objections raised against French teachers — The right of the English to t«ach French— John Eliote— His attack on French teachers — His love of Esbelais and debt to French literature — Hia 'merrie vaine' — The (ktho-^ia Gallica and bis other CÏLAPTER V Ubthods of Teaohiho French — Latin and French— Frbkch and English Dictionaries — Study oi French Literature ..... Usual methods of learning French — Beading and translation — Pronimeiation.— Rules of grammar — Importance of 'practice'— Latin and French teit-books — Contrast of methods — Grammar and Practice — Books in French and English — French bj transla- tion — French dictionarits^Holy band's Dictionaries — Dictionary printed by Haniaon — A place given to French in some Latin dictioDaries — Veron — Baret — John Higgina — French ■ Latin dictionaries — Cotgrave's great French - English Dictionary — Sherwood's English -French Dictionary— Howell's editions of Cotgrare — The reading of f^nch literature — Attitude of French teachers — Favourite authors — Histories and Memoirs of military life for soldiers and si D,j,i,i.ab, Google THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND CHAPTER VI FBBNCB at THI UNIVBRâlTIBS Latin the language of the UnivenitieB — Ret«atiou of the use of Frsuoh fonoiilae — Uodem laogaages read — French a relaiation from ' ecTerer itadiee ' — Prenoh tntora and French grammafs — Morlet's Janairix — French grammars written in Latin — Antonio de C«TO— John Sanford~Wye Saltonstall— Heniy Leighton— French grammariona and teachers at Oxford — Kobert Farrear — Pierre Benae — French teaoheTs at Cambridge — Gabriel dn Qrte at Cambridge and Oxford — On the teaching of French — French at the UuiTereitiee at the time of the Bestoration — Tho French of the UniTetaitiea and of the faahionabie world — French at the Inns of Court — Ona-aidedness of the UniTereity cnrrioulum — Steps taken to supplement it. CHAPTER VII Teb Stddt of Frsnoh by Eholish Tbavbllebs Abroad . Travel in France and on the Continent — In the suite of ambas- sadors — Children in France — Course of atudiea^Girls in France — Objections to children being seut to France— France and Italy ' — ^Protests against travel — Prejudicea against travel — Preference for France — Necessity of the French language — The travelling tntor — The age for travel — Literati as travelling tutors — Trayel without a governor — Books on travel — 'Methods' of travel— The study of French — Dalltngton and Moryson — Study of French before travei^ French 'by rote ' — Language masters for travellers — French grammars for travellers — Charles Hanpas of Bloie and his son — Antoine Oudiu — Other grammars — Pare Chiflet — The ' exercises ' — Travellers at the Universitiss — At the Protestant Academies— -Geneva^ Isaao Caaaubon^The 'idle traveller '- — ^The ' beau ' — Affectations of newly returned travellen — Commendation and censure of travel. CHAPTER VIII Thb Siddt of Fbinoh ahon» Merchants and Soldiers . Merohaute and the stndj of French — Text-books for metTihants — KelatiODB with the Netherlands — The ' book from Anvers ' — Barlement's book of dialognea— Menrler's manuals for teaching French to the English in Antwerp — The study of French in the Netherlands — French for soldiers — TheVemeyi — JohnWodroeph — The diffieulty of the French language— Necessity of niles aa well as practice— The Marrow of the French Tongue. Digitized ty Google PART III STUART TIMES CHAPTER I French at thi Cocrtb or James I. and Charlbb I. — Frkncb btddied bt the Ladies — Fhknch Platers IN London — English obnehai.lt ignobed by FOHEIONEBS ........ 259 The Irench keguage in England in the time of the early Stiiarta — Id the royal family — ^ench tntora — John Florio— Guy Le Uoyne — MasBonet — Sir Robert Le Orys — Freneh among the ladies — Eroudelle'* FrenA Garden for EngUah ladiea — His dialognet — Hii c»reer aa a teacher — ^Hia ewlier works — The French Queen of England — French plays in London— The English language negleoted by roreignera — English literature ignored in France — English players abroad— The study of English — English grammars for foreigners in England — French teachers and merchants further the atndy of English — Proriaion for teaching English in the Netherlands and in France. CHAPTER II Fbbnch Grahuars — Books for Teaching Latin and Fbihch — French in Private Institutions . ,281 Robert Sherwood, teacher of French and English — His school and FretuA ruiour— William CoUon, another English teacher — His 'method' and writings — Mau[iaa'B French grammar in England— William Aufeild — How to study French — The Flovier dt Lmx — Lanr da Terme on the teaching of French — Paal Cogneau'a French grammar — His method — Continued use of the aiiteenth.century French grammars— Latin and French — lAtin school-books adapted to teaching French^ — Books for teaching Latin and French together — The Janiia ofCotnenios — Wye Saltonatall — De GraTe — French in private institutions — The MvMUm jfintmu— Gerbier's Aoademy^French in schools for ladies. CHAPTER III The "Little Blois" in London 301 The Blois group of French teachers — Claude Hanger and his French grammar — lis popularity and development — Hauger's Letters— Other writing» — Life in London — Teaches English — Manger's method of teaching — Maugar at Paris^The demand for his grammar abroad — Paul Fes1«au — His French and English grammars — Editions and contents — Pierre Laine — His French grammar— Encouragement of the study of French literature. Digitized ty Google xii THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND CHAPTER IV Vogue of French romsiiiceB in England — Dorothy Osborne — Pepys on French literature — His French books — French t«it-booka and the précieux spirit — WilUau Herbert— Hia oriticiam of the French teaching profession — Rivalry among teachers— Need far protection — Herbert's later works— His earl; career in England — Quarrels with a minister of the French church — English gantry at the French church — Pepys a regular attender — French t«achers encourage the practice — The method of 'granunar and rote ' — French ' by rote ' — Examples of how French was studied — Latin by grammar — Oalla for reform — The case against grammar — French taught on the ' right method ' — Attempts to teach Latin on the same lines as French — Contrast between the learning of Latin in England ' by grammar ' and of French in France ' by rote.' CHAPTER V The Tohb in France The Protestant schools and Academies — A group of English students at Sanmur — Travellers at the French Universities — A method of travel — Attitude of the French teachers to the tonr in France — Guide books — Routes followed— Favourite resorts for atudy- — Auberges and penavma — Language masters in France — Grammars for travellBrs^Howell's instructions for traveliers — Suitable books For students — The 'Grand' and 'Petit' Tour in France — Paria — Inexperienced young travellers — Sit John Reresby In France. CHAPTER VI Oallomania aptbb thb Rbbtoration . Gallomania in England after the Bestoration^The royal tamUy in France — Their knowledge of the language — English courtiers and gentry in France — Men of letters in France — French and the French at the English court after the Restoration — French ' salons ' in London^ — French valete, oooka, dancing masters, tailors — The French language^French among the ladies — The ' Frenchified ' lady— The ' beaux ' or English ' monsieura ' — French influence at the theatre — Popularity of French actors in London. Digitized ty Google CHAPTER VII ) PoPCLABlTt AETER THB French grsmmara after the Restoration^Pierre de Laine, tutor to the children of the Duke of York— The Priiuxly Way (tj (ft< French rOTiyue— Quj MUga — His Dictionaries — His French Grammars — Hia method of teaching — Bote and grammar — MiÈge's other works — Other French Grammars — -Pierra Berault — The unÏTorsality of FreDoh — Supremaoy over latin in the world of fashion and diplomaoj — Poaîâon of French in the educational world — -The classics read in French — 'All learning now in French '^French recognized Jjy writers on education — Projects for reformed schoola^HumerouB French achools in and about London — Villiera' school at Nottingham — Academies for ladies — Academiea for training gentlemen in the necessary social accomplishments and for business — Effects of the Bevocation of the Edict of Nantes. APPENDICES CHROHOLOaiOAL LtBT OP MANUALS AND QraUUARS FOH TiACHiNa French to thb Eholish .... 403 II Bibliography, arranobd Alfhabbtioally, of Manuals for TxAoniNa the Frrhch Language to the English, tbou TBB BBGINNINa OF THB SIXTEENTH CeNTDRT TO THE EmD OF THB Stdabt Pbriod Digitized ty Google , Google PART I INTRODUCTORY D,j,i,i.ab, Google , Google THE THEBTBENTH AND FOUBTEBNTH UBNTUUIBS Thb first important grammar of the French language was printed in fbgland and written by an Knglishman. This enterprising student was John Palsgrave, " natyf de Londres et gradué de Paris," whose work, entitled L'Esdarciseement de la langue francoyse, was published in 1630. It is an enormous quarto of over a thousand pages, full of elaborate, detailed and often obscure rules, written in English in spite of the French title. It was no doubt the solid value and exhaustiveness of Palsgrave's work which won for it the reputation of being the earliest grammar of the French language.^ Tet Palsgrave himself informs us that such was not the case, though he claims to be the first to lay down ' absolute ' rules for the language. The kings of England, he declares, have never ceased to encourage^ " suche clerkes as were in theyr tymes, to • prove and essay what they by theyr dylygence in this matter myght do." " This like charge," he continues, " have dyvers others had afore my dayes . . . many sondrie clerkes have for their tyme taken theyr penne in bande. . . . Some thyng have they in writing lefte behynde them concerning into this mater, for the ease and furtheraunce as well of snche as slulde in lyke charge after them succède, as of them whiche from tyme to tyme in that tong were to be instructed . . . takyng light and erudition of theyr studious labours whiche in this matter before me have taken paynes to write. ... I dyd my efiectuall devoire to ensertche out suche bokes as had by others of this mater before my tyme ben compyled, of which undouted, after enquery and ensertche made for Digitized ty Google 4 THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND them dyvers came into my haodes aa well auche whose authors be yet amongst us lyreng, as suche whiche were of this mater by other sondrie persona longe afore my dayee composed," The living predecessors to whom Palsgrave refers — authors of short works of small philological value, bat of great interest to-day as evidence of the wide use of the French language in England — ^were likewise acquainted with earlier works on the subject. Giles Duwes, tutor in French to Hemy VIII, and other members of the royal family, frequently invokes the authority of the ' olde grammar.' The poet Alexander Barclay, in bis French Grammar of 1521, informs us that " the said treatyse hath ben attempted of dyvers men before my dayes," and that he had " sene the draughtes of others " made before his time ; moreover, in times past, the French language " hath ben so moche set by in England that who hath ben ignorant in the same language hath not ben reputed to be of gentyll blode. In so moche that, as the cronycles of englande recorde, in all the giamer scoles throughout englande small scolars expounded theyr construccyons bothe in Frenche and Englysshe." Thus the French grammarians in England in the early sixteenth century were acquainted with, and to some extent indebted to, a series of mediaeval treatises on the French language, — a type of work which, even at the time they wrote, was unknown on the Continent.^ That England, before other countries, took on herself the study erf the French language, was the result of évente which followed the Conquest. From that time French had taken its place by the side of English as a vernacular. It was the language of the upper classes and landed gentry, the cultivated and educated ; English was used by the masses, while all who read and wrote knew Latin, the language of clerks and scholars. For nearly three centuries after the Conquest almost all writings of any literary value produced in England were in French, though the bulk of composition was in Latin ; English never ceased to be written, but was used in minor works for the most part. It is not surprising, therefore, to And that from an early ' The giammu of Jooqaee Sylviiu or Dabois appenisl ia 1931. s ysu- niter Pb1>- grave^B. No Attempt at a theorettoal tmlment of the Fnnch language appeared in Fmuw in the Middle Agce. There are, howeveF, tira Proveainl ones extant. (F. ~ " " e Franfaia à l'élmiger." in L. Petit de JullevlUe's Hwloire de la latifut ■ "i. p. 529.) Digitized ty Google THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES 5 date Latin vaa at tunes oonstmed or translated into Frenoh ^ as well as Ekig&h in the grammar sohook, both langnages serving aa v^Tiaculars. There are stiU extant examples of this onstom,' dating from the twelfth oentnry ; for instance, a version of the psalter, in which the French words are placed above tiie Latin without any r^ard to the order of the Frmoh sentence.* Others are found in some of the first vocabularies written for the porpoae of teaching Latin,* which consist of lists of words grouped round subjects said arranged, ae a rule, in sentence form. Two of these works seem to have been particulariy well known, judging from the number of manoBcripts still in existence— those of the English scholars, Alexander Neckam (1167-1217) sjid John de Garlande, both of whom were indebted to France for most of their learning. Neckam, who in 1180 had attained celebrity as a Professor of the University of Paris, was the author of a Latin Vocabulary — De UtensUibua — which was glossed in Anglo-French.* In this he enumerates the various parts of a house and the occupa- tions and isaJlingB of men, and gives scenes from feudal and agricultural life. The Dictionariiu (c. 1220) of John de Giar- lande, a student of Oxford and Paris, and one of the first pro- fessors of Toulouse University, deals roughly with the same topics." It is glossed in both French and English — the sign of a filter period — as was also a Latin vocabulary or nominate of the names of plants,' dating from a little later in the same century, though probably existing in earlier manuscripts. At the univerùties a decided preference for French was ' One of tbe ohiei efleots of the ConqiHst in the «hooli it uid to have bren the ■abstitDtiiHiaiNonnuiti» English Bhoobduten (Leach, SthxiU t^f M aiiattud England, 1916, p. 103). * The maioritj of eariy Istin TooabnlariM eitant; howevsr, ue sooompuiied bj Engliih tnusbldong (ep. T. Wright^ Volume of Vocabviaria, 2 lola.. 1S9T), u wag al» the flompustively well-kiiown Fromplavim Farmdantm («. 1440). Camdea Son., 1860. * The text i* giren in L. £. Menger'a AHgloSoman Dialtcl, Ccdumbia UniTenity Prm, 1901, p. 14. The pobnu. togather with Cato, Of id, or pouibl; Vi^, fonued the untal nading material in the Qiaininar Sehoolg. Cp. Baohdall, Uniteniliea of Europt tu Ac Miidlt Agts, Oxford, ISBS, iL p. 603. * Adam da Petit Font (if. IIBO) «rote an epiitle in I^tin, man; words oi irhiflh were ^«aed in French. But the» i> no evideiim that it «as used in England. It was pobliahed b; E. Soheler in his Troit tratlia de hxicograjJiie latint du I2* c( 13* tiida. Leiptlg, 1867. * Ed. T. Wright, Folufw of fooAalaria. i. 06, uid ScheLer, op. «u. Both editioiu are deemed onsatisfaotory by Paul Uejcr [Botruana, luvi. 482J. ' It has been pnbUihed five times : (l}AtCaBnby Vincent CorreriDlGOSt&mtanin. Dt sopn) ; (2) H. Gdland. in fMsmoW inédUt mr VkMoin dt Franet : " Paris sooa Fhilippe la Bat d'apris J« dcxiiuneuts «igioaox," 1837) ; (3) Eerryn de LettenhoTe. 18SI ; (4) T. Wli^t^ Folums of Voaabalaria, L pp. 120 sgj. { (6} Soheler, Tntit (ruUs delarkographitkilint, ' Wright, op. «f. pp. 1SS-14I. Dij.iMb, Google 6 THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND shown in the i^re ocoasionB on which the ose of a Temacolar was allowed. The speaking of French waâ encouraged in aome of the colleges at both Oxford and Cambridge, chiefly those belonging to the second set of foundations.* The scholars and fellows of Oriel could use either Latin or French in their familiar conversation and at meals. Similar in- junctions were in force at Exeter and Queen's. Among the Cambridge colleges ^ the statutes of Feterhouae allow French to be used for " just and reasonable cause " ; at King's it was permitted on occasion, and at Clare Hall French was countenanced only if foreigners were present as visitors. At Pembroke, founded by a Frenchwoman, Mary de Valence, special favour was shown to Frenchmen in ^e election of Fellows, provided that their total number did not exceed a quarter of the whole body.' The cosmopolitanism of the mediaeval centres of learning encouraged a number of such French students to come to England. In 1259, for instance, Owing to the disturbed state of the University of Paris, Henry III. invited the Paris students to come to England and take up their abode wheresoever they pleased ; * no doubt those who accepted his invitation settled at one or other of the two English universities. We also find in the Treaty of Bretigny (1360) a clause to the effect that the subjects of the French and English kjngs should henceforth be free to resume their intercourse and to enjoy mutually the privileges of the universities of the two countries, " comme ils povoient faire avant ces présentes guerres et Qomme ils font a present." ' On the other hand, the English frequented the French univer- sities in large numbers ; at Paris in the thirteenth century they formed one of the four nations which composed the University.* The authors of the early Latin vocabularies, ' SUima of Ac CotUça of Oxford, 3 TcJc, Oxioid sad Londoa, 1S&3 ; A. Clark, Oolltga of Oxford, ISBl, p. 140 ; H. C. Uai»ell Lyte, âixory oflhe Vriivertity of Oxford, 1880, pp. 140-iai. * DoetmtnU rdating to On Unittnitia anJ CoBeftA of Cambridffe, 18S2. ii. p. 33 ; 3. Bom Mullinger, The UnivtraU;/ of Cambridge, 1873; Q. Peuook, Obtervatiow OH Iht Slatutes of Uie Vmveraily of Cawjavlge, 1S41, p. t. ' J. Hepvood. EaHs Cambridge UnieenUy and Goliege Slataltt, 1S86, ii. p. 182. * C. H. Cooper, aimais of Cambridge, Csoibridge, 1852, L p. 40. ' Ruhdall, op. ciL iL p. Sia tl * BtuhdsU, op. cil. L pp. 319 et stq. Idler the Eziglish nation wai known u tiie GentUD ( it indnded all itndenCa from the north and east of Enrope. On the Eugliih in the Univenity of Faiia see Ch. Thorot, De rorganisalion de finteigHeinent dam rVjHVtrtiU dt Port), Pais, 1360; and J. E. Sandys "English Soholui of fua, and FnnoiBuiB of Oxford," in The Cambridge Hinary of EngKA Lileratwt, i, 1003, chap. z. pp. 133 <1 Ng. D,j,i,i.ab, Google THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES 7 Alexander Neobam and John de Garlande, weie txith. ooa- neoted with the University of Paris, while moet of the other En|^h scholars of the period were indebted for maoh of their learning to the same great centre. Many, no doubt, oould hare written with Garlande : J Gallia nutrii In the thirteenth century French was still widely osed in England. The fact that the fusion between conquerors and conquered was then complete,' and that at the same time French was very popular on the Continent undoubtedly helped to make its position in England stronger. It was then that the Italian Brunetto Latini wrote his Livres dou Trésor (12S5}, in French rather than in his native tongue, because French was " plus deUtable et plus commune à toutes gens." During the same century French came to be used in correspondence on both sides of the Channel.* Little by little it was recognized as the most convenient medium for official uses, and the language most generally known in these sections of society which had to administer justice.* In the second half of the thirte^ith century Robert of Gloucester complained that there was no land " that holdeth not to its kindly speech save Englonde only," admitting at the same time, however, that ignorance of French was a serious dis- advantage. An idea of the extent to which the language was current in England may be gathered from the fact that in 1301 Edward I. caused letters from the Pope to be trans- lated into French so that they might be understood by the whole army,* and in the previous year the author of the Miroir dea Justices wrote in French as being the language " le plus entendable de la oomuu people," French, indeed, appears to have been used among all classes, save the I Quoted, E. J. B, Rathery. La BdaiioBê toctaUt et tnitUtcltieUa mire la FrtMiKt el FAngl^tm, Puria. 1856. p. 11. ' A wrilei of aboat 1 ISO ssys it wu impowible to tell who were Notnuuu a>nd wbo En^ûili (" DiolDgiu de Scsooario " : Stubbs, Seleel Cliarten, 4tb éd.. 1681, p. IBS). * "DLfloonn nur Tétat dee lettfea nu 13" sj^e,*' in the Bislom tiiUrairt tU la France, xtL p. ISS. ■ D. Behnni, in H. Paol'i Ontndtis der ienaanùchen Phiiolojie, Struiboarg, 1901, pp. 963.55 j Freeman, Nartaan Conçm^t, v, 1876, pp. 528 oqq.; Maitland. '^An^o- E^nch Iaw LongDHge," in the Catrd/ridge HitUiry □/ Englieh LUtralure, i. pp. 401 iqq., HUlory of Sngliêh Law, ÏS&S, pp. fS iqq., and CdBtcted Papert, 1911, ii. p. 438. At the onivenitiei, «here L&tia was tbe nsual hmgaage of oorreapondenoe, letten and petition! wen oflnn diawn ap in French (Oiford Hist, Soc, CoUêetantu, l9t Mliei, 1885. pp. S t^.). ' Batcaon. Meiiamal England. 1903, p. 319. Digitized ty Google i/m 8 THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND rery poorest ; ^ Bome of the Frenoli literature of the time was addzessed more ptu-ticulariy to the middle clasBea.^ Nevertheless, as the thirteenth century advanced, Fren<^ began to hold its own with some difficulty. While it was in the unusual position of a vernacular gradually loaing its power as ^oh, there appeared the earliest extant treatise on the language. This, and those that followed It, were to some extent lessons in the vernacular ; yet not entirely, as may be nidged from the fact that they are set forth and explained m Latin, the language of all scholarship. The first work on the French language, dating from not later than the middle of the thirteenth century, is in the form of a short Latin treatise on French conjugations,* in which a comparison of the French with the Latin tenses is instituted.' As it appeared at a time when French was becoming the literary language of the law, and was being used freely in correspondence, it may have been intended mainly for the use of clerks. A treatise of considerably more importance composed towards the end of the century, appears to have had the same purpose. That he did not intend it exclusively for clerks, however, the author showed by adding rules for pronunciation, syntax and even morphology as well as for orthography. Like most of the early grammatical writings on the French language, . this Orthographia Gallica is in Latin. The obscurity of many of its rules, however, called forth commentaries in French which appeared during the fourteenth century, and exceed the size of the original work. The Orthographia was a very popular work, as the number of manuscripts extant and the French commentary prove. The difierent copies vary considerably, and there is a striking increase in the number of rules given ; from being about thirty in the earliest manuscript, they number about a hundred in the latest.* ' Mftiiltoid, CoHlOfd Papcra, Iflll, ii. p, 437. ' Suoh an Boion's CoTifo morolHé) (c. 1320). ed. P. ttejer, at the Anciens Textet Francis, IftSS. In Ma Introduotion Meyer lajs atreea on the wideepreul use of Fnxioh in England at this time, and it« obanoe of beaoming the national tangua^ of England, an eventnaUty which, he Ihiaks, might have been a benefit to humanity. ■ MS. at Trinity CoL Cambridge (K 3. M). * Pan! Meyer i!aU8 it the work of a tme grammarian (Romania, iiiii. p. 6S), ■ There aie ioor MSS. extant Theee have been coUatod and published by J. StQninger In Che AUfram/lsixAe BibHoOeh, vol. viiL, Heilbronn. 18S4 ; cp. Bomania, liv. p. BO. The eariiest MS. i» in the Beoocd Offloe, and was pdbliahed by T. Wright in Haupt and HoSman'e AUdeiOtcke BlatUer (ii. p. 163). Diei quoted from thia edition in hig Onmiinatre dt) langvt» nmana, 3rd ed. L pp. 418, 418 BJJ. The three other MSS. are in the Brit Mbb.. Camb. Univ. Libr. and Magdalen Col. Oion., and belong Digitized by Google THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES 9 It opens with a rule that when the first or middle/ syllable of a Freiioh word contains a short e, i must beV placed before the e, as in bien, rien, etc. — a curiouB, fumbling^ attempt to explain the development of Latin free short e before nasals and oral consonantfl into ie. On the other hand, continues the author, e acate need not be preceded by i, as tenez. It is not surprising that these early writers, in spite of much patient observation, should almost always havei.^ failed to grasp fundamental laws, and group a series of oorre- J sponding facts into the form of a general rule. We continually find rules drawn up for a few isolated examples, with no general application. The most striking feature in the treat- ment of ï^nch orthography in this work is the continual reference to X^tin roots, and the clear statement of the principle that, wherever possible, the spelling of French words 1 should be based on that of Latin. i The Orthographia does not by any means limit its observa- tions to spelling ; there are also rules for pronunciation, a subject which in later times naturally held a very important place in French grammars. written for the use of Englishmen, - while orthography became one of the chief concerns of French grammarians. That orthography received so much attention at this early period in this country, is explained by the fact that these manuals were partly intended for " clerks," who would frequently have to write in French. As to the pro- nunciation, we find, amongst others, the familiar rule that when a French word ending in a consonant comes before another word beginning with a consonant, the first consonant is not pronounced. An s occurring after a vowel and before an m, writefl tiie author, in another rule, is not pronounced, as in mandaames, and Î coming after a, e, or o, and followed ; by a consonant is pronounced like u, as in m'aîmi, îoialment, I and the like. A list of synonyms ^ is also given, which throws some light on the English pronunciation of French at this period, and there are also a few hints for the translation of both Latin and English into French. to Uw tlim nuMeeding oentnriea. Portiou of the Migdiden CoL US. ue quoted by A. J. Ellii, in hii Xariy EnglM PnmtHusvatwR, pp. 336-339, and by F. Qinin, in his pitifaM to the Frenoh QovernmBnt nprint of pAlAgiaTe'fl Gnminu', 1853. It in the Britiah Umenm <h^i;, made in the leign of Edwud III,, vhieh oontoina the Fnnoh comnwaUty. 1 Ewly Ti^ngllih «riten on the Fienoh tcmgne weie fond of dnwing atteation la the opportonitiefl for pomung afforded by the language. D,j,i,i.ab, Google 10 THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND Nor are syntax and morphology neglected ; rules con- cerning these are scattered among those on orthography and pronunciation, with the lack of orderly arrangement char- acteristic of the whole work. Thus we are told to use me in the accusative case, and moy in all other cases ; that we should form the plural of verbs ending in t in the singular by adding z, as il amet, U list become vous amez, v<ni8 lisez ; that when we ask any one for something, we may say wms pri without je, but that, when we do this, we should write pri with a J/, as pry, and so on. The claim of the Orthographia Gallica to be the first extant work on French orthography, has been disputed by another treatise, also written in Latin, and known as the Tradatas IOrihographiae. More methodicaUy arranged than the Ortho- graphia, this work deals more particularly with pronuncia- tion and orthography.^ It opens with a short introduction announcing that here are the means for the youth of the time to make their way in the world speedily and leain French pronunciation and orthography. Each letter of the alphabet is first treated in tum,^ and then .come a few more general observations. Like the author of the Orthographia, the writer of the Tradatua would have the spelling of French words based on that of Latin whenever possible. He claims Uiat his own , French is " secundum dulee Gallicum " and " secundum usum ; et modum modemoram tam partibus transmarinis quam ■ cismarinis." Though he apparently places the French of England and the French of France on the same footing, it is noteworthy that he carefully distinguishes between the two. The TracUUua OrthograpMae bears a striking resemblance to another work of like nature, which is better known — ^the Traciaiua Ortkographiae of Canon M. T. Coyfurelly, doctor in Law of Orieans '■ — and for some time it was thought to be merely a rehandhng of Coyfurelly's treatise which did not ' Edited by Mi» III. K. Pope in the JUodem Langvage Btsiea (voL v., lUlO, pt ii. pp. 18B tqq.). from the Biit^ Hns. Addil; MS. ITTlfl, S. 88-91 ,- it also eziits kC All Souls, Odoid (MS. 1B2 t 340), uid at Trinit; CoL Cambridge (Ua B 14. 3B, 40) ; in the last MS. the introduatioTi<rf the two preoediug ones is lBoking(op. Hejer, Boman<a, ixxii. p. 69). * For tDBtanoe, we ue l«ld that a is sounded almost Uke E as in mva sotu Sam un diauneoun ... ; that ttw phtasea a, en a, i a vhinh mean one and the same thing nheii they come from (he Latin fuAtt, should be written nithont d ; that aura, «n army ihoald be written vithoat e in tlie middle, and eooilded without u, ss aray, en array, Ihoogh (he Englieb include tlie e. ' Published by Stengel, in the ZàtedriftSir ntufraialltùe/n Spraeht und LUtratvt, 1679, pp. lS-22. Digitized ty Google THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES 11 appeiff till BOmewfaere about the end of the fourteenth century, if not later. But Coyfurelly admits that his work was based on the labours of one ' T. H. Pariaii Studentis,' and there appears, on examination,^ to be no doubt aa to the priority of the anonymous Traciaiua descril>ed above, which, on the contrary, is evidently the treatise rehandled by Coyfurelly, and the work of ' T. H. Student of Paris.' Besides being the original which Coyfurelly recast in hl^ TroiUatus, it also appears that T. H. may reasonably dispute with the author of the Orthographia OaUica, the honour of being the first in the field. Hia work shows no advance on the rules given for pronunciation in the Orthographia, while the orthography is of a decidedly older stamp. Ât about the same time as these two treatises on ortho- graphy, probably a few years earlier, there was composed a work of similar purpose but very different character. It is of particular interest, and shows that, towards the end of the thirteenth century, French was beginning to be treated as a foreign language ; the French is accompanied by a partial English gloss, and the author states that " touz dis^l troverez-vouB primes le Frauncois et pus le Engleys suaunt." . The author, Gautier or Walter de Bibbesworth,^ was an English- man, and appears to have mixed with the best society of the day. He was a friend of the celebrated statesman of the reign of Edward I., Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincobi. The only work by which his name is known to-day, in addition to the treatise in question, is a short piece of Anglo-Norman verse,' written on the occasion of the expedition of Edward I. to the Holy I^nd in 1270, shortly before he came to the throne. We gather from letters of protection granted him in that year that Bibbesworth himself took part in this venture. In this poem he is pictured discussing the Crusade with Lacy, and trying to persuade Ms friend to take part in it. The name of Bibbesworth also occurs several times* in official ^ Hia uarae baa provoked Aome difloiuuoii La to ita Dorreot form. It ia frequently written aa Bibleeworbh, and one MS, givea it the form of Bitheawaj' ; the conmt form, howerer, ia Bibbeiworth, the name of a manor in tho parish of Kompton fHerta), of tthiob Walter wu the oiroet (P. HeyeT, Romania, iï. p. 312, and in. p. 4* n. ; W. Aldia Wright, Notta and Qjitria, 1877, 4th Seriea, vilL p. 64). * PrintedfromlheUS. in theBodleian.in Wright and HaUiwBU'a-Beli^uiw^iUvgiiiK, L p. 134. * Calendar af PattM AiJlt. 1247-SS, pp. 68. 103, 187. He reoeived eiempUon Digitized ty Google 12 THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND documents of no special interest, and as Iat« as 1302 a writ of Frivy Seal was addreaeed to the Chancellor suing for a pardon under the Great Seal to W. de Bibbesworth, in con- sideration of his good services rendered in Scotland, for a breach of the park of Robert de Seales at Ravenhall, and of the king's prison at Colchester.^ Bibbesworth, however, interests us less as a crusader or a disturber of public order, than as the author of a treatise for" teaehing the French language, entitled Le Treytyz qe mounaira Clavier de Bibeleaworihefiat a ma dame Dyonisie de Mounohenvy * pur aprise de langwage. The large number of manuscripts still n existence* suggest that it was a popular text-book among the children of the higher classes of society. The treatise reproduces, as might be expected, the chief characteristics of the vocabularies for teaching Latin. In addition to giving a collection of words and phrases arranged in the form of a narrative, it also incidentally aims at imparting some slight grammatical information. Its contents are of a very prac- tical character, and deal exclusively with the occurrences and occupations of daily life. Beginning with the new-bom child, it tells in French verses how it is to be nursed and fed. Rime was no doubt introduced to aid the memory, as the pupil would, in all probability, have to learn the whole by heart. The French isaccompanied byapartial interlinear English gloss, giving the equivalent of the more difficult French words. This may, perhaps, be taken as an indication of the ext«nt to which French was regarded as a foreign language.* After describing the life of the child during its earliest infancy, Bibbesworth goes on to teU how it is to be taught French as soon as it can speak, " that it may be better learned in speach and held up to scorn by none " : ' OoÎBiAir of Poieni RoUt, 1301-1307, p. 3B. * She died in 1304 ; her father wu one of the leaders on the king's side at the battle of Lewea (1261). * IlieTe are many MSS. in the British Musenm ; others nt Oiford and Cambridge, uid one in the Library of Sir Th. Phillipg at Chelteoham. The beet-known edition of the YocabuJary is that of T. Wright. Viiumt of Voeabvlatiea, i. pp. 142-I74, whioh a the one bare quoted, and whioh reproduoee Amndel MS. 220. collated with ffloane US. 809. P. Mejei has given a oritioal edition of the Gnt eighty-six lines in his Rtmàl d^andfiu textes — partie française. Xo. 3B7 (op. Romania, xiii. p. AOO). * In the Tocabulaiiee written in imitalàon el Bibbesworth at later date*, the English gloBS is fnller, and in the latest one comfdete, as Fienoh beoame more and more a fcmign language. D,j,i,i.ab, Google THIRTEiajTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES 13 Primes en Fraunoeys ly devei dire Cam«at Boun con deyt deeoriTere, Put le ordre arer d« maun et ma, Toiin et ta, boqd et sa, better Itrad Ke en park>le aeyt meut aprù teornei Ë de nul autre eHchamyn. In acoordance with this programme the parts of the human body, which almost invariably forms the central theme in this type of manual, are enumerated. Special care ia taken to distinguish the genders and cs,aes, to teach the' children ' ' Kaunt deivunt dire moun et ma, soun et sa, h et la, moy et jo . . . ," and to explain how the meaning of words of similar sound often depends on their gender : lippe and an hare Vous avet la levers et le levere, a pound a book - Et la livere et le livers. La levere ei enclost les dens ; Le levere en boys se tent dedens ; La livete gart en marehanndye ; Le livere noua aprent clergye. lliroughout Bibbesworth seizes every opportunity to point out distinctions of gender of this kind, regardless, it appears, of the difference between the definite and indefinite articles. When the pupil can describe his body, the tea«her proceeds to give him an account of " ail that concerns it both inside and out " (" kaunt ke il apent dedens et deores "], that is of its olothii^ ttnd food : Vestat vos drape mea ohers euiaune, Chaucez vos braya, BOulers, e gaung ; Mettet le chaperoun, covrez le chef, etc. —a passage which illuatrates the practical nature of the treatise, Bibbesworth's aim being to teach children to know the properties of the things they see (" les propretez des choses ke veyunt "). When the child is clothed, Bibbesworth next feeds him, giving a full account of the meals and the food which is provided, taid, by way of variety, at the end of the dinner, he teaches his pupil the names given to groups of different animals, and of the verbs used to describe their varions cries. (" Homme parle, cheval hennist," etc.). By this time the Digitized ty Google 14 THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND child is ready to observe Nature, and to leam the terms of basbandry,^ and the procesBee by which his food is produced. From the fields he posses to the woods and the river, where he learns to hunt and to fish, sabjeots which naturally lead to the introduction of the French names of the seasons, and of t^e beasts and birds that are supposed to present themselves to his view. During the whole of this long category the verse form is main- tained, and the intention of avoiding a vocabulary pure and simple is manifest. How superior this method was to the more modem lists of words separated from the context is also evident. Besides giving a description of all the objects with which the child comes in contact, and of all the actions he has to perform, as well as examples for the distinctions of genders and of moy andjo — difficulties for which he makes no attempts to draw up rules — ^Bibbesworth claims for his work that it provides gentlemen with adequate instruction for conversa- tional purposes (" tot le ordre en parler e respoundre ke checun gentyahomme covent saver "). And as he did not wish to neglect any of the items of daily life, he finally gives a description of the bxulding of a house and various domestic arrangements, ending with a description of an old English feast wil^ its familiar dish, the boar's head : Aa primer fust apporté a boria heaed La teste de un sengler tot anné, |A« «noue ait ban«fM offivrt E au gioyn le colère en banere ; , E pus venejBOun, ou la fourmenté ; AsRez par my la mesoun laÂ<n of gre» iyme De treste du fermeyson. Pua aTyent diversetez en roat, Eit oheouii autre de ooat, Grajtee, pokoku, «wannei . GruM, poimee, e cygne», Wilde ges, çryêa (poroMu*), hennés, Owea, rosées, porceus, gelyne ; Au tercez cours avient oonyns en gravé. Et Tisonde de Cypre eaiundré. De maces, e quibibes, e clous de orré, Vyn blanc e vermayl a graunt plenté. àodekok Pub avojunt fesauiu, assez, et perdrix, D,j,i,i.ab, Google THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES IB Feidefara iarku Qrives, alowei, e pluviers ben rostes j E braoun, e oriapes, e fritune ; Ee Boncre roset pondra U temprune. Âptee manger nvyiint a graunt plenté Bl&UDohe poudre, ou la gioate dragé, Et d'antre nobleie a fosoim, Kar de fTaunceia i ad assez. De meyate manere dyversetei, Dount le vous (ynys, Beynure, ataimt A filz Dieu Tom comaund. loi finest la doctrine monsire Oauter De Byblesworde. As time vent on a conscious effort was made to retain the use of the French language in England. Higden, writing at about the middle of the fourteenth century ,i informs us that English wae then neglected for two reasons : " One is byeause that children than gon to schole leme to speke first Englysshe and then ben compelled constrewe tber lessons in Frenaah " ; " Also gentilmene children ben lemed and taught from theyr yougtbe to speke frenaah.' And uplandish men will counter- fete and likene them self to gentilmen and am besy to speke frensehe for to be more sette by, Wherefor it ie sayd by a common proverbe Jack wold be a gentilmen if he coude Ât the University of Oxford, likewise, the Grammar masters were enjoined to teach the boys to construe in English and in French, " so that the latter language be not forgotten." ^ The same university gave some slight encouragement to the stndy of French. There were special teachers who, although not enjoying the privil^es of those lecturing in tiie usual academic subjects, were none the less recognised by the University. They had to observe the Statutes, and to promise act to give their lessons at times which would interfere with the ordinary lectures in arts. The French teachers were imder the superintendence of the masters of grammar, and had to pay thirteen shillings a year to the ^testers in Arts to compensate them for any disadvantage they might suffer from any loss of pupils ; if there was only one teacher of French he had to pay the whole amount himself. As for those * PtHychrtmiam, lib. I, OHp. OS (ed, Bsbiugton and Ltuolf, BoUb Pnblioati<ms, 41. Digitized ty Google 16 THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ^ENGLAND learning " to write, to compose, and speak French," they had to attend lectures in rhetoric and grammar —the couraee most akin to their studies ^ — and to contribute to the maintenance of the lecturers in these subjects, there being no ordinary lectures in French. In the meantime, more treatises for teaching French appeared ; Bibbesworth's book soon found imitators, and early in the new century an anonymous author, clearly an English- man, made free use of Bibbesworth in a treatise called The Nominate sive Verbaie in OaUida cum expositione ejusdem in Anglicis.^ This anonymous writer,' however, thought it necessary to make the interlinear English gloss much fuller than Bibbesworth had done, which shows that French had become more of a foreign language in the interval between the two works. He also placed the English rendering after the French, instead of above it. The later work differs further from the earlier in the order of the subject headings, as well as by the introduction of a few new topics. Enumerat- ing the parts of the body,* as Bibbesworth had done, the author proceeds to make his most considerable addition to the subjects introduced by Bibbesworth in describing " la noyse et des faitz que homme naturalment fait " : Homme parle ot espire : Man «pekylh et vndyth. Femiae t«inge et »u»pire ; Woman pantyth dt tykelh, Homme bale et babeie : Man dravelith it wlaffyih. Femme bale et bleseie : Woman galpylh ct xnlUpylh. He then describes all the daily actions and occupations of men : Homme va a la berce ; Jlfon goth ai the ftarant. Femme bercelet berce : Wonum childt in cradel rokkith. . . . Enfant ga leaione rehetoe ; Hia letaont reeordeth. » Anatey. op. cU., 1868, p. 302. ' PnhliBhHl from » MS. in Cambridge UniTewity Libniij (Ee 4, 20), by Skeat, in the Tranmitioni of Ihe PhOalogical Soùùly (1903-1906), ■ The MS. in which the work is pmerved dsMe from abont 1340, but ia probably cojned from an earlier one. * " Corps tefite et hanapel Body htuedt and Sevtdtpanne Et peil cieiceaiit rot U peal, And here groacnde on Mc akgn," ete. D,j,i,i.ab, Google THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES 17 and so on for abont 360 lines. Ottier additdons are of little importance, and, for the rest, the author ti«ate Bobjecta first introduced hy Bibbesworth, though the wording often differs to a certain extent.^ When, towards the end of the thirteenth century, French began to be used in coirespoadence, need for instruction in French epistolary art arose ; and eaiiy in the fourteenth century guides to letter-writing in French, in the form of epistolarles or collections of model letters, were produced.* The letters themselves are gir^i in French, but the accom- panying rules and instructions for composing them are in Latin. French and Latin have changed rôles ; in earUer times Latdtt had been explained to school children by means of French. Forma for addreaaing members of the different grades of society are supplied, from epiatlea to the king and high state and eoolesiaBUcal dignitaries down to commercial letters for merchants, and familiar ones ita private individuals. Women, too, were not forgotten ; we and similar examples covering the same range — from the queen and the ladies of the nobUity to her more humble sabjeota. Each letter is almost invariably followed by its answer, likewise in French. Some contain interesting references to the great men or events of the day, but those of a more private nature possess a greater attraction, and throw light on the family life of the age. A letter from a mother to ber aon at school may be quoted : * ' Hon dlo» the nBemblance i* between the tuo workR nwy be judged bj the following qaotationi : Et jriavye e gele (onnt vereglaa. (Bibbuwobth.) And it ■ in words almost Ideutdcsl with thole of Bibbesworth that the nathor dewriliM the diSereooe in the meaning ol some words Moording to their gender : 1a leven deit oiore lea denti. Tht Uppe. Le kven en boys sb tient de deyni. r***or«. La liviB sert a uacchaanlx. TfcpoimJ*. Le livere spient nooa eafanati. The boit. ■ The eariieat of these USS. dat« from the second deoade lâ the fonrteentJi Deatmfj. These epistolariss are fonod in tbe loUowing H8S. ; Haiteiso 4971 and S9S8, Addit. ITTIS, in the Brit. Mns. ; Ee 4. 20 In Cantab. Univ. Library ; B 14. 39, 40 in Trinity CoL Camb. ; 182 St All Souls. Oxford, and 1S8 Magdalen Col. Oxford {op. 8t AUframtStic/it BiblioUuk). TiiL pp. zrii-iii. The Introduction to (t edited In a Otiefswald Dissertation (ISBS). by W. UerkTitz. ' Stengel, op- cit. pp. S-IO. D,j,i,i.ab, Google 18 THE FEENCH LANGUAGE m ENGLAND Salut avcBque ma benigon, très chier filz. Sachiez que je desire grande- ment de savoir bona nouellee de voua et de voatre estât : car vostre père et moy estions a la {aisance de ces lettres en bon poynt le Dieu merci. Et sachiei que je tous envoie par le porteur de ces lettres demy marc pur diveises nécessaires que vous en avez a faire sans escient de vostre père. Et vous pri chèrement, beau très doulz filz, que voua laissez tous mais et folyes et ne hantez mye mauvaise compagnie, car si vous le faîtez il vous fen grant damage, avant que vous l'aperceiverez. Et je vous aiderai selon mon pooir oultre ce que vostre père vous domira. Dieus voua doint sa beniçon, car je voua donne la mienne. . . . From about the middle of the fourteenth century a feeling of discontent mth the prerogative of the French language in England beoomes prominent. The Iobb of the greater part of the French possessions, and the continued state of hostilitieB vitb France during the reign of Edward LEI. brought home forcibly to the English mind the fact that the French were a distinct nation, and French a foreign tongue. This tardy recovery is aufScient proof of the strong resistance which had to be overcome. Chaucer is the greatest representative of the I new movement. " Let Frenchmen endite their quaint terms I in French," he exclaims, " for it is kindly to their mouths, but let OS show our fantaisies in suche words as we learned from our dames' tongues." His contemporary, Gower, was less quick to discern the signs of the times. Of the four volumes of his works, two are in Latin, one in French, and one in English ; but the order in which he uses these lan- guages is instructive — ^first French, then Latin, and lastly English. Some writers made a compromise by employing a mixture of French and English.^ French, however, continued to hold an important place in prose writings until the middle of the fifteenth century ; but such works are of I little literary value. The reign of French as the literary ' language of England, as Chaucer had been quick to discern, was approaching its end. Hie same period is marked by a growing disrespect for Anglo-French as compared with the French of France. The French of England, cut off from the living source, had de- veloped apart, and often with more rapidity than the other French dialects on the Continent. What is more, the language brought by the invaders was not a pure form of the Norman dialect ; men from various parts of France had joined in William's expedition. The invaders, always called ' French ' by their contemporaries, brought in a ' Eomania, ir. p. 3S1. iiiii. p. 22. Digitized ty Google THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES 19 strong Picard element; tuid in the twelfth centory there wfu a, similar Angevin influence. Moreover, during Norman and Angevin times, craftsmen and others immigrated to England, each bringing with him the dialectal peculiarities of his own province.^ Thus no r^olar development of Anglo- French was possible, and it can hardly be regarded as an ordinary ditdect, notwithstanding its literary importance.' This disparity in the quality of Anglo-Fren is illustrated in a remarkable way by the literature of the period. Those who had received special educational advantages, or had ^ travelled on the Continent, spoke and wrote French correctly ; others used forms which contrasted pitiably with contmental ,.-• FrMieh. Moreover, the fourteenth century saw the triumph — of the lie de France dialect in France ; the -otlier dialects ceased, as a rule, to be used in literature,^ and this change was not without effect on Anglo - French, which shared their degradation. Chaucer lets us know the poor opinion he had of the French of England ; his Prioress speaks French " full fayre and fetisly," but After the scole of Stiatford atte Boire, For Freoch of Paris wae to her imknowe. William Langland admits that he knew " no frenche in feith, but of the ferthest ende of Norfolke." * As early as the thirteenth century English writers had felt bound to apolc^pze as En^ishmen for their French. Nor were their excuses superfluous in many cases ; William of Wadington, the authoi ,' of the Manuel dee Péchiez, for example, wrote : * De le françois ne del rimer Ne me doit nuls hom blâmer, ; Car en Engleterre fu né \ Et nurri lenz et ordiné. Such apologies became all the more necessary as time went on. Even Gower, whose French was comparatively pure,* owing no doubt to travel in France in early life, deemed it advisable to explain that he wrote in French for " tout le monde en general," and to ask pardon if he has not "de François la 1 W. dumiughun. QroaA of Siigliih ladtulry and Coiamtrct, Cambridge. 1S96, pp. 63ff igs. * L. Henger, Ari^Sorman Diahet ; BehieoB. art. eil. pp. 960 âçq. ; Bruoot. Bûloire dt JalangvefriBifoiie, L pp. 310 n^., 309. * Brnnot. op.eit.i.'p. 331. * Jimeruhl, Hisioin Uuiratre du peuple anglait, 1896, p. 240 D. * Bronot, op. eit L p. 389. ' F. Ble;«r oommandi Gower'a f^«iioh {Amuniii, zziiL p. 13). D,j,i,i.ab, Google 20 THE FRENCH LANGUAOE IN ENGLAND Jeo Buia Engloia si quiei par tiele voie Estre epusé. At about the same time the aaonymoos atithoriof the Testament of Love finds fault with the English for their persistence in writing in bad French, " of which speech the Frenchmen have aa good a fantasy as we have in hearing of Frenchmesi's English." 1 The notoriety of the French of Englishmen reached Frimce. Indeed this was a time when the English were more generally known in France than they were to be for several hundreds of years afterwards — until the eighteenth century. E^lish- men filled positions in their possessions in France, and during the long wars between the two countries in the reign of Edward III. J^ many of the English nobility resided in that country with their families. Montaigne refers to traces of the English in Guyenne, which still remained in the sixteenth century : " H est une nation," he writes in one of his Essays, " a laquelle ceux de mon quartier ont eu autrefois si privée accointance qu'il reste encore en ma maison aucune trace de leur ancien cousinage." * The opinions formed by the French of the English were naturally anything but flattering. We find them expressed in songs of the time.^ But the recrimina- tions were mutual, and the English had already hit upon the epithet which for centuries they appUed to Frenchmen, and most other foreigners indiscriminately : Franche dogue dit un Ângloia. Vous ne faites que boire vin. Si faisons bien dist le François, Hais voua buves le lunnequin. (bière.)* Even in the Soman de Renart we come across traces of familiarity with English ways, and also of the English It is not surprising, then, that Anglo-French was a subject of remart in France, especially when we remember that already in the thirteenth century the provincial accents of the different parts of France herself had been the object of ■ T. R Lounebni;, Bttidia in Chancer, Lmdon, 1892, p. 468. ' Livre ii. oh. xil. * As in ihoM of Olirier Basmlin. * ËiutAch« Deaohunps, ŒuvfM, ed, Cnpelet, p. 9t, q^uDted by B&tbery, op. ciL p. 181 (op. aUo EnglM Politkal SoBSs. ed. T. Wright, Ca-màta Soo., 1S3S). \, op. cil. p, 163 a. liie foorMenth branch of the Aman ia tpeoially ]. Brauat, op. cit. i. p. 306, n. 4. Digitized ty Google THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES 21 some considerable amount of raillery.^ The English, says Ftoissart, a good judge, for he spent many years in England, " disoient bien que le trançois que ils avoient apris chies eulz d'enfance n'estoit pas de t«lle nature et condition que celluy de France e*toit," * And this ' condition ' was soon recog- nized as a plentiful store for facetious remarks and parodies of all kinds. In the Roman de JeJum et Blonde, the jnmng Frenchman's rival, the Duke of Qloncester, is made to appear ridiculous by speaking bad French ; and one of the tricks ph^ed by Benart on Ysengrin, in the Soman de Renart, is to pretend he is an Eànglistiman : ' Ez vOB kenart qui le salue : " Godehelpe," fait il, " bel Sire ! Kon sBver point ton reaon dire." And Ysengrin answers : Et dez Bdut vos, bau dous amis 1 Dont est«s voa T de quel pais T Vou» n'estas mie aée de France, Ne de la no il A fabliau of the fourteenth century * pictures the dilemma of two Englishmen trying to make their French understood in France ; <Hie of them is ill and wotdd have some lamb : His friend sets out to try to get the ' and ' or ' lamb ' ; but no tme understands him, and he becomes the laughing-etock of the villagers. At last some one gives him a ' small donkey ' instead of the desired ' agnel,' and out of this he makes a dish for the invalid who Snds the bones rather large. In the face of a reputation such as this it is no wonder that the English found additional encouragement to abandon the foreign language and cultivate their own tongue. English was also beginning to make its way into official documents.' In 1362 the King's Speech at the opening of ' Brmiat, op. oit. L 330. It ia not ran to God Engliih pnouiiuiatim of French lidtonled in Fniwe, and En^iahmen lepreaented M talking a Bott ol gibberish ; op. Bomania, iIt. pp. 90, 279, ûd Bnmot, op. eft p. 369 o. * BtilnBM, D]>. oil. p. 967. ■ Ed. K tlMitia. 1BS2. 1. 2361 *«. ' Jtœuetl féiUnil a complet da fabliai * Hailland. CoOmUd Pi^m, IBJl, ii op. eif. I p. 37S. Digitized ty Google 22 THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND Parliament was pronounced in English, and in the following year it was directed that all pleas in the courts of justice should be pleaded and judged in English, because French was " trope desconue en ledit lealine." Despite that, the act was very tardily obeyed, and English progressed bat r slowly, French continuing to be written long after it ceased I to be spoken in the Law Courts. There were a few public documents issued in English at the end of the century, but the Acts and Records of Parliament continued to be written in French for many years subsequently. English first made its way into the operative parts of the Statutes, and till 1503 the formal parts were still written in French and Latin. Proteste were made to Henry VIII. against the continued use of French, "as thereby ys testyfied our subjectyon to the Normannys " ; yet it was not before the eighteenth century that English was exclusively used in the Law Courts, and for many years French, in its corrupt form, remained the literary language of the English law. Till the seventeenth century works on jurisprudence and reports on cases were mainly written in French, Lea Caees de Gray's Inn shows I French in accounts of discussions on difficult legal cases as ; late as 1680.^ Sir John Fortesoue (1394 Î-1476), Lord Chief ' Justice of the King's Bench, in his i>e Lavdibus Legvm Angliae, suggests that this Law French is more correct at bottom than ordinary spoken French, which, he contends, is much " altered by common use, whereas Law French is more often writ than spoken." In later times no such illusions prevailed. Swift thus estimates the value of the three languages of the EngUsh Law : ' Then from the bat harangues the bench, In English vile, and viler Frenoh, And Latin vilest of the three. At about the same time as Swift wrote, the ' frenchified ' Lady, then in fashion, who prided herself on her knowledge of the "language à la mode " is described as being able to " keep the field against a whole army of Lawyers, and that in their own language, French gibberish." * And long after French ceased to be used in the I*w many law terms and l^al and official 1 F. Wataon, StUgiout Rijfvgea and English Kiticalion, Lonâon, IBll, p. B. Then are nnmeroiu entnc* of Aooh workn in tii« Staiiontra* Reçitta: . » Answer to Dr. lindiey'i epigram, Worki, ed. 18*1, L p. S34. ■ [H. Dell], The Freruh^iid Lady never in Pant, London, 1767. Digitized ty Google THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH C^JT^URIES 23 phrases remaiiwd, and are still in nee to-day.^ Anglo-French alao lingered in some of the religions houses after it had fallen into discredit else^rhere, and continued to do so in some oases till the time of their dissolution. The rules and acoonnts of the nunneries w«re more often in French than Dot.' And John ap Rhys, visitor of monasteries in the icdgn of Henry VIII. viote to Cromwell regarding the monastery of Laycock in Wiltshire, that he had observed one thing " worthy th'adver- tisement ; the ladies have theii Rule, tii'institutee of their Religion and the ceremonies of the same written in the Frenche tongue, which they understand well and are very perfyt in the same, albeit that it varieth from vulgar Frenche that is now used, and is moche like the Fienohe that the common Lawe is written in." ^ During this same period English b^an to be used occasion- ally in correspondence ; but here again its progress was slow. Some idea of the extent to which French was utilized for that purpose may be gathered from the fa^ that three extant letters of William de Wykebam, addressed to Englishmen, are all in that tongue. Not till the second and third decades of the fifteenth century were English and French employed in correspondence to an almost equal ext^it, and during the following years, especially in the reign of Henry VI., English gradually became predominant.* French remained in use longer in correspondence of a public and ofiicial nature, but became more and more restricted to foreign diplomacy. Towards the middle of the fourteenth century, at the banning of the long vtaa with France, French lost ground in England in yet another direction. Edward III. is said to have found it necessary to proclaim that eH lords, barons, knight«, burgesses, should see that their childr^i learn French for political and military reasons ; ' and when the enalom. * BatHon, Jf olimnt £ivli»i, p. 342 ; W^rUm, Bitbxy of Snglith Poetry, p. 10 n. * EOix, Oriffirutl LeUer; 3rd Mriea, 1S46, L p. xL * H.A.E. Grt»BlTiétVlooi),LiUeno/ Soyalani /Osdrw» Zodta, LaDdcm, 1846; Tht Foilm Lata», ner edition by J. Ourdner, 3 toIl, LoidcA, ISTS-TS ; H. Ellis. Orifitiai LtUtrt, 3rd series, London, 1346 ; J. O. HkUiwell.FhiUippe, LtUert of the King) of Bngland, London, IBM ; C. L. KingBfoid, EaglMt HiMarieal LitenlMre in tkt FifleaHi Cailury, Olfivd. 1863, pp. 193 d h;. ; H&Uun, LOmtun of Xmope, «th éd., Lc«id0D, 1B60. L p. 54. ' " Que toot seigneur, boron, ohei&liec et bone«tc« homraea de bonMa villei meais- Mcnt cnE« el dilligenoe de estmiiv «t apprendre leurs en£(uu le l&ngho fruryoiae, par D,j,i,i.ab, Google 24 THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND Tr©™a tnmalated Higden'a Polychronieùn, he wrote in correc- tion of the earlier chronicler's description of the teaching of French in the grammar schools of England : ^ " This maner was moche used before the grete deth (1349). But syth it is somdde ohaunged. Now (i.e. 1387) they leave all Frensoh in Bcboles, and use all construction in Englisch. Wherin they have advantage on way that they leme the soner ther gramer. And in another disadvantage. Foi nowe they leme no Frenssh no can none, whiche is hurte foF them that shall passe the see," and thus children of the grammar schools know " no more French than knows their lefte heele." Thus the custom of translating Latin into French passed out of use early in the second half of tiie fourteenth century. No doubt there had been signs of the approaching change in the preceding period, sua it is of interest here to notice that while Neckham's Latin vocabulary, which dates from the second half of the twelfth century, is glossed in French alone, that of Qarlande, which belongs approximately to the third decade of the ftdlowii^ century, is accompanied by translations in both French and English. In the universities, however, where French had been slower in gaining a foothold, it remained longOT ; in the fifteenth century teachers of French were still allowed to lecture there as they had done previously, hut it is to be noticed that In all the colleges founded after the Black Death (1340), from which the change in the grammar schools is dated, the r^ulations ^iconraging the sprâking of French in Hall are absent. The change appears also to have affected the higher clafises, who did not usually frequent the grammar schools fuid universities, but depended on more private methods of instruction. Trevisa here again adds a correction to the earlier chronicle, and informs us that " gentylmen haveth now myche lefte for to teach their children Frenach." We thus witness the gradual disappearance of the effects of the Norman Conquest in the history of the use of the . French language in England. The Conquest had made ! Norman-French the language of the Court, and to some extent, , of the Church ; it had brought with it a French literature which nearly smothered the national literature and replaced it temporarily ; it had led to the system of translating Latin qnoj il en fuisHnt plna ftTeo et plug ooatamiet ena leun ghsms " (Frciuut, qooled b; BehniiB, o^. eiL p. BGT n.). * Elgden, lit wpru. D,j,i,i.aj=, Google THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES 25 into French as well aa into English in the schools. In the later fourteenth century French was no longer the chief language of the Court, and the king spoke English and was addressed in the same tongue. In the Church the employment of French had been restricted and transitory, though, as has been mentioned, it lingered in some of the monasteries until the sixteenth century ; yet Latin never found in it a serious rival in this sphere, and the ecclesiastical department of the law never followed the civil in the adoption of the use of Flench. How French lost ground in the other spheres has already been traced : in all these cases its employment may be regarded as a direct result of the Conquest. This great event had also indirect results. French became the official langut^ of Elngland, and the favourite medium / of correspondence in the thirteenth century, when the fusion between the two races was complete. But it is highly im- probable that French would have spread in these directions if the Conquest had not in the first place made French the vernacular of a considerable portion of Englishmen, and that the most influential . With its use in official documents uid in correspondence, may be classed the alight encouragement French received at Oxford. In all these spheres it remained longer than it had done where its status had been a more direct result of the Conquest. Meanwhile the desire to cultivate and imitate t^e French of France had been growing stronger and stronger; and when, towards the end of the fourteenth century, the older influences were getting feebler, and in some cases bad passed away, the influence of the continental French, especially the French of Paris, now supreme over the other dialects, became more and more marked. And it is this languf^e which henceforth Englishmen strove to learn, gradually relinquishing the corrupt idiom with which for so long their name had been associated. Digitized ty Google CHAPTER II THE FDTBBNTH CBNTtlBT These great changes which took place in the status ol French in England did not, hovever, affect fundamentaUy the popu- larity of the language : they had to do with Anglo-French alone. French, ae distinct ^m this and as a foreign language, received more attention than ever before, especially from the higher classes, and from travellers and merchants. It was the language of poUteneea and refinement in the eyes of Englishmen, not only as a result of the Conquest, but for its inherent qualities ; and so it retained this position when it gave way to English or Latin in other spheres where its predominance had beeat due, either directly or indirectly, to the Conquest. French had enjoyed a social reputation in Engluid before the arrival of the invaders,^ and had already made some prt^jress towards becoming the language which the English loved and culti- vated above all modem foreign tongues, and to which they devoted for a great many years more care than they did to their own. " Doulz francois," writes an Englishman at the end of the fourteenth century in a treatise for teaching the language,^ is the most beautiful and gracious language in the world, after the Latin of the schools,' " et de tous gens mieulx prisée et amée que nul autre ; quar Dieu le fiât se doulce et amiable principalement a l'oneur et loenge de luy mesmes. Et pour ce il peut bien comparer au parler des angels du ciel, pour la grant doulceur et biaultée d'icel " — a more eloquent tribute even than the more famous lines of Bmnetto Latini. Another writer of the same period informs ^ FreemaJi, Notiaan Gtynqattt, iL. ]86â, pp. 10 aqq., 28 aqq. * Mamire de Lanfuçe, 1306 ; op. iT^ru. p. 30, * "Donlz fnDfoÏB qu'eel la plni bel at la pins giaoiotiB Isngiufe et plus noble parler, spies latin d'eMole, qui «oit au monde." D,j,i,i.ab, Google THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY 27 US that " lee bonea gens da Roiaume d'Engletene sont embrasez a scavoir lire et escrire, entendre et parler droit François," and that he himself thinks it is very necessary for the T^ig ljah to know the " droict nature de François," for many reasons.^ For instance, that they may enjoy inteicourse with their ndghboors, the good folk of the Idngdom of France ; that they may better imderstand the laws of England, of which a great many are still written in French ; and also because " beaucoup de bones choses sont misez en François," and the lords and ladies of England aie very fond of writing to each other in the same tongue.* ÂB a result of the altered circumstances which were modify- ing the attitude of the English, there is a correaponding change in the standard of the French which the manuals for teaching that lai^uage sought toattain. All the best text-books of the end of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries endeavour with few exceptions to impart a knowledge of the French of Paris, " doux françois de Paris " or " la droite language de Parie," as it waa called, in conti;a£t with the French of Strat- ford-atte-Bowe and oUier parts of En^Uind. Those authors of treatises for teaching French of whose lives we have any details, had stodied French in France, at Paris, Orleans, or some other University town. The fact that many of their productions still contain numbers of words belonging to the Norman and other dialects does not liimiTiiRh the import- ance and significance of their more ambitious aims. These pioneer works on the Fr^ich language, written in England by Englishmen without the guidance of any similar work produced in France, were bound to c<mtain archaisms as well as anghcisms.' Fluency in speaking French was the chief need of the ' clafises of society in which the demand for instruction was greatest. Corcectness in detail was only of seoondary im- portance, and grammar, though desirable, was not considered > Jehui Butou, Dmait Fropfoit, «. léOO. ' " A£n iiu'ils pniisaiit entreconmner booement ovo lour voi»in o'aat b dire lee boas gBDB du nnaame de Ftaaoe, et aiiui pour oe qut ie& leja d'Eugleleire poor le gndgikeiiT pAfti« et eusai beaucoup de boues oh«eB sont aûees eu Frâuçctfl, et aussi bien pnt Una les sin et tont« lea dames en meame mianiue d'EngleMrre •cdenlien a'entceaijriveiit eu romauoe — tneueoeesaire je ouïde eatre sus Engins de imToir te D&tnce de Frangois." ' Wllleh uo doubt became moie numeroua, aa Eugliah, radier thui Latin, b«cauie tbe medium through which Vteoch wu leemt. Thna we find poor Aonte written tor 'for abuue ' ; H at haut tempi, lor 'it is high time ' ; quai ('why ') tea poarjiwi ; dc lea for du, and ao on. D,j,i,i.ab, Google 28 THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND indiepensable. The importance of speaking French natur- ally brought the stibject of pronunciation to the fore. No doubt moat of the early ' teachers shared the opinions of their auccesaors, that rules and theoretical information were of little avail in teaching the 'sounds of the language, compared with the practice of imitation imd répétition ; nevertheless, many of them attempted to supply some information on t^e subject. When, in the second decade of the fifteentii century, another writer based a new treatise for teaching French on the vocabulary of Bibbeeworth, which had then been current for well over a century, the chief point in which it differed from its original was precisely in the provision of guidance to facilitate pronunciation. This new treatise was styled Femina} because just ob the mother teaches her young child to speak his native tongue, so does this work teach children to speak French naturally.* It covers almost exactly the same ground as the vooabuluy of Bibbesworth, but, as in the case of the earlier imitation of the same work, the Nomituile, the order of arrangement varies, and the whole is permeated with a lively humour which makes it at least equal in interest to the work on which it is based. The French lines are octosyllabic and arranged in distichs, each pair being followed by an English translation, which is given in full, contrary to tlie practice in the earlier works of the same kind. The author endeavours to teach the Fr^ich of France ' as distinguished from that of England, and, although he lavishes provincialisms from the local dialects of France — Norman, Picard, Walloon— in the main Aey are French provincialisms, and many of them may be due to errors on the part of the scribe. To assist pronunciation notes are provided at the bottom of the page, giving pseudo-EInglish equivalents of the sounds of words written otherwise in the text. The treatise opens with an exhortation to the child to learn French that he may speak fairly before wise men, for " heavy is he that is not taught " : ^ Edited tiom a unique US. in Trinit; College, Cambridge, b; W. Aldia Wright, for the Roibnishe Club, IBOa (Cuub. Univ. PR6a). G. Hiokee pnbliab«d put <t ttaa fint otupter, vilh remarin on ill philologicsi -nlue, in big lAngtarHm Fctcrwn Btpuit- frtmuiKum Tkaattnu OramnuUieo-Criliau et Arduudlojiau, Oiiord, ITOS, i. pji. ' "Liber iita voutur iaminsi quia lioul ftmint dooet infuit*m loqni m àa dooM i>te liber iavenea lethorioe loqoi Qallioiuii pnint infn paUUt." ' P. Mejer, Somalia, XJixU. pp. 13 el ttq. D,j,i,i.ab, Google THE FUTEENTH OENTDRY ; primniD dooet leUioTiae loqni de aaBimilitndine bestùrum. a, b Betia enf»unt par apprendra d IBn franceii devei bien entoudre Ffftyie chj'ld for t« kme In frmch ye ecbti wet underiUnde Coment tous parlerez bealment. Et dovannt lee Mgez tutaralment. How je Bchal speke fayre, And (jore ye wysemBn kyndlj. Hooy eet il qui n'est Dorty. That js ioth that y yow say Hevy ya be that ye not tai^th k 1 PaileE tout ditz com aSaitee Bt nenny come diaaafaites. Spekep alway as man yi tauth And not aa man untauth. Paries imprimer de tout amemblé Des bestOE que Dieu ad lormé. Spekep fyrtt of manere assemble aile Of beatei that Qod bath y maked. (a) beau debet legi bev, (6) enfaimt, (c) fniunoeyi, <ii) bein, (e) bêlement, (/) oe, {g) cet Tel eyztt, (A) lil, (i) net^t, (i) toutdiz, (I) afete«, (m) diasafetee, (n) beetei, (o) àv et non Dieu. The subsequent chapters deal vith the same subjects as in Bibbesworth, and sometimea' the wotding is almost identical. The concluding chapter, " De moiibus infaatis," is taken from another source, and gives admonitions for discreet behaviour, quoting the moral treatise of the pseudo-Cato, the Proverbs of Solomon, and the like. The passage in which FenUna deals with ihe upbringing of the child may be of interest, as showing how the later author repeats the earlier, while storing the wording ; and as throwing some light on the way French was then learnt : Et quaunt ii oourt en graunt age Hettei ly apprendre l^goge. And when he rnna in great age ' Put him to leam language. ' The English apelling. very corrupt in Ute original, i« hen modermied. Dij.iMb, Google 30 THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND Ed frauncejs & luy voub devei dire Comez il doit Bonn corps discrire. Id Frenoh to him ;e ahM. ray How firet he shall his body describe. Et pui ordre garder de moun et ma, TouD et ta, son et sa, maaculino et feminino. Ând foT order to kepe of mon and ma. Toon and ta, soon and ra, for ma Boimeth. Quia ma aonat feminino mf>un masculino. To femynyn gender and moua to miiscillyn. Cy que en parle soit bien aprij. Et de nuls homme eschamis. So that in apeacb he be well learned. And of no man scorned. At the end is a ' calendar,' or table of words arrai^ed alpha- betically in three parallel eolumna. The first gives the orthc^aphy of the word, the second the pronunciation, and the third the explanation of its meaning and construction, which usually takes the form of an Engli^ equivalent. In the meanwhile the grammatical study of French wa.s not neglected. There are still extant numerous small treatises ^ dealing with different aspects of French grammar, chiefly the flexions, and belonging to the end of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The conjugation of verbs receives special attention, and there are several manuscripts providing paradigms and lists of the chief parte of speech — often very incorrect, and of more value as showing the interest taken in Frenoh in England than as illustrating any development in the history of the conjugations of French verbs. The usual verbs described in these fragmentary works ^ are amo, habeo, sum, voh, facio, and the French paradigms are generally accompanied by Latin ones, on which they are naturally baaed, and which were intended to help the student to under- stand the French (" com expositione earundem in Latinis "}. The two most considerable of these works known add many verbs to the list mentioned above. Of these the first, tiie Liber Donati,^ gives examples of law French rather than literary French ; * but the other, written in French, endeavours to teach " douce françois de Paris " — oy comence le Donait 1 ThcM U88. hsTB beeo deBoribed and clugifled by J. Stiiizinger, AUfrataGeiteht BMioOuk, Till pp. t-i. > Brit. Uiu. HorL MS. 1971 ; Addit HS, 1171S, and Camb. Univ. Libr. HS. Ee 4, 20. ■ Camb. Univ. Libr. MSS. Dd 12, 23, and Gg S, 41. * F. Uey«r, Bomania, tt. p. 362. Digitized ty Google THE FIFTEENTH CENTUEY 31 aoïoum douée franceis de Parish The Donait belongs to the fifteenth century, and ia the work of one B. Dove, who also wrote eome Regutae de Orthographia Oaliica in Latin,' which show considerable resemblance to those of the earlier Ortho- graphia OaUica. The same is true of some of the rules devoted to orthography in the Liber Donati, which also owes some- thing to the work of 'T. H., Student of Paris,' either in the original form, or, more probably, in the recast, due to Canon Coyfnrelly. In this respect, Coyfurelly continues the efforts of the earher writer to purify English spelling of French — efforts which at this time would meet with more success than was the case earher.^ Another topic touched on in the Regviae of B. Dove is the formation of the plural of noons, and of the feminine of adjectives. The substance of one of these rules may be quoted, aa an example of the failure of these early writers to graap general principles. All nouns ending in ge, like lange, says the grammarian, take s in the plural, as langea ; all nouns ending in urc, as bourc, have z or a in the plural and drop the c, as hours ; all nouns ending in nyn, as amyn, take a in the plural, as chemyna ; all nouna ending in eyn, as peyn, form their plural by adding a, as peyna. Such ia the rule for the formation of the plural of noons, and that for the feminine of adjectives, which follows, is on the same lines. Pronouns also received Bome attention from these early grammarians. The Liber Donati* contains a few remarks cm the personal, demonstrative and possessive pronouns, giving the different forms for the singular and plural and the various cases ; thus it tolls ns that jeo and sometimes moy are used for / (ego) in the nominative case, and in other oases moy or m« in the singular, while nous is used for the plural in all cases, and so forth. We thus see that the verbs, nouns and pronouns received consideration, varying in degree, at the bands of these pioneers in French grammar. Neither were the indeclinable parts of speech neglected ; at the end of the lAber Donati there is a list of some of these as well as of the ordinal and cardinal numbers in both Latin and French, while the Donail gives the numbers only. Some manuscripts contain lists of adverbs, < Brit Mm, Sloans MS. 513, pp. 13S-13g. ' Brit Mna. Blo&ne BIS. 613. fid. 139. ' 'Hieiv ÏB a fragment, very iadistinot, on French prontmoùktita in tbe Brit Hob. H8.Eari.4STli Modvi prommâaiidi dietioHa in Ballieû, * C^ iJ»o the Brit Mm. Addit MS. 17719. fol. 100. Digitized ty Google 32 THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND prepositions and conjunotiona in Latia and French-^ Others give liste of the cardinal and ordinal numbers in French, and one adds to these a nomenclature of the different colours,* The names of the days, months, and feast-days were another favourite subjeot. Of these small treatises that which nearest approaches the form of a comprehensive grammar is the Liber DonaH, which includes observations on the orthography and pro- nunciation, on verbs and pronouns, and lists of adverbs, conjunctions, and numerals. But there appeared at the beginning of the fifteenth century, before 1409, a more com- prehensive treatise of some real value — the Donait fnmçoie pur briefment entroduyr les Angloia en hi droit langue du Paris et de pais la d'entour,^ a work which but for it« very many anglicisms might be placed on a level with some of the similar grammars of the sixteenth century.* The origin of this Douait is interesting. A certain Englishman, John Barton, bom and bred in the county of Cheshire, but a student of Paris, and a passionate lover of the French language, engaged some good clerks to compose the Donait, at his own great cost and trouble, for the benefit of the English, who are so eager (" embrasez ") to learn French.' Judging from the lines with which Barton closes his short but communicative preface, the work woe intended mainly for the use of young people — the " ohers enfants" and "très douces pucellea," ' hungering ' to leam French : " Pur ce, mes chiers enfantz et ti^sdoulcez puselles," he writes, " que avez fam d'apprendre cest Donait scaohez qu'il est divisé en belcoup de chapiters si come il apperera cy avole." Barton then retires to make way for his ' clerks,' whose remarks are entirely coflfined to gram- matical teaching and who, like Barton, writ« in French. Most of the early treatises on French grammar which appeared in England are written in Latin. Latin appears ' Cuob. Uoiv. Libr. MS., Et 1, 20 i Oxfoid. AU Souls, US. 182. ■ Brit. Mus. MS. Hurl, 4971 ; MS. Addlt. 17718 (preceding the observations im pronoana and verba meationed above) ; Camb. Univ. Libr., Ee 4, 20 ; Oifonl Ui«dalea College, MS. 1S8, anil All SodIb, MS. 182. ' Published by Stengol, op. eit. pp. Î5-40, from MS. 182 of Ail Souls, Oxford. * Bninot, op. dL i. p. 37S. * " A le hooneuT de Di«u et de sa tnedobLce miere et toat£ lea eaiiitez de paradis, je JobMi BsTton, ewjolier de Pari», née et noorie tootei foiei d'Engleterre en la oooté de Cestre, j'ey baillé ens avantdii Anglols nn Donait frsn^oi» pnr I« brietmeat entio- dap'en la droit langoage dn Paris et d« pais la d'enlonr la qoelle luigooge en Engleterre on appelle' donloe France. Et mat Donat jo le fil la lair a mee duepenan et trea grande peine par [Jnaeani bona clerc» dn language avantdite." D,j,i,i.ab, Google . THE FIFTEENTH CENTUEY 38 to have been the medium through which French was learnt and explained to a large extent, although in the caae of Uie riming vocabularies En^gliah was used for teaching the young children for whom these nomenclatures were chiefly written. But granunar, probably intended to be learnt by older etadenta, was usually studied in Latin, which was, also found to be a help in learning French. Students are told to base French orthography on that of Latin, and there are constant references from French words to their Latin originals. The Donait aoloum douce franceia de Paris is apparently the only work of any importance written in French before that of Barton. English was not uaed for this purpose before the sixteenth century, when it was almost invariably employed, even by Frenchmen. A grammar such as Barton's would, no doubt, be read and translated with the help of a tutor ; and it is highly probable that the children for whom it was intended would have previously acquired some practical knowledge of French from some such elementary treatise as Bibbesworth's vocabnlary. Moreover, French was so generally in use in the higher classes of society, and had been for so long a kind of semi-naticoiat tongue, that it would hardly be approached as an entirely foreign language, as in latw times. In writ ing a French grammar in French, Barton and those who followed the same course merely adopted for the teaching of French a method in common use in the teaching of Latin. The advisability of writing French grammars in French was a question, as we shall see, much discussed in Uie sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as well as in much more recent times. The clerks employed by Barium made free use of the observations on French grammar which hod appeared pre- viously. But their work had an additional value ; the rules are stated with considerable clearness and are usnaUy correct.* The opening chapters deal with the letters and their pronunciation, set forth, like the rest of the grammar, in a series of questions and answers : Quanteï letters est il ! Vint Quelle?: I Cinq voielz at quinae con- sonantez. Quelx Bont les Toielx et ou aeroit ils aomiéa f Le premier vouyel est a et sena sonné en la pnetrine, la seconde est e et seira soimé en U gorge, le tiers est > et seira sonné entre les joues, le quart est o et serra ' eonné du palat de la boucJie, le quint est u et serra sonné entre les lèvres. ' Bnmot, op. oit. l p. 378. D,j,i,i.ab, Google 34 THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND To these obserrations on the vowels are added a few on the consonants, and " belcoup de bones rieules " (six in all) treating the avoidance of hiatus between two consonants and the effects of certain vowels and consonants on each other's pronunciation. Next come a few observations on the parts , of speech ; for " après le Chapitre des lettres il nous fanlt dire des accidens." Instead of giving a number of isolated instances as rules for the formation of the plural, the gaieral rule for the addition of s to the singular is evolved and empha- sized by this advice ; " Pour ceo gardez vous que vous ne mettez pas le singuler pour le pulier (pluriel) ne a contraire, si come font les sots." Further, we must avoid imitating the ' sottez gens,' to whom frequent reference is made, in using one person of a t«nse for another, and saying je ferra for je ferray.^ In this section of the work the rules follow each other without any orderly arrangement * At abont the same time an English poet is said to have written a French grammar, as another poet, Alexander Barclay, actually did later. An early bibliographer ^ includes in his list of Lydgate'e works one entitled PraecepUonea Lingvae GaUicae, in one book, of which no further tra^e remains to-day. Lydgate, however, was well acquainted with French ; he made the customary foreign tour, besides visiting Paris again on a later occasion in attendance on noble patrons, and put his knowledge of the language to the test by translating or adapting several works from the French, like most con- temporary writers.* The same eariy authority informs ns that, as soon as Lydgate returned from his travels, he opened ^ " Cy flodroit il fault pTendr« gaide qa^en pariant fVancoia on He infltt« pu iid« penoone pour une soltre ai oome font les setlei gena, diaantz aioai }ê firta pour jt /wTOy . . . ." ^ We paaa From the nnmbeis of nonna to th« peima of verbe, tbed to tba genden and kLnda (proper, sppellatire) of nonna and their cases, aii in number on the analogy of Latin, which a aatmally the basis of the terminology of thia work and fJl oâiers for many yeara after ; Chen oome otnervationa on the degrees of compariBon. aft«r de^ with the parla of apeeoh ; the four indeolinablea (adTeriH, prepoaitiona. oon- jimatLona. and interjeoCJona) are merely mentioned. Nouna. adjeatirea. and prononua rooeive some attention, bnt the obiel subject is the yorii ; " Cy maintenant noua Tom baillerons ou exemple cornent rena fourmerea toux les verba françoia du monde, soient- ils aelifez, soient-ils passivez. en quelque meuf ou temps qn'ils soient. Et ceste exemple serra peur oeat verbe jeo aime. . . ." Bvt the verba are not clossiâed, and only a few of the best known are conjugated aa examples. In the list of imperaonal verhs which oloees the treatise. English ia sometimea used to explain their meaning : " He est avis, Jfe seemth." ' J. Bale. lUastrium Maiorit Brilan Digitized ty Google THE FUTEENTH CENTURY 36 a school for the sons of noblemen, possibly at Bury St. Edmunds. Probably Lydgate wrote a French grammar tor the use of these young noblemen, who would oertainly have to learn the language ; and, after serving their immediate pmrpose, these rales, we may surmise, were lost and soon foi^tten. In the fifteenth century, inatruetdon in French epistolary style of all degrees continued to be supphed in' collections of model letters ; and at the end of the fourteenth c^itury a new kind of book for teaching French appeared — the Manière de Langage or model conversation book, intended for the use of travellers, merchants, and others desiring a conversational and practical rather than a thorough and grammatical know- ledge of French. Contrary to the custom, prevalent at this later period, of providing English translations, the earliest of these contain no English gloss, but simply the French text without any attempt at even the slight grammatical instruc- tion provided in the vocabularies. Their sole purpose was to give the traveller or wayfarer a supply of phrases and expressions on the customary topics ; grammatical instruction could be sought elsewhere. The earUest of these ^ is the first work for teaching French to which a definite date can be assigned. A sort of dedication at the end is dated from Bury St. Edmunds, " la veille du Pentecôte, 1396." We have not the same definite information as to the author.^ The anghcisms make it clear that he was an Englishman, while the references to Orleans and its university, and the trouble there between the students and the townspeople in 1389, suggest that he was a student of that university, then much frequented by the English and other foreigners, especially law students. He may have been Canon M. T. Coyfurelly, Doctor of Law of Orleaiis,^ and author of the contemporary recasting of T. H.'s treatise on French orthc^raphy. The author tells us he undertook his task at the request of a " très honore et très gentil sire " ; that he had learnt French "es parties la mere," and that he wrote according to the knowledge he acquired there, which, he admits, may not be ' Preserred in t, considerable namber of MSS. : Brit. Mna. [Haj-L 3988. Addit. 1T716), Oifoid (All Sonlg. 182), Comb. Univ. Libr. (Bd 13. 23). and in Sir Thomu Philippa's Library at Cheltenham (MS. No. 8188). The earliest (HaiL 3988) was pnb- liahed by P. Meyer in the Beime Criliçut, 1373, pp. 373-408. ' The name of Kinnington, whioh oooure at the end, is no donbt tJuit of the oopjist. ■ AOKHaeum, Oct 6, 1878 : aitioie b; Stengel Digitized ty Google 36 TH
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Absolute Monarchy on the Frontiers : Louis XIV's Military Occupations of Lorraine and Savoy [1 ed.] 9781526110510, 9780719087165
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This book deals with the French military occupations of Lorraine and Savoy during the personal rule of Louis XIV (1661-1...
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Citation preview
Absolute monarchy on the frontiers Louis XIV’s military occupations of Lorraine and Savoy
PHIL M C CLUSKEY
Absolute monarchy on the frontiers
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STUDI ES I N EARLY MODERN EURO P EA N HIS TORY This series aims to publish challenging and innovative research in all areas of early moderncontinental history. The editors are committed to encouraging work that engages with current historiographical debates, adopts an interdisciplinary approach, or makes an original contribution to ourunderstanding of the period. series editors Joseph Bergin, William G. Naphy, Penny Roberts and Paolo Rossi Also available in the series Jews on trial:The papal inquisition in Modena, 1598-1638 Katherine Aron-Beller Sodomy in early modern Europe ed. Tom Betteridge The Malleus Maleficarum and the construction of witchcraft Hans Peter Broedel Latin books and the Eastern Orthodox clerical elite in Kiev, 1632–1780 Liudmila V. Charipova Fathers, pastors and kings: visions of episcopacy in seventeenth-century France Alison Forrestal Princely power in the Dutch Republic: Patronage and William Frederick of Nassau (1613–64) Geert H. Janssen, trans. J. C. Grayson Representing the King’s splendour: Communication and reception of symbolic forms of power in viceregal Naples Gabriel Guarino The English Republican tradition and eighteenth-century France: between the ancients and the moderns Rachel Hammersley Power and reputation at the court of Louis XIII: the career of Charles d’Albert, duc de Luynes (1578–1621) Sharon Kettering Popular science and public opinion in eighteenth-century France Michael R. Lynn Catholic communities in Protestant states: Britain and the Netherlands c.1570–1720 eds Bob Moore, Henk van Nierop, Benjamin Kaplan and Judith Pollman Religion and superstition in Reformation Europe eds Helen Parish and William G. Naphy Religious choice in the Dutch Republic: the reformation of Arnoldus Buchelus (1565–1641) Judith Pollman Witchcraft narratives in Germany: Rothenburg, 1561–1652 Alison Rowlands Orangism in the Dutch Republic in word and image, 1650–1675 Jill Stern Authority and society in Nantes during the French Wars of Religion, 1559–98 Elizabeth C. Tingle The great favourite: the Duke of Lerma and the court and government of Philip III of Spain, 1598–1621
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Absolute monarchy on the frontiers Louis XIV’s military occupations of Lorraine and Savoy PHIL McCLUSKEY
Manchester University Press Manchester and New York distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave Macmillan
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Copyright © Phil McCluskey 2013 The right of Phil McCluskey to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 Published by Manchester University Press Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9NR, UK and Room 400, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk Distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave Macmillan, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA Distributed exclusively in Canada by UBC Press, University of British Columbia, 2029 West Mall, Vancouver, BC, Canada V6T 1Z2 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data applied for ISBN 978 0 7190 8716 5 hardback First published 2013 The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Typeset in Perpetua with Albertus display by Koinonia, Manchester
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For MJA
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Contents
A note on terms Acknowledgements Abbreviations Maps Introduction
page viii ix x xi 1
I The eastern frontiers of France in the age of Louis XIV 1 Lorraine, Savoy and the frontiers of France 2 Military occupation in French frontier strategy
11 33
II Administration on the frontiers 3 The structures of occupation 4 The burdens of occupation
65 86
III The local elites under French occupation 5 The nobilities 6 The administrative elites 7 The church
119 146 172
Conclusions
196
Appendix: Officers of the sovereign companies of Savoy, 1690–1713 Select bibliography Index
202 207 217
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A note on terms
The terminology of early modern composite states poses particular problems for modern Anglophone historians. To avoid confusion, I use the terms ‘Savoy’ and ‘Savoyard’ to refer specifically to the duchy of Savoy, while ‘Piedmont-Savoy’ and ‘Sabaudian’ are used for the composite possessions of the duke of Savoy. ‘Lorraine’ designates the composite state of the dukes of Lorraine, except where I have indicated a distinction between the duchy of Lorraine and the duchy of Bar. Equally problematic is the rendering into English of Lorrain/Lorraine, which is both an adjective of nationality and the word for a native of Lorraine; in the interests of simplicity I use the form ‘Lorrain’ for both, e.g. the Lorrain nobility, a Lorrain.
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Acknowledgements
I am very grateful to the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the British Academy and the Scouloudi Foundation for their financial support when I was carrying out the research for this book. My thanks are also due to several people for their generosity and assistance, without which this book would not have taken quite the same shape: Mette Harder, Steve Murdoch, David Parrott, Jonathan Spangler, Grant Tapsell, Sara Wolfson and in particular Guy Rowlands. The staff of Manchester University Press also deserve acknowledgement for having made the publishing process remarkably straightforward. On a personal level, I would like to acknowledge my thanks to my parents, who have given me their unquestioning support, for which I will always be grateful. Parts of chapters 2, 5 and 6 previously appeared in the article ‘From Regime Change to Réunion: Louis XIV’s Quest for Legitimacy in Lorraine, 1670–97’ in the English Historical Review, 126 (2011), pp. 1386–1407, and are reproduced here with the permission of Oxford University Press. Phil McCluskey Manchester
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Abbreviations
AAE CP Archives des Affaires Etrangères, Correspondance Politique Lorr. Lorraine Lorr. Sup. Lorraine Supplément Sard. Sardaigne ADMM
Archives Départementales de Meurthe-et-Moselle
ADS
Archives Départementales de Savoie
AMA RD Archives Municipales d’Annecy, Registre des Délibérations AMC
Archives Municipales de Chambéry
AMN Ord. Archives Municipales de Nancy, collection of royal ordonnances AN
Archives Nationales
Archivio di Stato di Torino, Paesi AST P Sav. Savoie: ‘Ecritures concernant le duché, et province de Savoye’ BMN
Bibliothèque Municipale de Nancy
Bibliothèque Nationale de France BN Col. Lorr. Collection Lorraine Mél. Col. Mélanges Colbert Man. Fr. Manuscrits Français NAF Nouvelles Acquisitions Françaises SHDT
Service Historique de la Défense, Fonds de l’Armée de Terre
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M eus
e Arras
mb
rés
e
EL
in
CHANN
Lille Ca
Rh
ISH ENGL
Flanders Ar toi s
is
Cambrai Luxembourg Longwy
Landau
Verdun
Metz
Paris
Strasbourg
Nancy
Alsa
Toul
ce
Lorraine
Besançon FrancheComté
B AY
Savoy
Lyon
Chambéry
OF B I S C AY
Rhon
e
Grenoble
Frontiers of the kingdom of France in 1715 Annexed pays conquis
Nice
Territories occupied under Louis XIV and subsequently relinquished Rou
0 0
County of Nice
ssi
llon
Perpignan
200 kms 200 miles
N EA AN R R MEDITE
A SE
Map 1: The frontiers of Louis XIV’s France
Map 1 / MUP / AB / DS / 23.10.2012
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Verdun Metz
St. Mihiel Bar-le-Duc Nancy
Toul
Bishopric of Metz Bishopric of Toul
Épinal
Bishopric of Verdun Barrois mouvant Barrois non mouvant Duchy of Lorraine
0
50 kms
0
50 miles
Map 2: Political boundaries of Lorraine in the seventeenth century
Map 2 / MUP / AB / DS / 23.10.2012
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LUXEMBOURG Longwy
S
aa r
Thionville M
eu se
Vaudrevange Boulay VERDUN
Hombourg
Bouquenom Fénétrange
Rosières Commercy Ligny
Bitche
Sarralbe
Saint-Mihiel BAR-LE-DUC
Sarreguemines
Saint-Avold
Mose
lle
METZ
TOUL
Liverdun
Dieuze
Marsal
NANCY
Lixheim Sarrebourg
Lunéville M
eu
r
th
e
Rambervilliers Saint-Dié
Epinal
0
Remiremont
50 kms
0
50 miles
Map 3:The Lorraine region
Map 3 / MUP / AB / DS / 23.10.2012
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0
100 kms
0
CHABLAIS
Geneva 100 miles
FAUCIGNY
St-Julienen-Genevois
Benneville Bonneville
GENEVOIS SAVOY PROPER
Geneva
Annecy
Moutiers
Chambéry
TARENTAISE Sain-Jeande-Maurienne MAURIENNE
Annecy
Chambéry
DUCHY OF SAVOY
DUCHY OF AOSTA
Montmelian Montmélian
Grenoble
Briançon
Casale
Turin
Fenestrelles Fenestrelle Exilles
Dauphiné
Milan
PRINCIPALITY OF PIEDMONT
Pignerolo
Genoa
Embrun
FRANCE
Barcelonette COUNTY OF NICE
Provence
Toulon
Oneglia
Nice
L I G U R I AN S E A
N NEA RA R E MEDIT
SEA
Map 4: The duchy of Savoy and the Savoyard state, c. 1690
Map 4 / MUP / AB / DS / 23.10.2012
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Introduction
‘The frontier has always devoured French history’ (Fernand Braudel)1
The slow process of expansion by which France took the form of l’hexagone has been the object of much historical interest over the years. Louis XIV’s reign has naturally been the focus of much of this, as the Sun King presided over the acquisition of several new provinces which added significantly to the kingdom’s dimensions. Traditionally, the small states such as Lorraine and Piedmont-Savoy that were conquered, absorbed or dismembered along the way were ignored.Yet in the shadow of both the cultural and transnational ‘turns’, historians have begun to look anew at the way states and societies along the kingdom’s frontiers reacted to growing French influence. French territorial ambitions and consequent military activity during the reign of Louis XIV ensured that a number of territories bordering on France were subject to military occupation for strategic reasons from the 1660s onwards. That these territories were conquered and subsequently handed back to their original rulers is something that historians have so far failed to address. It is the purpose of this book to investigate the occupations of two of these territories, Lorraine and Savoy, both of which were occupied twice during the course of Louis’s personal rule: Lorraine in 1670–97 and 1702–14, Savoy in 1690–96 and again in 1703–13. Part of the reason for the neglect of this topic lies in the curious nature of military occupation: a product of warfare but distinct from the conduct of hostilities.2 This is especially true for the early modern period, when military occupation was a relatively new concept and its definition still imprecise. After 1500, it became widely accepted that rulers could further their war aims through the temporary domination of foreign territory, whereas earlier, during the High Middle Ages, conquest alone made a change of ruler both lawful and lasting. The term occupatio bellica appeared in the seventeenth century as part of the evolution from the medieval theory of just war (bellum iustum) to the theory of legal war (bellum legale publicum), an evolution which occurred in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.3 The conqueror’s rights to dispose of the
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2
absolute monarchy on the frontiers
territory were upheld by theorists such as Grotius. The rationale was that the conqueror was allowed to reap his just military rewards during the prosecution of war itself. Grotius conceded far-reaching rights and powers to the conqueror over the lives and the freedom of the people of the conquered territory and their movable goods.4 He nevertheless advised moderation in the treatment of conquered populations, and argued that it was better to leave them to govern themselves if this did not interfere with the interests of the conqueror, as this would be beneficial to both parties in the long term.5 As so few studies of societies under occupation in the early modern period have been undertaken in any depth,6 it is necessary to draw on some of the methodological questions that have arisen in the study of more recent military occupations. One particularly useful development is the ambition to open up a comparative study of territories under occupation. In the conclusion to their highly influential publication of the proceedings of a 1990 conference held in Paris, Jean-Pierre Azéma and François Bédarida suggested the importance of studying the comparative history of European countries during the Second World War, adding: ‘In short, far from wishing to erase the differences, comparative history has had as its principal function to bring them very much to the forefront’.7 Philippe Burrin, moreover, has argued that, ‘a comparative method, in aiming to establish similarities and differences, requires an effort at conceptualization that may well lead historians to new questions’.8 Burrin has also shown how Nazi Europe represented a patchwork, as Hitler settled each situation by the expedients dictated by the political, strategic and ideological interests of the moment, hence the variation in the forms of domination, exploitation and persecution.9 Policies of occupation can vary greatly, as is evident if the Nazi ‘patchwork’ is compared with the relative (though by no means straightforward) uniformity of the occupation policies of Napoleon. Tim Blanning also followed this method in attempting to identify the most important similarities and differences between the experience of the Rhineland and that of other parts of Frenchoccupied Germany in the 1790s. The role of the French army was central to that comparison: military exploitation was a common experience shared by all who came under French occupation, but there was considerable variation in the political framework that came with it.10 Such a comparative approach applied to the occupations of Louis XIV’s reign will show whether the Bourbon monarchy applied a uniform structure to its occupations of foreign lands, or whether its methods varied according to time and place. New approaches have also focused on the face-to-face interaction between occupier and occupied, on the levels of both the lived experience and symbolic representation.11 In 2005, for instance, Jacques Hantraye produced a study of the allied occupation of France of 1815–18. This work concentrated on the meeting
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of different peoples, and the effects that this had on the collective psychology of both the occupiers and occupied, discussing the complexity of feelings and hesitations, and the confusion of attitudes, caused by the new experience of invasion and occupation. As Hantraye pointed out, ‘this dive into the mass of the population offers many suggestions to those who are interested in earlier occupations’.12 Though the wealth of private letters and journals available to the historian of the modern period is not available for the early modernist, this nevertheless highlights the importance of attempting to reconstruct attitudes in order to understand the way occupations progressed. Historians of the Grand Règne have so far failed to adapt to these methodological developments. Consequently, studies of territories under occupation in this period still tend to focus almost exclusively on the military, legal or administrative aspects of occupation.13 The inherent problem with this approach is that it shows only the official view, and the intentions of the occupier often differed greatly from reality.14 Inadequacies of supply for instance (a chronic problem in the later wars of Louis XIV’s reign, given the ramshackle state of the French economy) meant that, whatever the government’s objectives might have been, soldiers had no choice but to take their subsistence into their own hands.15 Lorraine and Savoy constitute ideal case studies for an initial comparative analysis of French occupations in the reign of Louis XIV. Both territories had much in common with France in language, culture, institutions and social structures. They were also almost exclusively Catholic,16 which largely precludes the need to factor French policy towards Protestants and Jews into the analysis. In many ways, Lorraine and Savoy presented far fewer challenges to French administrators than did Roussillon, Alsace or Flanders, which were all occupied and then permanently annexed.17 In short, Lorraine and Savoy have sufficient in common to make a comparative study of them manageable, but there are also sufficient differences between them to make such a study worthwhile. Furthermore, neither territory has been subjected to recent historical analysis for the period in question.18 An overview of the occupations of Lorraine and Savoy would therefore be valuable in itself. These territories were among the last territorial additions to mainland France: Lorraine was officially annexed on the death of its last duke, Stanislas Leszczyński, in 1766, and Savoy following a plebiscite in 1860. French scholars have devoted much attention and a sizeable quantity of scholarly works to Lorraine. This interest must in part be ascribed to the importance of the region in the national psyche, arising from its partial loss to the German Empire in 1871, together with the long-held historiographical concern about ‘natural frontiers’. English-speaking historians, in contrast, have largely ignored Lorraine, perhaps not fully understanding the situation of this sovereign duchy. Like PiedmontSavoy, it was a state in its own right and a home-grown patriot literature existed:
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Lorrain chroniclers of the eighteenth century wrote virulently anti-French accounts of Louis XIV’s occupation of 1670–97, accounts which had a lasting influence on later historians. These made out that the occupation was almost an act of brigandage, perpetrated with as much bad faith as brutality.19 Nineteenthcentury historians, such as Haussonville, predictably focused excessively on the lives and actions of the princes, rather than the situation in the duchies. However, in 1931, Edgar de Lanouvelle published a re-examination of the official correspondence and a different tale began to emerge: the French governor Marshal Créqui, it was now argued, completed a thankless task with ‘vigour and moderation’.20 But this was still only part of the story. Guy Cabourdin provided an excellent synthesis of existing works on the French occupations of Lorraine in his Encyclopédie illustrée de la Lorraine, but we still lack an up-to-date account based on thorough archival research.21 For Savoy, there exists no systematic study in French or English of the French occupations of 1690–96 and 1703–13. As part of a larger composite state, the duchy of Savoy as an entity in itself has been the subject of few studies.22 Finding things of relevance to the French occupations of the duchy therefore involves usually unrewarding consultation of locally written micro-histories with limited geographical and conceptual focus.23 Moreover, the tradition of local studies as part of French (and Italian) historiography, together with the political destiny which separated Savoy and Nice from Piedmont in 1860, meant that there were until recently few works that dealt with the Savoyard state as a whole: French scholars studied Savoy and Nice while their Italian counterparts studied Piedmont. Recent English-language studies of the Savoyard state, notably those of Geoffrey Symcox and Christopher Storrs, have begun to overcome this limited perspective. Though dealing with the territories of the House of Savoy as a whole, they devote some attention to the importance of the regions, where particularism still held sway against uniformity well into the reign of Victor Amadeus II. Storrs’s work also assesses the impact of the French occupations of Savoy on state formation. Both Storrs and Symcox therefore provide, up to a point, the necessary ‘state-wide’ context in which the duchy of Savoy must be placed.24 Studies of Lorraine and Savoy under occupation also have the potential to reveal much about the workings of the French state, through an investigation of the ways in which the local elites collaborated with the centre, on what terms, and why. Since the 1960s, revisionist historians have discredited the old idea of a powerful, autonomous, absolute monarchy reducing unruly society to obedience in the name of modernity and progress. While Louis XIV succeeded in drawing the state and France’s elites closer together after the Frondes, he was a traditionalist who maintained stability entirely through the effective use of traditional modes of governance.25 Yet there remain sizeable gaps in the work of the
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revisionists: in particular, there is a lack of diversity in provincial studies.William Beik and James Collins provided important studies of Languedoc and Brittany respectively, but both of these provinces were pays d’états; equivalent political studies of the pays conquis have tended to lack the same depth or breadth of vision, with the exception of Georges Livet’s study of Alsace of 1956 and Daryl Dee’s more recent work on the Franche-Comté.26 Another large gap in our understanding of French politics under Louis XIV arises from a still considerable neglect of the crisis-filled second half of the reign. Only very recently have historians begun to analyse the effects of prolonged warfare on the development of the absolute monarchy;27 and based on these initial findings it looks increasingly likely that some of the conclusions of the revisionists – particularly their emphasis on co-operation and compromise – are relevant only to the first half of reign, as the monarchy resorted to more coercive measures after 1688. The occupations of Lorraine and Savoy together span forty-four years of Louis XIV’s personal rule, with Lorraine occupied around the time Louis was developing a new relationship with the pays d’états, and Savoy occupied during the two great wars later in the reign. They therefore offer a particular, if unusual, platform from which to view any evolution in the crown’s relations with the local elites, should any such evolution exist. Another debate to which the study of these occupations can contribute is that of Louis XIV’s policy towards France’s eastern frontier.With the noteworthy exception of Daniel Nordman, most historians in recent years have steered well clear of the issue.28 The topic has been imbued with so many erroneous agendas over the past century and a half, be they nationalist, étatist or whiggish, or simply resulting from an insufficient grasp of archival material, that many have been daunted by the task and decided to leave well alone. While twentiethcentury historians such as Gaston Zeller broke with the old ‘exultant and emphatic’ vision of the national past, they left an extremely fractured picture.29 Historians nowadays tend to agree that no early modern decision maker had any grand strategies for the conduct of foreign relations; as Andrew Lossky put it, ‘Most were pragmatically willing to take advantage of developments to achieve whatever gains were possible.’30 The most recent treatments stress that Louis’ ideas on foreign policy were often disjointed or incompatible, and the changes in his views through his reign were profound. Furthermore, in the field of international relations it has recently been argued that second-rank powers like Piedmont–Savoy helped circumscribe the options of major powers, whose policies may have been more reactive than hitherto appreciated.31 One further theme contributes to the overall shape and content of this book. Lorraine and Savoy were frontier societies, situated in the borderlands between the kingdom of France and the Holy Roman Empire. Though these boundaries were invisible, relations between the French on one side and the
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Lorrains and the Savoyards on the other were conditioned by long-standing and deeply-held preconceptions of each other. These conceptions would have a decisive impact on the course of the occupations. Historians working in the field of frontier studies have called for approaches to and analyses of frontier societies from a local rather than centrist perspective.32 This study therefore aims to provide as much local perspective as possible. It is notoriously difficult, however, for historians of early modern societies to gauge the mood of a large group of people, even using modern methods such as prosopography. The present study does not, therefore, claim to tell the story of these occupations with equal emphasis on both points of view. This would be impossible, given the relative paucity of sources available for the occupied populations in this period. Its focus is principally on France’s policy towards occupied territories.Yet it will become clear that, to fully understand the formulation of French policy, one must take into account the attitudes and priorities of the occupied populations themselves. This study draws upon a wide range of sources, including archival material from Paris, Vincennes, Nancy, Chambéry, Annecy and Turin, as well as relevant secondary literature. Yet, as with many comparative studies, the same quantity and variety of sources are not available for each case study. In the French war archives, the volume of ministerial correspondence grows exponentially during the 1690s and 1700s, but is comparatively scant for much of the earlier period of the occupation of Lorraine, particularly between the Treaty of Nijmegen (1679) and the outbreak of the Nine Years War (1688). Furthermore, the suppression of the sovereign courts of Lorraine in early 1671 meant that the companies kept no records for almost the entire period of the French occupation, effectively depriving the Lorrain elites of any collective voice. By contrast, the periods of occupation of Savoy have left more abundant records, both from the French administrators and from the Savoyard elites. These disparities mean that the behaviour and motivations of both the French and the occupied populations are easier to understand in some periods and in some contexts than in others. Chapter 1 provides some necessary background in terms of French frontier strategy during the seventeenth century, and also relations between France, Lorraine and Piedmont-Savoy in the longer term; it includes a brief account of the occupation of Lorraine under cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin, to provide useful comparison with an earlier occupation. Chapter 2 then gives a narrative analysis of the occupations from the point of view of France’s strategic priorities. Chapters 3 and 4 consider the administrative side of the occupations, in terms of the structures and personnel put in place by the French regime and the financial and security burdens imposed on occupier and occupied. In Part III, the final chapters of the book investigate French policy towards elite groups, and their reactions to French occupation. Chapter 5 looks at the ways in which
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the nobilities responded: whether they chose to collaborate with or resist the French, and what forms that collaboration and resistance took. In Chapter 6, attention turns to those who held offices in occupied territories, in the sovereign courts – where they continued to exist – as well as in the lower, subaltern courts and the towns. Finally, Chapter 7 considers the church: French policies towards, and the responses of, the episcopate, the religious superiors and the lower regular and secular clergy. By taking a thematic, comparative approach to the occupations of Lorraine and Savoy, this book attempts to identify the key similarities and differences between the way the French governed these territories and behaved towards the native populations. It considers the range of dynamic factors that influenced the course of the occupations, placing equal emphasis on issues of geopolitics (i.e., the reasons for the occupations and the reasons for relinquishing the territories), frontier administration and the socio-cultural factors which determined relations between France and the local populations. In doing so, it provides an original perspective on the aims and intentions, and also the limitations, of the early modern French state.
Notes
1 F. Braudel, The identity of France, trans. S. Reynolds (2 vols., London, 1988), i, p. 309. 2 P. Stirk, The politics of military occupation (Edinburgh, 2009), pp. 1–3. 3 H. Steiger, ‘ “Occupatio bellica” in der Literatur des Völkerrechts der Christenheit (Spätmittel alter bis 18. Jahrhundert)’ in M. Meumann and J. Rogge (eds), Die besetzte Res publica, pp. 201–40. 4 H. Grotius, The rights of war and peace, ed. R. Tuck (3 vols., Indianapolis, IN, 2005), iii, pp. 1375–7. 5 Ibid., iii, pp. 1507–10. 6 The English occupation of Scotland under Oliver Cromwell is one that has attracted significant attention from historians: e.g., F. Dow, Cromwellian Scotland (Edinburgh, 1979), and S. Barber, ‘The formation of cultural attitudes: the example of the three kingdoms in the 1650s’ in A. I. Macinnes and J. Ohlmeyer (eds), The Stuart kingdoms in the seventeenth century (Dublin, 2002). 7 J.-P. Azéma and F. Bédarida, Vichy et les Français (Paris, 1992), p. 767. 8 P. Burrin, ‘Writing the History of Military Occupations’ in S. Fishman et al. (eds), France at war: Vichy and the historians (Oxford, 2000), p. 78. 9 P. Burrin, ‘Vichy et les expériences étrangères’ in Azéma and Bédarida, Vichy et les Français, p. 650. 10 T. C. W. Blanning, The French Revolution in Germany: occupation and resistance in the Rhineland, 1792–1802 (Oxford, 1983), pp. 317–19. See also Michael Broers’ The Napoleonic empire in Italy, 1796–1814: cultural imperialism in a European context? (Basingstoke, 2005), pp. 175–207 on the political frameworks put in place across Italy under Napoleon. 11 Burrin, ‘Writing the History’, p. 81. 12 J. Hantraye, Les Cosaques aux Champs-Elysées: L’Occupation de la France après la chute de Napoléon (Paris, 2005), p. 6. 13 See for example H. van Houtte, Les Occupations étrangères en Belgique sous l’ancien régime (Paris, 1930); I. Lameire, Les Occupations militaires en Italie pendant les guerres de Louis XIV (Paris 1903). For a recent, administrative study of Louis XIV’s occupation of Nice, see Pierre-Olivier Chaumet’s Louis XIV ‘Comte de Nice’: Etude politique et institutionnelle d’une annexion inaboutie (1691–1713) (Nice, 2006).
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14 See K. H. Wegert, German radicals confront the common people: revolutionary politics and popular politics, 1789–1849 (Mainz, 1992), p. 19; Blanning, French Revolution, p. 83. 15 See G. Rowlands, The financial decline of a great power: war, influence and money in Louis XIV’s France (Oxford, 2012). 16 A small number of Protestants continued to live in the Vosges mountains in Lorraine, as well as in the southern Alps bordering on Savoy. Lorraine was also home to a very small community of Jews, but there were none in Savoy. See below, pp. 16 and 24. 17 On these territories see E. Coornaert, La Flandre française de la langue flamande (Paris, 1970); G. Livet, L’Intendance d’Alsace de la guerre de trente ans à la morte de Louis XIV, 1634–1715 (2nd edn, Strasbourg, 1991); D. Stewart, Assimilation and acculturation in seventeenth-century Europe: Roussillon and France, 1659–1715 (Westport, CT, 1997). 18 By contrast, the earlier French occupation of Lorraine (1631–61) has been fairly well documented: M.C.Vignal Souleyreau, Richelieu et la Lorraine (Paris, 2004); P. Martin, Une guerre de trente ans en Lorraine, 1631–1661 (Metz, 2002). 19 See for example A. Calmet, Histoire ecclesiastique et civile de Lorraine (4 vols., Nancy, 1728); J. Cléron de Haussonville, Histoire de la réunion de la Lorraine à la France (4 vols., Paris, 1860). 20 E. Lanouvelle, Le Maréchal de Créquy (Paris, 1931). 21 G. Cabourdin, Encyclopédie illustrée de la Lorraine: Les temps modernes (2 vols., Nancy, 1991). 22 One noteworthy exception to this is Jean Nicolas’s social and economic history, La Savoie au 18e siècle: Noblesse et bourgeoisie (2 vols., Paris, 1978). 23 There are, however, one or two short yet useful studies, e.g. J. C. Devos, ‘Aspects de l’occupation française en Savoie (1703–1712)’, Actes du Congres National – Sociétés Savantes Section D Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, 85 (1960); drawing on documents from the war archives, this deals with some of the military and fiscal aspects of the occupation. 24 C. Storrs, War, diplomacy and the rise of Savoy, 1690–1720 (Cambridge, 1999); G. Symcox, Victor Amadeus II: absolutism in the Savoyard state, 1675–1730 (London, 1983). 25 W. Beik, ‘The Absolutism of Louis XIV as Social Collaboration’, Past and Present 188 (2005). 26 W. Beik, Absolutism and society in seventeenth-century France: state power and provincial aristocracy (Cambridge, 1985); J. Collins, Classes, estates and order in early-modern Brittany (Cambridge, 1994); D. Dee, Expansion and crisis in Louis XIV’s France: the Franche-Comté and absolute monarchy (Rochester, NY, 2009); Livet, L’Intendance d’Alsace. 27 See for instance Dee, Expansion and crisis, and J. Swann, Provincial power and absolute monarchy: the Estates General of Burgundy, 1661–1790 (Cambridge, 2003), particularly chapters 6 and 7. 28 See D. Nordman, Frontières de France: de l’espace au territoire, XVIe–XIXe siècle (Paris, 1998). 29 Ibid., p. 90. 30 A. Lossky, ‘ “Maxims of State” in Louis XIV’s Foreign Policy in the 1680s’ in J. Bromley and R. Hatton (eds), William III and Louis XIV (Liverpool, 1968), p. 8. 31 J. Black, European international relations, 1648–1815 (Basingstoke, 2002), p. 42. 32 See for instance the introduction to Steven Ellis and Reingard Eßer’s Frontiers and the writing of history, 1500–1850 (Hanover, 2006).
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Part I The eastern frontiers of France in the age of Louis XIV
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1 Lorraine, Savoy and the frontiers of France
Lorraine and Savoy existed in the political and cultural borderlands that separated France from, respectively, the Rhenish imperial principalities and Reichsitalien. Through the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the rulers and elites of these frontier territories found themselves caught in the ongoing power struggle between the Valois/Bourbons and the Habsburgs, who jostled for influence in these small but strategically vital territories.1 Subject to frequent French military intervention over the centuries, both were occupied either wholly or partly on two separate occasions during the personal rule of Louis XIV. This chapter examines the background to the conquest and occupation of these territories during the reign of the Sun King. It begins with a brief exploration of French Government policies on the eastern frontiers of the kingdom in this period, with the aim of identifying the priorities and mindset of the king and his ministers. This context is essential in understanding the occupations of Savoy and Lorraine. This chapter also seeks to establish the political, social, economic and cultural circumstances of the territories themselves. Historians of more recent military occupations have demonstrated that, to fully comprehend the priorities and attitudes of both occupier and occupied, it is essential to understand the regime that preceded the occupation.2 Lorraine and Savoy were not, as they have sometimes been portrayed, wayward frontier provinces of France. Both were components of larger politico-dynastic sovereign entities which had their own ancient, separate histories.The dukes of Lorraine and Savoy ruled over ‘composite’ states (though they were composite by varying degrees),3 which comprised disparate lands held together principally by bonds of dynastic loyalty. The internal dynamics of these composite political structures would have an important effect on the way these territories responded to foreign occupation, as will become clear in Part III of this book.
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French frontier strategy under Louis XIV The first three decades of Louis XIV’s personal rule saw significant territorial additions to the kingdom of France. At the Peace of the Pyrenees in 1659, the Spanish province of Rosselló and part of the Cerdanya region were annexed and became the province of Roussillon. In the north, the border was gradually pushed back as parts of the Spanish Netherlands were annexed piecemeal at the Peace of the Pyrenees and the treaties of Aix-la-Chapelle (1668) and Nijmegen (1678), and Lorraine, the Franche-Comté, Strasbourg, Luxembourg and other réunion territories on the north-eastern frontier were conquered in the 1670s and early 1680s (see Map 1). Current thinking on the strategy behind these acquisitions is that Louis XIV was continuing the principal concern of French rulers for centuries: securing the kingdom’s borders through the acquisition of buffer zones and more defensible frontiers.4 The Valois and Bourbon kings had gained territories and fortifications on the Rhine and at strategic sites in northern Italy as a means of pursuing offensive and defensive warfare more effectively. As Gaston Zeller put it, ‘the ideal frontier was not only, nor even principally, that which sheltered the French from invasion; it was above all that which would permit them to carry their arms outside of the kingdom’.5 The real Leitmotiv of Louis XIV’s reign, it now seems, was ensuring the security of the Bourbon dynasty and the maintenance, if not strengthening, of the kingdom by boosting French prestige and influence. Partly this could be attained by the acquisition of territory to further develop these ‘strategic frontiers’ and partly by bringing surrounding smaller states directly into France’s orbit. Louis’s strategic goals were in many ways a continuation of the all-embracing concept of ‘long-term security’ seen in the assertive foreign policy of Cardinal Richelieu, whereby the cardinal sought to gain the greatest possible territorial and strategic advantages for France.6 In particular, Richelieu’s government was preoccupied for much of the early 1630s with the threat of an invasion across France’s eastern frontiers, and adopted the geostrategic concept of ‘gates’ – points of secure entry and exit for troops operating in Germany; he also occupied territories on France’s frontiers as a means of guaranteeing communications with France’s allies while disrupting Habsburg communication routes. Although the French crown routinely advanced dynastic claims to further its strategic aims on the frontiers throughout the seventeenth century, these claims had largely become a mere matter of form. Dynastic ambition was without doubt still a driving force in French foreign policy, but by Louis XIV’s reign it was tempered by a more general stress on considerations of raison d’état.7 These policies also reflected contemporary notions of the frontière, which by the seventeenth century denoted a liminal space at the extremity of the realm, a zone that could shrink, expand or shift location following territorial
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changes.8 Yet such concepts were far from static through this period. Despite a revisionist stress on limited change in international relations before and after the Peace of Westphalia, improvements in mapping in the second half of the seventeenth century led to a firmer grasp of the nature both of the frontier and of political sovereignty.9 This evolution in mentalities was certainly reflected in policy: from the 1670s, strategists such as Vauban advocated the creation of more linear frontiers and, over the course of Louis XIV’s reign, the northern border which stretched from the North Sea to the Meuse was successfully squared off.10 But in spite of these trends, many of France’s borderlands remained irregular, riddled with enclaves, exclaves and pays indivis (territories where sovereignty was shared), and whose shape was still determined by feudal fief boundaries, well into the eighteenth century.11 This was especially the case in the northeast, where innumerable overlapping feudal jurisdictions meant that the frontier continued to be undefined and confused.12 Linked with these changes, an idea gained currency that the kingdom’s ideal form should constitute a space bounded and enclosed by nature. As Vauban put it in 1693, ‘All the ambitions of France should be contained within the summits of the Alps and the Pyrenees, the Swiss and the two seas: it is there that she should intend to establish her boundaries by legitimate means according to the times and the occasions.’13 While the concept of ‘natural frontiers’ as a guiding principle in Louis XIV’s foreign policy came to be dismissed by historians, thanks to the work of Gaston Zeller, more recent developments in methodology have meant that the debate over France’s ‘natural frontiers’ rumbles on, though with somewhat different points of emphasis. Peter Sahlins has argued that natural frontiers were, in a way, pivotal to French frontier policy, ‘not as boundaries but as passages’.14 Furthermore, Daniel Nordman has pointed out that Zeller ignored the importance of many publications in the seventeenth century, especially by Jesuits, which helped to make natural frontiers such as the Rhine a common image which permeated all levels of society from the nobility to labourers. While this may not have directly influenced the policy of Louis XIV, Nordman argues that the wide extent to which it informed contemporary preoccupations towards territory and strategy should not be ignored.15 Such geographic ‘visions’ of France’s frontiers in the popular consciousness extended not only to the Rhine, but to the entire limits of ancient Gaul, which extended in the south-east to the Alps and the Var.16 Prominent in the popular consciousness though such images may have been, the legitimating discourse in French expansionism in this period was not nature but a combination of history, dynastic inheritance and feudal law. In seventeenth-century Europe, brute conquest alone was rarely seen as sufficient for annexation, and territorial changes needed to be explained and justified by reference to both history and legal titles.17 The French were sensitive to
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this: under Richelieu, if circumstances dictated the permanent occupation of territories to which France had no dynastic claims, for instance in the towns of Alsace, the concept of military and diplomatic ‘protection’ was used instead; this shielded France from the reputation of Sweden, which was notorious for having claimed territory by right of conquest alone.18 To facilitate its strategic objectives, the French crown developed and maintained an arsenal of jealously guarded claims to territories on the kingdom’s frontiers, which needed to be kept alive, if hibernating, and could be activated whenever necessity dictated. The ‘use and abuse’ of history and feudal law to legitimise French expansionism had come into its own under the cardinal ministers: the annexations of Alsace and Roussillon, for example, were presented as ‘reunions’ of the crown’s legitimate patrimony to the kingdom.19 By the time Louis XIV assumed personal control of his government, therefore, there was already ample precedent for activating latent claims on titles to legitimise a French monarch’s control of conquered territory, which could be strengthened by the invocation of history and the laws of dynastic succession. At the French court, views on frontier states such as Lorraine and Savoy were conditioned also by the presence of a cohort of princes belonging to cadet branches of the ruling dynasties, such as the Lorraine-Guise, the SavoyNemours and the Gonzaga-Nevers. As Jonathan Spangler has recently suggested, these princely clans could be of great use to France in its cross-frontier links in several unofficial ways.20 Their continued presence and importance at court meant that the French Government had a channel of influence to Lorraine and Piedmont-Savoy, by which it could exert pressure and bind the Lorrain and Savoyard rulers to France. These links were also maintained by the presence in these borderlands of elites who belonged to a shared ‘geo-cultural landscape’ and whose family, property and material interests transcended the idea of the linear frontier, as Part III of this study details.21 Yet beyond the ‘society of princes’ and the elites who surrounded them, ideas about occupation, annexation or interstate relations with foreign territories just beyond the frontier did not extend into popular consciousness at this time; French public concepts of these territories were generally limited to crude stereotypes.22 Overall, factors conditioning French relations with Lorraine and Savoy were driven most of all by strategic and dynastic interests, and to a lesser extent by changing concepts of the frontier.The next section investigates these relations in further detail: it looks at diplomatic relations between the rulers, at the ties that existed across the frontier, and also at how France was viewed from within Lorrain and Savoyard societies.
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Lorraine and France, c.1552–1670 Lorraine sat at the crossroads of Europe – from the Middle Ages it had been open to influences from Germany, Italy, the Low Countries and France, flourishing culturally and artistically through the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Its location, at a strategically vital point on the frontier between France and the Holy Roman Empire, heightened its relative importance. The multiple influences and pressures upon it had made the territory extremely complex in terms of overlapping frontiers: feudal, administrative, judicial, financial and religious – as one historian has said, Lorraine was ‘not one, but multiple’.23 Within what was termed ‘Lorraine’ were: the duchy of Lorraine proper (which had been a legally independent ‘protectorate’ of the Empire since 1542); the duchy of Bar, half of which (the Barrois mouvant) fell under the jurisdiction of the Parlement of Paris, while the other half (the Barrois non-mouvant) was under the full sovereignty of the dukes; and various small territories in the Holy Roman Empire. Further complicating the picture was the status of the Trois Evêchés – the towns of Metz, Toul and Verdun, which had been conquered by the French in 1552 and which were officially received into French sovereignty at the Treaty of Münster in 1648. These three bishoprics and their hinterlands came to be organised into a French généralité with its own intendant and governor, and the presence of these French exclaves meant that the Lorraine region was officially shared between two sovereignties, a fact which would prove to be of great diplomatic and strategic consequence, as these sovereignties were bound, by their orientation and interests, to compete against each other (see Map 2). The complexity and incertitudes of the political geography of the region did not predispose Lorraine to a centralised regime. Furthermore, the feudal nobility, naturally associated with public affairs thanks to the practice of holding yearly meetings of the Estates General, still wielded significant influence in the running of the state into the seventeenth century. The Lorrain nobility traditionally administered much of the justice in the state through the feudal Cour des assises, over which the duke had very little control.24 Though the sixteenth century had seen conflict between the duke – who wished to exert greater control over the state and its institutions – and the ancienne chevalerie (akin to the French ‘sword’ nobility), the continued existence of the tribunal of the assises attests to the place the nobility conserved for themselves in Lorrain society.25 In the Barrois, however, neither the chevalerie nor the assises existed, and government institutions were in general closer to the French model.26 Families of the ancienne chevalerie were also an important link between Lorraine and France. Among them were the Choiseul, Apremont and Nettancourt families, all originally from Champagne, the Ludres from Burgundy and the Beauvau family, who came from Anjou in the fifteenth century.27 The
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Haraucourts, Lenoncourts and other high nobility married into French grandee families, creating dynastic alliances.28 Many of these families had long traditions of French military service and several – the Stainville-Couvonges, Lenoncourts and Nettancourts – fought on the French side in the Thirty Years War.29 The Barrois elites were particularly close to France. Many married into French society and became francisised in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, a trend that continued despite – or because of – the ensuing French occupations.30 Economically, too, the Barrois was orientated towards the neighbouring French province of the Champagne, partly because its rivers flowed into the Marne and Meuse, whereas Lorraine looked east and was traditionally geared more to Rhenish trade networks than to France.31 Yet the French occupation of Metz, Toul and Verdun from 1552 contributed to the economic stagnation of both duchies. After its sixteenth-century peak, Lorraine’s economy declined significantly and commerce was severely hampered by an under-developed industrial sector. While the Trois Evêchés enjoyed significant trade and were home to a fairly cosmopolitan bourgeoisie, including many Protestants and Jews,32 society in ducal Lorraine remained overwhelmingly Catholic and rural, its towns few and small, its scattered bourgeoisie scarcely constituting a political or social force. Lorraine’s overlapping jurisdictions deprived it of strength and unity, and made it vulnerable. Moreover, due to its location it was caught, from the sixteenth century onwards, in a precarious position between France and the Holy Roman Empire. French rulers pursued a policy of dynastic alliances with Lorraine through the second half of the sixteenth and the early seventeenth centuries, as a means of maintaining and extending their influence there.33 Henri II’s occupation of the Trois Evêchés in 1552 gave France a firm military foothold in the region, curtailing Lorraine’s ability to pursue an independent foreign policy. This became increasingly apparent in the ThirtyYears War.34 In the mid-1620s a succession crisis in the duchy raised tensions between France and Lorraine, intensified in 1629 when Gaston d’Orléans went into open opposition to Richelieu and took refuge in Nancy. Given the increasingly volatile situation in Europe, the hostility of Duke Charles IV towards France presented Cardinal Richelieu with the alarming prospect of a potential imperial place d’armes in Lorraine. Attempts at forcing protectorate status on Lorraine proved fruitless after the duke repeatedly showed himself to be unreliable and unable to adhere to French terms.35 An irritated Cardinal Richelieu decided to solve the problem of Lorraine with a pre-emptive strike. Louis XIII occupied Bar in August 1633, meeting very little opposition; after a brief siege, Nancy fell in mid-September.The whole of Lorraine, including its fortresses, was in French hands by the middle of 1634.36 As David Parrott has argued, Lorraine’s importance for France originated in Richelieu’s strategic, fiscal and logistic requirements. The aim was to spare France as much as possible
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the burdens of war, while increasing costs for the Spanish and the Imperials, and the key to this policy was to seize large swathes of enemy territory.37 These provinces could then serve as places d’armes: military zones in which occupying French armies could systematically plunder all resources they required from the local population, while also denying them to the enemy. Several months before the conquest of the duchies, the French had created the Parlement of Metz. This new institution, which started work in August 1633, marked a major development of the French Government’s influence and control in the region.38 After the suppression of a short-lived Conseil souverain in Nancy in 1637, the Parlement became the linchpin of French administration in Lorraine.39 Also in 1637, central authority was bolstered with the creation of an intendant residing in Metz.40 Yet the occupation rested very much on native services: the Chambres des comptes of Nancy and Bar were maintained, along with the bailliages and prévôtés (local courts). This reflected Richelieu’s intention to encourage collaboration with the Lorrain elites, and set the tone for French policy towards them for the rest of the occupation.41 Cardinal Mazarin maintained the same system of administration in Lorraine as established by Richelieu: governors and intendants were superimposed on an indigenous local administration, collecting established taxes and making troops live off the province.42 Despite initial French military success, Croats de bois ravaged the country and these raiding parties tied down many French soldiers. Writing several decades later, the marquis de Beauvau claimed that these Lorrain brigands did far more harm to their compatriots than the French troops did, reducing the peasantry to a ‘deplorable misery’ and bringing famine: ‘one even saw many women reduced to the necessity of eating their own children so as not to starve’.43 A new governor, the comte de La Ferté-Senneterre, appointed in 1643, served for eighteen years. Though rapacious and avaricious, he re-imposed order on the duchies and put an end to much of the activity of the raiding parties, pointing to a shift in style from Richelieu’s era.44 The problem of Lorraine was not resolved at the Peace of Westphalia. Cardinal Mazarin wavered, uncertain whether to annex the duchies or return them demilitarised to the duke.45 The French therefore engineered the exclusion of the Lorrain envoys from the peace negotiations, and, as Charles IV was closer to the Spanish than to the emperor, the imperial negotiators would not make the return of Lorraine a precondition of peace. Furthermore, the duke had to watch from the sidelines as the emperor handed sovereignty of Metz, Toul and Verdun to the French monarchy. As the war between France and Spain continued, no solution could be found, and Lorraine’s fate was now more closely than ever tied up with the conflict. For the time being, the duke could do little other than go on supporting the Spanish side, and Lorraine remained under French rule.
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The assimilation of Lorraine into the French monarchy continued, but it remained fragile and superficial.46 The French simply lacked the time and resources required to fully impose their political or juridical authority on the duchies. Though in theory they had superimposed a new top layer of administration while co-opting the rest of the duchies’ traditional apparatus, this strategy was in practice frustrated by a laxity of control from Paris. Conditions were favourable to clandestine maintenance of the ducal-aligned administration, alongside that imposed by the French.Wherever French garrisons were not close, Lorrain tribunals loyal to the duke continued to function and exercise justice in Charles IV’s name, and still commanded much respect from the population.47 Furthermore the Cour souveraine of Lorraine continued to sit in exile in Luxembourg, ‘the soul of resistance to the French presence in Lorraine’, judging cases and reciprocally annulling the decrees of the Parlement of Metz. It also raised contributions for Charles IV, showing the ineffective control exercised over the duchies by the French.48 The example of Lorraine shows that French strategies of administering conquered provinces under the cardinal ministers were deeply problematic. It would be for Louis XIV and his ministers to study the mistakes of their predecessors and ensure they were not repeated. Despite a brief, partial reconquest of Lorraine during the Frondes, Charles IV remained exiled and, for the second half of the 1650s, imprisoned by the Spanish. During his captivity, the Lorrain regiments under the duke’s brother Nicolas-François passed into French service, playing an important role at the siege of Montmédy in 1657, and at the Battle of the Dunes the following year. As a result, fewer troops were quartered in Lorraine and the French authorities started a process of pacification and economic reconstruction.49 In 1659 Charles IV was not permitted to send emissaries to the peace negotiations between France and Spain. By the terms of the Peace of the Pyrenees that year, Lorraine would be returned to its duke defortified, and the Barrois was to be annexed by France. Along with these humiliations, the French were to have military rights of access through Lorraine, and the duke was to be obliged to quarter and provision French troops when necessary.50 Outraged by the Spanish sell-out of his interests, Charles refused to accept these terms and upon his release went to Paris to put his case to Mazarin directly. He succeeded in getting Louis XIV and Mazarin to re-open negotiations for the future of Lorraine, and discussions continued through 1660. Finally, on 28 February 1661, the dying Cardinal Mazarin solved the ‘Lorraine problem’ by concluding the Treaty of Vincennes, the terms of which differed considerably from those of the Peace of the Pyrenees. Most notably, Charles IV was to receive back the duchy of Bar, while the French gained certain villages in Lorraine which created a ‘French corridor’, allowing their troops to pass from France into Germany without hindrance. Lorraine had regained its independence, but had lost much of its territorial integrity,
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though this had been somewhat curtailed even before 1633. Henceforth the duchy of Lorraine would be indefensible; at any moment French soldiers could intervene.51 Through the conflict, Lorraine had been ravaged by enemy troops, plague and brigandage.52 As a consequence of nearly thirty years of occupation and hostilities, it suffered a demographic and economic catastrophe, perhaps losing as much as two thirds of its population.53 It is a striking feature of this occupation that the miseries it brought affirmed ‘le patriotisme lorrain’.54 Popular sentiment towards France was envenomed further by the confiscations of property of those who remained loyal to Charles IV. Mazarin’s policy at Vincennes of preparing the way for a future annexation had failed. Indeed, the prospect now seemed more distant than ever; as Braun put it, ‘thirty years of occupation, far from consummating the voluntary union of peoples which language, values and history had for a long time brought together, actually sowed in Lorraine the feelings of defiance, hostility and rancour … which did not disappear until the Revolutionary era’.55 Though the Lorrains had ceased to look to Spain to protect their interests after Westphalia, they were in no mood to throw in their lot with the French. Charles IV’s restoration, 1661–70 As the French regime was dismantled, a power struggle developed between the restored duke and the old elites of the duchy. No sooner had Charles signed the Treaty of Vincennes than he was forced to deal with the ancienne chevalerie of Lorraine which had, without his permission, met in Liverdun to discuss how to recover their old rights and privileges, lost during the war. He had the newly reconstituted Cour souveraine – established to abase the powers of the assises – issue an arrêt banishing the baron de Saffre – one of the principal leaders of the Liverdun assembly – and his family, giving them eight days to leave his states.56 Charles dealt harshly with members of the old elites who resisted his assaults on their privileges: exile and property confiscations were not uncommon.57 The duke also created new senior officers whose competence covered both duchies, in an attempt to reinforce the links between them. But he further alienated the old nobility from 1663 by appointing lower nobles and recently ennobled bourgeois to new judicial offices.58 They were also upset by Charles IV’s refusal to call the Estates General. The abolition of the tribunal of the assises deprived Lorrain noblemen of the possibility of supporting the interests of their corps, and Charles IV also divided them with the distribution of favours, appointing a new generation of nobles to state offices (a generation which had never known local liberties in their full existence).59
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In February 1662 Louis XIV and Charles IV signed the Treaty of Mont martre, which was intended to unite Lorraine and France by peaceful means. By its terms, Charles IV ceded his sovereign rights to the duchies of Lorraine and Bar, allowing France to annex the duchies on his death. In return he and his entire family would be aggregated to the royal family of France and placed in line to the French throne. The king was eager for gloire at this stage of his personal reign, and was more than willing to aggrandise the Lorraine-Guise family, for whom he had great respect, in exchange for strengthening the unstable northeastern frontier.60 French propaganda immediately presented the impending acquisition of Lorraine as the ‘reunion’ of an ancient French province. As the author of one such tract wrote to Louis, ‘You have not acquired Lorraine, you have only recovered it’, and he extolled the virtues of the king for beginning to give back to the French monarchy its ancient territorial limits.61 However, the treaty met with strong resistance in many quarters, including the Parlement of Paris, the Cour souveraine of Lorraine, the Imperial Diet, the French princes du sang, the duke’s heirs Nicolas-François and his son Prince Charles, and the whole of Lorrain society.62 Within a year the treaty had been completely abandoned as a dead letter due to the strength of opposition. The duke sent emissaries to the Imperial Diet to request the formal annulment of the treaty, but neither the emperor nor the German princes wished to upset Louis XIV, so the treaty was left in juridical limbo – something the French would later try to capitalise on.63 Strife would only increase. In 1663, citing one of the clauses of the Treaty of Montmartre, Louis XIV invested the fortress of Marsal. The duke had little choice but to agree to hand over the fortress. With Marsal occupied, future occupations would be just a case of a simple march forward. Further antagonism grew out of the uneasy relationship between Charles IV and the intendant of the Trois Evêchés, Jean-Paul de Choisy. On many occasions, Charles IV complained of Choisy’s lack of deference towards him, and relations between the two men became increasingly uncomfortable; Charles IV dubbed Choisy ‘the artillery’, and the French war minister Louvois was prompted to rebuke the intendant for his lack of respect.64 Essentially this antagonism was the manifestation of a more fundamental anxiety for both France and Lorraine: that of assuring their respective sovereignty and security. The decade saw repeated clashes over territorial control of certain towns, over rival claims to the appointments of benefices, and over Charles IV’s attempts to circumvent French ecclesiastical domination over his states by the creation of a new bishopric. More significantly still, Choisy was given orders to actively research all the titles and deeds which could prove the rights of the king in Lorraine, research which would ultimately prove the basis for the ‘reunions’ of the 1680s. If French intentions were driven by long-term interests such as this, the duke’s methods were driven by ill-will towards France. The later 1660s saw a
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marked anti-French stance in Charles IV’s foreign policy. During the War of Devolution (1667–8), Charles negotiated a treaty of neutrality that served to allow Spanish soldiers from Luxembourg to use the duchies of Lorraine as a base from which to pillage the Trois Evêchés.65 Irritated by this, Louis XIV demanded the help of Lorrain troops for the Flanders campaign. Charles was understandably hesitant about military collaboration with France, obliging Louis to send his envoy d’Aubeville to Nancy to apply more pressure on the duke.66 In the end, the duke reluctantly agreed, but managed to frustrate Louis’s plans by sending only a part of the contingent he had promised, composed of inexperienced and badly armed recruits. From 1667, Charles also sought an alliance with England, Sweden and Holland to counter-balance the over-powerful position of France. His patience quickly dwindling, Louis XIV in January 1669 ordered Charles IV to disarm, threatening to invade his states if he did not comply. Confronted by an army of 15,000 French troops on his doorstep at Metz, the duke backed down and disarmed.67 But his intrigues continued, first negotiating a defensive alliance with the archbishop of Cologne and several German counts, and then attempting to obtain an alliance with the emperor and Spain.68 The closer relations between Lorraine and the Dutch Republic, facilitated by Prince Charles of Lorraine’s candidacy for the throne of Poland in 1669, was a further cause of worry for Louis XIV.69 Faced with this, Louis XIV charged his secretary of state for foreign affairs, Hugues de Lionne, with devising a plan to depose the duke. Choisy’s advice to Lionne was annexation of the duchies, but Lionne’s own project envisaged replacing Charles IV with his brother Nicolas-François, and fixing the succession on the descendants of Prince Charles.70 The dire state to which Franco-Lorrain relations had sunk by the end of 1669 was compounded in 1670 by a string of provocations on the part of Charles IV. Ducal agents raised customs on commerce between Charles’ lands and the Trois Evêchés, paralysing commerce and leading to a retaliatory French trade embargo. The duke’s position was now desperate, and he appears to have counted on the success of negotiations with the emperor and Holland to save him. Matters came to a head in April 1670 when rumours reached Paris that Lorraine had joined the Triple Alliance of England, Holland and Sweden, while popular unrest broke out in Metz as people suffered under the new customs barriers. As the situation in the Evêchés became more and more untenable, the position of the French Government finally shifted, and military occupation was decided upon, in either late July or August.71 With war against the Dutch Republic looming, it was impossible to leave a ruler as untrustworthy as Charles IV in possession of this strategically vital point for the security of both the frontier with Germany and the French lines of advance down the Meuse and Rhine. For this reason the occupation of Lorraine was a necessity for Louis XIV. Yet it had never been an inevitable course of action. To the king and his minis-
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ters, the actions of the duke amounted to a succession of needless provocations. Louis XIV, in his frustration, ultimately had little option but to impose a military solution. Of Charles IV, Louis would probably have shared Saint-Simon’s view that the duke’s life was ‘a tissue of perfidies’ and that through his sheer deceitfulness he had squandered the opportunity for peaceful co-existence between Lorraine and France.72 But the French king was equally to blame for the breakdown in relations during the 1660s, through his arrogant and overbearing behaviour. Thus, despite Louis’s attempts during Charles IV’s restoration to bring Lorraine into France’s political orbit, the House of Lorraine grew ever closer to the Habsburgs, and the kingdom’s north-eastern frontier remained weak and exposed. Moreover, for the population of Lorraine, thirty years of occupation had reinforced feelings of defiance and hostility towards France, which would remain strong and unyielding for the remainder of Louis XIV’s reign.73 Savoy and France, c.1559–1690 Far to the south things were no easier. In the late seventeenth century the House of Savoy ruled over the principality of Piedmont, the county of Nice, the principality of Oneglia, the duchy of Aosta and the duchy of Savoy, which comprised the provinces of Savoy proper, the Genevois, Faucigny, the Chablais, the Tarentaise and the Maurienne (see Map 4). The dynastic union grouping together these culturally and politically disparate territories straddled not only the Alps, but also the internal juridical boundaries of the Holy Roman Empire.74 By its vital geostrategic position the Sabaudian state inevitably found itself uncomfortably squeezed between France and the possessions of the House of Austria, and its dukes spent the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries alternating between support of one or the other. A long period of French occupation of Savoy and Piedmont (1536–59) was concluded by the Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, whereby France and Spain recognised that the existence of an independent Sabaudian state, guardian of the passages of the Alps, was necessary to maintain the European equilibrium.75 From that point, the French monarchy hoped – as it did in Lorraine – to bind the interests of the dukes of Savoy closer to their own through a series of dynastic alliances, beginning with the marriage of Emmanuel Philibert to Marguerite de Valois, the sister of Henri II. Despite these marriages, the dukes continued to pursue an opportunistic foreign policy, attempting to capitalise on French weaknesses whenever they could, resulting in two further, brief, French occupations of Savoy by Henri IV in 1600–01 and Louis XIII in 1630–31. But, following the death of Charles Emmanuel in 1630 and the signature of the Treaty of Cherasco, the Sabaudian
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state was placed decisively in the political orbit of France. The French notably gained the fortress of Pinerolo, twenty miles west of Turin, giving them a bridgehead into Italy and a powerful military presence near the ducal capital. First Cardinal Richelieu, and then Cardinal Mazarin and Louis XIV profited from the regencies and periods of influence of the dowager duchesses Marie Christine (1637–48) and Marie Jeanne Baptiste (1675–80) to transform Piedmont-Savoy into a satellite of the French crown. Both women were naturally pro-French in inclination, the former being Louis XIII’s sister, and the latter belonging to the House of Savoy-Nemours, princes étrangers who had been resident in France since the sixteenth century. Through the marriage of Victor Amadeus II to Anne Marie d’Orléans in 1684, Louis XIV believed he could consolidate French tutelage of the Sabaudian state through the traditional method of dynastic alliance. In the context of the twists and turns in Franco-Sabaudian relations, the position of the duchy of Savoy to the west of the Alps made it a perpetual hostage to fortune. In light of this, Duke Emmanuel Philibert abandoned Chambéry and moved his capital to the more secure setting of Turin in 1563. This decision would be of great consequence, as the divide between Piedmont and the duchy of Savoy became increasingly pronounced thereafter. Despite the dynastic union tying them together, the two territories had little in common: while Piedmont was Italian in both language and culture, the essentially francophone duchy of Savoy was influenced more and more by France – particularly after the occupation of 1536–59.76 The French had used this occupation to impose institutions after their own governmental model, notably the introduction of a French-style Parlement in Chambéry.77 In 1560, Emmanuel Philibert reconstituted this court as the Sénat, which thereafter followed French usages, adapted to local customs. The Chambre des comptes of Chambéry, which supervised fiscal, monetary and economic policy in the duchy, was also raised to the status of a sovereign company in 1560. In both courts, the majority of magistrates had trained at the university of Valence in France, and the libraries of Savoyard magistrates were comparable with those of their provincial French colleagues.78 Though Savoy retained a mixture of French and Italian cultures, French was increasingly dominant: by the seventeenth century, the French language was used exclusively, even in official correspondence with Turin.79 French influence also permeated deep into the ecclesiastical sphere in Savoy. The duke nominated the archbishops of the Tarentaise and their suffragans at Saint-Jean-de-Maurienne and Geneva/Annecy, but Chambéry and the province of Savoy proper belonged to the diocese of Grenoble, whose bishops were appointees of the French crown. Moreover, the absence of any seminaries in the duchy until the end of the seventeenth century meant that almost all ecclesiastics in Savoy, with the exception of Jesuits, were recruited from Lyon or the papal territory of Avignon, although the duke insisted that the superiors
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of Savoyard religious houses be native subjects of his.80 Savoy was therefore exposed to the same religious currents that circulated in southern France, though substantial differences remained. In particular, despite the duchy’s position between Geneva, Lyon and the Valdesi valleys, Protestantism had failed to make inroads into Savoy, and since François de Sales reconverted the Chablais in the late 1590s, it had been entirely Catholic. Indeed it became, like Lorraine, a bastion of ‘Counter-Reformation’ Catholicism.81 Savoy was orientated to the French economy too, using the French unit of account (the livre tournois), while Piedmont had adopted the lire (similarly of 20 sols) in 1632.82 Though placed at a crossroads of international transit, Savoy was economically under-developed due to its lack of industry and produce.83 The principal source of wealth in Savoy was land, and the duchy’s economy relied heavily on the movement of people and goods. Its meagre commerce was based on cheese and seasonal fairs of livestock and horses, meaning that many Savoyard peasants were forced to work part of each year in neighbouring Piedmont or the Dauphiné in order to make enough money to subsist. Though the duchy had been spared from invasion and occupation for most of the seventeenth century, its inhabitants were forced to pay to lodge French troops during periods of international conflict, and their tax burden could be very heavy. This was aggravated by economic and demographic crises, and the last two decades of the seventeenth century in particular saw prolonged periods of climatic catastrophes.84 The condition of the peasantry of Savoy appears to have deteriorated significantly during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and depopulation, abandonment of land and community indebtedness became chronic.85 In terms of finance, the duchy supplied only a small part of the duke’s revenues: in 1689, 5.9 million lire, or 75 per cent, came from Piedmont, while Savoy brought in only 1.7 million.86 Over the course of the seventeenth century, Savoy’s elites felt increasingly adrift from the ducal court at Turin. Only a small number of senior noble families had a presence there, such as that of the marquis de Sales, who functioned as the leader and representative of the nobility of the duchy of Savoy.87 Moreover, since the Estates General of Savoy ceased to be called at the end of the sixteenth century, the nobility’s collective political role in the state had diminished.88 Links between the nobility and the sovereign were henceforth of a more personal nature – notably in the strong tradition of military service in Savoy, though opportunities for service were rare and many therefore served foreign princes, of whom Louis XIV proved by far the most accommodating.89 The divide between Savoy and Piedmont was exacerbated during the personal rule of Victor Amadeus II, as Savoy became increasingly sidelined in the Sabaudian state. Since the time of Emmanuel Philibert, no native Savoyards had worked as local officials east of the Alps, but increasingly in the 1680s Victor
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Amadeus employed Piedmontese as his representatives in Savoy.90 Even where local Savoyards were appointed in Chambéry, it did not enhance autonomy: in 1687 the duke appointed the Savoyard marquis de Bellegarde to the dual role of premier président of the Sénat and military commander of the duchy, and Bellegarde proved himself the most loyal henchman in the programme of greater central control at the expense of Savoy’s autonomy.91 As part of this drive, new structures were imposed on the duchy: the first moves were made in 1686, with the installation at Chambéry of the comte de Tarin as intendant général d’artillerie et des bâtiments, with a right of inspection of bridges and roads. By his appointment, the Chambre des comptes at Chambéry was deprived of its traditional role in matters of bridges and roads, as well as fortifications and military provisioning. It subsequently lost its right of inspection of étapes (military staging posts on set routes), as well as the farming of gunpowder and the management of vacant ecclesiastical benefices.92 Quickly, through a combination of pride and self-interest, the Chambre associated itself more and more with the duchy’s nobility, and so the duel with the intendant took on other dimensions: the Chambre became the focus of opposition to ducal policy and the defender of Savoyard particularism.93 Over the decades, the loss of pre-eminence in the Savoyard state hit the duchy hard, and there was a growing sense that its fortunes were in decline due to its neglect in favour of Piedmont.94 By contrast its links with France, cultural, economic and religious, continued to develop. Louis XIV, Victor Amadeus II and the road to war These links did not, though, make for easier relations between the duke and the king, relations which were under severe strain by the mid-1680s. Louis XIV’s foreign ministry did not possess a monopoly on diplomacy with foreign states: the war ministry under the marquis de Louvois was dominant in relations with Piedmont-Savoy from 1675 until 1690.95 Louvois’s character, authoritarian and imperious, was therefore a significant factor in determining France’s relations with the Sabaudian state. As John Lynn explained,‘in the 1680s Louvois’s tendency to favour force over finesse in the international arena encouraged Louis to bully his adversaries in ways that were both unnecessary and unwise’.96 The substantial body of correspondence between Louvois and the French envoy to Turin, and also with senior members of the Sabaudian court, testifies to overbearing French influence in Sabaudian affairs in this period.97 Weak ducal authority allowed this to happen. Victor Amadeus succeeded to the throne at the age of nine in 1675. He assumed power in 1684, ousting his mother, Marie Jeanne Baptiste, but soon
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became aware of the extent of French influence in his affairs. France had acquired a vice-like grip on Turin when in 1681 Louis XIV took control of the Gonzaga fortress of Casale in the Montferrato, while continuing to control Pinerolo where the Alps met the Piedmontese plain.98 The permanent spectre of French intervention or interference was a source of much frustration for Victor Amadeus. On a personal level, the duke was pathologically secretive, and his desire for personal autonomy became, as Geoffrey Symcox noted, linked with ‘a fundamental maxim of Savoyard policy: to undo the treaty of Cherasco, end French influence, and regain sovereign independence’.99 But he was driven just as much by closely-related dynastic aims – most significantly, the recognition of his house’s royal status, and the expansion of his territorial base. Louis XIV showed himself to be stubbornly opposed to giving the duke and his family the traitement royal, as he saw the interests of the House of Savoy as subordinate to those of the House of France. He also had little faith in Italian rulers, believing that left to their own devices they might permit the r esurrection of Imperial power in northern Italy ‘by their own stupidity’.100 What was more, Victor Amadeus had a serious claim to the Spanish succession, and if he were allowed to become stronger he would pose a threat to the claims of Louis’s son, the grand dauphin.101 It was clear that as long as the French were a permanent presence east of the Alps, the duke’s ambitions would be frustrated. From 1687 the duke’s policy became increasingly anti-French, as he searched for a way to assert his aspirations and concerns. The opportunity came in 1688, with the outbreak of war between France and a coalition of the major European powers. Initially, the duke wished to remain neutral in the conflict, but he was not allowed to do so.102 For the French Government, their own strategic needs and dynastic pride were far more important than Victor Amadeus’s rights or even diplomatic niceties. Louis’s intention was that the Sabaudian state would remain politically and militarily dependent on France, and as such should focus on strengthening its fortresses along its border with the Spanish Milanese, leaving the direction of its army to the French generals. When Spain joined the war against France in March 1689, the need to secure the loyalty of Victor Amadeus was more acute than ever. Yet Louis’s blatant insensitivity towards the duke and disregard for Sabaudian interests in the spring of 1690 actually ended up driving Victor Amadeus into the arms of Louis’s enemies.103 In March 1690 the king ordered his general Catinat to march through Piedmont to attack Spanish Lombardy – with or without the permission of Victor Amadeus.104 In May, as word got to Versailles that the duke was planning to sign an alliance with Spain and the emperor, Catinat was ordered to proceed to Turin to deliver an ultimatum: Victor Amadeus was to hand over 2,000 infantrymen, three dragoon regiments, the citadel of Turin and the fortress of Verrua, further down the Po. He was informed that, if he did not, he would
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be ‘punished in such a manner that he remembers it for the rest of his life’.105 After temporising to build up his forces and conclude the necessary alliances with the Spanish and imperial envoys, Victor Amadeus formally declared war on France on 4 June.106 And, of all the European states of the Grand Alliance ranged against Louis XIV in the Nine Years War, it was the Sabaudian state, a third-rank power in the 1680s, which caused Louis ‘a hugely disproportionate amount of trouble’,107 despite his occupation of significant portions of the duke’s lands in the years to come. Conclusions The most pragmatic and immediate concern of Louis XIV’s government in terms of frontier policy was to ensure the territorial security of the kingdom. This could be achieved in part by the acquisition of more territory and partly by bringing adjacent smaller states within the French orbit. The latter policy was predicated on the basis that these small states would benefit from French protection at the cost of surrendering their autonomy in matters of foreign policy – and, in some cases, their domestic policy as well. But Louis’s lack of sensitivity to and respect for the interests of their rulers ultimately led to its failure.Throughout his personal rule his tactics towards Lorraine and PiedmontSavoy were characterised by intimidation and arrogance: in the War of Devolution, Louis forced Duke Charles IV of Lorraine to hand over part of his army to fight alongside the French, and parallels can be seen in 1690 and 1703 when he made similar demands on Victor Amadeus II of Savoy. Guy Rowlands has recently suggested that this reflected a deliberate desire to undermine relations between untrustworthy neighbouring princes and their elites – hardly a gesture that would persuade wavering allies to return to the fold.108 By failing to accommodate the interests of these rulers, Louis effectively forced them into the arms of his enemies; in so doing, he inadvertently destabilised France’s eastern frontiers and created for himself new military commitments. But the strategic threats posed by Lorraine and Piedmont-Savoy were far from equal. Despite the striking similarity between these two small intermediary states, this resemblance should not be exaggerated: their g eostrategic situations were very different. The duc de Saint-Simon compared them with characteristic acuity at the turn of the eighteenth century: Piedmont-Savoy was ‘a separate state, independent without constraint, separated by the Alps, and always in a position to be powerfully supported by its neighbours’, whereas Lorraine was ‘an isolated and enclaved country, invaded whenever France wishes, an open country without fortification, without liberty to have any fortification … a country which can only subsist at France’s pleasure.’109
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The two states were also extremely different internally. Savoy’s governing institutions had a long history of autonomy and strength going back over a century, while those of Lorraine lacked that level of prestige and authority, having been re-established only in the 1660s. Relations between the rulers and their elites were conditioned by wholly different assumptions and expectations, particularly given the long exile of the duke of Lorraine from the 1630s to 1661. Furthermore, the experiences and attitudes of their inhabitants vis-à-vis France were poles apart: the traumatised population of Lorraine harboured a deep hostility to the French, retaining in its collective memory for decades to come the devastation of Richelieu and Mazarin’s occupation. The importance of these differences, particularly in terms of past experiences with France, will become clearer in Part III of this book, which deals with relations between the occupied populations and the French occupiers. Nonetheless, Lorraine and Savoy bore at least one thing in common: both had the misfortune of bordering France in an era of almost continuous warfare. Their strategic positions made entanglement in Louis XIV’s European conflicts almost inevitable. The involvement of France in these territories over the period of Louis’s personal rule reflects, as we shall see, the successes and failures of French foreign policy, as well as the material needs of its war effort.
Notes
1 The best overviews of the two territories in this period are Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i: ‘De la Renaissance à la guerre de Trente Ans’; and R. Devos, ‘Un siècle en mutation (1536–1684)’ in P. Guichonnet, Histoire de la Savoie (Toulouse, 1973). From the French perspective, see Nordman, Frontières de France, pp. 81–7. 2 For example, T. C. W. Blanning, Reform and revolution in Mainz, 1743–1803 (Cambridge, 1974), p. 40. 3 As John Elliott put it, most states in the early modern period were composite, though some ‘were clearly more composite than others’. J. H. Elliott, ‘A Europe of Composite Monarchies’, Past and Present, 137 (1992), p. 51. 4 J.-P. Cénat, Le Roi stratège: Louis XIV et la direction de la guerre, 1661–1715 (Rennes, 2010), pp. 299–301; J. O’Connor, ‘Louis XIV and Europe: War and Diplomacy in the Seventeenth Century’ in S. G. Reinhardt (ed.), The Sun King: Louis XIV and the new world (New Orleans, LA, 1994), p. 60. 5 G. Zeller, ‘Saluces, Pignerol et Strasbourg: La Politique des frontières au temps de la prépondérance Espagnole’, Revue Historique, 193/2 (1942), p. 110. 6 D. Parrott, ‘The Causes of the Franco-Spanish War of 1635–59’ in J. Black (ed.), The origins of war in early modern Europe (Edinburgh, 1987), pp. 96–7. 7 Black, European international relations, p. 16. 8 The term limite was used in a more metaphoric sense, signifying an outer limit to sovereignty, accepted by mutual agreement and definitive. For a detailed discussion of the evolution of these terms, see the chapter ‘Lexique de la frontière’ in Nordman’s Frontières de France, pp. 25–39; or L. Febvre, ‘Frontière: the word and the concept’ in P. Burke (ed.), A new kind of history: from the writings of Lucien Febvre (London, 1973), pp. 208–10. 9 See the introduction to Jeremy Black’s The Origins of War, p. 7. 10 N. Girard d’Albissin, Genèse de la frontière franco-belge: les variations des limites septentrionales de la France de 1659 à 1789 (Paris, 1970); G. Zeller, L’Organisation défensive des frontières du nord et de l’est au XVIIe siècle (Paris, 1929), p. 41; P. Sahlins, ‘Natural Frontiers Revisited: France’s
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Boundaries since the Seventeenth Century’, American Historical Review, 95 (1990), p. 1434. 11 Sahlins, ‘Natural Frontiers’, pp. 1428–9. 12 A. Sinkoli, Frankreich, das Reich und die Reichsstände, 1697–1702 (Frankfurt am Main, 1995), pp. 78–87. 13 Vauban, ‘Intérét présent des états de la chrétiénté’ (c.1700), in Vauban, sa Famille et ses Écrits, ses Oisivetés et sa Correspondance, ed. A. Rochas d’Aiglun (2 vols, Paris, 1910), i, p. 492. 14 Sahlins, ‘Natural Frontiers’, p. 1433. 15 Nordman, Frontières de France, pp. 95–105. 16 Febvre, ‘Frontière: word and concept’, pp. 215–16; D. Nordman, ‘From the Boundaries of the State to National Borders’ in P. Nora (ed.), Rethinking France: Les Lieux de mémoire, trans. D. P. Jordan (4 vols., Chicago, 2001), i, pp. 105–9. 17 A. Osiander, The states system of Europe, 1640–1990 (Oxford, 1994), p. 50. 18 Parrott, ‘Franco-Spanish War’, pp. 96–7. 19 Sahlins, ‘Natural Frontiers’, p. 1427; Nordman, Frontières de France, p. 127; Stewart, Assimilation and acculturation, pp. 20–3. 20 See J. Spangler, The society of princes: the Lorraine-Guise and the conservation of power and wealth in seventeenth-century France (Farnham, Surrey, 2009), pp. 118, 264; and also his chapter ‘Those in between: Princely Families on the Margins of the Great Powers – The Franco-German Frontier, 1477–1830’ in C. H. Johnson, D. W. Sabean, S. Teuscher and F. Trivellato (eds), Transregional and transnational families in Europe and beyond: experiences since the middle ages (New York, 2011). 21 The term ‘geo-cultural landscape’ is from William D. Godsey’s Nobles and nations in central Europe: free imperial knights in the age of revolution, 1750–1850 (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 13–14. 22 Both Lorraine and Savoy saw a continuance of popular witchcraft well into the seventeenth century, and Savoy was viewed from within France as a ‘citadelle de magique’: J. Nicolas, La vie quotidienne en Savoie aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Paris, 1979), p. 293; R. Briggs, Communities of belief: cultural and social tensions in early modern France (Oxford, 1989), pp. 7–9. 23 Vignal Souleyreau, Richelieu, p. 33. Lorraine also straddled a linguistic boundary which ran south-east from Longwy to Sarrebourg; approximately one third of the duchy of Lorraine was German speaking, and organised into the baillage d’Allemagne, centred on Vaudrevange/ Wallerfangen: M. Toussaint, La Frontière linguistique en Lorraine (Paris, 1955), pp. 40–2. 24 In a precursor to his son’s changes to Lorraine’s constitutional arrangements, Louis XIII abolished the assises in 1634. H. Mahuet, La Cour souveraine de Lorraine et Barrois, 1641–1790 (Nancy, 1959), pp. 14–17. 25 See M. Graves, The parliaments of early modern Europe (Harlow, 2001), pp. 149–51. 26 A. Schmitt, Le Barrois mouvant au XVIIe siècle (1624–1697), Mémoires de la Société des Lettres, Sciences et Arts de Bar-le-Duc et du Musée de Géographie, 5e série, 47 (1928–9), p. 227. 27 M.-J. Laperche-Fournel, L’Intendance de Lorraine et Barrois à la fin du XVIIe siècle: edition critique du mémoire ‘pour l’instruction du duc de Bourgogne’ (Paris, 2006), p. 152. 28 Ibid., p. 153. 29 Ibid., pp. 154–6. 30 Schmitt, Le Barrois, pp. 144–5. 31 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i, pp. 137–8; Schmitt, Le Barrois, pp. 260–82. 32 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i, pp. 19–20; B. Blumenkranz, Histoire des Juifs en France (Toulouse, 1972), pp. 79–84. 33 J.-D. Pariset, ‘La Lorraine dans les relations internationales au XVIe siècle’ in Bled et al., Les Habsbourg et la Lorraine, p. 53. 34 See R. Babel, ‘Dix années décisives: aspects de la politique étrangère de Charles IV de 1624 a 1634’ in Bled et al., Les Habsbourg et la Lorraine, pp. 59–65. 35 By the Treaty of Vic of 1632, the duke was forced to cede Marsal for three years; he also promised not to sign any alliance or levy troops without the permission of the king, and was to guarantee the free passage of French troops through his states. D. Parrott, Richelieu’s army: war, government, and society in France, 1624–1642 (Cambridge, 2001), p. 104. 36 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i, pp. 185–94.
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37 Parrott, Richelieu’s army, pp. 77–83. This could be seen as the precursor to Louis XIV and Louvois’s system of contributions. 38 The main objective in establishing the Parlement was ultimately to separate the Trois Evêchés from the Empire. M.-O. Piquet-Marchal, La Chambre de Réunion de Metz (Paris, 1969), p. 16; Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i, pp. 189–90. 39 The Parlement sat in Toul for most of the war, returning to Metz in 1658. 40 Vignal Souleyreau, Richelieu, pp. 181–93; Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i, pp. 220–1. 41 Vignal Souleyreau, Richelieu, p. 224. 42 Ibid., p. 139. 43 H. de Beauvau, Mémoires du marquis de Beauvau: concernant ce qui s’est passé de plus mémorable sous le règne de Charles IV duc de Lorraine & de Bar (Metz, 1686), pp. 54–5. 44 Schmitt, Le Barrois, p. 139. 45 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i, pp. 227–8. 46 Vignal Souleyreau, Richelieu, pp. 258–9. 47 P. Braun, La Lorraine pendant le gouvernement de la Ferté-Sénectère (1643–1661) (Nancy, 1907), p. 143. 48 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, ii, p. 23. 49 Ibid., ii, p. 26. 50 Ibid., ii, p. 17. 51 Ibid., ii, pp. 20–2. 52 Vignal Souleyreau, Richelieu, p. 286. 53 At the start of the eighteenth century, Vauban estimated the population of Lorraine to be 361,000, down from a million a century earlier. J. Dupâquier (ed.), Histoire de la population Française (4 vols., Paris, 1988), ii, p. 76; M.-J. Laperche-Fournel, La Population du duché de Lorraine de 1580 à 1720 (Nancy, 1985), p. 202. 54 R. Taveneaux, Le Jansénisme en Lorraine (Paris, 1960), p. 55. 55 Braun, Ferté-Sénectère, p. 163. 56 Beauvau, Mémoires, pp. 184–5. 57 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, ii, p. 31. 58 E. Gerardin, Histoire de Lorraine: duchés–comtés–evêchés, depuis les origines jusqu’à la réunion des deux duchés à la France (1766) (Nancy, 1925), p. 277. 59 Beauvau, Mémoires, p. 454; Haussonville, Histoire de la réunion, iii, p. 154. 60 J. Spangler, ‘A Lesson in Diplomacy for Louis XIV: The Treaty of Montmartre, 1662, and the Princes of the House of Lorraine’, French History, 17 (2003), pp. 225–30. 61 Anon., Dissertation historique et politique, sur le Traitté fait entre le Roy et le Duc Charles, touchant la Lorraine (n.p., 1662). 62 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, ii, p. 28. The treaty drove Prince Charles (later Duke Charles V) to move to Vienna and join the imperial camp. 63 In his memoirs for the dauphin for 1662, Louis wrote: ‘It is still uncertain … what the advantages of this treaty for me will one day be, but you have seen at least that it will not be worthless’. Mémoires de Louis XIV, ed. J. Longnon, (Paris, 1979), p. 133. 64 N. Kaypaghian, ‘Le duché de Lorraine et les Trois Evêchés entre deux occupations (1663– 1670)’, Cahiers Lorrains, 33 (1981), p. 107. 65 Ibid., pp. 108–12. 66 Haussonville, Histoire de la réunion, iii, pp. 172–4. 67 P. Sonnino, Louis XIV and the origins of the DutchWar (Cambridge, 1988), p. 50; Calmet, Histoire ecclésiastique, iii, pp. 654–6. 68 Ibid., iii, pp. 661–2. 69 Kaypaghian, ‘Le Duché de Lorraine’, p. 113. 70 Calmet, Histoire ecclésiastique, iii, p. 662; Kaypaghian, ‘Le Duché de Lorraine’, p. 112; Sonnino, Dutch War, pp. 76, 105. 71 Kaypaghian, ‘Le Duché de Lorraine’, pp. 115–18. Sonnino argues that the king took the decision as late as 22 August, in a spontaneous fit of rage at having to postpone the Dutch War. Sonnino, Dutch War, pp. 110–11, 119.
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72 L. de Rouvroy, duc de Saint-Simon, Mémoires, ed. A. M. Boislisle (40 vols., Paris, 1879–1928), xv, p. 28. 73 Saint-Simon reproached the dukes for their attachment to Germany, ‘which they cling to, without being a part of’. J. Voss, ‘La Lorraine et sa situation politique entre la France et l’Empire vues par le duc de Saint-Simon’ in Bled et al., Les Habsbourg et la Lorraine, p. 92. 74 Symcox, Victor Amadeus, p. 135. 75 R. Devos and B. Grosperrin, La Savoie de la Réforme à la Révolution française (Rennes, 1985), p. 23; Devos, ‘Un siècle’, pp. 234, 246–7; B. Haan, Une paix pour l’éternité: la négociation du traité du Cateau-Cambrésis (Madrid, 2010). 76 J. Balsamo, ‘Lorraine et Savoie, médiateurs culturels entre la France et l’Italie (1580–1630)’ in G. Mombello et al. (eds), Culture et pouvoir dans les Etats de Savoie du XVIIe siècle à la Révolution: actes du colloque d’Annecy–Chambéry–Turin (1982) (Chambéry, 1985), p. 273. 77 L. Chevallier, ‘L’occupation française de la Savoie (1536–1559): Réflexions sur quelques aspects politiques et institutionnels’, Cahiers d’Histoire, 5 (1960), pp. 321–8. 78 R. Devos, ‘Elite et culture. Les magistrats savoyards au XVIIe siècle’ in Mombello et al., Culture et pouvoir, pp. 219–20, 227. 79 Devos, ‘Un siècle’, p. 259. 80 F. Meyer, ‘Les Elites diocésaines en Savoie à la fin du XVIIe siècle’, Rives Méditerranées, 32–3 (2009), p. 5. 81 Devos, ‘Un siècle’, p. 264. Unlike the county of Nice, which had a long-established Jewish population, there had been no Jews in Savoy since the begi
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Brandon Daily Sun Newspaper Archives, Aug 28, 1954, p. 14
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Read Brandon Daily Sun Newspaper Archives, Aug 28, 1954, p. 14 with family history and genealogy records from brandon, manitoba 1884-2007.
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Brandon Daily Sun (Newspaper) - August 28, 1954, Brandon, Manitoba Brandon school system set to open monday morning sir i it hum of yank Houri Iii rain pm Nury Ltd i Junior High the a win of a for another it Rar amt the Wax a i wry Ami to a Hin Taff Are it to it it nine Rte Bra or Nura Het of a Turku than hut ear. Us lulling a retort enrolment of ii ginner due to Hie fart bet teary final virus ran three Ila Titer tile end of tilt Hoil term lilt ii ii Kivor Hill not pm until i Bur Ala Nionna Twenty five new teachers City staff i if Twenty four new teacher and one Vuper it ism hate joined the Ltd pro A a a a attractive paste Brandon schools system it Utt for a spans. Arid modern la Cir seeing a been co Piet the comma jts a it Aas t-4r a red out by these fur a the fro rid the flounced Cudny by the school it a Ard a rth year there Are a or Bool the third Al or so a p a y. Board r of fire a not the feast of a ,. n Rit file of the newcomer arc Al these a teh unofficial Tate a la. Jig a newly added reborn is of City one is from i the spar. R. New r.�2 my find mat f. Tuned to s Saskatchewan and one from Alt a too elementary school a but for the wort a Berta. And the remainder arc the i Ultra modern la roomed fire o t Aas hard has the Manitoban r t a Iota number r or Aid enc damage the new supervisor of physical r Catir. I Jack is Cucuic a. Is. Phe of Swan River ski is Orson barges. Who left 1953 to take a similar Post at o a the system to there Art seven ? iwo is and the new Fence has been pc to 1. 0� o Laie from rom d around Alexandra a men. Ary provides j Bool Ard tier kit w Jod work h. Tina t.? r. I. a a Brier a. %. I ii the was rite ted at Mclaren rep a t a it a i a kith my second fund one that was a to b hat had to i or Uci Pate put i25 years ak9 Mclaren s a to # la a Sii oration a f 1 posed last year to of i it i red h a y pro to r. A Arrom space will i a a l it 13, bin a i mean the a Ruth cart More and West Gin opened and the school 11 for Junior h go and r it to a com it Iod a ted elementary rooms or big h Rorr. A a like Saadra addition a i Grade 4 room has Raj i my g have had to r Trenta a a. Kit it George and ii ? ted it t Ake space Fos r the now the Sci i i i completely tar Trsar a a for the f i t the a Delisle Gas each t now a urn to Issei of grad1 # the a been grades i a and 2 t and All classrooms now Park Seh Coj the c intr a hit been i Deco ated the a lf., of ginner a or y it to pc it moveable furniture hat others joining the staff this year Are miss Inez and ii.? Beta Armstrong. Basswood. Or. Norma big ant. Snowflake miss Martha hurl. Oak Lake miss Frances capsids. Winnipeg. Miss Mary Cooper Tilston miss c Moi As ass but the new 162.00 1 Fitton element Ary Schoch. Is ready for new term a message from the chairman Brand Publ a schools will open Bow. Brandon mrs Anne Dun Field. Brandon. A a. A s Judy Johnson. Kemnay 1or i954-m school few 00 ma0 m Junior High attendance school pupils boundaries set Thelma Jorgensen. Well flouted a redistribution mrs mat Sam Mann. Purn a comm a1, beginning pc up new arrivals Brand a school Board Tod a j 4y Janet. k age la Prairie. Miss Mary Pherson. Clan William mrs. Eur # a it t r it t j a Rev Voung Roc oui of us District by Oku Prfu a Miron mermen Vyt f 11im.,r Larry William air it a j a William Willow Dan 1 a a my big Kingston school Grade ii a Tom Stead i c need i. Go school students throughout the . It Fra k 1si a Al. Mars. A Mem Cli ii a City made necessary Becue of Gene Box a Silver Ca Ary Dor a Zalfas or pc. Lid Chen Flinoi dry to. John \ do a Wiirre Levin. It Jan Hudyk. Ferdinand Gregory. Jean Jawor get. Jean Lepard Carol. M much Old t Ice monday Lep Fca. Garry Lina i. William Mas a Annete s a used a a it a Charla Miller. George. , a a frit Robe hairy a Quot ice i Owens Reta r Issell. E Oliver Keith a r. Kenneth Charlotte seer. -1 Shiloh lost g a met. Ii Gold a a. Donald sow John and c k k. the one rung of a third Junior High a a Dunn. Dol Fergus. Students to the As follows it up into Central St How it sum the i supt i of Vul staff under new Boon h Deer added to the Hujo it rare and venetian blinds have put polio cases i p Nten renovation i rugs am every a i a Bren thoroughly Washer a rubbed a fior it a hav. T or i Shad ii Eik and fits 50th Anni i san Niue Day. Thus far this year there elementary of r a arc charge of the have been 14.5104 compared j no or High Home and Schre it association w Ith 15 954 up this time 1953 collegiate to chm Al a school staff increased by ten Over last year s Poi visor a Southwest Corner w.ashingt0n apr new cases elementary a w no Webb a car r Quot is Ste Frame chairs have of poise last week totalled 2.2jt. J . Or High by a to am Era first Veek this year they have collegiate a a gis air put desk g Joe Over 2.000 however the Chniel a tops and cuts have been painted crease was Only slightly More than a to red Cor 15 per cent at a season when it it a if renovate Park tool has usually has jumped anywhere from Woodwork have neen a feted where to a a a a Hoie a a a a a pm cent "9�?~� i ,. a. Urn rid by Ming a for the Cele \ bile health service reported Tbs y tem i have been overhaul a 1 Tor ghost gtd the result is i sparkling new 4o.k a i Ute it i o isl odian of each a Booi hav inn p risible of or the clean i of the Interior and have washed wills futures and desk a Well a coating the fkr it a Deruig the summer addition toe maintenance Saff a roof a the Schuri Board building it pitted All carpentry and painting Iii connection new rooms mov i Thi furniture built c i a i sidewalk aprons and has effected a considerable amount of lesser j is designed to improve the a wedge who said to teachers will last year this Tiar it its the Appl g also pro vement a i a War Mower a r. E of is boo bowing a big the Board s two have mud it p Ipie to tip All Field class Gondi for i."5f Byth Ino six classes thnh p the new it Irge i monday w la find everything e arum rent is i opening of the Bool will a a 11 it1 or half car track Iii Anne Hilmar open Nihil. Muton Edward. Ander . Bitt. Oxford William i third Lucky Kenith Oxford Grad Villi 7 j Grade 7 students living the Dick Marion Helena. Steppler Jim David a. Milcolm Valte pcs Al 2j urea bounded by eighteenth Street sym Chyan Rose Margaret Leeton Lim Duncan cute Margie t to no. ,.11 Dunn Joy . Palmer Murray Robert Ali glow Shine a liner Fay 11 Quot Pic and , will at. And Phillip to a Hutson Diane ton. Joe my Are Margaret o Neill 5 Pirk school and grades and 8 i a. Hrko a i h Reanor line pegs paid Bill Peden i Ida the i stud cats living North of the car Mear. Alice Rnoda Erhardt Wayne h ice note Ieper. Leona. ii tried Mil ill ctn i i i a a t Ltd a David Middleton Douglas Bruce. Lynne Gill. Jane Alfred use i i mrs tone r shards of Rhael John i Shaw five Eliiabeth fied 111 school. Gould William Ernest try lot Jean or William Edward. Webster Jein superintendent of schools h o Beatrice Stevin. Sheila May Watson Putter Gore i Harper vied up t rat a adv get a a Merit of Marjorie Eileen Churchill Winston. Given a Patron 4 Diane Lorwn a nut r by Voltr z a Slansky. Patricia Gail. Rave Lind. Don Savluk sir Ley. Pollock .5 Junior High student this year to help Prev Ltd win left 2-j Supply their children a very Rheta Mae h Iri Fay Grimshaw Gad j it Gurr Sherrill Odette. 13 xxi engl a dictionary said Doreen Belt Rot get i Dianne dress Skaufel i tel gov Lyon. no 5 Uch a Blok will ii Basic to the. Or Sandra Karen Metcalfe Jose Bois Foster. Brian Harvey. Tok i do a asic a it j Phine Diana. Reid Beverly Alia i up Dawn Lorraine Mur. A. ., mar 3 a Hole tumor High program and Prim. Donna Lynne Ster Robet a Iret Meighen. Lena for Macd that although expensive invest John Hillier. Ca Olin Eliiabeth Dane Ald Lynne i aures Midi aimed mar 121 ment it will last than through Marie Sheens Smith. A Quot igla George eare Ann i Mill Mart Tai a. Gulf. Mona Elaine. Pugh. Robert Robert Stewart unt Runie a r,.u Ami remaining school years and Faro. Tanie. Brian Roy. Mott Jean rus . David a Mande met Ign. Are new teachers and woj after life. Ela. Macialek ted peace Lex lev inter. Stella mine Awa i Oretta Are vacancies filled the Siper following is a complot list of Patricia. Petrucci. Robert Cord a c.,-., Schott Arlene Gail agric Yus Ory staff the addition of a new children who will attend Junior William a Iota of 121 teacher Man mrs x Bryant. Or Structure and supervisor Are Cox. A to. Bra Ion us Mclaren seven elementary schools David k Norminton. Carf Murphy Creighton Whitt Ive Ovsan. Robert Garry Breen Patrick. Year thl represent increase i . Poi. I j . Ven item Niery i m pair tvs Sharon. Terault Edd a Lyn Warrior. David reins Dong Margaret Thane Cornell Donald f la Over lot ear Balkh Techei. Miss m school is Moo. N Milf Jamrah Gary Turnbull Tran is i Watt. Muriel Ann i ulava of or Lime Gibson. Melt Lydia. T i a , Ira today us Taylor mrs. I. Beal. Miss m a cry detail Ana Utility and a Ole. Heir. Tune rial Jack. Caie Wilton Hacken Arheidt a feign i Romuaid Doug Al s by ill it Cooner or s Reynolds . is not excelled by any of Ann. Smith. Viola. Horn air a j . it of James Fine a Bihar Beverly Ann of so Quot is la i cooped or h a a it it a the a wince when fully Anton do Quot. Senti Char Wain William Washington Don Mortimer m. But Shirlev Isabel Mclaren Junior High h. prowl ret a non Uit it Van tee inf Kees go Rev Dodd Bec. Veil a France m born wires a if City seven a a ement Arv teachers or Cantwell Compi Etea. To Cost per a of Jim Jerreu Cameron Murray Gru son. Win ired Blulme. Glend. Hit a a Carrot Toma show a. Helen Maiv h hos the Lunior b a of mrs m Simmons or will Well within the amount Leonard Gene Oldfin Terf John Art hut. Chin. Janet Graham Donna Ollie Evelyn. Shiloff j.,. Shiloff Mur j Aby iut i act til liar b a 3jurov a by provincial depart still Diane Ingelbret goo. Sgt a a pie Gloria Foord. I. Emery cml rarer pa., David Wiki . I la i 13 to the Oll glut. M Dunbar a approx pros i Cie a q a it Rene i h Cuddington. Bob cantle has aver Wanda Corbin Marlene Edward. Thuro ire five technical Art Park til Youcai . M find Lav i Aile Irene Mcintyre Wayne Simpson Jean sever Kar . Brooking Ralph Bone Kir act rid thro department principal. J i Bateman. B a a 15 interesting to note that one up Edith Robert Sandra when Revmir Elna trimmed Diane Butler. Gerald Campbell. Het t a Ai hers or r mias Quarter of the population of this Ormi ten. Lek. Munroe autre to my a. Garry 1. A I r to j a Cov i tread Quot is fending so hex Row is Sharon Elaine bake. Michie Paul. Mile. Greta. Mckenzie. Edam Carol Vereti. Chloe Forbes fifteen who Eft at b Moffat. My. E Denbow. Miss c it already it Kenai g a Jami George Hamilton David j . Mcnab. Russell John. Forrest. Joar Eor Reat Phyl Ujj. Ii of la a Tai has been i Johnston. Miss h Tiser. or will to the near future. M.-,Heli Barry Moore Mcphail Ken limes Allen Crofton. Vernon of i a Gin a rot. Moore Judith. And to new staff men. Shier miss b Mcmahon. Miss the vast backlog of building Ruth Edward David Mich Allan Wilson. Glen Wilton o Brien of bar of a i a St .ii.,., of. A a t a irs acc Mulat a during the War a. Ret Der Doug to Ernest Evans Lave w Elev Salvu Uraldo far red Orr run. Bio hers added Al t Pron Cpl a liar mrs. F. Moat or almost overcome. A it a Haa Aiton Battersby. Katherine or Meh Glen Strid and. Not a Hind Kola Eta what i Munroe Lenard Yorke Dorothr j Mccullagh. Lull i rom # hrs it La ,. Smith Lloyd. Sanderson Lloyd Rob l Ucille Kaufma Rode t a Hill 2-Rwm Eeme Jirry sumo or no it High this year and the schools to pr1 Maci Hay Ames kit Hireen t ,. A a it -n., a to number of school toll which they will report , Robert Walton Birri Ward Donald Gerow. Buckley Sun one Colic Gate. Three Junior High Park school Grade \ it Leonard Gage. J oar Cong Iab it Din Baun a Recei Maria r of ii bark . Then pro i Sumner a mrs a Quinn get a 1 Aine Jame . Keith Merven Mur Ari Hale Alii i Ltd a a a i i Carl Bjar George Futon a a rotating system of major Bev Erie Harvel Judith s.,-Nchuk a / Eredi Nick s o no Tson a b take Over As Pri Tuipul w j Peien. A maintenance if new operatic. The i Nee Curt Vaug David Marron Gloryn Jen i Lun a. Amel Rench it it or teacher miss l. Popkin. Mrs school Brandon 1,1 t Rny Al Over loth boo Jurt us forr Erh a a it at the r Pederson. M a p. Chernen resent a tremendous. M s Hujer. Kona ski. Rote Ltd main Linda. Maher. Marfa so it a a its or Christne Chapman Donald Eraser Lave clan shall. Kuan Boroditsky Audrey Gail Donald i Clark get Iii Marie a Nio . i it a thar l a it Orold w j Peen a for Koff. Mrs m Burn mrs m 0 taxpayers Money which should Patricia a Vojir Mclean Sharon eran or Kathleen Wightman Eileen Diane i is pea Cong tru Ina of Enfort school Page. I a protected and preserved a i i a i i a pm a m. A pm Ottov of children kith Anne. Heward. Carolyn Fem. Quot ill t m hair Tanner Patsy t Al i Premier Dolari Haig Junior High the. It a feta of children Fullarton Rind Lay. Barry a i a it apr a Kip a us the i it a a a Fitton who it his place principal. T Sigurdson. A Quot to play it bunds <1 Monway Harper. Alfred Laurence Johnson rut David Briggs waiter Tinct -<1 i at. I . Of it i taken by j Al i teachers mrs l Nelson. Miss a a major concern and our Donald Frederick Sawchenko. Gera Patricia Koach ski Vernon get a rec Mon Wayne it Joseph. William George Alpine Dennis Wayne Heilo Ive Kurenko i f Wii Baine r or get Prue Elfyn Glem Santis. June Latten ii. Tug net Mie r her A Riddel Linda m k. Hoi e Claret Ann Earl Oxford a i Leeo veld. Smith to. Clark Doreen Juan Cousin f Mav. Set Moti a Vav. It my a. Two and Alexander Earl Oxford Junior High new boiler Assembly is been to. A no a Ron i a . A beit a a . Norman Saliv , Divi. Burt Linda Amo convert i into my Ute part Cioa w a. Wood. A principal a r Rowe b \ ailed at Mclaren Pickett Arle,.e Joyce Paige Denny lome Adams Angeune Catherine a la. to clan. Or i so.�?zke m to ten my a ,. It it Wmk a a a a Vav. Ait a i req ired sundry ill i . Miss j Atchison i j 5 Arih. V ring and ex., a by phyla. Chafe.izabeth tens Bakert it eth Reid Marlene Anne Smith el., -.xworth, h go dimm my r throughout the t red a mrs o Sirges my Al a Rich a b pied. Miss m Bowen leg. Both inside and outside Feno Alcer Durn. Lawrence Kathleen Muriel Otto Rathaw. Eugene Coin tet Wash Mir text Raz o. Us h Ards of. Mis m Mcpherson or a. Or p. Smith or c Fer irk and seeding of playgrounds this and Fergus. Ai i Anne mown Whiting Babara Ann. A rde a. D.,> a a , Hugo a a to it to a _ \ a thu Erk that a pin i a a a a if boy j do .5 Anc. Bol of a Vlf do Lri. by i a j it it. I Ilii Epif Ai a t it it pf1 f a Rev xxx mean a Treme i a a a a a of car Cli. Min m Thom Pocon Guson. B ab-paeo., m Amig is some of the work Mal i it Een am Orville Bangon Karen tug my it Hayward Shol lie Ait ii a Lei Colo haul. Clarea Ting Rapens Aion a it Dot it a l hum Ltd i i mum Winn b a completed Lvery school no then. Or a la ter. Ron Latham Duncan Morris Sharon pow . L Robert Kwh i it require waking and merely has Mary i m Doak. My. Colle gute roughly cleaned and retread q �.m-, Bond Murray Fred i Nett David Terry. Marion. principal. H . B Ped never w Ere the schools of this is better tuition to Quot Ven it i washed Dovon English tile , or p Nufeld the car and washroom Central ii turd it and Fine appear principal j fad Enck a Cla Iron floor Are plastic Rejch is i h Conley 1 and at the Tacher end of p Sanford i. L Bruce o arc la a Turk base c it ult hard. Mgt Burla. I Luba b seer walking f Cacick. I w. Greave b a. Miss _ it h Phillips Ken Hansor Robert William Gary. I menu la Emma John hot t t Gayle. Matey a _ or a a -.t, Jim Mrkvicka. Pita Lillian info a Sandra May poets Ron Raymond Phillips Barbu Nielsen Csc teacher i c viols City better get a Campbell. Cema Dkl nne Reg Jam William wit David. A Wallac Muha a. B a. Or. M Tremblay. A. The educational needs of our child Jannine j a Gordon Victor a. N it a Joyce Mcaulay. William g a at. Add. . Stu miss of t of is or ten thai the Are Tod a amt Glona Mardelle magi son Jat. Ai Quot do adding m r Jar it a a is 1 a p a ii land a Cordia Welcome to Donald kit is doff. . Of. Nama. Gra it Cir to drive. Macie git. Lard . A p str extend a brow nil Bruce Leslie. Gluon. Elean Hallatt. Noreen Anne Hallick. Den of Lovegrove. Douglas bae j Lacquement go. A a a i a it Ralph or Allister. David Neva. Mild Dull r bertsr.,-Aid Huln ii Al and Seymour j or p kettles b St . A. B p. ., or mis Davison Jie new teacher coming to our,.k rat Shirley a t o h Dunseith a. Staff for first to All the Zifke Allan John Boyce Jill i Aith room teacher study und j Riold vie Caliel my a Mim j1� Art i 1h to la f Quot a Quot b Gibson or l Char min a Rumbelow a b Lomg Are not yet spilled p.ull or eur Ruh 2 a i baath Are y a i r set b h Phi sics. Erie. A Mooi ll�3l� policies same i will Transfer a least to Quot j j0vm50nt or. M Piniuta cation p Rex still is a used at mrs Mann. Or m Taylor a a uen to George f it ton y hitch false . W King 4? Patch am. England up Lait t03r first to. Var Shaff principal h t Nora b \ Dent for la rec Mie Aroud the k g soft pm the Der teacher i m Collin. Mrs Sussex Community were awakened the comprehensive school A been p. C . R l a. Or m Wakefield. Miss of Midnight when air raid and Wane of the lie r Are Stro a or Seey began wailing after to mint b Rin a been nto fir t clays miss h Smith. t Schreiner mechanics dismantled the fall a pc and plastered the new miss t Jorgensen miss r to mechanism Brandon school Board do a Cooer Llod Donald Rik Don Jean Liaman Catherine a j i Sharon lube us Kell. Murray Hawly a of arh Der ii Llo. A a k alien. Real Kenneth Walker beam Aane. Lockhart Ray strange Georgr it 0we,�?~ Shl Lena Politt a Btl jams Sokn bar Dou Jat Birch Barbara Salmon or Kenneth Reilly. Robert Dale buddy Chad. Reginald Hall. Philip it it a a Frances Joyce Olaf a Zacharchuk. Waiter Sostuk a Veida fax Roaney Richard Pater Dot alter. Cooke Linda Driver. Ray Ltd it William. Wood Allan. Of Yanah. Patna la Baas Bill Stephen. Borne Robert Charlo pin h a Marion hair Denr Peter Quot is Arthur Sumpton w Lulam rom ,rr Orville eveiyr., jacks Danen Bukay a a Shirley May Cotton Robert Cowan. Thomas my it Heel Grade a Iii Begeorge Scott m rav Jan David Sharon Jones a jury Hampton. Reg raid. Norm Mcboy Btu a r. Tav Orn Kane h Petri Robert Albert Ann Morris Cie Aid William Vartev Ann Kat Beer Gorrie get Cra g r Tje to Larry Headley. Dog Baxter alar Walansky Jerkins Owen Stone Don Andre Dav ring and Wishar. Acne the comprehensive a Nooi Ca Shilt Iren program of last year will con j note a need during the 19m-s5 term a. Aul to p. Rin Tenden of school to. Wee or Graham carry United Church to launch new youth program announced today Philip Jen Kin oven Stone Don Andre Dave Ragland a a a. Keen excellent Kink so Nev Dodd Arndt jmtr>9t Kenneth John Osborne a a a inv. there Bas Dee no or hoc David Renrick. Beverley Montrom canny Mcrae . Beatrice who. B5 ont of a Ponse. Aid. To vile pre a or. Kenneth Mason Gwenda. How Christina Nicol Shirley . Milne a Duci ,, Prog a to medical checkup for beginner con Jet Diane Friesen Juli Chalmers. I it Onald Barrie Leggitt Magaret Jac a no eds of of. It ducted during the summer by the Patricia Smth. Gloria Feen. Bohin Una Kueht Robert that Mas blair.,. / que Vee Uuro la under or it a j Albert Pool James Cor Ronald Edwin Bedford Andrew Job 1 by , to. D r health units Art undue. It. . 0wr_ Lorraine Joanne Hoff of Cronin r Belt John bulkier sch it this fall the program Jime Hendry whose a a. A Man Bruce oilers it Quot of George Edward Beverley Armbru ate a a decided upon both nations Able to examine 75 percent of the Alane boy Margaret r0p�rt Marvin Wii or Allene Anne a Yum ii ? lug rolled Tow Yvonne Boyce Capron Loet truck . Janet Loose steer. Maria a a Quot of a run 1 a a gun sri Oil. Deanna Pauline Stevens Lloyd who sran Lew Patricia Doreen i a Mccune Bell will checked following us of ,.v i Ord. Beverley Dianne Stanley John Dor. The program o to or Dawn of school monday Stark Brenda May Smith William Alexander shelter a will work clo a Hie health departure it plan to mrs Nekeel Grade Carol Anne son m Jean a or Ceram it Ino Cuie a air Ward Shirlev jut Ert Fra Cis Garth Rte Bemar j it a the., Church Trig continue its program of Whu a Nonne Orang Robert Edgar . Nod joe., Constance people groups. . David i it and vaccination and Eye tests worthy Rober Maher Lumise Strati. Mitchu Audrey Edith Lane Eliza t or Sutlin Secretary of Christ also so will conducted for student Kenneth. Youn Donald Bon Beth Aine. Lamb Jacqueline j yet to Aton for a United chum a i r j i a a 7 Ald. Canaan. William John Smith Driver a Crew Downes she _ j grades i. 4 a a Roger Charles hurl Donald Elev Pancia Udell. Parry Topp Dou b.,. Norrie Winnipeg a.< add. Lion. Tolx year program Durr Yoy Rutn to Duz Harme Wil Jaa Mot a by a Gar a Milne Valerie pre Dent of the cyp deluded a hearing test. Using the a a Anthone Chalmer june Al dime Mcintyre Barbara malay Donna Oglw a officer acted inc idea a Enol Ixia new Audiometer Tor haves Borak Stanley William Kona Ling. Bran to Nee Judd h school boart . A Manor ganders Bruie Hutching charter. Fedoruk Hamm min a children a srirt_5�?� Cumming. Wilhart. Arabi Hnott. Dor Delores Drake James Dick so b Convenor of and Evan Grade throughout the City. Rne Highfield Dougla Charles Baba James Dandy Carol. Coa is Rona Dpi by a ugly a Rad w ill announced la a Quot Al. Barbra Ellen Quay a. Magaret att r oar Black Kern Baa a Tan Der Ltd Ltd a Gortz minis referred a a Carmen Medd a Mage Kuna. Bruce. A hams Aron a a ii. P. P. I l health Che Clu for a pics j Der red ml>or9 Jami Herbert Heel Gar Oxford Grade Vik i. Engr j n ,.d by their teachers will Fonow the Barbara. New House. Kenneth Thacker Lynn Anderson. Colleen t my unit service and Archie ume biweekly schedule a last Yta Culek Louis Howanek Lola a Dawn Trutt Egton Kenneth Charles Watson Edmonton ires air All .1 hails the health of a Untereiner Dis earn a Maria. Year vib All a moot to avg Luigi Kim Grade Suann malay Kenneth Wayne Frazer liver expects to repeat last years m Abr a tar Patr Wayne. Ogg Harold Gregory. Lawton Gail Gram of feminine health Educa drama thai eau. Tupu Harold Beth Mrkvicka i Ink Frima w egg c -la.a.1 to a the Junior High Chuoi i Uhr Tooher town Mare Eden eat. Maurer co kaon Jay Justice a Mooi ,7 Steiren . To a Maria for Derek Nelson. By this ume w Ccuen Ile Marshall Robert Majchr Jim Taime Vaughn. Bellm a.i Agne _ j John Kovalchuk Tommy Bot Tom Ley Carole Braza. To. Pc Liq i Liva Uay neat bout Kow Alc Buk. Sylvester Joeeph Kalmar. Marjorie Brown Lur. Ame Bever 4ey. Is Tongham ene Lanh up a Denam Nan Jaworski Jot str Mic Clark Beverly Anne Garland Joyce Justice just Comida ted Labia Dunajs. To gland Tro hug him Verne mate hark i mice gear Man hag. Ore than to Pem Ungs my and mar Chernit Kopun Ca Everty Mary Hor. Is oly Mae Belick i opt ,c3 a a it w?.n a it iter color a the vicar of Thole c h Kyi of Ana go a to if Quot rah# Farga porn us a higher enrolment expected at Brandon collegiate More water y or?.sh.rr Ali pc Rev h i fat ? Forth Are being shown Chi Baioa. I by Rue w Betty Dale a Rechka Robert a ame Green the t . Jura f a Jupa i m Margie up i. Or a do a t ame Knik urn Regny do Bur it to to Brora h a a Ltd a is Al a sink a dad Albe so and Eju a a m. A r of a w of Ltd i 7 the Brandon daily Tan Vic j a Aug i ii j 4 Book buying schedules arranged by a of Chi i k urd and to chant will cooperate i a this year to save Parx it a time a or one and to avoid congestion downtown shops the matter of our chasing chvx4 Hook there Arv few cum ulum Chan a a. A it superintendent of schools ii g wedge the text k arithmetic replaces the old work but for grades 3 i 5 a Quot a p Grade 3 Pupil Are not req. Red to buy thus Book Las year. Grade to Tex of the Eie a required Here All Junor High Are it a sure to Purchase a i xxi l-1 a dictionary which will a to their courses throughout h i it Chon a readers Are supp free by the school Hoard from Grade i to 6 monday morning All Pup will notified by their teach Eis exactly what Hooks and a Iii it ment will needed student should but Only w a they Are asked to get by their own classroom or. Weds x. there Are plenty of second hand text inks a Good cond a a liable from former Pupil Ami Board suggests that Parer can economize by having their Chi Iron buy the. There a nce1 to buy new ones if old ones Gorki it Hape Are available a some up Etal work Nick a a at Cost by Tho school Haid through the is and certain special equipment also is provided this w. some cases Fot primary the teacher Ai Range to buy their needs from the a repayment a is to facilitate downtown buying of up phys. The school Hoard a a ranged for the Junior High stud tuts to Given time off to Stop ement Arv pupils tuesday afternoon the collegiate student. Luge ,.v afternoon off to buy Book ? Good Start important to beginners Hie spot Gilt of attent. at the tart of Ani school year is focussed til Hildren who Ai taking their first Steps into organized education to see that they get off tile right foot requires the closest co a ration Bette parents and teaching stiff a a guide to parents. per. Note ode at of schools h. To wedge a lined up a beginner program to which Parent ire asked to adhere closely. Parent of pupils Beguin i ii g ii Ade i must accompany their Hildren to school the Bret morning which is monday. A that Lime arrangements will mad for individual interviews each j Arent sometime during the following two weeks the Manitoba Public school act acquire thai children must Lune reach their sixth birthday of of i fore no 30, 1954. To let i inn eligible to enter Grade i this .i Idi it will go to their nearest a Bool to i . Reg Ballon it pm w ill b a issued to parents and pupils it Grade i w la attend l Askos a a vhf morning during the i Enod a Leacher and it it Are meeting the afternoon All beginners who have not Al Leady registered and presented then birth certificates must do so ii Val at school monday. Parent teacher interviews Fen to orients entering Glade 2 and will arranged by the individual Tach i s ome tune after la Sei cud week of school meetings w ill a Between 3 and 5 pm. Children entering Junior High nil report to tile school to which Thev a a located As listed a l this Page. Parents of children entering Junto for the Fust time a asked to Contact their child s Teamer during the fall term and at lunge to discus the students fut not educational program and s object selection Young wanderers see exhibition now Back Home Almonte out a up a to Young wanderers who apr a Mareri j 17-hour Jaunt to the cenara1 Canada exhibition at Ottawa i Home today wet armed seats they saw the Bright ugh of Midway arid even managed it get t k into a Drr- theatre late Iuursda night. Jonn Bolton and Lawrence g Tell. And Gerald Barrs Quot and Green bit i 9. Ran a Home and pc Titi ked 30 to Ottawa. After fill of the exhibitor they set out to a Tor Hoer along the Way they were lured i drive movie but after the show about Midnight they Wert armed cold and hungry. Ring talked unidentified woman into feeding them and pitting them up for the Hight. Today while the boys were eating breakfast. The woman called police meanwhile their a it Arents hard that the boys had been heading i r Ottawa and spent the ear o r i ii g hours did Pok Rig around deserted budding a the exhibition not until they returned Here they learn the to s h gtd Ireen found when contract it Over vaudeville dead Canada Toronto it up a a Del. Ids.ill end when the Toronto no theatre s contract the Toronto music. Union Aki tix concludes labor Day it a. Renour today the theatre Canadas Only or a. My out1#�?T for vat. i # a it a tried to Degoti a no a Eintract Union by the Union h i Fri a to no a #
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https://journals.openedition.org/artefact/1286
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Paris – London: empirical philosophy, invention and the Hartlib Circle
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"Hartlib",
"Gassendi",
"Mersenne",
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2018-05-30T00:00:00+02:00
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Using the papers of Samuel Hartlib, the author examines the empirical research into the natural world affected in France and England during the early 17th century, the making of the instruments needed for this research, and the transmission of technical ideas between France and England.
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fr
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http://journals.openedition.org/artefact/1286
|
Approaches
A model: Peiresc
Mersenne, the mid-century and instrumentation
11The empirical world of Mersenne and the savants of mid-17th century France whom he wished to see work together, was filled with measurements—of bricks and metals before and after heating, or of human bodies alive and dead to see if the latter gained in weight; of observations of the behaviour of magnets, the movements of the heavenly bodies, (the positions of which could also be measured), of the behaviour of mercury in tubes, or the crystalline structure of snowflakes. Bizzarities in the form of monstrous births or outlandish medical conditions were regularly recorded and some systematic programmes of investigative research, such as those into the figuring of lenses, were undertaken. If they were not all particularly fruitful, they nonetheless had the common aim of dispelling popular error. This was a primary objective.
12Measurement, observation, recording however were not simple, nor inexpensive, activities. All required instruments and apparatus. Empirical investigation of the natural world at anything beyond the most superficial level involved the acquisition, development, understanding and use of a wide range of instruments. It therefore implied, and required, the services of several different craft skills at a high level of competence. It was here in the artisan world of production, of mechanics and technicians that the new empiricism of natural philosophers met, and fused, with the old-established activity of practical mathematics.
15Philippe Danfrie was an outstanding maker and would have been at any period. In the variety of his activities however he was entirely typical of his age. The men who serviced the mathematical practitioners of the 16th and 17th centuries were seldom yet the specialists they would become in the 18th century. Rather they were general ‘mechanicians’ building up a range of competences on the basis of training in one particular activity. Many of them were primarily horologists, others general metalworkers, founders or engravers, still others specialists in ivory, tortoiseshell or precious woods, others again were enamellers or glass-workers. Whatever the case, it is the variety of skills and the adaptability of their possessors, which was of importance to Peiresc, Mersenne and the members of their circles, the increasing number of amateurs of nature, of mathematical practitioners, of investigators and inventors in Paris and the regions. Capable artisans in precision technology would be called upon to respond both to new needs for instruments and apparatus stemming from savants and natural philosophers, and to the development of inventions, tools, and machines requisite for an expanding society intent upon improvement.
Hartlib and his Paris correspondents
18This was to interpret Mersenne as if he was framed in Hartlib’s mould rather than his own. Hartlib, haunted by a sense of man’s fallen state and dependence upon God’s providence could never have the same confidence in rational philosophy as Descartes, Mersenne or Gassendi. In his Ephemerides for 1639, immediately after notes which derive from the letters recently received by Haak from Mersenne, Hartlib comments.
44 Ephemerides 1639 30/4/26B.
The greatest philosophers should address themselves more to God in prayers and in holy life and so they should finde out more the secrets of Nature then ever they have done.
Eg we see it in Cartes glosses though his demonstrations bee never so punctual yet it will not doe the reason is because God is so little regarded in the matter as if human wit were able to accomplish all.
And it may be an obvious small matter is wanting which God hides of purpose from his and other exp<eriment>s .
Pell, Mersenne, Haak and magnetism
48 Ephemerides 29/313A
Gelebrands variation of the needle a Rare Experilent if 2. Or 3. More (one not knowing of the other) had lighted by the same rules or <calculations> observations upon the same Experiment. Wats’ .
28One of the phenomena that particularly intrigued Mersenne was the difference in the attractive power displayed by the same magnet when it was capped and when it was uncapped. These differences Mersenne wanted to assess in relation with the weight of the stone itself, and he eventually decided to base judgement of the quality of a lodestone purely on its attractive power when unarmed.
66 To Haak 28 November 1640, C. de Waardet al (eds), Correspondance du P. Marin Mersenne, op. cit., i (...)
If you can see the lodestone [of Samual Ward], that draws twenty-three pounds capped, uncapped and bare, let me know how much it weighs and how much iron it attracts. I have the weakest of the said late Ward, but I was told that it attracted ten pounds of iron capped, and I find that it only draws seven, and that with difficulty… It is a strange business that uncapped it lifts no more than an ounce of iron, and capped it lifts 112 ounces. You see that the caps deceive us marvellously, and that it essential to see how much it carries completely bare to know whether they are good; that is why we prefer a natural stone, not shaped and naked, than one that is armed. And it will be good if it lifts as much as its own weight, especially if it a bit large: for example if it weighs one of several pounds, or at least half a pound and that it lifts more or less as much. I tell you this so that you will know how to choose .
Daniel Chorez
Jean Le Maire
35Many of the inventions reported to Hartlib were of little importance. They were ideas still to be worked out, curiosities with little or no application, devices so specific to a particular context that they could only with great difficulty, if at all, be adapted for use elsewhere. Most are mentioned once and then heard of no more. A few however provoked strong interestand a sustained enquiry. By way of example the numerous projects associated with Jean Le Maire may briefly be examined.
For I have seen the Man long since, and was (with Honourable Countess of Claire) to see his Musicall instrument which is Harmonious, he hath many things jn his head, butt is not befriended by the best Professors of sciences and knowledge jn these parts, which want none that are excellent; he is a Narcissus of him selfe, and heady on his Inventions; he hath jnvented new names to the Notes of Musick, as iff you should say Ra, instead of Ré, which passeth for idle among the Musicians.
Differences and Influences
40What seemed incomprehensible to Haak, Hartlib and others of their circle dedicated to the publicising of new inventions and the free circulation of ideas, was perfectly evident to the inventors themselves. Inventions were made in the hope of gain. Privileges such as Le Maire obtained were needed to protect them; patronage and support were required to execute them. Lack of such things could inhibit discovery. This was exactly one of the reasons Oldenburg adduced in explaining to Hartlib why
98 2 July 1659, The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, i, op. cit., 278.
I doubt very much, whether ye French will produce any great matter in point of Tubes, or chymistry, or any mechaniques; They have not yt required steddiness; and besides, they complaine of want of encouragement by men of power and means; witness they say, Monsr Chorez, who had the same invention, yt Mr Dymocks hath, but for want of assuring him of a recompence for putting it into practise and for discovering it to others, he took it wth him into his grave .
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D
AUTHOR A. E. D.
TITLE In Die Parascues De Meditatione Passionis Mortis Domini Nostri Iesu Christi Carmen
URL http://edocs.ub.uni-frankfurt.de/volltexte/2007/7606/
SITE Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek Frankfurt a. M.
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1578 Jenaedition
AUTHOR C. M. D.
TITLE Relatio de ossibus Jossensibus
URL http://www.bbaw.de/bibliothek/digital/struktur/01-misc/4/jpg-0400/00000395.htm
SITE Akademiebibliothek
SUBJECT Natural history
NOTES Dpr from Miscellanea Berolinensia ad incrementum sciaentarum, vol. 4 (1734) pp. 388 - 391
AUTHOR DAfflitto, Matteo
TITLE Brevis enumeratio eorum privilegiorum quae sibi fiscus sumit
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=oJcDmmkkC-MC
SITE Goog;le Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1549 Basel edition
AUTHOR DAfflitto, Matteo
TITLE Consuetudines Neapolitanae
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SITE Goog;le Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1546 Lyon edition
AUTHOR DAfflitto, Matteo
TITLE De jure prothomiseo
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SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1533 Lyon edition
AUTHOR DAfflitto, Matteo
TITLE Decisiones Neapolitanae
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SITE Goog;le Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1533 Lyon edition (a large number of subsequent editions are available here)
AUTHOR DAfflitto, Matteo
TITLE In tres libros feudorum commentarii
URL httpque Siciliae Neapolisque sanctiones et Constitutiones praelectiones
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SITE Goog;le Books
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TITLE Super III. feudorum libro commentaria
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SITE Goog;le Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1598 Frankfurt edition
AUTHOR DAfflitto, Matteo
TITLE Tractatus de prothomiseos cum commento domini Mattheis de Afflictus Neapolitani & Baldi de Perugio (the same as the preceding item?)
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SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1499 Venice edition
AUTHOR DâAlton, Eduard
TITLE De cyanopathiae specie ex invicem permutata arteriae pulmonalis atgque aortae origine
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SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1824 Bonn edition
AUTHOR DâAlton, Eduard
TITLE De monstris, quibus extremitates superfluae suspensae sunt commentatio
URL http://www.archive.org/details/demonstrisquibu00altogoog
SITE Internet Archive
SUBJECT Monsters
NOTES Dpr of the 1853 Halle edition
AUTHOR DâAlton, Eduard
TITLE De monstrorum duplicium origine atque evolutione commentatio
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TITLE De strigum musculis commentatio
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SUBJECT Physiology
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TITLE Victores in certamine litterario
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SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Education
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AUTHOR D'Amato, Elia
TITLE Museum literarium
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SUBJECT Literature
NOTES Dpr of the 1730 Naples edition
AUTHOR D'Amato, Elia
TITLE Pantopologia Calabra
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SUBJECT Topography
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AUTHOR D'Anania, Giovanni Lorenzo (d. 1607)
TITLE De natura angelorum
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SUBJECT Angels
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AUTHOR D'Anania, Giovanni Lorenzo (d. 1607)
TITLE De natura daemonum
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SITE Biblioteca Universidad Complutense
SUBJECT Demonology
NOTES Dpr of the 1581 Venice edition
AUTHOR DâAnghiera, Pietro Martire
TITLE De nuper sub Carolo repertis insulis simulque incolarum moribus
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SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Exploration
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AUTHOR DâAnghiera, Pietro Martire
TITLE De rebus Oceanicis & Orbo novo decades tres
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SITE Universitätsbibliothek Basel
SUBJECT Exploration
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AUTHOR DâAnghiera, Pietro Martire
TITLE Opus epistolarum
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AUTHOR DâAnghiera, Pietro Martire
TITLE Legationis Babylonicae libri tres
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SITE Universitätsbibliothek Basel
SUBJECT Diplomacy
NOTES Dpr of the 1533 Basel edition
AUTHOR D'Annse de Villoison, Jean Baptiste
TITLE Epistolae Vinarienses : In Quibus Multa Graecorum Scriptorum Loca Emendantur
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SUBJECT Philology
NOTES Dpr of the 1782 Tours edition
AUTHOR D'Arnis, W.-H. Maigne
TITLE Lexicon manuale ad scriptores mediae et infimae Latinitatis
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SITE Universitad de Sevilla, Biblioteca de Derecho
SUBJECT Language studies
NOTES Dpr of the 1858 Paris edition
AUTHOR D'Aubusson, Pierre
TITLE De obsidione urbis Rhodiae
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SITE Projekt vdib
SUBJECT History
NOTES Dpr of the 1480 Cologne edition
AUTHOR D'Hallencourt, Carolus Franciscus, Bishop
TITLE Episcopal letter
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SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the undated (18th c.) Verdun edition
AUTHORS DâUrban, Jean
TITLE De haemorrhagia uterina
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SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1758 Lausanne edition
AUTHOR Da Cortona, Pietro (1596 - 1669)
TITLE Heroicae virtutis imagines
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SITE Warburg Institute Library
SUBJECT Iconography
NOTES Dpr of the 1691 Rome edition
AUTHOR Da Cruz, Luis S. J.
TITLE Tragoedia de Excidio Hierosolymae per Nabucdonosorem
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SITE Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa
SUBJECT Drama
NOTES PDF of a modern transcription
AUTHOR Da Este, Gerolamo
TITLE Carmina
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SITE Poeti dâ Italia in Lingua Latina
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Html format
AUTHOR Da Fabriano, Ludovico 0
TITLE De casu Cesene
URL http://dewey.library.upenn.edu/sceti/ljs/PageLevel/index.cfm?option=view&ManID=ljs226
SITE University of Pennsylvania Schoenberg Collection
SUBJECT History
NOTES Dpr of ms. ljs267
AUTHOR Dabelow, Robert von
TITLE De uteri inversione
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SITE Universität Dorpat
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1832 Dorpat edition
AUTHOR Dach, Augustin
TITLE De arte dicendi ac variis loquendi figuris (Rhetorica minor)
URL http://diglib.hab.de/inkunabeln/171-7-quod-3/start.htm
SITE HAB
SUBJECT Rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of an undated Leipzig edition (a dpr of an undated Deventer edition is also available, undated Heidelberg edition here)
AUTHOR Dach, Simon (1605 - 1659)
TITLE In luctuosum obitum Dn. Wilhelmi Buthneri
URL http://www.gbv.de/du/services/gLink/vd17/1:636284Z_001,800,600
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SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1654 Königsberg edition
AUTHOR Dadine dAuteserre, Antoine
TITLE De ducibus et comitibus provincialibus Galliae libri tres
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-094429
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT History
NOTES Dpr of the 1643 Toulouse edition (a dpr of a second copy is also available) (1731 Giessen- Frankfurt edition here)
AUTHOR Dahl, Andreas: see Linnaeus
AUTHOR Dahlberg, J. von, Fürstbischof of Worms
TITLE Gratulatio Innocento VIII (1485)
URL http://www.ub.uni-bielefeld.de/cgi-bin/neubutton.cgi?pfad=/diglib/aufkl/journkunst/087891&seite=00000188.TIF
SITE Universität Bielefeld Bibliothek
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of Journal zur Kunstgeschichte und zur allgemeinen Litteratur 1789:1, pp. 184 - 200
AUTHOR Dahlberg, Nicolaus E.: see Linnaeus
AUTHOR Dahlbom, Anders Gustav (1806 - 1859)
TITLE Chrysis in sensu linnaeano
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-099154
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Entomology
NOTES Dpr of the 1845 Lund edition (a dpr of the 1853 Berlin edition is also available)
AUTHOR Dahlbom, Anders Gustav (1806 - 1859)
TITLE Clavis novi hymenopterorum systematis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=xkNJAAAAYAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Entomology
NOTES Dpr of the 1835 Lundberg edition
AUTHOR Dahlbom, Anders Gustav (1806 - 1859)
TITLE Dispositio methodica specierum Scandinavicarum ad familia
URL vol. 1 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=II8-AAAAcAAJ
vol. 2 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=JI8-AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Entomology
NOTES Dpr of the 1842 - 45 Lundberg edition
AUTHOR Dahlbom, Anders Gustav (1806 - 1859)
TITLE Hymenoptera europaea praecipue borealia
URL vol. 1 http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-099155
vol. 2 http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-099156
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Entomology
NOTES Dpr of the 1843 - 45 Lundberg edition (also here)
AUTHOR Dahlbom, Anders Gustav (1806 - 1859)
TITLE Prodromus hymenopterologiae Scandinaviae
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-099150
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Entomology
NOTES Dpr of the 1836 Lund edition
AUTHOR Dahlbom, Anders Gustav (1806 - 1859)
TITLE Sphex in sensu Linnaeano
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-099155
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Entomology
NOTES Dpr of the 1843 Berlin edition
AUTHOR Dahlbom, Anders Gustav (1806 - 1859)
TITLE Synopsis larvarum eiusdem ¶ Scandinavicaorum eruciformium
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=xkNJAAAAYAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Entomology
NOTES Dpr of the 1835 Lundberg edition
AUTHOR Dahlgren, Johan Adolph
TITLE Marum
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-096600
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Entomology
NOTES Dpr of the 1785 Erlangen edition
AUTHOR Dahlgren, Johan Adolph
TITLE Prodromus hymenopterologiae Scandinaviae
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-099150
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Entomology
NOTES Dpr of the 1836 Lund edition
AUTHOR Dahlgren, Johan Adolph
TITLE Sphex in sensu linnoeano
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-099153
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Entomology
NOTES Dpr of the 1842 Lund edition
AUTHOR Dahlgren, Johan Adolph
TITLE De maro
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-098479
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Entomology
NOTES Dpr of the 1774 Uppsala edition (also available here)
AUTHOR Dahlgren, Johan Adolph
TITLE Erica
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=C3cZAAAAYAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1770 Uppsala edition
AUTHOR Dahlgren, Johan Adolph: see Linnaeus (two items)
AUTHOR Dahlgren, Jonas
TITLE De libertate philosophandi I
URL http://filosofia.fi/tallennearkisto/tekstit/2835
SITE Filosofia.FI
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1744 Ã bo edition
AUTHOR Dahmen, Jacob Lamberet
TITLE De Chlorosi, vulgo Von der Jungfern-Krankheit
URL http://www.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0002/bsb00020242/images
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1747 Strassburg edition
AUTHOR Dahlman, Laurenz
TITLE De conservatione silvarum in patria
URL https://books.google.com/books?id=o9Z9UJoCK3AC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Forestry
NOTES Dpr of the 1741 Uppsala edition
AUTHOR Dal Maino, Giasone
TITLE Biancamaria Sforza
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=gO87AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of the 1502 edition
AUTHOR Dal Maino, Giasone
TITLE Consilia sive responsa
URL vol. 1 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=DLJGAAAAcAAJ
vol. 2 https://books.google.com/books/reader?id=G7JGAAAAcAAJ
vol. 3 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=M7JGAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of the 1581 Venice edition
AUTHORS Dal Maino, Giasone et al.
TITLE Insignis lectura super primo, secundo et tertio Institutionums
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=D0k8AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1533 edition
AUTHOR Dal Maino, Giasone
TITLE Lectura insignis super secunda parte. ff. novi
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SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1514 edition
AUTHOR Dal Maino, Giasone
TITLE Lectura super titulo de actionibus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=uWxFAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1506 edition
AUTHOR Dal Maino, Giasone
TITLE Oratio
URL https://books.google.com/books/reader?id=X4dCAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of the 1511 Paris edition
AUTHOR Dal Maino, Giasone
TITLE Oratio habita apud Alexandrum VI. pro Mediolanensium principe
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0004/bsb00040567/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of an undated Leipzig edition
AUTHOR Dal Maino, Giasone
TITLE Repertorivm In Lectvras Iasonis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=PvpFAAAAcAAJ
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1533 edition
AUTHOR Dal Pozzo, Cassiano (1588 - 1657)
TITLE Epigrammata in virorum literatorum imagines quas illustrissimus eques Cassianus a Puteo sua in bibliotheca dedicavit : cum appendicula variorum carminum
URL http://www.sas.ac.uk/warburg/pdf/cnh1425.pdf
SITE Warburg Institute Library
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1641 Rome edition
AUTHOR Dalanthus, Gerardus
TITLE Tragoedia Dido
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=coIYVWHUOpEC
SITE Googl Books
SUBJECT Drama
NOTES Dpr of the 1559 Antwerp edition
AUTHOR Dalburg, Johann von
TITLE Gratulatio Innocentio VIII dicta URL http://bibliothek.uv.es/search*val/aDalburgius&Submit3=Cercar/adalburgius/1,1,1,B/l962&FF=adalburgius&1,0,,0,-1
SITE Universitat de València Biblioteca Digital
SUBJECT Religion, rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of the 1485 Rome edition (see also here and here)
AUTHOR Dalberg, Johann von
TITLE Joannis Camerarii Dalburgii, Vormaciencis episcopi, oratoris ill. princ. Philippi: comitis palatini Rheni Innocentio VIII, dicta gratulatio
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-060843
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of the 1485 Rome edition (a dpr of an undated Rome edition is also available)
AUTHOR Dale, Antonius van
TITLE De divinationibus idolatricis Iudaeorum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=xCQ_AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Divination, Hebraica
NOTES Dpr of the 1698 Amsterdam edition
AUTHOR Dale, Antonius van
TITLE De origine ac progressu idolatoriae et superstitionum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=xCQ_AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1698 Amsterdam edition
AUTHOR Dale, Antonius van
TITLE De oraculis ethnicorum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=RIjBY_pRjZgC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Oracles
NOTES Dpr of the 1683 Amsterdam edition
AUTHOR Dale, Antonius van
TITLE De vera ac falsa prophetia
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=xCQ_AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1698 Amsterdam edition
AUTHOR Dale, Antonius van
TITLE Dissertatio super aristea de LXX. interpretibus
URL http://www.e-rara.ch/bau_1/content/titleinfo/1557095?name=Antonii%20van%20Dale%20Dissertationes%20de%20origine%20ac%20progressu%20idololatriae%20et%20superst
SITE Universitätsbibliothek Basel
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1705 Amsterdam edition
AUTHOR Dale, Antonius van
TITLE Dissertatio super sanchoniathone
URL http://www.e-rara.ch/bau_1/content/titleinfo/1557095?name=Antonii%20van%20Dale%20Dissertationes%20de%20origine%20ac%20progressu%20idololatriae%20et%20superst
SITE Universitätsbibliothek Basel
SUBJECT Unspecified by catalogue
NOTES Dpr of the 1705 Amsterdam edition
AUTHOR Dale, Antonius van
TITLE Dissertationes de origine ac progressu idololatriae et superstitionum: de vera ac falsa prophetia; uti et de divinationibus idololatricis Judaeorum
URL http://www.e-rara.ch/bau_1/content/titleinfo/1557095?name=Antonii%20van%20Dale%20Dissertationes%20de%20origine%20ac%20progressu%20idololatriae%20et%20superst
SITE Universitätsbibliothek Basel
SUBJECT Religion, esoterica
NOTES Dpr of the 1696 Amsterdam edition
AUTHOR Dale, Antonius van
TITLE Dissertationes IX, antiquitatibus quin et marmoribus, cum Romanis, tum potissimum Graecis, illustrandis inservientes
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=Z1sbPEC4vasC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Epigraphy
NOTES Dpr of the 1702 Amsterdam edition
AUTHOR Dale, Antonius van
TITLE Historia Baptismorum, cum Judaicorum, tum potissimum priorum Christianorum, tum denique & rituum nonnullorum, &c.
URL http://www.e-rara.ch/bau_1/content/titleinfo/1557095?name=Antonii%20van%20Dale%20Dissertationes%20de%20origine%20ac%20progressu%20idololatriae%20et%20superstSITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1705 Amsterdam edition
AUTHOR Dale, Antonius van
TITLE Schediasma de consecrationibus ethnicis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=RIjBY_pRjZgC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1683 Amsterdam edition
AUTHOR Dalechamps, Jacques
TITLE De peste libri tres
URL http://www.bium.univ-paris5.fr/histmed/medica/cote?34458
SITE BIUM
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1552 Lyon edition
AUTHOR Dalechamps, Jacques
TITLE Historia generalis plantarum
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-053405
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1586-87 edition (two volumes bound as one) (a dpr of vol. 1 is also available here and a dpr of volume 2 here)
AUTHOR Dalen, Michael de
TITLE Casus Breves Decretalium, Sexti Et Clementinarum
URL http://zaguan.unizar.es/documents/incunables/I083A/directory.djvu
SITE BUZ (Biblioteca de la Universidad de Zaragoza)
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1485 Lyon edition; DjVu format (browser plug-in available here
AUTHOR Dalgado, Daniel Gelanio
TITLE Vires plantarum Malabaricarum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=6UAAAAAAQAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Botany, pharmacology
NOTES Dpr of the 1895 Bastorá edition
AUTHOR Dall' Isola, Matteo
TITLE Trasimenis
URL http://www.mqdq.it/mqdq/poetiditalia/contesto.jsp?ordinata=pf2774765
SITE Poeti d' Italia in Lingua Latina
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Html format
AUTHOR Dalla Torre, K. W. von (1850 - 1928)
TITLE Catalogus Hymenopterorum hucusque descriptorum systematicus et synonymicus
URL http://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/bibliography/8794 and http://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/bibliography/10348
SITE Biodiversity Heritage Library
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1892 - 1902 Leipzig edition
AUTHOR Dalla Torre, K. W. von (1850 - 1928)
TITLE Genera siphonogamarum
URL http://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/bibliography/26684
SITE Biodiversity Heritage Library
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1900 - 1907 Leipzig edition
AUTHOR Dalner, Andreas
TITLE De abbate
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=WGRKAAAAcAA
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion, law
NOTES Dpr of the 1601 Ingolstadt edition
AUTHOR Dalner, Andreas
TITLE De iure hominis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=-NRGAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1614 Frankfurt edition
AUTHOR Dalner, Andreas
TITLE De iure patronatus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=H-FRAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1607 Ingolstadt edition
AUTHOR Dalner, Andreas
TITLE De instrumentis conclusiones
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00032112/images
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1586 Basel edition
AUTHOR Dalner, Andreas
TITLE De seditione
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00032114/images
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1599 Vienna edition
AUTHOR Dalner, Andreas
TITLE De variorum iurium renunciationibus
URL https://books.google.com/books/reader?id=TtVGAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1608 Frankfurt edition
AUTHOR Damasus Hungarus
TITLE Burchardica sive regulae canonicae
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0002/bsb00027848/images
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1564 Cologne edition
AUTHOR Damhouder, Joost Van (1507 - 1581)
TITLE Loci communes parium ac similium utriusque iuris
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=5KXI2LfkWh4C
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1601 Antwerp edition
AUTHOR Damhouder, Joost Van (1507 - 1581)
TITLE Paraeneses Christianae
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=CtsQrq9PPV0C
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1572 Venice edition
AUTHOR Damhouder, Joost Van (1507 - 1581)
TITLE Praxis rerum civilium
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=XFyygVhwzLQC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1617 Antwerp edition
AUTHOR Damhouder, Joost Van (1507 - 1581)
TITLE Praxis rerum criminalium
URL http://bibdigital.fd.uc.pt/H-A-17-4/rosto.html
SITE Biblioteca OnLine (Universidade de Coimbria)
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1555 Antwerp edition (a dpr o fthe 1596 Antwerp edition is available here, and a dpr of the 1601 Antwerp edition is available here)
AUTHOR Damhouder, Joost Van (1507 - 1581)
TITLE Pupillorum patrocinium, legum et praxeos studiosis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=nNrcr8jhRJUC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1572 Venice edition
AUTHOR Damhouder, Joost Van (1507 - 1581)
TITLE Sententiae selectae pertinentes ad materiam praxeos rerum criminalium et aliarum partium iuris scientiarumque
URL http://www.historia.unimi.it/scripts/diglib/diglib3.php?cod=15139
SITE Istituto di Storia del Diritto medievale e moderno
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1601 Antwerp edition
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes
TITLE De bello Cambaico II
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yrFJAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT History
NOTES Dpr of the 1602 Cologne edition
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes
TITLE De bello Cambaico Secundo Commentarius Secundus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yrFJAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT History
NOTES Dpr of the 1602 Cologne edition
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes
TITLE De bello Cambaico Secundo Commentarius Tertius
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yrFJAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT History
NOTES Dpr of the 1602 Cologne edition
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes
TITLE De rebus et imperio Lusitanorum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yrFJAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT History, topography, politics
NOTES Dpr of the 1602 Cologne edition
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes
TITLE Deploratio Lappianae gentis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yrFJAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Ethnography, religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1602 Cologne edition
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes
TITLE Diensis nobilissimae Carmaniae seu Cambaiae urbis oppugnatio
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yrFJAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT History
NOTES Dpr of the 1602 Cologne edition
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes
TITLE Epistola ad Io. Iacobum Fuggerum pro defensione Hispaniae
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yrFJAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT History
NOTES Dpr of the 1602 Cologne edition
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes
TITLE Fides, religio, moresque Aethiopum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yrFJAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion, African studies
NOTES Dpr of the 1602 Cologne edition
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes
TITLE Hispania
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yrFJAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Topography
NOTES Dpr of the 1602 Cologne edition
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes
TITLE Urbis Olisiponis situa et figura
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yrFJAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Topography
NOTES Dpr of the 1602 Cologne edition
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes: see Damiani a Goes Lusitani Vita
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes: see Epithalamion Damiani a Goes equitis Lusitani
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes: see Petrus Nannius
AUTHOR Damianus a Goes: see André de Resende O. P.
AUTHOR Damianus, Janus
TITLE Ad Leonem X. Pont. Max. de expeditione in Turcas Elegeia, c[u]m argutissimis doctissimorum virorum epigrammatibus
URL http://digbib.bibliothek.uni-augsburg.de/72/index.html
SITE Universitäts Bibliothek Augsburg
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1515 Basel edition (also available here, and a dpr of the 1516 Cologne edition is available here)
AUTHOR Daneau, Lambert: see here
AUTHOR Dandenelle, Claudius Abraham
TITLE Dissertatio de hermannia
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-097611
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1800 Göttingen edition;
AUTHOR Danet, Pierre
TITLE Grand dictionnaire françois et latin
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-059640
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Language studies
NOTES Dpr of the 1735 Venice edition
AUTHOR Dangicourt, Pierre
TITLE De periodis columnarum in serie numerorum progressionis Arithmeticae Dyadice expressorum
URL http://www.bbaw.de/bibliothek/digital/struktur/01-misc/1/jpg-0400/00000360.htm
SITE Akademiebibliothek
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr from Miscellanea Berolinensia ad incrementum scientarum, vol. 1 (1710) pp. 336 - 376
AUTHOR Danhauser, Peter
TITLE Epistula ad Cassandram Fidelem
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0002/bsb00027001/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of the 1489 Nuremberg edition
TITLE Daniel: see Benito Arias Montano
TITLE Daniel: see Hugh Broughton
TITLE Daniel: see Heinrich Bullinger (two items)
TITLE Daniel: see Jean Calvin
TITLE Daniel: see Denis le Chartreux
TITLE Daniel: see Lorenz Codomann
TITLE Daniel: see Matthaeus Dresserus
TITLE Daniel: see Jeremias Drexel
TITLE Daniel: see François Du Jon
TITLE Daniel: see Hugo de San Caro
TITLE Daniel: see Johann Georg Frischmuth (two items)
TITLE Daniel: see Martin Geier
TITLE Daniel: see Jacob Heilbrunner
TITLE Daniel: see Christoph Helwig
TITLE Daniel: see Martin Helwig
TITLE Daniel: see Franciscus Junius (François du Jon)
TITLE Daniel: see Juan Maldonado
TITLE Daniel: see Balthasar Meisner
TITLE Daniel: see Philip Melanchthon
TITLE Daniel: see Balthasar Mentzer
TITLE Daniel: see Christian Benedict Michaelis
TITLE Daniel: see Johannes David Michaelis
TITLE Daniel: see John Moore
TITLE Daniel: see Johannes Oecolampadius
TITLE Daniel: see Christoph Matthaeus Pfaff
TITLE Daniel: see Hector Pinto
TITLE Daniel: see Amandus Polandus von Polansdorf
TITLE Daniel: see Amandus Polon
TITLE Daniel: see Aegidius Strauch
TITLE Daniel: see Interpretationes seu Somnia Danielis prophete revelata
AUTHOR Daniel, John
TITLE Receipt (1619)
URL http://waller.ub.uu.se/object.xsql?DBID=19538
SITE Uppsala University Library
SUBJECT Miscellaneous
NOTES Dpr of Waller Manuscript Collection ms. gb-00518
AUTHOR Daniel, John
TITLE Receipt (1619)
URL http://waller.ub.uu.se/object.xsql?DBID=19539
SITE Uppsala University Library
SUBJECT Miscellaneous
NOTES Dpr of Waller Manuscript Collection ms. gb-00519
AUTHOR Dannhauer, Johann Conrad (1603 - 1666) : see here
AUTHOR Dannenmeyer, Johann
TITLE Assertiones philosophicae de coelo et mundo
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00033718/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Philosophy, astronomy
NOTES Dpr of the 1603 Ingolstadt edition
AUTHOR Dannenmeyer, Johann
TITLE Assertiones philosophicae de impressionibus meteorologicis
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00033721/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Philosophy, astronomy
NOTES Dpr of the 1602 Ingolstadt edition
AUTHOR Dannenmeyer, Johann
TITLE Disputatio Philosophica de anima animaeque facultatibus
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00033722/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1603 Ingolstadt edition
AUTHOR Dannenmeyer, Johann
TITLE Disputatio Philosophica de communibus corporis naturalis affectionibus
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00033717/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1603 Ingolstadt edition
AUTHOR Dannenmeyer, Johann
TITLE Disputatio Philosophica ex universa logica
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00033715/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1602 Ingolstadt edition
AUTHOR Danner, Albert S. J.
TITLE Assertiones e diversis philosophiae partibus
URL https://books.google.com/books/reader?id=p69KAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1599 Dillingen edition
AUTHOR Danner, Albert S. J.
TITLE Assertiones e praecipuis philosophiae partibus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=p69KAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1599 Dillingen edition
AUTHOR Danner, Albert S. J.
TITLE Assertiones philosophicae variae
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=W6ZKAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1596 Dillingen edition
AUTHOR Danner, Albert S. J.
TITLE De anima sentiente
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=3RdNAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1593 Dillingen edition
AUTHOR Danner, Albert S. J.
TITLE De coelo
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00031155/images
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1595 Dillingen edition
AUTHOR Danner, Albert S. J.
TITLE De mente humana
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00031160/images
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1596 Dillingen edition
AUTHOR Danner, Albert S. J.
TITLE De motu disputatio philosophica
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=qK9KAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philosophy, physics
NOTES Dpr of the 1596 Dillingen edition
AUTHOR Danner, Albert S. J.
TITLE De primo rerum omnium principio, Deo
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00031164/images
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1599 Dillingen edition
AUTHOR Danner, Albert S. J.
TITLE Disputatio Philosophica De Corpore Simplici
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=7BdNAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1593 Dillingen edition
AUTHOR Danner, Albert S. J.
TITLE Disputatio Philosophica De Corpore Simplici
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=7BdNAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1593 Dillingen edition
AUTHOR Danner, Albert S. J.
TITLE Logica de demonstratione eiusque fine scientia disputatio
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00033670/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1595 Dillingen edition
AUTHOR Danner, Albert S. J.
TITLE Philosophica ex logicis disputatio
URL https://books.google.com/books/reader?id=ua9KAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1591 Dillingen edition
AUTHOR Dannhauer, Johann Christopher
TITLE De carcere obaeratorum, vulgo Schuldt-Thurm
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=sJ9NAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1679 Nordhausen edition
AUTHOR Dannhauer, Johann Conrad (1603 - 1666): see here
AUTHOR Dante: see Giovanni Mario Filelfo
AUTHOR Dante: see Karl Hillebrand
AUTHOR Dante: see Benvenuto di Imola
AUTHOR Dante: see Johannes de Seravalle
AUTHOR Dante: see Gianozzo Manetti
AUTHOR Dante: see Dominicus Nanus Mirabella
AUTHOR Dante: see Johann Kaspar von Orelli
AUTHOR Dante: see Julius Petzholdt (two items)
AUTHOR Dante: see Filippo Villani
AUTHOR Dantiscanus, Desiderius
TITLE Probabilis rationis, qua Saronatia Europaeae regnum ... Scissum usque quaque fore redintegrandum Cynosura breviter prolata
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0002/bsb00023720/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Politics
NOTES Dpr of the 1697 edition
AUTHOR Dantyszek, Jan (Dantiscus)
TITLE Ad Clementem VII. P. M. et Carolum V. de nostrorum temporum Calamitatibus Sylva
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0002/bsb00022679/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1530 Bologna (or Boulogne?) edition
AUTHOR Dantyszek, Jan (Dantiscus)
TITLE Carmina (1532)
URL http://cogito.univ.gda.pl/biblioteka/Wsieci/dantyszk/index.htm
SITE Wirtualna Biblioteka Literatury Pokskeij
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Html format (also available in dpr format)
AUTHOR Dantyszek, Jan (Dantiscus)
TITLE De nostrorum temporum calamitatibus silva
URL http://www.wbc.poznan.pl/dlibra/doccontent?id=2112&dirids=4
SITE Wielkopolska Biblioteka Cyfrowa
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1902 Warsaw edition; requires DjVu plug-in (browser plugin available here)
AUTHOR Dantyszek, Jan (Dantiscus)
TITLE Epistolae
URL http://dantiscus.ibi.uw.edu.pl/?f=showCorrespondence
SITE Dedicated site
SUBJECT Epistolography
NOTES Html format
AUTHOR Dantyszek, Jan (Dantiscus)
TITLE Memorials
URL http://dantiscus.ibi.uw.edu.pl/?f=showOtherTexts&type=memorials
SITE Dedicated site
SUBJECT Politics
NOTES Html format
AUTHOR Dantyszek, Jan (Dantiscus)
TITLE Orationes
URL http://dantiscus.ibi.uw.edu.pl/?f=showOtherTexts&type=speeches
SITE Dedicated site
SUBJECT Epistolography
NOTES Html format
AUTHOR Dantyszek, Jan (Dantiscus)
TITLE Poemata et hymni
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=9VZEAAAAcAAJ
SITE Dedicated site
SUBJECT Google Books
NOTES Dpr of the 1764 Breslau edition
AUTHOR Dantyszek, Jan (Dantiscus)
TITLE Poemata
URL http://dantiscus.ibi.uw.edu.pl/?f=showDantiscusPoems
SITE Dedicated site
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Html format
AUTHOR Dantyszek, Jan (Dantiscus)
TITLE Records
URL http://dantiscus.ibi.uw.edu.pl/?f=showOtherTexts&type=records
SITE Dedicated site
SUBJECT Records
NOTES Html format
AUTHOR Dantyszek, Jan (Dantiscus)
TITLE Victoria Sigismundi primi regis Poloniae contra Vayevodam Muldaviae
URL http://dantiscus.ibi.uw.edu.pl/?f=showOtherTexts&type=narratives
SITE Dedicated site
SUBJECT Law (a legal deposition?)
NOTES Html format
AUTHOR Dantz, Johann
TITLE De simplicium medicamentorum facultatibus in genere dialogi quatuor
URL http://alfama.sim.ucm.es/dioscorides/consulta_libro.asp?ref=X533133970
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Pharmacology
NOTES Dpr of the 1543 Basel edition (a dpr of a second copy is available here)
AUTHOR Dantz, Johann
TITLE Tabulae simplicium medicamentorum
URL http://alfama.sim.ucm.es/dioscorides/consulta_libro.asp?ref=X533133970
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Pharmacology
NOTES Dpr of the 1543 Basel edition (a dpr of a second copy is available here)
AUTHOR Danz, Johann Andreas
TITLE Danz, Johann Andreas: Halâ_kô_t qerît ?em? Sive Exercitationis Rabbinico-Talmudicæ, De Sacris Judæorum nomophylakteriois bis quotidiè recitari solitis
URL http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/xb-7047/start.htm
SITE HAB
SUBJECT Religion, hebraica
NOTES Dpr of the 1682 Jena edition
AUTHOR Danz, Johann Andreas
TITLE Segulta de-Rabenu, sive Rabbinismus enucleatus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=ozgoAAAAYAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion, hebraica
NOTES Dpr of the 1731 Jena edition
AUTHOR Danz, Johann Andreas
TITLE Turgeman, sive, Interpretis Ebraeo-Chaldaei synopsis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=Ij8oAAAAYAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Language studies, hebraica
NOTES Dpr of the 1751 Frankfurt a. M. edition
AUTHOR Danz, Ferdinand Georg
TITLE Brevis Forcipum Obstetriciarum Historia
URL http://resolver.sub.uni-goettingen.de/purl?PPN632048476
SITE GDZ
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1790 Giessen edition
AUTHOR Daoiz, Esteban
TITLE Iuris civilis
URL vols. 6 and 7 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=CD6j4xPkpNEC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1612 Lyon editio
AUTHOR Daoiz, Esteban
TITLE Index juris summa seu index copiosus
URL vol. 2 https://books.google.com/books/reader?id=GU8aaArnF2AC
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1745 Milan edition
AUTHOR Daoiz, Esteban
TITLE Iuris pontificii summa
URL vol. 1 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=TaygY6ADI-sC
vol. 2 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=GU8aaArnF2AC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dprs of the 1623 Bordeaux + 1745 Lyon editions
AUTHOR Daostenc, Petrus Jacobus
TITLE De respiratione
URL https://archive.org/details/disputationumana4174hall (go to p. 647)
SITE Internet Archive
SUBJECT Physiology
NOTES Dpr of the 1749 Göttingen edition
AUTHOR Dappen, Bernhard
TITLE Articuli per fratres minores de observantia propositi Reverendissimo domino Episcopo Brandenburgensis contra Luteranos
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0002/bsb00024379/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of an undated Ingolstadt edition
AUTHOR Daraszkiewicz, Ludwig
TITLE Meletemata de resinarum, praesertim, resinae gutti, in tractu intestinali rationibus
URL http://hdl.handle.net/10062/2154
SITE Universität Dorpat
SUBJECT Pharmacology
NOTES Dpr of the 1858 Dorpat edition
AUTHOR Darcio, Giovanni
TITLE Canes
URL http://www.mqdq.it/mqdq/poetiditalia/contesto.jsp?ordinata=pf2841363
SITE Poeti d' Italia in Lingua Latina
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Html format
AUTHOR Darcio, Giovanni
TITLE Epigrammata
URL http://www.mqdq.it/mqdq/poetiditalia/contesto.jsp?ordinata=pf2844902
SITE Poeti d' Italia in Lingua Latina
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Html format
AUTHOR Darcio, Giovanni
TITLE Epistola Deidamiae ad Achillem
URL http://www.mqdq.it/mqdq/poetiditalia/contesto.jsp?ordinata=pf2843221
SITE Poeti d' Italia in Lingua Latina
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Html format
AUTHOR Dardano, Bernardino
TITLE Pandora
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=ayBxFXc3GbQC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1541 Lyon edition
AUTHOR Dardano, Bernardino: see Jean Olivier
AUTHOR Darelli, Johan Anders af
TITLE Prescription
URL http://waller.ub.uu.se/object.xsql?DBID=13373
SITE Uppsala University Library
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of Waller Manuscript Collection ms. se-00589
AUTHOR Darelli, Johan Anders af: see Linnaeus
AUTHOR Daremberg, Charles (1817 - 1872)
TITLE De chirurgia
URL http://www.bium.univ-paris5.fr/histmed/medica/cote?150179
SITE BIUM
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1855 Paris edition
AUTHOR Daremberg, Charles (1817 - 1872)
TITLE De modo medendi libri septem
URL http://www.bium.univ-paris5.fr/histmed/medica/cote?150179
SITE BIUM
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1855 Paris edition
AUTHOR Daremberg, Charles (1817 - 1872)
TITLE De secretis mulierum
URL http://www.bium.univ-paris5.fr/histmed/medica/cote?150179
SITE BIUM
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1855 Paris edition
AUTHOR Daremberg, Charles (1817 - 1872)
TITLE Glossulae quatuor magistrorum super chirurgiam Rogerii et Rolandi nunc primum ad fidem codicis Mazarinei edidit
URL http://www.bium.univ-paris5.fr/histmed/medica/cote?34888
SITE BIUM
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1854 Paris edition (a second copy is available here)
AUTHOR Dares Phrygius: see Erasmus
AUTHOR Dariot, Claude
TITLE Ad astrorum judicia facilis introductio
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-053442
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Astrology
NOTES Dpr of the 1557 Lyon edition
AUTHOR Dariot, Claude
TITLE Dariotus redivivus
URL http://www.bium.univ-paris5.fr/histmed/medica/cote?150179
SITE BIUM
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1855 Paris edition
AUTHOR Dariot, Claude
TITLE Fragmentum de morbis & diebus criticis ex astrorum motu cognocendis
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-053442
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Astrology
NOTES Dpr of the 1557 Lyon edition
AUTHOR Dariot, Claude
TITLE Tractatus de electionibus principiorum idoneorum rebus inchoandis
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-053442
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1557 Lyon edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE De adquisitione hereditatis, eiusque effectibus secundum ius naturae
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=mLJPAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law (genetics?)
NOTES Dpr of the 1746 Frankfurt a. O. edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE De differentiis iurisprudentiae atque politiae quae vulgo Die Policey dicetur
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=h3NKAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law, politics
NOTES Dpr of the 1763 Frankfurt a. O. edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE De eo quod iustum est
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=MytZAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1737 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE De genuina iuris voluntarii, speciatim divini indole eiusque a iure naturali discrimine
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=lLJPAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1740 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE De iusto termino solutionis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=PEVPAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1739 Frankfurt a. O. edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE De methodo inveniendi logarithmos per hyperbolam
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=02BKAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1739 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE De mundo eiusque conceptu
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=rL1MAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Cosmology (religion?)
NOTES Dpr of the 1741 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE De oculo quod sit camera obscura
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=WWQ_AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Scientific instruments, religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1735 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE De possibilitate creationis mundi ab aeterno
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=fLxLAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1735 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE De tutela pactitia tam in iure Romano quam Germanico fundata
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=j7JPAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1739 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE De vera atque ficta philosophia practica
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=aNAGAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1744 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE Dissertatio iuris naturalis qua Perill. L. B. de Wolff de potestate circa sacra et bona ecclesiastica doctrinam adversus S. V. Rodtfischeri impugnationes
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=MnNJAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1751 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE Dissertatio Mathematica Qva Evolvta Arithmetices Theoria Eam Svmmae Scientiae Speciem Esse
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=CFRNAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1738 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE Institutiones iurisprudentiae privatae Romano-Germanicae
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=G5JDAAAAcAAJ
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1749 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE Institutiones iurisprudentiae universalis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yGZF0vpMOcEC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1740 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE Introductio in artem inveniendi seu logicam theoretico-practicam
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-094256
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1742 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE Observationes juris naturalis socialis et gentium
URL vol. 1 http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-093691
vol. 2 http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-093692
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Law, politics
NOTES Dpr of the 1754 Jena edition
AUTHOR Darjes, Joachim Georg
TITLE Via ad veritatem
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=dXhZAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1764 Frankfurt a. O. edition
AUTHOR Damouder, Josse de (1507 - 1581)
TITLE Praxis rerum civilium
URL http://imgbase-scd-ulp.u-strasbg.fr/displayimage.php?album=711&pos=1 SITE SCD Universities of Strasbourg
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1646 Amsterdam edition
AUTHOR Damouder, Josse de (1507 - 1581)
TITLE Praxis rerum criminalium
URL http://num-scd-ulp.u-strasbg.fr:8080/view/authors/De_Damhouder,_Josse.html SITE SCD Universities of Strasbourg
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1642 Amsterdam edition (a dpr of the 1646 Amsterdam edition is also available)
AUTHOR Darwin, Erasmus
TITLE Prescription (1797)
URL http://waller.ub.uu.se/object.xsql?DBID=19549
SITE Uppsala University Library
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of Waller Manuscript Collection ms. gb-00529
AUTHOR Dassdorf, Johann
TITLE Teknopheilema In Peroptato, ac feliciter recurrente Onomasmatis Festo ... Aegidio Wildio
URL http://www.gbv.de/du/services/gLink/vd17/547:623826S_001,800,600
SITE VD17
SUBJECT Family life
NOTES Dpr of the 1669 Zwickau edition
AUTHOR Dassel, Hartwig von (1557 - 1608)
TITLE Ad serenissimum ... Principem ... Maximilianum, archiducem Austriae, Magistrum Ordinis Teutonici supremum, electum Regem Poloniae, etc. in reditu ex Polonia, anno D.D.D.XIC ... gratulatoria oratio
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0001/bsb00017735/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of the 1592 Ãlsen edition
AUTHOR Dassel, Hartwig von (1557 - 1608)
TITLE Consuetudines inclytae reipublicae Luneburgensis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=nStgAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Topography
NOTES Dpr of the 1592 Hamburg edition
AUTHOR Dassel, Hartwig von (1557 - 1608)
TITLE Disputatio super quodam casu donationis omnium bonorum, praesentium ac futurorum, Ecclesiae facta
URL http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/171-4-quod-6/start.htm (download here)
SITE HAB
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1588 edition
AUTHOR Dassel, Hartwig von (1557 - 1608)
TITLE In Honorem Nuptialem Viri ClariÃimi, PraestantiÃimi, DoctiÃimiq[ue] Domini Rutgeri Mirovii
URL http://www.gbv.de/du/services/gLink/vd17/39:127530T_001,800,600
SITE VD17
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1667 edition
AUTHOR Dassel, Hartwig von (1557 - 1608)
TITLE Imperatorum Ac Caesarum Romanorum ex florentissima & vetustissima Archiducum Austriae familia oriundorum Breves & accuratae descriptiones ex optimis quibusq[ue] historicis contextae
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=smZYAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT History, biography
NOTES Dpr of the 1590 Hamburg edition
AUTHOR Dassel, Hartwig von (1557 - 1608)
TITLE Italiae urbium descriptiones
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=OtZSAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Topography
NOTES Dpr of the 1586 edition
AUTHOR Dassel, Hartwig von (1557 - 1608)
TITLE Panegyrici Tres, Continentes Vitas Et Res Gestas Trium Invictissimorum Imperatorum, Constantini, Caroli, & Otthonis
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0001/bsb00017709/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of the 1589 Uelzen edition (a dpr of a second copy is also available)
AUTHOR Dassow, Carolus Magnus: see Linnaeus
AUTHOR Dassow, Theodor (1648 - 1721)
TITLE Accubitum ad agnum Paschalem Hebraeorum veterum, ad illustrandum accubitum servatoris cum discipulis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=5UJOAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion, hebraica
NOTES Dpr of the 1698 Wittenberg edition
AUTHOR Dassow, Theodor (1648 - 1721)
TITLE De Ritibus Mesusae, Dissertatio Talmudico-Rabbinica
URL http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/yx-46-8f-helmst-21s/start.htm
SITE HAB
SUBJECT Religion, hebraica
NOTES Dpr of the 1674 Wittenberg edition
AUTHOR Dassow, Theodor (1648 - 1721)
TITLE Imagines rerum Hebraeis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=GrsTAAAAQAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1743 Göttingen edition
AUTHOR Dassow, Theodor (1648 - 1721)
TITLE Ordinis Philorophorum Decanus In Electorali Academia Wittenbergensi, Theodorus Dassovius, Hamburgensis, Poes. Professor Publ. Ordinar. Et Linguarum Orient. Extraordinarus
URL http://www.gbv.de/du/services/gLink/vd17/547:635966L_001,800,600
SITE VD17
SUBJECT Education
NOTES Dpr of the 1683 Wittenberg (?) edition
AUTHOR Dastin, John
TITLE Rosarium
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=pAQVC8AKLt4C
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Alchemy
NOTES Dpr of the 1647 Hofgeismar edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Conradus
TITLE Descriptio partium terrae
URL https://books.google.com/books?id=G_70Yds1iuwC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Geography
NOTES Dpr of the 1647 Leiden edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Friedrich
TITLE Centuria thesium miscellanearum ex utroque iure sparsim desumptarum
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00030745/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 15941Helmstedt edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Friedrich
TITLE De appellationibus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=awdOAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1594 Helmstedt edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Friedrich
TITLE De Iure adcrescendi
URL http://www.e-rara.ch/bau_1/content/titleinfo/1572787
SITE Universitätsbibliothek Basel
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1589 Basel edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Friedrich
TITLE De iurisdictione
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00032116/images
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1586 Basel edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Friedrich
TITLE De usucapionibus et Temporum praescriptionibus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=awdOAAAAcAAJ en
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1599 Helmstedt
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Konrad (1532 - 1600)
TITLE Analyseis geometricae sex librorum Euclidis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=T8JCAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1576 Strassburg edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Konrad (1532 - 1600)
TITLE Brevis doctrina de cometis & cometarum effectibus  anno 1577, die xi Novemb.Â
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=ySwPAAAAQAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Astronomy
NOTES Dpr of the 1578 Strassbirg edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Konrad (1532 - 1600)
TITLE Descriptio partium terrae
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=094PAAAAQAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Geography
NOTES Dpr of the 1647 Leiden edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Konrad (1532 - 1600)
TITLE Heron mechanicus, seu de mechanicis artibus atque disciplinis
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0002/bsb00022010/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Mechanics
NOTES Dpr of the 1580 Strassburg edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Konrad (1532 - 1600)
TITLE Hypotyposes orbium coelestium
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=5DtSAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Astronomy
NOTES Dpr of the 1568 Strassburg edition (1573 Cologne edition here)
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Konrad (1532 - 1600)
TITLE Mathematica
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=7Q08AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1570 edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Konrad (1532 - 1600)
TITLE In IIII. Libros Cl. Ptolemæi, de Astrorum Iudiciis, siue Apotelesmaticos, Resolutiones
URL http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/n-50-2f-helmst-1/start.htm?image=00693
SITE HAB
SUBJECT Astrology
NOTES Dpr of the 1578 editionAUTHOR Dasypodius, Konrad (1532 - 1600)
TITLE Institvtionvm Mathematicarvm Volvminis Primi Erotematvm
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=mDA8AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1596 edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Konrad (1532 - 1600)
TITLE Lexicon mathematicum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=7Q08AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1579 Strassburg edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Petrus (1490 - 1559)
TITLE Oratio de disciplinis mathematicis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=phdaAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1578 Strassburg edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Petrus (1490 - 1559)
TITLE Protheoria mathematica
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=oDA8AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1593 Strassburg edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Konrad (1532 - 1600)
TITLE Praecepta mathematica, astronomica, logica
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=QjA8AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Mathematics, astronomy, philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1570 edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Konrad (1532 - 1600)
TITLE Propositiones Sphaericae doctrinae
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0001/bsb00015992/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1572 Strassburg edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Petrus (1490 - 1559)
TITLE Protheoria mathematica
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=oDA8AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1593 Strassburg edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Konrad (1532 - 1600)
TITLE Scholia In Clavdii Ptolemaei Qvatvor Libros Apotelesmaticos
URL http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/n-50-2f-helmst-1/start.htm?image=00649
SITE HAB
SUBJECT Astrology
NOTES Dpr of the 1578 edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Konrad (1532 - 1600)
TITLE Volumen primum mathematicum prima et simplicissima mathematicarum disciplinarum principia complectens: geometriae, logisticae, astronomiae, geographiae
URL http://www.e-rara.ch/bau_1/content/titleinfo/1187175
SITE Universitätsbibliothek Basel
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1567 Strassburg edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Petrus (1490 - 1559)
TITLE Dictionarivm Voces Propemodvm Vniversas in autoribus latinæ linguæ probatis, ac uulgo receptis occurrentes Germanicè explicans
URL http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/n-77-4f-helmst-2/start.htm
SITE HAB
SUBJECT Language studies
NOTES Dpr of the 1535 Strassburg edition
AUTHOR Dasypodius, Petrus (1490 - 1559)
TITLE Lexicon Graeco-Latinum
URL http://www.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0002/bsb00021978/images
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Language studies
NOTES Dpr of the 1539 Strassburg edition
AUTHOR Dathe, Carl Theophil
TITLE De Cessione Hypothecae Fevdalis Absqve Domini Directi Consensv Ivre Saxonico Invalida Dissertatio Inavgvralis
URL http://digitale.bibliothek.uni-halle.de/urn/urn:nbn:de:gbv:3:1-188123
SITE ULB Sachsen-Anhalt
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1787 Leipzig edition
AUTHOR Dathenus, Petrus
TITLE Ad Bartholomaei Latomi rhetoris calumnias
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=SsY6AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1560 Frankfurt edition
AUTHOR Dathenus, Petrus
TITLE F. PETRI MONTANI MINORITAE DOMINICAE PASSIONIS, SECVNDVM quatuor Euangelistas, Dilucida eruditaque Enarratio
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=iutgAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1570 Antwerp edition
AUTHOR Dathenus, Petrus
TITLE Brevis ac perspicua baniscripti, quo Ioannes à Via, Theologos August. Confessionis impie traducit ac malitiose insectatur, refutatio
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=e1c8AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1557 edition
AUTHOR Dathenus, Petrus
TITLE Libellus supplex imperatioriae majestati caeterisque sacri imperii electoribus, principibus, atque ordinibus, nomine Belgarum ex inferiori Germania, evangelicae religionis causa per Albani ducis tyrannidem ejectorum in comitiis Spirensibus exhibitus
URL http://digbijzcoll.library.uu.nl/en/lees_gfx.asp?W=On&BoekID=305
SITE Universiteit Utrecht Universiteitsbibliotheek
SUBJECT Politics
NOTES Dpr of the 1570 edition (a dpr of the 1571 London edition is also available)
AUTHOR Dathenus, Petrus: see Hubertus ten Haar
AUTHOR Dathenus, Petrus: see Bartholomaeus Latomus (two items)
AUTHOR Dati, Agostino: see here
AUTHOR Dati, Hieronimo
TITLE Epistola ad Ioannem Picollhominem archiepiscopum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=BAT6lsPWQq8C
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Epistolography
NOTES Dpr of the 1503 edition
AUTHOR Dati, Leonardo (1408 - 1472)
TITLE Epistolae xxxiii
URL http://www.uni-mannheim.de/mateo/itali/autoren/dati_itali.html
SITE CAMENA
SUBJECT Epistolography, religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1743 Florence edition
AUTHOR Dati, Leonardo (1408 - 1472)
TITLE Hyempsal
URL http://www.humanistica.be/index.php/humanistica/issue/view/24/HL1976-25
SITE Humanistica Lovaniensia
SUBJECT Drama
CONTRIBUTOR Joseph R. Berrigan
NOTES Pdf format (also here)
AUTHOR Dati, Hieronimo
TITLE Epistola ad Franciscum Picollhominem cardinalem
URL https://books.google.com/books/reader?id=BAT6lsPWQq8C
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Epistolography, poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1503 edition
AUTHOR Dati, Niccolo
TITLE Oratio ad illustrissimum principem Alphonsum Calabriae ducem
URL
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=BAT6lsPWQq8C
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Rhetoric, politics
NOTES Dpr of the 1503 edition
AUTHOR Daubuz, Charles
TITLE Pro testimonio Flavii Iosephi de Iesu Christo
URL https://books.google.com/books?id=fJuR5NfaQfIC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1706 London edition
AUTHOR Dauriac, Lionel Alexandre
TITLE De Heraclito Ephesio
URL http://www.archive.org/details/deheraclitoephe00daurgoog
SITE Internet Archive
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1878 Paris edition
AUTHOR Daum, Christian (1612 - 1687)
TITLE De causis amissarum Latinae linguae radicum URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=4VJWAAAAYAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Language studies
NOTES Dpr of the 1716 Utrecht edition
AUTHOR Daum, Christian (1612 - 1687)
TITLE Epistolae philologico-criticae
URL http://www.uni-mannheim.de/mateo/cera/autoren/daum_cera.html
SITE CAMENA
SUBJECT Philology
NOTES Dpr of the 1709 Chemnitz edition
AUTHOR Daum, Christian (1612 - 1687)
TITLE Felix poetarum subsidium
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=WhBgAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1710 Leipzig edition
AUTHOR Daum, Christian (1612 - 1687)
TITLE Memoriae Et Honori Virginis Nobilissimae, & omnigeno Virtutum ... Christianae-Rosinae
URL http://digitale.bibliothek.uni-halle.de/content/titleinfo/845141
SITE ULB Sachsen-Anhalt
SUBJECT Rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of the 1682 Zwickau edition
AUTHOR Daum, Christian (1612 - 1687)
TITLE Obitum Beatissimum Viri Nobilissimi Excellentissimi Atque Praeclarissimi Domini Christiani Daumii, Scholae Cygneae Rectoris Gravissimi Ac Polyhistoris Celeberrimi, Deque Republ. Literaria Immortaliter
URL http://digitale.bibliothek.uni-halle.de/urn/urn:nbn:de:gbv:3:1-78371
SITE ULB Sachsen-Anhalt
SUBJECT Rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of the 1687 Zwickau edition
AUTHOR Daum, Christian (1612 - 1687)
TITLE Oratio cum munus rectoris anno 1662 subiretks/reader?id=WhBgAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Rhetoric, education
NOTES Dpr of the 1710 Leipzig edition
AUTHOR Daum, Christian (1612 - 1687)
TITLE Palindroma aliaque carmina
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=WhBgAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1710 Leipzig edition
AUTHOR Daum, Christian (1612 - 1687)
TITLE Vertumnus poeticus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=kQdXAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1687 Zwickau edition
AUTHOR Daum, Christian (1612 - 1687)
TITLE Votivorum xeniorum schedia
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=M2-1ty9C9zsC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philology
NOTES Dpr of the 1653 Zwickau edition
AUTHOR Daum, Christian
TITLE De anaemia
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=dWZMAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Meidine
NOTES Dpr of the 1732 Halle edition
AUTHOR Daum, Christian
TITLE De consilio medico
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=9qqWT3Jn_QwC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Meidine
NOTES Dpr of the 1721 Halle edition
AUTHOR Dausque, Claude (1566 - 1644)
TITLE Orthographia Latini sermonis vetus et nova
URL http://alfama.sim.ucm.es/dioscorides/consulta_libro.asp?ref=X533803291
SITE Dioscordes (Biblioteca Complutense)
SUBJECT Language studies
NOTES Dpr of the 1677 Paris edition
AUTHOR Dausque, Claude (1566 - 1644)
TITLE Terra et aqua, seu terrae flutantes
TITLE Specimen Academicum de morbis nonnullis Limae grassantibus ipsorumque therapeia
URL http://alfama.sim.ucm.es/dioscorides/consulta_libro.asp?ref=X533803291
SITE Biblioteca Universidad Complutense
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1787 Montpelier edition
AUTHOR Knichen, Andreas
TITLE Utrum liberae sacri Romani imperii civitates iura principis in suis rebuspublicis obtineant?
URL https://books.google.com/books?id=BXRKAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1608 Hanau edition
AUTHOR David de Augusta O. M.
TITLE De exterioris et interioris hominis compositione secundum triplicem statum incipientium, proficientium et perfectorum libri tres
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=Y7lUWjz6928C
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1899 Quaracchi edition
AUTHOR David de Augusta O. M.
TITLE De s. Gualfardo confessore
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=Z5ZUAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1727 Konstanz edition
AUTHOR David de Augusta O. M.
TITLE De septem processibus religiosi status
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=Z5ZUAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1727 Konstanz edition
AUTHOR David de Augusta O. M.
TITLE Epistola quam misit Ratisbonam novitiis pro eorum informatione
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=Z5ZUAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1727 Konstanz edition
AUTHOR David de Augusta O. M.
TITLE Formula Novitiorum
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00036512/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1596 Augsburg edition
AUTHOR David de Augusta O. M.
TITLE Liber profectuum religiosorum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=xjBNAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1492 Konstanz edition
AUTHOR David de Augusta O. M.
TITLE Pia et devota opuscula
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=Z5ZUAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1727 Konstanz edition
AUTHOR David de Augusta O. M.
TITLE Tractatus de septem profectibus religiosorum
URL http://dig.vkol.cz/dig/miii15/0070r.htm
SITE VÄdecká knihovna v Olomouci
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of ms. M III 15, fol. 70v - 124r
AUTHOR David, G.
TITLE Theologia dogmatica generalis
URL http://cdigital.dgb.uanl.mx/la/1080015931_C/1080015931_C.htmltml
SITE Colleción Digital UANL
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1897 Lyon edition
AUTHOR David, Jan S. J.
TITLE Amputandum putabam radix stirps et germen errorum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=kld0C_8jgHcC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1612 Antwerp edition
AUTHOR David, Jan S. J.
TITLE Duodecim Specula Deum Aliquando Videre Desideranti concinnata
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/bsb00007223/images/
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1610 Antwerp edition
AUTHOR David, Jan S. J.
TITLE Haereticus Araneus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=8TgEfQ4Q6OIC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1609 Cologne edition
AUTHOR David, Jan S. J.
TITLE Lapis Lydius Seu Delitiarum Spiritualium hortul[us] animae ad perfectionem contendentis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=f908AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1610 Cologne edition
AUTHOR David, Jan S. J.
TITLE Occasio arrepta, neglecta
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=jS1AAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1605 Antwerp edition
AUTHOR David, Jan S. J.
TITLE Pancarpium Marianum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=jS1AAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1618 Antwerp edition
AUTHOR David, Jan S. J.
TITLE Paradisus sponsi et sponsae
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/bsb00007241/images
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1607 Antwerp edition
AUTHOR David, Jan S. J.
TITLE Veridicus Christianus
URL http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/bsb00008418/images
SITE MDZ
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1601 Antwerp edition
AUTHOR Davies, John (1570? - 1644)
TITLE Antiquae linguae Britannicae... et linguae Latinae, dictionarium duplex : prius Britannico-Latinum... posterius Latino-Britannicum ; accesserunt Adagia Britannica
URL http://gallica.bnf.fr/metacata.idq?Mod=&Cirestriction=@Id(N093014)
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Language studies
NOTES Dpr of the 1632 London edition
Daubenrock, Nikolaus
TITLE Theses de philosophia in genere, deque artium liberalium principiis & causis,& de earundem distributione
AUTHORS Davis, John Francis
TITLE Poeseos Sinicae Commentarii
URL http://books.google.com/books?id=OR0H07DoQ3YC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Sinology
NOTES Dpr of the 1870 London edition
AUTHOR Davison, Francis
TITLE Anagrammata in Nomina Illustrissimorum Heroum (1603)
URL http://www.philological.bham.ac.uk/anagrams/
SITE The Philological Museum
CONTRIBUTOR Dana F. Sutton (2004)
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Edited and annotated text with English translation; html format
AUTHOR Dawidoff, Julius
TITLE De morbis pancreatis observationes quaedam
URL http://www.utlib.ee/ekollekt/vanadisser/dawidoffjulius.pdf
SITE Universität Dorpat
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1833 Dorpat edition
AUTHOR De Aguirre, Jose, Cardinal
TITLE Auctoritas infallibilis et summa cathedrae s. Petri
URL http://www.fsanmillan.org/biblioteca/libro.jsp?libro=28
SITE Fundación San Millán de la Coglia
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1683 Salamanca edition
AUTHOR De Alcolea, Martin
TITLE Vastissima erratorum sylua, quae irrepserunt in indices nouem tomorum R.P. Antonini Dianae
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=Lby_JIg6LikC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1669 Lyon edition
AUTHOR De Arno, Giovanni
TITLE Tractatus cautelarum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=GmxFAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1582 Franksfurt a. M. edition
AUTHOR De Avinyon, Michaelis
TITLE De unitate ovilis et pastoris (in Francesco Ziletti (ed.), Tractatus illustrium in utraque tum Pontificii, tum Caesarei juris facultate jurisconsultorum, pp. 23 - 50)
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-058961
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Law, religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1584-86 Venice edition
AUTHOR De Azevedo, Emmano0uel S. J.
TITLE De festis Domini nostri Jesu Christi et Beatae Mariae Virginis et quorumdam sanctorum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=z9OpbxoeQDYC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1751 Rome edition
AUTHOR De Azevedo, Emmanoel S. J.
TITLE Doctrina de servorum Dei beatificatione et beatorum canonizatione
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=p1ujMmgvsRQC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1757 Rome edition
AUTHOR De Azevedo, Emmanoel S. J.
TITLE Poeticae facultatis amphitheatrum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=KxnxiPcDM_YC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1740 edition
AUTHOR De Azevedo, Emmanoel: cf. Brevis descriptio operis cuiusdam poetici, a P. Emmanuele de Azevedo 1782 in lucem Venetiis prolati, et Catharinae Magnae dedicati
AUTHOR: De Bary, Esaias: see Johann Heinrich Schweitzer
AUTHOR De Bay, Michael (1513 - 1589)
TITLE Opuscula omnia priore impressione edita, cum aliquot alijs hactenus non visis
URL http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/461-7-quod/start.htm (download here)
SITE HAB
SUBJECT Literature
NOTES Dpr of the 1566 Louvain edition
AUTHOR De Beaune, Florimond
TITLE De Limitibus Aequationum (in Principia matheseos universalis seu introductio ad geometriae methodum Renati Des Cartes)
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-057483
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1661 Amsterdam edition
AUTHOR De Beaune, Florimond
TITLE De Natura et Constitutione (in Principia matheseos universalis seu introductio ad geometriae methodum Renati Des Cartes)
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-057483
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1661 Amsterdam edition
AUTHOR De Berlaimont, Noël
TITLE Colloquia cum dictionariolo sex linguarum
URL http://www.bvh.univ-tours.fr/Consult/index.asp?numfiche=85&numtable=FB926
SITE Les Bibliotheques Virtuelles Humanistiques
SUBJECT Language studies
NOTES Dpr of the 1583 Paris edition (a dpr of the 1634 Geneva edition is also available)
AUTHOR De Bie, Jacques (b. 1581)
TITLE Imperatorum Romanorum a Ivlio Caesare ad Heraclivm vsque numismata Avrea
URL http://digitool.haifa.ac.il/R/YU3Y9S3HTAJ46UK7REPTDKIMAIV79QRT2131EC5JHVAXC1TR33-07948?func=results-jump-full&set_entry=000003&set_number=696647&base=GEN01 SITE DMC (Haifa University)
SUBJECT Numismatics
NOTES Dpr of the 1627 Antwerp edition
AUTHOR De Bonis, Giovanni
TITLE Parnassus
URL http://www.mqdq.it/mqdq/poetiditalia/contesto.jsp?ordinata=pf472680
SITE Poeti d' Italia in Lingua Latina
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Html format
AUTHOR De Breville, Philippe Davier
TITLE An educando calculo caeteris anteponenda altus adparatus?
URL https://archive.org/details/disputationesphy07hall (go to p. 143)
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Scientific instruments
NOTES Dpr of the 1767 Naples edition
AUTHOR De Brito de Carvalho, Diego
TITLE Compendium diversorum titulorum iuris pontificii
URL vol. 1 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=PiqSzxfTMvoC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1629 Lisbon edition
AUTHORS De Bry, Johann Israel and Johann Theodor (1561 - 1623)
TITLE Acta Mechmeti Saracenorum principis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=s_hQAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Biography
NOTES Dpr of the 1597 edition
AUTHORS De Bry, Johann Israel and Johann Theodor (1561 - 1623)
TITLE Alphabeta et characteres
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=1TBUAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Writing systems
NOTES Dpr of the 1596 Frankfurt edition
AUTHORS De Bry, Johann Israel and Johann Theodor (1561 - 1623)
TITLE Vaticinia Severi et Leonis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=s_hQAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Prophecy
NOTES Dpr of the 1597 edition
AUTHOR De Bry, Johann Theodor (1561 - 1623)
TITLE Abrià vnd Beschreibung zwoer Triumph
URL http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/26-7-1-geom/start.htm
SITE HAB
SUBJECT Politics
NOTES Dpr of the 1613 Oppenheim edition (text partially in Latin)
AUTHOR De Bry, Johann Theodor (1561 - 1623)
TITLE Anthologia magna
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=EzQVAAAAQAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1626 Frankfurt edition
AUTHOR De Bry, Johann Theodor (1561 - 1623)
TITLE Declamatio de amore
URL http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/22-1-eth/start.htm
SITE HAB
SUBJECT Rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of the 1596 Frankfurt edition
AUTHOR De Bry, Johann Theodor (1561 - 1623)
TITLE Emblemata saecularia
URL http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/22-1-eth/start.htm
SITE HAB
SUBJECT Politics
NOTES Dpr of the 1596 Frankfurt edition
AUTHOR De Bry, Johann Theodor (1561 - 1623)
TITLE Florilegium novum et auctum
URL
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=0gxfAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1641 Frankfurt edition
AUTHOR De Bry, Johann Theodor (1561 - 1623)
TITLE Pannoniae historia chronologica
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=qWhgAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT History
NOTES Dpr of the 1596 Frankfurt edition
AUTHOR De Bry, Johann Theodor (1561 - 1623)
TITLE Proscenium vitæ humanæ siue Emblematvm Secvlarivm, Ivcvndissima, & artificiosissima varietate Vitæ Hvmanæ & seculi huius deprauati mores, ac studia peruersissima : Versibvs Latinis, Germanicis, Gallicis & Belgicis ita adumbrantium
URL http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/xb-6550/start.htm (download here)
SITE HAB
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1627 Frankfurt edition
AUTHOR De Busti, Bernardinus O. M.
TITLE Devotissimum officium immaculate conceptionis gloriose Virginis Mariae
URL http://dig.vkol.cz/dig/mi406/0147r.htm
SITE VÄdecká knihovna v Olomouci
SUBJECT Pharmacology
NOTES Dpr of ms. M I 406, fol. 146r - 158r
AUTHOR De Cadenberg, Josephus Slopius
TITLE Theoria cometae anni 1769
URL http://diglib.cib.unibo.it/?priresID=1&intresID=14773&format=jpg&seqnum=362
SITE Alm@DL (Biblioteca Digitale dell' Universita di Bologna)
SUBJECT Astronomy
NOTES Dpr of De Bononiensi Scientiarum et Instituto atque Academia Commentarii VI (1783) 238 - 250; JPEG and DjVu format (plug-in available here)
AUTHOR De Caldas Periera y Castro, Francisco
TITLE Analyticus commentarius sive ad typum instrumenti emptionis et venditionis tractatus
URL http://www.autoresgalegos.org/web/asp/contenido.asp?seccInt=1&idAutor=185&idMenu=3&pag=2
SITE CSBG (Fundación Cicade de Cultura de Galica Biblioteca Dixital)
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1619 Frankfurt edition (you have to install an activeX element of a TIFF viewer and to register)
AUTHOR De Caldas Periera y Castro, Francisco
TITLE Comentarius analyticus ad Legem Si curatorem habens C. de in integrum restitutione minorum
URL http://www.autoresgalegos.org/web/asp/contenido.asp?seccInt=1&idAutor=185
SITE CSBG (Fundación Cicade de Cultura de Galica Biblioteca Dixital)
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1583 Lisbon edition (you have to install an activeX element of a TIFF viewer and to register)
AUTHOR De Caldas Periera y Castro, Francisco
TITLE De universo iure emphyteutico syntagma tripartitum
URL http://www.autoresgalegos.org/web/asp/contenido.asp?seccInt=1&idAutor=185&idMenu=3&pag=2
SITE CSBG (Fundación Cicade de Cultura de Galica Biblioteca Dixital)
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1612 Frankfurt edition (you have to install an activeX element of a TIFF viewer and to register)
AUTHOR De Caldas Periera y Castro, Francisco
TITLE Quarta pars excellentissimi tractatus universi juris emphyteutici, agens de amphyteusis extinctione, interitu et resolutione
URL http://www.autoresgalegos.org/web/asp/contenido.asp?seccInt=1&idAutor=185
SITE CSBG (Fundación Cicade de Cultura de Galica Biblioteca Dixital)
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1605 Coimbra edition (you have to install an activeX element of a TIFF viewer and to register)
AUTHOR De Caldas Periera y Castro, Francisco
TITLE Singulares et excellens tractatus et analyticus commentarius et syntagma de nominatione emphyteutica eiusque successione et progressu
URL http://www.autoresgalegos.org/web/asp/contenido.asp?seccInt=1&idAutor=185
SITE CSBG (Fundación Cicade de Cultura de Galica Biblioteca Dixital)
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1585 Lisbon edition (you have to install an activeX element of a TIFF viewer and to register)
AUTHOR De Carvalho, Thomaz
TITLE Quid canes?
URL http://www.archive.org/details/congratulatioca00coelgoog
SITE Internet Archive
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1870 Lisbon edition
AUTHOR De Castañiza, Juan
TITLE Insinuationum divinae pietatis libri quinque
URL http://www.fsanmillan.org/biblioteca/libro.jsp?libro=135
SITE Fundación San Millán de la Coglia
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1599 Madrid edition
AUTHOR De Christofori, G. and Jan G.
TITLE Conchylia fossilia ex formatione telluris tertiaria in collectione nostra extantia
URL http://members.xoom.virgilio.it/biosophia/docs/palaeontologia/disk1/00000357.zip
SITE Biosophia
SUBJECT Zoology
NOTES Dpr the 1832 Parma edition; downloadable html file
AUTHOR De Clapis, Petrus Antonius
TITLE De dignitrate principum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=rrhEAAAAcAAJ SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Politics
NOTES Dpr of the 1602 Heidelberg edition
AUTHOR De Condorcet, Nicolaus
TITLE De integratione aequationis
URL http://diglib.cib.unibo.it/?priresID=1&intresID=14773&format=jpg&seqnum=508
SITE Alm@DL (Biblioteca Digitale dell' Universita di Bologna)
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of De Bononiensi Scientiarum et Instituto atque Academia Commentarii VI (1783) 373 - 381; JPEG and DjVu format (plug-in available here)
AUTHOR Jan Willem de Crane
TITLE Oratio de Ioanne Mauriito Nassaviae
URL https://books.google.com/books?id=JC8OAAAAQAAJ
SITE Google Boopks
SUBJECT History
NOTES Dpr of the 1806 edition
AUTHOR De Croy, Philippe François
TITLE Crisis Ethica de virtutibus Philippi II Hispaniarum et Indiarum regis
URL http://www.restena.lu/cul/PERIOCHAE/Libelli/027%20Crisis%20Ethica/source/1.html
SITE Restena
SUBJECT Politics
NOTES Dpr of the 1649 edition
AUTHOR De Croy, Robert: see Catholic Church
AUTHOR De Dominis, Marcantonio (Marko Antun de Dominis)
TITLE Concio habita Italice
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=FXe1IHUo8-MC SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1618 Leeuwarden edition
AUTHOR De Dominis, Marcantonio (Marko Antun de Dominis)
TITLE De radiis visus et lucis in vitris perspectivis et iride tractatus
URL In this javascript-driven site you must go to this page and find the item
SITE Instituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza
SUBJECT Optics
NOTES Dpr of the 1611 Venice edition (also http://www.ifzg.hr/digitalnaBastina/Marcus_Antonius_de_Dominis-De_radiis_visus_et_lucis.pdf)
AUTHOR De Dominis, Marcantonio (Marko Antun de Dominis)
TITLE De Republica Ecclesiastica
URL http://books.google.com/ebooks/reader?id=88RFAAAAcAAJ SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1620 Frankfurt edition
AUTHOR De Dominis, Marcantonio (Marko Antun de Dominis)
TITLE Monarchiae ecclesiasticae
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=bivqjC_0c50C SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1622 Cologne edition
AUTHOR De Dominis, Marcantonio (Marko Antun de Dominis)
TITLE Papatus Romanus, liber de origine, progressu atque extinctione ipsius
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=k2MjIbPmHc0C SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1617 Rome edition
AUTHOR De Dominis, Marcantonio (Marko Antun de Dominis)
TITLE Responsio ad magnam partem Defensionis Fidei P. Francisci Suarez
URL http://books.google.com/ebooks/reader?id=88RFAAAAcAAJ SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1620 Frankfurt edition
AUTHOR De Dominis, Marcantonio (Marko Antun de Dominis)
TITLE Sui reditus ex Anglia consilium exponit
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=kucji3iMdCUC SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1623 Rome edition
AUTHOR De Faggi, Angelus
TITLE Carminum de pietate in Deum divosque libri iii
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=z1xcAAAAcAAJ SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Dpr of the 1587 Venice edition
AUTHOR De Faggi, Angelus
TITLE Speculum et exemplar Christicolarum, vita beatissimi patri Benedicti monachorum patriarchae sanctissimi
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yzJSAAAAcAAJ SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1587 Rome edition
AUTHOR De Gazalupis, Juan Battista
TITLE Succincta historia interpretum et glossatorum iuris
URL https://books.google.com/books/reader?id=OG9XAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Biography
NOTES Dpr of the 1721 Leipzig edition
AUTHORS De Geer, Charles Frieherr (1720 - 1778) and Anders Jahan Retzius (1742 - 1821)
TITLE Genera et species insectorum
URL http://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/bibliography/35661
SITE Biodiversity Heritage Library
SUBJECT Zoolo0gy
NOTES Dpr of the 1783 Leipzig edition
AUTHOR De Graaf, Regnier
TITLE De clysteribus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=KUXCPRtnVhEC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1678 Lyon edition
AUTHOR De Graaf, Regnier
TITLE De nonnullis circa partes genitales inventis novis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=KUXCPRtnVhEC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Anatomy, physiology
NOTES Dpr of the 1678 Lyon edition
AUTHOR De Graaf, Regnier
TITLE De mulierum organis generationi inservientibus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=KUXCPRtnVhEC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Physiology
NOTES Dpr of the 1678 Lyon edition
AUTHOR De Graaf, Regnier
TITLE De partibus genitalibus mulierum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=KUXCPRtnVhEC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Physiology
NOTES Dpr of the 1678 Lyon edition
AUTHOR De Graaf, Regnier
TITLE De succi pancreatici natura et usu
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=KUXCPRtnVhEC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Physiology
NOTES Dpr of the 1678 Lyon edition
AUTHOR De Graaf, Regnier
TITLE De virorum generationi inservientibus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=KUXCPRtnVhEC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Physiology
NOTES Dpr of the 1678 Lyon edition
AUTHOR De Graaf, Regnier
TITLE Opera omnia
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=KUXCPRtnVhEC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1678 Lyon edition (also here)
AUTHOR De Graaf, Regnier
TITLE Partium genitalium defensio
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=KUXCPRtnVhEC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Physiology
NOTES Dpr of the 1678 Lyon edition
AUTHOR De Grav ison, Ignatius Hyacinthus O. FF.
TITLE Opera omnia
URL vol. 1 https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=q0sJ29O4e-UC
vol. 5 https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=yBAU23xS2EwC
vol. 8 https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=djY7ur_2w0sC
vol. 11 https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=2qO0Cfiz83EC
vol. 14 https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=GGSlRYfvXBcC
vol. 17 https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=BN2dNMa_0BUC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1774 Venice edition
AUTHOR De Hann, W.
TITLE Fauna Japonica
URL http://ddb.libnet.kulib.kyoto-u.ac.jp/exhibit/b05/b05cont.html
SITE Kyoto University Research Information Repository
SUBJECT Zoology
NOTES Dpr of the 1833 Leiden edition
AUTHOR De Harsy
TITLE Epistola (1695)
URL http://waller.ub.uu.se/object.xsql?DBID=23689
SITE Uppsala University Library
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of Waller Manuscript Collection ms. ch-00158
AUTHOR De Indagine, Johannes
TITLE Chiromantia
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=BDqDlFzV23cC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Cheiromancy
NOTES Dpr of the 1609 Cologne edition
AUTHOR De Indagine, Johannes
TITLE Introductiones apotelesmaticae in chyromantiam (the same as the preceding?)
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=KucTAAAAQAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Cheiromancy
NOTES Dpr of the 1609 Strassburg edition
AUTHOR De Jong, Karel Hendrik Eduard
TITLE De Apuleio Isiacorum mysteriorum teste
URL http://www.archive.org/details/deapuleioisiaco00jonggoog
SITE Internet Archive
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1900 Leiden edition
AUTHOR De Jong, Jelle
TITLE Disputatio juridica inauguralis continens succinctam Grotianae doctrinae imprimis de jure criminali, in libris de jure belli et pacis traditae expositionem
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-095939
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Law
NOTES Dpr of the 1827 Hertogenbosch edition
AUTHOR De Jussieu, Antoine
TITLE An in cataracta potior lentis crystallinae extractio per incisionem in cornea quam depressio per acum?
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=pmSZeHHs420C
SITE Google Books SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1755 Lausanne edition
AUTHOR De la Rosa, Augustin
TITLE De apparaitione B. V. M. de Guadalupe
URL http://books.google.com/books?id=aAuCfzf3meAC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1887 Guadalahara edition
AUTHOR De Launoy, Jean
TITLE De varia Aristotelis in academia Parisiensi fortuna
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=cV8-AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Philosophy
NOTES Dpr of the 1720 Wittenberg edition
AUTHOR De la Chausse, Michel Ange
TITLE Aureus Constantini Augusti nummus
URL https://books.google.com/books?id=oWsS7rqDptAC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Numismatics
NOTES Dpr of the 1703 Rome edition
AUTHOR De la Chausse, Michel Ange
TITLE Romanum Museum sive thesaurus eruditae antiquitatis
URL https://books.google.com/books?id=jQLwvm0cq5QC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Antiquarianism
NOTES Dpr of the 1697 Rome edition
AUTHOR De la Mare, Philibert
TITLE Huberti Langueti vita
URL https://books.google.com/books?id=tL1lAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Biography
NOTES Dpr of the 1700 Halle edition
AUTHOR De la Sone, Joseph Marie François
TITLE Stare potest visio absque cristallino?
URL https://archive.org/details/disputationumana4174hall (go to p. 157)
SITE Internet Archive
SUBJECT Anatomy
NOTES Dpr of the 1749 Göttingen edition
AUTHOR De Laurea, Laurenzio Brancati Cardinal O. F. M. (d. 1693)
TITLE De causis, effectibus ac proprietatibus contemplationis acquisitae
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=8GLsT1S01XgC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1687 Venice edition
AUTHOR De Laurea, Laurenzio Brancati Cardinal O. F. M. (d. 1693)
TITLE De contemplatione infusa ac supernaturali
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=8GLsT1S01XgC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1687 Venice edition
AUTHOR De Laurea, Laurenzio Brancati Cardinal O. F. M. (d. 1693)
TITLE De dispositionibus requisitis ad vitam contemplativam incipiendam et prosequendam
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=8GLsT1S01XgC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1687 Venice edition
AUTHOR De Laurea, Laurenzio Brancati Cardinal O. F. M. (d. 1693)
TITLE De oratione Christiana
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=8GLsT1S01XgC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1687 Venice edition
AUTHOR De Laurea, Laurenzio Brancati Cardinal O. F. M. (d. 1693)
TITLE De oratione contemplativa
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=8GLsT1S01XgC
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1687 Venice edition
AUTHOR De Laurea, Laurenzio Brancati Cardinal O. F. M. (d. 1693)
TITLE De oratione mentali
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=8GLsT1S01XgC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1687 Venice edition
AUTHOR De Laurea, Laurenzio Brancati Cardinal O. F. M. (d. 1693)
TITLE De unione mystica animae contemplativae cum Deo
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=8GLsT1S01XgC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1687 Venice edition
AUTHOR De Laurea, Laurenzio Brancati Cardinal O. F. M. (d. 1693)
TITLE De vita activa et contemplativa
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=8GLsT1S01XgC
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1687 Venice edition
AUTHOR De Laurea, Laurenzio Brancati Cardinal O. F. M. (d. 1693)
TITLE Devota laudis ad sanctissimam Trinitatem Oratio
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=L8_r2IBVYcgC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1695 Rome edition
AUTHOR De Laurea, Laurenzio Brancati Cardinal O. F. M. (d. 1693)
TITLE Index Alphabeticus Ad Annales Cardinalis Baronii
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=J40-AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion, history
NOTES Dpr of the 1694 Rome edition
AUTHOR De Laurea, Laurenzio Brancati Cardinal O. F. M. (d. 1693)
TITLE Opuscula octo de oratione Christiana eiusque speciebus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=8GLsT1S01XgC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1687 Venice edition
AUTHOR De León, Fray Luis
TITLE In cantica canticorum Solomonis explanatio
URL http://www.fsanmillan.org/biblioteca/libro.jsp?libro=21
SITE Fundación San Millán de la Coglia
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1580 Salamanca edition
AUTHOR De' Liguori, Saint Alfonso Maria
TITLE Compendium theologicae moralis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=Ai7FfQCF4X4C
SITE Internet Archive
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1763 Bologna, 1772 Venice editions
AUTHOR De' Liguori, Saint Alfonso Maria
URL vol. 1 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yX7f5LXeMb0C
vol. 2 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=U39llHw0ndUC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dps assembled from various editions
AUTHOR De' Liguori, Saint Alfonso Maria
TITLE Praxis confessarii ad bene excipiendas confessiones
URL http://www.archive.org/details/praxiaconfessar00ligugoog
SITE Internet Archive
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1827 Lyon - Paris edition
AUTHOR De' Liguori, Saint Alfonso Maria
TITLE Theologia moralis
URL vol. 1 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=Qx9UAAAAcAAJ
vol. 2 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=JN-EuLhri20C
vol. 3 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=NiFQAAAAcAAJ
vols. 4 and 5 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=OZAPAAAAIAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dprs assembled from various editions
AUTHOR De Lobel, Matthias and Petrus Pena
TITLE Dilucidae simplicium medicamentorum explicationes, & stirpium adversaria
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=OSaMEOU8pRcC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Botany, pharmacology
NOTES Dpr of the 1605 London edition
AUTHOR De Lobel, Matthias
TITLE Plantarum seu stirpium historia
URL http://www.fsanmillan.org/biblioteca/libro.jsp?libro=76
SITE Fundación San Millán de la Coglia
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1576 Amberes edition
AUTHOR De Lobel, Matthias
TITLE Plantarum seu stirpium icones
URL http://www.fsanmillan.org/biblioteca/libro.jsp?libro=34
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1581 Leiden single-volume edition
AUTHOR De Lorenzana, Francisco
TITLE SS. PP. Toletanorum quotquot extant opera
URL vol. 1 http://www.fsanmillan.org/biblioteca/libro.jsp?libro=57
vol. 2 http://www.fsanmillan.org/biblioteca/libro.jsp?libro=58
vol. 3 http://www.fsanmillan.org/biblioteca/libro.jsp?libro=59
SITE Fundación San Millán de la Coglia
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1782 - 93 Madrid edition
AUTHOR De Loyseleur Sieur de Villiers
TITLE Apologia ecclesiarum in Belgio reformatarum
URL
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=Tl5OAAAAcAA
SITE Google Bo0ks
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1749 Groningen edition
AUTHORS De Loyseleur Sieur de Villiersand Jean Taffin
TITLE De restituendis templis quae per tumultum pontificiis adempta sunt
URL
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=Tl5OAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Bo0ks
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1749 Groningen edition
AUTHORS De Loyseleur Sieur de Villiersand Jean Taffin
TITLE Responsum de pace religionis cum pontificiis ineundem
URL
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=Tl5OAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Bo0ks
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1749 Groningen edition
AUTHOR De Luca, Giovanni Battista Cardinal (1614 - 1683): see here
AUTHOR De Matta, Carolus Felix, Bishop of St. Severin
TITLE De causis consistorialibus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=eCJknKbccm0C
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion, law
NOTES Dpr of the 1700 Rome edition
AUTHOR De Matta, Carolus Felix, Bishop of St. Severin
TITLE Opusculum ad concordata Germaniae
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=eCJknKbccm0C
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Politics, religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1700 Rome edition
AUTHOR De May, J.: see Joannes Goedartius
AUTHOR De Mornay, Philippe: see Stephanus Junius Bruto Celta
AUTHOR De Mornay, Philippe: see Antonio Possevino S. J.
AUTHOR De Muis, Simon
TITLE Commentarius literalis et historicus in omnes psalmos Davidis et selecta veteris testamenti cantica
URL vol. 2 https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=gUNMXAT-4JoC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Politics, religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1770 Louvain edition
AUTHOR De Murr, Christophorus Theophilus
TITLE Bibliotheca Rhetorica
URL part 1 http://www.ub.uni-bielefeld.de/cgi-bin/neubutton.cgi?pfad=/diglib/aufkl/journkunst/087811&seite=00000096.TIF
part 2 http://www.ub.uni-bielefeld.de/cgi-bin/neubutton.cgi?pfad=/diglib/aufkl/journkunst/087831&seite=00000082.TIF
SITE Universität Bielefeld Bibliothek
SUBJECT Rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of Journal zur Kunstgeschichte und zur allgemeinen Litteratur 1781:1, pp. 91 - 138, 1783:1, pp. 77 - 177
AUTHOR De Murr, Christophorus Theophilus
TITLE Catalogus omnium Operum manuscriptorum, et Schematum elegantissimorum cel. Astronomi Georgii Christophori Eimmart, quae possidet C. T. de Murr; Voluminibus 62, cum Tabulis aeneis, et Instrumentis astronomicis
URL http://www.ub.uni-bielefeld.de/cgi-bin/neubutton.cgi?pfad=/diglib/aufkl/journkunst/087841&seite=00000329.TIF
SITE Universität Bielefeld Bibliothek
SUBJECT Astronomy
NOTES Dpr of Journal zur Kunstgeschichte und zur allgemeinen Litteratur 1784:1 pp. 326 - 345
AUTHOR De Nigris, Georg
TITLE Fragmenta mathematica
URL http://www.e-rara.ch/bau_1/content/titleinfo/406467
SUBJECT Mathematics
NOTES Dpr of the 1686 edition
AUTHOR De Notaris, Giuseppe (1805 - 1877)
TITLE Mantissa muscorum ad floram Pedemontanam
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=syAWmUyORs8C&
SITE Googe Books
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1837 Turin edition
AUTHOR De Notaris, Giuseppe (1805 - 1877)
TITLE Musci Italici
URL http://bibdigital.rjb.csic.es/spa/Libro.php?Libro=472
SITE Real Jardin Botanico CSIC
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1862 Genoa edition
AUTHOR De Notaris, Giuseppe (1805 - 1877)
TITLE Muscologiae Italicae spicilegium
URL http://bibdigital.rjb.csic.es/spa/Libro.php?Libro=470
SITE Real Jardin Botanico CSIC
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1837 Milan edition
AUTHOR De Notaris, Giuseppe (1805 - 1877)
TITLE Repertorium florae Ligusticae
URL http://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/bibliography/6657
SITE Biodiversity Heritage Library
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1844 Turin edition
AUTHOR De Notaris, Giuseppe (1805 - 1877)
TITLE Specimen de tortulis Italicis
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=XEdPMz54FWMC
SITE Googe Books
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1836 Turin edition
AUTHOR De Notaris, Giuseppe (1805 - 1877)
TITLE Syllabus muscorum in Italia et in insulis circumstantibus hucusque cognitorum
URL http://bibdigital.rjb.csic.es/spa/Libro.php?Libro=471
SITE Real Jardin Botanico CSIC
SUBJECT Botany
NOTES Dpr of the 1838 Turin edition
AUTHOR De Notaris, Giuseppe: see Giuseppe Balsamo-Crivelli
AUTHOR De Notaris, Giuseppe: see Giuseppe Giacinto Moris
AUTHOR De Pascolo, Durus
TITLE Aulus politicus
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=2Rk8AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Politics
NOTES Dpr of the 1599 Wittenberg edition
AUTHOR De Passe, Crispin
TITLE Collectie flora en fauna, bestiarum quadrupedum vivae icones
URL http://caliban.mpiz-koeln.mpg.de/~stueber/passe/index.html
SITE Kurt Stüber's Online Library
SUBJECT Botany, zoology
NOTES Dpr of the 1592 Utrecht edition
AUTHOR De Passe, Crispin
TITLE Metamorphoseon Ovidianarum (1602 - 04)
URL http://etext.virginia.edu/latin/ovid/ovidillust.html
SITE Ovid Illustrated
CONTRIBUTOR Daniel Kinney
SUBJECT Poetry
NOTES Html format
AUTHOR De Praetis, Antonius
TITLE Argumentum in clypeum pastoralem (in Francesco Ziletti (ed.), Tractatus illustrium in utraque tum Pontificii, tum Caesarei juris facultate jurisconsultorum, pp. 362 - 369)
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-058961
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Law, religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1584-86 Venice edition
AUTHOR De Praetis, Antonius
TITLE De charitativo subsidio et decima beneficiorum
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yRI8AAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Law, religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1544 Rome edition (other editions here)
AUTHOR De Praetis, Antonius
TITLE De iurisdictione episcoporum (in Francesco Ziletti (ed.), Tractatus illustrium in utraque tum Pontificii, tum Caesarei juris facultate jurisconsultorum, pp. 361f.)
URL http://visualiseur.bnf.fr/Visualiseur?Destination=Gallica&O=NUMM-058961
SITE Gallica - Bibliothèque nationale de France
SUBJECT Law, religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1584-86 Venice edition
AUTHORS De Rebours, Gideon and Charles Auguste Vandermonde
TITLE An in ulcere tonsillarum gangranoso antiseptica?
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=pJhmJouIji4C
SITE Google Books SUBJECT Pharmacology
NOTES Dpr of the 1757 Lausanne edition
AUTHOR De Salis Faventinus, Hieronymus
TITLE Articella novissme recognita et expurgata
URL http://alfama.sim.ucm.es/dioscorides/consulta_libro.asp?ref=X532999672
SITE Biblioteca Universidad Complutense
SUBJECT Medicine
NOTES Dpr of the 1523 Venice edition
AUTHOR De Salazar, Francisco Cervantes
TITLE Commentaria in Ludovici Vives exercitationes lingua Latinae
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=4oYpAAAAYAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Language studies
NOTES Dpr of the 1554 edition
AUTHOR De Salazar, Francisco Cervantes
TITLE Oratio habita ad patres synodi Bononiae
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=yAJLAAAAcAAJ
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Religion
NOTES Dpr of the 1547 edition
AUTHOR De Salazar, Francisco Cervantes
TITLE México en 1554: Tres diálogos Latinos que Francisco Cervántes Salazar escribió é imprimió en México en dicho año
URL https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=J6Q_2k79Ty4C
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Exploration, rhetoric
NOTES Dpr of the 1875 Merxico City edition
AUTHOR De Sallengre, Albert-Henri
TITLE Novus thesaurus antiquitatum Romanarum
URL vol. 1https://books.google.com/books?id=8bgUTjbsFvAC
vol. 2 https://books.google.com/books?id=WJ_BHZJXcQ8C
vol. 3 https://books.google.com/books?id=onLqQKtzWLMC
SITE Google Books
SUBJECT Antiquities
NOTES Dpr of the 1716 - 19 The Hague edition
AUTHOR De Sanctes, Claude: see Antoine de Chandieu
AUTHOR De Sandoval et Roxas, Bernardo
TITLE Index librorum prohibitorum et expurgatorum
URL http://www.fsanmillan.org/biblioteca/libro.jsp?libro=116
SITE Fundación San MillÃ
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https://dokumen.pub/the-cult-of-the-nation-in-france-inventing-nationalism-1680-1800-9780674012370-9780674020726-9780674004474.html
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en
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The cult of the nation in France: inventing nationalism, 1680
|
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dokumen.pub
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https://dokumen.pub/the-cult-of-the-nation-in-france-inventing-nationalism-1680-1800-9780674012370-9780674020726-9780674004474.html
|
Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Preface (page xi)
Introduction: Constructing the Nation (page 1)
1 The National and the Sacred (page 22)
2 The Politics of Patriotism and National Sentiment (page 50)
3 English Barbarians, French Martyrs (page 78)
4 National Memory and the Canon of Great Frenchmen (page 107)
5 National Character and the Republican Imagination (page 140)
6 National Language and the Revolutionary Crucible (page 169)
Conclusion: Toward the Present Day and the End of Nationalism (page 198)
Notes (page 219)
Note on Internet Appendices and Bibliography (page 292)
Index (page 293)
Citation preview
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https://www.liveauctioneers.com/item/139099584_1663-elzevier-law-arnold-corvinus-canon-aphorisms-jus-canonicum-aphorisms
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en
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1663 Elzevier LAW Arnold Corvinus Canon Aphorisms Jus Canonicum Aphorisms
|
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1663 Elzevier LAW Arnold Corvinus Canon Aphorisms Jus Canonicum Aphorisms Arnold Corvinus was a 17th-century Dutch juri
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1663 Elzevier LAW Arnold Corvinus Canon Aphorisms Jus Canonicum Aphorisms Arnold Corvinus was a 17th-century Dutch jurist and lawyer. He spent part of his career as a Calvinist preacher and writer, bu
1663 LAW Arnold Corvinus Canon Aphorisms Jus Canonicum Aphorisms Elzevier Arnold Corvinus was a 17th-century Dutch jurist and lawyer. He spent part of his career as a Calvinist preacher and writer, bu
1672 LAW Elzevier Arnold Corvinus Canon Aphorisms Jus Canonicum Aphorisms Arnold Corvinus was a 17th-century Dutch jurist and lawyer. He spent part of his career as a Calvinist preacher and writer, bu
FAGNANUS, Prosperus. Jus Canonicum, sive Commentaria… Decretalium… Coloniae Allobrogum, Sumptibus Fratrum De Tournes, 1759 5 Vols in 3 tomes large folio; Contemporary vellum binding, gilt titles o
1658 Arnold Corvinus Roman Jurisprudence Elzevier Criminal Civil LAW Calvinist Arnold Corvinus was a 17th-century Dutch jurist and lawyer. He spent part of his career as a Calvinist preacher and write
1645 LAW Dutch Corvinus Elementa Juris Civilis Roman Jurisprudence Elzevier Arnold Corvinus was a 17th-century Dutch jurist and lawyer. He spent part of his career as a Calvinist preacher and writer,
“Jus Canonicum Per Aphorismos Strictim Explicatum”, printed at Amsterdam Ex Officina Elzeviriana, MDCLXIII (1663). Illustrated and General Title leaves, [8] Prelims, 362 pages, [19] Index. Origina
1663 LAW Justinian Institutes Codex Rome Corpus Juris Paris Jacob Maestertius Latin “Freedom is the natural ability of everyone to do what he likes, unless it is prohibited by law or by force.&r
A COMMENTARY ON PRESUMPTIONS AND CONJECTURES IN ROMAN LAW Menochio, Giacomo. Iacobi Menochii [...] De praesumptionibus, coniecturis, signis, & indicis, commentaria in sex distincta libros [...]. Editi
1632 1ed Ubbo Emmius Graecorum Respublicae GREECE Greek Government Elzevier Law Ubbo Emmius was a 16th-century German historian known for his works on historiography. He published an impressive and th
SUPPLEMENTUM SUMMAE PISANELLAE. [AND] ALEXANDER DE NEVO - CONSILIA CONTRA JUDAEOS FOENERANTES bound with: ASTESANUS DE AST - CANONES POENITENTIALES. by NICOLAUS of AUSMO January 1st, 1479/1480 Size 6
EXCESSIVELY SCARCE EDITION OF TEDESCHI'S COMMENTARIES IN DECRETALS APPARENTLY NO COMPLETE COPIES WORLDWIDE, NOT IN USA FOUNDATION OF MEDIEVAL CANON LAW «THE LAMP OF THE LAW» Tedeschi, Niccolò (Abba
POPE INNOCENTIUS IV'S COMMENTARY ON DECRETALS: A MILESTONE IN THE HISTORY OF CANON LAW INNOCENTIUS IV, Pope. Innocentii IIII pont. max. In quinque libros decretalium, necnon in decretales per eundem I
FIRST EDITION OF THIS COMMENTARY TO THE RULES OF APOSTOLIC CHANCELLERY Rigantius, Johannes Baptista. Joannis Baptistae Rigantii Commentaria in regulas, constitutiones, & ordinationes Cancellariae Apo
NEVIZANO ASTENSII, IOANNE: SYLUAE NUPTIALIS LIBRI SEX. Venetiis: Apud Franciscum Senensem, 1570. Size 4 1/4 by 6" 20th century binding with vellum spines 696 pages (total, in both volumes, continuous
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This index refers to page numbers in the published volumes. Documents subsequently added to the digital editions are marked with a +. Copies of the published volumes are available at a library near you, or may be purchased through this website or from Princeton University Press. The volumes are also available via two online platforms, the Rotunda version through the University of Virginia Press (subscription required) and the Founders Online version (free).
A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z
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[jump to bottom]
tabasco, 6:252, 6:252n
Tabb, Frances Peyton
loan from, 1:180, 1:181n, 1:302, 1:344, 1:656, 2:199n, 2:216, 2:217n, 2:234
Tabb, Philip
described, 7:581
identified, 1:111n
letters from, 1:111
letters to, 1:252
sends plow moldboard to TJ, 1:111, 1:252
“Tableau Bibliographique des Ouvrages en tous Genres qui ont paru en France pendant l’année 1820” , 17:58, 17:58n
Tableau de l’École de Botanique du Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle (R. L. Desfontaines), 8:429, 8:429, 8:430n
Tableau des Saints (Holbach), 15:26, 16:190n
Tableau du Climat et du Sol des États-Unis d’Amérique (Volney), 1:197, 1:198–1:199n, 1:652n, 6:322–6:323, 6:327
Tableau Historique et Politique de l’Europe, depuis 1786 jusqu’en 1796 (L. P. Ségur), 10:234, 10:237n
Tableau Œconomique (F. Quesnay), 5:56n
Tableaux de la Nature (Humboldt), 1:264, 1:267n, 1:482, 1:483n
Tableaux Historiques des Campagnes d’Italie, depuis l’an IV jusqu’a la bataille de Marengo (L. A. A. Chicoilet de Corbigny), 11:402
tablecloths, 3:551, 7:348, 8:xlvii, 8:241, 18:50, 19:12
Table for Computing the Moon’s Motion, with Explanations (W. Lambert), 1:540–1:554, 1:571–1:572, 1:608–1:609, 1:609n
Table of Post Offices in the United States, 4:10, 20:147
Table raisonnée des principes de l’économie politique (P. S. Du Pont de Nemours), 5:51–5:54, 5:56n
tables
at Monticello, 8:xlvii, 8:393, 8:485, 8:486
at Poplar Forest, 4:xlv, 4:307, 4:370 (illus.) , 8:256
Tables de Logarithmes pour les Nombres et Pour les Sinus (Lalande), 13:342–13:343n, 13:358, 13:394, 13:394, 13:474, 13:474, 13:474, 13:474–13:475n, 13:476, 13:477n, 13:524, 13:561, 13:561, 14:215, 15:133, 15:160
Tables of Interest and Discount, calculated on the only true principle of 365 Days to the Year (L. Chapman), 16:435, 16:435n
Tables of Logarithms (J. F. Callet; trans. D. B. Warden), 1:316–1:317, 1:629–1:630, 2:536, 4:148
Tables Portatives de Logarithmes (J. F. Callet), 10:235
Tables Requisite to be used with the Nautical Ephemeris (J. Garnett), 1:492, 1:498n, 8:660, 8:674n, 9:60, 9:274
Tables requisite to be used with the Nautical Ephemeris for finding Latitude and Longitude at Sea (N. Maskelyne), 4:55, 4:55n, 4:244, 4:244–4:245n, 8:674n
Table-Talk; or, Original Essays (W. Hazlitt), 17:536
Tablettes Chronologiques de L’Histoire Universelle (N. Lenglet du Fresnoy), 10:234, 19:510
Tabula Cebetis, 7:661, 14:257, 14:551
A Tabular View of the Modern Nomenclature, and System of Chemistry (W. J. Macneven), 18:64
Tachy-Graphy. The Most exact and compendious methode of Short and swift writing that hath ever yet been published by any (T. Shelton), 16:287
Tacite (Tacitus; trans. J. B. Dureau de la Malle), 13:342, 13:359, 13:394, 13:428, 13:494, 13:525, 13:561, 13:608, 14:215, 14:511, 17:106
Tacitus, Cornelius
J. Adams on, 4:475, 9:432, 11:269
Annals, 14:551, 17:73n, 17:105, 20:467n
and Christianity, 16:600
C. Cornelii Taciti opera (eds. J. A. Ernesti and J. J. Oberlin), 9:196, 9:455, 10:212, 10:531, 11:205, 11:296, 11:414, 11:414, 12:356, 14:511, 17:106
C. Cornelii Taciti opera cum varietate lectionum selecta novisque emendationibus, 6:93, 6:94
C. Cornelii Taciti Opera, quæ exstant (eds. J. F. Gronovius and J. Gronovius), 9:455, 10:233, 10:236n, 12:480, 12:530, 13:36, 13:53
in collegiate curriculum, 7:447, 7:659, 7:661
lost works of, 6:278, 16:541
P. Mazzei admires, 9:669
mentioned, 6:402, 6:542
and morality, 9:432
orations in writings of, 2:153
quoted by J. Q. Adams, 14:316n
quoted by J. Davis, 20:409
quoted by G. Logan, 10:126, 10:126n
Supplementa Librorum VII, VIII, IX et X Annalium C. Corn. Taciti (ed. G. Brotier), 12:583, 20:115n, 20:281
Tacite (trans. J. B. Dureau de la Malle), 13:342, 13:359, 13:394, 13:428, 13:494, 13:525, 13:561, 13:608, 14:215, 14:511, 17:106
Tacitus C. Cornelii Taciti Opera quae supersunt, 5:501, 5:501n, 5:523, 5:524n, 5:594, 6:157, 7:286
TJ on, 19:408
TJ quotes, 6:402, 6:407n, 6:407, 13:427, 13:427n, 13:484, 13:484n, 14:201, 18:25, 20:466
TJ reads, 3:227, 3:257, 3:440, 4:429, 4:472, 19:656
TJ recommends works of, 18:251
tyrants condemned in works of, 6:53
The works of Cornelius Tacitus (trans. A. Murphy), 6:93, 12:534
The Works of Tacitus (trans. T. Gordon), 1:580, 6:93, 19:505
writings of, 8:121, 10:553, 12:499, 14:258, 16:330, 16:473, 16:503, 16:516, 18:399, 20:364
Tacitus C. Cornelii Taciti Opera quae supersunt (Tacitus), 5:501, 5:501n, 5:523, 5:524n, 5:594, 6:157, 7:286
Taggart, F. B.
seeks naval appointment, 5:502, 5:502n, 5:503, 5:515–5:516, 5:547–5:548, 5:583, 6:170–6:171, 6:211
Taggart, John
and appointment for son, 5:502, 5:503, 5:515–5:516, 5:547–5:548, 5:583, 6:170–6:171, 6:211, 6:211
identified, 1:55n
letters from, 1:55, 1:111–1:112, 5:583, 6:170–6:171
letters from accounted for, 5:502n
letters to, 1:97, 5:503, 5:547–5:548, 6:211
sends oil and paint to TJ, 1:55, 1:77, 1:123
TJ pays, 1:97, 1:111
Taggart, Samuel, 1:39n
Tait, Charles
congressional Joint Library Committee member, 8:14
Tait, Edmund. See Tate, Edmund
“The Taking of the City of Washington in America” (G. Thompson), 7:xlv, 7:434 (illus.)
Talbot, Isham, 5:32, 5:33n, 5:233
Talbot, Silas
American naval commander, 19:73, 19:74n
A Tale of a Tub (J. Swift), 9:203, 9:203n, 12:252n, 18:658
Tales of Fashionable Life (M. Edgeworth), 2:193, 2:264, 3:122, 11:628n
Tales of My Landlord (W. Scott), 16:517n
Taliafer apple. See Taliaferro apple (Robinson apple)
Taliaferro, Mr.
visits Highland, 19:71
Taliaferro, Francis W.
and Central College subscription, 11:334
Taliaferro, John
and establishment of University of Virginia, 13:560, 13:592, 14:13, 14:13
identified, 17:210–17:211n
introduces G. W. Ridgely, 17:210, 17:584
letter from, 17:210–17:211
Taliaferro, Richard
and apple cultivation, 7:444–445, 9:533
Taliaferro apple (Robinson apple), 3:455, 3:455, 3:456n, 7:381, 7:444–7:445, 7:445n, 7:492, 7:492n, 9:533
Talinum. See fameflower
Talleyrand-Périgord, Charles Maurice de
French statesman, 7:528, 8:138, 10:54n, 10:54n, 12:9–12:10, 12:81–12:82
immigrates to Philadelphia, 8:550, 8:551n
and Napoleon, 7:537, 7:538–7:539, 12:89
Rapport sur L’Instruction Publique, Fait au Nom du Comité de Constitution a L’Assemblée Nationale, les 10, 11, et 19 Septembre 1791, 8:550, 8:551n
on U.S. bonds, 10:97
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:505
and D. B. Warden, 8:37, 8:38n, 8:244, 8:420, 10:65
Tallmadge, Benjamin, 7:67
Tallmadge, James
and Missouri question, 15:535n
tallow, 3:301, 10:467n, 14:472, 16:151, 17:498, 18:241
Talpa. See moles
Tama, Diogène
Transactions of the Parisian Sanhedrim, or Acts of the Assembly of Israelitish Deputies of France and Italy, 16:74, 16:93
Tamaahmaah (brig), 4:19, 4:20n
tamandua, 6:470
Tammany societies
of Baltimore, 1:176–1:178
of N.Y., 4:53–4:54, 6:218, 6:218–6:219n, 6:219n, 6:526n, 15:250, 15:250n, 15:273
TJ elected member of, 6:218, 6:219n
TJ on, 4:395–4:396, 6:282–6:283
of Washington, 1:358–1:359, 2:399, 2:399n, 2:541, 2:566
and wearing Indian garb, 6:218, 6:219n
Tammany Society, No. 1, Twenty Fourth Anniversary Address (B. Romaine), 6:218, 6:218, 6:218–6:219n, 6:282
T. & J. Swords (New York publisher), 14:276
T. & R. Hunt (London firm), 3:426
Tanesse, Jacques
and batture controversy, 2:445–2:446n, 2:446n, 2:517–2:518n, 3:175n, 3:477, 3:484, 3:486, 3:486, 3:487n, 3:496–3:497, 5:86n
Tangier Island
as refuge for liberated slaves, 8:318, 8:318n
Tankersley, Reuben
and University of Virginia, 20:201, 20:220, 20:222
Tanner, Benjamin See also Tanner, Vallance, Kearny, & Company (Philadelphia firm)
identified, 11:583n
Tanner, Benjamin (of Richmond)
recommends W. B. Phillips, 14:164n
Tanner, Henry Schenck See also Tanner, Vallance, Kearny, & Company (Philadelphia firm)
as engraver, 7:70n, 8:77n, 8:77n
identified, 11:583n
Tanner, Vallance, Kearny, & Company (Philadelphia firm)
atlas by, 11:582, 11:582–11:583n
identified, 11:583n
letter from, 11:582–11:583
tanning
bark for, 15:431–15:432, 16:460
careers in, 15:411
tar
price of in Great Britain, 1:82
protects seed corn, 2:334
as scab remedy, 5:182n
U.S. production of, 5:676
for University of Virginia, 19:239, 20:209, 20:211, 20:219
Tardieu, Antoine François
exchanges maps with TJ, 1:247–1:248, 15:579n
identified, 1:248n
letters from, 1:247–1:248
Tarleton, Sir Banastre
military activities of in Va., 10:267, 16:35–16:36, 16:39n, 20:397
Tarquinius Superbus, Lucius (king of ancient Rome), 7:551n
tarragon
from P. Derieux, 5:29, 5:30n, 5:98
medicinal uses of, 5:30
Notes on Tarragon by an Unidentified Author, 5:30
from J. P. Reibelt, 5:98–5:99n
from W. Thornton, 1:479, 1:481, 1:600
Tarragona, Spain
U.S. consul at, 10:58, 11:661, 11:661
tarras, 13:343–13:344, 13:344n, 13:362, 15:586, 15:587n, 18:290, 18:291n
tartar emetic (potassium antimony tartrate), 3:466–3:467
Tartary, coasts of, 1:447
Tartuffe (Molière), 19:657
The Task, A Poem (W. Cowper), 7:583, 7:590n, 17:12, 17:13, 17:14n, 17:14n
Tasmania, 5:202–5:203
Tasso, Torquato
Jerusalem Delivered (trans. J. Hoole), 19:507
Tassoni Estense, Giulio Cesare, 14:63
Tate, Benjamin
identified, 19:460n
recommended by P. N. Nicholas, 19:459–19:460
recommends W. B. Phillips, 14:164–14:165n
Tate, Edmund
and TJ’s Campbell Co. land, 2:322, 2:327, 4:308, 4:309n, 4:680, 4:683n, 5:34, 5:35n, 5:40, 5:48, 5:49, 5:49, 5:49, 5:49, 5:89, 5:89, 5:230, 5:232
Tate, Jesse
Bedford Co. land of, 4:683–4:684n
Tate, Joseph
A Digest of the Laws of Virginia, which are of a permanent character and general operation, 19:459–19:460, 19:460–19:461n
identified, 19:460n
recommended by P. N. Nicholas, 19:459–19:460
Tate, Nahum
Extracts from the New Version of the Psalms of David, Fitted to the Tunes used in Churches, 20:529–20:530, 20:530n
as translator of Psalms, 6:550, 6:551, 6:552n
Tatham, James
identified, 20:85–20:86n
and J. & S. Gleason’s steam kitchens and stoves, 20:85
Tatham, William
letters from accounted for, 1:677
lottery for, 13:516, 13:516–13:517n
Revolutionary War activities, 8:481, 8:482n
surveys of, 6:120, 6:122n, 6:216
Tatian (early Christian author), 16:189, 16:196
Tatishchev, Dmitry
as Russian minister to Madrid, 13:237, 13:240n
The Tatler, 7:665, 12:534, 19:507
Tausy, Thomas
delivers goods, 11:503, 11:503
taverns
advertisements for, 18:95n
bills from, 9:19, 9:19–9:20, 9:20, 9:20–9:21, 9:21, 9:21–9:22
mail received at, 17:382
plays performed at, 16:xlix–16:l
students patronize, 13:396
taxes
as absorber of currency, 8:16–8:17, 8:27–8:29, 8:44, 8:44, 8:259
on alcohol, 9:642n
auction sales, 6:311
on banknotes and negotiable paper, 6:311
on books, 17:291, 17:291n, 17:468–17:471, 17:495–17:496, 17:496n, 17:502–17:504, 17:520–17:521, 17:521–17:522n, 17:522–17:523, 17:523n, 17:544, 17:571, 17:580, 17:581n, 17:582, 17:600, 17:614, 17:655–17:656, 17:656–17:659, 17:660, 18:6–18:7, 18:11, 18:19, 18:21n, 18:27, 18:30, 18:55, 18:72, 18:171–18:173, 18:197–18:198, 18:225, 20:411, 20:440, 20:441n, 20:477
on capital, 9:633–9:634, 19:574
on carriages, 6:311, 7:xlv, 7:203, 7:708, 8:392–8:393, 8:394n, 9:430, 11:44, 12:415, 16:242n, 17:23, 19:338, 20:173n, 20:173n, 20:173n
on cattle, 8:256, 8:392
on coffee, 19:574
collected from Second Bank of the U.S. branches, 16:575n
collection of, 7:45, 7:45–7:46n, 7:670, 7:689–7:691, 8:10, 8:63, 8:109, 8:129, 9:562, 12:148, 20:252–20:253
and colonial Va., 17:311–17:312
consumption, 9:633–9:634
corvée, 12:12, 12:115
customs, 2:569–2:570, 2:594–2:595, 2:600–2:603, 2:605, 2:615, 2:617–2:618, 3:80–3:81, 3:82n, 6:358n, 6:358n, 9:269, 9:286, 10:414, 12:312, 12:346, 12:381n, 12:406, 12:503, 12:504n, 13:16, 13:253, 13:345, 13:346, 13:492, 14:24–14:25, 14:38, 14:42n, 14:57, 14:72, 14:85, 14:239, 14:244, 14:527, 14:564–14:565, 15:362, 15:369, 15:380, 15:384, 15:395, 15:414, 15:482, 15:503, 16:4, 16:25n, 16:58, 16:216, 16:223, 16:223n, 16:240, 16:240, 16:293, 17:416, 18:39, 18:51, 18:71, 18:71, 18:113, 18:118, 18:120, 18:120, 18:164, 18:169, 18:170, 18:194, 18:203, 18:222, 18:235, 18:250, 18:394n, 18:446, 18:446, 18:463, 18:463, 18:471, 18:474, 18:520, 18:620, 19:573–19:574, 19:702, 19:702, 20:13, 20:14, 20:153n
direct, 4:519, 4:520n, 6:311–6:312, 6:358n, 6:545n, 8:84, 10:363, 10:376, 10:376n, 10:388, 10:597, 10:597n
on dogs, 4:161, 4:170, 4:346–4:349, 4:349n, 7:180, 7:180n
P. S. Du Pont de Nemours on, 2:569–2:618, 3:80, 3:248, 3:515–3:516, 3:517n, 3:559–3:560, 4:328, 4:328–4:329, 4:436–4:440, 4:442–4:445, 4:607–4:608
on dwellings, 8:256
and education, 16:637+, 17:327, 19:294n, 19:349n
excise, 9:217, 9:218n, 9:358
in France, 8:137, 9:633, 12:146, 12:146–12:147n, 12:246, 13:421
on free whites, 7:708, 9:430, 11:44, 12:415, 18:148
on furniture, 8:255, 8:256n, 8:256, 8:393, 8:394n, 8:485–8:486
in Great Britain, 9:358, 11:24, 12:254, 14:452
of ground rents, 2:598–2:599
on horses and mules, 7:708, 8:256, 8:392, 9:430, 11:44, 12:415, 14:114n, 16:242n, 17:23, 19:338, 20:173n, 20:173n, 20:173n
on imports, 9:513n, 10:358, 10:359, 10:440, 10:521, 10:653n, 11:26n, 12:494, 12:515, 12:554, 13:438–13:439, 13:439n, 13:460, 13:489–13:490, 13:576–13:577, 13:606, 14:446n, 16:158, 16:221, 16:221, 16:249–16:250, 16:250, 16:252n, 16:291, 17:406, 18:145, 19:574, 20:591, 20:592n
on income, 2:578–2:581, 2:585, 2:586, 2:607, 4:439–4:440, 4:444, 9:358, 9:633–9:634, 19:574
increased to fund war, 4:539, 4:540n, 4:568, 8:33n, 8:154, 8:155n, 8:164, 8:329n, 12:42
indirect, 2:572–2:578, 2:582, 2:584–2:585, 2:586, 2:587, 2:589, 2:590, 2:596, 2:598, 2:601, 2:610–2:613, 2:616–2:617, 4:519, 4:520n, 6:312
on land, 2:571–2:572, 2:582–2:586, 4:436–4:438, 4:445, 4:607–4:608, 6:311, 6:311, 7:708, 7:708, 8:128–8:129, 8:255, 8:256, 8:257, 8:392, 9:358, 10:363, 10:376, 10:376n, 10:387–10:388, 10:388n, 10:464, 10:465n, 10:476–10:477, 10:529, 10:666, 11:17, 11:17, 11:44, 11:237, 11:238n, 11:472–11:473, 11:474–11:475n, 12:299, 12:301, 12:357–12:358, 12:415, 13:37–13:38, 13:54, 14:114n, 16:242n, 16:281, 19:338, 19:394–19:395n, 20:173n, 20:326, 20:329, 20:393
on livestock, 8:256, 8:392
local, 12:12, 12:12n, 12:13, 12:14, 12:115–12:116, 12:116, 12:117, 12:201, 12:287, 12:357–12:358, 12:359, 12:360, 12:449, 17:297
J. Melish on, 3:388
on mills, 7:708
on Natural Bridge, 8:123, 8:123n, 8:257, 11:237, 11:238n, 11:428, 11:589, 11:590n
on net revenue from land, 2:586–2:592, 2:595, 2:597–2:599, 2:601, 2:614–2:616
in N.Y., 10:662, 12:402n
on paper, 18:171–18:172
passed to landowners, 2:575–2:577, 2:579–2:581, 2:600, 2:601, 2:609–2:611, 2:618
and patent extensions, 7:111–7:112
in proposed Va. constitution, 4:119
receipts for, 7:xlv, 7:434 (illus.)
and religion, 16:549, 16:549–16:550, 16:584–16:585
and representation, 16:549, 16:584
on retailers, 6:311
as revenue, 18:172
on salt, 4:529, 4:529n, 19:574
on slaves, 7:708, 7:708, 8:63n, 8:255, 8:256, 8:392, 8:485, 9:430, 11:44, 12:301, 12:415, 14:114n, 16:242n, 16:461n, 17:23, 19:338, 20:173n, 20:329, 20:393, 20:476–20:477
in Spain, 4:111
Statement of Albemarle County Property Subject to Federal Tax , 8:485–8:486
Statement of Albemarle County Property Subject to State Tax , 8:392–8:394, 9:99n
Statement of Albemarle County Taxes and Court Fees, 7:708–7:709
Statement of Bedford and Campbell County Property Subject to Federal Tax, 8:255–8:256
Statement of Bedford and Campbell County Property Subject to State Tax, 8:256
statement of 1815 Va. revenue tax, 10:363, 10:376, 10:376n
Statement of Taxable Property in Albemarle County , 9:430–9:431, 11:44–11:45, 12:415, 17:23, 19:338
on stills, 6:311, 7:203
on sugar, 6:311, 19:574
on tea, 19:574
tithes, 2:583, 2:584–2:586, 2:589
TJ budgets for, 19:495, 19:496, 19:496
TJ on, 4:483, 4:585–4:586, 6:220–6:225, 6:490–6:497, 7:168, 7:203, 7:654, 8:27–8:29, 8:32, 8:105, 8:108–8:109, 8:110, 8:126, 8:129, 8:163, 8:163–8:164, 8:168, 8:177, 8:177, 8:608, 9:330–9:331, 9:358, 9:568, 9:624, 9:631, 9:633–9:634, 9:649, 10:65, 10:65–10:66, 10:368, 10:435, 11:24, 13:378–13:380, 13:380n, 13:489–13:490, 14:498, 15:295, 16:483, 16:489, 16:622, 19:38, 19:573–19:574, 20:280, 20:351
TJ pays, 1:470, 1:590, 1:595, 5:409–5:410n, 6:544, 6:544, 6:545n, 7:xlv, 7:708, 7:710, 8:47, 8:73, 8:73n, 8:73, 8:123, 8:123n, 8:256n, 8:351n, 8:392–8:394, 9:50–9:51, 9:51–9:52n, 9:62, 9:99, 9:99n, 9:106, 9:133, 9:133, 9:313, 9:430, 9:562, 9:568, 9:594, 9:604, 9:604, 10:59, 10:356, 10:387–10:388, 10:388n, 10:466, 10:467n, 10:467n, 10:597, 10:597n, 11:44, 11:237, 11:428, 11:589, 12:29, 12:29, 12:38, 12:38n, 12:98, 12:139, 12:415, 13:356, 13:356n, 13:393, 14:113, 14:114n, 14:220, 14:571, 15:117, 15:130, 15:134, 15:138, 15:146–15:147, 15:154, 15:156, 15:156, 15:174, 16:366, 16:366n, 17:70, 17:70n, 17:531–17:532, 17:532n, 19:65, 19:65n, 19:69, 19:72, 19:85, 19:338, 20:252
on tobacco, 3:414n, 16:242n, 20:173n
and University of Virginia, 19:57, 19:239, 20:309
in Va., 16:242, 16:242n, 16:281, 16:328, 20:149n, 20:172–20:173
on whiskey, 4:483, 19:562, 19:573–19:574
on wine, 9:512–9:513, 9:513n, 10:358, 10:407, 10:407, 10:407n, 10:440, 10:494, 12:381n, 12:406, 12:503, 12:504n, 12:515, 13:16, 13:378–13:380, 13:380n, 13:438, 13:439n, 13:445n, 13:446, 13:460, 13:557, 14:57, 14:244, 14:328–14:329, 15:384, 15:414, 15:482, 15:503, 16:52, 16:117, 17:139–17:140, 17:142, 17:496n, 17:522, 17:523n, 18:27, 18:39, 19:574
taxidermy
and birds, 13:227
Tayloe, John
forwards letter to TJ, 6:333
identified, 6:333–6:334n
letters from, 6:333–6:334
as postmaster, 7:196, 7:196, 7:239
Taylor, Mrs.
rents property from P. Mazzei, 4:290, 4:291
Taylor, A. C.
letter from, 20:95
requests loan from TJ, 20:95
studies medicine, 20:95
Taylor, Allen
as Va. legislator, 19:272, 19:273, 19:368, 19:369, 20:558n
Taylor, Benjamin (b. ca. 1761)
Annotated Drawings of Underwater Mines, 7:278–7:279
identified, 7:277n
letters from, 7:276–7:277
and underwater mines, 7:276, 7:278–7:279
Taylor, Benjamin (d. 1807), 3:276, 3:279n
Taylor, Bennett (Edmund Randolph’s son-in-law), 6:12, 6:115+
Taylor, Creed
and Central College, 12:318, 12:382–12:383
chancery court judge, 2:407, 2:408n, 4:680
and establishment of University of Virginia, 13:559, 13:560, 14:13, 14:13–14:14, 16:625, 19:436
as examiner of The Statutes at Large (W. W. Hening), 8:349n
identified, 19:436n
Journal of the Law-School, and of the Moot-Court Attached To It, at Needham, in Virginia, 19:436, 19:436n, 19:436n, 19:488–19:489
letter from, 19:436
letter to, 19:488–19:489
as University of Virginia commissioner, 13:182, 13:183, 13:222
Taylor, George
acquaintance of W. Short, 7:469–7:470, 7:471, 7:472n
and bills of exchange, 4:488, 4:489, 4:521
correspondence with, 7:233, 7:234, 7:261, 7:333, 7:363, 7:441
forwards letters to W. Short, 6:277
forwards letters to TJ, 7:381
and W. Short’s bank stock, 2:478, 3:30, 3:106
Taylor, George (of Pennsylvania)
signer of Declaration of Independence, 13:329, 14:292, 19:471
Taylor, George Keith
and Taylor v. Bruce, 15:350
and Va. penal statutes, 1:382–1:383, 1:384n
Taylor, Hannah
signs petition, 18:146
Taylor, Hugh Paul
identified, 20:163n
Interrogatories to TJ, 20:161, 20:162–20:163, 20:164
introduced to TJ, 20:89
letter from, 20:161–20:163
letter from accounted for, 20:184n
letter to, 20:183–20:185
requests historical documents from TJ, 20:161–20:162, 20:162, 20:163, 20:183, 20:184
sends greetings to T. M. Randolph, 20:163
as surveyor and civil engineer, 20:162
visits Monticello, 20:89, 20:161
Taylor, Ira H.
and Franklin Literary Society, 20:522–20:523, 20:565
identified, 20:523n
letter from, 20:522–20:524
letter to, 20:565
Taylor, James
and T. Feeling, 12:254, 12:255n
Taylor, Jane Elizabeth Catherine Hackley
greetings sent to, 11:624n
Taylor, Jeremy
A Discourse of The Liberty of Prophesying, 19:399, 19:401n
Taylor, John (of Caroline)
Arator; being a series of Agricultural Essays, Practical & Political, 6:122, 6:613, 6:613, 7:146, 7:217, 7:221n, 8:383–8:384, 8:442, 8:623, 11:129, 11:165, 19:508
and books on agriculture, 11:163n
Construction Construed, and Constitutions Vindicated, 16:419–16:420, 16:482–16:484, 16:484n, 16:556, 16:609, 16:617–16:618, 16:637, 16:637+, 17:31, 17:44–17:45, 17:248, 17:249, 17:252, 17:390, 17:398, 17:399n, 17:399–17:400n, 17:433, 17:434, 17:436, 17:554, 17:591, 17:592n, 18:73, 19:699, 19:700–19:701n
criticized, 7:220
criticizes work of J. Adams, 10:211–10:212, 10:212n
donation to W. C. Nicholas’s family, 16:591, 16:608–16:609, 16:637+, 17:44, 17:57, 17:177, 17:229, 17:299, 17:390, 17:390–17:391
encourages TJ to write memoirs, 16:637+, 17:45
forwards payment, 3:426
friendship with S. Roane, 17:247, 17:248, 17:252
health of, 10:210, 20:479, 20:480n
identified, 10:89–10:90n
An Inquiry into the Principles and Policy of the Government of the United States, 6:504, 6:505n, 6:567, 6:613, 6:613, 6:622, 7:146, 7:217, 7:221n, 10:86–10:89, 10:210, 10:211–10:212, 10:212n, 16:482, 16:637+, 17:554
letter from accounted for, 17:45n
letters from, 10:210–10:212, 16:591, 16:637+, 17:57, 17:299, 17:390–17:391
letters to, 10:86–10:90, 10:263–10:264, 16:608–16:610, 17:44–17:45, 17:177, 17:229, 17:390, 17:434
leveling principles challenged, 7:478–7:479, 7:481n
and T. Martin’s drill, 6:514, 6:515n
New Views of The Constitution of the United States, 20:479, 20:480n, 20:506–20:507
and presidential elections, 20:102, 20:103n
recommends C. Buckner, 4:413–4:414n
sends seeds to TJ, 10:89, 10:212, 10:263
on systems of government, 10:210–10:211
TJ on writings of, 6:567, 10:86–10:89, 10:263, 10:263
TJ sends batture pamphlet to, 4:625
Tyranny Unmasked, 18:54
and University of Virginia, 16:609–16:610, 16:637+
and Va. banks, 10:659
as Va. legislator, 7:549
works sent to, 18:54
writings of, 10:587, 19:624
Taylor, John (classical scholar)
edits works of Demosthenes, 8:436
Taylor, John (of South Carolina)
burned in effigy, 18:228
and South Carolina College, 18:232
Taylor, John J.
creditor of C. L. Bankhead, 8:394
Taylor, John Louis
and American Academy of Language and Belles Lettres, 16:531
and wine, 11:293+
Taylor, John McCanless
as University of Virginia commissioner, 13:182, 13:183, 13:223
Taylor, John W.
as candidate for Speaker of U.S. House of Representatives, 16:158, 16:159n
identified, 16:585–16:586n
letter from, 16:585–16:586
letter to, 16:606
and Missouri question, 15:532, 15:533, 15:533, 16:606
and Phi Beta Kappa, 16:585, 16:606
Taylor, Joseph
as builder for University of Virginia, 15:385, 15:386n, 16:313
letter from, 15:385–15:386
Taylor, Joseph (of Philadelphia)
and J. & S. Gleason’s steam kitchens and stoves, 20:85
Taylor, Levi
seeks employment at University of Virginia, 14:651
Taylor, Martha Jefferson Randolph (TJ’s great-granddaughter; Thomas Jefferson Randolph’s daughter)
birth of, 11:xlvi–11:xlvii
described, 11:627n, 12:635n
family of, 11:626n
Taylor, Nancy
signs petition, 18:146
Taylor, Phillip W.
as justice of the peace, 9:54
Taylor, Rebecca
signs petition, 18:146
Taylor, Richard Squire
manages Point of Fork estate, 19:319, 19:339
Taylor, Robert Barraud
appointment of to University of Virginia Board of Visitors, 14:34, 14:35, 14:93, 15:82, 15:434
as attorney, 17:440–17:441, 18:328, 18:329n, 18:332, 19:559
correspondence with J. H. Cocke, 15:604n
encouraged to run for Va. legislature, 16:551, 16:624, 16:625n
and R. Hackley’s land claims, 18:98, 18:98–18:99, 18:99, 18:100–18:101n
identified, 14:94n
invited to visit Monticello, 14:93, 14:129, 14:520–14:521, 14:561
letters from, 14:129–14:130, 14:560–14:561, 17:440–17:441
letters to, 14:93–14:94, 14:518–14:521, 15:602–15:604, 17:421–17:422, 17:526–17:527, 17:527–17:529
as member of University of Virginia Board of Visitors, 14:45, 14:56, 14:93, 14:129, 14:176, 14:518–14:521, 14:560–14:561, 15:80, 15:486, 15:602–15:604, 15:605, 16:297, 16:396, 16:469, 16:579, 16:586, 16:624, 17:68, 17:71, 17:77, 17:90, 17:391, 17:421–17:422, 17:440–17:441, 17:526–17:527, 17:527–17:529, 18:328, 18:332, 19:39
portrait of, 14:lii, 14:250 (illus.)
and scuppernong wine, 14:520, 14:561
and TJ’s Catalogue of the Best Classical Editions, 14:511, 14:520, 14:561
TJ converses with, 15:116, 15:116–15:117
visits Monticello, 14:561, 17:441
War of 1812 service of, 7:61
Taylor, Samuel (1775–1857)
identified, 17:477n
letter from, 17:476–17:477
letter to, 17:514–17:515
and son’s education, 17:476, 17:514–17:515
Taylor, Samuel (1781–1853)
and establishment of University of Virginia, 13:401, 13:472, 13:473n, 13:490, 13:497, 13:498n, 14:14
as Va. legislator, 12:127n, 12:413, 12:432, 14:36, 14:55, 16:551, 16:625, 17:33, 18:248, 19:314
Taylor, Thomas (d. 1735)
translates Treatise concerning the Search after Truth (N. de Malebranche), 17:535
Taylor, Thomas (1758–1835)
translates Sallust on the Gods and the World; and the Pythagoric Sentences of Demophilus (Sallust), 17:536
Taylor, Thomas (of Le Havre)
and books for TJ, 15:72
identified, 14:175–14:176n
letter from, 14:175–14:176, 15:72
and seeds for TJ, 14:175
Taylor, Thomas (of Richmond)
and W. Byrd manuscripts, 11:450–11:451
identified, 8:130n
and G. Jefferson’s estate, 19:413
letter from, 8:145–8:146
letters to, 8:129–8:130, 8:169–8:171
and P. Mazzei’s Richmond property, 5:621–5:622, 5:660, 6:4, 6:21, 6:43, 6:90–6:91, 6:106, 6:115, 6:115+, 6:116, 6:116, 6:147, 6:168, 6:185–6:186, 6:294, 6:295, 6:295, 6:305–6:306, 6:306, 6:320, 6:321, 6:372+, 6:396, 7:89, 7:89n, 10:252n
and J. Monroe’s Albemarle Co. land, 7:487
purchases Belmont estate, 2:101, 2:102, 2:114, 2:137, 2:138–2:139, 2:227, 2:228, 2:347, 2:363, 3:169
and sale of Chesterfield Co. land, 8:145–8:146, 8:146n
and sale of Westham land, 4:63, 8:129–8:130, 8:130n, 8:145, 8:146, 8:169–8:171
Taylor, Waller
as U.S. senator, 11:6, 11:56, 11:153
Taylor, William, 1:318n
Taylor, William (d. 1850)
correspondence with J. Q. Adams, 19:194n
reports on Mexican political affairs, 19:194n, 19:205
Taylor, William (burgess), 8:621
Taylor, William D.
identified, 11:237–11:238n
letter from accounted for, 11:582n
letter to, 11:237–11:238
and TJ’s taxes, 11:237, 11:238n
Taylor v. Bruce, 15:260, 15:261, 15:261n, 15:350–15:351, 15:352n
Tazewell, Littleton Waller
as attorney, 19:559
and batture controversy, 2:474–2:475, 2:493, 2:494, 2:501–2:502, 2:511, 2:531, 2:545, 2:657, 2:660, 3:118, 3:270–3:271, 3:332, 5:143–5:145
and J. Hall’s agricultural improvements, 8:42–8:43
health of, 2:497
identified, 2:350n
letter from to M. Oster, 5:333–5:335
letters from, 2:349–2:350, 2:497–2:498, 2:501–2:502, 3:55–3:56, 3:130–3:135, 3:270–3:271, 4:149–4:150, 4:303–4:304, 5:43–5:47
letters to, 2:448–2:449, 2:494, 2:513–2:514, 3:42–3:43, 3:226–3:227, 3:499–3:500, 3:545–3:546, 4:194–4:195, 4:605–4:606, 5:143–5:145, 13:111–13:112
and Livingston v. Jefferson, 4:292, 4:303–4:304, 4:605–4:606, 4:679, 5:43–5:47, 5:57–5:58, 5:143–5:144
and manuscript of Va. laws , 16:239, 16:240
and P. Piernet’s will, 5:332, 5:333–5:335, 5:351, 5:378
on state university for Va., 13:111, 13:112n
TJ invites to Monticello, 13:111–13:112
TJ pays, 4:594, 4:605, 4:606, 4:618, 5:43–5:44
and TJ’s account with W. Welch, 2:349–2:350, 2:448–2:449, 2:497–2:498, 2:499–2:500, 2:513–2:514, 2:514–2:515, 2:515, 3:55–3:56, 3:135, 4:149–4:150, 4:194–4:195
TJ sends batture pamphlet to, 4:624
and TJ’s List of Authorities cited in Statement on the Batture Case, 3:545–3:546, 3:546–3:547
and TJ’s Statement of Facts in the Batture Case, 3:270–3:271, 3:290, 3:420, 3:481–3:483, 3:499–3:500
and TJ’s statement on the batture case, 3:42–3:43, 3:130–3:135, 3:152–3:153, 3:203, 3:226–3:227, 5:45–5:47
and University of Virginia Commission, 12:611, 13:lii, 13:109, 13:111–13:112, 13:117
as Va. state representative, 11:586, 11:588n, 17:33
W. Wirt on, 2:493
Tazewell, Sarah, 2:497, 2:498n
Tazewell, William
certifies document, 19:313n
tea
chest, 1:44
drinking of, 13:228, 14:44, 14:44, 14:156–14:157, 14:383n, 14:420, 16:16, 18:407
grown in U.S., 12:553, 17:406, 18:257
gunpowder, 6:348, 6:348
Hyson, 1:31, 1:32n, 1:44, 1:368, 2:109
Imperial, 1:31, 1:31, 6:346, 6:346
imported, 9:476n, 20:388, 20:388
medicinal use of, 14:231, 14:231
ordered for Monticello, 4:210, 4:211, 4:211, 4:211, 4:211, 4:211, 4:211, 6:343, 6:343, 6:344, 6:344, 6:345, 6:347, 6:347, 6:348, 7:180, 15:144, 15:312
Paraguay (maté), 16:294
at Poplar Forest, 6:448, 9:51, 11:617, 15:474, 17:154
sassafras, 4:102
served at Monticello, 1:389, 8:xlvii–8:xlviii, 8:30, 8:30–8:31, 8:235, 8:241
taxes on, 17:312, 19:574
at U.S. Marine Hospital, 1:299
wintergreen, 14:231, 14:231
Teach, Edward (Blackbeard), 2:668, 5:600–5:601, 6:53
Teackle, Littleton Dennis
and education, 19:349, 19:372–19:373
identified, 19:350n
letter from, 19:349–19:350
letter to, 19:372–19:373
Teage, Collin
and colony in Africa, 17:423n
teapots, 4:231–4:232n, 8:485, 8:486, 17:4, 20:83
teazel (teasel), 2:271
Tecumseh (Shawnee chief)
belt and shot pouch of, 16:38
death of, 5:586n, 8:222
leadership of, 4:485n, 8:552, 16:615
Teel, Lewis
and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 11:330, 13:161, 17:620, 20:556
and University of Virginia, 17:623, 17:624, 17:627
Telegraphe et le General Advertiser (New Orleans newspaper), 2:657, 3:233, 3:234n
telescopes
equatorial, 4:237, 4:238n, 4:369, 9:680–9:681, 9:691–9:692, 15:288, 19:197–19:198, 19:198–19:199
W. Herschel’s, 18:590, 18:592, 18:593, 18:594, 18:595, 18:596n
limitations of TJ’s, 3:480
lost in transit, 1:180, 1:205
pocket, 11:625, 16:li–16:lii, 16:348 (illus.)
repaired, 13:323, 13:596, 14:6, 14:7, 14:270, 14:500
A. M. Rochon’s, 4:676, 5:507, 5:508n
T. Skidmore’s proposed, 18:586–18:595, 18:613
spyglass, 19:207
for surveying, 11:50, 19:6
for University of Virginia, 14:167
for U.S. Coast Survey, 9:224, 9:224, 9:224, 9:224, 9:224, 9:224
used to observe solar eclipse, 4:237, 4:238n, 4:238n
Telfair, Thomas
and O. Evans’s petition to Congress, 7:113n
Temora, an Ancient Epic Poem (J. Macpherson), 4:306n
Temple, James Bowdoin. See Bowdoin, James Temple
Temple, John
British customs official, 17:277, 17:278n
Temple, Laura Sophia
Poems, 20:419, 20:420n
Temple, Sir William
Observations upon the United Provinces of the Netherlands, 17:333, 17:376n
referenced, 7:188
Tenant, Thomas (ship owner), 15:300
Tenerife (wine), 9:324, 9:366, 9:402, 9:499, 9:513, 9:602, 9:659, 9:660, 10:219, 10:247, 11:293+, 11:293+
Tennent, John
Every Man his own Doctor: or, The Poor Planter’s Physician, 15:182–15:183, 15:183n
Tennessee See also East Tennessee College
agriculture in, 19:579–19:580
antiquities of, 15:619–15:620, 15:620–15:621n
banks in, 19:581
boundaries of, 15:621, 15:623n
cultivation of cotton in, 2:359
Doublehead’s Reserve, 1:7
and election of 1824, 19:535, 19:563, 19:580–19:581
Indians in, 1:653
land warrants in, 3:548, 3:549n
legislature of, 19:581, 20:111, 20:255, 20:255n
lottery in, 2:266–2:267, 2:268n
mammoth bones found in, 8:448
politics in, 20:111
population centers of, 10:635
J. Rhea’s letters to constituents in, 2:358, 3:439, 5:662, 6:358, 6:358–6:359n, 7:307, 8:329
and states’ rights, 18:305
TJ on, 2:359–2:360, 8:516
volunteers from, 5:651–5:652
and War of 1812, 7:160–7:161, 7:161–7:162n, 8:516
whiskey, 1:31
Tenney, Samuel
observations on colors, 4:614, 4:615n
tennis ball lettuce, 5:307, 5:307n
Tennison’s Hotel (Washington), 13:77
Tenon, Jacques, 1:100–1:101
Ten practical discourses concerning Earth and Water, Fire and Air (R. Bradley), 2:82
Tenskwatawa (“the Prophet”; Shawnee leader)
mentioned, 8:552
prophecy of, 4:484, 4:485n, 4:627, 4:628n, 5:12
Tentamen Physiologico-Medicum inaugurale de Mania (J. Wharton), 15:548, 15:548n
Terasson, Antoine
Histoire de la jurisprudence romaine, 5:276, 5:277n
Terence (Publius Terentius Afer)
and Charlottesville Academy, 14:258, 14:258, 15:242n
in collegiate curriculum, 7:448, 14:551
The Comedies of Terence (trans. G. Colman), 19:507
Publii Terentii Comodiae Sex (ed. J. Minell), 17:138, 17:447
TJ recommends, 14:511, 16:330
Termo (wine), 3:240, 3:241n, 9:263
Terra: A Philosophical Discourse of Earth (J. Evelyn), 2:82, 11:164
Terrell, Chiles (1780–1852)
and due east and west lines, 18:648, 18:649–18:653, 19:22–19:23, 19:66–19:67, 19:67, 19:68n
family of, 20:532
identified, 18:648–18:649n
letters from, 18:648–18:649, 19:66–19:68, 20:532
letters to, 19:22–19:23, 20:565–20:566
seeks position as engineer to Va. Board of Public Works, 19:23n
seeks position as steward at University of Virginia, 20:532, 20:565
Terrell, Chiles (of Albemarle)
petition to General Assembly, 3:253–3:254
sells horse to TJ, 5:498n
Terrell, Dabney Carr (TJ’s grandnephew)
carries TJ’s letters to Europe, 9:416, 9:416n, 9:417, 9:420, 9:420n, 9:422n, 9:431, 9:454, 9:454n, 9:454, 9:456n, 9:469, 9:469n, 9:481–9:482, 9:649, 9:664
correspondence for, 13:93, 13:139
correspondence of, 11:340, 11:340–11:341n, 11:412, 12:561, 19:308n
family of, 11:340–11:341n, 12:270
finances of, 11:412, 11:417, 11:539–11:540, 11:606
health of, 19:93
identified, 9:482n
kills fellow student in duel, 9:482, 9:482n, 9:482n
letters from, 9:481–9:482, 10:160–10:162, 19:92–19:93
letters of introduction for, 9:413, 9:431, 9:481–9:482, 9:620, 9:621n, 9:663, 9:664, 10:243
letter to, 16:640–16:642
letter to accounted for, 18:608n
studies in Geneva, 9:417, 10:161, 10:312, 11:443–11:444, 12:270, 13:42, 15:166–15:167, 16:494–16:495
studies law, 16:495, 16:640–16:642
and G. Ticknor, 10:598, 12:545, 12:561, 12:614
TJ recommends, 9:413, 9:417, 9:419
and TJ’s payment to E. Bacon, 20:103–20:104, 20:104, 20:524–20:525
travels of, 10:160–10:161, 15:167, 15:477
and Wilson Cary Nicholas’s Administrators v. James Morrison and Thomas Deye Owings, 18:607, 18:608, 18:653–18:654, 19:92–19:93
Terrell, James H.
and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 11:324, 11:330, 13:162, 17:630, 20:200, 20:200
petition to General Assembly, 3:253–3:254
and University of Virginia, 17:634, 17:634, 20:207, 20:207, 20:222, 20:225, 20:230, 20:230, 20:234, 20:235
Terrell, John Dabney
identified, 17:452n
letter from, 17:451–17:452
requests advice from TJ, 17:451–17:452
Terrell, Joseph
and Central College–University of Virginia, 15:86
Terrell, Lucy Carr (TJ’s niece)
family of, 11:412
Terrell, Martha
and University of Virginia, 20:199, 20:201, 20:201, 20:203, 20:205, 20:206, 20:218, 20:219, 20:221, 20:221, 20:223, 20:224, 20:225, 20:227, 20:228, 20:228, 20:231, 20:233
Terrell, Martha Jefferson. See Minor, Martha Jefferson Terrell (TJ’s sister Martha Jefferson Carr’s granddaughter; Dabney Minor’s second wife)
Terril, Mr. (of Albemarle Co.)
takes boarders, 6:73
Terril, Joel
petition to General Assembly, 5:378–5:380
Terry, Ann
signs petition, 18:146
Terry, Nathaniel
and University of Virginia, 19:50, 20:212
Tertium Quids, 3:549–3:550, 4:213n, 5:82, 5:95
Tertullian (Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianus)
Apologeticus et ad Scapulam Liber, 7:458, 7:458n, 8:481–8:482, 8:482n
writings of, 16:189, 16:196, 16:258, 19:526, 20:619, 20:620n
Tessé, Adrienne Catherine de Noailles de
and I. A. Coles, 1:269, 1:528, 1:593
death of, 7:349, 7:536, 8:266
and European chestnuts, 4:322–4:323, 7:34
exchanges seeds with TJ, 1:272, 1:274n, 1:593, 1:594, 3:503–3:504
garden of, 5:188–5:189, 5:189, 7:34
health of, 2:9, 2:288, 2:311, 4:649, 5:69, 5:212, 19:230
identified, 1:274n
and Lafayette, 1:528, 1:593–1:594, 1:627, 4:30, 4:358, 7:35, 7:536
letters from, 1:271–1:274, 1:593–1:594, 2:310–2:312, 4:322–4:324, 5:188–5:190
letters from accounted for, 4:324n
letters from mentioned, 2:512
letters to, 3:503–3:504, 7:33–7:36
letters to mentioned, 7:15
J. Madison forwards letter from, 4:326, 5:436
mentioned, 1:265, 3:512, 3:538, 14:203–14:204
on T. Pahlen, 2:311
sends book to TJ, 4:324n, 4:675–4:676, 5:189
sends engraving of A. von Humboldt, 1:593
sends greetings to TJ, 3:106, 3:198, 3:447, 4:268–4:269, 4:274n
sends TJ gifts, 2:310, 2:487
on W. Short, 2:311
Tessé, René Mans Froulay, comte de
acquaintance with TJ, 1:274n
and I. A. Coles, 1:528
death of, 7:536, 8:266
health of, 2:9, 4:649, 5:69, 19:230
and Lafayette, 1:528, 1:627
sends greetings to TJ, 2:288, 2:311, 3:106, 3:447, 4:323
TJ sends greetings to, 3:504, 7:35
Tessier, Alexandre Henri
A Complete Treatise on Merinos and Other Sheep, 3:322n
Instruction sur les bêtes à laine et particulièrement sur la race des mérinos, 3:321, 3:322n, 7:52–7:53
Testa del Tignoso, Count Francesco del
executor for P. Mazzei, 9:675
The Testimony of Christ’s Second Appearing (B. S. Youngs), 20:639–20:640, 20:641n
Testimony taken before the Committee of Grievances and Courts of Justice, Relative to the Late Riots and Mobs in the City of Baltimore, 7:231–7:232n
Teterel, Francis
and P. Piernet’s will, 4:89, 5:116
Der Teutsche Merkur, 9:86, 9:88n
Texas
and Adams-Onís Treaty (1819), 14:503, 15:594–15:595, 15:615
American filibustering expeditions against, 6:188–6:189, 6:190n, 6:293
French claims to, 9:445–9:446
map of Coahuila, 8:77n
sugar from, 14:503, 15:595
TJ on, 18:574
use of bird pepper in, 6:128, 6:195
textiles See also manufacturing; thread
Adelphia cotton, 17:5
in agricultural exhibitions, 18:87n
baize, 5:394, 16:11, 16:11
Bennetts cord, 9:565
blanket, 9:301, 14:636
for bolting, 16:376, 16:389, 16:401
bombazine, 16:11, 19:14, 19:16n
broadcloth, 4:40, 7:88, 8:544, 19:574
calico, 2:376, 4:102, 7:558, 7:558, 16:6, 18:47
cambric, 3:643, 6:343, 9:566, 16:6, 18:45
canvas, 12:340, 12:526, 14:239, 14:239
cassimere, 1:308, 15:450, 16:6, 16:6, 16:6, 17:5, 17:5, 17:5, 17:7, 17:234, 17:234n, 18:42, 18:43, 18:44, 18:48
checked, 17:9
chintz, 18:51
coarse, 9:301, 12:361
coating, 6:345
corduroy, 15:475, 15:475n
cotton, 3:551, 3:577, 4:27, 4:219, 4:515, 4:637, 6:346, 6:347, 7:13, 7:187, 7:191, 7:570, 8:146–8:148, 8:408, 8:464, 8:554–8:555, 8:635n, 9:301, 9:533–9:537, 9:537n, 11:11, 11:11, 12:257, 12:538, 12:554, 14:256, 15:485, 15:485n, 16:9, 17:7, 17:234, 17:234n, 17:234n
crepe, 15:452, 18:46, 18:47, 18:145, 18:147n
domestic, 17:5, 17:5, 17:11, 17:234n, 18:43, 18:43, 18:45, 18:48, 18:49, 18:50, 18:143, 18:144n, 18:144–18:146, 18:225n, 19:9, 19:11, 19:11, 19:11, 19:15, 19:16, 19:615
dowlas, 18:48, 19:14, 19:16n
drill, 17:6
duck, 2:98–2:100, 2:175
dyeing of, 3:221–3:223, 3:238–3:239, 3:288–3:289, 3:326–3:327, 6:114, 6:314, 6:335, 9:355, 9:447–9:448, 12:257–12:258, 17:234n
everlasting, 5:394
fearnought, 19:11, 19:16n
ferret (fabric tape), 6:345, 6:346, 16:14
flannel, 4:361, 5:370, 5:393, 6:345, 6:345, 15:144, 15:271, 16:9, 16:9, 16:12, 16:13, 17:10, 17:10, 17:11, 18:45, 19:8, 19:9, 19:9, 20:452
flax, 11:11, 11:11
forest cloth
hemp, 6:345, 6:345, 8:185, 8:554, 11:136, 12:538, 16:12
holland, 6:345, 6:346, 9:565, 9:566n, 15:451, 15:475n, 16:6, 16:8, 16:8, 16:10, 16:11, 17:6, 18:42, 18:42, 18:43, 18:44, 19:11, 19:13
home manufacture of, 1:561, 1:573–1:574, 1:591, 2:98–2:100, 2:175, 3:221–3:223, 3:238, 4:143, 4:143n, 4:343, 4:417, 4:428, 4:435, 4:571–4:572, 4:637, 5:187, 5:207–5:208, 5:208n, 5:268–5:269, 5:307, 5:439, 5:562–5:563, 6:114, 6:556, 7:52–7:53, 7:187, 7:191, 7:240–7:241, 7:325, 7:347–7:348, 7:406, 7:569–7:570, 7:593, 8:252–8:253, 8:460, 8:535, 8:544, 8:634, 8:635, 9:601, 10:547, 11:141, 12:538
homespun, 1:100n, 1:561, 1:591, 1:667, 6:308, 6:309, 7:191, 7:325, 8:356, 8:368, 9:562, 10:491n, 10:609, 13:386, 18:146
huckaback, 5:394
humhums, 6:345, 6:349n
jean, 1:308, 16:8
Kendal, 9:301, 16:12
kersey, 9:301, 16:12
leghorn, 18:147n
levantine, 17:10
linen, 3:202, 3:280n, 3:309, 3:309n, 4:27, 4:102, 4:138, 4:231–4:232n, 6:344, 6:347, 8:460, 8:554, 9:597, 11:11, 16:7, 16:12, 17:9, 18:43, 18:225, 19:11, 19:14, 19:14, 19:486, 19:615
lutestring, 16:9, 19:10, 19:16n
Manchester cord, 17:5, 17:5, 17:6, 18:44
manufacturing, 1:524–1:525, 2:592, 6:114, 6:314, 6:335, 6:631, 6:631–6:632n, 7:72–7:73, 7:81, 8:146–8:148, 8:179–8:180, 8:464, 8:545–8:546, 8:547, 8:547–8:548, 9:533–9:537, 9:564–9:565, 9:601–9:602, 9:616, 10:32, 12:241, 12:257–12:258, 12:260, 12:275, 12:338, 12:339, 12:354, 12:365, 12:396–12:397, 12:408–12:409, 18:144–18:146, 19:615
milkweed, 11:135–11:136
muslin, 4:27, 4:102, 8:464, 16:6
nankeen, 16:6, 19:16
osnaburg, 1:303, 4:358, 4:515, 5:33, 5:385, 6:347, 6:349n, 9:301, 15:485, 16:12, 17:10, 18:40, 18:48, 18:50, 19:11
pelisse cloth, 19:12, 19:16n
plain cloth, 6:308, 6:309, 6:310, 6:344, 6:344, 6:344, 6:344, 6:345, 6:345, 9:301, 10:609, 12:361, 12:362, 16:11, 16:12, 16:13, 16:13, 16:13, 18:50, 19:10, 19:680n
Providence cloth, 18:147n
rattinet, 7:349, 7:349n, 7:488
ribbon, 16:9, 19:12
sent to TJ, 15:362, 15:363n, 18:521, 18:521
shirting, 6:308, 6:308, 6:309, 6:309, 6:310, 6:348, 9:303, 9:303, 9:566, 9:597, 12:538, 15:229, 15:247, 15:450, 15:451, 15:452, 16:13, 17:5, 17:5, 17:11, 18:47, 18:51, 18:51, 18:147n, 19:14, 19:486n
silk, 4:85, 4:343, 5:439, 6:345, 6:345, 9:565, 16:6, 16:6, 16:8, 16:8, 16:9, 17:5, 17:5, 17:6, 17:10, 17:142, 18:42, 18:43, 18:43, 18:44, 18:44, 18:47, 18:47, 18:47, 18:471, 19:10, 19:11, 19:12, 19:15, 19:16, 19:574
silk manufacturing, 1:341, 1:342n, 1:355, 1:412–1:413, 1:413, 1:414, 1:423–1:424, 1:472, 3:343, 3:343n, 3:635, 12:257, 19:615
Taurino, 7:72–7:73, 7:73n, 7:191
ticking, 18:47, 19:14
Ticklenburg, 4:28, 4:28n, 5:385, 6:344, 6:344, 6:345, 6:345, 6:346, 14:636, 15:485, 15:485n, 16:8, 16:12, 16:14, 19:11
TJ purchases, 15:451
velvet, 12:554, 16:12
and weaving, 3:238–3:239, 5:446, 5:448, 6:556, 12:185, 12:186, 12:257–12:258, 12:338–12:339, 12:339, 12:354, 12:365–12:366, 12:396–12:397, 16:36
wool, 1:15–1:16, 1:479n, 3:637, 4:27, 4:40, 4:102, 4:343, 4:346, 5:129–5:130, 5:130, 5:187, 5:448, 6:114, 6:308, 6:309, 6:310, 6:314, 6:335, 6:631, 6:631–6:632n, 7:13, 7:52–7:53, 7:191, 7:309–7:310, 7:460, 7:570, 8:174, 8:185, 8:234, 8:544, 8:570, 9:535–9:537, 10:547, 12:257, 12:408–12:409, 12:538, 15:229, 16:10, 16:11, 18:42, 18:217n, 19:486
yarn, 12:194, 12:257, 12:261, 12:396–12:397, 13:325, 13:349, 15:134, 17:5
Thacher, George
identified, 20:417n
letters from, 20:415–20:417, 20:558–20:559
letter to, 20:466–20:467
and publication of TJ’s letters, 20:415–20:416, 20:466–20:467
sends religious works to TJ, 20:417n, 20:466, 20:558–20:559, 20:559n
Thacher, Oxenbridge
and origin of American Revolution, 12:495, 12:531n
Thacher, Peter
minister of Brattle Street Church, 8:49, 8:50n
Thacher, Samuel Cooper
as minister of New South Church, Boston, 14:310
Unity of God, A Sermon, 12:356n, 12:576
Thackara, William
and builders’ prices, 12:278
identified, 12:279n
letter from, to B. H. Latrobe, 12:278–12:279
Thacker, Martin
and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 11:324, 11:330, 13:161, 15:97, 16:303, 20:194
Thacker, Nathaniel
and University of Virginia, 16:309, 16:480
Thaer, Albrecht Daniel
Principes raisonnés d’agriculture (a trans. of Grundsätze der rationellen Landwirthschaft), 6:17, 6:18n
Thames (steamboat), 9:134, 9:135n
Thames, Battle of the (Canada) (1813), 6:546n, 6:577n, 8:221, 8:263
Thames River (England)
tunnel under, 6:574, 6:574–6:575n
Thanet, Isle of, England
cement from, 13:410
Thatchers, Mr.
carries letter, 13:62
Thayer, Jechonias
identified, 17:110n
sends corn to TJ, 17:109–17:110, 17:134
Théatre d’Æschyle (Aeschylus; trans. La Porte Du Theil), 15:26, 15:490, 15:491n
Le Théâtre d’Agriculture et Mesnage des Champs (O. de Serres), 1:35, 1:581, 2:82, 7:626, 11:164, 17:138, 17:139n, 17:445, 17:447
Théatre d’Aristophane, avec les fragmens de Ménandre et de Philémon (Aristophanes; trans. L. Poinsinet de Sivry), 11:352, 11:397, 11:397, 11:456, 11:547, 11:592, 11:646, 12:153, 12:439
Théatre d’Éducation (S. F. Genlis), 12:534
Théatre de Société (S. F. Genlis), 12:534
Thebaud, Joseph, 1:522
Themistocles
J. Adams on, 17:505
TJ references, 17:372, 17:378n, 19:125, 19:126n
Thénard, Louis Jacques, 1:264, 1:267n, 1:317n
Thenia (TJ’s slave; b. 1793)
on Monticello slave lists, 4:388
Theocritus
edition of by L. C. Valckenaer, 9:196, 9:456
mentioned, 6:403, 7:448
quoted by TJ, 6:231, 6:234n
Θεοκρίτου τὰ Εὑρισκόμενα . Theocriti quæ extant Cum Græcis Scholiis, 9:456, 14:510, 17:138, 17:444
TJ reads, 6:302
theodolites, 3:480, 4:369, 9:xliii, 9:xliii–9:xliv, 9:82, 9:153, 9:157, 9:168, 9:171n, 9:221, 9:222, 9:222, 9:315, 9:344 (illus.) , 9:344 (illus.) , 9:622, 9:643, 9:688–9:689, 11:544, 13:385, 16:99
Theodore I. See Neuhof, Theodor von, king of Corsica
Theodore I Lascaris, emperor of Nicaea, 8:683
Theodore Roosevelt Island. See Mason’s Island (Analostan Island; later Theodore Roosevelt Island)
Theodoret
Ἑλληνικῶν παθημάτων θεραπευτική, 11:452
Theodosius of Bithynia
Sphaerics, 18:650, 18:650
Theognis
writings of, 6:279, 6:280n, 6:386–6:387, 6:388n, 6:465–6:466, 6:467n, 6:504, 6:504, 6:504, 6:505, 6:562, 6:563, 6:563, 6:565, 6:568n, 6:623, 6:623
Θεοκρίτου τὰ Εὑρισκόμενα. Theocriti quæ extant Cum Græcis Scholiis (Theocritus), 9:456, 14:510, 17:138, 17:444
Theological works (T. Scott), 2:321
The Theological Works of Thomas Paine (T. Paine), 20:319, 20:321n
theology
collegiate education in, 16:628, 20:87
Theophili antecessoris Institvtionvm Libri IV (Theophilus), 3:48, 3:546, 7:125
Theophilus
Theophili antecessoris Institvtionvm Libri IV, 3:48, 3:546, 7:125
Theophrastus (Greek philosopher), 12:496
Théorie de La Terre (J. C. Lamétherie), 8:429, 8:429, 8:429–8:430n
Théorie des Fonctions Analytiques (J. L. Lagrange), 13:314n, 20:292
Théorie des Signes (R. A. C. Sicard), 1:662, 1:662n, 17:536
Théorie Générale des Equations Algébriques (É. Bézout), 16:400n
The Theory and Practice of Brewing (M. Combrune), 1:582, 6:507, 6:533, 6:597
The theory and practice of finding the Longitude at Sea or Land (A. Mackay), 1:492, 1:498n, 9:60, 10:62, 10:81, 10:158
The Theory of Moral Sentiments (A. Smith), 13:177, 13:177n, 19:506
thermometers
calibration of, 15:343–15:344
compensating, 5:558, 5:559n
differential, 14:313
manufactured by Dollond, 10:xlvii, 10:240 (illus.)
mentioned, 8:214, 9:689
and meteorological observations, 8:304, 9:239–9:243, 12:352, 12:353, 12:353, 12:618, 12:619, 14:550n, 14:594, 14:633n, 16:97, 16:97, 16:251, 16:400n, 16:554, 19:386, 20:454n
TJ purchases, 5:xlviii
TJ uses, 11:34, 12:574–12:575, 14:596, 14:597n, 15:343–15:344
TJ receives from J. P. Todd, 10:xlvii, 10:320
for U.S. Coast Survey, 9:224, 9:224
used in chemical laboratories, 20:612, 20:636
used in navigation, 3:93, 3:95n
used to calculate altitude, 12:343–12:344, 12:491–12:492
Thermometrical Navigation (J. Williams), 3:95n
Θησαυρὸς τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς Γλώσσης. Thesaurus Graecae Linguae (ed. H. Estienne), 3:546, 13:342, 13:343n, 13:358, 13:494, 13:494, 13:525, 14:193, 16:224, 16:257
Thesaurus Linguæ Romanæ & Britannicæ (T. Cooper), 16:364, 17:197
Theseus (mythological character), 19:439
Thetis (schooner), 5:665, 5:667n
Theus, Simeon
as collector at Charleston, 10:411, 11:131–11:132, 11:137–11:138
identified, 11:132n
letter from accounted for, 11:138n
letters to, 11:131–11:132, 11:137–11:138
and wine for TJ, 11:131–11:132, 11:137, 11:137–11:138
Thiébaut de Berneaud, Arsenne
identified, 18:63–18:64n
letter from, 18:62–18:64
as secretary of the Société Linnéenne de Paris, 18:62
Thieme, Carl August
edits Ξενοφῶντος τὰ σωζόμενα Xenophontis Opera Graece et Latine (Xenophon), 14:510, 17:106
Thiene, Adriano, 16:343
Thiene, Marcantonio, 16:343
Thierry, Jean Baptiste Simon
and batture controversy, 2:524, 2:526, 2:531, 2:678
Examen des Droits des Etats-Unis et des pretensions de Mr. Edouard Livingston sur la Batture en Face du Faubourg Ste. Marie, 2:439, 2:446n, 2:516, 2:517n, 2:531, 2:532n, 2:658, 3:30, 3:72, 3:133–3:134, 3:135n, 3:159, 3:203, 3:226, 3:233, 3:271, 3:476, 3:484, 4:643n
identified, 4:643n
letters to, 4:643
Reply to Mr. Duponceau, 1:287, 1:287n, 3:484
TJ differs with, 4:643
TJ sends batture pamphlet to, 4:624, 4:643
Things as they are; or, the Adventures of Caleb Williams (W. Godwin), 12:534
The Third Part of the Institutes of the Laws of England (E. Coke), 7:171, 7:173n, 10:12, 10:14n, 10:428
Thirty Years’ War, 6:192
Thom
delivers goods, 17:223, 17:223, 19:38, 19:275
Thomas (TJ’s slave; b. 1813). See Hughes, Thomas (TJ’s slave; b. 1813)
Thomas, Miss, 2:103
Thomas, Mr.
J. L. Jefferson rents ferry from, 9:489
Thomas, Antoine Léonard
Eulogium on Marcus Aurelius (trans. Warden), 3:309, 3:310n
Thomas, Archibald
and University of Virginia, 19:57
Thomas, Isaiah
and American Antiquarian Society, 16:351, 18:xlix–18:l, 18:322, 18:325, 18:325, 18:325, 18:326n, 20:436
The History of Printing in America, 1:333, 1:334n
identified, 16:352n
letter from accounted for, 16:352n
letter to, 16:351–16:352
Thomas, James
employee of J. Milligan, 13:408, 13:408n, 13:520, 13:520–13:521n, 14:39, 14:93, 16:427
identified, 14:39n
introduced to TJ, 14:39
and J. Milligan’s bookselling business, 16:427
visits Monticello, 14:39, 14:39n, 14:93
Thomas, James (of Albemarle Co.), 5:141n
Thomas, Jesse, Jr.
petition to General Assembly, 4:346–4:349
Thomas, Jesse Burgess
and Missouri question, 15:532
as speaker of Indiana Territory House of Representatives, 1:96
Thomas, J. L. & N. K. (Richmond firm). See J. L. & N. K. Thomas (Richmond firm)
Thomas, John
and Central College subscription, 11:325, 11:330
Thomas, John Henry
A Systematic Arrangement of Lord Coke’s First Institute of the Laws of England, 17:419, 17:538, 17:563, 18:334–18:335, 18:335n, 18:335, 18:381, 18:446, 18:446n, 18:463, 18:475, 18:580, 18:580, 20:410, 20:411, 20:412n, 20:422
Thomas, John L.
and Central College subscription, 11:325, 11:330
as collector for University of Virginia, 19:39, 19:40n, 19:71n, 19:257, 19:258n, 19:512, 19:553, 20:180, 20:180n, 20:189–20:190, 20:190n, 20:192, 20:193n, 20:194, 20:194, 20:194, 20:194, 20:195, 20:195, 20:196, 20:199, 20:199, 20:199–20:200, 20:239, 20:328, 20:585
as commission merchant, 4:52
health of, 6:148
and Henderson case, 5:274–5:275, 5:277, 5:364, 5:371, 5:651, 5:651n, 5:658, 6:5, 6:148
identified, 4:52–4:53n
letters from, 4:52–4:53, 5:364, 5:658, 6:148
letters to, 5:274–5:275, 5:371, 5:651, 6:5
TJ pays, 19:11
and University of Virginia, 20:199, 20:201, 20:202, 20:207, 20:218, 20:218, 20:221, 20:221, 20:223, 20:223, 20:224, 20:230, 20:231, 20:233
Thomas, Moses
and J. Pinkerton’s atlas, 3:296
Thomas, N. K., & Company (Richmond firm). See N. K. Thomas & Company (Richmond firm)
Thomas, Norborne K.
and Central College subscription, 11:325, 11:334
as commission merchant, 4:52, 5:277
identified, 5:277n
letters from, 5:277
Thomas, Robert
The Modern Practice of Physic, 11:4, 11:4n
Thomas, William
letter from, 20:627
proposes to visit Monticello, 20:627
regarded as insane by TJ, 20:627n
Thomas à Kempis (Thomas Hammerken [Hemerken])
De Imitatione Christi, 18:605
Thomas & Martin (Philadelphia firm), 12:409
Thomas Aquinas, Saint, 7:480, 7:667, 12:443, 19:526, 20:620n
Thomas B. Wait & Sons (Boston firm)
identified, 7:646n
letters from, 7:644–7:646
printing house, 7:646n
and State Papers and Publick Documents, 7:644, 7:645–7:646n, 8:156, 18:524, 20:373, 20:404–20:405
Thomas Cox & Company (North Carolina firm) See also Cox, Thomas , 19:115
Thomas Eston Randolph & Company (Shadwell Mill, Va.)
agreement with TJ, 10:396
Thomas Gilpin & Company (Brandywine, Pa., firm), 5:654–5:655n
Thomasius, Christian
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502
Thos Jefferson the Pride of America (Gimbrede), 1:xlvii, 1:23, 1:23n, 1:32, 1:380 (illus.)
Thomas Leiper & Son (firm). See Leiper, Thomas
Thomas M. Randolph & Company (Shadwell mills, Va.) See also Randolph, Thomas Eston (TJ’s cousin); Randolph, Thomas Mann (1768–1828) (TJ’s son-in-law; Martha Jefferson Randolph’s husband)
Account of Flour Shipped, 9:547–9:548
account with TJ, 10:474–10:475, 10:478
identified, 9:547n
letter from, 9:546–9:547
and TJ’s flour, 9:546–9:547, 9:547, 9:547–9:548n, 9:567–9:568, 9:568n, 10:474–10:475, 10:478
Thomas Ritchie & Company (Richmond firm) See also Ritchie, Thomas
proposes to publish work, 19:460–19:461n
Thomas Smart v. The Magistrates and Town Council of the Burgh of Dundee (Brown’s Reports), 3:151, 3:151n, 3:316, 3:546, 3:546, 3:546
Thompson, Mr.
and naval appointment, 5:495
Thompson, Benjamin. See Rumford, Benjamin Thompson, Count
Thompson, Benjamin Franklin
identified, 4:54n
letters from, 4:53–4:54
letters to, 4:76
An Oration, delivered before the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, of Brookhaven, (L.I.), 4:53, 4:54n, 4:76
Thompson, Cephas
as portraitist, 14:lii
Thompson, David Jones
identified, 8:695–8:696n
letter from, 8:695–8:696
military service of, 8:695
provides lumber for TJ, 8:695–8:696
Thompson, George
and Fraser’s application, 4:546, 4:546n
Thompson, George (of Albemarle Co.)
and Rivanna River navigation, 11:106, 14:337, 14:359–14:360, 14:407
Thompson, George (London publisher)
“The Taking of the City of Washington in America”, 7:xlv, 7:434 (illus.)
Thompson, Hugh
merchant, 8:363
Thompson, Isabella
signs petition, 18:146
Thompson, John
militia service of, 7:161
Thompson (Thomson), John (Campbell Co. landholder)
and Bedford Co. land, 5:476, 5:479, 5:487
and lumber for TJ, 8:695
and survey of Poplar Forest, 12:210, 12:212–12:213
Thompson (Tompson), John (clerk in Orleans Territory), 1:635, 1:642n
Thompson, John (judge in Orleans Territory), 1:635, 2:211, 2:212
Thompson, John Lewis, 5:623n
Thompson, John W.
on Republican committee of correspondence, 11:599n
Thompson, Jonathan
account with TJ, 18:120, 18:120–18:121, 18:170, 19:702, 19:702
as collector at New York, 17:225, 17:243, 17:277, 17:277, 17:448n, 17:534, 18:51, 18:71, 18:118, 18:120, 18:120–18:121, 18:169, 18:170, 18:179, 18:194, 18:364, 18:491–18:492, 18:561, 19:498, 19:499n, 19:501n, 19:684, 19:702, 19:702, 20:14, 20:14, 20:31, 20:479
identified, 17:225n
letter from accounted for, 19:684n
letters from, 17:225, 17:277, 18:51, 18:120, 18:194, 18:491–18:492, 19:702, 20:31
letters to, 17:243–17:244, 18:71, 18:170, 18:561, 19:684, 20:14–20:15
Thompson, Philip Rootes
and establishment of University of Virginia, 13:473, 13:473n, 13:473n, 13:491, 13:558, 14:14
as U.S. representative, 4:64, 4:67n
as Va. legislator, 13:592
Thompson, Pishey
as bookseller, 20:501
Thompson, Roger
and Rivanna River navigation, 11:106, 14:337, 14:359–14:360, 14:407
Thompson, S. J. & Company (Baltimore firm). See S. J. Thompson & Company (Baltimore firm)
Thompson, Smith
and appointments, 17:435, 17:437, 17:461, 17:465, 18:627
and charges against J. Barron, 17:516, 17:517n, 17:519
correspondence of, 17:517n
identified, 17:437–17:438n
letter from
letter to, 17:437–17:438
C. W. Peale proposes to paint, 13:540
presidential prospects of, 17:214
as secretary of the navy, 17:460, 17:464, 17:464n, 18:16, 19:72, 19:142
and TJ’s purported support of D. Clinton, 17:118
Thompson, William (of England)
and E. Aram’s murder trial, 7:375
Thompson, William (of Virginia), 18:405
Thompson, William Augustus
and W. J. Coffee, 18:174, 18:183
and goods for TJ, 18:174
identified, 18:175n
letters from, 18:174–18:175, 18:183
letter to accounted for, 18:175n
Thomson, Alexander
translates The Lives of the First Twelve Cæsars (Suetonius), 1:580, 12:534, 19:505
Thomson, Charles
friendship with TJ, 9:340–9:342, 9:708–9:709, 10:59
health of, 10:59–10:60, 10:60, 10:649–10:650, 11:29, 17:603, 18:12, 18:12, 18:423, 18:454, 18:454, 18:502, 18:516
The Holy Bible, containing the Old and New Covenant, 3:596, 3:596n, 10:214, 10:300, 10:450, 15:159, 15:159n, 15:223, 16:115
identified, 9:342n
letters from, 10:59–10:61, 10:649–10:651
letters to, 9:340–9:342, 11:29
and J. P. Norris
secretary of Continental Congress, 3:39, 3:40n, 6:207, 6:373, 6:612
and speeches of the American Revolution, 10:602, 10:602n
A Synopsis of the Four Evangelists, 8:472, 8:472n, 8:672, 8:673n, 9:194, 9:194n, 9:340, 10:300, 11:115–11:116, 11:116n
and TJ’s religious beliefs, 10:262, 10:300–10:301, 10:480, 10:518, 10:521, 10:541, 10:649, 10:650, 11:29
Thomson, Ignatius, 19:583, 19:583n, 19:633
Thomson, James
quoted, 16:203
The Seasons, 12:534, 16:203n
Spring, 12:160, 12:164n, 19:302, 19:303n
TJ on, 12:532
tragedies of, 19:507
Thomson, James G.
on University of Pennsylvania faculty, 8:446, 8:449n
Thomson, John. See Thompson (Thomson), John (Campbell Co. landholder)
Thomson, Mary, 18:516
Thomson, Thomas
mineralogical theories of, 13:102
Thomson, Bonar, & Company (London firm), 14:343
thorn
as agricultural fence, 7:80–7:81, 10:194–10:195, 10:196n, 11:228
Cockspur hawthorn, 10:238
Maple-leaf (Washington hawthorn), 10:195, 10:196n, 10:197, 10:198n
New Castle, 7:80
propagation of, 10:194–10:195, 10:197, 10:292–10:293
pyracantha, 10:197, 10:197, 10:238
Virginia, 7:80
writings on, 10:195, 10:196n, 10:197
Thorn, Abia B. See also Thorn & Chamberlain (Albemarle Co. firm)
Arthur S. Brockenbrough’s Agreement with Abia B. Thorn and Nathaniel Chamberlain for Rotunda Brickwork, 19:433–19:435, 19:450, 19:452
as brick mason for University of Virginia, 15:386n, 16:19, 16:303, 16:313, 16:313, 16:314, 16:319, 16:479, 17:639, 17:641n, 18:534, 19:185, 19:189, 19:237, 19:237n, 19:395–19:396n, 19:433–19:434, 19:435n, 20:222, 20:223, 20:227, 20:556
identified, 19:435n
and stonework for University of Virginia, 19:435n, 20:202, 20:203, 20:205, 20:224, 20:225, 20:227, 20:229, 20:231, 20:231, 20:231, 20:235n, 20:235n
Thorn & Chamberlain (Albemarle Co. firm) See also ; Thorn, Abia B.; Chamberlain, Nathaniel
as builder for University of Virginia, 20:200, 20:205, 20:207, 20:219, 20:220, 20:226, 20:227, 20:227, 20:228, 20:229, 20:232, 20:234, 20:556
Thornton, Mr.
and University of Virginia, 18:123
Thornton, Anna Maria Brodeau (William Thornton’s wife)
sends greetings to TJ, 1:479
TJ sends greetings to, 1:466, 5:80, 5:80n, 5:148, 5:148n, 16:578
Thornton, Francis
witnesses bond, 4:232n
Thornton, Henry, 3:319, 3:320n
Thornton, Matthew
signer of Declaration of Independence, 14:292, 19:471
Thornton, Philip
identified, 8:96n
leases Natural Bridge from TJ, 8:96, 8:96n, 8:119–8:120, 8:120–8:121, 8:123, 8:257, 8:281, 8:308–8:309, 8:347, 9:402, 9:402n, 9:449, 9:450, 10:520, 11:237, 11:238n, 11:428, 11:642, 12:340, 12:525, 12:525–12:526, 12:544
letters from, 8:96, 9:402, 12:544
letters to, 8:123, 9:450, 11:642, 12:340, 12:525–12:526
and T. M. Randolph’s gubernatorial prospects, 8:96n
and shot manufactory, 1:367n, 8:96, 8:96n, 8:119–8:120, 8:120–8:121, 8:257, 8:281–8:282, 8:309, 8:347, 10:520, 11:642, 12:340, 12:525, 12:525–12:526, 12:544
and TJ’s rumored death, 9:402, 9:450
visits Monticello, 8:96n, 8:123
Thornton, Robert John
A New Family Herbal, 7:458, 7:458n
Thornton, William
as agent for O. Barrett, 4:592, 4:666–4:667, 5:21–5:22, 5:23
borrows paintings from TJ, 8:136, 8:160, 8:195, 9:592, 10:71, 10:71n, 10:71–10:72, 10:159–10:160, 10:258, 10:258–10:259, 10:274, 11:135, 11:266–11:267, 11:342, 11:387
and design of Central College, 11:315, 11:342–11:343, 11:387–11:390, 11:393, 16:527
Drawing and Description of a Water and Cider Filter, 8:196, 8:403, 8:404–8:405
educational system proposed by, 11:390, 11:391n
and fig trees, 2:3, 2:32, 2:367–2:368, 2:379, 2:412–2:413, 2:456
on France, 16:528
health of, 5:22, 5:80, 5:142, 5:181, 5:210, 5:242, 9:592, 16:530
A. von Humboldt sends greetings to, 1:453n
identified, 1:466n
introduces T. Freeborn, 11:454, 11:462
inventions of, 8:253, 8:402–8:403, 8:404–8:405
and W. Janes’s loom, 8:135–8:136, 8:160, 8:195, 8:249, 8:252–8:253
letter from, to G. Greer, 7:508–7:509
letters from, 1:476–1:480, 2:3–2:4, 2:367–2:368, 2:379–2:380, 2:456–2:457, 3:63–3:64, 4:425–4:428, 5:21–5:23, 5:141–5:142, 5:181–5:182, 5:241–5:242, 7:438–7:439, 7:506–7:507, 8:135–8:137, 8:195–8:196, 8:402–8:403, 8:408, 9:592–9:593, 10:159–10:160, 10:258–10:259, 11:135–11:136, 11:266–11:267, 11:387–11:392, 11:454, 16:527–16:531
letters to, 1:465–1:466, 1:599–1:600, 2:32–2:33, 2:412–2:414, 2:492–2:493, 4:417–4:418, 4:666–4:668, 5:80, 5:134, 5:148, 5:209–5:210, 7:405–7:407, 7:486–7:487, 7:568, 8:160–8:161, 8:252–8:253, 10:71–10:72, 10:274, 11:342–11:343, 16:577–16:578
letter to, from W. Cranch, 5:23–5:24
letter to, from W. Janes, 7:507–7:508
mentioned, 8:314
and merino sheep, 1:199, 1:224–1:225, 1:286, 1:464, 1:465–1:466, 1:467, 1:476–1:477, 1:479, 1:480–1:481, 1:599, 2:3–2:4, 2:32, 2:379, 2:380, 2:413, 2:431, 2:456–2:457, 2:492, 5:142, 5:181
musical instrument invented by, 7:439, 7:487
opinion of Spanish army, 2:379–2:380
on B. Otis’s portraits, 10:258
as patent office superintendent, 2:5n, 2:367, 5:22–5:23, 5:23n, 7:405–7:406, 7:438–7:439, 7:486–7:487, 7:506–7:507, 7:507, 7:508, 7:523, 7:568, 7:668–7:669, 7:669n, 8:160, 8:408, 9:138, 9:339–9:340, 9:592, 9:592–9:593, 11:6, 11:135, 13:155, 13:155n, 16:528, 16:578
portrait of TJ by, 8:136, 8:137n, 9:592, 10:72, 10:159–10:160, 10:258, 10:258–10:259, 10:274, 11:135, 11:266, 11:267n
on reformation of English language, 6:414, 6:415n
and sale of TJ’s library, 8:136
and sculpture of TJ, 11:267
seeks appointment, 16:528–16:531, 16:577–16:578
sends cotton cloth to TJ, 8:408
sends publications to TJ, 8:195, 8:253, 8:408, 8:408n, 9:592, 11:135
sends publications to T. M. Randolph, 8:408
and shepherd dogs, 2:3, 2:32, 2:409, 2:413, 2:431, 2:456, 2:490, 2:492, 2:492, 2:511–2:512, 2:568, 2:666, 3:63, 3:63, 5:181, 5:209–5:210
Short Account of the Origin of Steam Boats, 8:195
Sketches for a Corinthian Pavilion, 11:393
and South America, 16:528–16:530, 16:531n
and spinning machines, 4:417–4:418, 4:424, 4:425–4:426, 4:512, 4:592, 4:666–4:667, 5:21–5:22, 5:22, 5:24, 5:80, 5:134, 5:141, 5:145, 5:148, 5:181, 5:209, 5:241–5:242
on G. Stuart’s portraits, 10:159–10:160, 10:258
and TJ’s cisterns, 8:252, 8:253n
and water-raising machine, 8:195–8:196
and C. Whitlow’s botanical discoveries, 4:426–4:427, 4:667, 5:22
and work on U.S. Capitol, 3:534, 3:535, 3:537n, 3:555–3:556
Thornton, William M.
and Central College subscription, 11:331
Thorp, Mr., 11:15
“A Thought on Death, November, 1814” (A. L. Barbauld), 18:423
Thoughts of Cicero (Cicero; comp. P. J. T. d’Olivet), 19:505
Thoughts on Government: Applicable to The Present State of the American Colonies (J. Adams), 20:151n
Thoughts on Instinctive Impulses (T. Law), 3:209, 3:261, 3:298, 3:578, 3:579n, 7:467, 7:468n
Thoughts on Political Economy (D. Raymond), 16:548–16:549
Thoughts on Religion, and other curious Subjects (B. Pascal), 7:386, 7:386n
Thoüin, André
asks TJ to submit scholarship for publication, 6:17
“Description de la Greffe Juge, nouvelle sorte” , 19:353n
“Description de la Greffe Sainclair, nouvelle sorte” , 19:353n
“Description D’une nouvelle sorte de Greffe, nommée Greffe Vilmorin” , 19:353n
as director of Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, 8:680, 13:85–13:86, 13:147, 13:147
on education, 11:263–11:264
on European interest in U.S., 11:264
on grafting, 4:320, 4:321n, 4:538, 4:621, 7:55, 7:55n
“Histoire et Description D’une nouvelle espèce de Poirier, envoyée du Mont-Sinaï” , 19:353n
identified, 1:202n
and Institut de France, 5:433
introduces J. Corrêa da Serra, 4:319–4:320, 4:539n, 7:55, 7:55n
introduces J. Lakanal, 9:267–9:268
letters from, 2:308–2:309, 3:419, 4:319–4:321, 6:17–6:18, 9:267–9:268, 11:263–11:266, 12:482, 13:85–13:87, 19:352–19:353
letters to, 1:201–1:202, 7:54–7:55, 8:321–8:323, 8:480
“Mémoire sur la Greffe Banks. Nouvelle Sorte” , 19:353n
Note Sur la culture et les usages du Chêne à glands doux ou Ballota. (Quercus Ballota), 19:353n
Note Sur la culture et les usages du Pin Laricio de Corse, 19:353n
Note Sur la Soude d’Alicante ou Barille (Salsola Sativa), L., 19:353n
and R. M. Patterson, 1:201
Quelques Notes & mémoires Sur des cultures forestières, jardinières & champetres, 19:353n
recommends book to TJ, 6:17
recommends G. Troost, 2:308
requests assistance in procuring seeds, 6:17, 6:152
sends greetings to TJ, 1:141, 1:629, 20:446
sends rice to TJ, 1:208, 1:596
sends seeds to TJ, 2:91n, 3:419, 3:544, 3:583, 3:604, 3:604, 3:614, 3:629, 4:84, 4:85n, 4:498, 4:621, 5:382, 5:553, 6:17, 6:44, 6:45, 6:152, 6:196, 7:54–7:55, 7:90, 7:90, 8:420, 8:615, 8:615n, 8:615, 10:239–10:240, 11:263, 12:477, 12:482, 13:85, 14:175, 16:46, 19:352, 19:609
sends works to TJ, 19:352
TJ introduces B. S. Barton to, 8:321, 8:325
TJ introduces L. H. Girardin to, 8:480
TJ sends greetings to, 20:282
and TJ’s health, 20:99
on viticulture, 11:264
Θουκυδίδου Πλάτωνος καὶ Λυσίου λόγοι ἐπιτάφιοι (Thucydides, Plato, and Lysias), 10:358
thread, 4:358, 6:344, 6:344, 6:345, 6:345, 6:345, 6:349n, 9:565, 9:566, 9:597, 12:362, 12:397, 15:450, 15:451, 15:451, 15:451, 15:451, 15:452, 15:452n, 15:475n, 15:475n, 16:6, 16:6, 16:8, 16:8, 16:11, 16:11, 16:11, 16:12, 16:13, 16:13, 16:14, 17:4, 17:5, 17:5, 17:5, 17:5, 17:5, 17:6, 17:6, 17:7, 17:8, 17:234n, 18:41, 18:42, 18:42, 18:43, 18:43, 18:44, 18:44, 18:46, 18:47, 18:48, 18:48, 19:10, 19:11, 19:11, 19:13, 19:14, 19:15, 20:209, 20:216
Three Dissertations on Boylston Prize Questions for the Years 1806 and 1807 (G. C. Shattuck), 1:50–1:51, 1:51n
Three Important Questions Answered, relating to the Christian Name, Character and Hopes (H. Ware [1794–1843]), 18:657
Three Treatises (J. Harris), 8:388, 15:337, 15:337, 15:337, 15:338n
Threlkeld, Elizabeth (John Threlkeld’s wife)
family of, 1:40
Threlkeld, Jane, 3:433, 3:433n, 3:458, 3:513n
Threlkeld, John
encloses wife’s letter to M. B. Eppes, 3:513n
identified, 1:40n
letters from, 1:40, 3:433
letters to, 1:40, 3:458–3:459
sends plants to TJ, 1:40
TJ forwards letter for, 3:433, 3:433n, 3:458
threshing machines, 3:293, 3:371, 5:324, 5:325–5:326, 5:360, 5:444–5:445, 5:445n, 6:203, 7:81–7:82, 8:185, 8:368–8:369, 8:369n, 8:464, 8:520, 8:535–8:536, 10:32–10:33, 11:200, 14:588, 15:290, 15:591n, 15:607, 19:394n, 19:398
Threshly (Thresly), Mr. See Sthreshly, Robert B.
Thrimston (Thrimson) (TJ’s slave; b. ca. 1799). See Hern, Thrimston (Thrimson) (TJ’s slave; b. ca. 1799)
throat distemper. See diphtheria (throat distemper)
Thruston (TJ’s slave; b. 1795). See Hern, Thruston (TJ’s slave; b. 1795)
Thruston, Buckner, 1:473
Thuanus, Jacques Auguste de. See de Thou, Jacques Auguste
Thucydides
J. Adams reads, 4:475
De Bello Peloponnesiaco Libri Octo Graece et Latine (eds. J. Wasse and K. A. Duker), 9:195, 9:455, 10:233, 14:510, 17:106
The History of the Peloponnesian War, Translated from the Greek of Thucydides (trans. W. Smith), 1:580, 19:505
Θουκυδίδου Πλάτωνος καὶ Λυσίου λόγοι ἐπιτάφιοι, 10:358
Thucydidis De Bello Peloponnesiaco (ed. G. H. Schaefer), 17:536, 17:537n, 18:73n, 18:358, 18:376n, 18:376, 18:439, 18:619
TJ on, 7:447
TJ reads, 3:440, 4:429, 6:302
works of, 16:330, 16:441, 16:516
Thucydidis De Bello Peloponnesiaco (Thucydides; ed. G. H. Schaefer), 17:536, 17:537n, 18:73n, 18:358, 18:376n, 18:376, 18:439, 18:619
Thulemeier, Friedrich Wilhelm von
as diplomat, 17:338
Thurber, Samuel
and contagious disease, 16:268
and S. Eddy, 16:268
family of, 16:265–16:266
finances of, 16:265–16:266
and Fourth Baptist Society of Providence, R.I., 16:266–16:268
identified, 8:148n
letters from, 8:146–8:148, 16:265–16:268
letter to, 8:179–8:180
and relocation of cotton manufactory, 8:146–8:148, 8:179–8:180
Thurmond, Benjamin
as juror, 5:278, 5:279
witnesses warrant, 5:280
Thuston (E. Bacon’s slave), 16:152
Thwaites, Edward
Heptateuchus, Liber Job, et Evangelium Nicodemi; Anglo-Saxonice, 16:363, 17:196
Thweatt, Archibald
attends dinners honoring TJ, 1:608+, 1:615+
and Central College subscription, 11:327n, 11:590–11:591, 12:41–12:42, 12:472
desires to publish TJ letter, 17:580, 18:73
and Eppington, 12:141
family of, 12:139
finances of, 12:472
and fish for TJ, 15:378
and Gilliam v. Fleming, 2:83–2:85, 2:122–2:123, 2:141–2:142, 2:256, 2:340, 2:368, 2:396–2:397, 2:403, 2:407–2:408, 2:424, 2:424–2:425, 2:433–2:434, 2:446–2:448, 2:464, 2:540–2:541, 2:674–2:675, 3:44–3:45, 3:84–3:86, 5:90, 5:91n, 7:99
identified, 2:85n
letters from, 2:122–2:123, 2:368–2:369, 2:396–2:398, 2:403, 2:424, 2:446–2:448, 3:44–3:45, 5:161–5:162, 5:287, 12:41–12:42, 12:452, 12:472, 16:541, 17:580, 18:53, 18:82
letters from accounted for, 2:142n, 2:256n, 2:369n, 2:469n, 3:86n, 5:91n, 5:162n, 5:548n, 7:99n, 7:175n, 11:132n, 11:201n, 11:233n, 12:141n
letters from mentioned, 2:378
letters to, 2:83–2:85, 2:141–2:142, 2:256, 2:407–2:408, 2:424–2:426, 2:433–2:434, 2:468–2:469, 3:84–3:86, 5:90–5:91, 5:210–5:211, 5:548, 7:99, 7:175, 10:581–10:582, 10:628, 10:666–10:667, 11:200–11:201, 11:590–11:592, 12:140–12:141, 12:487, 16:556, 17:184, 18:73–18:74
letters to accounted for, 2:469n, 12:298n
letters to, from S. Roane, 18:54, 18:83
mentioned, 16:609, 17:248
and mill construction, 11:200
and petition of P. I. Barziza, 10:628, 10:628, 11:146, 11:147n
and proposed Albemarle Co. road, 10:581–10:582, 10:664, 10:666–10:667, 11:59, 11:59, 11:59n, 11:59n, 11:66, 11:119, 11:132, 11:133, 11:200
seeks appointment, 12:139–12:140, 12:140–12:141
sends work to TJ, 17:580
TJ recommends, 2:468–2:469, 12:139–12:140, 12:140–12:141
TJ sends batture pamphlet to, 5:548, 7:175
and TJ’s land dispute with S. Scott, 5:89, 5:90–5:91, 5:161–5:162, 5:162n, 5:210–5:211, 5:287, 5:287–5:288
and TJ’s newspapers, 1:469
toast by, 1:615+
urges TJ to resume political activity, 16:541, 16:556, 16:636, 18:53, 18:82
visits J. Madison, 2:468–2:469
and J. Wayles’s estate, 7:99, 7:174, 7:175, 9:647, 10:110, 12:452, 12:487, 15:260, 17:184
Thweatt, Lucy Eppes (Archibald Thweatt’s wife)
sends greetings to TJ, 2:424, 3:45, 5:162, 5:287
TJ sends greetings to, 2:85, 2:142, 2:256, 2:408, 2:425, 2:434, 5:91, 5:211, 7:99, 11:201, 12:141, 12:487, 16:556, 17:184, 18:74
Thweatt, Mary (Polly) Eppes (John Wayles Eppes’s sister; Richard Noble Thweatt’s wife)
marriage of, 2:68, 2:70n, 2:142n
sends greetings to TJ, 10:565
TJ sends greetings to, 10:540
Thweatt, Richard Noble
family of, 2:70n, 13:350
identified, 10:540n
letters from, 10:565–10:566, 13:173, 13:350
letters to, 10:540, 13:126–13:127, 13:287
and package for TJ, 10:500, 10:540, 10:540, 10:565
and wine for TJ, 13:126–13:127, 13:173, 13:283, 13:287, 13:350
thyme
sent to TJ, 15:429
Tibullus (Roman poet), 7:661, 9:196, 11:126
Tichenor, Isaac
recommends B. O. Tyler, 12:537n
Tichinor, Peter
as justice of the peace, 9:54
ticking (textile), 18:47, 19:14
Ticklenburg (textile), 4:28, 4:28n, 5:385, 6:344, 6:344, 6:345, 6:345, 6:346, 14:636, 15:485, 15:485n, 16:8, 16:12, 16:14, 19:11
Ticknor, Anna Eliot (George Ticknor’s wife)
marriage of, 18:27–18:28, 18:28n
mentioned, 19:678, 20:378
Ticknor, Elisha
and books for TJ, 10:212, 10:212, 10:320, 10:484–10:485, 10:502, 10:531–10:532, 10:576, 10:576–10:577, 11:414
and elementary schools, 12:513–12:514
forwards letters to and from TJ, 8:370, 8:371, 8:579, 8:584, 8:589, 8:651, 8:673n, 8:684–8:685, 9:82, 9:196, 9:353, 9:359, 9:403–9:404, 9:454, 9:456n, 9:460, 9:561, 10:502, 10:598, 11:419, 11:634, 12:203, 12:203, 12:466–12:467, 12:512, 12:513, 13:239, 13:337–13:338
health of, 8:650
identified, 8:584n
letters from, 8:650–8:651, 8:684–8:685, 9:403–9:404, 10:484–10:485, 10:502, 10:531–10:532, 12:512–12:514
letters to, 8:583–8:584, 9:359, 9:460, 10:320, 10:576–10:577, 11:419–11:420, 12:203, 12:466–12:467, 13:337–13:338
letter to accounted for, 8:673n
mentioned, 8:149n, 9:196, 13:337
as overseer of Dartmouth College, 10:383, 10:383n
relationship with son, 14:32
G. Ticknor sends books to, 9:195, 9:697, 10:383, 10:531
and G. Ticknor’s travels, 8:242n, 8:650–8:651, 8:684–8:685, 9:359, 9:403–9:404, 9:460, 10:383, 10:484, 10:485, 10:577, 12:466, 12:467, 12:512–12:513, 13:337–13:338
TJ sends greetings to, 15:304
Ticknor, Elizabeth Billings Curtis (Elisha Ticknor’s wife)
and books for TJ, 10:383
death of, 14:32
identified, 10:383n
letter from, 10:383
thanks TJ, 10:383
Ticknor, George
Account of a Visit to Monticello, 8:238–8:243
and J. Adams, 15:587
on alcohol, 18:27
and G. W. Blaettermann, 14:251, 14:345–14:346, 14:347–14:348, 15:302, 17:419
and books for TJ, 8:292, 8:325, 8:361–8:362, 8:370, 8:523, 8:549, 8:550, 8:578–8:580, 8:580–8:581, 8:583–8:584, 8:587, 8:589, 8:590n, 8:603, 8:627, 8:632, 8:633n, 8:673, 9:82–9:83, 9:87, 9:152, 9:195–9:196, 9:353, 9:354, 9:420, 9:420, 9:431, 9:454–9:456, 9:559–9:560, 9:561–9:562n, 9:696–9:697, 10:64–10:65, 10:212–10:213, 10:320, 10:383, 10:484–10:485, 10:531–10:532, 10:576–10:577, 10:598, 10:598n, 11:255, 11:296, 11:408, 11:408, 11:414–11:415, 11:455, 11:632, 12:109–12:110, 12:203–12:204, 12:576, 13:239
books sold by, 9:186, 9:186n, 9:276, 9:277n
carries TJ’s letters to Europe, 8:253, 8:266, 8:292, 8:308, 8:310, 8:320, 8:320n, 8:361, 8:370, 8:488, 8:489, 8:549–8:550, 9:8, 9:83, 9:195, 9:560, 9:562n, 11:281, 11:355–11:356
on education in Europe, 9:83–9:87, 9:195, 9:403–9:404, 9:560–9:561, 9:697–9:698, 11:633–11:634, 12:204, 13:238–13:239, 15:302–15:304
and education in Va., 12:9, 12:101, 12:204–12:205
enlists D. B. Warden’s assistance in procuring books for TJ, 9:431, 9:492–9:493, 9:559–9:560, 9:561–9:562n, 10:64–10:65
family of, 14:32, 14:345, 20:378
forwarding address of in London, 8:549–8:550, 8:684
friendship with A. Bigelow, 14:58
friendship with F. W. Gilmer, 8:193, 9:87–9:88, 12:545
on Great Britain, 15:388
as Harvard professor, 14:32, 15:387, 15:389, 17:565, 18:5, 18:5n, 18:7n, 19:676–19:678, 20:15, 20:42, 20:43, 20:146, 20:376–20:378
health of, 10:383, 10:485, 15:387
identified, 8:242n
introduced to TJ, 8:148, 8:149n, 8:156, 8:193, 8:232, 8:243, 8:260, 8:267
introduces J. Blomfield, 14:346, 14:347n
introduces J. Coolidge, 20:627
H. Jackson conveys letters to, 8:582–8:583, 9:362, 9:417, 9:429, 9:454
letters from, 8:324–8:325, 8:370–8:371, 8:549–8:550, 9:82–9:88, 9:195–9:197, 9:559–9:562, 9:696–9:699, 10:212–10:213, 10:598, 11:632–11:634, 13:236–13:240, 14:31–14:33, 14:344–14:347, 15:387–15:390, 17:467–17:472, 18:26–18:28, 19:676–19:678, 20:376–20:379, 20:627–20:628
letters from accounted for, 9:456n, 14:347n
letters to, 8:361–8:362, 8:578–8:581, 8:673, 9:353–9:355, 9:420, 9:454–9:456, 11:414–11:416, 12:203–12:205, 13:338–13:339, 15:301–15:304, 17:522–17:523, 17:565–17:566, 17:566, 20:42–20:44
letter to accounted for, 8:362n
letter to, from J. Ogilvie, 14:347–14:348
library of, 13:238, 13:238
on literary news, 20:378
marriage of, 18:27–18:28, 18:28n
plans return to U.S., 13:238–13:239
portrait of, 8:xlviii, 8:272 (illus.)
returns TJ’s letter to W. H. Crawford, 8:371
sends greetings to Randolphs, 10:598, 15:389–15:390, 17:471, 18:27, 19:678, 20:378
Syllabus of a Course of Lectures on the history and criticism of Spanish Literature, 19:676–19:677, 19:678n, 20:42
and tariffs on books, 17:468–17:471, 17:495–17:496, 17:502–17:504, 17:522–17:523, 17:655–17:656, 18:5, 18:7n, 18:27, 18:78
and D. C. Terrell, 10:598, 12:545, 12:561, 12:614
TJ introduces students to, 17:565, 17:566, 19:301, 19:677–19:678
TJ invites to visit Monticello, 20:42–20:43, 20:378
TJ on, 8:247, 8:260, 8:266–8:267, 8:292, 8:294, 8:308, 8:523, 8:583–8:584, 9:431, 9:460, 10:485, 11:408, 12:202, 12:462
and TJ’s health, 14:31
TJ’s letters of introduction for, 8:240, 8:241, 8:260, 8:266–8:267, 8:292, 8:294, 8:308, 8:325, 8:360, 8:370, 8:370, 8:651, 11:634, 12:202, 12:203, 12:203, 12:462, 12:466–12:467, 12:512, 12:513, 13:236–13:237, 13:239, 13:337, 13:337–13:338, 13:338, 13:339, 14:82
travels of, 8:149n, 8:193–8:194, 8:260, 8:292, 8:294, 8:324–8:325, 8:360, 8:361, 8:362, 8:370–8:371, 8:488n, 8:489, 8:549–8:550, 8:579, 8:582–8:583, 8:583–8:584, 8:589, 8:650–8:651, 8:684–8:685, 9:83, 9:83, 9:186, 9:195, 9:196, 9:359, 9:362, 9:403–9:404, 9:460, 9:559–9:560, 10:64, 10:213, 10:320, 10:484, 10:485, 10:577, 10:598, 11:142, 11:419, 11:618–11:619, 11:632–11:633, 12:202, 12:462, 12:466, 12:467, 12:512–12:513, 12:545, 13:237–13:239, 13:337, 13:337–13:338, 14:344, 14:346, 14:347, 15:301, 15:469
as Unitarian, 18:159, 18:159
and University of Virginia, 13:239, 13:338–13:339, 14:31–14:32, 14:344–14:346, 14:517, 14:519, 14:525, 15:301–15:302, 15:302, 15:387–15:389, 15:389, 16:297–16:298, 18:27, 19:476, 19:677, 20:42–20:43, 20:627–20:628
visits Monticello, 4:596, 8:232, 8:238–8:242, 8:247, 8:253, 8:260, 8:267, 8:325, 8:360, 8:553, 8:650–8:651, 10:383, 11:639, 12:513, 13:239, 14:31, 15:301, 19:678, 20:42
ticks, 1:478, 7:649, 11:39, 12:618
Tidball, John C.
and Franklin Literary Society, 20:522–20:523, 20:565
identified, 20:523–20:524n
letter from, 20:522–20:524
letter to, 20:565
Tidball, Joseph
identified, 8:693n
witnesses D. Carr’s deposition in Jefferson v. Michie, 8:693
Tidball, Thomas Allen
witnesses document, 6:115+
Tiedemann, Dietrich
Geist der spekulativen Philosophie, 9:698
Tiffany, Isaac Hall
and definitions of political terms, 14:145, 14:146n, 14:201–14:202
and education, 10:417
identified, 10:304n
and institute for Schoharie Co., N.Y., 10:660–10:661, 10:661, 10:662–10:664
interest of in Aristotle’s works, 10:304, 10:349, 10:417
and judicial tenure, 10:418
and learned societies, 10:661
letters from, 10:304–10:305, 10:417–10:419, 10:660–10:661, 14:144–14:146
letters to, 10:349, 14:201–14:202
and N.Y. militia, 10:661, 10:662, 10:663
and political chart of U.S., 14:144–14:145, 14:146n, 14:201, 14:202
and representative government, 10:417–10:418
Tiffin, Edward
as commissioner of General Land Office, 18:558
as surveyor general of Northwest Territory , 19:152
Tilesius von Tilenau, Wilhelm Gottleib
and mammoths, 2:507, 2:508, 2:508, 2:509, 2:510n
On the Mammoth or Fossil Elephant, Found in the Ice, at the Mouth of the River Lena, in Siberia, 2:510n
Tilghman, Edward
and batture controversy, 2:444n, 2:455, 2:456n, 2:658, 3:235, 3:483
Tilghman, Matthew
and American Revolution, 17:506
Tilghman, William
An Address delivered before the Philadelphia Society for Promoting Agriculture; at its anniversary meeting, January 18, 1820, 15:442, 15:442–15:443n, 15:464
and American Philosophical Society, 9:178–9:179n, 12:455, 12:556, 12:636–12:637
and appointment for R. M. Wistar, 19:196
An Eulogium in commemoration of Doctor Caspar Wistar, 12:455, 12:456, 12:482, 12:556–12:557, 12:608
identified, 12:557n
letter from, 12:556–12:557
letter to, 12:608
letter to, from N. Biddle, 12:636–12:638
mentioned, 16:511
and Pennsylvania Society for the Encouragement of Manufactures, 20:587, 20:588n
recommends T. Cooper, 15:125n
as University of Pennsylvania trustee, 14:5n
Tillett, Francis
identified, 19:631n
letter from accounted for, 19:631n
letter to, 19:631–19:632
mathematical propositions of, 19:631, 19:631–19:632n
Tillotson, John
as Christian author, 6:508, 8:189
Tillotson, John C.
as U.S. army officer, 7:611n
Tilman (mule), 10:517, 12:197
Tilman, Sam C. , 5:141n
Tilsit, Treaty of (1807)
T. A. Digges criticizes, 1:516, 1:517n+
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:506, 4:507
Tiltis. See Tullos, Richard
Tilton, James
appointment of, 6:28n, 6:169
and bath of S. K. Jennings, 9:23, 9:23, 9:25–9:26n
Timaeus (character in dialogue by Plato), 6:439, 6:440–6:441n, 7:75, 8:553, 8:553n, 9:528, 9:528, 16:164, 19:525
Timaeus (lexicographer)
lexicon of words from Plato by, 9:276, 9:277n, 15:26
Timaeus of Locri
Timée de Locres en Grec et en François (trans. J. B. Boyer), 10:14, 12:112, 16:190n, 16:196
Timberlake, Mr.
Campbell Co. landholder, 4:680, 5:34, 5:40, 5:48, 5:49
Timberlake, Henry
recommends W. T. Minor, 8:199n
Timberlake, J. H.
and University of Virginia, 16:305
Timberlake, John
and fish for TJ, 20:407
identified, 20:407n
letter from, 20:407
purchases Shadwell mills, 6:xliii
Rivanna River Company commissioner, 3:254n
and University of Virginia, 17:623
visits Monticello, 20:407
Timberlake, Walker
and University of Virginia, 16:307, 16:312
Timée de Locres en Grec et en François (Timaeus of Locri; trans. J. B. Boyer), 8:553, 8:553n, 10:14, 12:112, 16:190n, 16:196
Timor (South Malay Archipelago), 5:202–5:203
Timpanari Vigano, Guiseppe, 3:377
Tims, Charles
as assistant U.S. Senate doorkeeper, 11:182, 11:182n
tin
boxes, 14:242, 14:489, 18:210, 18:526
for cisterns, 16:96
cups, 15:144
gutters, 17:577, 17:654, 18:549, 19:238
lining, 17:196, 17:197
manufacture of, 2:376, 4:612
price of, 17:403, 18:174, 18:549, 18:570
roofs, 13:380–13:381, 14:li, 14:71, 14:440–14:441, 16:431, 17:297, 17:386, 18:174, 18:523, 18:526, 18:549, 18:569, 18:570–18:571, 18:575, 18:576–18:577, 20:12, 20:12–20:13, 20:78
smiths, 14:192, 14:568, 16:356–16:357
tinning of copper utensils, 3:183, 3:200
TJ buys, 4:522, 5:133, 6:343, 6:347, 6:348, 16:270, 16:274, 16:274, 16:326, 17:200, 17:202, 18:474, 18:484, 18:491, 18:609, 18:621, 20:22, 20:36, 20:44, 20:55, 20:82, 20:106, 20:496, 20:503, 20:507, 20:516, 20:531
for University of Virginia, 14:71, 15:96, 15:100, 16:18–16:19, 16:319, 16:319, 16:319, 16:321n, 16:356–16:357, 16:431, 17:63, 17:202, 17:650, 17:650, 17:654, 18:211, 18:474, 18:520, 18:529, 19:62, 19:185, 19:239, 19:310, 20:213, 20:555
used for stoves, 20:83
windmill sails made of, 14:624
Tindal, Nicholas
The Continuation of Mr. Rapin’s History of England, 8:581, 9:109
translates The History of England (P. de Rapin Thoyras), 17:419, 17:538, 17:563, 18:399
Tingey, Thomas
and lost trunk, 1:268, 1:294
and U.S. Navy Yard, 4:66
tinning
of copper utensils, 3:183, 3:200
Tinsley, Mr. (of Amherst Co.), 1:670–1:671
Tinsley, Ann, 12:152
Tinsley, J.
and University of Virginia, 17:622
Tinsley Tavern (Goochland Co.), 8:399, 12:152, 12:573, 19:518n
Tisdale, Robert
identified, 17:473n
introduced to TJ, 17:472–17:473
letter from accounted for, 17:473n
Tissot, John, 5:623n
Titian (Tiziano Vecelli)
painting of copied, 4:181
Titi Livii Historiarum quod exstat (Livy; ed. J. F. Gronovius), 5:523, 5:524n, 5:549
Titi Livii Historiarum quod exstat (Livy; eds. J. Leclerc and J. Freinsheim), 5:501, 5:594, 5:594–5:595n, 5:625, 6:157, 7:286, 10:233, 11:414, 12:576, 14:510, 17:106
Titi Livii Patavini Historiarum Libri qui extant (Livy; eds. J. Doujat and J. Freinsheim), 1:580, 5:549, 5:549n, 12:576
Titus (Roman emperor)
TJ references, 15:272
T. Livii Patavini Historiarum libri qui supersunt (Livy; ed. G. A. Ruperti), 11:414
toads, 8:5
tobacco
abuse of, 18:443, 18:499
British take from Alexandria, 7:623, 7:624, 7:642, 7:644n
as cash crop, 3:348, 4:91, 4:622, 7:431, 7:452, 7:493–7:494, 7:496n, 8:109, 8:175, 8:544, 8:611, 10:189, 10:449, 11:285, 12:255, 13:25, 14:218, 14:315, 15:22, 15:192, 19:416, 20:524
chemical experiments with, 1:142
cigars (Havana), 1:466
and depletion of land, 1:561, 15:47
destroyed by fire, 18:381
and drought, 2:491, 10:355, 15:62
effect of weather on, 1:285, 9:51, 10:65, 10:379, 10:449, 15:118, 15:130, 15:130, 15:282, 19:485, 19:645n, 20:168, 20:253
J. W. Eppes on, 3:474
export of, 3:255, 8:79, 8:100, 8:531, 17:340
export tax on, 8:608
French duties on, 4:54–4:55, 17:142
grown by Indians, 16:180
grown at Mill Brook (J. W. Eppes’s Buckingham Co. estate), 18:22
grown at Monticello, 3:421, 3:518, 3:531, 3:620, 3:630, 9:604, 11:236, 11:593, 14:281, 19:494, 19:496, 19:591, 19:594, 19:636, 19:658–19:659, 19:659n, 20:103, 20:168, 20:171, 20:189
grown in N.Y., 14:277
grown at Poplar Forest, 1:157n, 2:27–2:28, 2:96, 2:217, 2:230, 3:375, 3:392, 3:420–3:421, 4:307, 4:373–4:374, 4:379, 4:381, 4:422, 4:461, 4:515, 4:516, 4:528, 4:555, 5:132, 5:489, 5:599, 5:638, 6:203, 6:486, 6:544, 7:71, 7:124, 7:179, 7:263, 8:70, 8:70, 8:97, 8:132, 8:157, 8:158, 8:186, 8:203, 8:284, 8:284, 8:417, 8:542, 8:611, 8:697, 9:51, 9:133, 9:254, 9:313, 9:370, 9:493, 9:505, 9:505, 9:562, 9:568, 9:593–9:594, 9:594, 9:604, 10:355, 10:539, 11:179, 11:207, 11:290, 11:380, 11:593, 12:29, 12:349, 12:476, 12:483, 12:541, 12:645, 12:657, 13:141, 13:386, 13:545, 13:567, 13:567, 13:567, 14:7, 14:113–14:114, 14:218, 14:220, 14:220, 14:244, 14:275, 14:281, 14:317, 14:326, 14:353, 14:430, 14:473, 14:477, 14:494, 14:496, 14:498, 15:260–15:261, 15:261, 15:334, 15:390, 15:391, 15:427, 15:474, 15:498, 15:498, 15:537, 15:552, 15:590, 15:608, 15:608–15:609, 15:609–15:610, 15:613, 15:618, 16:253, 16:520, 17:39, 17:181, 17:191, 17:197, 17:202, 17:207, 17:207, 17:218, 17:221, 18:69–18:70, 18:402, 18:403, 18:405, 18:406, 18:407n, 18:435, 18:491, 18:586, 18:601, 18:601n, 18:602, 18:624, 19:85, 19:494, 19:496, 19:550, 19:591, 19:594, 19:636, 19:685, 19:695, 19:695n, 19:713, 20:47
grown at Shadwell and Lego, 2:86, 2:200, 2:239, 2:240
grown at Tufton, 4:12
grown in Va., 7:203, 8:170, 10:610, 11:62, 12:7, 14:277, 16:253, 18:443, 18:460
inspection of, 7:179, 8:492, 9:552, 9:568–9:569, 9:569, 14:277, 15:596, 15:597n, 16:263
leaf capitals, 10:510–10:511, 10:511 (illus.) , 10:511, 11:xlv–11:xlvi, 11:232 (illus.) , 11:481, 11:481n, 11:481n, 11:535, 11:572, 12:143
in Liverpool market, 15:334
in Lynchburg market, 3:103, 3:373, 5:531, 5:571, 7:124, 9:588, 12:50–12:51, 12:78, 12:349, 14:477, 15:498, 17:207, 17:218
payments for, 3:341, 3:639–3:640
physical effect on user, 1:152, 19:378
planting techniques, 8:104, 13:438, 17:197–17:198
poor quality of TJ’s, 4:547–4:548, 7:307, 9:568, 9:568–9:569, 9:593–9:594, 9:604, 17:221
price of, 7:124, 7:240, 8:272, 8:453, 8:492, 8:544, 10:65, 12:538, 14:218, 14:245, 14:277, 14:379, 14:484, 17:26, 17:195, 17:221, 18:582n
price of in Europe, 8:694
price of in Great Britain, 1:82, 8:100, 8:694, 9:17, 9:182, 9:183n, 10:513, 11:635
price of in Lynchburg, 4:95, 4:105, 4:461, 5:599, 9:562, 15:552, 15:609–15:610
price of in Richmond, 1:157, 1:180, 1:302, 1:655–1:656, 2:27–2:28, 3:318, 3:373, 3:525, 3:612, 3:620, 3:630, 4:52+, 4:95, 4:461, 4:467, 4:478, 4:522, 4:548, 5:503, 5:531, 7:179, 7:215, 8:128, 8:132, 8:323, 8:390, 8:477, 8:694, 9:124, 9:133, 9:254, 9:273, 9:562, 10:37, 11:142, 11:240, 11:261, 12:476, 12:654, 14:326, 15:609–15:610, 15:613, 16:5, 16:20, 16:263, 16:327, 16:416, 16:436, 16:597, 17:111, 17:190, 17:202, 18:298, 18:435, 18:436n, 18:602n, 19:712–19:713, 20:309, 20:327, 20:516
prizing of, 3:457, 4:510, 8:70, 8:97, 17:39
quality of Monticello crop, 3:620, 3:630
replaced by corn production, 5:82
in Richmond market, 3:154, 3:258, 9:545, 9:568–9:569, 9:569, 15:498, 15:552, 17:224, 19:673, 20:20
sale of, 4:52+, 4:105, 4:510, 4:557, 4:593, 4:594, 6:356, 7:179, 7:307, 8:128, 8:157, 8:180, 8:180n, 8:284, 8:302, 8:437+, 8:477, 8:491, 8:491n, 8:492, 9:523, 9:545, 9:553–9:554, 9:568, 9:568, 9:568–9:569, 9:569, 9:579n, 10:36, 11:290, 11:362, 11:593, 12:383, 12:483, 12:538, 12:645, 13:91, 13:91, 14:275, 14:296, 14:318, 14:326, 14:473, 14:473, 14:474, 14:477, 14:487, 15:260–15:261, 16:4–16:5, 16:20, 16:47, 16:122, 16:263, 17:181, 17:223, 17:224, 18:435, 18:436, 18:446, 18:581, 18:582, 18:586, 18:597, 18:601, 18:602, 18:609, 18:623, 19:622, 19:658–19:659, 19:673, 19:685, 19:695, 19:712–19:713, 20:55
as scab remedy, 3:453, 5:181, 5:182n
seed of, for A. von Humboldt, 4:358+, 7:31
shipment of, 11:104, 12:596, 12:597, 12:598, 14:355–14:356, 14:358, 14:362, 14:396–14:397, 16:55, 16:130, 17:191, 17:195, 17:202, 17:211, 18:585
shipped to Holland, 2:262
shipping costs, 9:588
smoking of, 14:420, 19:646
snuff, 1:147–1:152, 14:611, 19:622, 19:623
sold to S. J. Harrison, 3:421n, 3:518, 3:531, 3:561, 3:634, 3:639–3:640, 5:33, 5:35n, 5:545, 5:599, 5:600, 5:673, 6:4, 6:5, 6:24–6:25, 6:25n, 6:25–6:26, 6:31, 6:48
and speculation, 16:101
stalks of converted into barilla, 2:283
tax on, 9:217, 9:218n, 16:242n, 20:173n
and TJ’s debts, 2:151, 4:94, 4:95, 4:463, 4:555, 9:406, 15:426, 18:166, 18:319–18:320, 19:671
TJ’s income from, 1:422, 4:10–4:11, 4:493–4:494, 4:549, 5:401, 7:166, 9:579n, 10:37, 14:317, 18:526–18:527, 19:494, 19:496, 19:496
transported to Richmond, 4:548, 8:132, 8:186, 8:492, 9:99, 9:449, 9:505, 9:505, 9:541, 9:562, 10:617, 12:29, 14:275, 14:353, 15:498, 19:594, 19:636, 19:685, 20:20, 20:47
N. L. Vauquelin’s Analysis of Green, 1:142–1:146, 1:482
N. L. Vauquelin’s Analysis of Prepared, 1:147–1:152, 1:482
warehouses for in Richmond, 10:37, 10:37, 10:37n
Tobacco Row (Blue Ridge Mountains), 3:355
Tobias, Morris
as watchmaker, 11:507
Tobias, Solomon
and aid for M. M. Russell, 20:50–20:51
identified, 20:51–20:52n
Todd, Charles Stewart
as U.S. agent to Republic of Colombia, 16:528, 16:530
Todd, John Payne (James Madison’s stepson)
brings guest to Montpellier, 17:584, 17:586n
carries documents, 7:488, 7:598, 8:37, 9:441, 9:443n
W. J. Coffee’s terra-cotta bust of, 12:li
correspondence with D. Madison, 19:519n
identified, 4:188–4:189n
introduces Montlezun, 10:396
introduces G. Valaperta, 10:389
letters from, 10:357, 10:389–10:390, 10:396–10:397, 15:454
letters to, 4:188–4:189, 10:320–10:321, 15:464
and medals, 15:454, 15:454n, 15:464, 15:464n
mentioned, 10:160, 15:407
sends prints to TJ, 15:454
and W. Thornton, 11:267n
TJ invites to Monticello, 15:464
TJ receives thermometer from, 10:xlvii, 10:320
TJ sends pistols to, 10:320–10:321, 10:357
and TJ’s observations of solar eclipse, 4:188
visits Monticello, 15:404, 15:404, 18:28n
and walking stick for TJ, 11:167
Todd, Lucy Payne Washington (Thomas Todd’s wife)
sends greetings to TJ, 9:579
Todd, Samuel P.
and J. & S. Gleason’s steam kitchens and stoves, 20:85
Todd, Thomas
and dogs for H. Innes, 6:370, 6:511
family of, 19:670n
identified, 15:502–15:503n
introduced to TJ, 15:502
as Supreme Court justice, 19:216, 19:670, 19:700
Tokay (wine), 9:513, 12:29, 19:455, 19:479, 19:528
Toledano, Manuel, 3:235, 3:237n, 3:484
Toledo, Francisco de
Commentaria unà cum Quæstionibus in octo libros Aristotelis De Physica Auscultatione, 12:443, 19:526
Toledo y Dubois, José Álvarez de
filibustering expedition of, 6:189, 6:190n, 9:389
Tollius, Jacob
edits D. Magni Ausonii burdigalensis Opera (D. M. Ausonius), 18:279, 18:280n
Toltec Indians, 6:328
Tom (J. Daingerfield’s slave), 15:94
Tom (M. Daingerfield’s slave), 2:41, 2:41n
Tom (N. H. Hooe’s slave), 3:112, 4:183, 4:217, 4:397, 4:556, 6:314
Tom, Mr.
and package for TJ, 8:685
Tomahawk plantation (part of TJ’s Poplar Forest estate)
acreage of, 4:387
corn grown at, 13:567, 15:428, 15:609, 15:609n, 18:69
fields at, 6:488, 6:488n, 6:488n, 6:488–6:489n, 8:69–8:70, 8:70, 13:567, 14:430, 14:430, 15:428
hogs at, 15:229
instructions for management of, 4:379, 4:381–4:382, 5:488–5:490, 6:486–6:487, 8:69–8:72
map of, 4:xlv, 4:370 (illus.)
oats grown at, 15:609, 15:609n
overseer at, 8:493n, 9:34, 9:34n, 11:285, 12:197, 12:262, 14:317, 14:326, 14:477, 14:494, 14:549n, 14:571, 15:158, 15:229, 17:588n, 18:406
proposed exchange of portion of, 6:71–6:73, 6:129, 6:130
slaves at, 4:384–4:386, 5:463n, 15:130
surveys of, 6:488, 6:488–6:489n
tobacco grown at, 17:197–17:198, 18:582, 18:601, 18:602
tomahawks, 16:155, 16:179, 16:181
tomatoes
seeds, 5:658, 7:332, 20:573, 20:605
served at Monticello, 13:28
in soup, 4:180
Tomline, Sir George Pretyman
Memoirs of the Life of the right honorable William Pitt, 19:508
Tomlins, Mr.
as possible overseer at Tufton, 4:101
Tomlins, Thomas E.
editor of Brown’s Reports, 3:151, 3:151n, 3:316, 3:546, 3:546, 3:546
Tomlinson, Benjamin
chairs meeting of Allegany Co. citizens, 1:94n
identified, 1:94n
letters to, 1:94
Tomlinson & Knight (firm)
and University of Virginia, 17:637
Tompkins, Alexander
clerk for W. & R. Mitchell, 5:50, 5:341n
identified, 5:50n
Tompkins, Charles
and University of Virginia, 19:55, 19:56
Tompkins, Christopher
attends dinner honoring TJ, 1:608+
and brick masons for Central College, 12:317, 12:318n
as justice of peace, 15:38n
recommends W. B. Phillips, 14:164n
Tompkins, Daniel D.
circular sent to, 11:595
and D. Fraser’s subscription, 5:492
as governor of N.Y., 2:367n, 5:160, 5:320, 6:122n, 8:665, 9:236, 10:100n, 10:443, 15:235
identified, 7:370n
letters to, 7:370
and party politics, 10:111–10:112, 10:112n, 10:185, 10:186, 11:490–11:491
C. W. Peale paints, 13:540
portrait of, 7:295
presidential prospects of, 8:332, 17:214, 17:216, 18:306, 18:369
recommends B. O. Tyler, 12:536, 12:537n
as Republican vice-presidential candidate, 9:563, 10:379–10:380, 10:443
TJ introduces W. C. Rives to, 7:370
TJ on, 10:609
TJ sends batture pamphlet to, 4:624
as vice president, 15:235
Tompkins, Richard, 1:519, 1:585
Tompkins, William (d. by 1809), 1:200
Tompkins, William (1765–1834)
Deposition of in Jefferson v. Rivanna Company, 14:417–14:418
identified, 14:417–14:418n
as surveyor, 6:135, 6:136n, 14:417, 14:418–14:419
Tompkins & Murray (Richmond firm), 2:300, 3:577
Tompkinson, Henry. See Kercheval, Samuel
Tompson, David , 5:584
Tompson, John. See Thompson (Tompson), John (clerk in Orleans Territory)
Tone, Theobald Wolfe, 14:415
Tone, William Theobald Wolfe
Essay on the Necessity of Improving Our National Forces, 14:415–14:416, 14:491, 14:531, 14:584
identified, 14:416n
W. Sampson recommends, 14:415–14:416
tongs
used in chemical laboratories, 20:611
Tonquin (ship), 4:550, 4:554n
Tonson, Jacob , 5:501, 5:501n
Tonti, Henri de
travels of, 20:164
Tontine (ship), 10:215
tontines, 8:545
Tooke, Andrew
edits and translates The Pantheon, Representing the Fabulous Histories of the Heathen Gods (F. A. Pomey), 14:444
Tooke, John Horne
and Anglo-Saxon language, 13:197, 13:217
Diversions of Purley, 7:629
Ἔπεα Πτερόεντα. or, the Diversions of Purley, 13:223n
education of, 7:660
imprisonment of, 3:5, 3:7n, 13:410, 17:419
and “Junius” letters, 10:371
Tooke, William
The Life of Catharine II, Empress of all the Russias, 1:580
Toole, George
and University of Virginia, 16:303, 16:309, 17:626, 19:56
Toole, John
portrait of L. M. L. Marks, 11:xlvii, 11:232 (illus.)
Tooler (Toler), Mr., 14:635
tools
adzes, 14:541
and African colonization, 11:11, 20:475
augers, 4:315, 6:346, 6:347, 6:347, 14:541, 17:4, 19:8, 19:8, 19:12
awls, 19:11
axes, 7:83, 8:23, 8:313, 12:304, 12:304, 13:83, 13:408, 13:409, 15:86, 15:86
and Belmont estate, 3:171
band saw, 9:593n
blades, 12:304
burins, 20:40
carpentry, 14:241
chains, 15:87
chisels, 14:541
compass, carpenters’, 17:4, 17:11n
compass, surveying, 2:152, 9:222, 9:508, 9:509, 9:643, 10:289, 10:324–10:325, 12:337, 19:6n, 19:198, 19:198
corkscrews, 12:li
coulters, 12:304, 12:304
crosscut saw, 5:133, 16:14, 19:12, 19:15, 19:16n
diamonds, 20:611
drills, 12:li
files, 5:133, 6:343, 6:346, 6:346, 6:347, 6:347, 6:347, 6:347, 6:348, 6:348, 6:348, 9:223, 12:li, 15:452, 16:14, 17:5, 17:8, 18:50, 18:51, 19:12, 19:15, 19:16n, 20:611
flint, 16:177, 16:178, 16:179, 16:179
froes, 12:304
gimlets, 18:49, 19:8, 19:16n
glue brushes, 12:454
grindstones, 18:366, 18:464
hammers, 15:86, 20:611
handbarrows, 2:546, 2:547
handsaws, 6:348, 12:li, 14:541, 16:14, 18:48, 18:50, 19:15, 19:16n
harrows, 2:259, 12:304, 12:304
hedge shears, 8:652–8:653
hoes, 2:546, 2:548, 11:163, 12:304, 12:304, 12:304, 14:180, 14:181, 15:86, 15:86, 20:85
Indian, 14:236
iron, 16:177, 16:178, 16:179, 16:179, 16:179, 16:180
knives, 20:611
levels, 11:176, 12:61, 12:63, 12:63, 12:69, 19:207, 19:226
mallets, 14:181
mattocks, 8:313, 12:304, 12:304
for measuring, 12:304
mentioned, 16:337n, 18:271n, 18:630
of millwrights, 18:330
at Monticello, 1:397n
at New London arsenal, 5:81n
nippers, 20:611
owned by TJ, 1:135–1:136
paint brushes, 17:10
pickaxes, 2:546, 2:546, 2:547, 2:548
planes (woodworking), 11:176, 12:454, 14:541, 17:7, 17:11n
pliers, 20:611
plumbs, 12:61, 12:63, 12:63, 12:69
at Poplar Forest, 3:119–3:120, 14:595
punches, 18:569
radial saws, 9:592–9:593, 9:593n
rafter levels, 6:70, 9:539, 9:540n, 11:162, 11:163–11:164n
rasps, 19:12, 20:611
reaping hooks, 12:304
sandpaper, 12:454, 17:7, 19:10
scissors, 20:611
scythes, 7:83, 12:304
shoemaker’s knife, 19:10, 19:11, 19:16n
shovels, 2:546, 2:546, 2:547, 2:548, 15:86, 20:85
spades, 2:546, 2:546, 2:547, 2:548, 6:346, 15:86, 15:86, 16:29, 18:49, 20:85
squares, 11:176, 12:61, 12:63, 12:63, 12:69
steel, 16:179, 18:51
straw knives, 17:386
surveying, 4:341, 4:369, 4:370n, 10:289, 10:324–10:325
tongs, 20:611
vices, 13:92, 19:603n
wedges, 12:304, 12:304, 14:167, 15:86
wheat fans, 12:304, 14:537, 14:539–14:540
wheelbarrows, 2:546, 2:547
whipsaws, 19:12
windlasses, 15:87
wooden press, 3:636
woodworking, 1:135–1:136, 6:344, 9:223
toothbrushes, 11:626n, 16:12
tooth powder, 11:626n
Τὸ Περὶ Ἀέρων, Ὑδάτων, Τόπων (Hippocrates; ed. A. Coray), 11:251, 11:251n
Topi, Carlo Antonio
notary in Florence, 9:291n, 9:292, 9:294, 9:294, 9:296n
A Topographical Description of the Western Territory of North America (G. Imlay), 8:200
topography
works on, bound for TJ, 1:36
Tories. See Federalist party
torpedo (mine), 2:352+, 6:56, 6:243, 6:260, 6:261, 6:261–6:262, 6:313, 7:48–7:49, 7:276, 7:512, 7:620–7:621, 9:623
torpedo (fish), 15:128
Torpedo War, and Submarine Explosions (R. Fulton), 2:250, 2:301, 2:317, 2:318n, 3:114, 3:115n
Torrance, William H.
consults TJ on legal question, 8:524–8:525
identified, 8:527n
letter from accounted for, 8:527n
letter to, 8:524–8:528
Torres, Manuel
letter to accounted for, 10:679
praises book, 15:372
Torrey, Jesse
education of, 18:167
friendship with I. Briggs, 18:175
and free libraries, 18:167–18:168
identified, 8:669n
The Intellectual Flambeau (written under pseudonym of “Discipulus Libertatis atque Humanitatis”), 9:641, 9:642n
letters from, 8:668–8:669, 9:641–9:642, 18:74–18:76, 18:167–18:168, 18:175–18:177
letter to, 18:126
The Moral Instructor, and Guide to Virtue and Happiness, 18:74–18:75, 18:126, 18:167, 18:176, 18:176
physiological studies by, 8:668–8:669, 8:669n, 9:641
visits Monticello, 8:668–8:669, 8:669n, 9:641, 18:167, 18:168n
and J. Wood’s plow, 18:75–18:76
Torrey, John, 6:623, 6:623
Torrey, John (1796–1873)
as botanist, 16:568
and C. S. Rafinesque, 17:89
Torricelli, Evangelista
and barometers, 9:189
Tortolini, Giovanni Battista
attests document, 9:673n
To the Critical Reviewers of Boston (W. Lambert), 3:285
To the Freeholders of Albemarle (C. Cocke), 18:391, 18:392n
To the Honourable the Legislature of Virginia. The Memorial of Oliver Pollock, of the State of Maryland (O. Pollock), 4:267, 4:267n
To the Public (I. A. Coles) , 7:609, 7:609–7:610n
Tott, François, baron de, 14:153
Tott, Sophie Ernestine, madame de, 14:153
Toulmin, Harry
identified, 16:464n
as judge, 10:502, 16:462–16:464, 16:464–16:465n
letter to, from E. Lewis, 16:462–16:465
Toulmin, Joshua
death of, 9:596
and F. A. Van der Kemp, 10:122, 10:502
Toulongeon, François Emmanuel, vicomte de
Histoire de France, 3:340, 3:340n, 5:436, 6:45–6:46, 6:342–6:343n, 7:90, 7:90, 7:349–7:350, 8:291, 8:309, 8:359, 8:359n, 8:656, 10:235, 10:237n, 13:616, 19:506
TJ on, 8:292
Toulson, Francis, 20:594
A Tour in Holland, in MDCCLXXXIV (E. Watson), 11:277, 11:279n
Tour-Maubourg, Anastasie, comtesse de (Lafayette’s daughter) , 5:212
Tour-Maubourg, Jenny de Fay de la (Lafayette’s granddaughter) , 5:212, 5:215n
Tournefort, Joseph Pitton de
Elemens de Botanique, 14:168
and Société Linnéenne de Paris, 18:62
Tourneysen (Tourneron; Tourneyzon), Jean Jacques
wine merchant in Lédenon, 10:170, 11:653, 14:327, 14:626, 16:117, 16:425
Tournillon, Etienne St. Julien de
and education of Trist stepchildren, 10:449
marriage of, 7:59–7:60
slaves of, 19:333n
Tournillon, Mary Louisa Brown Trist Jones (wife successively of Hore Browse Trist [1775–1804], Philip Livingston Jones, and Etienne St. Julien de Tournillon)
assets of seized, 2:265, 2:266n, 2:284, 2:285n, 3:474, 3:475n, 3:558n, 5:112–5:113
and children’s education, 4:573, 4:574n, 10:449
death of, 18:463
family of, 5:112–5:113, 6:266, 10:450
marries E. S. J. de Tournillon, 7:59–7:60, 7:62n
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Sacred Words and Worlds: Geography, Religion, and Scholarship, 1550–1700 (History of Science and Medicine Library 21 : Scientific and Learned Cultures and Their Institutions 2)
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Sacred Words and Worlds History of Science and Medicine Library VOLUME 21Scientific and Learned Cultures and Their ...
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https://epdf.tips/sacred-words-and-worlds-geography-religion-and-scholarship-15501700-history-of-s.html
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Sacred Words and Worlds
History of Science and Medicine Library VOLUME 21
Scientific and Learned Cultures and Their Institutions Editor
Mordechai Feingold California Institute of Technology
VOLUME 2
The titles published in this series are listed at www.brill.nl/slci
Sacred Words and Worlds Geography, Religion, and Scholarship, 1550–1700
By
Zur Shalev
LEIDEN • BOSTON 2012
Cover illustration: “Antiqvae Vrbis Hierosolymorvm topographica delineato,” Gerard de Jode (Antwerp, 1571?). Source: The Jewish National & University Library, available at http://jnul.huji.ac.il/dl/maps/jer This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Shalev, Zur, 1967– Sacred words and worlds : geography, religion, and scholarship, 1550–1700 / by Zur Shalev. p. cm. — (History of Science and Medicine Library, ISSN 1872-0684 ; v. 21) (Scientific and learned cultures and their institutions ; v. 2) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-20935-0 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Religion and geography. 2. Sacred space. 3. Bible—Study and teaching—History. I. Title. II. Title: Geography, religion, and scholarship, 1550–1700. III. Series. BL65.G4S53 2012 203’.509—dc23 2011029855
ISSN 1872-0684 ISBN 978-90-04-20935-0 Copyright 2012 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.
For Ruth
CONTENTS List of Figures ..................................................................................... Note on Documentation ................................................................... Abbreviations ..................................................................................... Acknowledgements ............................................................................
ix xv xvii xix
1. Early Modern Geographia Sacra: Themes and Approaches ....................................................................................
1
2. The Antwerp Polyglot Bible: Maps, Scholarship, and Exegesis ..................................................................................
23
3. Antiquarian Zeal and Sacred Measurement on the Road to Jerusalem ............................................................
73
4. The Phoenicians are Coming! Samuel Bochart’s Protestant Geography ......................................................................................
141
5. Putting the Church on the Map: Ecclesiastical Cartography across the Denominational Divide ............................................
205
6. Epilogue ..........................................................................................
259
Appendix Extant Manuscripts of Samuel Bochart ................... Bibliography ........................................................................................ Index ....................................................................................................
271 279 309
LIST OF FIGURES 1. Ph. Galle, engraved portrait of Benito Arias Montano. Galle and Montano, Virorum doctorum de disciplinis benemerentium effigies XLIIII (Antwerp, 1572) .................. 2. Title page, Benito Arias Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), I ............................................... 3. Title page, Benito Arias Montano, Antiquitatum Iudaicarum libri IX (Leiden: Raphelenghius, 1593) ........... 4. Engraving of an ancient Hebrew Shekel. Benito Arias Montano, Antiquitatum Iudaicarum libri IX (Leiden: Raphelenghius, 1593), 126 ...................................................... 5. “Hispania veteris,” dedication to Arias Montano. Abraham Ortelius, Theatrum orbis terrarum (Antwerp: Plantin-Moretus, 1601), Parergon .......................................... 6. Benito Arias Montano following Peter Laickstein, “Antiqua Ierusalem vera icnographia,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Nehemias” ................................................................................ 7. “Antiqvae Vrbis Hierosolymorvm topographica delineatio,” Gerard de Jode following Peter Laickstein (Antwerp, 1571?) ...................................................................... 8. Benito Arias Montano, “Templi icnographia.” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Exemplar” ................................................................................. 9. Temple plan on the map of Jerusalem, Figure 6, detail .... 10. Benito Arias Montano, “Tabula terrae Canaan Abrahae tempore,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Chanaan” ...................................... 11. Benito Arias Montano, “Terrae Israel . . . in tribus undecim distributae accuratissimae,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Chaleb” ............................................................................ 12. “Perseverantiae exitus,” in Benito Arias Montano, Humanae salutis monumenta (Antwerp: Plantin, 1571), sig. F2 ..........................................................................................
24 29 34
38
42
44
45
48 49
50
51
56
x
list of figures
13. Benito Arias Montano, “Sacra geographia,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Phaleg” ....................... 14. Benito Arias Montano, “Forma . . . Arcae Noë,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Exemplar” .................. 15. Benito Arias Montano, “Sacri Tabernaculi orthographia,” Montano, Antiquitatum Iudaicarum libri XI (Leiden: Antwerp, 1593), “Exemplar” ................................... 16. View of Jerusalem, Giuseppe Rosaccio, Viaggio da Venetia, a Constantinopoli per mare e per terra & insieme quello di Terra Santa (Venice: Giacomo Franco, 1598), 53 ..................................... 17. Equestrian drills in Cairo, Vincenzo Fava, “Relatione del Viaggio di Gierusalemme,” BL Ms. Add. 33,566, f. 20v ....................................................... 18. Title page, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620) ...................................... 19. Perspective of Nativity complex, Bethlehem, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 2 ........................ 20. Foldout manuscript map of Jerusalem and Mt. of Olives, drawn by Gio: Cales, Vincenzo Fava, “Relatione del Viaggio di Gierusalemme,” BL Ms. Add. 33,566, fos. 53v–54r ................................................................................. 21. Plan and elevation of the Edicule over the tomb of Jesus, Church of the Holy Sepulcher, Jerusalem, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 33 ...................... 22. Scale of half foot, Vincenzo Fava, “Relatione del Viaggio di Gierusalemme,” BL Ms. Add. 33,566, f. 158 ...................................................... 23. St. Jerome, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 8 ........................
59
67
68
91
94
106
111
113
115
119
122
list of figures 24. Title page, vol. 1, Franciscus Quaresmius, Historica theologica et moralis Terræ Sanctæ elucidatio, 2 vols. (Antwerp: Balthasar Moretus, ex Officina Plantiniana, 1639) ..................................................................... 25. Contemporary Jerusalem, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 44 ............ 26. Ancient Jerusalem, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 45 ............ 27. Mt. Calvary, Franciscus Quaresmius, Historica theologica et moralis Terræ Sanctæ elucidatio, 2 vols. (Antwerp: Balthasar Moretus, ex Officina Plantiniana, 1639), II: opposite 448 ............................................................................... 28. Entombment of Jesus, Franciscus Quaresmius, Historica theologica et moralis Terræ Sanctæ elucidatio, 2 vols. (Antwerp: Balthasar Moretus, ex Officina Plantiniana, 1639), II: 529 .............................................................................. 29. Burial cave, Jean Zuallart, Il devotissimo viaggio di Gerusalemme (Rome: F. Z. Zanetti & Gia. Ruffinelli, 1587), bk 3, 143 ......................................................................... 30. Interior of catacombs in Rome, Antonio Bosio, Roma sotterranea (Rome, 1635), lib. II.xxi, 137 .................. 31. Portrait of Samuel Bochart at the age of sixty-four (1663), Samuel Bochart, Opera Omnia, 3 vols. (Amsterdam: Boutesteyn & Luchtmans, 1692), III, frontispiece ............... 32. Title page, Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681), second impression by Zunner .............................................................. 33. Frontispiece of Samuel Bochart’s Opera Omnia (1692), Bochart, Opera Omnia, 3 vols. (Amsterdam: Boutesteyn & Luchtmans, 1692), I ........................................................................... 34. Samuel Bochart’s entry in William Bedwell’s Album Amicorum, 25 March 1623, Leiden UL Ms. BPL 2753, f. 89v ............................................................................................. 35. Map of Phoenician Sicily. Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681), opposite 557 ...............................................................................
xi
124
128
129
135
136
137 138
143
144
148
153
165
xii
list of figures
36. View of Syracuse, inset in map of Sicily (previous figure). Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681), opposite 557 ............................................................................... 37. Map of Creation based on 2 Esdras. Jacques d’Auzoles Lapeyre, La Saincte Geographie (Paris: A. Estienne, 1629), bk II, p. 77 .................................................................................. 38. Sample page, Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 3 ed. Phaleg, I:2, Opera Omnia (Amsterdam: Boutesteyn & Luchtmans, 1692), cols. 11–12 ............................................... 39. Bochart, “Tabula universalis locorum quae Phoenicum navigationibus maxime frequentata sunt a Taprobana Thulem usque.” Engraved by Sigmund Gab. Hipschman, based on the first edition (1646). Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681) ................................................................... 40. “Taprobanae Insulae descriptio,” inset in general map of Phoenician navigation (previous figure). Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681) ................................................................... 41. “Taprobanae Insulae descriptio,” in Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 3 ed., Opera Omnia (Amsterdam: Boutesteyn & Luchtmans, 1692), opposite col. 693 ............ 42. Map of the suburbicarian regions, Jacques Godefroy, Conjectura de suburbicariis regionibus et ecclesiis (Frankfurt: Unckelius, 1618), opposite 1 .............................. 43. Dedication, Noël le Vacher, “Carte du diocese de Soissons” (Paris: E. Vouillemont, 1656), BN Ge DD 2987 (300) ............................................................................................ 44. Cartouche, Nicolas Sanson, “Senones. Partie septentrionale de l’archevesché de Sens” ([Paris]: [P. Mariette], 1660), BN Ge DD 2987 (268, I) .................... 45. Title page, Aubert Le Mire, Geographia Ecclesiastica (Lyon, 1620) ............................................................................... 46. Franciscus Haereus, “Lumen Historiarum per Orientem,” in Le Mire, Notitia episcopatum orbis christiani (Antwerp, 1613), lib. 5 ............................................................. 47. Franciscus Haereus, “Lumen Historiarum per Occidentem,” in Le Mire, Notitia episcopatum orbis christiani (Antwerp, 1613), lib. 5 ...........................................
166
174
179
182
188
189
225
231
234 235
236
237
list of figures 48. Title page, Augustin Lubin, Orbis Augustinianus (Paris: Baudouyn, 1659) .......................................................... 49. Title page, Augustin Lubin, Topographia Augustiniana, in Orbis Augustinianus (Paris: Baudouyn, 1659) ................ 50. Augustin Lubin, “Vetus Africa Augustiniana,” in Orbis Augustinianus (Paris: Baudouyn, 1659) ................................ 51. Fr. L. de La Salle, “La nouvelle Thébaïde ou la carte très particulière et exacte de l’abbaye de la Maison Dieu nostre dame de la Trappe, de l’estroite observance de Citeaux, située dans la province du Perche, diocesse de Sées/ Dressée sur les lieux par Monsieur de La Salle” ([Paris]: De Fer, 1700), BN Ge DD 2987 (1060) ................................ 52. Title page, Augustin Lubin, Martyrologium Romanum (Paris: Florentinus Lambert, 1660) ........................................ 53. Augustin Lubin, “Tabula Tertia” [Gallia], Martyrologium Romanum (Paris: Florentinus Lambert, 1660) .................... 54. Title page, Thomas Fuller, A Pisgah-Sight of Palestine and the Confines thereof: with the History of the Old and New Testament Acted thereon (London: J.F. for John Williams, 1650) ............................................................... 55. Elevation and plan of the Temple, Thomas Fuller, A Pisgah-Sight of Palestine and the Confines thereof: with the History of the Old and New Testament Acted thereon (London: J.F. for John Williams, 1650), bk 3, 352–53 ....... 56. Thomas Fuller, “Fragmenta Sacra,” in Fuller, A PisgahSight of Palestine and the Confines thereof: with the History of the Old and New Testament Acted thereon (London: J.F. for John Williams, 1650), bk 5, opposite 203 ............................................................................... 57. Map of Ruben’s land, Thomas Fuller, A Pisgah-Sight of Palestine and the Confines thereof: with the History of the Old and New Testament Acted thereon (London: J.F. for John Williams, 1650), opposite bk 2, 54 ..............................
xiii
243 244 245
250 252 253
261
263
264
265
NOTE ON DOCUMENTATION All translations are mine unless noted otherwise. In quotations I have kept original spellings and orthography but usually expanded abbreviations. Items on the List of Figures are less detailed than individual captions. Both locations contain full bibliographic data. Biblical passages are cited from the King James Version. All websites were reaccessed in July 2010.
ABBREVIATIONS BL BMC BN BHPF ODNB
British Library Bibliothèque municipale de Caen Bibliothèque nationale de France Bibliothèque de l’histoire du protestantisme français Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, online edition, 2009 [www.oxforddnb.com]
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am delighted to acknowledge my debt and gratitude to many individuals—teachers, mentors, colleagues, and friends, in Jerusalem, Princeton, Oxford, London, Haifa, and other locations—who have been, in different ways, incredibly helpful and kind to this work and its author. They are listed here by alphabetical order: Sigal Abramovitch, Jim Akerman, Gur Alroey, Sara Alleyn, Ory Amitai, Lisa Bailey, Peter Barber, Adam Beaver, the late Mara Beller, Rami Ben-Shalom, Ayelet Ben-Yishai, Philip Benedict, Daniela Bleichmar, Lior Blum, Karen Bowen, Melanie Bremer, Denver Brunsman, Jed Buchwald, D. Graham Burnett, Charles Burnett, Tony Campbell, Angelo Cattaneo, Yossi Chajes, Joe Cullon, Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, Robert Darnton, Surekha Davies, Catherine Delano Smith, Avner and Yifat De Shalit, Yoav Di Capua, Simon Ditchfield, Eric Dursteler, Matthew Edney, Miri Eliav-Feldon, Ronnie Ellenblum, Tina Erdos, Robert Evans, Moti Feingold, Francesca Fiorani, Yehoshua Frenkel, Robert Frost, Vardit Garber, Claudia Gazzini, Guy Geltner, Vicky Glosson, Dimitri Gondicas, Molly Greene, Ruth HaCohen, Judy Hanson, Kristine Haugen, Michael Heyd, Alfred Hiatt, Dirk Imhof, Martin Jennings, Brendan Kane, Eileen Kane, Robert Karrow, Arnon Keren, Arik Kochavi, Arieh Kofsky, Rachel Kolodny, Lynn Kratzer, Jill Kraye, David Levi-Faur, Ora Limor, Greg Lyon, Merav Mack, Audrey Mainzer, Peter Mancall, Suzanne Marchand, Eti Marom, Tine Meganck, Amos Megged, Margaret Meserve, Peter Miller, Amos Morris-Reich, Stephennie Mulder, Jane Murphy, Yuval Nov, Brian Ogilvie, Yaron Perry, Donald Pohl, Gyan Prakash, Wendy Pullan, Theodore Rabb, Eileen Reeves, Aharon Refter, Elhanan Reiner, Franz Reitinger, Thierry Rigogne, Mark Rosen, Rehav (Buni) Rubin, Alessandro Scafi, Eran Shalev, Jonathan Sheehan, Orit Siman-Tov, Haia Shpayer-Makov, Felix Sprang, Dina Stein, Yael Sternhell, Guy Stroumsa, Naomi Sussmann, Pninit Tal, Robert Tignor, George Tolias, Emmanuelle Vagnon, John Warnock, Jenny Weber, Joanna Weinberg, the late David Woodward, Amanda Wunder, Amit Yahav, Myriam Yardeni, Avihu Zakai, and Yossi Ziegler. From our very first meeting in Jerusalem more than a decade ago and until the present, Anthony Grafton, my adviser at Princeton, is
xx
acknowledgements
a flowing source of inspiration as a scholar and teacher. Tony supervised my work with astonishing erudition, enthusiasm, generosity, and patience, for which I am deeply grateful. The writing of this book has been generously supported by the following institutions and organizations: Princeton University (Department of History, The Graduate School, Association of Princeton Graduate Alumni, Council on Regional Studies, Program in Hellenic Studies, Center for the Study of Religion); The Newberry Library, Chicago; Institute of Historical Research, University of London; Andrew K. Mellon Foundation; The Renaissance Society of America; American Friends of the J. B. Harley Research Fellowships; Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin; The Huntington Library, San Marino; Israeli Higher Education Council; University of Haifa, Faculty of the Humanities; and Yad Handaiv. I have been kindly and patiently helped at the following libraries and collections (staff names mentioned where known): At Princeton University: History Librarians (the late Lara Moore, Elizabeth Bennett), Department of Rare Books and Special Collections (Annalee Pauls, Charles Greene), Marquand Library of Art and Archaeology. Other collections: Special Collections, Henry Luce III Library, Princeton Theological Seminary; New York Public Library; The Newberry Library, Chicago (Robert Karrow); Bibliothèque municipale, Caen (Mme Noëlla Duplessis, Erik Calvet); Musée de Beaux Arts, Caen; Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris (Catherine Hofman); Bibliothèque de la Société de l’Histoire du protestantisme français, Paris (Mme Idelette Beauvais); Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, Paris; Bodleian Library, Oxford; Taylor Institution Library, Oxford; Sackler Library, Oxford; Merton College Library, Oxford (Dr. Julia Walworth); British Library, London (Peter Barber); Warburg Institute Library, London; Institute of Historical Research Library, London; National Archives, Kew; Plantin-Moretus Museum Library, Antwerp; Gennadius Library, Athens; The National Library, Jerusalem; Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin; The Huntington Library; and by correspondence, Pitts Theology Library, Emory University (Armin Siedlecki); Dousa Department, Leiden University Library (Dr. Jan Cramer); Manuscripts and Archives Department, University of Amsterdam (Dr. Jos Biemans).
acknowledgements
xxi
An earlier version of Chapter Two was published as “Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism and Visual Erudition: Benito Arias Montano and the Maps in the Antwerp Polyglot Bible,” Imago Mundi 55 (2003): 56–80. Images are printed with the kind permission of their holders. Finally, very special thanks go to my siblings Refealla and Meir, to my children Ronni, Naomi, and Amos, and above all, to Ruth LibertyShalev, to whom I dedicate this work with love.
CHAPTER ONE
EARLY MODERN GEOGRAPHIA SACRA: THEMES AND APPROACHES Michael Servetus painfully discovered in 1553 that Jean Calvin and fellow Genevans were not particularly amused by his snide remarks about the fertility of the Holy Land. As editor of Ptolemy’s Geography (Lyon, 1535), Servetus added in the commentary on a contemporary (i.e. non-Ptolemaic) map of the Holy Land: Nevertheless be assured, reader, that it is sheer misinterpretation to attribute such excellence to this land which the experience of merchants and travelers proves to be barren, sterile and without charm, so that you may call it in the vernacular “the promised land” only in the sense that it was promised, not that it had any promise.1
This paragraph, which Servetus in fact took almost verbatim from earlier editors of Ptolemy, was brought as evidence against him in the notorious trial that ended with a public burning (October 27, 1553). Servetus’ explanation that these were not his own words, and that the comment was made regarding the contemporary, not the biblical Holy Land, did not convince Calvin and the court. Although the accusation was dropped from the final sentence, which drew ample material from Servetus’ heretical views on the Trinity and baptism, the Ptolemy
1 “Scias tamen lector optime, iniuria aut iactantia pura, tantam huic terrae bonitatem fuisse adscriptam, eo que ipsa experientia, mercatorum & peraegre profiscentium, hanc incultam, sterilem, omni dulcedine carentem depromit. Quare promissam terram pollicitam, & non vernacula lingua laudantem pronuncies.” Claudii Ptolemaei Alexandrini geographicae enarrationis libri octo . . . (Lyon: Melchior and Gaspar Trechsel, 1535), TAB. TER. SANCTAE. I use the translation, as well as the passionate retelling of the trial in Roland H. Bainton, Hunted Heretic: The Life and Death of Michael Servetus, 1511–1553 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1960), 95, ch. 10. For more documents from the trial see Robert M. Kingdon and Jean-François Bergier, eds., Registres de la Compagnie des pasteurs de Genève au temps de Calvin, Travaux d’humanisme et Renaissance, 55 (Genève: Droz, 1962), II: 3–54. See also Lucien L. J. Gallois, Les géographes allemands de la Renaissance (Paris: E. Leroux, 1890), 67 n. 2; Robert W. Karrow, Jr., Mapmakers of the 16th Century and Their Maps: Bio-Bibliographies of the Cartographers of Abraham Ortelius, 1570 (Chicago: Speculum Orbis Press for the Newberry Library, 1993), s.v.
2
chapter one
clause throws early modern sacred geography into dramatic relief.2 The doctrinal rifts opening in Europe and the new worlds opening beyond its horizon placed in doubt traditional certainties, both religious and geographical. Geographia sacra, the subject of this study, stood at the heart of this complex process. Sacred geography is a burning topic in our academic culture, too. Recent scholarship across a wide array of disciplines has rediscovered space, place, and territoriality as fundamental analytical categories in the human sciences. Space is no longer conceived as a neutral continuum of human action and has now become an uneven, value-laden human construct. In the wake of this now vast movement, often referred to as ‘the spatial turn,’ religion and sacred geography have returned to the center of discussion as a crucial mode of perceiving and enacting space. Whereas the process of disenchantment and secularization of space was one of the founding myths of the Enlightenment and modernity (and sometimes bought wholesale by Enlightenment’s critics), interest in the crossings of space and religion is now on the rise.3 Sacred geography, or sacred space, normally refers in current usage to the conscious physical molding of the environment for religious purposes (as in shrine architecture and in ritual setting).4 Even more commonly, especially in anthropological studies, sacred geography denotes a representation of space, or a mentality, that is distinguished from a secular view of the world. In this sense, famously defined by Mircea Eliade, sacred geography is built on a set of symbols and
2 See also George H. Williams, Wilderness and Paradise in Christian Thought (New York: Harper, 1962), 71–72. 3 I have profited, among others, from Arnold van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, trans. M. Vizedom and G. Caffee (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960); Robert D. Sack, Human Territoriality: Its Theory and History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); Edward W. Soja, The Political Organization of Space (Washington: Association of American Geographers Commission on College Geography, 1971); Jonathan Z. Smith, To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989); Katherine Clarke, Between Geography and History: Hellenistic Constructions of the Roman World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999); and from Maurice Halbwachs’ often overlooked La topographie légendaire des Évangiles en Terre Sainte: étude de mémoire collective (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1941), the Conclusion of which was recently translated in Halbwachs, On Collective Memory, ed. and trans. Lewis A. Coser (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992). 4 Andrew Spicer and Sarah Hamilton, eds., Defining the Holy: Sacred Space in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005).
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meanings shared by a community of believers (as in pilgrimage to a sacred site or founding a temple). Religion thus serves as a model for new or revived understandings of human spatiality. It is this basic recognition which I take with me into the early modern period and into the archaeology of this fruitful and complex notion—sacred geography. For despite its (still) fashionable overtones, the concept has a long history, and a particularly rich one in the early modern period. Geographia sacra—a term coined in the early modern period—was not only a technical expression, but also a rich scholarly genre, which captivated the intellects of many central figures of the European Republic of Letters. It was wholly embedded in a broader learned culture that took a spatial turn long before we did. Increasing numbers of scholars explore various early modern notions of space and geographical ideas, and elucidate the ways in which they are related to major process, such as the rise of territorial states, global trade, the colonization of the New World and the rise of empires. This book attempts to contribute to our understanding of the spatial history and spatial imaginary of early modern Europe by highlighting sacred geography, which was, I argue, a significant contemporary mode of thinking about space, land, history, and their role in a world where the divine had a powerful and immediate presence. I trace, in other words, a vast spatial turn in Christian scholarship that took place during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. At its most basic level, geographia sacra dealt with reconstructing the biblical landscape and often with translating the sacred text into a map. The geographical elaboration of the biblical text was not a new exercise in the Jewish and Christian tradition. In the early fourth century, Eusebius of Caesarea defined the main features of sacred geography in the preface to his Onomasticon, addressed to the Bishop of Tyre, Paulinus: First I shall transliterate into Greek the names for the people of the world which appear in Hebrew in Holy Scripture. Then, I shall make a map of ancient Judaea from the whole book, dividing the allotted territories of the twelve tribes. In addition, I shall trace the representation of their ancient, famous, mother-city, I mean of course Jerusalem, including in this the plan of the Temple, after comparison with the existing remains of the sites. I shall assemble things in line with this, and in accordance with those matters you have suggested already in your proposal for the improvement of the whole subject. I shall set out the cities and villages contained in Holy Scripture in the ancestral tongue, designating what sort of places they are, and how we name them, whether similarly to the
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From late antiquity until today, despite improving cartographic techniques and clearer representational conventions, this technical pursuit as first outlined by Eusebius has been marked by strong continuities. Collecting and representing, both visually and textually, the geographical material in the Bible—the dispersion of peoples in Genesis; the distribution of Canaan among the tribes of Israel in Joshua; the description of Jerusalem and the temple in 1 Kings, 2 Chronicles and Ezekiel; and place-names throughout the Canon—has been and still is the sacred geographer’s job.6 This continuity is easily explained by the essential role played by the canonical text as the primary source of information. Yet behind the façade of smooth, centuries-old continuities and the seemingly straightforward practice of pinning placenames down on a map, many complexities and fractures lie concealed. Sacred geography is not a simple translation of text into tabular or visual form, for by the very act of translation it becomes interpretative and exegetical. Maps, diagrams, and lists relating to sacred geography often appeared in biblical commentaries rather than in the Bible itself, and were not intended as mere illustrations.7 In that sense, the history
5
Palestine in the Fourth Century A.D.: The Onomasticon by Eusebius of Caesarea, ed. Joan E. Taylor, trans. G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville (Jerusalem: Carta, 2003), 11. This is the first translation into English. It is based on Klostermann’s critical edition (Leipzig, 1904) of Eusebius’ Greek text and Jerome’s (free) Latin translation. Of all the proposed items on Eusebius’ program only the list of biblical place names, commonly known as the Onomasticon, has reached us. See also Robert L. Wilken, “Eusebius and the Christian Holy Land,” in Eusebius, Christianity, and Judaism, eds. Harold W. Attridge and Gohei Hata, 736–61 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1992). For a general overview of Christian Palestine in Eusebius’ time, see E. D. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire, AD 312–460 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982). 6 The basic outline is given in Robert G. North, A History of Biblical Map Making (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1979). See Kenneth Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy Land: Images of Terra Sancta through Two Millennia (New York: Abbeville Press, 1986), for good reproductions and informative captions. 7 For example, the diagrammatic maps in Rashi’s commentaries (11th century), which influenced those of Nicholas of Lyra (14th century); see Catherine Delano Smith and Mayer I. Gruber, “Rashi’s Legacy: Maps of the Holy Land,” The Map Collector 59 (1992): 30–35; or Andreas Masius’ map of the land of Ephraim in his controversial commentary on Joshua, Iosuæ imperatoris historia illustrata . . . (Antwerp: Christophe Plantin, 1574), 268.
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of sacred geography is part of—and as contentious as—the history of biblical scholarship. The early modern period is uniquely rich for exploring contesting notions of geographia sacra, for it is a time during which the understanding of both geography and the Bible were profoundly shaken. With the revival of ancient geography, exploration of the New World, and the emergence of print culture, there occurred in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries a veritable revolution in geographical thinking, as well as in map dissemination and use.8 The introduction of humanistic methods in biblical exegesis and the Reformation’s emphasis on Scripture as the foundation of religion made biblical scholarship a territory disputed as never before, while the Bible became available to more and more lay people in vernacular languages.9 Both geography and sacred scholarship experienced a period of tumultuous efflorescence. As the ecclesiastical geographer Augustin Lubin wrote in 1678, those who read a map enter a foreign country, where they encounter unknown words and symbols.10 Similarly, entering the scholarly gray area stretching between ‘religion’ and ‘geography’ requires us to open our minds to fluid terminology, blurred disciplinary boundaries, and conjunctions which on our map of knowledge may seem awkward. In
8 See Robert W. Karrow, Jr., “Intellectual Foundations of the Cartographic Revolution” (Ph.D., Loyola University, 1999), preface, for a convincing justification of the term. More generally, the relevant chapters in Lloyd A. Brown, The Story of Maps (Boston: Little Brown, 1949), are still useful. The most comprehensive and authoritative survey is in David Woodward, ed., The History of Cartography; Volume 3: Cartography in the European Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007). A general survey of early modern geography (as opposed to cartography) is a desideratum. See Numa Broc, La géographie de la Renaissance (1420–1620) (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1980); for England see Lesley B. Cormack, Charting an Empire: Geography at the English Universities, 1580–1620 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997). 9 Jerry H. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ: New Testament Scholarship in the Renaissance (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983); S. L. Greenslade, ed., The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. 3: The West from the Reformation to the Present Day (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963); François Laplanche, La Bible en France entre mythe et critique (XVIe–XIXe siècle), Evolution de l’humanité (Paris: Albin Michel, 1994); Debora K. Shuger, The Renaissance Bible: Scholarship, Sacrifice, and Subjectivity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Richard A. Muller and John L. Thompson, eds., Biblical Interpretation in the Era of the Reformation: Essays presented to David C. Steinmetz (Grand Rapids, Mich.: W. B. Eerdmans, 1996). 10 “Ils y lisent des mots qu’ils n’entendent pas, ils y voyent des lignes qu’ils ne connoissent point [. . .].” Augustin Lubin, Mercure géographique; ou le guide des curieux des cartes géographiques. Par R. P. A. A. Lubin, Predicateur & Geographe ordinaire du Roy (Paris: Christophle Remy, 1678), 1–2.
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the course of this study we shall let a few prominent, self-proclaimed sacred geographers lead us on a perambulation of their field, during which we will often cross into neighboring counties. This crossover is required, first, by the nature of early modern geography itself, which was as much a textual and humanistic as a scientific and empirical discipline (if not more so), and as such a close ally of history and philology. This attentiveness to the period’s own categories is more often than not absent from modern histories of geography. Hence, early modern geographia sacra, as sketched out by Eusebius, functioned in this broader context, and for this reason its scope, aims and sources are hard to define. In a recent overview of religious mapping in the medieval and early modern period, the eminent historian of cartography, Catherine Delano Smith argues that sacred geography is more exclusive than biblical geography. Sacred geography sensu stricto is concerned with places deemed ‘holy’ in the relevant religion. Confusingly, however, the word ‘sacred’ has often been misused as a synonym for biblical geography, especially by eighteenthand nineteenth-century mapmakers, publishers, and writers on the Holy Land.11
Yet this attempt at limitation and delimitation, while useful for today’s geographers, seems to be too rigorous for the early modern period, when sacred geography had an even wider, more flexible usage, and when both terms, ‘sacred’ and ‘geography,’ were applied in a variety of senses. Geographia sacra often meant biblical geography, in the sense that the Bible was its source of information, and that it described the landscapes where biblical events took place. But sacred geography was not limited to the Bible as a sole source—many pagan authors were instrumental in the reconstruction of biblical lands; nor was it limited to a representation of the eastern Mediterranean—scholars such as Benito Arias Montano and Samuel Bochart wrote a global sacred geography. Finally, geographia sacra in early modern usage encompassed ecclesiastical geography as well. Hence any region at any period could have its own sacred geography, relating to ecclesiastical provinces, mission activities, or pilgrimages. Given this diversity, rather 11 Catherine Delano Smith, “Maps and Religion in Medieval and Early Modern Europe,” in Plantejaments i objectius d’una història universal de la cartografia = Approaches and Challenges in a Worldwide History of Cartography, ed. David Woodward, Catherine Delano Smith, and Cordell D. K. Yee, 179–200 (Barcelona: Institut Cartogràfic de Catalunya, 2001), 191.
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than beginning with a definition of geographia sacra in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, I would like this definition—the contour lines of geographia sacra on the map of early modern scholarship—to emerge as the end product of this study. Those who today we identify as (a term I usually try to avoid) ‘fathers’ of modern geography devoted considerable energy to geographia sacra, and were profoundly religious men—Gerard Mercator, Abraham Ortelius, and many others.12 Moreover, many of those who in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries studied and published geographical works were not geographers per se. An early modern ‘geographer’ may well have been primarily active as a diplomat, artist, printer, natural scientist, linguist, and theologian. We find quite a few churchmen and theologians on Ortelius’ Catalogus auctorum, the list of contributors to his celebrated atlas, the Theatrum Orbis terrarum (1570): the reformer Johann Honter (1498–1549), the “Apostle of Transylvania,” was the author of an extremely popular verse treatise on cosmography; Jacob Ziegler (1480–1549), creator of an influential map of Palestine, was an Erasmian whose theological works were put on the Index. The most conspicuous example is perhaps that of the theologian and Hebraist Sebastian Münster (1489–1552), an editor of Ptolemy’s Geography and author of a famous Cosmography.13 The phenomenon continues through the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, with figures such as Kaspar Peucer (1525–1602), Melanchthon’s son-in-law, the Arminian-turned-Catholic Petrus Bertius (1565–1629), an editor of Ptolemy and an author of many theological works, the Anglican divines Samuel Purchas (c. 1577–1626), Thomas Fuller (1608–61), and Peter Heylyn (1600–1662), to early eighteenth century scholars such as the prominent Orientalist Adriaan Reelant (1676–1718). Another point of contact between religion and geography was institutional. The Church in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was the
12 Mercator, for example, in his celebrated map of Europe (1544, 1572) included three textual cartouches on the peregrinations of Jesus, St. Peter, and St. Paul. See reproductions in Arthur Dürst, “The Map of Europe,” in The Mercator Atlas of Europe: Facsimile of the Maps by Gerardus Mercator Contained in the Atlas of Europe, Circa 1570–1572, ed. Marcel Watelet, 31–41 (Pleasant Hill, OR: Walking Tree Press, 1998). 13 These details are taken from the invaluable work by Robert W. Karrow, Jr., Mapmakers of the 16th Century and Their Maps. See also Matthew McLean, The Cosmographia of Sebastian Münster: Describing the World in the Reformation (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007).
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primary patron of geographical learning. In Italy, almost all the significant figures in the recovery of Ptolemy’s Geography and other classical authors were either clerics or scholars who worked under Church patronage. Beyond patronage, the revival of classical geography provided a paradigm of universalism to Catholics in an expanding world.14 The universalizing potential was clearly perceived by churchmen and missionaries, already in the fifteenth century and then by the great ‘geographical corporation,’ the Society of Jesus.15 Thus early modern secular geography at large was ‘sacred’ in the sense that it was mentally conceived and materially produced within a religious framework, both personal and institutional.16 Through these wider developments, the very traditional field of sacred geography made an immense step forward in terms of accuracy and sophistication, benefiting from new methods in geographical as well as biblical scholarship. It had become common understanding among students of Scripture that correct reading must be based on correct geography (as well as botany, zoology, and mineralogy). Erasmus warmly recommended the use of maps and cosmographies for the study and animation of Scripture. He ridiculed those who, shamelessly prognosticating or consulting terrible dictionaries, turned towns to fruits, gems to fish, and stars to birds. After all, as Erasmus said following St. Augustine, the mystical sense of Scripture often depended on the unique qualities of such things. As Kristine Haugen phrased it, Erasmus aspired to create a “multidimensional picture of the world in which Jesus and the Apostles lived.”17
14 John Larner, “The Church and the Quattrocento Renaissance in Geography,” Renaissance Studies 12, no. 1 (1998): 26–39. John M. Headley, “Geography and Empire in the Late Renaissance: Botero’s Assignment, Western Universalism, and the Civilization Process,” Renaissance Quarterly 53 (2000): 1119–55. 15 Steven J. Harris, “Mapping Jesuit Science: The Role of Travel in the Geography of Knowledge” in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540–1773, ed. John W. O’Malley, et al., 212–40 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999). 16 David Livingstone, “Science, Magic, and Religion: A Contextual Reassessment of Geography in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” History of Science 26 (1988): 269–94. 17 “Fit enim ut agnitis ex cosmographia regionibus, cogitatione sequamur narrationem obambulantem, & omnino non sine voluptate, velut una circunferamur, ut rem spectare videamur, non legere. Simulque non paulo tenacius haerent, quae sic legetis. Neque vero raro locorum vocabula suis libris, ceu lumina quaepiam interiiciunt prophetae, quorum allegoriam si quis tractare conetur, nec tuto nec feliciter id fecerit, si locorum situm ignoret. Iam si gentium, apud quas res gesta narratur, sive
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During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the dictionaries indeed improved. Catholic and Protestant scholars alike strove to perfect the array of study aids—linguistic, historical, and geographical—available for the correct reading of Scripture that they promoted. Joachim von Watt (Vadianus, also an editor of Pomponius Mela), Jakob Ziegler, Robert Estienne, Jacques Bonfrère, and Benito Arias Montano, to name but a few, used philological, historical, and antiquarian tools to survey the landscapes of the Old and New Testaments.18 Comprehensive place-name indices, maps, and textual geographical accounts enriched major Bible editions, and were designed to familiarize the reader with the lay of the land.19 Moreover, particular questions in sacred geography—such as the itineraries of the Patriarchs and the Apostles, the exact location of the Terrestrial Paradise and that of Ophir (the source of Solomon’s gold)—began to receive sustained scholarly attention.20
ad quas scribunt Apostoli, non situm modo, verumetiam originem, mores, instituta, cultum, ingenium, ex historicorum literis didicerimus: dictu mirum, quantum lucis, et ut ita dicam, vitae sit accessurum lectioni, quae prorsus oscitabunda mortuaque sit oportet, quoties non haec tantum, sed & omnium pene rerum ignorantur vocabula. adeo ut nonnunque vel impudenter addiuinantes, vel sordidissimos consulentes dictionarios, ex arbore faciant quadrupedem, e gemma piscem, e citharoedo fluvium, ex oppido fruticem, e sydere avem, ex brassica braccam. Abunde doctum videtur istis, si tantum adiecerint, est nomen gemme, aut, est species arboris, aut, est genus animantis, aut si quid aliud mavis. Atqui non raro ex ipsa rei proprietate pendet intellectus mysterii: Quod evidentius declarat Augustinus libro de doctrina Christiana {bk 2, ch. 16}, exemplis aliquot in eam rem arguendam adductis.” Erasmus, “Ratio seu methodus compendio perveniendi ad veram Theologiam,” in Opera Omnia, 9 vols., V: 63–116 (Basel: Froben, 1540–), 66–77. See Kristine L. Haugen, “A French Jesuit’s Lectures on Vergil, 1582–1583: Jacques Sirmond between Literature, History, and Myth,” Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 4 (1999): 967–85 at 979–80, where Erasmus and other authors are discussed. 18 Watt (Vadianus, c. 1484–1551), Epitome trium terrae partium, Asiae, Africae et Europae: compendiariam locorum descriptionem continens, praecipue autem quorum in Actis Lucas, passim autem euangelistae & apostoli meminere (Zurich: Froschauer, 1534), and further editions; Jacob Ziegler and Wolfgang Wissenburg, Terrae Sanctae, qvam Palaestinam nominant,. . . descriptio (Strasburg: Rihel, 1536); Robert Estienne (1503–59), Hebraea & Chaldaea nomina virorum, mulierum, populorum, idoloru[m],. . ., quae in Bibliis leguntur . . . (Paris: R. Estienne, 1549); Montano (1527–98), Antiquitates Iudaicae (Leiden: Raphelenghius, 1593); Jacques Bonfrère, S.J. (1573–1642), Pentateuchus Moysis commentario illustratus (Antwerp, 1625). 19 Brian Walton, ed., Biblia sacra polyglotta . . . Cum apparatu, appendicibus, tabulis, variis lectionibus, annotationibus, indicibus, &c., 6 vols. (London: Thomas Roycroft, 1657). 20 Heinrich Bünting, Itinerarium et chronicon totius sacrae scripturae (Magdeburg, 1598, first ed., in German, Leipzig, 1585). On Bünting as chronologer see Anthony Grafton, “Some Uses of Eclipses in Early Modern Chronology,” Journal of the History
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Even outside the ambit of biblical scholarship, introductions to general geographies and cosmographies frequently noted the crucial importance of geography to divinity. Kasper Peucer, who in 1554 became professor of mathematics in Wittenberg, published in the same year a manual for measuring distances on the surface of the globe. This skill was necessary to any student of history, explained Peucer, but particularly to believers, who wished to understand the locations of the series of divine revelations of God to his Church; who wished to grasp God’s wisdom in placing that Church in a corner of Syria, in the center of the habitable world, so that the propagation of the faith might be quicker; to those who wished to know where Christ first preached, where he performed miracles, and where he died.21 “In such important matters, failure to consider the location of regions and distances between them is not only a rude barbarism, but irreverence,” Peucer thundered.22 The apt companion which Peucer added to his mathematical manual was a description of the Holy Land by Burchard of Mt. Sion, whose thirteenth-century account was regarded as authoritative.23 Like Peucer, William Cuningham explained in the introduction to his Cosmographical Glasse that: Also, as touching the study of diuinitie, it is so requisite, and neadfull, that you shall not vndersta[n]d any boke, ether of th’ old law or Prophets (yea I had almost said, any part of à booke, or Chapter of the same) being in this Art ignoraunt. For what numbre of places, Ilands, Regions, Cities, Townes, Mountains, Seas, Riuers, and such like, is ther to be found in euery Booke? How often doth father Moses in his. v. bookes, make mention of Babilon, Sinehar, Armenia (in whose hilles,
of Ideas 64, no. 2 (2003): 213–29. On the cartography of Eden see Alessandro Scafi’s definitive treatment in Mapping Paradise: A History of Heaven on Earth (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2006). See also his earlier “Mapping Eden: Cartographies of the Earthly Paradise,” in Mappings, ed. Denis Cosgrove, 50–70 (London: Reaktion Books, 1999). 21 Kaspar Peucer, De dimensione terrae et geometrice numerandis locorum particularium intervallis ex Doctrina triangulorum Sphaericorum & Canone subtensarum Liber. . . . Descriptio locorum Terrae Sanctae exactissima Autore quodam Brocardo Monacho. Aliquot insignium locorum Terrae Sanctae explicatio & historiae per Philippum Melanthonem (Wittenberg: 1554), 1–3. 22 “In his tantis rebus non regionum situs & intervalla considerare, non solum agrestis barbaries est, sed etiam impietas.” Ibid., 3. 23 For a useful although too rigid introduction to Protestant confessional geographies see Manfred Büttner, “The Significance of the Reformation for the Reorientation of Geography in Lutheran Germany,” History of Science XVII (1979): 151–69. See also Axelle Chassagnette, “La géométrie appliquée à la sphère terrestre: Le De Dimensione Terrae (1550) de Caspar Peucer,” Histoire & Mesure 21, no. 2 (2006): 7–28.
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Noë his Arke stayed after the vniuersal deludge) Assur, Charan, Caphdorim or Caldaea, Aegipt called of the Hebrues Mizraim, Syria (deuided into thre parts, Mesopotamia, Arabia, and Aethiopia,) with infinite like places, whiche without Cosmographie can nether be rightly vnderstand, or yet trulye expounded? [. . .] These thinges I bring in only as example, to proue the necessarye vse of it in deuinitie, and not to dispute ether of Paradise or his situation, seing it belongeth not to my profession, and office.24
Similar statements can be spotted in the emerging geographical literary canon from the early fifteenth well into the seventeenth century. Studying sacred geography, as Erasmus noted, was part of inquiring into the origins of peoples, their customs, laws, and ritual. Following Vadianus’ and Erasmus’ call, scholars approached the Bible equipped with an expanded corpus of Oriental languages and texts, in an effort to reconstruct the life of past societies in its full spectrum, especially that of the Hebrews in the Holy Land in the time of Christ, and of early Christian communities. This exercise in reconstruction, to apply Arnaldo Momigliano’s famous formulation of 1950, was antiquarian par excellence. In other words, we see here the emergence of sacred antiquarianism, which sprang from traditional exegesis and Christian Hebraism on the one hand, and from the bourgeoning fascination with classical antiquities on the other.25 Momigliano was clear that antiquarianism dealt with the sacred as well as the secular past. One of the main contentions of my study is that sacred geography, both in content and in method, was a central element in this documentary and scholarly effort to recover the past.26 In my view, the study of antiquarianism pioneered by Momigliano and extended by Miller and others should include the world of cartography and geography. Often, the organizing principle of antiquarian works, both secular and sacred, has been spatial-geographical rather than thematic or temporal, as in Leandro Alberti’s influential description of Italy (1550). The itinerary was both a well developed
24 William Cuningham, The Cosmographical Glasse Conteinyng the Pleasant Principles of Cosmographie, Geographie, Hydrographie, or Nauigation (London: In officina Ioan. Daij, 1559), sig. A4v–A5r. 25 Arnaldo Momigliano, “Ancient History and the Antiquarian,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes (1950): 285–315. For the seventeenth century see Peter N. Miller, “The ‘Antiquarianization’ of Biblical Scholarship and the London Polyglot Bible (1653–57),” Journal of the History of Ideas 62, no. 3 (2001): 463–82. 26 See Chapter Two for further discussion and bibliography.
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antiquarian practice and a literary format. The scholarly map, it could be argued, enabled a primary mode of antiquarian expression in early modern Europe. It allowed juxtaposing textual and material evidence, and reducing information into tabular form.27 The map was an apt means to place material before one’s eyes or present it to memory, to use common expressions at the time. It displayed detailed, synchronic knowledge about the past; it allowed measured, visual documentation; and it was an antiquarian object in itself—collected, displayed in curiosity cabinets, reproduced, and exchanged. From its earliest manifestations, like Buondelmonti’s early fifteenth-century treatise on the Aegean, the new scholarly interest in antiquities was closely tied to cartography. Figures like Leon Battista Alberti, Angelo Colocci, and later Pirro Ligorio pursued both channels thoroughly, and the list continues to unroll through the names of Konrad Peutinger, Robert Cotton, William Camden, and of course Ortelius.28 Similarly, a map of the Holy Land, a view of Jerusalem, a plan of the Temple and the tomb of Christ, although subjects long central to the Christian tradition, were now antiquarian productions, which were born into an antiquarian milieu. Throughout this study these conceptual as well as social and biographical links between sacred geography and antiquarian practices will continually emerge. Beyond sacred geography, this is a phenomenon that has significance for the understanding of early modern geography as a whole. It awaits further study and elaboration. A related term, ‘devout curiosity,’ will appear several times as well throughout this study. Sacred or devout curiosity, a term coined most probably in the late fifteenth century, is perhaps the most important for understanding the traditions that merged in the workshop of the sacred geographer. This was what the sacred antiquarian practiced when he worked his way through the Talmud to learn about ancient Hebrew measures, when he commissioned a map of a diocese under his care, or when he carefully measured the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem. Whereas the quantification and geometrization of space 27 Ann Blair, The Theater of Nature: Jean Bodin and Renaissance Science (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997), 175. 28 On Ortelius as antiquary see recently Tine L. Meganck, “Erudite Eyes: Artists and Antiquarians in the Circle of Abraham Ortelius” (Ph.D., Princeton University, 2003). See also George Tolias, “Ptolemy’s Geography and Early Modern Antiquarian Practices,” in Ptolemy’s Geography in the Renaissance, eds. Zur Shalev and Charles Burnett, 121–42 (London; Turin: Warburg Institute; Nino Aragno, 2011).
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were seen by previous scholarship as clear marks of secularization in Renaissance geography and cartography, I argue that this is not necessarily the case. Measurement and accuracy where happily adopted as pious modes of dealing with the sacred, in text and image, because they were not seen by contemporaries as emptying the world of its moral and qualitative properties. Curiosity becomes a devout act in itself. It is employed not in the traditional, pejorative sense of reaching beyond human and moral bounds, but in the evolving contemporary, positive one: examining curious evidence thoroughly, carefully, and patiently—just as Samuel Bochart and Isaac de La Peyrère did when they inspected a whale’s tooth in the curiosity cabinet of Ole Worm.29 Sacred geography thus participated in the emerging culture of curiosity and science in early modern Europe.30 Moreover, the centrality of the notion of devout curiosity in the practice of sacred geography makes its story part of the general phenomenon of pious science in early modern Europe. Antiquarian projects were never detached from present ideas and concerns, and sacred geography was no exception. Devout curiosity meant not only the careful study of biblical and ecclesiastical antiquity, but also mobilizing this study for contemporary devout purposes. The unique mix of devotion and erudition that Simon Ditchfield found in Roman learned circles, pervades the genre of sacred geography.31 Many of the works which this study examines operate on these two levels, with liturgical or polemical goals in mind. Arias Montano (Chapter Two), once he established the historical sense of Scripture, used his meticulous antiquarian images as meditative objects. Franciscan surveys of Jerusalem (Chapter Three) were crafted to defend the authenticity of the holy sites and rejuvenate the traditions attached to them. Protestant legal-historical inquiries about the territory under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Rome in the fourth century aimed to weaken the papacy’s modern claims to supremacy—the map gallery in the Vatican palace aimed to strengthen it (Chapter Five).
29 As related by Pierre-Daniel Huet in his memoire. See below Chapter Four, note 130. 30 See further discussion in Chapter Three. 31 Simon Ditchfield, “Text before Trowel: Antonio Bosio’s Roma sotterranea Revisited,” in The Church Retrospective, ed. R. N. Swanson, Studies in Church History; 33, 343–60 (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press for The Ecclesiastical History Society, 1997).
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Thus the confessional battle over sacred geography took place on common antiquarian ground. It is, therefore, impossible to generalize, as some modern interpreters do, about a supposedly necessary connection between sacred geography and literal minded Protestantism.32 Protestants were not so averse to the allegorical or even mystical sense of Scripture, just as Catholics were deeply involved with the historical. More importantly, maps in this period have found uses beyond the strictly geographical. While sacred geography was clearly a subject dear to both camps, and therefore a controversial one, it is hard to reconstruct a neat front line of debate. Biblical geography gripped both Catholic and Protestant scholars, who, to some extent, especially in the seventeenth century, respected and utilized each other’s work.33 Pilgrimage to European shrines was fiercely criticized by Reformers, but their views on the voyage to Jerusalem were ambiguous, and many Protestants simply made the pilgrimage, whatever the official line may have been. Ecclesiastical geography presents the only clear case where Catholic geographers dominated the field and Protestants could produce mostly ‘negative’ geographies. The question of Protestant ecclesiastical geography, however, is still open for further study and debate. This book makes considerable use of maps and some other illustrative material as sources for intellectual history, drawing on the recent awakening of the history of cartography. If previous traditions of scholarship contented themselves with documenting the growing accuracy of maps, or with fine carto-bibliographical inquiry, research in the history of cartography at least since the early 1990’s seeks to interpret maps as objects which operate within specific intellectual and political environments, and thus partake of broader historical contexts. So far,
32 Frank Lestringant, Introduction to André Thevet, Cosmographie de Levant (Geneva: Droz, 1985), lxi–lxiv. 33 As we will see in Chapter Four, Bochart’s Geographia sacra won praise from Protestants and Catholics alike. Similarly, the Jesuit Jacques Bonfrère’s work on Holy Land geography was included in the apparatus of Brian Walton’s London Polyglot. The Anglican Henry Spelman warmly recommended Arias Montano’s and the Geneva Bible’s reconstruction of the Temple, as opposed to that of Adrichem: “See the forme of the Temple in Arias Montan: Antiquitat. Iudaic. lib. Ariel. and in the Geneva Bible I King. cap. 6. and marke well both it, and the notes vpon it; for I find them (above others) most agreeable to the Scriptures, and rely not vpon the figure of the Temple in Adricomius, without good examination; for I perceiue he hath misplaced somethings therein.” De non temerandis ecclesiis, A Tract of the Rights and Respect Due vnto Churches, 2 ed. (London: Iohn Beale, 1616), 74 note b.
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the scholars practicing the new history of cartography have mainly explored the political, literary, and artistic aspects of early modern mapping, with exciting results.34 The religious aspect of early modern cartography, however, still lags behind. For example, while maps of the Holy Land, are comprehensively catalogued, analyzed, and grouped according to formal and visual criteria, their broader cultural and intellectual contexts have only rarely been explored.35 The situation has changed as regards medieval cartography, especially mappae mundi, which have been studied and carefully placed in exegetical and literary traditions.36 In the early modern period, however, there is still a lot to be desired. In a recent overview of the field, Pauline Moffitt Watts observes that “there has been no comprehensive study of the relationship of cartography to the Protestant and Catholic reform movements of early modern Europe”.37 The recent works of Margriet Hoogvliet on world maps and of Alessandro Scafi on the mapping of Paradise present important steps towards a fuller understanding of the ways in which maps operated within changing religious cultural and intellectual spheres.38 One of the clear marks of this new scholarship is the full recognition that geography and cartography were to a large degree humanistic, text-oriented disciplines that took part in a wider world of early modern scholarship. Like most other branches of knowledge at the time, they were in continual negotiation with a 34 See for example, David Buisseret, ed., Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); Josef W. Konvitz, Cartography in France, 1660–1848: Science, Engineering, and Statecraft (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); Matthew H. Edney, Mapping an Empire: The Geographical Construction of British India, 1765–1843 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997); Tom Conley, The Self-Made Map: Cartographic Writing in Early Modern France (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996); Richard Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood: The Elizabethan Writing of England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); David Woodward, ed., Art and Cartography: Six Historical Essays (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987). 35 See Chapter Two for further discussion and bibliography. 36 See for example, Evelyn Edson, Mapping Time and Space: How Medieval Mapmakers View Their World (London: British Library, 1997); Scott D. Westrem, The Hereford Map: A Transcription and Translation of the Legends with Commentary, Terrarum Orbis; 1 (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2001). 37 Pauline M. Watts, “The European Religious Worldview and Its Influence on Mapping,” in The History of Cartography; Volume 3: Cartography in the European Renaissance, ed. David Woodward, pt. 1, ch. 11 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 387. 38 Margriet Hoogvliet, Pictura et scriptura: Textes, images et herméneutique des “mappae mundi” (XIIIe–XVIe Siècle), Terrarum Orbis; 7 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007); Scafi, Mapping Paradise.
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body of textual traditions, both scriptural and classical. I employ this approach when I study maps within the context of religion and scholarship. Jointly analyzing textual and visual sources, I stress both the obvious yet rarely practiced—that reading the texts which accompany a map is crucial—and the less obvious—that the specific intellectual arena into which a map is born should bear upon its interpretation. Moreover, if earlier critics, like J. B. Harley, who established “the power of maps” paradigm and thus redefined the history of cartography, looked at ‘mapping’ as a unified corpus with a clear agenda (power and rule), later map historians have gradually realized that individual maps, just like books, have specific arguments, and that dialogues and debates run through as well as between them.39 It will be noted throughout the following discussions that early modern scholars attentively designed their maps in order to promote particular views in response to other texts and maps. In recent scholarship there has been a real surge, sometimes called a ‘visual turn’, in the study of early modern visual culture.40 In the history of science in particular, images, diagrams, and sketches have assumed center stage in discussions on the production and presentation of knowledge, and on cultures of description.41 Somewhat paradoxically, the new history of cartography has taken a linguistic turn in order to turn maps into more meaningful historical documents. However, for my purposes, the two turns meet mid-way. I adopt the principle that images and maps are never simple descriptions of a natural or geographical reality, but are always mediated and shaped by convention and dialog. One of the more essential, demanding and
39 Valerie A. Kivelson, “Cartography, Autocracy and State Powerlessness: The Uses of Maps in Early Modern Russia,” Imago Mundi 51 (1999): 83–105. 40 David Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989); Robert W. Scribner, For the Sake of Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation, 2 ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994); James Elkins, “Art History and Images That Are Not Art,” The Art Bulletin 77, no. 4 (1995): 553–71; Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, The Mastery of Nature: Aspects of Art, Science, and Humanism in the Renaissance (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993); David Morgan, The Sacred Gaze: Religious Visual Culture in Theory and Practice (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005). 41 David Freedberg, The Eye of the Lynx: Galileo, His Friends, and the Beginnings of Modern Natural History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Barbara M. Stafford, Artful Science: Enlightenment, Entertainment, and the Eclipse of Visual Education (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1994). Wolfgang Lefevre, Jurgen Renn, and Urs Schoepflin, eds., The Power of Images in Early Modern Science (Basel: Birkhauser, 2003).
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rewarding aspects of dealing with visual sources is the reconstruction of historical discourses about their significance and use.42 Wherever I could, I have highlighted instances where early modern sacred geographers were highly conscious and articulate about maps. Some of them even developed a critical discourse about their use (or their opponents’ perceived misuse) of maps. On the whole, this book’s various chapters demonstrate the increasing and yet complex role played by visualization in early modern European scholarship. It is here that I see this study joining and contributing to current literature on past visual cultures. I have often been asked the very sensible question whether my studies in map history focused on any particular area. Regardless of the variety of evasive answers I have given in the past, I came to realize that indeed it was hard to pin down this project to any particular region. It mentions locations from Ceylon to Peru and from Cairo to Stockholm. It is certainly not tied to the Holy Land. My protagonists lived and acted in widely if not wildly different religious and political local contexts. The particular region I do cover, it would seem, is one province of the European Republic of Letters, that by-definition landless entity. Thus this study is at the same time very broad, hopping from one country and period to another, and very specific, in trying to explore one early modern scholarly genre. A survey of the whole field would have amounted to a frustrating list of authors and titles. I have chosen to avoid that and therefore many significant contributors to geographia sacra are either mentioned in passing or simply neglected. Instead, the book offers case studies, which explore in great detail central scholars and themes of sacred geography in the early modern period, while progressing chronologically from about 1540 to 1690. Together the chapters cover the essential issues which preoccupied sacred geographers at the period, and allow a view of the field from different scholarly perspectives.
42 As, for example, Sachiko Kusukawa amply demonstrated in the case of botanical illustrations: “Leonhart Fuchs on the Importance of Pictures,” Journal of the History of Ideas 58, no. 3 (1997): 403–27. See also Georgia Frank, The Memory of the Eyes: Pilgrims to Living Saints in Christian Late Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000); Peter Burke, “Images as Evidence in Seventeenth-Century Europe,” Journal of the History of Ideas 64, no. 2 (2003): 273–96.
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The following chapter examines the biblical maps of the Spanish theologian Benito Arias Montano, editor of the second great Polyglot Bible (Antwerp, 1569–72). Montano, who, so far as I can establish, was the first to use the term geographia sacra, was one of the earliest scholars to have fully realized Eusebius’ blueprint, and thus merits a closer look. Montano authored geographical texts, maps, and architectural designs, which he joined together in the Polyglot’s massive Apparatus. An examination of the Apparatus demonstrates that Montano’s scholarship combined his philological training in Oriental languages and exegesis with a profound antiquarian interest in tabulating and visualizing monuments of the past. A close look at Montano’s Latin texts and at his broader social and intellectual contacts underlines the importance of the antiquarian movement as a major factor in his biblical scholarship, and stresses the centrality of geography and maps in Montano’s religious thought. Geographia sacra, which for Montano encompassed the whole Earth, allowed him to demonstrate the relevance of Scripture to a modern overseas Spanish empire, and to argue enthusiastically for the potential of the text’s mysteries to yield more knowledge in the future. Sacred geography as an antiquarian practice manifested itself most clearly on-site, that is, in Jerusalem itself. The third chapter focuses on learned travel and pilgrimage, or, on what became of Eusebius’ remark that he would offer a representation of Jerusalem and the Temple “after comparison with the existing remains of the sites.”43 Current scholarship is almost united in the view that pilgrimage to Jerusalem died out after 1500. Yet the burgeoning publication of pilgrim accounts during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries calls for a reconsideration. It is shown here, first, that many took the route to the Holy Sepulcher, and second, that devotion to the sacred sites, even if it took a different form than its medieval predecessor, was lively and generated great interest at home in Europe, in both the Catholic and the Protestant worlds. The well-established tradition of pilgrimage was transformed by the growing practice of learned travel in search of curious items and phenomena, and the general scientific and descriptive culture of the time. Franciscan authors, who usually stayed for long periods in the Holy Land, effectively controlled information about the sacred sites, and were engaged in an extensive project of visual and textual
43
Eusebius, Onomasticon, 11.
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documentation of monuments and traditions. This activity was concurrent with similar efforts in Rome, especially in its catacombs, to document early Christian life and to tie them into contemporary devotion. The third chapter pays special attention to Bernardino Amico’s Trattato de sacri edificii di Terra Santa (1609, 1620). Amico, an Observant Franciscan, produced commentated maps, views, and meticulous scaled architectural plans of the Christian monuments of the Holy Land. His work allows a consideration of the meeting of CounterReform Christian scholarship, antiquarian interest in visualization and measurement, and the tradition of pilgrimage. Chapter Four investigates the scholarship of the Protestant minister and formidable Orientalist Samuel Bochart (1599–1667), and especially his Geographia sacra (Caen, 1646). Bochart’s authority and erudition were widely admired during his lifetime and throughout the eighteenth century,44 yet modern scholarship has so far failed to seriously engage with his oeuvre. I argue that Bochart’s geographical scholarship was distinctly Protestant, while tracing its origins back to the turbulent intellectual and political context of its inception and reception. The chapter also introduces the links between philology and sacred geography, which Bochart, following Montano, brought to perfection. Bochart’s mission in the Geographia was twofold. In Phaleg, following Eusebius and marshaling an intimidating range of sources, Bochart deciphered Genesis 10 and identified the location of each of Noah’s descendents. In Chanaan (both titles were borrowed from Montano) Bochart proceeded to explain the impact of Phoenician navigation on the ancient world. This two-tiered model allowed Bochart to chart human ‘prehistory,’ for which Mosaic geography was the only source, and to link it to the classical tradition of geography. Moreover, working with complex etymologies in European and Oriental languages, Bochart provided countless demonstrations of the Hebraic origins, propagated via the Phoenicians, of languages and cultures in various regions. These regions, significantly, did not include China and the New World. Bochart brought sacred geography to its utmost technical sophistication, while only tacitly admitting that the Bible was not a full account of human history and geography. It was a view that during
44 Bochart was crowned by Pierre Bayle as “un des plus savans hommes du monde.” Dictionnaire historique et critique, ed. Desmaizaux, 5 ed., 4 vols. (Amsterdam: 1740), I:585–87.
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these very years another Protestant, Isaac La Peyrère, moving in the same learned circles, would state explicitly in his Praeadamitae. Eusebius, although a pioneer of ecclesiastical history, did not include ecclesiastical geography in his master plan as outlined in the Onomasticon. In the sixteenth century and particularly in the seventeenth geographia sacra developed, as noted above, to include ecclesiastical geography and thus went beyond the strictly biblical to embrace a wholly different register. Chapter Five will explore this largely overlooked early modern development and extension of geographia sacra. Maps were an important tool of administration, and the Church, like the emergent monarchical states, was quick to use them. PostTridentine bishops, encouraged to visit and familiarize themselves with their dioceses, sponsored surveys and maps of the communities under their supervision. It became fashionable among monastic orders to record their origins and geographical spread in earlier periods, for which purpose they commissioned special atlases. Maps not only provided efficiency, but also added glory to the Catholic Church by presenting its ancient and enduring hierarchical structure, global missionary reach, and network of shrines. In this capacity ecclesiastical geography inevitably acquired a polemical edge. Chapter Five brings to light a fierce debate of the 1620s, whose main protagonists were the Genevan jurist Jacques Godefroy and the Jesuit Jacques Sirmond, over the geographical extent of the special diocese of the pope in the fourth century. It is shown that ecclesiastical geography was inseparable from explorations made by church historians and antiquaries into early Christian communities, institutions and material culture.45 The chapter ends with an account of the career in ecclesiastical geography of the Augustinian monk Augustin Lubin, who in the second half of the seventeenth century systematized the field and turned it almost into a technical pursuit. An Epilogue (Chapter Six) will trace the stabilization of geographia sacra in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Once the Bible lost its role as the basic research program of human and natural history, and once confessional debates had fallen out of vogue, sacred 45
Simon Ditchfield, Liturgy, Sanctity and History in Tridentine Italy: Pietro Maria Campi and the Preservation of the Particular (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Ingo Herklotz, Cassiano Dal Pozzo und die Archäologie des 17. Jahrhunderts (München: Hirmer, 1999).
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geography lost its resonance and significance. Moreover, the field itself had been almost exhausted. With Bochart, the progeny of Noah had been definitively charted; Jacques Bonfrère edited Eusebius’ Onomasticon and perfected the map of Judea; Christian van Adrichem and Louis Cappel fully researched Jerusalem and the Temple, respectively; Franciscus Quaresmius gave an authoritative statement of Christian pilgrimage and the traditions relating to the sacred sites in the Holy Land; with Augustin Lubin, ecclesiastical geography was fully methodized. Until the beginning of Near Eastern scientific archaeology in the late nineteenth century, no major advances would be gained over these fruits of the concentrated effort of scholars all over Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It is during the later phase of that efflorescence that an Anglican preacher and writer, Thomas Fuller, could popularize sacred geography, and use it as a platform from which to comment on current English affairs, or that Friedrich Spanheim, Jr., would publish an introduction to the subject for young students, and that Jean Le Clerc would write a brief history of sacred geography, and thus incorporate it into the historia litteraria of Europe.
CHAPTER TWO
THE ANTWERP POLYGLOT BIBLE: MAPS, SCHOLARSHIP, AND EXEGESIS The Council of Trent (1545–64), the founding event of the CounterReformation, also marked the beginning of the spectacular ecclesiastical career of Benito Arias Montano (1527–98, Figure 1).1 Poet laureate, member of the Military Order of St. James, Doctor of Theology, Orientalist, and a leading biblical scholar, Montano was chosen by Bishop Martín Peréz de Ayala to join the Spanish delegation to the third session-period of the Council (1562–64), and won praise for his interventions on communion and on marriage.2 For Montano, however, 1 An earlier version of this chapter appeared as “Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism and Visual Erudition: Benito Arias Montano and the Maps in the Antwerp Polyglot Bible,” Imago Mundi 55, no. 1 (2003): 56–80. For a recent reevaluation of the historiographical tradition of Trent and the Counter-Reformation see John W. O’Malley, Trent and All That: Renaming Catholicism in the Early Modern Era (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000). On Montano’s activities in Trent see C. Gutiérrez, Españoles en Trento, Corpus Tridentinum Hispanicum, 1 (Valladolid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Instituto “Jerónimo Zurita” Sección de Historia Moderna “Simancas”, 1951), 180–81, n. 366; Benito Arias Montano, Elucidationes in quatuor euangelia, Matthaei, Marci, Lucae & Johannis. Quibus accedunt eiusdem elucidationes in Acta Apostolorum (Antwerp: Plantin, 1575), 62; T. Gonzáles Carvajal, “Elogio histórico del Dr B. Arias Montano,” Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia VII (1823): 1–199, esp. 32–36. 2 We still lack a full intellectual biography and a full correspondence edition for Montano, a fascinating and central figure of early modern scholarship, though more and more particular studies and modern editions of his works shed light on his work and thought. Rekers’ standard biography is useful mainly as to Montano’s activities, yet less so regarding his works: Ben Rekers, Benito Arias Montano (1527–1598) (London: The Warburg Institute, 1972). See also, among others, Vicente Becares Botas, Arias Montano y Plantino: el libro flamenco en la España de Felipe II (León: Universidad Secretariado de Publicaciones, 1999), Luis Gómez Canseco, ed., Anatomía del humanismo: Benito Arias Montano, 1598–1998 (Huelva: Servicio de Publicaciones Universidad de Huelva, 1998); Sylvaine Hänsel, Der spanische Humanist Benito Arias Montano (1527–1598) und die Kunst (Münster: Aschendorff, 1991); Paul Saenger, “Benito Arias Montano and the Evolving Notion of Locus in Sixteenth-Century Printed Books,” Word & Image 17, no. 1&2 (2001): 119–37. Mark P. McDonald, “The Print Collection of Philip II at the Escorial,” Print Quarterly 15, no. 1 (1998): 15–35. Guy Lazure, “Possessing the Sacred: Monarchy and Identity in Philip II’s Relic Collection at the Escorial,” Renaissance Quarterly 60, no. 1 (2007): 58–93. Benito Arias was educated in Seville, and then in the University of Alcalá de Henares, a center for Hebraic and biblical studies. In 1560 he became a member of the military order of St. James. After
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Figure 1. Ph. Galle, engraved portrait of Benito Arias Montano. Galle and Montano, Virorum doctorum de disciplinis benemerentium effigies XLIIII (Antwerp, 1572). Source: Princeton University Library, Rare Books Division. Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, (Ex) CT 206 .G35x 1572q.
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the Council was not only about re-enforcing Catholic doctrine and fighting heretics, but also about scholarly exchange. During his stay in Trent Montano was able to examine ancient coins, buy and translate Hebrew books from Istanbul, and obtain a map of Canaan. Montano later used this map to illustrate the Apparatus sacer of the famous Antwerp Polyglot Bible, printed under Philip II’s auspices by Christophe Plantin, and of which Montano was the chief editor. Montano’s encounter with a map while at Trent and its later reworking into the Antwerp Polyglot opens a window onto the broader question of maps and religion in early modern Europe. When set against the rich intellectual and political context in which they were created and disseminated, prominent examples of geographia sacra such as these enable discussion of several key questions regarding their meaning and contemporary significance: How do maps function within an exegetical framework? What was the significance of the denominational rift in their conception and execution? How did biblical maps relate to the flowering of secular cartography, the geographical revolution, during the early modern period? As discussed in the opening chapter, Abraham Ortelius’ Catalogus auctorum in his celebrated Theatrum orbis terrarum (1570)—that invaluable ‘Who’s Who’ of late sixteenth-century cartography— demonstrates how deeply involved early modern mapmakers were in religious activities and scholarship.3 Like others in Plantin’s circle, Ortelius himself was to some extent sympathetic to the mystical and pietistic ideals of the Family of Love. As Giorgio Mangani has shown, Ortelius’s religious cartography was reflected in his use of the heartshaped projection, which intended to embody the union of Christian charity with Neostoic ideals.4 The authors listed on Ortelius’ Catalogus,
his recall from the Low Countries he was the librarian of the Escorial, and then, in 1586, retreated to his estate near Seville, where he died in 1598. 3 Robert W. Karrow, Jr., Mapmakers of the 16th Century and Their Maps: Biobibliographies of the Cartographers of Abraham Ortelius, 1570 (Chicago: Speculum Orbis Press, 1993); Peter H. Meurer, Fontes cartographici Orteliani: Das “Theatrum orbis terrarum” von Abraham Ortelius und seine Kartenquellen (Weinheim: VCH, Acta Humaniora, 1991). 4 Giorgio Mangani, “Abraham Ortelius and the Hermetic Meaning of the Cordiform Projection,” Imago Mundi 50 (1998): 59–83, and Il “mondo” di Abramo Ortelio: misticismo, geografia e collezionismo nel Rinascimento dei Paesi Bassi (Modena: Franco Cosimo Panini, 1998); René Boumans, “The Religious Views of Abraham Ortelius,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes (1954): 374–77; and the essays in Robert W. Karrow, Jr. et al., Abraham Ortelius (1527–1598): cartographe et humaniste
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like Jacob Ziegler, Sebastian Münster and Arias Montano himself, were theologians, philologists and historians. Modern scholarship, however, still lacks a comprehensive study that addresses the complex ways in which cartography operated within these religious and scholarly contexts. In the case of Holy Land maps, for example, we have fine albums and carto-bibliographies, yet very little that addresses contemporary discourses about the Holy Land and their relation to its cartography.5 In their survey of maps in Bibles in the sixteenth century, Catherine Delano Smith and Elizabeth Ingram opened the field for new kinds of questions about cartography and religion in the early modern period. Although their focus was on a specific genre in a single century, Delano Smith and Ingram made it clear that it is by no means obvious how maps function in such religious contexts as theology and exegesis, and that the question requires further historical investigation, specifically taking into account the wider social currents that mapmakers and their readers were navigating. Delano Smith’s and Ingram’s bibliographic survey was based on some 1,000 printed sixteenth-century Bibles, of which only 176 include maps. Their research revealed that maps never appear in Bibles printed in Catholic countries such as Spain, Portugal and Italy, and very rarely in Latin and French Bibles.6
(Tournhout: Brepols, 1998). Recent scholarship on The Family of Love tends to circumscribe the group’s extent and influence. See Jason Harris, “The Religious Position of Abraham Ortelius,” in The Low Countries as a Crossroads of Religious Beliefs, eds. Arie-Jan Gelderblom, Jan L. de Jong and M. van Vaeck, 89–139 (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2004). 5 For an album with valuable notes see Kenneth Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy Land: Images of Terra Sancta through Two Millennia (New York: Abbeville Press, 1986); see also Eva Wajntraub and Gimpel Wajntraub, Hebrew Maps of the Holy Land (Wien: Brüder Hollinek, 1992); Eran Laor and Shoshanna Klein, Maps of the Holy Land: Cartobibliography of Printed Maps, 1475–1900 (New York: A. R. Liss, 1986); Rehav Rubin’s pioneering scholarly study of Jerusalem maps pays attention mostly to formalvisual analysis and to map provenance: Image and Reality: Jerusalem in Maps and Views (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University Magnes Press, 1999). 6 Catherine Delano Smith and Elizabeth M. Ingram, Maps in Bibles, 1500–1600: An Illustrated Catalogue (Genève: Droz, 1991). The first printed Bible map appeared with Froschauer’s Old Testament (Zurich, 1525), based on Luther’s translation. Later, the Geneva Bible, which appeared in many editions, contained five maps (Exodus, Eden, Division of Canaan, The Holy Land at the Time of Christ, Eastern Mediterranean). See also their other important contributions: Delano Smith, “Geography or Christianity? Maps of the Holy Land before AD 1000,” Journal of Theological Studies 42 (1991): 143–52; “Maps as Art ‘and’ Science: Maps in 16th Century Bibles,” Imago Mundi 42 (1990): 65–83; “Maps in Bibles in the 16th Century,” The Map Collector 39 (1987): 2–14; Delano Smith and Mayer I. Gruber, “Rashi’s Legacy: Maps of the Holy Land,”
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They were thus able to conclude that “the history of maps in Bibles is part of the history of the Reformation.” According to the authors, the Protestant adoption of humanist historical-philological approaches to texts, emphasizing the literal over the allegorical, “is perhaps the key factor that explains why maps were felt by so many Protestant publishers to be useful adjuncts to printed Bibles.”7 Writing about the Galleria delle carte geografiche in the Vatican, Francesca Fiorani extended the argument by claiming that the Galleria project, which was completed in 1581, was in fact a Catholic cartographic response to the wide Protestant use of maps in Bibles.8 The striking quantitative finding that including maps in Bibles was a predominantly Protestant practice puts Montano’s maps—an exception to what appears to be the rule—in a particularly revealing light. Thus, Montano’s approach to cartography and the reasons for his inclusion of maps in the Apparatus of the Polyglot Bible deserve closer attention. This is enabled by the fact that Montano recorded many of his thoughts on the creation and understanding of maps and images in the text of the Apparatus. The aim of this chapter is to explore further this still largely uncharted terrain, and try to extend and nuance Delano Smith’s and Ingram’s thesis. Rather than attributing the spirit of mapping to a general Protestant mapping ethic, I attempt to reconstruct the ways in which maps, visual erudition, and biblical scholarship interacted in Montano’s world, and to open up the notion of geographia sacra to take account of sacred antiquarianism, both textual and visual. Montano’s thoughts on biblical geography, moreover, lay within a broader movement of pious philosophy that attempted to harmonize knowledge of the natural world with Scripture.
The Map Collector 59 (1992): 30–35; Elizabeth M. Ingram, “A Map of the Holy Land in the Coverdale Bible: A Map by Holbein?,” The Map Collector 64 (1993): 26–33; and “Maps as Readers’ Aids: Maps and Plans in Geneva Bibles,” Imago Mundi 45 (1993): 29–44. 7 Delano Smith and Ingram, Maps in Bibles, xvii, xxiv. 8 Francesca Fiorani, “Post-Tridentine geographia sacra: The Galleria delle carte geografiche in the Vatican Palace,” Imago Mundi 48 (1996): 124–48, and more extensively in her The Marvel of Maps: Art, Cartography and Politics in Renaissance Italy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005). See further discussion of the Galleria in Chapter 5.
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chapter two Montano in Plantin’s Press
The story of the Antwerp Polyglot, also known as the Biblia Regia, has been told many times, and the process of its creation is well documented (Figure 2).9 The idea had originated with Plantin, perhaps under the influence of the Orientalist and mystic Guillaume Postel, and was first mentioned in Plantin’s letter to Andreas Masius of February 1565. Plantin was persuaded to embark on such a massive project by the rarity of the previous great polyglot edition, the Complutensian of Cardinal Ximenes (completed 1517, published 1520–22).10 Plantin recruited a group of scholars, and even won German Protestant patronage. Yet, after having been forced to print anti-Catholic material during the outbreak in Antwerp of Calvinist iconoclasm in 1566, Plantin eventually decided to apply for Catholic patronage for the Polyglot in order to save his printing house and his own reputation in the eyes of the King. After Philip and his secretary Zayas had granted permission for the project, Plantin was informed that Benito Arias Montano, the King’s chaplain, would supervise the project. In May 17, 1568, after a tortuous sea journey, Montano reached Antwerp to take charge of the Polyglot, one of the most ambitious printing projects of the time. In Antwerp he spent seven incredibly productive years, and also made some of his most intimate friends.11
9 Basil Hall, “Biblical Scholarship: Editions and Commentaries,” in The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. 3: The West from the Reformation to the Present Day, ed. S. L. Greenslade, 38–93 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963); Rekers, Benito Arias Montano, ch. 3; Léon Voet, “La Bible Polyglotte d’Anvers et Benedictus Arias Montanus. L’Histoire de la plus grande entreprise scriptuaire et typographique du XVIe siècle,” in La Biblia Polyglota de Amberes, eds. Federico Perez Castro and L. Voet (Madrid: Fundación universitaria Española, 1973), 35–53. Montano’s and Plantin’s correspondences concerning the Polyglot are published in “Correspondencia del doctor Arias Montano con Felipe II, el secretario Zayas y otros sugetos, desde 1568 hasta 1580,” in Collección de Documentos inéditos para la Historia de España (Madrid: Viuda de Calero, 1862); Christophe Plantin, Correspondance de Christophe Plantin, eds. Max Rooses and Jean Denucé, 9 vols. (Antwerpen: J. E. Buschmann, 1883–1918); Baldomero Macías Rosendo, ed., La Biblia Políglota de Amberes en la correspondencia de Benito Arias Montano (Ms. Estoc. A 902) (Huelva: Universidad de Huelva, 1998). For an insightful account of the intellectual background of the 17th-century Paris Polyglot see Peter N. Miller, “Les origines de la Polyglotte de Paris: philologia sacra, contre-réforme et raison d’état,” Dix-Septième Siècle 49, no. 1 (1997): 57–66. 10 On the Complutensian see Jerry H. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ: New Testament Scholarship in the Renaissance (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983), 72ff. 11 Montano’s nostalgia for his Antwerp period frequently recurs in his letters to Ortelius. See for example the letter from Rome, 28 February 1576, in Ortelius,
the antwerp polyglot bible
29
Figure 2. Title page, Benito Arias Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), I. Source: Princeton University Library, Rare Books Division. Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, (Ex) 5145.1569f.
30
chapter two
Plantin, the leading printer of the second half of the sixteenth century, greatly admired his industrious new editor, of whom he noted that, “beside his nobility and rank, is not only so accomplished in the knowledge of Hebrew, Aramaic, Syriac, Greek, Latin, and various other languages, but also endowed with supreme modesty, prudence, [and] love of God.”12 Montano aimed to produce an authoritative Bible edition in five languages, supported by a weighty Apparatus complete with various reading aids. The project involved the concerted and prolonged work of experts in Oriental languages and biblical scholarship—including Masius, Postel’s students, the brothers Guy and Nicolas Lefèvre de la Boderie, and Franciscus Raphelenghius, Plantin’s son-in-law. By the end of two years Montano’s team of scholars and Plantin’s proofreaders, with the collaboration of the Doctors of the Faculty of Theology in Louvain, had the biblical texts ready for typesetting.13 The first four volumes of the Polyglot contain the Hebrew Old Testament, with the Vulgate, Septuagint, and Aramaic translations, while the fifth contains the New Testament in Greek, Latin and Syriac.14
Abrahami Ortelii (geographi Antverpiensis) et virorum eruditorum ad eundem et ad Jacobum Colium Ortelianum (Abrahami Ortelii sororis filium) epistulae. Cum aliquot aliis epistulis et tractatibus quibusdam ab utroque collectis (1524–1628), ed. John Henry Hessels (Cambridge: Typis Academiae, sumptibus Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae, 1887), no. 62: 1–3, 138–40. In September 1592 Montano even went as far as offering Justus Lipsius, one of his Antwerp acquaintances, to be the inheritor of his estate: Ronald W. Truman, “Justus Lipsius, Arias Montano and Pedro Ximenes,” Bulletin de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome 68 (1998): 367–86. 12 “Estant donc de retour en ceste ville, je trouvay Monsigneur le docteur en théologie Bénédict Arias Montanus, officier de la Sainte Inquisition en Espagne, Chevalier de l’ordre de Saint Jaques, personnage, outre l’estat de noblesse et degré qu’il tient, non seulment autant accompli en la science des langues hébraïcque, chaldaïcque, syrienne, grecque, latine et diverses autres, mais aussi doué d’une autant souveraine modestie, prudence, amour divin, et toutes autres vertues divines qu’oncques j’en ay sceu congnoistre.” Plantin to Maximilian de Berghes, Archbishop of Cambrai, 28 June, 1568, Plantin, Correspondance, I, no. 137. 13 In an often quoted passage Plantin describes how his thirteen-year old daughter, Magdelaine, used to read the biblical texts to Montano: she was in charge of bringing “toutes les espreuves des grandes Bibles Royal au logis de Monsgr le Docteur B. Arias Montanus et de lire, des originaux Hebraïcques, Chaldéens, Syriacques, Grecs et Latins, le contenu desdictes espreuves, tandis que mondict Sr le docteur observe diligemment si nos feilles sont telles qu’il convient pour les imprimer.” Plantin to Zayas, 4 November 1570, Plantin, Correspondance, II: 251, p. 175–76. 14 For a complete bibliographic description of the Polyglot see Léon Voet and Jenny Voet-Grisolle, The Plantin Press (1555–1589): A Bibliography of the Works Printed and Published by Christopher Plantin at Antwerp and Leiden, 6 vols. (Amsterdam: Van Hoeve, 1980), entry 644; Rosendo, La Biblia Políglota de Amberes, Introducción.
the antwerp polyglot bible
31
Montano then moved on to prepare the Apparatus, in three volumes. The idea of an apparatus was not new. The old Complutensian had already offered its readers a volume of reading aids, including Greek, Hebrew and Chaldean dictionaries and a Hebrew grammar. As the practice of studying the Holy Scriptures in their original languages became more common during the sixteenth century, other sophisticated tools for precise reading were published, such as biblical name indexes.15 Montano, however, furnished his Polyglot with a selection of study aids unprecedented in quantity and comprehensiveness.16 In the Apparatus volumes one finds, besides dictionaries and grammars for Hebrew, Syriac, and Greek, also a non-Vulgate, literal Latin translation of the Hebrew Old Testament, copious indices, and various methodological essays on translation. For Volume Eight, the third of the Apparatus, Montano composed a number of learned treatises that add up to a complete ethnography of the ancient Hebrews. Montano summed up and elucidated what was then at the forefront of biblical scholarship, and in his view, of scholarship at large. Montano also included four maps—Orbis tabula, Terra Canaan Abrahae tempore, Terra Israel in tribus undecim distributa, Antiqua Ierusalem—and about ten antiquarian illustrations of architectural designs, biblical monuments, and liturgical vestments
15 For example, Robert Estienne’s Hebraea & Chaldaea nomina virorum, mulierum, populorum, idoloru[m], urbium, fluuiorum, montium, caeterorumque locoru[m], quae in Bibliis leguntur, ordine alphabeti Hebraici (Paris: Rob. Stephani, typographi Regii, 1549). An excellent overview with an emphasis on Protestant biblical scholarship in the sixteenth century is Debora K. Shuger, The Renaissance Bible: Scholarship, Sacrifice, and Subjectivity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), ch. 1. See also François Laplanche, Bible, sciences et pouvoirs au XVIIe siècle (Napoli: Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Filosofici, 1997). 16 For example, while Estienne’s Hebraea & Chaldaea nomina gave only Hebrew names and their Latin translations, Montano amplified this format to include, as Plantin duly emphasized in his ‘Preface to the Christian Reader,’ short descriptions of biblical figures’ lives, and geographical descriptions based on classical authors: Montano, ‘Hebraica, Chaldaea, Graeca et Latina nomina virorum, mulierum, populorum, idolorum, urbium, flu
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55 • ORIGINE(S) • DEUX MILLE ANS D'ÉCRITS DU PAPYRUS AU LIVRE IMPRIMÉ
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The Online Books Page
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Listing over 3 million free books on the Web - Updated Wednesday, August 14, 2024 - Updates resume August 26
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https://www.academia.edu/12370480/Social_movements_and_neoliberalism
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Social movements and neoliberalism
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2015-05-13T00:00:00
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Social movements and neoliberalism
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https://www.academia.edu/12370480/Social_movements_and_neoliberalism
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My intervention this afternoon will attempt to summarize some of the main ideas put forward in We Make Our Own History – a book that it took my good friend and comrade Laurence Cox and myself well over a decade to write. We Make Our own History is intended, above all, to explore the relationship between Marxist theory and social movements, and in particular how this relationship works in the specific historical period that we are calling the twilight of neoliberalism. Or – put slightly differently – I’ll be talking about how we can reclaim Marxism as a theory that can serve activist purposes and knowledge interests in a context where neoliberalism appears to be undergoing a moment of organic crisis.
Three chapters available under "Papers", below. ""Marxism and Social Movements is the first sustained engagement between social movement theory and Marxist approaches to collective action. The chapters collected here, by leading figures in both fields, discuss the potential for a Marxist theory of social movements; explore the developmental processes and political tensions within movements; set the question in a long historical perspective; and analyse contemporary movements against neo-liberalism and austerity. Exploring struggles on six continents over 150 years, this collection shows the power of Marxist analysis in relation not only to class politics, labour movements and revolutions but also anti-colonial and anti-racist struggles, community activism and environmental justice, indigenous struggles and anti-austerity protest. It sets a new agenda both for Marxist theory and for movement research." Download flyer for 25% discount offer."
Why have social movement studies mostly ignored the concept of capitalism as an important factor explaining the rise, the decline, and even the absence of social mobilizations? Our thesis is that the silence of social movement research on capitalism is anything but strange. We contend that social movement studies have arisen and come out from the rejection of Marxist and capitalist explanations of societal transformations, which were relatively popular and relevant in the 1960s and 1970s. The institutionalization of the field of social movement research has been founded on a sort of “epistemological bias” vis-à-vis capitalist (and Marxist) analysis. The time seems ripe to broaden the scope of the analysis of movement studies to the macro-structural perspectives of (critical) political economy. The scarce scholarly attention devoted to the connection between the economic structures of society and the political conditions affecting the emergence of mobilizations has caused the diminished capacity of mainstream social movement research to fully understand the recent wave of protests. For us, the reception of some aspects of political economy may be helpful to grasp the variety and timing of the recent wave of protests, arisen in distinct regions of the world with different temporalities in opposition to the crisis of neoliberal capitalism. How can we interpret and translate these important intuitions for the study of capitalism into social movement research? The main lesson that we can derive from them is that it is not possible to come out with an explanation of the rise, development, and decline of social movements without taking seriously into consideration the dynamics of transformation implied in the never-ending process of capital accumulation.
We live in the twilight of neoliberalism: the ruling classes can no longer rule as before, and ordinary people are no longer willing to be ruled in the old way. Pursued by global elites since the 1970s, neoliberalism is defined by dispossession and ever-increasing inequality. The refusal to continue to be ruled like this - "ya basta!" - appears in an arc of resistance stretching from rural India to the cities of the global North. From this movement of movements, new visions are emerging of a future beyond neoliberalism. 'We Make Our Own History’ responds to this crisis. The first systematic Marxist analysis of social movements, this book reclaims Marxism as a theory born from activist experience and practice. It shows how movements can develop from local conflicts to global struggles; how neoliberalism operates as a social movement from above, and how popular struggles can create new worlds from below.
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A "collège" education followed by law studies
(This Musing provides supplementary information about the education that Marc-Antoine Charpentier can be presumed to have received. For information his enrollment in the Law Faculty in 1662,
see my Musing on the law school register signed by Charpentier)
A brief summary of the type of studies that Marc-Antoine Charpentier had completed by the time he was eighteen will not only help us understand his mature years, it will also shed light on why his contemporaries considered him to be savant -- "savant" primarily in the compositional art, but also far more learned than the typical musician or composer.
Law studies, an open-sesame to a career in the Church
As a background to our understanding of the family politics underlying Marc-Antoine Charpentier's studies in a collège and his embarking on the three years of university studies that would lead to a doctorate in law, we can profit from Joseph Bergin's tableau of the typical education of seventeenth-century French prelates -- and of their subordinates in the Gallican Church.
Indeed, it was during his research for Crown, Church and Episcopate under Louis XIV (New Haven and London, 2004) that Bergin came upon Marc-Antoine Charpentier's inscription in the register of the law faculty. Although his chapter entitled "College, University and Seminary" (especially pp. 81-104) talks primarily about bishops and archbishops, Bergin points out that many of his findings apply not only to prelates and their relatives, but to cathedral canons as well. Since one of Marc-Antoine Charpentier's cousin by marriage was Sevin, bishop of Cahors, and since his paternal uncle, Pierre Charpentier, was a canon at the cathedral of Meaux, Bergin's observations can shed light on why Marc-Antoine -- although not a "younger son" -- may have been directed toward the law by his parents and/or guardian: "Younger sons destined for clerical careers were rarely without uncles or older relatives already in the church, whether bishops, canons, or mere curates. Family understandings ... usually placed some responsibility on those clerical shoulders for educating younger members in due course" (p. 84).
By the mid-seventeenth century, university studies -- either a doctorate in theology or a doctorate in law -- had become a prerequisite for advancement in the church (p. 81). Bergin's research revealed that, until the mid- to late-1660s, more future churchmen studied law than theology (pp. 93-95); and that the study of canon law far exceeded the study of civil law. "By choosing canon law for their degree, even those who were steering clear of theology were nevertheless committing themselves to a career in the church" (p. 96).
While there is no evidence to suggest that his uncle in Meaux or his Sevin cousins in Cahors shaped Marc-Antoine Charpentier's education in any way, the fact that he signed up to study with Jean Doujat, a respected scholar in canon law, suggests that, at nineteen, Marc-Antoine (or his guardians) was "committing himself to a career in the church" -- or was at least keeping open that possibility. That is to say, once Marc-Antoine had earned his doctorate in law, if he was fortunate enough to be offered a position as "agent" for a powerful churchman, he could take the requisite vows and be tonsured. If ecclesiastical fortune did not smile on him, he could still earn a livelihood in a post requiring an ability to "read" and "write' either canonical or civil law.
In this context, Bergin's observations about the role played by the Society of Jesus in educating churchmen are therefore very thought-provoking. The Jesuits were always on the lookout for talented young men to along; and if the collège where a youth began his studies was weak in the subject in which he excelled, arrangements would be made for him to continue his studies elsewhere: "Out of fifty-seven bishops for whom information survives, twenty-eight had been to a Jesuit college ..." (p. 86). "One of the features of these networks of colleges [principally those run by the Doctrinaires, the Jesuits, the Oratorians] was the possibility that individual students could be singled out, sometimes at an early age, for their ability or future prospects, and then 'forwarded' to better-placed or better-known institutions. ... The active 'sponsorship' of their brightest pupils (in the broadest sense) by the Jesuits, Oratorians and other orders cannot be underestimated" (p. 87).
Through their family friend, Marie Talon, the Charpentiers had close ties to the Jesuits. (See my Portraits around Marc-Antoine Charpentier, pp. 95-98.) It is therefore quite likely that at some point in his education the Jesuits either "singled him out" or ensured that he would be "forwarded" to an institution where his intellectual and musical talents would be nourished.
A "college education" in the 1650s and 1660s
For an overview of what was involved in Charpentier's "college education" -- that is, his ten years of study that culminated in his admission to the law faculty at nineteen -- we can scarcely do better than to consult Roland Mousnier's sketch of the course of study and the pedagogy of a Parisian collège and his tableau of the Paris law school, Les Institutions de la France sous la Monarchie absolue ( Paris: PUF, 1974), vol. 1, pp. 552 ff. (Another very useful publication is George Huppert's, Public Schools in Renaissance France, Chicago: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1984, passim.) A summary of the principal points in Mousnier's broadly-brushed tableau follows.
The duration of the course of study in a typical collège
The basic course of study lasted eight years. After having studied what was known as "grammaire," the student progressed to sixième, cinquième, quatrième, troisième, and finally to the "humanités." After that he moved on the final two years of study, known as the "première" or "rhétorique"
At this point, most students left school. In fact, the ones who stayed on for rhétorique were usually those "qui jugeaient nécessaire de conquérir licence et doctorat dans les facultés." These select few took a year of "philosophie," studying "la logique et la morale." During the second year of these supplementary studies, they studied "physique" and "métaphysique." At that point, they were awarded a "maître ès arts" and could be admitted to specialized faculties such as theology, law or medicine.
In other words, to be admitted to the Faculté de Droit, Marc-Antoine Charpentier almost certainly had passed the examinations for a maîtrise ès arts, and this accomplishment had been validated by the University of Paris. He clearly had done this by the summer of 1662, when he was still eighteen or had newly turned nineteen. This means that he had mastered the entire cursus of one of the Parisian collèges -- ten years of study. In other words, at the age of eight or nine, he had been enrolled in a collège, perhaps as a boursier, that is, a scholarship student, or perhaps as an externe or non-boarder (the less costly option).
The subjects studied, the pedagogy employed
The goal of the first six years was to "former le cÅur de l'homme, d'exercer et entraîner son esprit" by means of "les humanités, les grands auteurs latins et grecs. Il s'agissait de s'en imprégner, de les imiter, de rivaliser avec eux, de les dépasser et, par de petits changements, de les renouveler. La métaphore des abeilles qui vont puiser le suc des fleurs en en font leur miel est constante chez les auteurs qui préconisent cet enseignement."
The pedagogical exercise used for beginners (and for more advanced classes as well) was the "prélection." Students listened as the teacher gave a "leçon magistrale" that would prepare them for studying the text. The teacher himself would read the text aloud, to bring out its meaning; and then he would explain the argument of the selected excerpt within the context of the whole. He would read a phrase in Latin, paraphrase it, and explain difficult passages; he would discuss the style, turn the phrases about, etc.
In the lowest classes, the attention was on the words themselves. But the focus gradually moved to syntax, and mythological allusions were explained. When the students had advanced to the "humanities" classes, style and speech rhythms were discussed. "Les humanités reposaient sur l'explication des poètes: beauté des formes, propriété et variété des termes, élégance et originalité de l'expression, éclat et couleur des images, musique des rythmes, qui déchaînent l'émotion, l'enthousiasme, ouvrent l'imagination du cÅur."
"Rhétorique" brought the study of orators and historians, and the students learned elocution, composition, and oratory. They also analyzed the moral aspects of the text.
"Il semble que les régents ne dictaient pas mais qu'il parlaient. Les élèves prenaient des notes. Le texte des auteurs étaient présenté en feuilles, nu, sans note, avec de larges interlignes et des pages intercalaires blanches pour noter."
"Apres la prélection, venait le travail personnel de l'élève, la revue." The student studied both his notes and the texts themselves; he noted which passages were not clear to him, so they could be explained again; and he summarized the master's explanations. He copied down the author's text and learned it by heart before going to bed. Every morning the students would declaim the text with the appropriate gestures (this exercise was called the "recitatio"). Then they would re-do the prélection, with the master interrupting to ask questions about grammar, syntax, meaning, etc. All this had to be done with a clear and accurate pronunciation of Latin (Latin pronounced à la française, of course). "Tout l'enseignement était donné en latin. Les élèves parlaient le latin." They likewise wrote their compositions in Latin. In addition, they learned the art of letter-writing, and of writing poems and speeches.
We can therefore assume that Charpentier knew Latin quite well (and had mastered some Greek), and that he had studied the principal classical authors for about six years.
"Les élèves tenaient des cahiers de loci communes ou sentences, locutions, comparaisons, images, définitions, proverbes, maximes, fables, adages." They carefully selected these "commonplaces" that would serve them later when they were called to reflect upon one theme or another. "Cet enseignement avait des vertus. Il permettait l'acquisition de ce qu'il y a de plus beau et de meilleur dans l'humanité. Il aidait à la libération de ce qu'il y a de meilleur dans l'homme. Il exerçait à pénétrer au plus profond du cÅur humain, même des ses replis le plus secrets. Il apprenait toute une méthode pour conduire l'esprit: sous les mots, chercher la pensée et ainsi fuire la psittacisme ["parroting" words, without understanding the ideas the words represent]; sous l'idée, chercher la réalité et ainsi écarter les formules creuses; sous la réalité, chercher les essences et ainsi éviter l'empirisme, ses limites et sa dispersion; poursuivre les rapports multiples entre les objets et les idées, trouver sous ces rapports un monde qui paraissait s'harmoniser et s'unifier à partir d'un centre unique, Dieu. Une recherche de Dieu s'opérait à partir des belles formes et à travers la beauté spirituelle des grandes âmes qui ont voulu s'exprimer par ces formes. -- Toute recherche peut échouer." There were, of course, drawbacks to this approach, so teachers tried to overcome them by livening up the more abstract lessons with practical exercises, for example the astrolabe, measuring devices, the compass, maps, etc.
Marc-Antoine Charpentier's use of "Aliquando bonus Homerus..." in the Beretta mass is strong evidence that he had compiled a book of commonplaces.
The Law Faculty and the intellectual formation of statesmen and administrators
Mousnier addresses the sort of education that was expected of future lawyers -- a category that, we now know, included Marc-Antoine Charpentier. There were, he says, no special schools to train magistrates or civil servants of all sorts. "Les hommes [que l'Ãtat] emploie dans ses conseils, ses Cours de justice, ses bureaux reçoivent d'ordinaire la formation commune des collèges, complétée ensuite par des études de droit. Tout le monde a une teinture de théologie, car la religion catholique, apostolique et romaine constitue un fonds commun, qui donne les vues d'ensemble nécessaires sur l'Univers, la destinée de l'homme, sa conduite en ce monde." Some high magistrates, he continues, hired preceptors so that their sons could be taught at home, but what the boys learned at home differed little from the curriculum of the collège -- be the collège a university school or be it run by a religious order.
"Les futurs magistrats fréquentaient plus encore les collèges des Jésuites, en particulier le Collège de Clermont à Paris, qui devint Collège Louis-le-Grand en 1682 ..., les collèges des Oratoriens, surtout celui de Juilly, les collèges des Doctrinaires. En fait, tous enseignent à peu près comme les collèges de l'Université de Paris, modo parisiensis."
"La plupart des futurs officiers et des grands commis poursuivaient des études de droit, quelques-uns des études de théologie. Turgot estimait que seuls les théologiens savaient raisonner."
Law studies -- including those at the Paris faculty, until Doujat began shaking up the moribund institution -- were often "médiocres." Many universities awarded the licence and doctorate in exchange for money. "Mais les étudiants trouvaient beaucoup de leçons données par des docteurs-répétiteurs qui étaient des gens de pratique, évêques, maîtres des requêtes, conseillers au Parlement, aumôniers de la Cour, avocats au Parlement." Ces "siffleurs" enseignaient soit chez eux, où il groupaient jusqu'à vingt élèves, soit en leçons particulières. à la faculté ou en répétitions, c'était presque toujours la même méthode: une demi-heure de dictée, une demi-heure d'explication de la dictée, une demi-heure d'interrogation et de discussion. Des méthodes imprimées donnaient des conseils pour le travail personnel: revoir la dictée et les notes prises au cours des explications, les rédiger, lire les textes citées, les étudier; lire ensemble les codes d'où ces textes étaient tirés et les livres des grands auteurs sur la question; se faire des cahiers d'extraits, méthodiquement classés. En somme tout ceci reposait sur un très bon principe: le recours perpétuel aux sources, leur étude personnelle et directe pour s'en pénétrer. L'enseignement était complété par des discussions, où les antagonistes argumentaient en forme: les disputes."
(In short, the pedagogy at the law school was a prolongation of the pedagogy of the collège. Thus a serious nineteen-year-old -- and we assume that Marc-Antoine Charpentier was serious -- would have felt quite a home in his new environment.)
French law -- that is, "droit civil" -- did not become part of the curriculum until 1679. In Marc-Antoine Charpentier's day studies focused on canon law and Roman law/customary law.
To become a "bachelier en droit, il fallait deux ans d'étude, subir un examen et soutenir une dispute de deux heures; pour devenir licencié, un an de plus, un examen et une dispute de trois heures; pour le doctorat, un an encore, une explication de texte et une dispute de quatre heures."
But Marc-Antoine Charpentier withdrew from the faculty without having done more than dip his toe into the deep waters of the law.
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Tacitus and Bracciolini. The Annals Forged in the XVth Century by John Wilson Ross (Ebook)
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Everand
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https://www.everand.com/book/593769996/Tacitus-and-Bracciolini-The-Annals-Forged-in-the-XVth-Century
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John Wilson Ross
Tacitus and Bracciolini. The Annals Forged in the XVth Century
EAN 8596547235545
DigiCat, 2022
Contact: DigiCat@okpublishing.info
Table of Contents
PREFACE
BOOK THE FIRST.
TACITUS AND BRACCIOLINI.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.
BOOK THE SECOND.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
BOOK THE THIRD.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.
BOOK THE FOURTH.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER THE LAST.
PREFACE
Table of Contents
The theory broached in this book involves a charge of the grossest fraud against a most distinguished man, who rose to high posts in public affairs and won imperishable fame in letters. There being blots on his moral character, it would be censurable to fasten upon his memory this new imputation of dishonesty, were it not substantiated by irresistible evidence.
The title of this book quite explains what its design is,—to contribute something towards settling the authorship of the Annals of Tacitus, which encomiastic admirers imagine to be the most extraordinary history ever penned, and the writer but one degree removed from inspiration, if not inspired. This wondrous writer I assert to be the famous Florentine of the Renaissance, Poggio Bracciolini, in favour of which view I have tried to make out a case by bringing forward a variety of passages from the History and the Annals to show an extensive series of contradictions as to facts and characters, departures from truth about matters connected with ancient Roman life, laches in grammar and use of words that never could have proceeded from any patrician or plebian of the world-renowned old Commonwealth, with a number of other things that will readily strike the intelligent and sober mind as utterly inconsistent with the existing belief of the Annals being the production of Tacitus. All this is case in the shade for the fullest light to be thrown on the subject, when not wishing to make my theory a matter of speculation but founded in common sense, I give a detailed history of the forgery, from its conception to its completion, the sum that was paid for it, the abbey where it was transcribed, and other such convincing minutiae taken from a correspondence that Poggio carried on with a familiar friend who resided in Florence.
A reader of acumen and critical faculty following a writer in an inquiry of this nature places himself in the position of a lawyer who will not accept the interpretation of an Act of Parliament, or even a clause in it, as correct, except,—as his phrase goes,—it runs upon all fours: he knows that it is with a speculation in a literary matter as with a chapter of a statute: he struggles to raise only a single valid objection against what is advanced: if successful he at one destroys the whole of the theory, from thus exposing it to view as not running upon all fours; the fabric is, in fact, discovered to be reared on a false foundation; it must, therefore, fall as at the slightest breath a child's house built of cards; and the theory becomes one more added to the list of those that are apocryphal. If on examination it should be agreed that the theory in this book is without a flaw, I conceived that I shall have done not a small, but a considerable service to the cause of true history.
LONDON, April 3, 1878.
BOOK THE FIRST.
TACITUS.
CHAPTER I.
TACITUS COULD BARELY HAVE WRITTEN THE ANNALS.
I. From the chronological point of view.
II. The silence preserved about that work by all writers till
the fifteenth century.
III. The age of the MSS. containing the Annals.
CHAPTER II.
A FEW REASONS FOR BELIEVING THE ANNALS TO BE A FORGERY.
I. The fifteenth century an age of imposture, shown in the
invention of printing.
II. The curious discovery of the first six books of the Annals.
III. The blunders it has in common with all forged documents.
IV. The Twelve Tables.
V. The Speech of Claudius in the Eleventh Book of the Annals.
VI. Brutus creating the second class of nobility.
VII. Camillus and his grandson.
VIII. The Marching of Germanicus.
IX. Description of London in the time of Nero.
X. Labeo Antistius and Capito Ateius; the number of people
executed for their attachment to Sejanus; and the
marriage of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius, to the
Elder Antonia.
CHAPTER III.
SUSPICIOUS CHARACTER OF THE ANNALS FROM THE POINT OF TREATMENT.
I. Nature of the history.
II. Arrangement of the narrative.
III. Completeness in form.
IV. Incongruities, contradictions and disagreements from the
History of Tacitus.
V. Craftiness of the writer.
VI. Subordination of history to biography.
VII. The author of the Annals and Tacitus differently illustrate
Roman history.
VIII. Characters and events corresponding to characters and
events in the XVth century.
IX. Greatness of the Author of the Annals.
CHAPTER IV.
HOW THE ANNALS DIFFERS FROM THE HISTORY.
I. In the qualities of the writers; and why that difference.
II. In the narrative, and in what respect.
III. In style and language.
IV. The reputation Tacitus has of writing bad Latin due to the
mistakes of his imitator.
CHAPTER V.
THE LATIN AND THE ALLITERATIONS IN THE ANNALS.
I. Errors in Latin, (a) on the part of the transcriber; (b) on the part of the writer. II. Diction and Alliterations: Wherein they differ from those of Tacitus.
BOOK THE SECOND.
BRACCIOLINI.
CHAPTER I.
BRACCIOLINI IN ROME.
I. His genius and the greatness of his age.
II. His qualifications.
III. His early career.
IV. The character of Niccolo Niccoli, who abetted him in the
forgery
V. Bracciolini's descriptive writing of the Burning of Jerome
of Prague compared with the descriptive writing of the
sham sea fight in the Twelfth Book of the Annals.
CHAPTER II.
BRACCIOLINI IN LONDON.
I. Gaining insight into the darkest passions from associating
with Cardinal Beaufort.
II. His passage about London in the Fourteenth Book of the
Annals examined.
III. About the Parliament of England in the Fourth Book.
CHAPTER III.
BRACCIOLINI SETTING ABOUT THE FORGERY OF THE ANNALS
I. The Proposal made in February, 1422, by a Florentine, named
Lamberteschi, and backed by Niccoli.
II. Correspondence on the matter, and Mr. Shepherd's view that
it referred to a Professorship refuted.
III. Professional disappointments in England determine
Bracciolini to persevere in his intention of forging
the Annals.
IV. He returns to the Papal Secretaryship, and begins the
forgery in Rome in October, 1423.
CHAPTER IV.
BRACCIOLINI AS A BOOKFINDER
I. Doubts on the authenticity of the Latin, but not the
Greek Classics.
II. At the revival of letters Popes and Princes offered large
rewards for the recovery of the ancient classics.
III. The labours of Bracciolini as a bookfinder.
IV. Belief put about by the professional bookfinders that
MSS. were soonest found in obscure convents in barbarous
lands.
V. How this reasoning throws the door open to fraud and
forgery.
VI. The bands of bookfinders consisted of men of genius in
every department of literature and science.
VII. Bracciolini endeavours to escape from forging the Annals by
forging the whole lost History of Livy.
VIII. His Letter on the subject to Niccoli quoted, and examined.
IX. Failure of his attempt, and he proceeds with the forgery of
the Annals.
BOOK THE THIRD.
THE LAST SIX BOOKS OF THE ANNALS.
CHAPTER I.
THE CHARACTER OF BRACCIOLINI.
I. The audacity of the forgery accounted for by the mean
opinion Bracciolini had of the intelligence of men.
II. The character and tone of the last Six Books of the Annals
exemplified by what is said of Sabina Poppaea, Sagitta,
Pontia and Messalina.
III. A few errors that must have proceeded from Bracciolini
about the Colophonian Oracle of Apollo Clarius, the
Household Gods of the Germans, Gotarzes, Bardanes and,
above all, Nineveh.
IV. The estimate taken of human nature by the writer of the
Annals the same as that taken by Bracciolini.
V. The general depravity of mankind as shown in the
Annals insisted upon in Bracciolini's Dialogue
De Infelicitate Principum.
CHAPTER II.
THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
I. The intellect and depravity of the age.
II. Bracciolini as its exponent.
III. Hunter's accurate description of him.
IV. Bracciolini gave way to the impulses of his age.
V. The Claudius, Nero and Tiberius of the Annals
personifications of the Church of Rome in the
fifteenth century.
VI. Schildius and his doubts.
VII. Bracciolini not covetous of martyrdom: communicates his
fears to Niccoli.
VIII. The princes and great men in the Annals the princes and
great men of the XVth century, not of the opening period
of the Christian aera.
IX. Bracciolini, and not Tacitus, a disparager of persons in
high places.
CHAPTER III.
FURTHER PROOFS OF FORGERY.
I. Octavianus as the name of Augustus Caesar.
II. Cumanus and Felix as joint governors of Judaea.
III. The blood relationship of Italians and Romans.
IV. Fatal error in the oratio obliqua.
V. Mistake made about locus.
VI. Objections of some critics to the language of Tacitus
examined.
VII. Some improprieties that occur in the Annals found also in
Bracciolini's works.
VIII. Instanced in (a) nec—aut.
(b) rhyming and the peculiar use of pariter.
IX. The harmony of Tacitus and the ruggedness of Bracciolini
illustrated.
X. Other peculiarities of Bracciolini's not shared by Tacitus:
Two words terminating alike following two others with like
terminations; prefixes that have no meaning; and playing
on a single letter for alliterative purposes.
CHAPTER IV.
THE TERMINATION OF THE FORGERY.
I. The literary merit and avaricious humour of Bracciolini.
II. He is aided in his scheme by a monk of the Abbey of Fulda.
III. Expressions indicating forgery.
IV. Efforts to obtain a very old copy of Tacitus.
V. The forgery transcribed in the Abbey of Fulda.
VI. First saw the light in the spring of 1429.
CHAPTER V.
THE FORGED MANUSCRIPT.
I. Recapitulation, showing the certainty of forgery.
II. The Second Florence MS. the forged MS.
III. Cosmo de' Medici the man imposed upon.
IV. Digressions about Cosmo de' Medici's position, and fondness
for books, especially Tacitus.
V. The many suspicious marks of forgery about the Second
Florence MS.; the Lombard characters; the attestation
of Salustius.
VI. The headings, and Tacitus being bound up with Apuleius,
seem to connect Bracciolini with the forged MS.
VII. The first authentic mention of the Annals.
VIII. Nothing invalidates the theory in this book.
IX. Brief recapitulation of the whole argument.
BOOK THE FOURTH.
THE FIRST SIX BOOKS OF THE ANNALS.
CHAPTER I.
REASONS FOR BELIEVING THAT BRACCIOLINI WROTE BOTH PARTS OF THE ANNALS.
I. Improvement in Bracciolini's means after the completion
of the forgery of the last part of the Annals.
II. Discovery of the first six books, and theory about their
forgery.
III. Internal evidence the only proof of their being forged.
IV. Superiority of workmanship a strong proof.
V. Further departure than in the last six books from Tacitus's
method another proof.
VI. The symmetry of the framework a third proof.
VII. Fourth evidence, the close resemblance in the openings of
the two parts.
VIII. The same tone and colouring prove the same authorship.
IX. False statements made about Sejanus and Antonius Natalis
for the purpose of blackening Tiberius and Nero.
X. This spirit of detraction runs through Bracciolini's works.
XI. Other resemblances denoting the same author.
XII. Policy given to every subject another cause to believe both
parts composed by a single writer.
XIII. An absence of the power to depict differences in persons
and things.
CHAPTER II.
LANGUAGE, ALLITERATION, ACCENT AND WORDS.
I. The poetic diction of Tacitus, and its fabrication in
the Annals.
II. Florid passages in the Annals.
III. Metrical composition of Bracciolini.
IV. Figurative words: (a) pessum dare
(b) voluntas
V. The verb foedare and the Ciceronian use of foedus.
VI. The language of other Roman writers,—Livy, Quintus Curtius
and Sallust.
VII. The phrase non modo—sed, and other anomalous expressions,
not Tacitus's.
VIII. Words not used by Tacitus, distinctus and codicillus
IX. Peculiar alliterations in the Annals and works of
Bracciolini.
X. Monotonous repetition of accent on penultimate syllables.
XI. Peculiar use of words: (a) properus
(b) annales and scriptura
(c) totiens
XII. Words not used by Tacitus: (a) addubitare
(b) extitere
XIII. Polysyllabic words ending consecutive sentences.
XIV. Omissions of prepositions: (a) in.
(b) with names of nations.
CHAPTER III.
MISTAKES THAT PROVE FORGERY
I. The gift for the recovery of Livia.
II. Julius Caesar and the Pomoerium.
III. Julia, the wife of Tiberius.
IV. The statement about her proved false by a coin.
V. Value of coins in detecting historical errors.
VI. Another coin shows an error about Cornatus.
VII. Suspicion of spuriousness from mention of the
Quinquennale Ludicrum.
VIII. Account of cities destroyed by earthquake contradicted by
a monument.
IX. Bracciolini's hand shown by reference to the Plague.
X. Fawning of Roman senators more like conduct of Italians in
the fifteenth century.
XI. Same exaggeration with respect to Pomponia Graecina.
XII. Wrong statement of the images borne at the funeral
of Drusus.
XIII. Similar kind of error committed by Bracciolini in his
Varietate Fortunae.
XIV. Errors about the Red Sea.
XV. About the Caspian Sea.
XVI. Accounted for.
XVII. A passage clearly written by Bracciolini.
CHAPTER THE LAST.
FURTHER PROOFS OF BRACCIOLINI BEING THE AUTHOR OF THE FIRST SIX BOOKS OF THE ANNALS.
I. The descriptive powers of Bracciolini and Tacitus.
II. The different mode of writing of both.
III. Their different manners of digressing.
IV. Two statements in the Fourth Book of the Annals that could
not have been made by Tacitus.
V. The spirit of the Renaissance shown in both parts of the
Annals.
VI. That both parts proceeded from the same hand shown in the
writer pretending to know the feelings of the characters
in the narrative.
VII. The contradictions in the two parts of the Annals and in
the works of Bracciolini.
VIII. The Second Florence MS. a forgery.
IX. Conclusion.
BOOK THE FIRST.
Table of Contents
TACITUS.
"Allusiones saepe subobscurae … mihi conjectandi aliquando,
et aliquando exploratae veritatis fundamento innitendi materiam
praebuere."
DE TONELLIS. Praef. ad Poggii Epist.
TACITUS AND BRACCIOLINI.
Table of Contents
CHAPTER I.
TACITUS COULD BARELY HAVE WRITTEN THE ANNALS.
I. From the chronological point of view.—II. The silence preserved about that work by all writers till the fifteenth century.—III. The age of the MSS. containing the Annals.
I. The Annals and the History of Tacitus are like two houses in ruins: dismantled of their original proportions they perpetuate the splendour of Roman historiography, as the crumbling remnants of the Coliseum preserve from oblivion the magnificence of Roman architecture. Some of the subtlest intellects, keen in criticism and expert in scholarship, have, for centuries, endeavoured with considerable pains, though not with success in every instance, to free the imperfect pieces from difficulties, as the priesthood of the Quindecimvirs, generation after generation, assiduously, yet vainly, strove to clear from perplexities the mutilated books of the Sibyls. I purpose to bring,—parodying a passage of the good Sieur Chanvallon,—not freestone and marble for their restoration, but a critical hammer to knock down the loose bricks that, for more than four centuries, have shown large holes in several places.
Tacitus is raised by his genius to a height, which lifts him above the reach of the critic. He shines in the firmament of letters like a sun before whose lustre all, Parsee-like, bow down in worship. Preceding generations have read him with reverence and admiration: as one of the greatest masters of history, he must continue to be so read. But though neither praise nor censure can exalt or impair his fame, truth and justice call for a passionless inquiry into the nature and character of works presenting such difference in structure, and such contradictions in a variety of matters as the History and the Annals.
The belief is general that Tacitus wrote Roman history in the retrograde order, in which Hume wrote the History of England. Why Hume pursued that method is obvious: eager to gain fame in letters,—seeing his opportunity by supplying a good History of England,—knowing how interest attaches to times near us while all but absence of sympathy accompanies those that are remote,—and meaning to exclude from his plan the incompleted dynasty under which he lived,—he commenced with the House of Stuart, continued with that of Tudor, and finished with the remaining portion from the Roman Invasion to the Accession of Henry VII. But why Tacitus should have decided in favour of the inverse of chronological order is by no means clear. He could not have been actuated by any of the motives which influenced Hume. Rome, with respect to her history, was not in the position that England was, with respect to hers, in the middle of the last century. All the remarkable occurrences during the 820 years from her Foundation to the office of Emperor ceasing as the inheritance of the Julian Family on the death of Nero, had been recorded by many writers that rendered needless the further labours of the historian. Tacitus states this at the commencement of his history, and as a reason why he began that work with the accession of Galba: Initium mihi operis Servius Galba iterum, Titus Vinius consules erunt; nam post conditam urbem, octingentos et viginti prioris aevi annos multi auctores retulerunt. (Hist. I. 1.) After this admission, it is absolutely unaccountable that he should revert to the year since the building of the City 769, and continue writing to the year 819, going over ground that, according to his own account, had been gone over before most admirably, every one of the numerous historians having written in his view, with an equal amount of forcible expression and independent opinion—pari eloquentia ac libertate. Thus, by his own showing, he performed a work which he knew to be superfluous in recounting events that occurred in the time of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero.
What authority have we that he did this? Certainly, not the authority of those who knew best—the ancients. They do not mention, in their meagre accounts of him, the names of his writings, the number of which we, perhaps, glean from casual remarks dropped by Pliny the Younger in his Epistles. He says (vii. 20), I have read your book, and with the utmost care have made remarks upon such passages, as I think ought to be altered or expunged. Librum tuum legi, et quam diligentissime potui, adnotavi, quae commutanda, quae eximenda arbitrarer. In a second letter (viii. 7) he alludes to another (or it might be the same) book, which his friend had sent him not as a master to a master, nor as a disciple to a disciple, but as a master to a disciple: neque ut magistro magister, neque ut discipulo discipulus … sed ut discipulo magister … librum misisti. That Tacitus was not the author of one work only is clear from Pliny in another of his letters (vi. 16) speaking in the plural of what his friend had written: the immortality of your writings:— scriptorum tuorum aeternitas; also of my uncle both by his own, and your works:—avunculus meus et suis libris et tuis. In the letter already referred to (vii. 20), Tacitus is further spoken of as having written, at least, two historical works, the immortality of which Pliny predicted without fear of proving a false prophet: auguror, nec me fallit augurium, historias tuas immortales futuras. From these passages it would seem that the works of Tacitus were, at the most, three.
If his works were only three in number, everything points in preference to the Books of History, of which we possess but five; the Treatise on the different manners of the various tribes that peopled Germany in his day; and the Life of his father-in-law, Agricola. Nobody but Fabius Planciades Fulgentius, Bishop of Carthage, supposes that he wrote a book of Facetiae or pleasant tales and anecdotes, as may be seen by reference to the episcopal writer's Treatise on Archaic or Obsolete Words, where explaining Elogium to mean hereditary disease, he continues, as Cornelius Tacitus says in his book of Facetiae; 'therefore pained in the cutting off of children who had hereditary disease left to them': Elogium est haereditas in malo; sicut Cornelius Tacitus ait in libro Facetiarum: 'caesis itaque motum elogio in filiis derelicto.' (De Vocibus Antiquis. p. 151. Basle ed. 1549). Justus Lipsius doubts whether the Discourse on the Causes of the Corruption of Latin Eloquence proceeded from Tacitus, or the other Roman to whom many impute it, Quintilian, for he says in his Preface to that Dialogue: What will it matter whether we attribute it to Tacitus, or, as I once thought, to Marcus Fabius Quinctilianus? … Though the age of Quinctilianus seems to have been a little too old for this Discourse to be by that young man. Therefore, I have my doubts. Incommodi quid erit, sive Tacito tribuamus; sive M. Fabio Quinctiliano, ut mihi olim visim? … Aetas tamen Quinctiliani paullo grandior fuisse videtur, quam ut hic sermo illo juvene. Itaque ambigo. (p. 470. Antwerp ed. 1607.) Enough will be said in the course of this discussion to carry conviction to the minds of those who can be convinced by facts and arguments that Tacitus did not write the Annals.
Chronology, in the first place, prevents our regarding him as the author. Though we know as little of his life as of his writings— and though no ancient mentions the date or place of his birth, or the time of his death,—we can form a conjecture when he flourished by comparing his age with that of his friend, Pliny the Younger. Pliny died in the year 13 of the second century at the age of 52, so that Pliny was born A.D. 61. Tacitus was by several years his senior. Otherwise Pliny would not have spoken of himself as a disciple looking up to him with reverence as to a master; the duty of submitting to his influence, and a desire to obey his advice:—tu magister, ego contra—(Ep. viii. 7): cedere auctoritati tuae debeam (Ep. i. 20): cupio praeceptis tuis parere (Ep. ix. 10); nor would he describe himself as a mere stripling when his friend was at the height of fame and in a proud position: equidem adolescentulus, quum jam tu fama gloriaque floreres (Ep. vii. 20); nor of their being, all but contemporaries in age: duos homines, aetate propemodum aequales (Ep. vii. 20). From these remarks chiefly and a few other circumstances, the modern biographers of Tacitus suppose there was a difference of ten or eleven years between that ancient historian and Pliny, and fix the date of his birth about A.D. 52.
This is reconcilable with the belief of Tacitus being the author of the Annals; for when the boundaries of Rome are spoken of in that work as being extended to the Red Sea in terms as if it were a recent extension—"claustra … Romani imperii, quod nunc Rubrum ad mare patescit (ii. 61),—he would be 63, the extension having been effected as we learn from Xiphilinus, by Trajan A.D. 115. It is also reconcilable with Agricola when Consul offering to him his daughter in marriage, he being then a young man: Consul egregiae tum spei filiam juveni mihi despondit (Agr. 9); for, according as Agricola was Consul A.D. 76 or 77, he would be 24 or 25. But it is by no means reconcilable with the time when he administered the several offices in the State. He tells us himself that he began holding office under Vespasian, was promoted by Titus, and still further advanced by Domitian: dignitatem nostram a Vespasiano inchoatam, a Tito auctam, a Domitiano longius provectam (Hist. i. 1). To have held office under Vespasian he must have been quaestor; to have been promoted by Titus he must have been aedile; and as for his further advancement we know that he was praetor under Domitian. By the Lex Villia Annalis, passed by the Tribune Lucius Villius during the time of the Republic in 573 after the Building of the City, the years were fixed wherein the different offices were to be entered on—in the language of Livy; eo anno rogatio primum lata est ab Lucio Villio tribuno plebis, quot annos nati quemque magistratum peterent caperentque" (xl. 44); and the custom was never departed from, in conformity with Ovid's statement in his Fasti with respect to the mature years of those who legislated for his countrymen, and the special enactment which strictly prescribed the age when Romans could be candidates for public offices:
"Jura dabat populo senior, finitaque certis
Legibus est aetas, unde petatur honos."
Fast. v. 65-6.
After the promulgation of his famous plebiscitum by the old Tribune of the People in the year 179 A.C., a Roman could not fill the office of quaestor till he was 31, nor aedile till he was 37,—as, guided by the antiquaries, Sigonius and Pighius, Doujat, the Delphin editor of Livy, states: quaestores ante annum aetatis trigesimum primum non crearentur, nec aediles curules ante septimum ac trigesimum;—and the ages for the two offices were usually 32 and 38.
From Vespasian's rule extending to ten years we cannot arrive at the date when Tacitus was quaestor; but we can guess when he was aedile, as Titus was emperor only from the spring of 79 to the autumn of 81.
Had his appointment to the aedileship taken place on the last day of the reign of Titus, he would then be but 29 years old; and though in the time of the Emperors, after the year 9 of our aera, there might be a remission of one or more years by the Lex Julia or the Lex Pappia Poppaea, those laws enacted rewards and privileges to encourage marriage and the begetting of children; the remission could, therefore, be in favour only of married men, especially those who had children; so that any such indulgence in the competition for the place of honours could not have been granted to Tacitus, he not being, as will be immediately seen, yet married. In order, then, that he should have been aedile under Titus,—even admitting that he could boast, like Cicero, of having obtained all his honours in the prescribed years—omnes honores anno suo—and been aedile the moment he was qualified by age for the office,—he must have been born, at least, as far back as the year 44.
This will be reconcilable with all that Pliny says, as well as with his being married when young; for he would then be 32 or 33, and his bride 22 or 23; for the daughter of Agricola was born when her father was quaestor in Asia—sors quaesturae provinciam Asiam dedit … auctus est ibi filiâ. (Agr. 9). Nor let it be supposed that a Roman would not have used the epithet young to a man of 32 or 33, seeing that the Romans applied the term to men in their best years, from 20 to 40, or a little under or over. Hence Livy terms Alexander the Great at the time of his death, when he was 31, a young man, egregium ducem fuisse Alexandrum … adolescens … decessit (ix. 17): so Cicero styles Lucius Crassus at the age of 34;—talem vero exsistere eloquentiam qualis fuerit in Crasso et Antonio … alter non multum (quod quidem exstaret), et id ipsum adolescens, alter nihil admodum scripti reliquisset. (De Orat. ii. 2): so also does Cornelius Nepos speak of Marcus Brutus, when the latter was praetor, Brutus being then 43 years of age:—sic Marco Bruto usus est, ut nullo ille adolescens aequali familiarius (Att. 8); to this passage of Nepos's, Nicholas Courtin, his Delphin editor, adds that the ancients called men young from the age of 17 to the age of 46; notwithstanding that Varro limited youth to 30 years:—a 17 ad 46 annum, adolescentia antiquitus pertingebat, ut ab antiquis observatum est. Nihilominus Varro ad 30 tantum pertingere ait. But Tacitus being born in 44 is not reconcilable with his being the Author of the Annals, as thus:—
Some time in the nineteen years that Trajan was Emperor,—from 98 to ll7,—Tacitus, being then between the ages of 54 and 73, composed his History. He paused when he had carried it on to the reign of Domitian; the narrative had then extended to twenty-three years, and was comprised in thirty books, if we are to believe St. Jerome in his Commentary on the Fourteenth Chapter of Zechariah:
Cornelius Tacitus … post Augustum usque ad mortem Domitiani vitas Caesarum triginta voluminibus exaravit. [Endnote 013] It was scarcely possible for Tacitus to have executed his History in a shorter compass;—indeed, it is surprising that the compass was so short, looking at the probability of his having observed the symmetry attended to by the ancients in their writings, and having continued his work on the plan he pursued at the commencement, the important fragment which we have of four books, and a part of the fifth, embracing but little more than one year. Whether he ever carried into execution the design he had reserved for his old age,—writing of Nerva and Trajan,—we have no record. But two things seem tolerably certain; that he would have gone on with that continuation to his History in preference to writing the Annals; and that he would not have written that continuation until after the death of the Emperor Trajan. He would then have been 73. Now, how long would he have been on that separate history? Then at what age could he have commenced the Annals? And how long would he have been engaged in its composition? We see that he must have been bordering on 80, if not 90: consequently with impaired faculties, and thus altogether disqualified for producing such a vigorous historical masterpiece; for though we have instances of poets writing successfully at a very advanced age, as Pindar composing one of his grandest lyrics at 84, and Sophocles his Oedipus Coloneus at 90, we have no instance of any great historian, except Livy, attempting to write at a very old age, and then Livy rambled into inordinate diffuseness.
II. The silence maintained with respect to the Annals by all writers till the first half of the fifteenth century is much more striking than chronology in raising the very strongest suspicion that Tacitus did not write that book. This is the more remarkable as after the first publication of the last portion of that work by Vindelinus of Spire at Venice in 1469 or 1470, all sorts and degrees of writers began referring to or quoting the Annals, and have continued doing so to the present day with a frequency which has given to its supposed writer as great a celebrity as any name in antiquity. Kings, princes, ministers and politicians have studied it with diligence and curiosity, while scholars, professors, authors and historians in Italy, Spain, France, England, Holland, Germany, Denmark and Sweden have applied their minds to it with an enthusiasm, which has been like a kind of worship. Yet, after the most minute investigation, it cannot be discovered that a single reference was made to the Annals by any person from the time when Tacitus lived until shortly before the day when Vindelinus of Spire first ushered the last six books to the admiring world from the mediaeval Athens. When it appeared it was at once pronounced to be the brightest gem among histories; its author was greeted as a most wonderful
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The Old Testament by Tissot, J. James
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1904-08-15T00:00:00
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Find the best prices on The Old Testament by Tissot, J. James at BIBLIO | Hardcover | Used - Very Good | 1904 | M. De. Btunoff, Art Publisher |
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The Old Testament. 2 vols. (Complete)
by Tissot, J. James (Illustrator)
Used
Hardcover
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Description:
Paris, London, New York: M. De Brunoff, Art Publisher, 1904. American Edition de Grand Luxe. Limited edition. Hardcover. 1/720. Folio. Original full leather with gold lettering on spines. Raised bands. All edges gilt. Dentelles. Silk moire endpapers. Mounted frontispiece portrait of J. James Tissot, protected with a tissue-guard. Both title-pages in red and black lettering with embossed golden grape cluster vignette. Decorative initials and head- and tailpieces. Rare and fascinating work profusely illustrated with three hundred and ninety-six in-text and full-page compositions (some in color). This copy being an American Edition de Grand Luxe, each full-page plate is displayed in 2 states, each one being protected with a tissue-guard. Every first state illustrations are mounted. Some age-wear on binding with some rubbing along joints and edges. Front board and back board of second volume detached but present. Some discoloration on spines. Bindings in overall fair to good, interior in near to fine… Read More
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The Dream of Absolutism: Louis XIV and the Logic of Modernity 9780226803975
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The Dream of Absolutism examines the political aesthetics of power under Louis XIV. What was absolutism, and how did it...
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https://dokumen.pub/the-dream-of-absolutism-louis-xiv-and-the-logic-of-modernity-9780226803975.html
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Citation preview
The Dream of Absolutism
The Dream of Absolutism L ou i s X I V a n d t h e L o g ic of Mode r n i t y
Hall Bjørnstad
The University of Chicago Press
Chicago and London
The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London © 2021 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission, except in the case of brief quotations in critical articles and reviews. For more information, contact the University of Chicago Press, 1427 East 60th Street, Chicago, IL 60637. Published 2021 Printed in the United States of America 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21
1 2 3 4 5
ISBN-13: 978-0-226-80366-1 (cloth) ISBN-13: 978-0-226-80383-8 (paper) ISBN-13: 978-0-226-80397-5 (e-book) DOI: https://doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226803975.001.0001 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Bjørnstad, Hall, author. Title: The dream of absolutism : Louis XIV and the logic of modernity / Hall Bjørnstad. Description: Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 2021. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2021005321 | ISBN 9780226803661 (cloth) | ISBN 9780226803838 (paperback) | ISBN 9780226803975 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715. | Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715. Mémoires pour l’instruction du Dauphin. | Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715—Portraits. | Le Brun, Charles, 1619–1690. Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661. | Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715—In literature. | Despotism—France—History—17th century. | Monarchy— France—History—17th century. | Power (Social sciences)—France— History—17th century. | France—Politics and government—1643–1715. Classification: LCC DC125 .B56 2021 | DDC 944/.033092 [B]—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021005321 This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper).
Contents List of Illustrations * vii On Translations and Spelling * ix Preface * xi
Introduction * 1 1. The Problem with Absolutism * 3 2. Beyond Mere Propaganda * 10 3. Approaching Absolutism Differently: Royal Glory and Royal Exemplarity * 21 4. The Dream of Absolutism * 34 Chapter 1
The Grammar of Absolutism * 41 1. Introduction: The Dream of a Book Like No Other * 41 2. Taking Louis XIV’s Mémoires Seriously * 45 3. Absolutism, Explained to a Child: “The first and most important part of our entire politics” * 55 4. The Utility of “These Mémoires” * 66 5. The Paradoxes of Absolutist Exemplarity * 75 6. Conclusion: “So many ghastly examples” * 88 Chapter 2
Mirrors of Absolutism * 93 1. Introduction: Our Body in This Space * 93 2. An Age of Mirrors * 96 3. A Gallery Celebrating Greatness * 107 4. Making the King See What He Felt * 115 5. A Mirror for One * 133 6. In Lieu of Conclusion: Mirrors for a Future without a Past * 149
Chapter 3
Absolutist Absurdities * 151 Exhibit A: The Royal Historiographer and the Unparalleled Greatness of Louis XIV * 154 Exhibit B: Absolutism from the Cabinet of Fairies to the Cabinet of the King * 177
Conclusion: Seven Theses on the Dream of Absolutism * 205 Acknowledgments * 209 Bibliography * 213 Index * 223
Illustrations
Color Plates (following page 124) Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 Le Brun, Résolution prise de faire la guerre aux Hollandais, 1671 Le Brun, L’amour simple and Le désir Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 (detail) Le Brun, La tranquillité Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 (extreme detail) Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661, and Faste des puissances voisines de la France Figures 1. Thackeray, The Paris Sketch Book: “Rex. Ludovicus. Ludovicus Rex: An Historical Study” 6 2. Rigaud, Louis XIV 7 3. Merian (after Chastillon), The Cordouan Lighthouse 20 4. Carreño de Miranda, Charles II of Spain 102 5. Le Brun et al., Entrevue de Louis XIV et de Philippe IV d’Espagne . . . 1660 104 6. Le Brun, Project for vault of the Hall of Mirrors, with scenes from the original Apollo design 110 7. Le Brun, Project for the vault of the Hall of Mirrors, with scenes from the life of Hercules 111 8. Le Brun, L’Entrée d’Alexandre le Grand dans Babylone 112 9. Le Brun, Le Ravissement 126 10. Le Brun, Study for Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 148 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.
11. 12. 13. 14.
Vertron, Parallèle de Louis le Grand avec les princes . . . (title page) 155 Préchac, “Sans Parangon” (1717) (opening page and detail) 178 Rigaud, Vue de la cascade de Marly 182 Baudoin, Iconologie: “Gloire” and “Gloire des princes” 189
On Translations and Spelling
Throughout this book, all translations from the French are mine, unless the name of a translator is indicated. In the interest of consistency, I have modernized the orthography of early modern texts throughout, whether they are quoted from original or modern editions.
Preface
This is not a book about Louis XIV. Although I invite the reader to join me in close scrutiny of texts and paintings that focus intently on portraying the king, and whose production is often commissioned and supervised— sometimes even in part effectuated—by the king himself, my goal in doing so is not to offer yet another study of the man monumentalized at Versailles. The inquiry will certainly take us to Versailles, to its symbolic core in Charles Le Brun’s paintings on the ceiling of the Hall of Mirrors celebrating the exploits of the king. It will also lead us to the inner secrets of the workings of absolutism as laid out by the king and his team of secretaries in the radically understudied Mémoires written for his oldest son, the Dauphin. Furthermore, we will look closely at some written portraits of the king that may seem so excessive, so outlandish, so absurd to modern readers that it has proved next to impossible for scholars not to take them as subversive mockery. They are not. It is in fact a central claim of this book that these seeming absolutist absurdities are driven by the same logic that we find at the heart of absolutism, both in the king’s secret Mémoires and in its public self-expression in the Hall of Mirrors. Their absurdity, rather than a deviation or failure of the logic of absolutism, is constitutive of political absolutism itself. However, instead of measuring them anachronistically against modern standards of political rationality, I argue that we as modern readers can see them much more meaningfully as different expressions of the same dream. A dream propelled by its own logic, shot through with ideals about glory, exemplarity, and excess. A dream of absolutism that the king, his image-makers, the court, if not the whole nation, dreamt together collectively and that perhaps remains latent in the collective political imaginary today to a larger extent than we would like to think. Rather than about Louis XIV, this book is about that dream.
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On the face of it, the project of this book is thus quite straightforward: an exploration of three very different yet complementary windows into the dream and logic of absolutism—namely, the king’s Mémoires (chapter 1), Le Brun’s paintings in the vault of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles (chapter 2), and two particularly exuberant written portrayals of the king (chapter 3). In this sense, the proof is in the pudding: the import and impact of the project depends mainly on the execution of these analyses and on the pertinence of what they yield. However, as an intervention in the scholarship on the culture of French absolutism widely construed, my enterprise is more controversial, more provocative than this description makes it seem. The book asks us, as modern readers, to suspend for a moment what we think we know not only about absolutism but also about these artifacts and their way of communicating. My premise is that in order to discern the logic of absolutism, we need to analyze closely those cultural expressions that might sit uncomfortably with our modern democratic sensibility. These are cultural artifacts that inevitably strike a post-Romantic observer as lacking in originality and serving as mere propaganda. To our cognitive categories, they register, as if by default, either as expressions of unapologetic subservience or, conversely, as subversive vehicles. But they are neither. Instead, they are witnesses to a still-premodern way of figuring the authority of the monarchical ruler, a figuring that needs to be approached as expression and manifestation— what I call here the dream of absolutism—rather than as the more familiar representation, construction, or fabrication.
•
Introduction
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The first plate of this book takes us directly to the heart of its argument.1 Seemingly, the inscription under this famous painting by Charles Le Brun captures the essence of absolutism: “Le Roi gouverne par luimême, 1661” (The King governs on his own, 1661). The image condenses this essence in the gesture of the king’s right hand, firmly holding the rudder of the ship of state after the death of Cardinal Mazarin in 1661. It showcases the foundational moment of French absolutism, while itself being a monument of this very moment displayed at the heart of absolutist France: the central detail of the central painting in the vault of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles. However, as I argue in chapter 2, the simplicity in the message is itself a retroactive projection. It is so, first of all, in the sense that the king’s 1661 decision only became decisive in retrospect, while the contemporary sources tell a much more complex story. Designed in the late 1670s and completed in the early 1680s, this painting’s imposition of 1661 as an absolute beginning is therefore itself already a dream. A dream about absolutist self-creation dreamt collectively by painter, court, king—reemerging across media in all the other sources this book explores and repeated by modern scholars. But the simplicity of the message is also complicated by the painting itself, and even by its original inscription. The pithy line is another retroactive projection from the following century, while the long-lost original tripartite Latin inscription shifts our attention to the king’s attention: his gesture, as condensed in the reach of his left arm and the direction of his gaze, is directed toward what drives him to his foundational action. As he seizes the helm of the state, the king is “burning with love for glory” (“gloriæ amore incenditur”)—entirely consumed by future glory, as figured in the painting by the Roman god of war, Mars, pointing to the female 1. See the color gallery following page 124.
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Introduction
allegory of glory up on the cloud. That cloud itself belongs more properly to the realm of dreams, and the ex nihilo origin of absolutism emerges from this dream, is this dream. We join the dream when our retrospective gaze on the painting somehow mirrors the king’s prospective one in the painting, as he looks longingly toward the future, which is the present of the beholder at Versailles (including, as we shall soon see, the present of the king himself)—if not the past, as in our case. The dream of absolutism is, in other words, there from the beginning; it is itself the beginning, but at the same time also already ours, in our willingness to dream along. This first glimpse at the central constellation of Charles Le Brun’s iconographic project in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles is not yet an interpretation or even the beginning of an analysis, which will have to wait until chapter 2. But it already bears the promise of a layered complexity and conceptual richness to be explored. There is a peculiar logic at work here, which I call “the dream of absolutism”: a dream that is not only displayed but also enacted, a dream that the painting itself dreams. But if this is so, why haven’t the conceptual complexity and richness at the symbolic center of Versailles already been examined? Indeed, how to explain that none of the artifacts of absolutism analyzed in this book have been taken seriously by the rich scholarship on the culture of absolutism in France? This book is born from the realization that these questions have a very simple answer: The material is virtually unexplored because it is almost unthinkable that it has anything pertinent to tell us. Taken out of context, such a statement could perhaps come off as polemical, controversial, or confrontational, but as formulated here, it serves as a mere observation of fact. And yet, this unthinkability needs to be thought through and understood before turning to the exploration of absolutist artifacts in the later chapters of the book. Therefore, the first half of this introduction proposes something quite different from a traditional survey of the scholarship on absolutism and absolutist culture: rather than situating the project in a wider field, my goal is to uncover habits of thought that foreclose the possibility of submitting this corpus of absolutist artifacts to serious analysis. Less than an introduction proper, doing preliminary groundwork, the aim of the first two sections is a clearing of the ground—in this case the groundwork for a very different kind of approach, presented in the second half of the introduction. The intervention this book seeks to make is therefore not limited to the outcome of the specific explorations in its three chapters. Beyond the individual conclusions, what is at stake is the status of the artifacts, the methodology used to examine them, and ultimately the concept of abso-
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lutism itself. In what follows I start with the latter, making my case for the “problem” of absolutism in the way that the concept is normally deployed, arguing that its analytical application relies on an already modern—and, as I shall demonstrate, therefore contradictory—apprehension of absolute kingship. Paradoxically, this approach has led to an inability to engage seriously with the corpus discussed here and, even more importantly, to an inability to reckon with the phantasmal or dreamlike compulsion that may yet draw us in the twenty-first century toward absolutism even after absolutism. Second, I make a more technical argument about how this misconception positions the modern observer or scholar in relation to the culture of absolutism in a way that will easily lead us to reduce absolutism’s artifacts to mere propaganda. As I argue, this reduction to propaganda is so omnipresent that we do it without noticing and without weighing what we thereby exclude from our thinking about absolutist culture. For example, this reduction may take the form of a seemingly innocent application of a modern communication model (analyzing the artifact as the communication of a message), without taking proper consideration of questions of diffusion and intended recipients. This is the surprising case of the Cordouan Lighthouse discussed later in the introduction (19–20) and much of the material in the following chapters. The two incursions into the concepts of absolutism and propaganda in the first half of the introduction are necessary in order to open a space for thinking differently and non-reductively about what I call expressions of absolutism in the second half of the introduction. Importantly, the framework brought forth here is not at all of my own making. Instead, it implies a return to the period’s own thinking about kingship through the radically under-explored categories of royal glory and royal exemplarity (section 3) and, finally, the notion of the dream (section 4).
1. The Problem with Absolutism The main problem when discussing absolutism is not so much that modern scholars and observers don’t really know what it is about—or better, what it was about—but rather that we are so convinced that we do. Absolutism is something of the past, to be sure, but we relate to it as a close and recognizable past. Unlike modes of governing from an unequivocally premodern era or from a non-Western culture, we approach absolutism with the assumption that our modern political conceptual categories are applicable when we make sense of it. It is the past’s moment of becoming modern, as characterized in the specific context of absolutism in the age of Louis XIV through a long series of processual nouns, including
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modernization, secularization, rationalization, instrumentalization, bureaucratization, centralization—if not as a more abrupt transition, as in revolutions in communication, in the management of information, in the control of human life processes, in the waging of war, and so on. All of these processes and developments are certainly well documented and their study important; however, it is my claim that it is not obvious that they promote our understanding of absolutism as such. What if absolutism were not really the fixed, fetishized moment constructed by these processes (so familiar to us because already carried by a modern rationality)? What if these modernizing constructions in fact impede or preclude our access to what absolutism was? What if absolutism were located in the unfamiliar moment prior to the temporal block constituted by this modernization, driven by a premodern logic from whence all these processes flow? This series of questions lies at the heart of a central paradox in the scholarship on French absolutism. As modern historians have long noted, the study of the reign of Louis XIV has resulted in “the contradiction of an absolutism that we know incomparably well in its [historical] details but without a good grasp of its [conceptual] totality and coherence.”2 Yet this absent “totality and coherence” will not, cannot be found either in the political treatises of the period (there is no theory of absolutism) or through an abstraction from the details on the ground (which do not, in any meaningful way, constitute an archive of absolutism). Absolutism has no room for prehistory; it emerges, as shown in my first brief look at the central painting in the Hall of Mirrors, from a retrospectively constructed point of origin, erasing not only what came before it but also the historicity of its actual process of becoming. As I show repeatedly throughout this book, absolutism writes, paints, dreams its own origin.3 As an analytical 2. “[O]n en est arrivé à cette contradiction d’un absolutisme qu’on connaît incomparablement dans son détail, sans qu’on en saisisse bien l’ensemble et la coherence.” Cosandey and Descimon, L’absolutisme en France, 296. For three important contributions to the scholarship on French absolutism from recent years, see Drevillon, Les rois absolus; Jouanna, Le Pouvoir absolu; and Jouanna, Le Prince absolu. 3. This statement does not imply, of course, that French absolutism is not part of a larger history. There is certainly a French theorization of sovereignty in the century before Louis XIV (most importantly by jurists like Jean Bodin and Cardin Le Bret) that can be—and has indeed been—considered to prepare for the advent of absolutism. However, the realization of absolutism with Louis XIV transcends the prior theorization of sovereignty to such an extent that the “totality and coherence” of absolutism need to be sought elsewhere. In other words, the prehistory of absolutism becomes visible as such only through the reign of Louis XIV, whose absolutist “totality and coherence” are, in part, predicated upon the erasure of this prehistory.
Introduction
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tool, therefore, absolutism is useful because it brings into focus the practices of monarchical power’s self-representation, rather than because of its indexical value, pointing to a stable definition or sparking discussion on what that definition should be. Indeed, the only place where absolutism incontestably exists is in its manifestations, in the image of itself that royal power projects both outward and inward, in the dream that absolutism is. What I call “the problem with absolutism” has its origin in a temporal disjunction in the concept of absolutism itself, between what is being observed and the point of observation. Scholars know that the term has always been used retrospectively, since a first attested use by François-René de Chateaubriand in 1797. It later came to prominence in the nineteenth century both in French and English, generally as part of an opposition to what came after it, be it enlightenment, revolution, modernity, or later forms of un-absolute (constitutional) monarchy. It is true that the use of the nominalized form “absolutism” is so close to actual seventeenthcentury French political uses of the adjective absolu (with pouvoir absolu [absolute power] and roi absolu [absolute king] attested as early as 1636) that the imposition of the noun might feel like only a very light anachronism, naming a practice of government that was incontestably there at the time. Nevertheless, the specific emergence of the term still bears the risk of reducing the phenomenon observed to a less advanced, less rational, or less modern precursor of what it is opposed to. Confined to its place in prehistory, it is defined mainly by what it is lacking, as compared to more recent modes of governing. This is still the case in the way the term is used today, starting with the nearly identical primary definitions in the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) and the French Grand Robert: “The practice of absolute government; absolute authority, despotism.”4 To our modern sensibility, there is only a comma separating “despotism” and “absolutism.” At the same time, any informed observer is of course aware of what is missing here, as spelled out in the much more historically accurate definition of absolutism in the French Trésor de la langue française (TLF): “System of government where the sovereign holds 4. OED, “absolutism.” The definition in the Grand Robert runs as follows: “Système de gouvernement, régime politique où le pouvoir du souverain est absolu, n’est soumis à aucun contrôle.” (System of government, political regime where the power of the sovereign is absolute, not subject to any control.) The proximity to despotism is highlighted by a list of cross-references including terms such as “autocracy,” “despotism,” “dictatorship,” “tyranny.” Grand Robert, “absolutisme.” The wider discussion of the conceptual history of the notion of absolutism in this paragraph relies on the sources mentioned in n. 2 above (particularly the introduction in Cosandey and Descimon, L’absolutisme en France), in addition to the dictionaries quoted in this and the following note.
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Figur e 1. “Rex. Ludovicus. Ludovicus Rex: An Historical Study,” illustration in William Makepeace Thackeray [Mr. Titmarsh, pseud.], The Paris Sketch Book, vol. 2 (London: John Macrone, 1840). The “exact calculation” of absolutism, according to Thackeray. Photograph © The Trustees of the British Museum.
divine-right power without constitutional limits.”5 However, the historical self-evidence of the divine-right paradigm is unavailable to our retrospective gaze: invisible to us, even unthinkable to us, yet very much a lived experience for them. Or at least, unthinkable for the concept of absolutism. Indeed, it is as if the concept’s temporal disjunction itself served to obfuscate the premodern foundation of the structure it describes, as if the core of the historical phenomenon the term is meant to describe were excluded from its very concept. The result is a contradiction rendered visible in a well-known drawing by William Makepeace Thackeray (fig. 1). From the vantage point of 1840, Thackeray decomposes a representation of King Louis (“Ludovicus Rex”) in all his splendor, clearly inspired by Hyacinthe Rigaud’s 1701 iconic painting (fig. 2), into the royal adornment and finery on the one hand (“Rex”) and the unadorned old man on the other (“Ludovicus”). The drawing appears in Thackeray’s Paris Sketch Book, where he comments upon it at length in the essay “Meditations at Versailles” in the following way: 5. “Système de gouvernement où le souverain possède une puissance de droit divin et sans limites constitutionnelles.” TLF, “absolutisme”; my emphasis.
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In Louis [XIV], surely, if in any one, the majesty of kinghood is represented. But a king is not every inch a king, for all the poet may say; and it is curious to see how much precise majesty there is in that majestic figure of Ludovicus Rex. In the plate opposite [here, fig. 1], we have endeavoured to make the exact calculation. The idea of kingly dignity is equally strong
Figur e 2. Hyacinthe Rigaud, Louis XIV (ca. 1701). Oil on canvas. Musée du Louvre, Paris, France. Photograph: Wikimedia Commons.
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in the two outer figures; and you see, at once, that majesty is made out of the wig, the high-heeled shoes, and cloak, all fleurs-de-lis bespangled. As for the little, lean, shrivelled, paunchy old man, of five feet two, in a jacket and breeches, there is no majesty in him, at any rate; and yet he has just stept out of that very suit of clothes. Put the wig and shoes on him, and he is six feet high;—the other fripperies, and he stands before you majestic, imperial, and heroic! Thus do barbers and cobblers make the gods that we worship: for do we not all worship him? Yes; though we all know him to be stupid, heartless, short, of doubtful personal courage, worship and admire him we must; and have set up, in our hearts, a grand image of him, endowed with wit, magnanimity, valour, and enormous heroical stature.6
Thackeray’s passage further develops the point made so boldly in the drawing through the emphasis placed on “equally strong.” The sense of majesty and dignity associated with the king is not only supported by “the wig, the high-heeled shoes, and cloak, all fleurs-de-lis bespangled”; the trappings and fripperies of majesty are all there is. His “majestic figure” is only figure, in the archaic sense of external form or shape, without any underlying substance. By way of decomposition and analysis, the inquiry into “how much precise majesty” there is in the king’s “majestic figure” leaves Thackeray with the conclusion that “there is no majesty in him, at any rate.” But is this really “the exact calculation” of absolutism, as Thackeray implies? It is, but only after the fact, only after absolutism. What is missing is the idea—and more than the idea, the lived experience—of the incarnation of a divinely invested dignity in the king. Thackeray’s “exact calculation” is possible only after the loss of faith in a god whose ways were not so mysterious that absolutist theologians couldn’t identify his will and decipher his hand in history all the way up to Louis XIV. Therefore, while the Rigaud painting depicts what absolutism was, within the present of its existence, Thackeray’s drawing only shows what absolutism looked like in retrospect, from an external perspective, somewhere between them and us in time. It is my contention that much of the scholarship on absolutism remains within the mode of Thackeray’s “exact calculation,” viewing its object of study with a modern demystifying gaze, as if the decomposition that it performs and that the drawing illustrates so starkly were valid in Louis XIV’s time, as if this truly were all that absolutism was.7 Such an ap6. Thackeray, The Paris Sketch Book, 2:281–82. 7. For a similar argument regarding the modern scholarly approach to the Holy Roman Empire, see Stollberg-Rilinger, The Emperor’s Old Clothes, esp. the introduction.
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proach is exactly that: a calculation, and more precisely a calculation that cuts down any element to fit into its model and measurement. If majesty and royal dignity were nothing more than their external trappings, scholars could analyze the whole of absolutist culture in modern terms as an instrument of manipulation, as propaganda. But not so as long as the subjects (and the king) still believed in the divine investment in their king and kingdom; not so in a world where royal dignity was still perceived as a given—or more precisely, a pregiven—truth prior to any legitimizing act or calculation. This, then, is the exact nature of the contradiction central to the enterprise given flesh and form in Thackeray’s drawing: it is an attempt at calculating the truth of a time before calculation. The result is certainly a truth, but our truth, not their truth, about absolutism. A few precisions are in place at this point. I do not claim, of course, that calculations into the communicative effect of absolutist expressions were absent from the politics of a Colbert or any skillful operator of absolutist politics. On the contrary, they were all accomplished practitioners of the art of rhetoric and persuasion. Nor do I exclude the possibility that the analysis of specific practices or artifacts could fruitfully mobilize a framework relying on concepts like manipulation, instrumentalization, or even propaganda. I do claim, however, that by resorting to such a framework by default, we risk uncritically reiterating the reduction inherent in the concept of absolutism itself, without even considering whether our modern analytical categories are appropriate when making sense of absolutism’s premodern logic. As if expressions of absolutism could be nothing but mere propaganda. Such a reduction to propaganda is somewhat of an unquestioned commonplace in much of the current scholarship on the culture of absolutism, and this default is interrogated in the next section. There is, however, another layer to my argument about the problem with absolutism. I contend that when we let Thackeray’s “exact calculation” be our only guiding approach to absolutism, we avoid confronting something that perhaps makes us uncomfortable in its unruly excess, something awkwardly close to the pleasure or joy that propels the dream of absolutism. Yet grasping the “totality and coherence” of absolutism itself requires grappling with that excess and recognizing its alterity. Interestingly, this last perspective is very much present in the passage from Thackeray, which is in reality richer and less reductive than what a first reading might indicate. There is, in the quoted passage and in the essay to which it belongs, an exuberant fascination with all things related to the king and Versailles. Even while disparaging him, the text betrays a very detailed historical knowledge. “[F]or do we not all worship him,”
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despite having performed “the exact calculation,” despite knowing the truth that his majesty is consubstantial with its trappings and “fripperies,” produced in its entirety by “barbers and cobblers”? “Yes,” Thackeray answers, thereby attesting to a continued effectiveness of absolutism after absolutism. It is as if Thackeray were writing—and drawing—to convince himself of what his reason knows very well, but that his heart refuses to accept. Here is the dream of absolutism: “in our hearts, a grand image of him, endowed with wit, magnanimity, valour, and enormous heroical stature.” Approached this way, the passage from Thackeray invites the reader to reflect on this post-absolutist admiration and worship of absolutism, then and now, as well as on the nature of the compulsion to give in to it (“worship and admire him we must”; my emphasis). A compulsion that, despite the author’s demystifying calculation, brings us full circle from the critical “no majesty in him, at any rate” (Thackeray’s emphasis) back to the final “grand image of him” (my emphasis) “in our hearts,” an image that, importantly, we ourselves “have set up.” Although the materials analyzed here all date from the reign of Louis XIV (with one notable exception), this book aims nonetheless to extend a similar invitation to the reader to reflect on the post-absolutist afterlife of the dream of absolutism.
2. Beyond Mere Propaganda What does it mean to approach a cultural artifact celebrating the glory of Louis XIV in terms of propaganda? Propaganda certainly is glorification; so why shouldn’t glorification be considered propaganda? While circumspect scholars of an earlier generation have voiced their hesitations and qualms in regard to its applicability, the term seems to have imposed itself as a natural part of the current critical vocabulary, in no need of any provisos or reservations. Already in 2000, Pierre Zoberman observed in regards to the age of Louis XIV that “[c]onfronted with the elaboration of a positive image of the King and Monarchy, and with a program for the inscription and diffusion of such an image, the period’s historians [i.e., the present-day historians of the period]—whether they concentrate on the Monarchy itself, on mentalities, or on literature—routinely identify this process as propaganda.”8 While the adverb “routinely” is used by the author to stress this identification as something that happens “regularly” or “typically,” the routine qualification is nonetheless already marked in the more precise sense of happening “without proper thought” or “unthink-
8. Zoberman, “Eloquence and Ideology,” 303.
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9
ingly,” as the OED explains. Today, “propaganda” functions as a critical shorthand, useful because of its seeming clarity and self-evidence. The category is seldom central enough to be thematized or reflected upon. Instead it tends to appear as part of assertive qualifications and striking formulations made in passing, and even more often in blurbs, introductions, conclusions, or section titles. The term’s trenchant and pugnacious qualities make it particularly effective for programmatic statements. It is a critical shorthand that will lend a critical edge to a critical juncture. But exactly because of that, it also risks saying more and doing more than what is immediately obvious. Notice the slight unease in the following observation by Ellen Welch at a crucial point of her magisterial 2017 inquiry into the intersection of performance and diplomacy in seventeenthcentury France: “In describing the form and content of these entertainments of the height of Louis XIV’s reign, it is difficult to avoid painting them as displays of force and pieces of effective propaganda.”10 Although Welch’s subtle analysis questions the effectiveness of these performances, and at times is close to inquiring whether effectiveness was their purpose in the first place (at least in the current sense of the term), the language of propaganda seems to impose itself, malgré elle. It is as if the notion itself exerts the force that it pinpoints.11 It is against the background of this self-producing force in the concept’s routine applications that it becomes important to take a step back and interrogate the meaning of the gesture of labeling something as propaganda.12 9. All these synonyms are taken from OED, “routinely.” 10. Welch, A Theater of Diplomacy, 148; my emphasis. The example quoted above is one of at least three occasions where Welch registers unease with the “traditional characterization [of practices like these] as propaganda” (85 and 106; 106 for the quotation). 11. This sense of the category of propaganda imposing itself is confirmed by a quick consultation of a select corpus of important books exploring the culture of absolutism published during the last decade or two. In none of these books is the notion of propaganda in any way close to the central argument being made, but the survey still reveals a diffuse yet rather uniform presence of an unquestioned use of the term. Indeed, it is my contention that it is difficult today to write about cultural expressions of absolutism at any length without at some point making the appeal to propaganda. 12. This paragraph has been sharpened by the many stimulating insights in Evonne Levy’s reflection on the function of labeling something as propaganda in art history, in the introduction to Propaganda and the Jesuit Baroque, 7–10. Otherwise, the project of Levy’s book is in many ways the opposite of mine here: a valiant attempt at “mak[ing] propaganda a productive and appropriate tool of art historical analysis” (12), while I seek to demonstrate that the routinely deployed notion of propaganda is an unproductive and inappropriate tool for the material I will look at.
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In the context of absolutism, qualifying an artifact as “propaganda” in an open, unqualified sense—which normally means as “mere propaganda,” “nothing but propaganda”—implies diverting the critical attention away from the artistic object in front of us toward the message it is carries: a message that is considered clear-cut and unambiguous, preexisting the artifact. In other words, it is a way of indicating that the signifier and the signifying gesture that brings it about can both safely be ignored in favor of the pregiven signified. Eminently expected, the message conveyed by the propagandistic object can, by definition, never surprise the modern scholar. It is always a repetition or confirmation of a predetermined meaning. Using the label of propaganda is therefore a way of, if not a cue for, closing down the inquiry. It implies the tacit permission to put the artifact safely away, discreetly indicating that it is time to move on to something more worthy of our critical energy. It is always the last word about the artifact, rarely the beginning of a further discussion, and even less the subject of a detailed analysis. As such, it is the not exactly analytical category for that which does not need analysis. Although much of the scholarship on the cultural production under Louis XIV’s personal rule in the past two decades has deployed propaganda as a ready-at-hand, unanalyzed critical term, it wasn’t always this way. In preparing the ground for moving beyond the paradigm of propaganda, it is therefore worth attending to the reservations and hesitations of an earlier generation of scholars. The two English-language classics in the field are both interesting for the way in which they betray an attraction to the potency of the concept while also marking a critical distance. Orest Ranum’s monumental study of the career of five different writers who toiled for the seventeenth-century Bourbon kings in Artisans of Glory (1980) is particularly important in this regard. Writing in the years following the publication of two more pointed examinations of French absolutist culture in terms of royal propaganda, the concept is certainly on his radar.13 The fullest formulation of his book’s project immediately follows an initial observation regarding the trivial results that an analysis guided by the notion of propaganda will often lead to when applied to a corpus like his: Very quickly we realize the impossibility of deciding what is propagandistic and what is not, unless it is possible to discern the conscious acts of a 13. See Solomon, Public Welfare, Science, and Propaganda; and Klaits, Printed Propaganda; both referred to by Ranum, Artisans of Glory, 253n61, and 294 and 315, respectively.
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writer who knew he was publishing a work intended to influence public opinion in an ideological way. Instead of taking this approach, I hope to capture the feelings and expressions of dependency among writers.14
Throughout his book, the notion of propaganda occasionally reappears in the discussion of certain aspects of the dependency of the writers in question.15 But so, too, do Ranum’s reservations as to the pertinence of the category widely construed, especially regarding the contributions by Paul Pellisson, Jean Racine, and Nicolas Boileau to the history of Louis XIV.16 There is thus a deep ambivalence running through the text, since it is not at all obvious that the instances of a more specific analytical use of the term would withstand the broader critique voiced elsewhere. Ranum’s methodological qualms and reservations only take on their full meaning when approached in light of the striking endpoint of his own inquiry, which runs as follows: The inflated claims by the men of letters may not have seemed so inflated during the long reign of Louis XIV, for they restated French family history in ways that obliged the monarch to carry out politics he could never empirically examine. There was literally no language or conception of kingship or of the state beyond those webs of myths and facts spun by writers, webs that bound the prince to the pursuit of gloire.17
What looks inflated to us may not have been perceived as such at the time. In a certain sense, this is of course just another reminder of the danger of 14. Ranum, Artisans of Glory, 22–23. 15. See, for example, Ranum, 149, 253, 260–64, 270, 294. 16. Regarding the case of Pellisson: “It is anachronistic to refer to this literature [the writing of history to the glory of the king]—when its principal subject is the head of state—as propaganda. As a descriptive term, ‘propaganda’ does not help to define the nature of either historical or other literary genres in the reign of Louis XIV; for in a sense fidélités—royal, aristocratic, and parlementaire—encompassed virtually all literary activity.” Ranum, 252. And more hard-hitting still, regarding the charges of propaganda and naïveté from modern readers of Racine: “Propaganda his history is, but only in the sense that it conformed to the dominant beliefs and aspirations of the political culture of which he was part. By standing for the principle of recording only the truth, Racine and Boileau sincerely hoped to curb the excessive praise that writers were heaping on the Sun King. Their results, with all the restraints imposed by the ars historica, would have been no more and no less propagandistic than histories written by others whose political cultures sustained ideological perspectives on the past.” Ranum, 315. 17. Ranum, 337.
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anachronism: we cannot necessarily trust the pertinence of our own precritical affective reaction to the material at hand from where the charge of propaganda first emerges.18 But it is only now, at the end of the journey, that the reader fully realizes the extent to which the title of the book, Artisans of Glory, points from the outset to something empirically more elusive than what notions such as propaganda can possibly seize. Other tools are needed in order to even start analyzing the stakes of the “webs of myths and facts” structuring the symbolic reality and aspirations of prince and writers alike. In his seminal study The Fabrication of Louis XIV (1992), Peter Burke shares with Ranum the explicit methodological ambivalence toward the concept of propaganda. The concept first occurs in a wider discussion of the dangers and benefits of anachronism, when Burke states that “[a]nother modern way of describing this book would be to call it a study of ‘propaganda’ for Louis XIV.” However, although Burke stresses that “[i]f the term propaganda is defined broadly enough, for example as ‘the attempt to transmit social and political values,’ it is difficult to object to its use about the seventeenth century,” he is quick to stress the risk that such a use can lead to reductionism by “encouraging author [Burke himself] and readers alike to interpret the poems, paintings and statues representing the king as if they were nothing but attempts to persuade.” Although Burke concludes that “ ‘[p]ropaganda’ is one useful modern concept [among] others,” he largely refrains from using it in the rest of the book, adding in his introductory discussion that “[i]t might be more exact to say that the representations of Louis were commissioned to add to his glory.”19 This last remark, reminiscent of Ranum’s work, seems to have inspired the choice of title for the 1995 French translation of Burke’s book: Louis XIV: Les stratégies de la gloire (Louis XIV: the strategies of glory).20 However, unlike Ranum, Burke in the end opts resolutely and un18. In Ranum’s stark formulation: “our own repugnance for Ludovician political culture” (24). 19. Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV, 4–6. 20. Burke, Louis XIV: Les stratégies de la gloire. In the 2010 Festschrift for Burke, Nicole Hochner criticizes the title of the French translation in the following way: “The book in French surprisingly became Louis XIV: les stratégies de la gloire, wrongly alluding to a warlike tactic of glory and pomp, concealing the fact that Peter Burke had made only a limited case for propaganda.” Hochner, “Against Propaganda,” 235. This characterization is based on a surprising conflation of glory and propaganda, which is not reflected in Burke’s book. Hochner goes on to comment on “the very different connotations of the two titles: the English suggests a process of making, while the French evokes more a propaganda device” (235n22). However, it could be argued that the change of semantic field from fabrication to glory rather brings the
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apologetically for an anachronistic approach. He distinguishes between two rival models in the approach to rulers and their images: on the one hand, what he calls a “cynical” view (whose demystifying gaze identifies instrumentalism and manipulation, but at the risk of reductionism), and, on the other, an “innocent” view (taking the royal image seriously at its face value, but at the risk of suppressing actual manipulation, instrumentalism, and dissent).21 Could there possibly be a third way that would resolve the tensions and oppositions between these two models toward a productive synthesis? Yes, Burke seems to imply, through an approach like the one he is adapting in his book: The king and his advisers were well aware of the methods by which people can be manipulated by symbols. After all, most of them had been trained in the art of rhetoric. However, the aims in the service of which they manipulated others were of course chosen from the repertoire offered by the culture of their time. The aims as well as the methods are part of history, and part of the story told in this book.22
Their aims and their methods were certainly part of history, but Burke’s own aims and methods were not. With the final programmatic statement of his introduction, Burke aligns himself with “the analysts of communication in our time,” marking as his goal “the attempt to discover who was saying what about Louis to whom, through what channels and codes, in what settings, with what intentions, and with what effects.”23 Therefore, it is not immediately clear how this approach is different from the “cynical” view evoked by Burke himself, except that the execution of the study of manipulation here is carefully, comprehensively, and masterfully historicized. Unlike Ranum, Burke’s choice of title firmly situates the book within the cynical paradigm. It is true that Burke tries to have it both ways in the introduction, by insisting that the word “fabrication” is meant to point to the processual character of image-making across time and media. Yet the need to disclaim other interpretations of the title before making this statement suggests that the natural way to understand it might be different: the word “fabrication” was chosen not “to deconstruct or demolish the king” nor “to imply that Louis was artificial while other people are title further away from propaganda, as suggested, for example, by Ranum’s analyses in The Artisans of Glory. 21. Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV, 11–13. 22. Burke, 13. 23. Burke, 13.
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natural.” However, the book tells a slightly different story, starting well before the disclaimers in the introduction. Just after the title page and dedication, on the left page opposite (hence before) the table of contents, the reader encounters Thackeray’s drawing discussed above. It appears above the following truncated quotation from Thackeray’s text, which takes on the function of a caption: “You see, at once, that majesty is made out of the wig, the high-heeled shoes, and cloak . . . Thus do barbers and cobblers make the gods that we worship.” Burke never comments upon this visual and verbal deconstruction of the king, with a function halfway between frontispiece and epigraph, in the main body of the text, despite a second full-page inclusion of the drawing halfway through the book.25 This is not exactly an omission, since in a certain sense the whole book is a comment on and a working out of what Thackeray called “the exact calculation” of absolutism. At the very least, such is the impact it has had on a generation or two of scholars for whom it has been and still is the main introduction into the making of the image of Louis XIV. Within this framework, the output from the royal image-makers is nothing but communication, nothing but persuasion, nothing but propaganda. What precedes is in no way meant to detract from the synthetic force of the exposition nor from the immense richness of the materials analyzed by Burke. The Fabrication of Louis XIV certainly is a summa and a most influential work in the field. Rather, my point here has been to bring attention to the largely unnoticed way in which this force has itself contributed in shaping the field in the following decades through its framework and approach. In many contexts, Burke’s unquestioned reliance on the communication model does not make much of a difference, while in some cases the cynical view is certainly warranted and serves to sharpen the analysis. At other points, however, it leads to a slippage, a lack of nuance, to interpretive possibilities being excluded without consideration. Here is one example of such a blind spot from the very last paragraph of the book: “Louis claimed to derive his power from God, not from the people.”26 Is Burke’s claim about this being Louis’s own claim as unproblematic as this sentence makes it seem? Indeed, doesn’t the word “claim” shift the source of Louis’s authority from the realm of self-evidence to the realm of persuasion?27 24. Burke, 10–11. 25. Namely, Burke, 124, opposite the first page of chapter 9, “The Crisis of Representation.” 26. Burke, 203. 27. For a second example of such a blind spot, see the following slippage in a programmatic paragraph from chapter 2, titled “Persuasion”: “As for the function of the image [of the king], . . . the aim was to celebrate Louis, to glorify him, in other words
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But what more, what else could there possibly be? What is it that we do not see when we only see propaganda and persuasion? What is it that may be lost by automatically characterizing the cultural expressions of absolutism as propaganda or even as modern political communication? To begin answering these questions, I make a quick detour by way of methodological discussions related to the celebration of power in imperial Rome. The prominent French historian of ancient Rome, Paul Veyne, draws attention to the way in which Trajan’s Column in Rome poses a radical challenge to the communication model: modern scholars had long interpreted its famous spiral bas-relief, commemorating Trajan’s victory in the Dacian Wars, as imperial propaganda, in spite of being for the greater part invisible from the ground. How to make sense of a message without an actual audience? The reason for this radical indifference to the legibility of the monument is simple, Veyne explains, once we liberate ourselves from the blinders of the communication model: “the column is an expression of imperial pomp and not a piece of propagandistic information communicated to the spectator.”28 The same holds for premodern mobilizations of the arts for the celebration of monarchic glory all the way to Versailles, Veyne adds in the following sweeping statement: The cult, the incense, the “flattery” that surrounded Elizabeth I or Louis XIV officiated the celebration of their glory [célébraient l’office de leur gloire] without serving to place them on the throne; the palace of Versailles may have made Louis XIV a greater king than the others, but it could not make him more of a king: if it can be said, he was king “always already.”29
Through this “always already,” the king’s dignity is never in doubt or at stake: “Pomp is an expression of self that does not seek to make an to persuade viewers, listeners and readers of his greatness.” Burke, 19; my emphasis. Does the reduction of glorification to persuasion go without saying? 28. “[L]a colonne est une expression de faste impérial et non une information de propagande communiquée au spectateur.” Veyne, “Buts de l’art, propagande et faste monarchique,” 389. Burke alludes to an early version of Veyne’s argument in The Fabrication of Louis XIV: “As the ancient historian Paul Veyne recently suggested, some works of art are created to exist rather than to be seen. The reliefs on Trajan’s Column, for example, are invisible from the ground” (5). 29. “Le culte, l’encens, la ‘flatterie’ qui entouraient Élisabeth d’Angleterre ou Louis XIV célébraient l’office de leur gloire et ne se proposaient pas de les installer sur le trône; le château de Versailles pourra faire de Louis XIV un roi plus grand que les autres, mais non pas le rendre plus roi: il l’était, si l’on peut dire, ‘toujours déjà.’ ” Veyne, “Buts de l’art, propagande et faste monarchique,” 412.
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impression and that, precisely because of this, makes one, appearing to be a product of royal nature, indifferent, like nature, to the existence of spectators.”30 Such a gesture can of course still be considered as communication, and nothing stops a modern observer from trying to nail down a message. However, the nature of what is communicated refuses to enter into the framework of the modern “analysts of communication,” as invoked by Burke. In effect, what is communicated is in part this refusal itself: a communication that doesn’t care about its immediate recipient, a message that declares loudly but without a precise audience in mind, “Because I can.” Two recent revisionary monographs confirm in unexpected ways the pertinence of Veyne’s insight for the monarchical culture of seventeenthcentury France. Both explore the notion of “visual history” but are otherwise extremely different both in approach and scope. On the one hand, Robert Wellington’s Antiquarianism and the Visual Histories of Louis XIV (2015) is itself an antiquarian inquiry without any pretension to challenge the way we think about the political dimension of absolutism.31 Nevertheless it does exactly that through the compelling case it makes for the “visual histories” produced by Louis XIV’s image-makers as being intended not for a contemporary audience but for posterity. These objects are “artifacts for a future past,” as the subtitle of the book puts it. It is not that the production of the king’s visual history was not part of a tightly supervised plan, coordinated by Jean-Baptiste Colbert and the Petite Académie; it was, but in a very different way than what our modern tools and categories allow us to seize. On the other hand, in the supremely ambitious Les rois imaginaires (2016), Yann Lignereux pursues the role of the imaginary as a constitutive dimension of monarchical French politics from the late fifteenth century through the reign of Louis XIV. In the final synthesizing chapter, the diachronic analysis brings Lignereux to a conclusion along the lines of Wellington’s: “The first and true audience of the royal imaginary is posterity.”32 Importantly, however, this is not Lignereux’s final word. Rather, it is the point where he radically 30. “Le faste est une expression de soi qui ne cherche pas à faire de l’effet et qui, précisément pour cela, en fait, parce qu’il semble être une production de la nature royale, indifférente, comme l’est la nature, à l’existence de spectateurs.” Veyne, 413. 31. “This study looks beyond a self-evident political reading of the iconography of Louis XIV to discover an artistic process deeply entrenched in a sophisticated intellectual and connoisseurial culture.” Wellington, Antiquarianism, 4. 32. “Le premier et le véritable public de l’imaginaire royal, c’est la postérité.” Lignereux, Les rois imaginaires, 293.
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expands, if not explodes, the framework by reawakening the question of audience in Veyne’s reflection while replacing the latter’s main point of reference in Trajan’s Column in second-century imperial Rome with an underestimated monument of French absolutism itself. Located at the Cordouan plateau four miles into the sea off the mouth of the Gironde estuary, just north of Bordeaux, the Cordouan Lighthouse was built in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century on the order of Henri III and Henri IV, then carefully maintained through the reigns of Louis XIII and Louis XIV (fig. 3). It is a richly ornamented edifice that in its original design stood nearly forty meters tall, with exterior circular galleries, a sculpted front, and a monumental entrance leading into a lavishly decorated interior, with an “apartment of the king” on the first floor and a vaulted chapel on the second, above which the lighthouse proper sat.33 Although no French king ever visited the lighthouse, the edifice is a celebration of royal glory, as is legible in the decorative program, from the omnipresence of royal emblems, monograms, and initials to the sculptures of Louis XIV and Louis XV. It was at once a “wonder of the world” and a “monarchical monument.”34 But—and this is the exact place of Lignereux’s intervention—for whom? Who is saying what to whom by way of this monarchical monument whose exterior is inaccessible and whose interior is entirely invisible, to say nothing of the symbolic message inscribed in its details? One could certainly try to make the case that this is a magnificent piece of royal propaganda, expertly diffused by engravings like the one reproduced in figure 3, but only to be left wondering about its rhetorical efficacy. As Lignereux points out, these images “shut the public out from the splendor of its sacrosanct.”35 Sometimes called the “Versailles of the seas,” the Cordouan Lighthouse still stands today, less out of sight and reach to us thanks to modern technology than it was back then, and so all the more present as a monumental reminder of the limitations of our modern methods for thinking about royal monuments of the past. 33. This description follows closely the one given by Lignereux (294–96). See also the references given in the next footnote. Most of the structure described here still stands today, but the part above the chapel was radically expanded in the late eighteenth century so that the edifice now measures sixty meters. The lighthouse is still in operation, fully automatized since 2006. For further information and sources, see also the official website of the lighthouse: https://www.phare-de-cordouan.fr. 34. Guillaume, “Le phare de Cordouan.” See also Grenet-Delisle, Louis de Foix; and Castaner Muñoz, “L’exhaussement du phare de Cordouan.” 35. “[. . .] taisent au public la splendeur de son sacro-saint.” Lignereux, Les rois imaginaires, 297.
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Figur e 3. Mathieu Merian (after a drawing by Claude Chastillon), The Cordouan Lighthouse (engraving). From Topographie française, ou Représentations de plusieurs villes . . . (Paris: Louys Boussevin, 1655). Photograph: Wikimedia Commons.
There is, however, one sense in which the term “propaganda” is pertinent both for this wider discussion of methodology and for my specific analysis of royal imagery under Louis XIV. In the original etymological meaning of the term as “that which should be propagated,” the emphasis remains, importantly, on the entity that is to be propagated, broadcast, diffused, expressed—and not yet on the recipient. But this
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is not to say that the modern meaning of persuasion and even manipulation is not latent, especially since the term emerged in the very precise institutional setting of the Catholic Counter-Reformation.36 This more neutral use of the term is still possible today, with an emphasis on the propagating mission as an obligation toward the entity in need of propagation: in the original use, the Christian faith; in the absolutist context, the glory of the king. However, as I have shown, the word resonates today so strongly with the instrumental focus on manipulative impact alone that such a rehabilitated notion would hardly be an adequate conceptual tool. Hence the need to move beyond the traditional framework of propaganda, which can now no longer be more than mere propaganda.
3. Approaching Absolutism Differently: Royal Glory and Royal Exemplarity How to home in on the dream of absolutism, then? How to approach the most extravagant artifacts of absolutism in a less reductive manner than what an approach in terms of propaganda or any modern communication model would entail? How might these artifacts be taken up in a way that allows us to get at the “totality and coherence” of absolutism (per Fanny Cosandey and Robert Descimon)? Indeed, how to start accounting for the force and efficacy of the dream of absolutism, not only in its time but long after it? The analyses in this book rely on the recuperation of the premodern categories of “royal glory” and “royal exemplarity.” Although both these expressions make intuitive sense at a surface level, the conceptual work they refer to may be less than obvious, even to seasoned students of early modernity, due to a systematic neglect in the scholarship. The reason for this scholarly disregard is related to the discussion above. Modern scholars have ignored them for the same reason as the corpus I am studying here, in which they feature prominently: an uncomfortable whiff (to a 36. The modern word has its faraway origin in the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, founded in 1622 by Pope Gregory XV in the context of the Catholic Counter-Reformation and often known quite simply as Propaganda Fide (from the Latin title: Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide). The term wasn’t politicized in the precise technical sense of manipulation until the French Revolution. Therefore, it should not be surprising to find the term used by Voltaire in its original meaning of “toute institution qui a pour but la propagation d’une croyance religieuse” (every institution which has as its purpose the propagation of a religious belief). Quoted here from Lignereux, Les rois imaginaires, 286n15.
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modern nose) of subservience, manipulation, and propaganda. And yet, if we modern readers look more closely, as I will in what follows, it becomes obvious as we move beyond the framework of mere propaganda that royal glory and royal exemplarity are of paramount importance in understanding the dynamics of symbolic authority at work in the wider culture. They are central categories in the cultural practices undergirding the strict verticality of the absolutist society’s symbolic hierarchy, contributing decisively in the processes that make power real in the person of the king. In short, they are the stuff of which the dream of absolutism is made. I will tease out the exact function and working of the two categories in the course of the chapters through close scrutiny of central absolutist artifacts across different media. But before turning to the analysis, it is necessary to prepare the ground by introducing the two categories in some depth. In the case of royal exemplarity, this is essential since the concept may seem somewhat abstract and technical at the outset. As for royal glory, the situation is, in a certain sense, the opposite. It seems to speak with a self-evidence fueled by the pomp and splendor of Versailles, but it is in reality a complex and multilayered concept. Although the two categories are not exactly overlapping, they converge incessantly in the material studied here in the exuberant celebration of the glorious royal exemplar. In light of the discussion above, the notion of royal glory would seem like a promising place to start looking for alternatives to propaganda when discussing artifacts of absolutism. After all, the writers and artists whose work is analyzed in what follows were all “artisans of glory” in the way examined by Orest Ranum, and they were instrumental in redeploying “those webs of myths and facts [. . .] that bound the prince to the pursuit of gloire”37—webs of examples within a culture of exemplarity, as I shall soon return to. My starting point is a privileged testimony from Louis XIV himself about the extent to which the importance of this pursuit was on his mind from the early years of his personal reign. Here is his often-quoted statement to the members of the Petite Académie in charge of overseeing the production of the royal image across media: Vous pouvez, Messieurs, juger de l’estime que je fais de vous, puisque je vous confie la chose du monde qui m’est la plus précieuse, qui est ma gloire: je suis sûr que vous ferez des merveilles; je tâcherai de ma part de 37. Ranum, Artisans of Glory, 337, as discussed above, 13–14.
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vous fournir de la matière qui mérite d’être mise en œuvre par des gens aussi habiles que vous êtes.38 (You may, Gentlemen, judge the appreciation I have for you, since I entrust you with the thing in the world which is the most precious to me, namely my glory. I am sure you will do marvels; I will try on my side to provide you with matter which deserves to be given form [mise en œuvre] by people as competent as you are.)
This assertion is important not only for its brazen expression of youthful confidence anticipating glorious exploits ahead of him, but also for the place accorded to the arts in this enterprise. In the dichotomy between form and content that the king suggests, there is an implicit promise about artistic glory to come for the academicians: by giving shape to his glorious exploits, they will achieve their own. It could therefore be tempting to read the statement as the recognition of a transactional interdependence; for all practical purposes, couldn’t the royal glory at stake here be reduced to the construction and propagation of reputation or renown? Nothing is less sure. Rather, one could wonder whether the brazenness of the royal utterance is carried by a sense of heaven-sent entitlement. “Ma gloire”: instead of reputation to be established or fabricated, this would be a preexisting glory to be made visible and given form, to be expressed, externalized, and confirmed by further glorious exploits. It is “the thing in the world which is the most precious to [him],” but that might be so precisely because it is not entirely of this world. The glorious matter to be provided by the king calls for the making of “marvels.” Although this marvel-making task—which is thus both the king’s and the artists’—is formulated in the future tense, the glory of the king exists here, now, in the promise (or the dream) of marvels to come. The scene is thus structurally similar to the one in the central painting in the Hall of Mirrors, evoked in the opening of the introduction, where the king is not looking out in the world but into himself, with a gaze that itself dreams the glorious dream of absolutism.39 The concept of royal glory needs to be front and center in any discussion of French absolutism’s self-image and processes of self-representation. It 38. The anecdote is reported by Charles Perrault in Mémoires, xxv–xxvi; my emphasis. The anecdote is quoted by Ranum, 279. 39. For a further discussion of this anecdote, see chapter 3, 184. It also occurs in passing in chapter 2, 129.
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is therefore not at all controversial to speak of the Petite Académie as a “ministry of glory,” although, importantly, this does not make it a “historical research team for political propaganda,” as Jacob Soll would have it.40 And yet, a synthetic work proposing a thorough exploration of the concept in the context of French absolutism still seems far away. Significant preparatory work has certainly already been done within more widely defined projects, most prominently by Robert Morrissey on the historical side and by Giorgio Agamben in political theology.41 Olivier Chaline also covers important ground in his landmark biography on Louis XIV (2005).42 It is a testimony to the difficulty and urgency of the task that the perspectives of Morrissey, Chaline, and Ranum, on the one hand, and of Agamben, on the other, seem incompatible, if not mutually exclusive. If analyzed at all, the early modern logic of royal glory is generally reduced to remnants of aristocratic notions of feudal honor or a nostalgic revival of a Roman culture of renown. The crucial theological impulse behind the pursuit of royal glory—which, as Agamben shows, is much more than (indeed, fully independent of) the moralist denunciation of vainglory—is still largely unaccounted for in the scholarship. My aim here is hardly one of filling this lacuna. However, the importance of the task and its first outline can be suggested already by a quick incursion into a key resource from late seventeenth-century France— namely, the rich and evocative article on the term in Antoine Furetière’s 1690 dictionary. According to Furetière, the first meaning of the word gloire is “Majesté de Dieu, la vue de sa puissance, de sa grandeur infinie” (God’s majesty, the sight of his power or infinite greatness).43 This is the theological concept of glory, from the Latin gloria, which itself is a translation of the ancient Greek doxa (and kabod in Hebrew). Notably, Furetière uses a political language here, with terms such as “majesty” and “power.” In the context of this discussion of royal glory specifically, I would like to insist on a layer of meaning in the Greek term that remains implicit in the Latin (and thus in the French and also the English) translation but is explicit in the German. The term Herrlichkeit’s root, hehr, evokes a general idea of highness but is at the same time closely linked 40. Chaline, Le règne de Louis XIV, 1:354; Soll, The Information Master, 128. 41. Morrissey, The Economy of Glory; Agamben, The Kingdom and the Glory. 42. Chaline, Le Règne de Louis XIV; the first volume of this two-volume work carries the subtitle Les rayons de la gloire (The rays of glory). See especially the sections “La gloire du roi” (The glory of the king) and “Les institutions de la gloire” (The institutions of glory) (156–77 and 354–87). See also by Chaline the important article “De la gloire” and the edited volume La gloire à l’époque moderne. 43. Furetière, Dictionaire universel, “gloire.”
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to the two substantives Herr (master, lord) and Herrscher (sovereign), in such a way that (divine) glory literally evokes the manifestation of God’s absolute lordliness and sovereignty.44 In the second definition of the term gloire, Furetière evokes man’s duty to God: “gloire, se dit aussi de l’honneur qu’on rend à Dieu, des louanges qui lui sont dues.” (glory is also said about the honor one gives to God, the praise due to him.) This is glory as rendered to God by the faithful in adoration through an act of glorification. Again, the German term Verherrlichung serves to make explicit the vertical positioning of this activity: it necessarily happens from an inferior position. It is an act of subjection, the celebration of vertical inferiority. Furetière’s third definition finally reaches the human level and, as the last of a series of examples, royal glory: gloire, se dit par emprunt et par participation, de l’honneur mondain, de la louange qu’on donne au mérite, au savoir et à la vertu des hommes. La gloire du monde n’est qu’une fumée. Ce Triomphateur est revenu comblé, tout couvert de gloire. Cet ouvrage a acquis beaucoup de gloire à son Auteur. Ce Prince a tiré beaucoup de gloire de cette action de clémence, de justice.45 (glory is said, by borrowing and participation, about worldly honor, praise of the worth, knowledge and virtue of men. Worldly glory is only smoke. The Victor returned replete with, wholly covered in glory. This work has earned much glory for its Author. The Prince garnered much glory from this act of clemency and justice.)
Here, the primary meaning of the word gloire is obviously very close to notions of honor, praise, renown, and reputation. This is certainly the case in the final example from the princely realm. The glory of this exemplary prince is attributed to his virtuous act and to the specific virtues it demonstrates (his clemency and justice). At the same time, the exact formulation of the sentence may appear perplexing in that it seems to invite a suspicion as to his motives. To a modern reader, the verbal locution “tirer gloire” already gives off a whiff of hypocrisy: there seems to be an indication of agency and intention that would risk turning a virtuous act into a mere superficial and virtuoso show of virtue. This would be Furetière’s fourth definition of gloire, which establishes the link to vain44. Schlüter, “Herrlichkeit. I,” 1079–80. 45. Furetière, Dictionaire universel, “gloire.”
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glory and boasting: “gloire, signifie quelquefois, Orgueil, présomption, bonne opinion qu’on a de soi-même. [. . .] On dit, qu’un homme fait gloire d’une chose, lorsqu’il s’en vante, qu’il s’en fait honneur.” (glory, meaning sometimes Vainglory, presumption, high self-regard. [. . .] One says that a man glorifies himself in a thing when he brags about it or honors himself with it.) However, at the time, “tirer gloire” still tended to qualify the objective outcome of an action rather than its intention. Therefore, the glorious act of the prince in the example is an objective reason for praise and even pride; it is exemplary not only in the trivial sense that it serves as an example in a dictionary, but also with the full moral weight of the term. That said, it should be added that the difference between the positive “tirer gloire de” and the negative “faire gloire de” from the fourth definition was subtle already at the time (while the reflexive form “se faire gloire de” didn’t appear until the twentieth century). Furthermore, the place of the princely example as the last element in the enumeration, and in that sense closer to the fourth definition than to the third that it serves to exemplify, seems to accentuate the slipperiness of judgment of his action. It is as if this example stages the ambiguity of worldly glory— and also, as I will soon return to, the ambiguity of princely exemplarity as such. The concept of worldly glory, as it is presented in the definition and examples from Furetière, may seem far removed from the theological sense given as the first meaning of the term. Indeed, there appears to be a rift in the French concept of gloire, harking back to a similar tension between theological and pre-Christian moralist layers of meaning in the Latin gloria, closer in meaning to the Latin notion of fama (itself closer in meaning to the Greek concept of kleos) than to the theological concept. Hence a tendency in the scholarship on early modern France in general and on absolutist culture in particular to ignore the theological layer of meaning all together and reduce the discussion of glory to a problem of heroic virtue and renown within—and more precisely, toward the peak of—a social hierarchy. This is certainly a rich and rewarding topic, as demonstrated most recently in Robert Morrissey’s magisterial exploration of the cultural and literary history of glory in the long eighteenth century, from Louis XIV to Napoleon, unearthing “the ‘economy of glory’ Napoleon sought to implement in an attempt to heal the divide between the Old Regime and the Revolution.”46 And yet, as Morrissey himself observes early in his inquiry in relation to Louis XIV, there is another conceptual layer beyond the tradition of glory as fama discussed in his 46. The quotation is from the dust jacket of Morrissey, The Economy of Glory.
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27
book: “An essential element of this configuration [of court society]: the glory of the king of France is the reflection of that of God.”47 Furetière’s article on gloire announces this same ontological analogy in the concept of glory itself: human glory signifies “par emprunt et par participation” (by borrowing and participation) from the primary sense of divine glory, a theological Herrlichkeit that, as I just have shown, resonates with an otherworldly majesty, lordliness, and sovereignty. Glory as such is thus closely linked at once to the essence of God and the essence of kingship, first in its theological formulation, which is already political, and then a second time in the divine right invested in the French crown. It is therefore not surprising that the most exuberant and excessive celebrations of French absolutism under Louis XIV seem to be carried by a concept of royal glory that sits uneasy with the traditional framework of human glory understood as merely renown (fama), as will be shown repeatedly in the close analyses in this book. At this point, I would like to shift attention to an overlapping concept that better catches the participatory, collective aspect of absolutism and that is of crucial importance in understanding the continued fascination with the dream of absolutism even after absolutism. Again, my starting point is a privileged testimony attributed to the king himself, this time regarding the political importance of exemplarity under absolutism. The following remarkable passage appears in the Mémoires that Louis XIV (assisted by his ghostwriters) wrote for the instruction of his oldest son, the Dauphin, in a discussion of the political importance of the royal display of religious humility. It is thus the king who says “je” (I), and the possessive pronoun “notre” (our) that opens the quotation englobes himself and his son: Notre soumission pour lui [Dieu] est la règle et l’exemple de celle qui nous est due. Les armées, les conseils, toute l’industrie humaine seraient de faibles moyens pour nous maintenir sur le trône, si chacun y croyait avoir même droit que nous, et ne révérait pas une puissance supérieure, dont la nôtre est une partie. Les respects publics que nous rendons à cette
47. Morrissey, 38. The theological perspective opened by this sentence is brought back to the ethical discussion of glory as a heroic ideal of virtue with the observation that this “vision was perfectly compatible with the ideal of the profane hero developed by the Catholic Reformation” (38). Such a delimitation makes sense within the project of Morrissey’s book, but it also leaves the question about the deeper politico-theological implications of the reflections of God’s glory on to the king’s largely unexplored.
28
Introduction
puissance invisible, pourraient enfin être nommés justement la première et la plus importante partie de notre politique, s’ils ne devaient avoir un motif plus noble et plus désintéressé. (Our submission to Him [God] is the rule and the example for that which is due to us. Armies, councils, all human industry would be feeble means for maintaining us on the throne if everyone believed he had as much right to it as we and did not revere a superior power, of which ours is a part. The public respects that we pay to this invisible power could indeed justly be considered the first and most important part of our entire politics if they did not require a more noble and more disinterested motive.)48
This paragraph and its context pose arguably the politically most complex yet most significant passage of the whole Mémoires and will be analyzed at length in chapter 1. The stakes of the lesson couldn’t be higher. As the royal father points out, the stability of the societal hierarchy hinges on the subjects’ belief in the king’s divine right to his position. Hence the urgency of the visible example of “submission” and “public respects” offered by the king and his son to a higher invisible power: it becomes exemplary of the submission to figures of authority in general. In this sense, exemplarity is “the first and most important part” of absolutist politics insofar as it is the principle that grounds and conserves orderly, hierarchical life in the polis. In other words, the main lesson from father to son is that the force of exemplarity is the glue that holds the ancien régime society together. The last sentence quoted betrays an unease with the seeming instrumentality in this example of religious humility. Isn’t the public royal submission recommended here itself close to propagandistic manipulation in its emphasis on royal self-interest? It is, but as will be demonstrated in the detailed analysis, the king himself here shows an acute awareness of the dangers of what modern readers would call a propagandistic approach and of anything close to Thackeray’s “exact calculation.” Somewhat surprisingly to a modern reader, according to the royal father, the crucial sincere bottom-up buy-in by the subjects seems to depend on the sincerity of the prior submission of the sovereign. Hence the necessity of
48. Louis XIV, Mémoires, suivis de Manière de montrer les jardins, 104–5; Louis XIV, Mémoires for the Instruction of the Dauphin, 57. Throughout these pages, I have sometimes modified the translation to bring it closer to the original.
Introduction
29
“a more noble and more disinterested motive,” although even this disinterest remains ambiguous, as I will show in chapter 1. It is important to stress that my emphasis on royal exemplarity in this book does not at all mean the introduction of a new concept. Rather, it is an attempt at recovering a way of thinking that was ubiquitous and unavoidable at the time but lost to us. According to John D. Lyons, the “period from the fifteenth through the early seventeenth centuries [merits] the appellation ‘the age of exemplarity.’ ”49 This is certainly true if one looks at elite culture and the ways in which ancient examples were at the heart of the humanist project as a source of political, ethical, and aesthetic models (in the mode of the Ciceronian historia magistra vitae). Lyons’s scholarship on the topic belongs to a first wave of research exploring early modern exemplarity that revealed the extent to which Renaissance texts by authors such as Montaigne, Erasmus, and Machiavelli not only belong to such a culture of exemplarity, but at the same time profoundly question it. Inside such a framework, the late Renaissance is marked by a “crisis of exemplarity,” most prominently voiced by Montaigne, and the end of the period indicated by Lyons coincides with René Descartes’s radical rejection of ancient books and examples in Discours de la méthode. This model of crisis, however, neglects to note the continued centrality of exemplarity for absolutist political culture of the late seventeenth century. Absolutist culture under Louis XIV was incontestably a culture of exemplarity in the sense that at once political, moral, and artistic choices were still largely justified through reference to the authority of concrete models from the past. Despite scholarly reports about an earlier “Renaissance crisis of exemplarity,” the example remained the crucial figure in the cultural construction of authority, the way in which the past is extended into the future through actions in the present. And within this broader culture of exemplarity, the glorious royal exemplar occupied a more central place than ever.50 In this light, it is not surprising that many of the most important cultural polemics of the age, known as Querelles, can in fact be viewed as 49. Lyons, Exemplum, 12. 50. For “the Renaissance crisis of exemplarity,” see the special issue of the Journal of History of Ideas with that title (59, no. 4), especially the introduction by Rigolot, but also important articles by Cornilliat, Hampton, Lyons, Stierle, and others. See also Hampton, Writing from History. For Descartes’s position, see Lyons’s subtle reading of the new exemplarity of the Discours in chapter 4 of Exemplum (156–70). See also the more recent collective volume Giavarini, Construire l’exemplarité. For the lack of emphasis on royal exemplarity within this rich body of scholarship, see my discussion below.
30
Introduction
battles in an ongoing cultural war about the way in which exemplarity is constructed. This is the case for the Querelles on theater, monuments, inscriptions, and even the notorious polemics opposing Jesuits and Jansenists. And most of all, it was the case for the most notable one, the “Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes” (the Battle of the Books). Here, the point of contention was precisely the status of the ancient example, not only when it came to the choice of models for artistic creation, but also in terms of authority and legitimacy more broadly construed. Indeed, chapter 3 argues that what was at stake among the learned men of the French Academy and beyond can productively be approached as a polemics about how best to celebrate the royal glory of Louis XIV. I read the Querelle as a symptom of a wider cultural unease about exemplarity and argue that for the notion of a “crisis of exemplarity” to be fruitful, it needs to be recast as a crisis of royal exemplarity and studied in the most potent self-justifications of absolutism.51 These observations are all indications that the logic of exemplarity is under a certain pressure, with a constant need to be renegotiated. They do not mean, however, that the dominant role of exemplarity is diminishing or that the absolutist “siècle de Louis XIV” breaks with an exemplary culture. In a society more and more turned toward the example of the court, behavior and desires were increasingly modeled inside a rigorous hierarchy of curial exemplarity under labels such as etiquette, politeness, and civility. This brings me back to the above quotation from Louis XIV’s Mémoires and the position of the initial royal submission as at once the linchpin and the apex of exemplarity’s hierarchy. At this point, it is interesting to observe that the logic of exemplarity itself is in fact dependent on a similar structural elevation or exception as the one conserved through the royal example here. In an important sense, all exemplarity is royal, and the logic of exemplarity itself stands in a relation of solidarity with that of kingship. This solidarity between exemplarity and kingship can first of all be observed in treatises of rhetoric and logic, where the exemplarity of examples (what turns a sample into a model) is likened to the exemplarity of kings. The figure of the great king is omnipresent in theoretical de51. For the political implications of the “Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes,” see the chapter “Modernity and Monarchy,” in Norman, The Shock of the Ancient, 89–98. For the two other related Querelles, see, for example, Vuilleumier Laurens and Laurens, L’Âge de l’inscription; and Blanchard, “Ménestrier and the ‘Querelle des Monuments.’ ”
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31
scriptions of the rhetoric of example from Aristotle’s Rhetoric through Antoine Arnauld and Pierre Nicole’s Logique de Port-Royal (1662) to Jacques Bénigne Bossuet’s Logique du Dauphin (1677). In both Aristotle and Bossuet, the king appears as the very first example of how reasoning through example works. Here is the example given by Bossuet after a short initial statement linking example to induction in moral matters, in a sentence that recalls the quotation from the Mémoires above: [A]insi, pour faire voir à quels désordres l’amour porte les hommes, on représente ce qu’il a fait faire à Samson, à David, à Salomon, comme il a pensé faire périr César dans Alexandrie, comme il a fait périr Antoine, et mille autres événements semblables.52 (Thus, in order to show the types of disorder to which love carries men, one represents what it made Samson, David, and Salomon do, how it nearly made Cesar perish in Alexandria, how it made Anthony perish, and a thousand other similar events.)
The same point could certainly have been conveyed through “mille autres événements semblables”—by a thousand other examples. And yet, the royal example still seems to stand out as more representative, not only for Bossuet, who here writes for the Dauphin, but also for ordinary people, as expressed through the use of the French impersonal subject pronoun “on”: one turns to Samson, David, and Salomon. Somehow, this series of royal examples seems to communicate more efficiently the general rule, which the reader is made to see (faire voir). Therefore, the choice of examples here undermines the conception that examples are mere induction. Rather, it would be tempting to speak of a certain solidarity between kingliness and exemplarity, both implying, as Alexander Gelley has said about the example, “the elevation of a singular to exemplary status.”53 It is as if the exemplarity of examples were most forcefully communicated by analogy with the exemplarity of the great king, just like in the political realm, where the elevation of the king above his subjects is most efficiently justified through exemplarity, as Louis XIV explained to his son. Whereas early modern exemplarity in general has given rise to an impressive body of scholarship in the last few decades,54 the question of royal exemplarity as such has remained virtually unexplored. While 52. Bossuet, Logique du Dauphin, 142. 53. Gelley, Unruly Examples, 2. See 32n55 for the relevance of this quotation. 54. By scholars such as Lyons, Hampton, Rigolot, and many others, cf. 29n50.
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the scholarship just mentioned has been immensely helpful for a broad understanding of the early modern culture of exemplarity, the insights most important to understanding the logic of royal exemplarity can be found in a transhistorical analysis, namely, in Gelley’s introduction to a collective volume entitled Unruly Examples from the mid-1990s. Gelley’s decisive intervention consists in his distinction between two competing impulses in the workings of exemplarity: on the one hand, an Aristotelian impulse, a descriptive, “horizontal” understanding (example as sample or induction); and, on the other hand, a Platonic movement, which elevates a normative, “vertical” dimension (example as the exemplary status of an elevated entity). Gelley’s work does not address the political value of exemplarity as such, but to me it is obvious that in an early modern context these two impulses converge in the body of the royal exemplar.55 In other words, in my reading, the symbolic relationship between kingship and exemplarity maps onto the two impulses of exemplarity studied by Gelley. The king is an individual among many, who through his exemplarity appears as chosen, elevated, fated, in a way that erases the traces of contingency, the inductive and the empirical in this selection. The absolutist king is always already exemplary through his elevation. This means that the constructed nature of this royal exemplarity is invisible, unthinkable not only for the king’s subjects but also, crucially, for himself (as least as long as the new king follows the advice of his father, as discussed above and in more detail in chapter 1)—an important point that gets lost inside a modern framework where we consider the production of the royal image as nothing but propaganda and conscious manipulation. Through the power of example, the dignity of the king appears as given by nature, or even by God: an evident royal power, the rule of one, instituted by the One. Royal exemplarity is thus the process through which the sovereign naturally appears as the temporal incarnation of the eternal sovereign principle, or, expressed through the language of another passage from Louis XIV’s Mémoires to which I will return, as the living image of the almighty, in a way that leads his subjects to spontaneously express that “Le caractère de la divinité est empreint sur son visage, etc.” (“The character of 55. The juxtaposition of kingliness and exemplarity is thus mine; in its original context, the quotation from Gelley above only refers to the workings of exemplarity. The juxtaposition could easily be extended to the two sentences following the quotation: “Is the example [or the king] merely one—a singular, a fruit of circumstance—or the One—a paradigm, a paragon? The tactic of exemplarity [or kingliness] would seem to be to mingle the singular with the normative, to mark an instance as fated.” Gelley, Unruly Examples, 2; author’s emphasis.
Introduction
33
divinity is stamped on his face, etc.”), as Blaise Pascal famously observed.56 And conversely, it is only when exemplarity is reduced to mere induction and representation, without carrying the imprint of divine choice and the aura given by fate—in other words, when the celebration of his royal glory appears as mere pomp and propaganda—that the contingency of the selection becomes visible as such. In this instance, and only in this instance, the subjects can see that the king (or the emperor) has no clothes, in the manner of Thackeray’s “exact calculation”: that he is a partly exemplary, partly non-exemplary human being like themselves. The French Revolution becomes conceivable once the king’s body loses its exemplary glory, once the character of divinity is no longer stamped on his face, and all of a sudden he is one body among many, as a sample or representative, but without the authority of his God-given elevation. Royal glory and royal exemplarity coincide in the celebration of the glorious royal exemplar and never have they coincided more perfectly than in the case of Louis XIV. But this is also the point where exemplarity threatens to break down. I already discussed how in Louis XIV’s Mémoires the example of royal submission to the divine was presented as a model for imitation. But what are we to make of depictions of the royal exemplar that are so glorious, so exemplary that he becomes inimitable and incomparable? In the corpus discussed in this book, there is a recurrent emphasis on—and a phantasmal pull toward—the point where the king takes the place of all other examples. Read in sequence, the three chapters trace a progression from center to periphery, from the sublime to the seemingly banal, in their examination of this absolutist obsession. In the first chapter, I analyze closely such a moment in the opening of the king’s own Mémoires, when he suggests to his son that his book might very well replace all other books in the Dauphin’s education. In the second chapter, I explore the choice of decorative program for the vault of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, when the plan to portray the king’s glorious exploits in the guise of Apollo or Hercules was replaced by a direct depiction of the king himself. In both cases, a direct and literal mirroring of the king in his own (textual or visual) portrait replaces the passage by the tradition of examples from the past (known as “mirrors for princes”). As I shall argue, this new pedagogical mirror structure is actually thematized 56. Pascal, Pensées, fragment 59. The italics are introduced by Pascal’s modern editor as a way of indicating the presence of a citation or quasi-citation. Pascal’s inclusion of the final “etc.” is significative, since it suggests that this specific utterance is only one of many similar examples.
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at the symbolic center of the Hall of Mirrors, in a surprising—and surprisingly understudied—mirror scene included in the depiction of the birth of absolutism in Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661, first mentioned in the opening of this introduction. But it is in the seeming “absolutist absurdities” discussed in chapter 3 that this coincidence is explored the most forcefully. On the one hand, in Claude-Charles Guyonnet de Vertron’s 1685 Parallèle de Louis le Grand avec les princes qui ont été surnommés grands (Parallel between Louis the Great and the other princes who have been named great), whose curious conclusion runs as follows: “Louis resembles all the Great princes, although none of these Greats resemble him, because only he is similar to himself, and the Great prince par excellence.” On the other, in Jean de Préchac’s 1698 fairy tale “Sans Parangon” (“Without equal” or “Without example”), which recounts the life of Louis XIV very thinly veiled as that of Prince Sans Parangon, whose actions are dictated by increasingly difficult challenges from an invisible Princess Belle Gloire (Beautiful Glory). These texts may seem so exuberant as to be completely over-the-top, but in their very excess they provide a window to the inner workings of absolutism.
4. The Dream of Absolutism So far in this introduction, the term “dream” has been used in a loose, intuitive, metaphorical sense. From the outset, the “dream of absolutism” points to a conception that is more capacious and supple than the modern scholarly concept of absolutism. The logic at work in the absolutist expressions analyzed here is dreamlike in that it seems to imply the dimming of certain rational exigencies and allows for the integration of contradictions. Or better, with a tiny twist on a well-known aphorism: like the heart in Pascal’s original coinage, the dream, too, has its reasons that reason doesn’t know.57 This rewriting is very much faithful to the meaning of the original, despite the rosy romantic connotations the latter may have for modern readers. Read in context, it is clear that Pascal posits the heart as the site of an extra-rational cognition operating according to a different logic and oriented by a higher principle of love, either divine love or self-love. In the present case, the dream is the site for a similarly larger extra-rational realignment; one where thought and feeling, reason and emotion square off differently; one where bodies move and are moved in a numinous setting, where strong visual manifestations impose 57. “Le cœur a ses raisons que la raison ne connaît point.” (“The heart has its reasons, which reason does not know.”) Pascal, Pensées, fragment 680.
Introduction
35
themselves as if scripted from the outside and given from above; one where a space is opened for a phantasmagoric sense of truth outside any fixed experience of time. In this sense, the dream carries an extra-rational, premodern knowledge. The dream here stands for the other of demystification and of Thackeray’s “exact calculation”; the other of the modern reduction of absolutist artifacts to mere propaganda. At the same time, it is important to emphasize that the idea of absolute power is itself dreamlike. Only a dream? Putting it that way would disregard the force of imagination and phantasmagoria at work in any conception of politics. Theoretically speaking, the reality of omnipotence is problematic already at the metaphysical level of a divine creator and a contradiction in terms for any creature through its very creatureliness. However, on the practical level of lived experience, it is not. On the contrary, as the king reminds his son in the passage from the Mémoires quoted above, there is a generally shared belief about royal participation in an invisible superior power, perceptible as royal glory and upheld through royal exemplarity; an enabling dream without which “[a]rmies, councils, all human industry would be feeble means for maintaining us on the throne.”58 Within such a framework, the two possible meanings of the genitive construction in the nominal syntagm “the dream of absolutism” come together in a third, richer sense. First of all, the locution will appear to most as an objective genitive, evoking a dream about absolutism, a dream that has absolutism as its content, its subject matter, its mental ideation, and that could be dreamt by anybody, any agent. Second, read as a subjective genitive, the construction assigns agency, ownership, belonging; it is the dream dreamt by absolutism, a phantasmagoric content that belongs to abs
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285 room for rent Toulouse: from 4 C$ / night, 24 C$ / week, 100 C$ / month, for student, professional, seasonal, week -end
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Roomlala
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https://www.roomlala.ca/spare-room/FR-France/toulouse
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Room With Private Shower 20 Min Walk From Fac J. Jaurès
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Rent a room completely renovated from floor to ceiling in a Toulouse house near the Jean Jaurès University, 20 minutes on foot or 5 minutes by bike fr...
Room For Rent In A Villa
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Apartment With 3 Bedrooms On The Second Floor Without Elevator. In Building And Secure Residence, Located Between The Pasteur Clinic And The Sncf Sta...
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Colocation | Toulouse (31100) | 11 M2
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Very beautiful New York-themed room, well equipped with a very good bed, a storage cupboard, a work table and soft lights. The room also has a large w...
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Very nice room, well equipped, very good bed, storage cupboard, work desk, soft lights, with a very large window overlooking the park and a view of th...
2 bedrooms for rent in a newly renovated apartment with air conditioning
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Homestay | Toulouse (31400) | 12 M2
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REMARKS • It is possible to smoke or vape only on the balcony. • The apartment has a beautiful wooden floor, to preserve it, shoes will remain in the...
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Homestay | Toulouse (31100) | 11 M2
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Bright 11m2 Room With View Of The Residence's Wooded Park, Not Overlooked. It Is Located In A T4, On The 2nd Floor Of A Quiet And Secure Residence (g...
Room In A Family House In The District Of Carmes
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Homestay | Toulouse (31000) | 15 M2
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Room with a view of the garden, quiet in an 18th century building. Located in the city center in the Carmes district. Metro, tram and bus just a stone...
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https://dokumen.pub/the-dream-of-absolutism-louis-xiv-and-the-logic-of-modernity-9780226803975.html
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en
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The Dream of Absolutism: Louis XIV and the Logic of Modernity 9780226803975
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The Dream of Absolutism examines the political aesthetics of power under Louis XIV. What was absolutism, and how did it...
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Citation preview
The Dream of Absolutism
The Dream of Absolutism L ou i s X I V a n d t h e L o g ic of Mode r n i t y
Hall Bjørnstad
The University of Chicago Press
Chicago and London
The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London © 2021 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission, except in the case of brief quotations in critical articles and reviews. For more information, contact the University of Chicago Press, 1427 East 60th Street, Chicago, IL 60637. Published 2021 Printed in the United States of America 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21
1 2 3 4 5
ISBN-13: 978-0-226-80366-1 (cloth) ISBN-13: 978-0-226-80383-8 (paper) ISBN-13: 978-0-226-80397-5 (e-book) DOI: https://doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226803975.001.0001 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Bjørnstad, Hall, author. Title: The dream of absolutism : Louis XIV and the logic of modernity / Hall Bjørnstad. Description: Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 2021. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2021005321 | ISBN 9780226803661 (cloth) | ISBN 9780226803838 (paperback) | ISBN 9780226803975 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715. | Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715. Mémoires pour l’instruction du Dauphin. | Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715—Portraits. | Le Brun, Charles, 1619–1690. Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661. | Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715—In literature. | Despotism—France—History—17th century. | Monarchy— France—History—17th century. | Power (Social sciences)—France— History—17th century. | France—Politics and government—1643–1715. Classification: LCC DC125 .B56 2021 | DDC 944/.033092 [B]—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021005321 This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper).
Contents List of Illustrations * vii On Translations and Spelling * ix Preface * xi
Introduction * 1 1. The Problem with Absolutism * 3 2. Beyond Mere Propaganda * 10 3. Approaching Absolutism Differently: Royal Glory and Royal Exemplarity * 21 4. The Dream of Absolutism * 34 Chapter 1
The Grammar of Absolutism * 41 1. Introduction: The Dream of a Book Like No Other * 41 2. Taking Louis XIV’s Mémoires Seriously * 45 3. Absolutism, Explained to a Child: “The first and most important part of our entire politics” * 55 4. The Utility of “These Mémoires” * 66 5. The Paradoxes of Absolutist Exemplarity * 75 6. Conclusion: “So many ghastly examples” * 88 Chapter 2
Mirrors of Absolutism * 93 1. Introduction: Our Body in This Space * 93 2. An Age of Mirrors * 96 3. A Gallery Celebrating Greatness * 107 4. Making the King See What He Felt * 115 5. A Mirror for One * 133 6. In Lieu of Conclusion: Mirrors for a Future without a Past * 149
Chapter 3
Absolutist Absurdities * 151 Exhibit A: The Royal Historiographer and the Unparalleled Greatness of Louis XIV * 154 Exhibit B: Absolutism from the Cabinet of Fairies to the Cabinet of the King * 177
Conclusion: Seven Theses on the Dream of Absolutism * 205 Acknowledgments * 209 Bibliography * 213 Index * 223
Illustrations
Color Plates (following page 124) Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 Le Brun, Résolution prise de faire la guerre aux Hollandais, 1671 Le Brun, L’amour simple and Le désir Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 (detail) Le Brun, La tranquillité Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 (extreme detail) Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661, and Faste des puissances voisines de la France Figures 1. Thackeray, The Paris Sketch Book: “Rex. Ludovicus. Ludovicus Rex: An Historical Study” 6 2. Rigaud, Louis XIV 7 3. Merian (after Chastillon), The Cordouan Lighthouse 20 4. Carreño de Miranda, Charles II of Spain 102 5. Le Brun et al., Entrevue de Louis XIV et de Philippe IV d’Espagne . . . 1660 104 6. Le Brun, Project for vault of the Hall of Mirrors, with scenes from the original Apollo design 110 7. Le Brun, Project for the vault of the Hall of Mirrors, with scenes from the life of Hercules 111 8. Le Brun, L’Entrée d’Alexandre le Grand dans Babylone 112 9. Le Brun, Le Ravissement 126 10. Le Brun, Study for Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 148 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.
11. 12. 13. 14.
Vertron, Parallèle de Louis le Grand avec les princes . . . (title page) 155 Préchac, “Sans Parangon” (1717) (opening page and detail) 178 Rigaud, Vue de la cascade de Marly 182 Baudoin, Iconologie: “Gloire” and “Gloire des princes” 189
On Translations and Spelling
Throughout this book, all translations from the French are mine, unless the name of a translator is indicated. In the interest of consistency, I have modernized the orthography of early modern texts throughout, whether they are quoted from original or modern editions.
Preface
This is not a book about Louis XIV. Although I invite the reader to join me in close scrutiny of texts and paintings that focus intently on portraying the king, and whose production is often commissioned and supervised— sometimes even in part effectuated—by the king himself, my goal in doing so is not to offer yet another study of the man monumentalized at Versailles. The inquiry will certainly take us to Versailles, to its symbolic core in Charles Le Brun’s paintings on the ceiling of the Hall of Mirrors celebrating the exploits of the king. It will also lead us to the inner secrets of the workings of absolutism as laid out by the king and his team of secretaries in the radically understudied Mémoires written for his oldest son, the Dauphin. Furthermore, we will look closely at some written portraits of the king that may seem so excessive, so outlandish, so absurd to modern readers that it has proved next to impossible for scholars not to take them as subversive mockery. They are not. It is in fact a central claim of this book that these seeming absolutist absurdities are driven by the same logic that we find at the heart of absolutism, both in the king’s secret Mémoires and in its public self-expression in the Hall of Mirrors. Their absurdity, rather than a deviation or failure of the logic of absolutism, is constitutive of political absolutism itself. However, instead of measuring them anachronistically against modern standards of political rationality, I argue that we as modern readers can see them much more meaningfully as different expressions of the same dream. A dream propelled by its own logic, shot through with ideals about glory, exemplarity, and excess. A dream of absolutism that the king, his image-makers, the court, if not the whole nation, dreamt together collectively and that perhaps remains latent in the collective political imaginary today to a larger extent than we would like to think. Rather than about Louis XIV, this book is about that dream.
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On the face of it, the project of this book is thus quite straightforward: an exploration of three very different yet complementary windows into the dream and logic of absolutism—namely, the king’s Mémoires (chapter 1), Le Brun’s paintings in the vault of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles (chapter 2), and two particularly exuberant written portrayals of the king (chapter 3). In this sense, the proof is in the pudding: the import and impact of the project depends mainly on the execution of these analyses and on the pertinence of what they yield. However, as an intervention in the scholarship on the culture of French absolutism widely construed, my enterprise is more controversial, more provocative than this description makes it seem. The book asks us, as modern readers, to suspend for a moment what we think we know not only about absolutism but also about these artifacts and their way of communicating. My premise is that in order to discern the logic of absolutism, we need to analyze closely those cultural expressions that might sit uncomfortably with our modern democratic sensibility. These are cultural artifacts that inevitably strike a post-Romantic observer as lacking in originality and serving as mere propaganda. To our cognitive categories, they register, as if by default, either as expressions of unapologetic subservience or, conversely, as subversive vehicles. But they are neither. Instead, they are witnesses to a still-premodern way of figuring the authority of the monarchical ruler, a figuring that needs to be approached as expression and manifestation— what I call here the dream of absolutism—rather than as the more familiar representation, construction, or fabrication.
•
Introduction
•
The first plate of this book takes us directly to the heart of its argument.1 Seemingly, the inscription under this famous painting by Charles Le Brun captures the essence of absolutism: “Le Roi gouverne par luimême, 1661” (The King governs on his own, 1661). The image condenses this essence in the gesture of the king’s right hand, firmly holding the rudder of the ship of state after the death of Cardinal Mazarin in 1661. It showcases the foundational moment of French absolutism, while itself being a monument of this very moment displayed at the heart of absolutist France: the central detail of the central painting in the vault of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles. However, as I argue in chapter 2, the simplicity in the message is itself a retroactive projection. It is so, first of all, in the sense that the king’s 1661 decision only became decisive in retrospect, while the contemporary sources tell a much more complex story. Designed in the late 1670s and completed in the early 1680s, this painting’s imposition of 1661 as an absolute beginning is therefore itself already a dream. A dream about absolutist self-creation dreamt collectively by painter, court, king—reemerging across media in all the other sources this book explores and repeated by modern scholars. But the simplicity of the message is also complicated by the painting itself, and even by its original inscription. The pithy line is another retroactive projection from the following century, while the long-lost original tripartite Latin inscription shifts our attention to the king’s attention: his gesture, as condensed in the reach of his left arm and the direction of his gaze, is directed toward what drives him to his foundational action. As he seizes the helm of the state, the king is “burning with love for glory” (“gloriæ amore incenditur”)—entirely consumed by future glory, as figured in the painting by the Roman god of war, Mars, pointing to the female 1. See the color gallery following page 124.
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Introduction
allegory of glory up on the cloud. That cloud itself belongs more properly to the realm of dreams, and the ex nihilo origin of absolutism emerges from this dream, is this dream. We join the dream when our retrospective gaze on the painting somehow mirrors the king’s prospective one in the painting, as he looks longingly toward the future, which is the present of the beholder at Versailles (including, as we shall soon see, the present of the king himself)—if not the past, as in our case. The dream of absolutism is, in other words, there from the beginning; it is itself the beginning, but at the same time also already ours, in our willingness to dream along. This first glimpse at the central constellation of Charles Le Brun’s iconographic project in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles is not yet an interpretation or even the beginning of an analysis, which will have to wait until chapter 2. But it already bears the promise of a layered complexity and conceptual richness to be explored. There is a peculiar logic at work here, which I call “the dream of absolutism”: a dream that is not only displayed but also enacted, a dream that the painting itself dreams. But if this is so, why haven’t the conceptual complexity and richness at the symbolic center of Versailles already been examined? Indeed, how to explain that none of the artifacts of absolutism analyzed in this book have been taken seriously by the rich scholarship on the culture of absolutism in France? This book is born from the realization that these questions have a very simple answer: The material is virtually unexplored because it is almost unthinkable that it has anything pertinent to tell us. Taken out of context, such a statement could perhaps come off as polemical, controversial, or confrontational, but as formulated here, it serves as a mere observation of fact. And yet, this unthinkability needs to be thought through and understood before turning to the exploration of absolutist artifacts in the later chapters of the book. Therefore, the first half of this introduction proposes something quite different from a traditional survey of the scholarship on absolutism and absolutist culture: rather than situating the project in a wider field, my goal is to uncover habits of thought that foreclose the possibility of submitting this corpus of absolutist artifacts to serious analysis. Less than an introduction proper, doing preliminary groundwork, the aim of the first two sections is a clearing of the ground—in this case the groundwork for a very different kind of approach, presented in the second half of the introduction. The intervention this book seeks to make is therefore not limited to the outcome of the specific explorations in its three chapters. Beyond the individual conclusions, what is at stake is the status of the artifacts, the methodology used to examine them, and ultimately the concept of abso-
Introduction
3
lutism itself. In what follows I start with the latter, making my case for the “problem” of absolutism in the way that the concept is normally deployed, arguing that its analytical application relies on an already modern—and, as I shall demonstrate, therefore contradictory—apprehension of absolute kingship. Paradoxically, this approach has led to an inability to engage seriously with the corpus discussed here and, even more importantly, to an inability to reckon with the phantasmal or dreamlike compulsion that may yet draw us in the twenty-first century toward absolutism even after absolutism. Second, I make a more technical argument about how this misconception positions the modern observer or scholar in relation to the culture of absolutism in a way that will easily lead us to reduce absolutism’s artifacts to mere propaganda. As I argue, this reduction to propaganda is so omnipresent that we do it without noticing and without weighing what we thereby exclude from our thinking about absolutist culture. For example, this reduction may take the form of a seemingly innocent application of a modern communication model (analyzing the artifact as the communication of a message), without taking proper consideration of questions of diffusion and intended recipients. This is the surprising case of the Cordouan Lighthouse discussed later in the introduction (19–20) and much of the material in the following chapters. The two incursions into the concepts of absolutism and propaganda in the first half of the introduction are necessary in order to open a space for thinking differently and non-reductively about what I call expressions of absolutism in the second half of the introduction. Importantly, the framework brought forth here is not at all of my own making. Instead, it implies a return to the period’s own thinking about kingship through the radically under-explored categories of royal glory and royal exemplarity (section 3) and, finally, the notion of the dream (section 4).
1. The Problem with Absolutism The main problem when discussing absolutism is not so much that modern scholars and observers don’t really know what it is about—or better, what it was about—but rather that we are so convinced that we do. Absolutism is something of the past, to be sure, but we relate to it as a close and recognizable past. Unlike modes of governing from an unequivocally premodern era or from a non-Western culture, we approach absolutism with the assumption that our modern political conceptual categories are applicable when we make sense of it. It is the past’s moment of becoming modern, as characterized in the specific context of absolutism in the age of Louis XIV through a long series of processual nouns, including
4
Introduction
modernization, secularization, rationalization, instrumentalization, bureaucratization, centralization—if not as a more abrupt transition, as in revolutions in communication, in the management of information, in the control of human life processes, in the waging of war, and so on. All of these processes and developments are certainly well documented and their study important; however, it is my claim that it is not obvious that they promote our understanding of absolutism as such. What if absolutism were not really the fixed, fetishized moment constructed by these processes (so familiar to us because already carried by a modern rationality)? What if these modernizing constructions in fact impede or preclude our access to what absolutism was? What if absolutism were located in the unfamiliar moment prior to the temporal block constituted by this modernization, driven by a premodern logic from whence all these processes flow? This series of questions lies at the heart of a central paradox in the scholarship on French absolutism. As modern historians have long noted, the study of the reign of Louis XIV has resulted in “the contradiction of an absolutism that we know incomparably well in its [historical] details but without a good grasp of its [conceptual] totality and coherence.”2 Yet this absent “totality and coherence” will not, cannot be found either in the political treatises of the period (there is no theory of absolutism) or through an abstraction from the details on the ground (which do not, in any meaningful way, constitute an archive of absolutism). Absolutism has no room for prehistory; it emerges, as shown in my first brief look at the central painting in the Hall of Mirrors, from a retrospectively constructed point of origin, erasing not only what came before it but also the historicity of its actual process of becoming. As I show repeatedly throughout this book, absolutism writes, paints, dreams its own origin.3 As an analytical 2. “[O]n en est arrivé à cette contradiction d’un absolutisme qu’on connaît incomparablement dans son détail, sans qu’on en saisisse bien l’ensemble et la coherence.” Cosandey and Descimon, L’absolutisme en France, 296. For three important contributions to the scholarship on French absolutism from recent years, see Drevillon, Les rois absolus; Jouanna, Le Pouvoir absolu; and Jouanna, Le Prince absolu. 3. This statement does not imply, of course, that French absolutism is not part of a larger history. There is certainly a French theorization of sovereignty in the century before Louis XIV (most importantly by jurists like Jean Bodin and Cardin Le Bret) that can be—and has indeed been—considered to prepare for the advent of absolutism. However, the realization of absolutism with Louis XIV transcends the prior theorization of sovereignty to such an extent that the “totality and coherence” of absolutism need to be sought elsewhere. In other words, the prehistory of absolutism becomes visible as such only through the reign of Louis XIV, whose absolutist “totality and coherence” are, in part, predicated upon the erasure of this prehistory.
Introduction
5
tool, therefore, absolutism is useful because it brings into focus the practices of monarchical power’s self-representation, rather than because of its indexical value, pointing to a stable definition or sparking discussion on what that definition should be. Indeed, the only place where absolutism incontestably exists is in its manifestations, in the image of itself that royal power projects both outward and inward, in the dream that absolutism is. What I call “the problem with absolutism” has its origin in a temporal disjunction in the concept of absolutism itself, between what is being observed and the point of observation. Scholars know that the term has always been used retrospectively, since a first attested use by François-René de Chateaubriand in 1797. It later came to prominence in the nineteenth century both in French and English, generally as part of an opposition to what came after it, be it enlightenment, revolution, modernity, or later forms of un-absolute (constitutional) monarchy. It is true that the use of the nominalized form “absolutism” is so close to actual seventeenthcentury French political uses of the adjective absolu (with pouvoir absolu [absolute power] and roi absolu [absolute king] attested as early as 1636) that the imposition of the noun might feel like only a very light anachronism, naming a practice of government that was incontestably there at the time. Nevertheless, the specific emergence of the term still bears the risk of reducing the phenomenon observed to a less advanced, less rational, or less modern precursor of what it is opposed to. Confined to its place in prehistory, it is defined mainly by what it is lacking, as compared to more recent modes of governing. This is still the case in the way the term is used today, starting with the nearly identical primary definitions in the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) and the French Grand Robert: “The practice of absolute government; absolute authority, despotism.”4 To our modern sensibility, there is only a comma separating “despotism” and “absolutism.” At the same time, any informed observer is of course aware of what is missing here, as spelled out in the much more historically accurate definition of absolutism in the French Trésor de la langue française (TLF): “System of government where the sovereign holds 4. OED, “absolutism.” The definition in the Grand Robert runs as follows: “Système de gouvernement, régime politique où le pouvoir du souverain est absolu, n’est soumis à aucun contrôle.” (System of government, political regime where the power of the sovereign is absolute, not subject to any control.) The proximity to despotism is highlighted by a list of cross-references including terms such as “autocracy,” “despotism,” “dictatorship,” “tyranny.” Grand Robert, “absolutisme.” The wider discussion of the conceptual history of the notion of absolutism in this paragraph relies on the sources mentioned in n. 2 above (particularly the introduction in Cosandey and Descimon, L’absolutisme en France), in addition to the dictionaries quoted in this and the following note.
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Introduction
Figur e 1. “Rex. Ludovicus. Ludovicus Rex: An Historical Study,” illustration in William Makepeace Thackeray [Mr. Titmarsh, pseud.], The Paris Sketch Book, vol. 2 (London: John Macrone, 1840). The “exact calculation” of absolutism, according to Thackeray. Photograph © The Trustees of the British Museum.
divine-right power without constitutional limits.”5 However, the historical self-evidence of the divine-right paradigm is unavailable to our retrospective gaze: invisible to us, even unthinkable to us, yet very much a lived experience for them. Or at least, unthinkable for the concept of absolutism. Indeed, it is as if the concept’s temporal disjunction itself served to obfuscate the premodern foundation of the structure it describes, as if the core of the historical phenomenon the term is meant to describe were excluded from its very concept. The result is a contradiction rendered visible in a well-known drawing by William Makepeace Thackeray (fig. 1). From the vantage point of 1840, Thackeray decomposes a representation of King Louis (“Ludovicus Rex”) in all his splendor, clearly inspired by Hyacinthe Rigaud’s 1701 iconic painting (fig. 2), into the royal adornment and finery on the one hand (“Rex”) and the unadorned old man on the other (“Ludovicus”). The drawing appears in Thackeray’s Paris Sketch Book, where he comments upon it at length in the essay “Meditations at Versailles” in the following way: 5. “Système de gouvernement où le souverain possède une puissance de droit divin et sans limites constitutionnelles.” TLF, “absolutisme”; my emphasis.
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In Louis [XIV], surely, if in any one, the majesty of kinghood is represented. But a king is not every inch a king, for all the poet may say; and it is curious to see how much precise majesty there is in that majestic figure of Ludovicus Rex. In the plate opposite [here, fig. 1], we have endeavoured to make the exact calculation. The idea of kingly dignity is equally strong
Figur e 2. Hyacinthe Rigaud, Louis XIV (ca. 1701). Oil on canvas. Musée du Louvre, Paris, France. Photograph: Wikimedia Commons.
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Introduction
in the two outer figures; and you see, at once, that majesty is made out of the wig, the high-heeled shoes, and cloak, all fleurs-de-lis bespangled. As for the little, lean, shrivelled, paunchy old man, of five feet two, in a jacket and breeches, there is no majesty in him, at any rate; and yet he has just stept out of that very suit of clothes. Put the wig and shoes on him, and he is six feet high;—the other fripperies, and he stands before you majestic, imperial, and heroic! Thus do barbers and cobblers make the gods that we worship: for do we not all worship him? Yes; though we all know him to be stupid, heartless, short, of doubtful personal courage, worship and admire him we must; and have set up, in our hearts, a grand image of him, endowed with wit, magnanimity, valour, and enormous heroical stature.6
Thackeray’s passage further develops the point made so boldly in the drawing through the emphasis placed on “equally strong.” The sense of majesty and dignity associated with the king is not only supported by “the wig, the high-heeled shoes, and cloak, all fleurs-de-lis bespangled”; the trappings and fripperies of majesty are all there is. His “majestic figure” is only figure, in the archaic sense of external form or shape, without any underlying substance. By way of decomposition and analysis, the inquiry into “how much precise majesty” there is in the king’s “majestic figure” leaves Thackeray with the conclusion that “there is no majesty in him, at any rate.” But is this really “the exact calculation” of absolutism, as Thackeray implies? It is, but only after the fact, only after absolutism. What is missing is the idea—and more than the idea, the lived experience—of the incarnation of a divinely invested dignity in the king. Thackeray’s “exact calculation” is possible only after the loss of faith in a god whose ways were not so mysterious that absolutist theologians couldn’t identify his will and decipher his hand in history all the way up to Louis XIV. Therefore, while the Rigaud painting depicts what absolutism was, within the present of its existence, Thackeray’s drawing only shows what absolutism looked like in retrospect, from an external perspective, somewhere between them and us in time. It is my contention that much of the scholarship on absolutism remains within the mode of Thackeray’s “exact calculation,” viewing its object of study with a modern demystifying gaze, as if the decomposition that it performs and that the drawing illustrates so starkly were valid in Louis XIV’s time, as if this truly were all that absolutism was.7 Such an ap6. Thackeray, The Paris Sketch Book, 2:281–82. 7. For a similar argument regarding the modern scholarly approach to the Holy Roman Empire, see Stollberg-Rilinger, The Emperor’s Old Clothes, esp. the introduction.
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proach is exactly that: a calculation, and more precisely a calculation that cuts down any element to fit into its model and measurement. If majesty and royal dignity were nothing more than their external trappings, scholars could analyze the whole of absolutist culture in modern terms as an instrument of manipulation, as propaganda. But not so as long as the subjects (and the king) still believed in the divine investment in their king and kingdom; not so in a world where royal dignity was still perceived as a given—or more precisely, a pregiven—truth prior to any legitimizing act or calculation. This, then, is the exact nature of the contradiction central to the enterprise given flesh and form in Thackeray’s drawing: it is an attempt at calculating the truth of a time before calculation. The result is certainly a truth, but our truth, not their truth, about absolutism. A few precisions are in place at this point. I do not claim, of course, that calculations into the communicative effect of absolutist expressions were absent from the politics of a Colbert or any skillful operator of absolutist politics. On the contrary, they were all accomplished practitioners of the art of rhetoric and persuasion. Nor do I exclude the possibility that the analysis of specific practices or artifacts could fruitfully mobilize a framework relying on concepts like manipulation, instrumentalization, or even propaganda. I do claim, however, that by resorting to such a framework by default, we risk uncritically reiterating the reduction inherent in the concept of absolutism itself, without even considering whether our modern analytical categories are appropriate when making sense of absolutism’s premodern logic. As if expressions of absolutism could be nothing but mere propaganda. Such a reduction to propaganda is somewhat of an unquestioned commonplace in much of the current scholarship on the culture of absolutism, and this default is interrogated in the next section. There is, however, another layer to my argument about the problem with absolutism. I contend that when we let Thackeray’s “exact calculation” be our only guiding approach to absolutism, we avoid confronting something that perhaps makes us uncomfortable in its unruly excess, something awkwardly close to the pleasure or joy that propels the dream of absolutism. Yet grasping the “totality and coherence” of absolutism itself requires grappling with that excess and recognizing its alterity. Interestingly, this last perspective is very much present in the passage from Thackeray, which is in reality richer and less reductive than what a first reading might indicate. There is, in the quoted passage and in the essay to which it belongs, an exuberant fascination with all things related to the king and Versailles. Even while disparaging him, the text betrays a very detailed historical knowledge. “[F]or do we not all worship him,”
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despite having performed “the exact calculation,” despite knowing the truth that his majesty is consubstantial with its trappings and “fripperies,” produced in its entirety by “barbers and cobblers”? “Yes,” Thackeray answers, thereby attesting to a continued effectiveness of absolutism after absolutism. It is as if Thackeray were writing—and drawing—to convince himself of what his reason knows very well, but that his heart refuses to accept. Here is the dream of absolutism: “in our hearts, a grand image of him, endowed with wit, magnanimity, valour, and enormous heroical stature.” Approached this way, the passage from Thackeray invites the reader to reflect on this post-absolutist admiration and worship of absolutism, then and now, as well as on the nature of the compulsion to give in to it (“worship and admire him we must”; my emphasis). A compulsion that, despite the author’s demystifying calculation, brings us full circle from the critical “no majesty in him, at any rate” (Thackeray’s emphasis) back to the final “grand image of him” (my emphasis) “in our hearts,” an image that, importantly, we ourselves “have set up.” Although the materials analyzed here all date from the reign of Louis XIV (with one notable exception), this book aims nonetheless to extend a similar invitation to the reader to reflect on the post-absolutist afterlife of the dream of absolutism.
2. Beyond Mere Propaganda What does it mean to approach a cultural artifact celebrating the glory of Louis XIV in terms of propaganda? Propaganda certainly is glorification; so why shouldn’t glorification be considered propaganda? While circumspect scholars of an earlier generation have voiced their hesitations and qualms in regard to its applicability, the term seems to have imposed itself as a natural part of the current critical vocabulary, in no need of any provisos or reservations. Already in 2000, Pierre Zoberman observed in regards to the age of Louis XIV that “[c]onfronted with the elaboration of a positive image of the King and Monarchy, and with a program for the inscription and diffusion of such an image, the period’s historians [i.e., the present-day historians of the period]—whether they concentrate on the Monarchy itself, on mentalities, or on literature—routinely identify this process as propaganda.”8 While the adverb “routinely” is used by the author to stress this identification as something that happens “regularly” or “typically,” the routine qualification is nonetheless already marked in the more precise sense of happening “without proper thought” or “unthink-
8. Zoberman, “Eloquence and Ideology,” 303.
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9
ingly,” as the OED explains. Today, “propaganda” functions as a critical shorthand, useful because of its seeming clarity and self-evidence. The category is seldom central enough to be thematized or reflected upon. Instead it tends to appear as part of assertive qualifications and striking formulations made in passing, and even more often in blurbs, introductions, conclusions, or section titles. The term’s trenchant and pugnacious qualities make it particularly effective for programmatic statements. It is a critical shorthand that will lend a critical edge to a critical juncture. But exactly because of that, it also risks saying more and doing more than what is immediately obvious. Notice the slight unease in the following observation by Ellen Welch at a crucial point of her magisterial 2017 inquiry into the intersection of performance and diplomacy in seventeenthcentury France: “In describing the form and content of these entertainments of the height of Louis XIV’s reign, it is difficult to avoid painting them as displays of force and pieces of effective propaganda.”10 Although Welch’s subtle analysis questions the effectiveness of these performances, and at times is close to inquiring whether effectiveness was their purpose in the first place (at least in the current sense of the term), the language of propaganda seems to impose itself, malgré elle. It is as if the notion itself exerts the force that it pinpoints.11 It is against the background of this self-producing force in the concept’s routine applications that it becomes important to take a step back and interrogate the meaning of the gesture of labeling something as propaganda.12 9. All these synonyms are taken from OED, “routinely.” 10. Welch, A Theater of Diplomacy, 148; my emphasis. The example quoted above is one of at least three occasions where Welch registers unease with the “traditional characterization [of practices like these] as propaganda” (85 and 106; 106 for the quotation). 11. This sense of the category of propaganda imposing itself is confirmed by a quick consultation of a select corpus of important books exploring the culture of absolutism published during the last decade or two. In none of these books is the notion of propaganda in any way close to the central argument being made, but the survey still reveals a diffuse yet rather uniform presence of an unquestioned use of the term. Indeed, it is my contention that it is difficult today to write about cultural expressions of absolutism at any length without at some point making the appeal to propaganda. 12. This paragraph has been sharpened by the many stimulating insights in Evonne Levy’s reflection on the function of labeling something as propaganda in art history, in the introduction to Propaganda and the Jesuit Baroque, 7–10. Otherwise, the project of Levy’s book is in many ways the opposite of mine here: a valiant attempt at “mak[ing] propaganda a productive and appropriate tool of art historical analysis” (12), while I seek to demonstrate that the routinely deployed notion of propaganda is an unproductive and inappropriate tool for the material I will look at.
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Introduction
In the context of absolutism, qualifying an artifact as “propaganda” in an open, unqualified sense—which normally means as “mere propaganda,” “nothing but propaganda”—implies diverting the critical attention away from the artistic object in front of us toward the message it is carries: a message that is considered clear-cut and unambiguous, preexisting the artifact. In other words, it is a way of indicating that the signifier and the signifying gesture that brings it about can both safely be ignored in favor of the pregiven signified. Eminently expected, the message conveyed by the propagandistic object can, by definition, never surprise the modern scholar. It is always a repetition or confirmation of a predetermined meaning. Using the label of propaganda is therefore a way of, if not a cue for, closing down the inquiry. It implies the tacit permission to put the artifact safely away, discreetly indicating that it is time to move on to something more worthy of our critical energy. It is always the last word about the artifact, rarely the beginning of a further discussion, and even less the subject of a detailed analysis. As such, it is the not exactly analytical category for that which does not need analysis. Although much of the scholarship on the cultural production under Louis XIV’s personal rule in the past two decades has deployed propaganda as a ready-at-hand, unanalyzed critical term, it wasn’t always this way. In preparing the ground for moving beyond the paradigm of propaganda, it is therefore worth attending to the reservations and hesitations of an earlier generation of scholars. The two English-language classics in the field are both interesting for the way in which they betray an attraction to the potency of the concept while also marking a critical distance. Orest Ranum’s monumental study of the career of five different writers who toiled for the seventeenth-century Bourbon kings in Artisans of Glory (1980) is particularly important in this regard. Writing in the years following the publication of two more pointed examinations of French absolutist culture in terms of royal propaganda, the concept is certainly on his radar.13 The fullest formulation of his book’s project immediately follows an initial observation regarding the trivial results that an analysis guided by the notion of propaganda will often lead to when applied to a corpus like his: Very quickly we realize the impossibility of deciding what is propagandistic and what is not, unless it is possible to discern the conscious acts of a 13. See Solomon, Public Welfare, Science, and Propaganda; and Klaits, Printed Propaganda; both referred to by Ranum, Artisans of Glory, 253n61, and 294 and 315, respectively.
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13
writer who knew he was publishing a work intended to influence public opinion in an ideological way. Instead of taking this approach, I hope to capture the feelings and expressions of dependency among writers.14
Throughout his book, the notion of propaganda occasionally reappears in the discussion of certain aspects of the dependency of the writers in question.15 But so, too, do Ranum’s reservations as to the pertinence of the category widely construed, especially regarding the contributions by Paul Pellisson, Jean Racine, and Nicolas Boileau to the history of Louis XIV.16 There is thus a deep ambivalence running through the text, since it is not at all obvious that the instances of a more specific analytical use of the term would withstand the broader critique voiced elsewhere. Ranum’s methodological qualms and reservations only take on their full meaning when approached in light of the striking endpoint of his own inquiry, which runs as follows: The inflated claims by the men of letters may not have seemed so inflated during the long reign of Louis XIV, for they restated French family history in ways that obliged the monarch to carry out politics he could never empirically examine. There was literally no language or conception of kingship or of the state beyond those webs of myths and facts spun by writers, webs that bound the prince to the pursuit of gloire.17
What looks inflated to us may not have been perceived as such at the time. In a certain sense, this is of course just another reminder of the danger of 14. Ranum, Artisans of Glory, 22–23. 15. See, for example, Ranum, 149, 253, 260–64, 270, 294. 16. Regarding the case of Pellisson: “It is anachronistic to refer to this literature [the writing of history to the glory of the king]—when its principal subject is the head of state—as propaganda. As a descriptive term, ‘propaganda’ does not help to define the nature of either historical or other literary genres in the reign of Louis XIV; for in a sense fidélités—royal, aristocratic, and parlementaire—encompassed virtually all literary activity.” Ranum, 252. And more hard-hitting still, regarding the charges of propaganda and naïveté from modern readers of Racine: “Propaganda his history is, but only in the sense that it conformed to the dominant beliefs and aspirations of the political culture of which he was part. By standing for the principle of recording only the truth, Racine and Boileau sincerely hoped to curb the excessive praise that writers were heaping on the Sun King. Their results, with all the restraints imposed by the ars historica, would have been no more and no less propagandistic than histories written by others whose political cultures sustained ideological perspectives on the past.” Ranum, 315. 17. Ranum, 337.
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anachronism: we cannot necessarily trust the pertinence of our own precritical affective reaction to the material at hand from where the charge of propaganda first emerges.18 But it is only now, at the end of the journey, that the reader fully realizes the extent to which the title of the book, Artisans of Glory, points from the outset to something empirically more elusive than what notions such as propaganda can possibly seize. Other tools are needed in order to even start analyzing the stakes of the “webs of myths and facts” structuring the symbolic reality and aspirations of prince and writers alike. In his seminal study The Fabrication of Louis XIV (1992), Peter Burke shares with Ranum the explicit methodological ambivalence toward the concept of propaganda. The concept first occurs in a wider discussion of the dangers and benefits of anachronism, when Burke states that “[a]nother modern way of describing this book would be to call it a study of ‘propaganda’ for Louis XIV.” However, although Burke stresses that “[i]f the term propaganda is defined broadly enough, for example as ‘the attempt to transmit social and political values,’ it is difficult to object to its use about the seventeenth century,” he is quick to stress the risk that such a use can lead to reductionism by “encouraging author [Burke himself] and readers alike to interpret the poems, paintings and statues representing the king as if they were nothing but attempts to persuade.” Although Burke concludes that “ ‘[p]ropaganda’ is one useful modern concept [among] others,” he largely refrains from using it in the rest of the book, adding in his introductory discussion that “[i]t might be more exact to say that the representations of Louis were commissioned to add to his glory.”19 This last remark, reminiscent of Ranum’s work, seems to have inspired the choice of title for the 1995 French translation of Burke’s book: Louis XIV: Les stratégies de la gloire (Louis XIV: the strategies of glory).20 However, unlike Ranum, Burke in the end opts resolutely and un18. In Ranum’s stark formulation: “our own repugnance for Ludovician political culture” (24). 19. Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV, 4–6. 20. Burke, Louis XIV: Les stratégies de la gloire. In the 2010 Festschrift for Burke, Nicole Hochner criticizes the title of the French translation in the following way: “The book in French surprisingly became Louis XIV: les stratégies de la gloire, wrongly alluding to a warlike tactic of glory and pomp, concealing the fact that Peter Burke had made only a limited case for propaganda.” Hochner, “Against Propaganda,” 235. This characterization is based on a surprising conflation of glory and propaganda, which is not reflected in Burke’s book. Hochner goes on to comment on “the very different connotations of the two titles: the English suggests a process of making, while the French evokes more a propaganda device” (235n22). However, it could be argued that the change of semantic field from fabrication to glory rather brings the
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15
apologetically for an anachronistic approach. He distinguishes between two rival models in the approach to rulers and their images: on the one hand, what he calls a “cynical” view (whose demystifying gaze identifies instrumentalism and manipulation, but at the risk of reductionism), and, on the other, an “innocent” view (taking the royal image seriously at its face value, but at the risk of suppressing actual manipulation, instrumentalism, and dissent).21 Could there possibly be a third way that would resolve the tensions and oppositions between these two models toward a productive synthesis? Yes, Burke seems to imply, through an approach like the one he is adapting in his book: The king and his advisers were well aware of the methods by which people can be manipulated by symbols. After all, most of them had been trained in the art of rhetoric. However, the aims in the service of which they manipulated others were of course chosen from the repertoire offered by the culture of their time. The aims as well as the methods are part of history, and part of the story told in this book.22
Their aims and their methods were certainly part of history, but Burke’s own aims and methods were not. With the final programmatic statement of his introduction, Burke aligns himself with “the analysts of communication in our time,” marking as his goal “the attempt to discover who was saying what about Louis to whom, through what channels and codes, in what settings, with what intentions, and with what effects.”23 Therefore, it is not immediately clear how this approach is different from the “cynical” view evoked by Burke himself, except that the execution of the study of manipulation here is carefully, comprehensively, and masterfully historicized. Unlike Ranum, Burke’s choice of title firmly situates the book within the cynical paradigm. It is true that Burke tries to have it both ways in the introduction, by insisting that the word “fabrication” is meant to point to the processual character of image-making across time and media. Yet the need to disclaim other interpretations of the title before making this statement suggests that the natural way to understand it might be different: the word “fabrication” was chosen not “to deconstruct or demolish the king” nor “to imply that Louis was artificial while other people are title further away from propaganda, as suggested, for example, by Ranum’s analyses in The Artisans of Glory. 21. Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV, 11–13. 22. Burke, 13. 23. Burke, 13.
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natural.” However, the book tells a slightly different story, starting well before the disclaimers in the introduction. Just after the title page and dedication, on the left page opposite (hence before) the table of contents, the reader encounters Thackeray’s drawing discussed above. It appears above the following truncated quotation from Thackeray’s text, which takes on the function of a caption: “You see, at once, that majesty is made out of the wig, the high-heeled shoes, and cloak . . . Thus do barbers and cobblers make the gods that we worship.” Burke never comments upon this visual and verbal deconstruction of the king, with a function halfway between frontispiece and epigraph, in the main body of the text, despite a second full-page inclusion of the drawing halfway through the book.25 This is not exactly an omission, since in a certain sense the whole book is a comment on and a working out of what Thackeray called “the exact calculation” of absolutism. At the very least, such is the impact it has had on a generation or two of scholars for whom it has been and still is the main introduction into the making of the image of Louis XIV. Within this framework, the output from the royal image-makers is nothing but communication, nothing but persuasion, nothing but propaganda. What precedes is in no way meant to detract from the synthetic force of the exposition nor from the immense richness of the materials analyzed by Burke. The Fabrication of Louis XIV certainly is a summa and a most influential work in the field. Rather, my point here has been to bring attention to the largely unnoticed way in which this force has itself contributed in shaping the field in the following decades through its framework and approach. In many contexts, Burke’s unquestioned reliance on the communication model does not make much of a difference, while in some cases the cynical view is certainly warranted and serves to sharpen the analysis. At other points, however, it leads to a slippage, a lack of nuance, to interpretive possibilities being excluded without consideration. Here is one example of such a blind spot from the very last paragraph of the book: “Louis claimed to derive his power from God, not from the people.”26 Is Burke’s claim about this being Louis’s own claim as unproblematic as this sentence makes it seem? Indeed, doesn’t the word “claim” shift the source of Louis’s authority from the realm of self-evidence to the realm of persuasion?27 24. Burke, 10–11. 25. Namely, Burke, 124, opposite the first page of chapter 9, “The Crisis of Representation.” 26. Burke, 203. 27. For a second example of such a blind spot, see the following slippage in a programmatic paragraph from chapter 2, titled “Persuasion”: “As for the function of the image [of the king], . . . the aim was to celebrate Louis, to glorify him, in other words
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But what more, what else could there possibly be? What is it that we do not see when we only see propaganda and persuasion? What is it that may be lost by automatically characterizing the cultural expressions of absolutism as propaganda or even as modern political communication? To begin answering these questions, I make a quick detour by way of methodological discussions related to the celebration of power in imperial Rome. The prominent French historian of ancient Rome, Paul Veyne, draws attention to the way in which Trajan’s Column in Rome poses a radical challenge to the communication model: modern scholars had long interpreted its famous spiral bas-relief, commemorating Trajan’s victory in the Dacian Wars, as imperial propaganda, in spite of being for the greater part invisible from the ground. How to make sense of a message without an actual audience? The reason for this radical indifference to the legibility of the monument is simple, Veyne explains, once we liberate ourselves from the blinders of the communication model: “the column is an expression of imperial pomp and not a piece of propagandistic information communicated to the spectator.”28 The same holds for premodern mobilizations of the arts for the celebration of monarchic glory all the way to Versailles, Veyne adds in the following sweeping statement: The cult, the incense, the “flattery” that surrounded Elizabeth I or Louis XIV officiated the celebration of their glory [célébraient l’office de leur gloire] without serving to place them on the throne; the palace of Versailles may have made Louis XIV a greater king than the others, but it could not make him more of a king: if it can be said, he was king “always already.”29
Through this “always already,” the king’s dignity is never in doubt or at stake: “Pomp is an expression of self that does not seek to make an to persuade viewers, listeners and readers of his greatness.” Burke, 19; my emphasis. Does the reduction of glorification to persuasion go without saying? 28. “[L]a colonne est une expression de faste impérial et non une information de propagande communiquée au spectateur.” Veyne, “Buts de l’art, propagande et faste monarchique,” 389. Burke alludes to an early version of Veyne’s argument in The Fabrication of Louis XIV: “As the ancient historian Paul Veyne recently suggested, some works of art are created to exist rather than to be seen. The reliefs on Trajan’s Column, for example, are invisible from the ground” (5). 29. “Le culte, l’encens, la ‘flatterie’ qui entouraient Élisabeth d’Angleterre ou Louis XIV célébraient l’office de leur gloire et ne se proposaient pas de les installer sur le trône; le château de Versailles pourra faire de Louis XIV un roi plus grand que les autres, mais non pas le rendre plus roi: il l’était, si l’on peut dire, ‘toujours déjà.’ ” Veyne, “Buts de l’art, propagande et faste monarchique,” 412.
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impression and that, precisely because of this, makes one, appearing to be a product of royal nature, indifferent, like nature, to the existence of spectators.”30 Such a gesture can of course still be considered as communication, and nothing stops a modern observer from trying to nail down a message. However, the nature of what is communicated refuses to enter into the framework of the modern “analysts of communication,” as invoked by Burke. In effect, what is communicated is in part this refusal itself: a communication that doesn’t care about its immediate recipient, a message that declares loudly but without a precise audience in mind, “Because I can.” Two recent revisionary monographs confirm in unexpected ways the pertinence of Veyne’s insight for the monarchical culture of seventeenthcentury France. Both explore the notion of “visual history” but are otherwise extremely different both in approach and scope. On the one hand, Robert Wellington’s Antiquarianism and the Visual Histories of Louis XIV (2015) is itself an antiquarian inquiry without any pretension to challenge the way we think about the political dimension of absolutism.31 Nevertheless it does exactly that through the compelling case it makes for the “visual histories” produced by Louis XIV’s image-makers as being intended not for a contemporary audience but for posterity. These objects are “artifacts for a future past,” as the subtitle of the book puts it. It is not that the production of the king’s visual history was not part of a tightly supervised plan, coordinated by Jean-Baptiste Colbert and the Petite Académie; it was, but in a very different way than what our modern tools and categories allow us to seize. On the other hand, in the supremely ambitious Les rois imaginaires (2016), Yann Lignereux pursues the role of the imaginary as a constitutive dimension of monarchical French politics from the late fifteenth century through the reign of Louis XIV. In the final synthesizing chapter, the diachronic analysis brings Lignereux to a conclusion along the lines of Wellington’s: “The first and true audience of the royal imaginary is posterity.”32 Importantly, however, this is not Lignereux’s final word. Rather, it is the point where he radically 30. “Le faste est une expression de soi qui ne cherche pas à faire de l’effet et qui, précisément pour cela, en fait, parce qu’il semble être une production de la nature royale, indifférente, comme l’est la nature, à l’existence de spectateurs.” Veyne, 413. 31. “This study looks beyond a self-evident political reading of the iconography of Louis XIV to discover an artistic process deeply entrenched in a sophisticated intellectual and connoisseurial culture.” Wellington, Antiquarianism, 4. 32. “Le premier et le véritable public de l’imaginaire royal, c’est la postérité.” Lignereux, Les rois imaginaires, 293.
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expands, if not explodes, the framework by reawakening the question of audience in Veyne’s reflection while replacing the latter’s main point of reference in Trajan’s Column in second-century imperial Rome with an underestimated monument of French absolutism itself. Located at the Cordouan plateau four miles into the sea off the mouth of the Gironde estuary, just north of Bordeaux, the Cordouan Lighthouse was built in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century on the order of Henri III and Henri IV, then carefully maintained through the reigns of Louis XIII and Louis XIV (fig. 3). It is a richly ornamented edifice that in its original design stood nearly forty meters tall, with exterior circular galleries, a sculpted front, and a monumental entrance leading into a lavishly decorated interior, with an “apartment of the king” on the first floor and a vaulted chapel on the second, above which the lighthouse proper sat.33 Although no French king ever visited the lighthouse, the edifice is a celebration of royal glory, as is legible in the decorative program, from the omnipresence of royal emblems, monograms, and initials to the sculptures of Louis XIV and Louis XV. It was at once a “wonder of the world” and a “monarchical monument.”34 But—and this is the exact place of Lignereux’s intervention—for whom? Who is saying what to whom by way of this monarchical monument whose exterior is inaccessible and whose interior is entirely invisible, to say nothing of the symbolic message inscribed in its details? One could certainly try to make the case that this is a magnificent piece of royal propaganda, expertly diffused by engravings like the one reproduced in figure 3, but only to be left wondering about its rhetorical efficacy. As Lignereux points out, these images “shut the public out from the splendor of its sacrosanct.”35 Sometimes called the “Versailles of the seas,” the Cordouan Lighthouse still stands today, less out of sight and reach to us thanks to modern technology than it was back then, and so all the more present as a monumental reminder of the limitations of our modern methods for thinking about royal monuments of the past. 33. This description follows closely the one given by Lignereux (294–96). See also the references given in the next footnote. Most of the structure described here still stands today, but the part above the chapel was radically expanded in the late eighteenth century so that the edifice now measures sixty meters. The lighthouse is still in operation, fully automatized since 2006. For further information and sources, see also the official website of the lighthouse: https://www.phare-de-cordouan.fr. 34. Guillaume, “Le phare de Cordouan.” See also Grenet-Delisle, Louis de Foix; and Castaner Muñoz, “L’exhaussement du phare de Cordouan.” 35. “[. . .] taisent au public la splendeur de son sacro-saint.” Lignereux, Les rois imaginaires, 297.
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Introduction
Figur e 3. Mathieu Merian (after a drawing by Claude Chastillon), The Cordouan Lighthouse (engraving). From Topographie française, ou Représentations de plusieurs villes . . . (Paris: Louys Boussevin, 1655). Photograph: Wikimedia Commons.
There is, however, one sense in which the term “propaganda” is pertinent both for this wider discussion of methodology and for my specific analysis of royal imagery under Louis XIV. In the original etymological meaning of the term as “that which should be propagated,” the emphasis remains, importantly, on the entity that is to be propagated, broadcast, diffused, expressed—and not yet on the recipient. But this
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is not to say that the modern meaning of persuasion and even manipulation is not latent, especially since the term emerged in the very precise institutional setting of the Catholic Counter-Reformation.36 This more neutral use of the term is still possible today, with an emphasis on the propagating mission as an obligation toward the entity in need of propagation: in the original use, the Christian faith; in the absolutist context, the glory of the king. However, as I have shown, the word resonates today so strongly with the instrumental focus on manipulative impact alone that such a rehabilitated notion would hardly be an adequate conceptual tool. Hence the need to move beyond the traditional framework of propaganda, which can now no longer be more than mere propaganda.
3. Approaching Absolutism Differently: Royal Glory and Royal Exemplarity How to home in on the dream of absolutism, then? How to approach the most extravagant artifacts of absolutism in a less reductive manner than what an approach in terms of propaganda or any modern communication model would entail? How might these artifacts be taken up in a way that allows us to get at the “totality and coherence” of absolutism (per Fanny Cosandey and Robert Descimon)? Indeed, how to start accounting for the force and efficacy of the dream of absolutism, not only in its time but long after it? The analyses in this book rely on the recuperation of the premodern categories of “royal glory” and “royal exemplarity.” Although both these expressions make intuitive sense at a surface level, the conceptual work they refer to may be less than obvious, even to seasoned students of early modernity, due to a systematic neglect in the scholarship. The reason for this scholarly disregard is related to the discussion above. Modern scholars have ignored them for the same reason as the corpus I am studying here, in which they feature prominently: an uncomfortable whiff (to a 36. The modern word has its faraway origin in the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, founded in 1622 by Pope Gregory XV in the context of the Catholic Counter-Reformation and often known quite simply as Propaganda Fide (from the Latin title: Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide). The term wasn’t politicized in the precise technical sense of manipulation until the French Revolution. Therefore, it should not be surprising to find the term used by Voltaire in its original meaning of “toute institution qui a pour but la propagation d’une croyance religieuse” (every institution which has as its purpose the propagation of a religious belief). Quoted here from Lignereux, Les rois imaginaires, 286n15.
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Introduction
modern nose) of subservience, manipulation, and propaganda. And yet, if we modern readers look more closely, as I will in what follows, it becomes obvious as we move beyond the framework of mere propaganda that royal glory and royal exemplarity are of paramount importance in understanding the dynamics of symbolic authority at work in the wider culture. They are central categories in the cultural practices undergirding the strict verticality of the absolutist society’s symbolic hierarchy, contributing decisively in the processes that make power real in the person of the king. In short, they are the stuff of which the dream of absolutism is made. I will tease out the exact function and working of the two categories in the course of the chapters through close scrutiny of central absolutist artifacts across different media. But before turning to the analysis, it is necessary to prepare the ground by introducing the two categories in some depth. In the case of royal exemplarity, this is essential since the concept may seem somewhat abstract and technical at the outset. As for royal glory, the situation is, in a certain sense, the opposite. It seems to speak with a self-evidence fueled by the pomp and splendor of Versailles, but it is in reality a complex and multilayered concept. Although the two categories are not exactly overlapping, they converge incessantly in the material studied here in the exuberant celebration of the glorious royal exemplar. In light of the discussion above, the notion of royal glory would seem like a promising place to start looking for alternatives to propaganda when discussing artifacts of absolutism. After all, the writers and artists whose work is analyzed in what follows were all “artisans of glory” in the way examined by Orest Ranum, and they were instrumental in redeploying “those webs of myths and facts [. . .] that bound the prince to the pursuit of gloire”37—webs of examples within a culture of exemplarity, as I shall soon return to. My starting point is a privileged testimony from Louis XIV himself about the extent to which the importance of this pursuit was on his mind from the early years of his personal reign. Here is his often-quoted statement to the members of the Petite Académie in charge of overseeing the production of the royal image across media: Vous pouvez, Messieurs, juger de l’estime que je fais de vous, puisque je vous confie la chose du monde qui m’est la plus précieuse, qui est ma gloire: je suis sûr que vous ferez des merveilles; je tâcherai de ma part de 37. Ranum, Artisans of Glory, 337, as discussed above, 13–14.
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vous fournir de la matière qui mérite d’être mise en œuvre par des gens aussi habiles que vous êtes.38 (You may, Gentlemen, judge the appreciation I have for you, since I entrust you with the thing in the world which is the most precious to me, namely my glory. I am sure you will do marvels; I will try on my side to provide you with matter which deserves to be given form [mise en œuvre] by people as competent as you are.)
This assertion is important not only for its brazen expression of youthful confidence anticipating glorious exploits ahead of him, but also for the place accorded to the arts in this enterprise. In the dichotomy between form and content that the king suggests, there is an implicit promise about artistic glory to come for the academicians: by giving shape to his glorious exploits, they will achieve their own. It could therefore be tempting to read the statement as the recognition of a transactional interdependence; for all practical purposes, couldn’t the royal glory at stake here be reduced to the construction and propagation of reputation or renown? Nothing is less sure. Rather, one could wonder whether the brazenness of the royal utterance is carried by a sense of heaven-sent entitlement. “Ma gloire”: instead of reputation to be established or fabricated, this would be a preexisting glory to be made visible and given form, to be expressed, externalized, and confirmed by further glorious exploits. It is “the thing in the world which is the most precious to [him],” but that might be so precisely because it is not entirely of this world. The glorious matter to be provided by the king calls for the making of “marvels.” Although this marvel-making task—which is thus both the king’s and the artists’—is formulated in the future tense, the glory of the king exists here, now, in the promise (or the dream) of marvels to come. The scene is thus structurally similar to the one in the central painting in the Hall of Mirrors, evoked in the opening of the introduction, where the king is not looking out in the world but into himself, with a gaze that itself dreams the glorious dream of absolutism.39 The concept of royal glory needs to be front and center in any discussion of French absolutism’s self-image and processes of self-representation. It 38. The anecdote is reported by Charles Perrault in Mémoires, xxv–xxvi; my emphasis. The anecdote is quoted by Ranum, 279. 39. For a further discussion of this anecdote, see chapter 3, 184. It also occurs in passing in chapter 2, 129.
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is therefore not at all controversial to speak of the Petite Académie as a “ministry of glory,” although, importantly, this does not make it a “historical research team for political propaganda,” as Jacob Soll would have it.40 And yet, a synthetic work proposing a thorough exploration of the concept in the context of French absolutism still seems far away. Significant preparatory work has certainly already been done within more widely defined projects, most prominently by Robert Morrissey on the historical side and by Giorgio Agamben in political theology.41 Olivier Chaline also covers important ground in his landmark biography on Louis XIV (2005).42 It is a testimony to the difficulty and urgency of the task that the perspectives of Morrissey, Chaline, and Ranum, on the one hand, and of Agamben, on the other, seem incompatible, if not mutually exclusive. If analyzed at all, the early modern logic of royal glory is generally reduced to remnants of aristocratic notions of feudal honor or a nostalgic revival of a Roman culture of renown. The crucial theological impulse behind the pursuit of royal glory—which, as Agamben shows, is much more than (indeed, fully independent of) the moralist denunciation of vainglory—is still largely unaccounted for in the scholarship. My aim here is hardly one of filling this lacuna. However, the importance of the task and its first outline can be suggested already by a quick incursion into a key resource from late seventeenth-century France— namely, the rich and evocative article on the term in Antoine Furetière’s 1690 dictionary. According to Furetière, the first meaning of the word gloire is “Majesté de Dieu, la vue de sa puissance, de sa grandeur infinie” (God’s majesty, the sight of his power or infinite greatness).43 This is the theological concept of glory, from the Latin gloria, which itself is a translation of the ancient Greek doxa (and kabod in Hebrew). Notably, Furetière uses a political language here, with terms such as “majesty” and “power.” In the context of this discussion of royal glory specifically, I would like to insist on a layer of meaning in the Greek term that remains implicit in the Latin (and thus in the French and also the English) translation but is explicit in the German. The term Herrlichkeit’s root, hehr, evokes a general idea of highness but is at the same time closely linked 40. Chaline, Le règne de Louis XIV, 1:354; Soll, The Information Master, 128. 41. Morrissey, The Economy of Glory; Agamben, The Kingdom and the Glory. 42. Chaline, Le Règne de Louis XIV; the first volume of this two-volume work carries the subtitle Les rayons de la gloire (The rays of glory). See especially the sections “La gloire du roi” (The glory of the king) and “Les institutions de la gloire” (The institutions of glory) (156–77 and 354–87). See also by Chaline the important article “De la gloire” and the edited volume La gloire à l’époque moderne. 43. Furetière, Dictionaire universel, “gloire.”
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to the two substantives Herr (master, lord) and Herrscher (sovereign), in such a way that (divine) glory literally evokes the manifestation of God’s absolute lordliness and sovereignty.44 In the second definition of the term gloire, Furetière evokes man’s duty to God: “gloire, se dit aussi de l’honneur qu’on rend à Dieu, des louanges qui lui sont dues.” (glory is also said about the honor one gives to God, the praise due to him.) This is glory as rendered to God by the faithful in adoration through an act of glorification. Again, the German term Verherrlichung serves to make explicit the vertical positioning of this activity: it necessarily happens from an inferior position. It is an act of subjection, the celebration of vertical inferiority. Furetière’s third definition finally reaches the human level and, as the last of a series of examples, royal glory: gloire, se dit par emprunt et par participation, de l’honneur mondain, de la louange qu’on donne au mérite, au savoir et à la vertu des hommes. La gloire du monde n’est qu’une fumée. Ce Triomphateur est revenu comblé, tout couvert de gloire. Cet ouvrage a acquis beaucoup de gloire à son Auteur. Ce Prince a tiré beaucoup de gloire de cette action de clémence, de justice.45 (glory is said, by borrowing and participation, about worldly honor, praise of the worth, knowledge and virtue of men. Worldly glory is only smoke. The Victor returned replete with, wholly covered in glory. This work has earned much glory for its Author. The Prince garnered much glory from this act of clemency and justice.)
Here, the primary meaning of the word gloire is obviously very close to notions of honor, praise, renown, and reputation. This is certainly the case in the final example from the princely realm. The glory of this exemplary prince is attributed to his virtuous act and to the specific virtues it demonstrates (his clemency and justice). At the same time, the exact formulation of the sentence may appear perplexing in that it seems to invite a suspicion as to his motives. To a modern reader, the verbal locution “tirer gloire” already gives off a whiff of hypocrisy: there seems to be an indication of agency and intention that would risk turning a virtuous act into a mere superficial and virtuoso show of virtue. This would be Furetière’s fourth definition of gloire, which establishes the link to vain44. Schlüter, “Herrlichkeit. I,” 1079–80. 45. Furetière, Dictionaire universel, “gloire.”
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glory and boasting: “gloire, signifie quelquefois, Orgueil, présomption, bonne opinion qu’on a de soi-même. [. . .] On dit, qu’un homme fait gloire d’une chose, lorsqu’il s’en vante, qu’il s’en fait honneur.” (glory, meaning sometimes Vainglory, presumption, high self-regard. [. . .] One says that a man glorifies himself in a thing when he brags about it or honors himself with it.) However, at the time, “tirer gloire” still tended to qualify the objective outcome of an action rather than its intention. Therefore, the glorious act of the prince in the example is an objective reason for praise and even pride; it is exemplary not only in the trivial sense that it serves as an example in a dictionary, but also with the full moral weight of the term. That said, it should be added that the difference between the positive “tirer gloire de” and the negative “faire gloire de” from the fourth definition was subtle already at the time (while the reflexive form “se faire gloire de” didn’t appear until the twentieth century). Furthermore, the place of the princely example as the last element in the enumeration, and in that sense closer to the fourth definition than to the third that it serves to exemplify, seems to accentuate the slipperiness of judgment of his action. It is as if this example stages the ambiguity of worldly glory— and also, as I will soon return to, the ambiguity of princely exemplarity as such. The concept of worldly glory, as it is presented in the definition and examples from Furetière, may seem far removed from the theological sense given as the first meaning of the term. Indeed, there appears to be a rift in the French concept of gloire, harking back to a similar tension between theological and pre-Christian moralist layers of meaning in the Latin gloria, closer in meaning to the Latin notion of fama (itself closer in meaning to the Greek concept of kleos) than to the theological concept. Hence a tendency in the scholarship on early modern France in general and on absolutist culture in particular to ignore the theological layer of meaning all together and reduce the discussion of glory to a problem of heroic virtue and renown within—and more precisely, toward the peak of—a social hierarchy. This is certainly a rich and rewarding topic, as demonstrated most recently in Robert Morrissey’s magisterial exploration of the cultural and literary history of glory in the long eighteenth century, from Louis XIV to Napoleon, unearthing “the ‘economy of glory’ Napoleon sought to implement in an attempt to heal the divide between the Old Regime and the Revolution.”46 And yet, as Morrissey himself observes early in his inquiry in relation to Louis XIV, there is another conceptual layer beyond the tradition of glory as fama discussed in his 46. The quotation is from the dust jacket of Morrissey, The Economy of Glory.
Introduction
27
book: “An essential element of this configuration [of court society]: the glory of the king of France is the reflection of that of God.”47 Furetière’s article on gloire announces this same ontological analogy in the concept of glory itself: human glory signifies “par emprunt et par participation” (by borrowing and participation) from the primary sense of divine glory, a theological Herrlichkeit that, as I just have shown, resonates with an otherworldly majesty, lordliness, and sovereignty. Glory as such is thus closely linked at once to the essence of God and the essence of kingship, first in its theological formulation, which is already political, and then a second time in the divine right invested in the French crown. It is therefore not surprising that the most exuberant and excessive celebrations of French absolutism under Louis XIV seem to be carried by a concept of royal glory that sits uneasy with the traditional framework of human glory understood as merely renown (fama), as will be shown repeatedly in the close analyses in this book. At this point, I would like to shift attention to an overlapping concept that better catches the participatory, collective aspect of absolutism and that is of crucial importance in understanding the continued fascination with the dream of absolutism even after absolutism. Again, my starting point is a privileged testimony attributed to the king himself, this time regarding the political importance of exemplarity under absolutism. The following remarkable passage appears in the Mémoires that Louis XIV (assisted by his ghostwriters) wrote for the instruction of his oldest son, the Dauphin, in a discussion of the political importance of the royal display of religious humility. It is thus the king who says “je” (I), and the possessive pronoun “notre” (our) that opens the quotation englobes himself and his son: Notre soumission pour lui [Dieu] est la règle et l’exemple de celle qui nous est due. Les armées, les conseils, toute l’industrie humaine seraient de faibles moyens pour nous maintenir sur le trône, si chacun y croyait avoir même droit que nous, et ne révérait pas une puissance supérieure, dont la nôtre est une partie. Les respects publics que nous rendons à cette
47. Morrissey, 38. The theological perspective opened by this sentence is brought back to the ethical discussion of glory as a heroic ideal of virtue with the observation that this “vision was perfectly compatible with the ideal of the profane hero developed by the Catholic Reformation” (38). Such a delimitation makes sense within the project of Morrissey’s book, but it also leaves the question about the deeper politico-theological implications of the reflections of God’s glory on to the king’s largely unexplored.
28
Introduction
puissance invisible, pourraient enfin être nommés justement la première et la plus importante partie de notre politique, s’ils ne devaient avoir un motif plus noble et plus désintéressé. (Our submission to Him [God] is the rule and the example for that which is due to us. Armies, councils, all human industry would be feeble means for maintaining us on the throne if everyone believed he had as much right to it as we and did not revere a superior power, of which ours is a part. The public respects that we pay to this invisible power could indeed justly be considered the first and most important part of our entire politics if they did not require a more noble and more disinterested motive.)48
This paragraph and its context pose arguably the politically most complex yet most significant passage of the whole Mémoires and will be analyzed at length in chapter 1. The stakes of the lesson couldn’t be higher. As the royal father points out, the stability of the societal hierarchy hinges on the subjects’ belief in the king’s divine right to his position. Hence the urgency of the visible example of “submission” and “public respects” offered by the king and his son to a higher invisible power: it becomes exemplary of the submission to figures of authority in general. In this sense, exemplarity is “the first and most important part” of absolutist politics insofar as it is the principle that grounds and conserves orderly, hierarchical life in the polis. In other words, the main lesson from father to son is that the force of exemplarity is the glue that holds the ancien régime society together. The last sentence quoted betrays an unease with the seeming instrumentality in this example of religious humility. Isn’t the public royal submission recommended here itself close to propagandistic manipulation in its emphasis on royal self-interest? It is, but as will be demonstrated in the detailed analysis, the king himself here shows an acute awareness of the dangers of what modern readers would call a propagandistic approach and of anything close to Thackeray’s “exact calculation.” Somewhat surprisingly to a modern reader, according to the royal father, the crucial sincere bottom-up buy-in by the subjects seems to depend on the sincerity of the prior submission of the sovereign. Hence the necessity of
48. Louis XIV, Mémoires, suivis de Manière de montrer les jardins, 104–5; Louis XIV, Mémoires for the Instruction of the Dauphin, 57. Throughout these pages, I have sometimes modified the translation to bring it closer to the original.
Introduction
29
“a more noble and more disinterested motive,” although even this disinterest remains ambiguous, as I will show in chapter 1. It is important to stress that my emphasis on royal exemplarity in this book does not at all mean the introduction of a new concept. Rather, it is an attempt at recovering a way of thinking that was ubiquitous and unavoidable at the time but lost to us. According to John D. Lyons, the “period from the fifteenth through the early seventeenth centuries [merits] the appellation ‘the age of exemplarity.’ ”49 This is certainly true if one looks at elite culture and the ways in which ancient examples were at the heart of the humanist project as a source of political, ethical, and aesthetic models (in the mode of the Ciceronian historia magistra vitae). Lyons’s scholarship on the topic belongs to a first wave of research exploring early modern exemplarity that revealed the extent to which Renaissance texts by authors such as Montaigne, Erasmus, and Machiavelli not only belong to such a culture of exemplarity, but at the same time profoundly question it. Inside such a framework, the late Renaissance is marked by a “crisis of exemplarity,” most prominently voiced by Montaigne, and the end of the period indicated by Lyons coincides with René Descartes’s radical rejection of ancient books and examples in Discours de la méthode. This model of crisis, however, neglects to note the continued centrality of exemplarity for absolutist political culture of the late seventeenth century. Absolutist culture under Louis XIV was incontestably a culture of exemplarity in the sense that at once political, moral, and artistic choices were still largely justified through reference to the authority of concrete models from the past. Despite scholarly reports about an earlier “Renaissance crisis of exemplarity,” the example remained the crucial figure in the cultural construction of authority, the way in which the past is extended into the future through actions in the present. And within this broader culture of exemplarity, the glorious royal exemplar occupied a more central place than ever.50 In this light, it is not surprising that many of the most important cultural polemics of the age, known as Querelles, can in fact be viewed as 49. Lyons, Exemplum, 12. 50. For “the Renaissance crisis of exemplarity,” see the special issue of the Journal of History of Ideas with that title (59, no. 4), especially the introduction by Rigolot, but also important articles by Cornilliat, Hampton, Lyons, Stierle, and others. See also Hampton, Writing from History. For Descartes’s position, see Lyons’s subtle reading of the new exemplarity of the Discours in chapter 4 of Exemplum (156–70). See also the more recent collective volume Giavarini, Construire l’exemplarité. For the lack of emphasis on royal exemplarity within this rich body of scholarship, see my discussion below.
30
Introduction
battles in an ongoing cultural war about the way in which exemplarity is constructed. This is the case for the Querelles on theater, monuments, inscriptions, and even the notorious polemics opposing Jesuits and Jansenists. And most of all, it was the case for the most notable one, the “Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes” (the Battle of the Books). Here, the point of contention was precisely the status of the ancient example, not only when it came to the choice of models for artistic creation, but also in terms of authority and legitimacy more broadly construed. Indeed, chapter 3 argues that what was at stake among the learned men of the French Academy and beyond can productively be approached as a polemics about how best to celebrate the royal glory of Louis XIV. I read the Querelle as a symptom of a wider cultural unease about exemplarity and argue that for the notion of a “crisis of exemplarity” to be fruitful, it needs to be recast as a crisis of royal exemplarity and studied in the most potent self-justifications of absolutism.51 These observations are all indications that the logic of exemplarity is under a certain pressure, with a constant need to be renegotiated. They do not mean, however, that the dominant role of exemplarity is diminishing or that the absolutist “siècle de Louis XIV” breaks with an exemplary culture. In a society more and more turned toward the example of the court, behavior and desires were increasingly modeled inside a rigorous hierarchy of curial exemplarity under labels such as etiquette, politeness, and civility. This brings me back to the above quotation from Louis XIV’s Mémoires and the position of the initial royal submission as at once the linchpin and the apex of exemplarity’s hierarchy. At this point, it is interesting to observe that the logic of exemplarity itself is in fact dependent on a similar structural elevation or exception as the one conserved through the royal example here. In an important sense, all exemplarity is royal, and the logic of exemplarity itself stands in a relation of solidarity with that of kingship. This solidarity between exemplarity and kingship can first of all be observed in treatises of rhetoric and logic, where the exemplarity of examples (what turns a sample into a model) is likened to the exemplarity of kings. The figure of the great king is omnipresent in theoretical de51. For the political implications of the “Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes,” see the chapter “Modernity and Monarchy,” in Norman, The Shock of the Ancient, 89–98. For the two other related Querelles, see, for example, Vuilleumier Laurens and Laurens, L’Âge de l’inscription; and Blanchard, “Ménestrier and the ‘Querelle des Monuments.’ ”
Introduction
31
scriptions of the rhetoric of example from Aristotle’s Rhetoric through Antoine Arnauld and Pierre Nicole’s Logique de Port-Royal (1662) to Jacques Bénigne Bossuet’s Logique du Dauphin (1677). In both Aristotle and Bossuet, the king appears as the very first example of how reasoning through example works. Here is the example given by Bossuet after a short initial statement linking example to induction in moral matters, in a sentence that recalls the quotation from the Mémoires above: [A]insi, pour faire voir à quels désordres l’amour porte les hommes, on représente ce qu’il a fait faire à Samson, à David, à Salomon, comme il a pensé faire périr César dans Alexandrie, comme il a fait périr Antoine, et mille autres événements semblables.52 (Thus, in order to show the types of disorder to which love carries men, one represents what it made Samson, David, and Salomon do, how it nearly made Cesar perish in Alexandria, how it made Anthony perish, and a thousand other similar events.)
The same point could certainly have been conveyed through “mille autres événements semblables”—by a thousand other examples. And yet, the royal example still seems to stand out as more representative, not only for Bossuet, who here writes for the Dauphin, but also for ordinary people, as expressed through the use of the French impersonal subject pronoun “on”: one turns to Samson, David, and Salomon. Somehow, this series of royal examples seems to communicate more efficiently the general rule, which the reader is made to see (faire voir). Therefore, the choice of examples here undermines the conception that examples are mere induction. Rather, it would be tempting to speak of a certain solidarity between kingliness and exemplarity, both implying, as Alexander Gelley has said about the example, “the elevation of a singular to exemplary status.”53 It is as if the exemplarity of examples were most forcefully communicated by analogy with the exemplarity of the great king, just like in the political realm, where the elevation of the king above his subjects is most efficiently justified through exemplarity, as Louis XIV explained to his son. Whereas early modern exemplarity in general has given rise to an impressive body of scholarship in the last few decades,54 the question of royal exemplarity as such has remained virtually unexplored. While 52. Bossuet, Logique du Dauphin, 142. 53. Gelley, Unruly Examples, 2. See 32n55 for the relevance of this quotation. 54. By scholars such as Lyons, Hampton, Rigolot, and many others, cf. 29n50.
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the scholarship just mentioned has been immensely helpful for a broad understanding of the early modern culture of exemplarity, the insights most important to understanding the logic of royal exemplarity can be found in a transhistorical analysis, namely, in Gelley’s introduction to a collective volume entitled Unruly Examples from the mid-1990s. Gelley’s decisive intervention consists in his distinction between two competing impulses in the workings of exemplarity: on the one hand, an Aristotelian impulse, a descriptive, “horizontal” understanding (example as sample or induction); and, on the other hand, a Platonic movement, which elevates a normative, “vertical” dimension (example as the exemplary status of an elevated entity). Gelley’s work does not address the political value of exemplarity as such, but to me it is obvious that in an early modern context these two impulses converge in the body of the royal exemplar.55 In other words, in my reading, the symbolic relationship between kingship and exemplarity maps onto the two impulses of exemplarity studied by Gelley. The king is an individual among many, who through his exemplarity appears as chosen, elevated, fated, in a way that erases the traces of contingency, the inductive and the empirical in this selection. The absolutist king is always already exemplary through his elevation. This means that the constructed nature of this royal exemplarity is invisible, unthinkable not only for the king’s subjects but also, crucially, for himself (as least as long as the new king follows the advice of his father, as discussed above and in more detail in chapter 1)—an important point that gets lost inside a modern framework where we consider the production of the royal image as nothing but propaganda and conscious manipulation. Through the power of example, the dignity of the king appears as given by nature, or even by God: an evident royal power, the rule of one, instituted by the One. Royal exemplarity is thus the process through which the sovereign naturally appears as the temporal incarnation of the eternal sovereign principle, or, expressed through the language of another passage from Louis XIV’s Mémoires to which I will return, as the living image of the almighty, in a way that leads his subjects to spontaneously express that “Le caractère de la divinité est empreint sur son visage, etc.” (“The character of 55. The juxtaposition of kingliness and exemplarity is thus mine; in its original context, the quotation from Gelley above only refers to the workings of exemplarity. The juxtaposition could easily be extended to the two sentences following the quotation: “Is the example [or the king] merely one—a singular, a fruit of circumstance—or the One—a paradigm, a paragon? The tactic of exemplarity [or kingliness] would seem to be to mingle the singular with the normative, to mark an instance as fated.” Gelley, Unruly Examples, 2; author’s emphasis.
Introduction
33
divinity is stamped on his face, etc.”), as Blaise Pascal famously observed.56 And conversely, it is only when exemplarity is reduced to mere induction and representation, without carrying the imprint of divine choice and the aura given by fate—in other words, when the celebration of his royal glory appears as mere pomp and propaganda—that the contingency of the selection becomes visible as such. In this instance, and only in this instance, the subjects can see that the king (or the emperor) has no clothes, in the manner of Thackeray’s “exact calculation”: that he is a partly exemplary, partly non-exemplary human being like themselves. The French Revolution becomes conceivable once the king’s body loses its exemplary glory, once the character of divinity is no longer stamped on his face, and all of a sudden he is one body among many, as a sample or representative, but without the authority of his God-given elevation. Royal glory and royal exemplarity coincide in the celebration of the glorious royal exemplar and never have they coincided more perfectly than in the case of Louis XIV. But this is also the point where exemplarity threatens to break down. I already discussed how in Louis XIV’s Mémoires the example of royal submission to the divine was presented as a model for imitation. But what are we to make of depictions of the royal exemplar that are so glorious, so exemplary that he becomes inimitable and incomparable? In the corpus discussed in this book, there is a recurrent emphasis on—and a phantasmal pull toward—the point where the king takes the place of all other examples. Read in sequence, the three chapters trace a progression from center to periphery, from the sublime to the seemingly banal, in their examination of this absolutist obsession. In the first chapter, I analyze closely such a moment in the opening of the king’s own Mémoires, when he suggests to his son that his book might very well replace all other books in the Dauphin’s education. In the second chapter, I explore the choice of decorative program for the vault of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, when the plan to portray the king’s glorious exploits in the guise of Apollo or Hercules was replaced by a direct depiction of the king himself. In both cases, a direct and literal mirroring of the king in his own (textual or visual) portrait replaces the passage by the tradition of examples from the past (known as “mirrors for princes”). As I shall argue, this new pedagogical mirror structure is actually thematized 56. Pascal, Pensées, fragment 59. The italics are introduced by Pascal’s modern editor as a way of indicating the presence of a citation or quasi-citation. Pascal’s inclusion of the final “etc.” is significative, since it suggests that this specific utterance is only one of many similar examples.
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at the symbolic center of the Hall of Mirrors, in a surprising—and surprisingly understudied—mirror scene included in the depiction of the birth of absolutism in Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661, first mentioned in the opening of this introduction. But it is in the seeming “absolutist absurdities” discussed in chapter 3 that this coincidence is explored the most forcefully. On the one hand, in Claude-Charles Guyonnet de Vertron’s 1685 Parallèle de Louis le Grand avec les princes qui ont été surnommés grands (Parallel between Louis the Great and the other princes who have been named great), whose curious conclusion runs as follows: “Louis resembles all the Great princes, although none of these Greats resemble him, because only he is similar to himself, and the Great prince par excellence.” On the other, in Jean de Préchac’s 1698 fairy tale “Sans Parangon” (“Without equal” or “Without example”), which recounts the life of Louis XIV very thinly veiled as that of Prince Sans Parangon, whose actions are dictated by increasingly difficult challenges from an invisible Princess Belle Gloire (Beautiful Glory). These texts may seem so exuberant as to be completely over-the-top, but in their very excess they provide a window to the inner workings of absolutism.
4. The Dream of Absolutism So far in this introduction, the term “dream” has been used in a loose, intuitive, metaphorical sense. From the outset, the “dream of absolutism” points to a conception that is more capacious and supple than the modern scholarly concept of absolutism. The logic at work in the absolutist expressions analyzed here is dreamlike in that it seems to imply the dimming of certain rational exigencies and allows for the integration of contradictions. Or better, with a tiny twist on a well-known aphorism: like the heart in Pascal’s original coinage, the dream, too, has its reasons that reason doesn’t know.57 This rewriting is very much faithful to the meaning of the original, despite the rosy romantic connotations the latter may have for modern readers. Read in context, it is clear that Pascal posits the heart as the site of an extra-rational cognition operating according to a different logic and oriented by a higher principle of love, either divine love or self-love. In the present case, the dream is the site for a similarly larger extra-rational realignment; one where thought and feeling, reason and emotion square off differently; one where bodies move and are moved in a numinous setting, where strong visual manifestations impose 57. “Le cœur a ses raisons que la raison ne connaît point.” (“The heart has its reasons, which reason does not know.”) Pascal, Pensées, fragment 680.
Introduction
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themselves as if scripted from the outside and given from above; one where a space is opened for a phantasmagoric sense of truth outside any fixed experience of time. In this sense, the dream carries an extra-rational, premodern knowledge. The dream here stands for the other of demystification and of Thackeray’s “exact calculation”; the other of the modern reduction of absolutist artifacts to mere propaganda. At the same time, it is important to emphasize that the idea of absolute power is itself dreamlike. Only a dream? Putting it that way would disregard the force of imagination and phantasmagoria at work in any conception of politics. Theoretically speaking, the reality of omnipotence is problematic already at the metaphysical level of a divine creator and a contradiction in terms for any creature through its very creatureliness. However, on the practical level of lived experience, it is not. On the contrary, as the king reminds his son in the passage from the Mémoires quoted above, there is a generally shared belief about royal participation in an invisible superior power, perceptible as royal glory and upheld through royal exemplarity; an enabling dream without which “[a]rmies, councils, all human industry would be feeble means for maintaining us on the throne.”58 Within such a framework, the two possible meanings of the genitive construction in the nominal syntagm “the dream of absolutism” come together in a third, richer sense. First of all, the locution will appear to most as an objective genitive, evoking a dream about absolutism, a dream that has absolutism as its content, its subject matter, its mental ideation, and that could be dreamt by anybody, any agent. Second, read as a subjective genitive, the construction assigns agency, ownership, belonging; it is the dream dreamt by absolutism, a phantasmagoric content that belongs to abs
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Sacred Words and Worlds: Geography, Religion, and Scholarship, 1550–1700 (History of Science and Medicine Library 21 : Scientific and Learned Cultures and Their Institutions 2)
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Sacred Words and Worlds History of Science and Medicine Library VOLUME 21Scientific and Learned Cultures and Their ...
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https://epdf.tips/sacred-words-and-worlds-geography-religion-and-scholarship-15501700-history-of-s.html
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Sacred Words and Worlds
History of Science and Medicine Library VOLUME 21
Scientific and Learned Cultures and Their Institutions Editor
Mordechai Feingold California Institute of Technology
VOLUME 2
The titles published in this series are listed at www.brill.nl/slci
Sacred Words and Worlds Geography, Religion, and Scholarship, 1550–1700
By
Zur Shalev
LEIDEN • BOSTON 2012
Cover illustration: “Antiqvae Vrbis Hierosolymorvm topographica delineato,” Gerard de Jode (Antwerp, 1571?). Source: The Jewish National & University Library, available at http://jnul.huji.ac.il/dl/maps/jer This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Shalev, Zur, 1967– Sacred words and worlds : geography, religion, and scholarship, 1550–1700 / by Zur Shalev. p. cm. — (History of Science and Medicine Library, ISSN 1872-0684 ; v. 21) (Scientific and learned cultures and their institutions ; v. 2) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-20935-0 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Religion and geography. 2. Sacred space. 3. Bible—Study and teaching—History. I. Title. II. Title: Geography, religion, and scholarship, 1550–1700. III. Series. BL65.G4S53 2012 203’.509—dc23 2011029855
ISSN 1872-0684 ISBN 978-90-04-20935-0 Copyright 2012 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.
For Ruth
CONTENTS List of Figures ..................................................................................... Note on Documentation ................................................................... Abbreviations ..................................................................................... Acknowledgements ............................................................................
ix xv xvii xix
1. Early Modern Geographia Sacra: Themes and Approaches ....................................................................................
1
2. The Antwerp Polyglot Bible: Maps, Scholarship, and Exegesis ..................................................................................
23
3. Antiquarian Zeal and Sacred Measurement on the Road to Jerusalem ............................................................
73
4. The Phoenicians are Coming! Samuel Bochart’s Protestant Geography ......................................................................................
141
5. Putting the Church on the Map: Ecclesiastical Cartography across the Denominational Divide ............................................
205
6. Epilogue ..........................................................................................
259
Appendix Extant Manuscripts of Samuel Bochart ................... Bibliography ........................................................................................ Index ....................................................................................................
271 279 309
LIST OF FIGURES 1. Ph. Galle, engraved portrait of Benito Arias Montano. Galle and Montano, Virorum doctorum de disciplinis benemerentium effigies XLIIII (Antwerp, 1572) .................. 2. Title page, Benito Arias Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), I ............................................... 3. Title page, Benito Arias Montano, Antiquitatum Iudaicarum libri IX (Leiden: Raphelenghius, 1593) ........... 4. Engraving of an ancient Hebrew Shekel. Benito Arias Montano, Antiquitatum Iudaicarum libri IX (Leiden: Raphelenghius, 1593), 126 ...................................................... 5. “Hispania veteris,” dedication to Arias Montano. Abraham Ortelius, Theatrum orbis terrarum (Antwerp: Plantin-Moretus, 1601), Parergon .......................................... 6. Benito Arias Montano following Peter Laickstein, “Antiqua Ierusalem vera icnographia,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Nehemias” ................................................................................ 7. “Antiqvae Vrbis Hierosolymorvm topographica delineatio,” Gerard de Jode following Peter Laickstein (Antwerp, 1571?) ...................................................................... 8. Benito Arias Montano, “Templi icnographia.” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Exemplar” ................................................................................. 9. Temple plan on the map of Jerusalem, Figure 6, detail .... 10. Benito Arias Montano, “Tabula terrae Canaan Abrahae tempore,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Chanaan” ...................................... 11. Benito Arias Montano, “Terrae Israel . . . in tribus undecim distributae accuratissimae,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Chaleb” ............................................................................ 12. “Perseverantiae exitus,” in Benito Arias Montano, Humanae salutis monumenta (Antwerp: Plantin, 1571), sig. F2 ..........................................................................................
24 29 34
38
42
44
45
48 49
50
51
56
x
list of figures
13. Benito Arias Montano, “Sacra geographia,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Phaleg” ....................... 14. Benito Arias Montano, “Forma . . . Arcae Noë,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Exemplar” .................. 15. Benito Arias Montano, “Sacri Tabernaculi orthographia,” Montano, Antiquitatum Iudaicarum libri XI (Leiden: Antwerp, 1593), “Exemplar” ................................... 16. View of Jerusalem, Giuseppe Rosaccio, Viaggio da Venetia, a Constantinopoli per mare e per terra & insieme quello di Terra Santa (Venice: Giacomo Franco, 1598), 53 ..................................... 17. Equestrian drills in Cairo, Vincenzo Fava, “Relatione del Viaggio di Gierusalemme,” BL Ms. Add. 33,566, f. 20v ....................................................... 18. Title page, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620) ...................................... 19. Perspective of Nativity complex, Bethlehem, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 2 ........................ 20. Foldout manuscript map of Jerusalem and Mt. of Olives, drawn by Gio: Cales, Vincenzo Fava, “Relatione del Viaggio di Gierusalemme,” BL Ms. Add. 33,566, fos. 53v–54r ................................................................................. 21. Plan and elevation of the Edicule over the tomb of Jesus, Church of the Holy Sepulcher, Jerusalem, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 33 ...................... 22. Scale of half foot, Vincenzo Fava, “Relatione del Viaggio di Gierusalemme,” BL Ms. Add. 33,566, f. 158 ...................................................... 23. St. Jerome, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 8 ........................
59
67
68
91
94
106
111
113
115
119
122
list of figures 24. Title page, vol. 1, Franciscus Quaresmius, Historica theologica et moralis Terræ Sanctæ elucidatio, 2 vols. (Antwerp: Balthasar Moretus, ex Officina Plantiniana, 1639) ..................................................................... 25. Contemporary Jerusalem, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 44 ............ 26. Ancient Jerusalem, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 45 ............ 27. Mt. Calvary, Franciscus Quaresmius, Historica theologica et moralis Terræ Sanctæ elucidatio, 2 vols. (Antwerp: Balthasar Moretus, ex Officina Plantiniana, 1639), II: opposite 448 ............................................................................... 28. Entombment of Jesus, Franciscus Quaresmius, Historica theologica et moralis Terræ Sanctæ elucidatio, 2 vols. (Antwerp: Balthasar Moretus, ex Officina Plantiniana, 1639), II: 529 .............................................................................. 29. Burial cave, Jean Zuallart, Il devotissimo viaggio di Gerusalemme (Rome: F. Z. Zanetti & Gia. Ruffinelli, 1587), bk 3, 143 ......................................................................... 30. Interior of catacombs in Rome, Antonio Bosio, Roma sotterranea (Rome, 1635), lib. II.xxi, 137 .................. 31. Portrait of Samuel Bochart at the age of sixty-four (1663), Samuel Bochart, Opera Omnia, 3 vols. (Amsterdam: Boutesteyn & Luchtmans, 1692), III, frontispiece ............... 32. Title page, Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681), second impression by Zunner .............................................................. 33. Frontispiece of Samuel Bochart’s Opera Omnia (1692), Bochart, Opera Omnia, 3 vols. (Amsterdam: Boutesteyn & Luchtmans, 1692), I ........................................................................... 34. Samuel Bochart’s entry in William Bedwell’s Album Amicorum, 25 March 1623, Leiden UL Ms. BPL 2753, f. 89v ............................................................................................. 35. Map of Phoenician Sicily. Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681), opposite 557 ...............................................................................
xi
124
128
129
135
136
137 138
143
144
148
153
165
xii
list of figures
36. View of Syracuse, inset in map of Sicily (previous figure). Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681), opposite 557 ............................................................................... 37. Map of Creation based on 2 Esdras. Jacques d’Auzoles Lapeyre, La Saincte Geographie (Paris: A. Estienne, 1629), bk II, p. 77 .................................................................................. 38. Sample page, Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 3 ed. Phaleg, I:2, Opera Omnia (Amsterdam: Boutesteyn & Luchtmans, 1692), cols. 11–12 ............................................... 39. Bochart, “Tabula universalis locorum quae Phoenicum navigationibus maxime frequentata sunt a Taprobana Thulem usque.” Engraved by Sigmund Gab. Hipschman, based on the first edition (1646). Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681) ................................................................... 40. “Taprobanae Insulae descriptio,” inset in general map of Phoenician navigation (previous figure). Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681) ................................................................... 41. “Taprobanae Insulae descriptio,” in Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 3 ed., Opera Omnia (Amsterdam: Boutesteyn & Luchtmans, 1692), opposite col. 693 ............ 42. Map of the suburbicarian regions, Jacques Godefroy, Conjectura de suburbicariis regionibus et ecclesiis (Frankfurt: Unckelius, 1618), opposite 1 .............................. 43. Dedication, Noël le Vacher, “Carte du diocese de Soissons” (Paris: E. Vouillemont, 1656), BN Ge DD 2987 (300) ............................................................................................ 44. Cartouche, Nicolas Sanson, “Senones. Partie septentrionale de l’archevesché de Sens” ([Paris]: [P. Mariette], 1660), BN Ge DD 2987 (268, I) .................... 45. Title page, Aubert Le Mire, Geographia Ecclesiastica (Lyon, 1620) ............................................................................... 46. Franciscus Haereus, “Lumen Historiarum per Orientem,” in Le Mire, Notitia episcopatum orbis christiani (Antwerp, 1613), lib. 5 ............................................................. 47. Franciscus Haereus, “Lumen Historiarum per Occidentem,” in Le Mire, Notitia episcopatum orbis christiani (Antwerp, 1613), lib. 5 ...........................................
166
174
179
182
188
189
225
231
234 235
236
237
list of figures 48. Title page, Augustin Lubin, Orbis Augustinianus (Paris: Baudouyn, 1659) .......................................................... 49. Title page, Augustin Lubin, Topographia Augustiniana, in Orbis Augustinianus (Paris: Baudouyn, 1659) ................ 50. Augustin Lubin, “Vetus Africa Augustiniana,” in Orbis Augustinianus (Paris: Baudouyn, 1659) ................................ 51. Fr. L. de La Salle, “La nouvelle Thébaïde ou la carte très particulière et exacte de l’abbaye de la Maison Dieu nostre dame de la Trappe, de l’estroite observance de Citeaux, située dans la province du Perche, diocesse de Sées/ Dressée sur les lieux par Monsieur de La Salle” ([Paris]: De Fer, 1700), BN Ge DD 2987 (1060) ................................ 52. Title page, Augustin Lubin, Martyrologium Romanum (Paris: Florentinus Lambert, 1660) ........................................ 53. Augustin Lubin, “Tabula Tertia” [Gallia], Martyrologium Romanum (Paris: Florentinus Lambert, 1660) .................... 54. Title page, Thomas Fuller, A Pisgah-Sight of Palestine and the Confines thereof: with the History of the Old and New Testament Acted thereon (London: J.F. for John Williams, 1650) ............................................................... 55. Elevation and plan of the Temple, Thomas Fuller, A Pisgah-Sight of Palestine and the Confines thereof: with the History of the Old and New Testament Acted thereon (London: J.F. for John Williams, 1650), bk 3, 352–53 ....... 56. Thomas Fuller, “Fragmenta Sacra,” in Fuller, A PisgahSight of Palestine and the Confines thereof: with the History of the Old and New Testament Acted thereon (London: J.F. for John Williams, 1650), bk 5, opposite 203 ............................................................................... 57. Map of Ruben’s land, Thomas Fuller, A Pisgah-Sight of Palestine and the Confines thereof: with the History of the Old and New Testament Acted thereon (London: J.F. for John Williams, 1650), opposite bk 2, 54 ..............................
xiii
243 244 245
250 252 253
261
263
264
265
NOTE ON DOCUMENTATION All translations are mine unless noted otherwise. In quotations I have kept original spellings and orthography but usually expanded abbreviations. Items on the List of Figures are less detailed than individual captions. Both locations contain full bibliographic data. Biblical passages are cited from the King James Version. All websites were reaccessed in July 2010.
ABBREVIATIONS BL BMC BN BHPF ODNB
British Library Bibliothèque municipale de Caen Bibliothèque nationale de France Bibliothèque de l’histoire du protestantisme français Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, online edition, 2009 [www.oxforddnb.com]
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am delighted to acknowledge my debt and gratitude to many individuals—teachers, mentors, colleagues, and friends, in Jerusalem, Princeton, Oxford, London, Haifa, and other locations—who have been, in different ways, incredibly helpful and kind to this work and its author. They are listed here by alphabetical order: Sigal Abramovitch, Jim Akerman, Gur Alroey, Sara Alleyn, Ory Amitai, Lisa Bailey, Peter Barber, Adam Beaver, the late Mara Beller, Rami Ben-Shalom, Ayelet Ben-Yishai, Philip Benedict, Daniela Bleichmar, Lior Blum, Karen Bowen, Melanie Bremer, Denver Brunsman, Jed Buchwald, D. Graham Burnett, Charles Burnett, Tony Campbell, Angelo Cattaneo, Yossi Chajes, Joe Cullon, Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, Robert Darnton, Surekha Davies, Catherine Delano Smith, Avner and Yifat De Shalit, Yoav Di Capua, Simon Ditchfield, Eric Dursteler, Matthew Edney, Miri Eliav-Feldon, Ronnie Ellenblum, Tina Erdos, Robert Evans, Moti Feingold, Francesca Fiorani, Yehoshua Frenkel, Robert Frost, Vardit Garber, Claudia Gazzini, Guy Geltner, Vicky Glosson, Dimitri Gondicas, Molly Greene, Ruth HaCohen, Judy Hanson, Kristine Haugen, Michael Heyd, Alfred Hiatt, Dirk Imhof, Martin Jennings, Brendan Kane, Eileen Kane, Robert Karrow, Arnon Keren, Arik Kochavi, Arieh Kofsky, Rachel Kolodny, Lynn Kratzer, Jill Kraye, David Levi-Faur, Ora Limor, Greg Lyon, Merav Mack, Audrey Mainzer, Peter Mancall, Suzanne Marchand, Eti Marom, Tine Meganck, Amos Megged, Margaret Meserve, Peter Miller, Amos Morris-Reich, Stephennie Mulder, Jane Murphy, Yuval Nov, Brian Ogilvie, Yaron Perry, Donald Pohl, Gyan Prakash, Wendy Pullan, Theodore Rabb, Eileen Reeves, Aharon Refter, Elhanan Reiner, Franz Reitinger, Thierry Rigogne, Mark Rosen, Rehav (Buni) Rubin, Alessandro Scafi, Eran Shalev, Jonathan Sheehan, Orit Siman-Tov, Haia Shpayer-Makov, Felix Sprang, Dina Stein, Yael Sternhell, Guy Stroumsa, Naomi Sussmann, Pninit Tal, Robert Tignor, George Tolias, Emmanuelle Vagnon, John Warnock, Jenny Weber, Joanna Weinberg, the late David Woodward, Amanda Wunder, Amit Yahav, Myriam Yardeni, Avihu Zakai, and Yossi Ziegler. From our very first meeting in Jerusalem more than a decade ago and until the present, Anthony Grafton, my adviser at Princeton, is
xx
acknowledgements
a flowing source of inspiration as a scholar and teacher. Tony supervised my work with astonishing erudition, enthusiasm, generosity, and patience, for which I am deeply grateful. The writing of this book has been generously supported by the following institutions and organizations: Princeton University (Department of History, The Graduate School, Association of Princeton Graduate Alumni, Council on Regional Studies, Program in Hellenic Studies, Center for the Study of Religion); The Newberry Library, Chicago; Institute of Historical Research, University of London; Andrew K. Mellon Foundation; The Renaissance Society of America; American Friends of the J. B. Harley Research Fellowships; Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin; The Huntington Library, San Marino; Israeli Higher Education Council; University of Haifa, Faculty of the Humanities; and Yad Handaiv. I have been kindly and patiently helped at the following libraries and collections (staff names mentioned where known): At Princeton University: History Librarians (the late Lara Moore, Elizabeth Bennett), Department of Rare Books and Special Collections (Annalee Pauls, Charles Greene), Marquand Library of Art and Archaeology. Other collections: Special Collections, Henry Luce III Library, Princeton Theological Seminary; New York Public Library; The Newberry Library, Chicago (Robert Karrow); Bibliothèque municipale, Caen (Mme Noëlla Duplessis, Erik Calvet); Musée de Beaux Arts, Caen; Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris (Catherine Hofman); Bibliothèque de la Société de l’Histoire du protestantisme français, Paris (Mme Idelette Beauvais); Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, Paris; Bodleian Library, Oxford; Taylor Institution Library, Oxford; Sackler Library, Oxford; Merton College Library, Oxford (Dr. Julia Walworth); British Library, London (Peter Barber); Warburg Institute Library, London; Institute of Historical Research Library, London; National Archives, Kew; Plantin-Moretus Museum Library, Antwerp; Gennadius Library, Athens; The National Library, Jerusalem; Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin; The Huntington Library; and by correspondence, Pitts Theology Library, Emory University (Armin Siedlecki); Dousa Department, Leiden University Library (Dr. Jan Cramer); Manuscripts and Archives Department, University of Amsterdam (Dr. Jos Biemans).
acknowledgements
xxi
An earlier version of Chapter Two was published as “Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism and Visual Erudition: Benito Arias Montano and the Maps in the Antwerp Polyglot Bible,” Imago Mundi 55 (2003): 56–80. Images are printed with the kind permission of their holders. Finally, very special thanks go to my siblings Refealla and Meir, to my children Ronni, Naomi, and Amos, and above all, to Ruth LibertyShalev, to whom I dedicate this work with love.
CHAPTER ONE
EARLY MODERN GEOGRAPHIA SACRA: THEMES AND APPROACHES Michael Servetus painfully discovered in 1553 that Jean Calvin and fellow Genevans were not particularly amused by his snide remarks about the fertility of the Holy Land. As editor of Ptolemy’s Geography (Lyon, 1535), Servetus added in the commentary on a contemporary (i.e. non-Ptolemaic) map of the Holy Land: Nevertheless be assured, reader, that it is sheer misinterpretation to attribute such excellence to this land which the experience of merchants and travelers proves to be barren, sterile and without charm, so that you may call it in the vernacular “the promised land” only in the sense that it was promised, not that it had any promise.1
This paragraph, which Servetus in fact took almost verbatim from earlier editors of Ptolemy, was brought as evidence against him in the notorious trial that ended with a public burning (October 27, 1553). Servetus’ explanation that these were not his own words, and that the comment was made regarding the contemporary, not the biblical Holy Land, did not convince Calvin and the court. Although the accusation was dropped from the final sentence, which drew ample material from Servetus’ heretical views on the Trinity and baptism, the Ptolemy
1 “Scias tamen lector optime, iniuria aut iactantia pura, tantam huic terrae bonitatem fuisse adscriptam, eo que ipsa experientia, mercatorum & peraegre profiscentium, hanc incultam, sterilem, omni dulcedine carentem depromit. Quare promissam terram pollicitam, & non vernacula lingua laudantem pronuncies.” Claudii Ptolemaei Alexandrini geographicae enarrationis libri octo . . . (Lyon: Melchior and Gaspar Trechsel, 1535), TAB. TER. SANCTAE. I use the translation, as well as the passionate retelling of the trial in Roland H. Bainton, Hunted Heretic: The Life and Death of Michael Servetus, 1511–1553 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1960), 95, ch. 10. For more documents from the trial see Robert M. Kingdon and Jean-François Bergier, eds., Registres de la Compagnie des pasteurs de Genève au temps de Calvin, Travaux d’humanisme et Renaissance, 55 (Genève: Droz, 1962), II: 3–54. See also Lucien L. J. Gallois, Les géographes allemands de la Renaissance (Paris: E. Leroux, 1890), 67 n. 2; Robert W. Karrow, Jr., Mapmakers of the 16th Century and Their Maps: Bio-Bibliographies of the Cartographers of Abraham Ortelius, 1570 (Chicago: Speculum Orbis Press for the Newberry Library, 1993), s.v.
2
chapter one
clause throws early modern sacred geography into dramatic relief.2 The doctrinal rifts opening in Europe and the new worlds opening beyond its horizon placed in doubt traditional certainties, both religious and geographical. Geographia sacra, the subject of this study, stood at the heart of this complex process. Sacred geography is a burning topic in our academic culture, too. Recent scholarship across a wide array of disciplines has rediscovered space, place, and territoriality as fundamental analytical categories in the human sciences. Space is no longer conceived as a neutral continuum of human action and has now become an uneven, value-laden human construct. In the wake of this now vast movement, often referred to as ‘the spatial turn,’ religion and sacred geography have returned to the center of discussion as a crucial mode of perceiving and enacting space. Whereas the process of disenchantment and secularization of space was one of the founding myths of the Enlightenment and modernity (and sometimes bought wholesale by Enlightenment’s critics), interest in the crossings of space and religion is now on the rise.3 Sacred geography, or sacred space, normally refers in current usage to the conscious physical molding of the environment for religious purposes (as in shrine architecture and in ritual setting).4 Even more commonly, especially in anthropological studies, sacred geography denotes a representation of space, or a mentality, that is distinguished from a secular view of the world. In this sense, famously defined by Mircea Eliade, sacred geography is built on a set of symbols and
2 See also George H. Williams, Wilderness and Paradise in Christian Thought (New York: Harper, 1962), 71–72. 3 I have profited, among others, from Arnold van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, trans. M. Vizedom and G. Caffee (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960); Robert D. Sack, Human Territoriality: Its Theory and History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); Edward W. Soja, The Political Organization of Space (Washington: Association of American Geographers Commission on College Geography, 1971); Jonathan Z. Smith, To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989); Katherine Clarke, Between Geography and History: Hellenistic Constructions of the Roman World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999); and from Maurice Halbwachs’ often overlooked La topographie légendaire des Évangiles en Terre Sainte: étude de mémoire collective (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1941), the Conclusion of which was recently translated in Halbwachs, On Collective Memory, ed. and trans. Lewis A. Coser (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992). 4 Andrew Spicer and Sarah Hamilton, eds., Defining the Holy: Sacred Space in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005).
early modern geographia sacra
3
meanings shared by a community of believers (as in pilgrimage to a sacred site or founding a temple). Religion thus serves as a model for new or revived understandings of human spatiality. It is this basic recognition which I take with me into the early modern period and into the archaeology of this fruitful and complex notion—sacred geography. For despite its (still) fashionable overtones, the concept has a long history, and a particularly rich one in the early modern period. Geographia sacra—a term coined in the early modern period—was not only a technical expression, but also a rich scholarly genre, which captivated the intellects of many central figures of the European Republic of Letters. It was wholly embedded in a broader learned culture that took a spatial turn long before we did. Increasing numbers of scholars explore various early modern notions of space and geographical ideas, and elucidate the ways in which they are related to major process, such as the rise of territorial states, global trade, the colonization of the New World and the rise of empires. This book attempts to contribute to our understanding of the spatial history and spatial imaginary of early modern Europe by highlighting sacred geography, which was, I argue, a significant contemporary mode of thinking about space, land, history, and their role in a world where the divine had a powerful and immediate presence. I trace, in other words, a vast spatial turn in Christian scholarship that took place during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. At its most basic level, geographia sacra dealt with reconstructing the biblical landscape and often with translating the sacred text into a map. The geographical elaboration of the biblical text was not a new exercise in the Jewish and Christian tradition. In the early fourth century, Eusebius of Caesarea defined the main features of sacred geography in the preface to his Onomasticon, addressed to the Bishop of Tyre, Paulinus: First I shall transliterate into Greek the names for the people of the world which appear in Hebrew in Holy Scripture. Then, I shall make a map of ancient Judaea from the whole book, dividing the allotted territories of the twelve tribes. In addition, I shall trace the representation of their ancient, famous, mother-city, I mean of course Jerusalem, including in this the plan of the Temple, after comparison with the existing remains of the sites. I shall assemble things in line with this, and in accordance with those matters you have suggested already in your proposal for the improvement of the whole subject. I shall set out the cities and villages contained in Holy Scripture in the ancestral tongue, designating what sort of places they are, and how we name them, whether similarly to the
4
chapter one ancients or differently. So, from the whole divinely-inspired Scripture, I shall collect the names that are sought, and set each one down in alphabetical order, for easy retrieval of names when they happen to occur here and there in the readings.5
From late antiquity until today, despite improving cartographic techniques and clearer representational conventions, this technical pursuit as first outlined by Eusebius has been marked by strong continuities. Collecting and representing, both visually and textually, the geographical material in the Bible—the dispersion of peoples in Genesis; the distribution of Canaan among the tribes of Israel in Joshua; the description of Jerusalem and the temple in 1 Kings, 2 Chronicles and Ezekiel; and place-names throughout the Canon—has been and still is the sacred geographer’s job.6 This continuity is easily explained by the essential role played by the canonical text as the primary source of information. Yet behind the façade of smooth, centuries-old continuities and the seemingly straightforward practice of pinning placenames down on a map, many complexities and fractures lie concealed. Sacred geography is not a simple translation of text into tabular or visual form, for by the very act of translation it becomes interpretative and exegetical. Maps, diagrams, and lists relating to sacred geography often appeared in biblical commentaries rather than in the Bible itself, and were not intended as mere illustrations.7 In that sense, the history
5
Palestine in the Fourth Century A.D.: The Onomasticon by Eusebius of Caesarea, ed. Joan E. Taylor, trans. G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville (Jerusalem: Carta, 2003), 11. This is the first translation into English. It is based on Klostermann’s critical edition (Leipzig, 1904) of Eusebius’ Greek text and Jerome’s (free) Latin translation. Of all the proposed items on Eusebius’ program only the list of biblical place names, commonly known as the Onomasticon, has reached us. See also Robert L. Wilken, “Eusebius and the Christian Holy Land,” in Eusebius, Christianity, and Judaism, eds. Harold W. Attridge and Gohei Hata, 736–61 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1992). For a general overview of Christian Palestine in Eusebius’ time, see E. D. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire, AD 312–460 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982). 6 The basic outline is given in Robert G. North, A History of Biblical Map Making (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1979). See Kenneth Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy Land: Images of Terra Sancta through Two Millennia (New York: Abbeville Press, 1986), for good reproductions and informative captions. 7 For example, the diagrammatic maps in Rashi’s commentaries (11th century), which influenced those of Nicholas of Lyra (14th century); see Catherine Delano Smith and Mayer I. Gruber, “Rashi’s Legacy: Maps of the Holy Land,” The Map Collector 59 (1992): 30–35; or Andreas Masius’ map of the land of Ephraim in his controversial commentary on Joshua, Iosuæ imperatoris historia illustrata . . . (Antwerp: Christophe Plantin, 1574), 268.
early modern geographia sacra
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of sacred geography is part of—and as contentious as—the history of biblical scholarship. The early modern period is uniquely rich for exploring contesting notions of geographia sacra, for it is a time during which the understanding of both geography and the Bible were profoundly shaken. With the revival of ancient geography, exploration of the New World, and the emergence of print culture, there occurred in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries a veritable revolution in geographical thinking, as well as in map dissemination and use.8 The introduction of humanistic methods in biblical exegesis and the Reformation’s emphasis on Scripture as the foundation of religion made biblical scholarship a territory disputed as never before, while the Bible became available to more and more lay people in vernacular languages.9 Both geography and sacred scholarship experienced a period of tumultuous efflorescence. As the ecclesiastical geographer Augustin Lubin wrote in 1678, those who read a map enter a foreign country, where they encounter unknown words and symbols.10 Similarly, entering the scholarly gray area stretching between ‘religion’ and ‘geography’ requires us to open our minds to fluid terminology, blurred disciplinary boundaries, and conjunctions which on our map of knowledge may seem awkward. In
8 See Robert W. Karrow, Jr., “Intellectual Foundations of the Cartographic Revolution” (Ph.D., Loyola University, 1999), preface, for a convincing justification of the term. More generally, the relevant chapters in Lloyd A. Brown, The Story of Maps (Boston: Little Brown, 1949), are still useful. The most comprehensive and authoritative survey is in David Woodward, ed., The History of Cartography; Volume 3: Cartography in the European Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007). A general survey of early modern geography (as opposed to cartography) is a desideratum. See Numa Broc, La géographie de la Renaissance (1420–1620) (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1980); for England see Lesley B. Cormack, Charting an Empire: Geography at the English Universities, 1580–1620 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997). 9 Jerry H. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ: New Testament Scholarship in the Renaissance (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983); S. L. Greenslade, ed., The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. 3: The West from the Reformation to the Present Day (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963); François Laplanche, La Bible en France entre mythe et critique (XVIe–XIXe siècle), Evolution de l’humanité (Paris: Albin Michel, 1994); Debora K. Shuger, The Renaissance Bible: Scholarship, Sacrifice, and Subjectivity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Richard A. Muller and John L. Thompson, eds., Biblical Interpretation in the Era of the Reformation: Essays presented to David C. Steinmetz (Grand Rapids, Mich.: W. B. Eerdmans, 1996). 10 “Ils y lisent des mots qu’ils n’entendent pas, ils y voyent des lignes qu’ils ne connoissent point [. . .].” Augustin Lubin, Mercure géographique; ou le guide des curieux des cartes géographiques. Par R. P. A. A. Lubin, Predicateur & Geographe ordinaire du Roy (Paris: Christophle Remy, 1678), 1–2.
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the course of this study we shall let a few prominent, self-proclaimed sacred geographers lead us on a perambulation of their field, during which we will often cross into neighboring counties. This crossover is required, first, by the nature of early modern geography itself, which was as much a textual and humanistic as a scientific and empirical discipline (if not more so), and as such a close ally of history and philology. This attentiveness to the period’s own categories is more often than not absent from modern histories of geography. Hence, early modern geographia sacra, as sketched out by Eusebius, functioned in this broader context, and for this reason its scope, aims and sources are hard to define. In a recent overview of religious mapping in the medieval and early modern period, the eminent historian of cartography, Catherine Delano Smith argues that sacred geography is more exclusive than biblical geography. Sacred geography sensu stricto is concerned with places deemed ‘holy’ in the relevant religion. Confusingly, however, the word ‘sacred’ has often been misused as a synonym for biblical geography, especially by eighteenthand nineteenth-century mapmakers, publishers, and writers on the Holy Land.11
Yet this attempt at limitation and delimitation, while useful for today’s geographers, seems to be too rigorous for the early modern period, when sacred geography had an even wider, more flexible usage, and when both terms, ‘sacred’ and ‘geography,’ were applied in a variety of senses. Geographia sacra often meant biblical geography, in the sense that the Bible was its source of information, and that it described the landscapes where biblical events took place. But sacred geography was not limited to the Bible as a sole source—many pagan authors were instrumental in the reconstruction of biblical lands; nor was it limited to a representation of the eastern Mediterranean—scholars such as Benito Arias Montano and Samuel Bochart wrote a global sacred geography. Finally, geographia sacra in early modern usage encompassed ecclesiastical geography as well. Hence any region at any period could have its own sacred geography, relating to ecclesiastical provinces, mission activities, or pilgrimages. Given this diversity, rather 11 Catherine Delano Smith, “Maps and Religion in Medieval and Early Modern Europe,” in Plantejaments i objectius d’una història universal de la cartografia = Approaches and Challenges in a Worldwide History of Cartography, ed. David Woodward, Catherine Delano Smith, and Cordell D. K. Yee, 179–200 (Barcelona: Institut Cartogràfic de Catalunya, 2001), 191.
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than beginning with a definition of geographia sacra in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, I would like this definition—the contour lines of geographia sacra on the map of early modern scholarship—to emerge as the end product of this study. Those who today we identify as (a term I usually try to avoid) ‘fathers’ of modern geography devoted considerable energy to geographia sacra, and were profoundly religious men—Gerard Mercator, Abraham Ortelius, and many others.12 Moreover, many of those who in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries studied and published geographical works were not geographers per se. An early modern ‘geographer’ may well have been primarily active as a diplomat, artist, printer, natural scientist, linguist, and theologian. We find quite a few churchmen and theologians on Ortelius’ Catalogus auctorum, the list of contributors to his celebrated atlas, the Theatrum Orbis terrarum (1570): the reformer Johann Honter (1498–1549), the “Apostle of Transylvania,” was the author of an extremely popular verse treatise on cosmography; Jacob Ziegler (1480–1549), creator of an influential map of Palestine, was an Erasmian whose theological works were put on the Index. The most conspicuous example is perhaps that of the theologian and Hebraist Sebastian Münster (1489–1552), an editor of Ptolemy’s Geography and author of a famous Cosmography.13 The phenomenon continues through the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, with figures such as Kaspar Peucer (1525–1602), Melanchthon’s son-in-law, the Arminian-turned-Catholic Petrus Bertius (1565–1629), an editor of Ptolemy and an author of many theological works, the Anglican divines Samuel Purchas (c. 1577–1626), Thomas Fuller (1608–61), and Peter Heylyn (1600–1662), to early eighteenth century scholars such as the prominent Orientalist Adriaan Reelant (1676–1718). Another point of contact between religion and geography was institutional. The Church in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was the
12 Mercator, for example, in his celebrated map of Europe (1544, 1572) included three textual cartouches on the peregrinations of Jesus, St. Peter, and St. Paul. See reproductions in Arthur Dürst, “The Map of Europe,” in The Mercator Atlas of Europe: Facsimile of the Maps by Gerardus Mercator Contained in the Atlas of Europe, Circa 1570–1572, ed. Marcel Watelet, 31–41 (Pleasant Hill, OR: Walking Tree Press, 1998). 13 These details are taken from the invaluable work by Robert W. Karrow, Jr., Mapmakers of the 16th Century and Their Maps. See also Matthew McLean, The Cosmographia of Sebastian Münster: Describing the World in the Reformation (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007).
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primary patron of geographical learning. In Italy, almost all the significant figures in the recovery of Ptolemy’s Geography and other classical authors were either clerics or scholars who worked under Church patronage. Beyond patronage, the revival of classical geography provided a paradigm of universalism to Catholics in an expanding world.14 The universalizing potential was clearly perceived by churchmen and missionaries, already in the fifteenth century and then by the great ‘geographical corporation,’ the Society of Jesus.15 Thus early modern secular geography at large was ‘sacred’ in the sense that it was mentally conceived and materially produced within a religious framework, both personal and institutional.16 Through these wider developments, the very traditional field of sacred geography made an immense step forward in terms of accuracy and sophistication, benefiting from new methods in geographical as well as biblical scholarship. It had become common understanding among students of Scripture that correct reading must be based on correct geography (as well as botany, zoology, and mineralogy). Erasmus warmly recommended the use of maps and cosmographies for the study and animation of Scripture. He ridiculed those who, shamelessly prognosticating or consulting terrible dictionaries, turned towns to fruits, gems to fish, and stars to birds. After all, as Erasmus said following St. Augustine, the mystical sense of Scripture often depended on the unique qualities of such things. As Kristine Haugen phrased it, Erasmus aspired to create a “multidimensional picture of the world in which Jesus and the Apostles lived.”17
14 John Larner, “The Church and the Quattrocento Renaissance in Geography,” Renaissance Studies 12, no. 1 (1998): 26–39. John M. Headley, “Geography and Empire in the Late Renaissance: Botero’s Assignment, Western Universalism, and the Civilization Process,” Renaissance Quarterly 53 (2000): 1119–55. 15 Steven J. Harris, “Mapping Jesuit Science: The Role of Travel in the Geography of Knowledge” in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540–1773, ed. John W. O’Malley, et al., 212–40 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999). 16 David Livingstone, “Science, Magic, and Religion: A Contextual Reassessment of Geography in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” History of Science 26 (1988): 269–94. 17 “Fit enim ut agnitis ex cosmographia regionibus, cogitatione sequamur narrationem obambulantem, & omnino non sine voluptate, velut una circunferamur, ut rem spectare videamur, non legere. Simulque non paulo tenacius haerent, quae sic legetis. Neque vero raro locorum vocabula suis libris, ceu lumina quaepiam interiiciunt prophetae, quorum allegoriam si quis tractare conetur, nec tuto nec feliciter id fecerit, si locorum situm ignoret. Iam si gentium, apud quas res gesta narratur, sive
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During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the dictionaries indeed improved. Catholic and Protestant scholars alike strove to perfect the array of study aids—linguistic, historical, and geographical—available for the correct reading of Scripture that they promoted. Joachim von Watt (Vadianus, also an editor of Pomponius Mela), Jakob Ziegler, Robert Estienne, Jacques Bonfrère, and Benito Arias Montano, to name but a few, used philological, historical, and antiquarian tools to survey the landscapes of the Old and New Testaments.18 Comprehensive place-name indices, maps, and textual geographical accounts enriched major Bible editions, and were designed to familiarize the reader with the lay of the land.19 Moreover, particular questions in sacred geography—such as the itineraries of the Patriarchs and the Apostles, the exact location of the Terrestrial Paradise and that of Ophir (the source of Solomon’s gold)—began to receive sustained scholarly attention.20
ad quas scribunt Apostoli, non situm modo, verumetiam originem, mores, instituta, cultum, ingenium, ex historicorum literis didicerimus: dictu mirum, quantum lucis, et ut ita dicam, vitae sit accessurum lectioni, quae prorsus oscitabunda mortuaque sit oportet, quoties non haec tantum, sed & omnium pene rerum ignorantur vocabula. adeo ut nonnunque vel impudenter addiuinantes, vel sordidissimos consulentes dictionarios, ex arbore faciant quadrupedem, e gemma piscem, e citharoedo fluvium, ex oppido fruticem, e sydere avem, ex brassica braccam. Abunde doctum videtur istis, si tantum adiecerint, est nomen gemme, aut, est species arboris, aut, est genus animantis, aut si quid aliud mavis. Atqui non raro ex ipsa rei proprietate pendet intellectus mysterii: Quod evidentius declarat Augustinus libro de doctrina Christiana {bk 2, ch. 16}, exemplis aliquot in eam rem arguendam adductis.” Erasmus, “Ratio seu methodus compendio perveniendi ad veram Theologiam,” in Opera Omnia, 9 vols., V: 63–116 (Basel: Froben, 1540–), 66–77. See Kristine L. Haugen, “A French Jesuit’s Lectures on Vergil, 1582–1583: Jacques Sirmond between Literature, History, and Myth,” Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 4 (1999): 967–85 at 979–80, where Erasmus and other authors are discussed. 18 Watt (Vadianus, c. 1484–1551), Epitome trium terrae partium, Asiae, Africae et Europae: compendiariam locorum descriptionem continens, praecipue autem quorum in Actis Lucas, passim autem euangelistae & apostoli meminere (Zurich: Froschauer, 1534), and further editions; Jacob Ziegler and Wolfgang Wissenburg, Terrae Sanctae, qvam Palaestinam nominant,. . . descriptio (Strasburg: Rihel, 1536); Robert Estienne (1503–59), Hebraea & Chaldaea nomina virorum, mulierum, populorum, idoloru[m],. . ., quae in Bibliis leguntur . . . (Paris: R. Estienne, 1549); Montano (1527–98), Antiquitates Iudaicae (Leiden: Raphelenghius, 1593); Jacques Bonfrère, S.J. (1573–1642), Pentateuchus Moysis commentario illustratus (Antwerp, 1625). 19 Brian Walton, ed., Biblia sacra polyglotta . . . Cum apparatu, appendicibus, tabulis, variis lectionibus, annotationibus, indicibus, &c., 6 vols. (London: Thomas Roycroft, 1657). 20 Heinrich Bünting, Itinerarium et chronicon totius sacrae scripturae (Magdeburg, 1598, first ed., in German, Leipzig, 1585). On Bünting as chronologer see Anthony Grafton, “Some Uses of Eclipses in Early Modern Chronology,” Journal of the History
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Even outside the ambit of biblical scholarship, introductions to general geographies and cosmographies frequently noted the crucial importance of geography to divinity. Kasper Peucer, who in 1554 became professor of mathematics in Wittenberg, published in the same year a manual for measuring distances on the surface of the globe. This skill was necessary to any student of history, explained Peucer, but particularly to believers, who wished to understand the locations of the series of divine revelations of God to his Church; who wished to grasp God’s wisdom in placing that Church in a corner of Syria, in the center of the habitable world, so that the propagation of the faith might be quicker; to those who wished to know where Christ first preached, where he performed miracles, and where he died.21 “In such important matters, failure to consider the location of regions and distances between them is not only a rude barbarism, but irreverence,” Peucer thundered.22 The apt companion which Peucer added to his mathematical manual was a description of the Holy Land by Burchard of Mt. Sion, whose thirteenth-century account was regarded as authoritative.23 Like Peucer, William Cuningham explained in the introduction to his Cosmographical Glasse that: Also, as touching the study of diuinitie, it is so requisite, and neadfull, that you shall not vndersta[n]d any boke, ether of th’ old law or Prophets (yea I had almost said, any part of à booke, or Chapter of the same) being in this Art ignoraunt. For what numbre of places, Ilands, Regions, Cities, Townes, Mountains, Seas, Riuers, and such like, is ther to be found in euery Booke? How often doth father Moses in his. v. bookes, make mention of Babilon, Sinehar, Armenia (in whose hilles,
of Ideas 64, no. 2 (2003): 213–29. On the cartography of Eden see Alessandro Scafi’s definitive treatment in Mapping Paradise: A History of Heaven on Earth (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2006). See also his earlier “Mapping Eden: Cartographies of the Earthly Paradise,” in Mappings, ed. Denis Cosgrove, 50–70 (London: Reaktion Books, 1999). 21 Kaspar Peucer, De dimensione terrae et geometrice numerandis locorum particularium intervallis ex Doctrina triangulorum Sphaericorum & Canone subtensarum Liber. . . . Descriptio locorum Terrae Sanctae exactissima Autore quodam Brocardo Monacho. Aliquot insignium locorum Terrae Sanctae explicatio & historiae per Philippum Melanthonem (Wittenberg: 1554), 1–3. 22 “In his tantis rebus non regionum situs & intervalla considerare, non solum agrestis barbaries est, sed etiam impietas.” Ibid., 3. 23 For a useful although too rigid introduction to Protestant confessional geographies see Manfred Büttner, “The Significance of the Reformation for the Reorientation of Geography in Lutheran Germany,” History of Science XVII (1979): 151–69. See also Axelle Chassagnette, “La géométrie appliquée à la sphère terrestre: Le De Dimensione Terrae (1550) de Caspar Peucer,” Histoire & Mesure 21, no. 2 (2006): 7–28.
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Noë his Arke stayed after the vniuersal deludge) Assur, Charan, Caphdorim or Caldaea, Aegipt called of the Hebrues Mizraim, Syria (deuided into thre parts, Mesopotamia, Arabia, and Aethiopia,) with infinite like places, whiche without Cosmographie can nether be rightly vnderstand, or yet trulye expounded? [. . .] These thinges I bring in only as example, to proue the necessarye vse of it in deuinitie, and not to dispute ether of Paradise or his situation, seing it belongeth not to my profession, and office.24
Similar statements can be spotted in the emerging geographical literary canon from the early fifteenth well into the seventeenth century. Studying sacred geography, as Erasmus noted, was part of inquiring into the origins of peoples, their customs, laws, and ritual. Following Vadianus’ and Erasmus’ call, scholars approached the Bible equipped with an expanded corpus of Oriental languages and texts, in an effort to reconstruct the life of past societies in its full spectrum, especially that of the Hebrews in the Holy Land in the time of Christ, and of early Christian communities. This exercise in reconstruction, to apply Arnaldo Momigliano’s famous formulation of 1950, was antiquarian par excellence. In other words, we see here the emergence of sacred antiquarianism, which sprang from traditional exegesis and Christian Hebraism on the one hand, and from the bourgeoning fascination with classical antiquities on the other.25 Momigliano was clear that antiquarianism dealt with the sacred as well as the secular past. One of the main contentions of my study is that sacred geography, both in content and in method, was a central element in this documentary and scholarly effort to recover the past.26 In my view, the study of antiquarianism pioneered by Momigliano and extended by Miller and others should include the world of cartography and geography. Often, the organizing principle of antiquarian works, both secular and sacred, has been spatial-geographical rather than thematic or temporal, as in Leandro Alberti’s influential description of Italy (1550). The itinerary was both a well developed
24 William Cuningham, The Cosmographical Glasse Conteinyng the Pleasant Principles of Cosmographie, Geographie, Hydrographie, or Nauigation (London: In officina Ioan. Daij, 1559), sig. A4v–A5r. 25 Arnaldo Momigliano, “Ancient History and the Antiquarian,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes (1950): 285–315. For the seventeenth century see Peter N. Miller, “The ‘Antiquarianization’ of Biblical Scholarship and the London Polyglot Bible (1653–57),” Journal of the History of Ideas 62, no. 3 (2001): 463–82. 26 See Chapter Two for further discussion and bibliography.
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antiquarian practice and a literary format. The scholarly map, it could be argued, enabled a primary mode of antiquarian expression in early modern Europe. It allowed juxtaposing textual and material evidence, and reducing information into tabular form.27 The map was an apt means to place material before one’s eyes or present it to memory, to use common expressions at the time. It displayed detailed, synchronic knowledge about the past; it allowed measured, visual documentation; and it was an antiquarian object in itself—collected, displayed in curiosity cabinets, reproduced, and exchanged. From its earliest manifestations, like Buondelmonti’s early fifteenth-century treatise on the Aegean, the new scholarly interest in antiquities was closely tied to cartography. Figures like Leon Battista Alberti, Angelo Colocci, and later Pirro Ligorio pursued both channels thoroughly, and the list continues to unroll through the names of Konrad Peutinger, Robert Cotton, William Camden, and of course Ortelius.28 Similarly, a map of the Holy Land, a view of Jerusalem, a plan of the Temple and the tomb of Christ, although subjects long central to the Christian tradition, were now antiquarian productions, which were born into an antiquarian milieu. Throughout this study these conceptual as well as social and biographical links between sacred geography and antiquarian practices will continually emerge. Beyond sacred geography, this is a phenomenon that has significance for the understanding of early modern geography as a whole. It awaits further study and elaboration. A related term, ‘devout curiosity,’ will appear several times as well throughout this study. Sacred or devout curiosity, a term coined most probably in the late fifteenth century, is perhaps the most important for understanding the traditions that merged in the workshop of the sacred geographer. This was what the sacred antiquarian practiced when he worked his way through the Talmud to learn about ancient Hebrew measures, when he commissioned a map of a diocese under his care, or when he carefully measured the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem. Whereas the quantification and geometrization of space 27 Ann Blair, The Theater of Nature: Jean Bodin and Renaissance Science (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997), 175. 28 On Ortelius as antiquary see recently Tine L. Meganck, “Erudite Eyes: Artists and Antiquarians in the Circle of Abraham Ortelius” (Ph.D., Princeton University, 2003). See also George Tolias, “Ptolemy’s Geography and Early Modern Antiquarian Practices,” in Ptolemy’s Geography in the Renaissance, eds. Zur Shalev and Charles Burnett, 121–42 (London; Turin: Warburg Institute; Nino Aragno, 2011).
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were seen by previous scholarship as clear marks of secularization in Renaissance geography and cartography, I argue that this is not necessarily the case. Measurement and accuracy where happily adopted as pious modes of dealing with the sacred, in text and image, because they were not seen by contemporaries as emptying the world of its moral and qualitative properties. Curiosity becomes a devout act in itself. It is employed not in the traditional, pejorative sense of reaching beyond human and moral bounds, but in the evolving contemporary, positive one: examining curious evidence thoroughly, carefully, and patiently—just as Samuel Bochart and Isaac de La Peyrère did when they inspected a whale’s tooth in the curiosity cabinet of Ole Worm.29 Sacred geography thus participated in the emerging culture of curiosity and science in early modern Europe.30 Moreover, the centrality of the notion of devout curiosity in the practice of sacred geography makes its story part of the general phenomenon of pious science in early modern Europe. Antiquarian projects were never detached from present ideas and concerns, and sacred geography was no exception. Devout curiosity meant not only the careful study of biblical and ecclesiastical antiquity, but also mobilizing this study for contemporary devout purposes. The unique mix of devotion and erudition that Simon Ditchfield found in Roman learned circles, pervades the genre of sacred geography.31 Many of the works which this study examines operate on these two levels, with liturgical or polemical goals in mind. Arias Montano (Chapter Two), once he established the historical sense of Scripture, used his meticulous antiquarian images as meditative objects. Franciscan surveys of Jerusalem (Chapter Three) were crafted to defend the authenticity of the holy sites and rejuvenate the traditions attached to them. Protestant legal-historical inquiries about the territory under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Rome in the fourth century aimed to weaken the papacy’s modern claims to supremacy—the map gallery in the Vatican palace aimed to strengthen it (Chapter Five).
29 As related by Pierre-Daniel Huet in his memoire. See below Chapter Four, note 130. 30 See further discussion in Chapter Three. 31 Simon Ditchfield, “Text before Trowel: Antonio Bosio’s Roma sotterranea Revisited,” in The Church Retrospective, ed. R. N. Swanson, Studies in Church History; 33, 343–60 (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press for The Ecclesiastical History Society, 1997).
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Thus the confessional battle over sacred geography took place on common antiquarian ground. It is, therefore, impossible to generalize, as some modern interpreters do, about a supposedly necessary connection between sacred geography and literal minded Protestantism.32 Protestants were not so averse to the allegorical or even mystical sense of Scripture, just as Catholics were deeply involved with the historical. More importantly, maps in this period have found uses beyond the strictly geographical. While sacred geography was clearly a subject dear to both camps, and therefore a controversial one, it is hard to reconstruct a neat front line of debate. Biblical geography gripped both Catholic and Protestant scholars, who, to some extent, especially in the seventeenth century, respected and utilized each other’s work.33 Pilgrimage to European shrines was fiercely criticized by Reformers, but their views on the voyage to Jerusalem were ambiguous, and many Protestants simply made the pilgrimage, whatever the official line may have been. Ecclesiastical geography presents the only clear case where Catholic geographers dominated the field and Protestants could produce mostly ‘negative’ geographies. The question of Protestant ecclesiastical geography, however, is still open for further study and debate. This book makes considerable use of maps and some other illustrative material as sources for intellectual history, drawing on the recent awakening of the history of cartography. If previous traditions of scholarship contented themselves with documenting the growing accuracy of maps, or with fine carto-bibliographical inquiry, research in the history of cartography at least since the early 1990’s seeks to interpret maps as objects which operate within specific intellectual and political environments, and thus partake of broader historical contexts. So far,
32 Frank Lestringant, Introduction to André Thevet, Cosmographie de Levant (Geneva: Droz, 1985), lxi–lxiv. 33 As we will see in Chapter Four, Bochart’s Geographia sacra won praise from Protestants and Catholics alike. Similarly, the Jesuit Jacques Bonfrère’s work on Holy Land geography was included in the apparatus of Brian Walton’s London Polyglot. The Anglican Henry Spelman warmly recommended Arias Montano’s and the Geneva Bible’s reconstruction of the Temple, as opposed to that of Adrichem: “See the forme of the Temple in Arias Montan: Antiquitat. Iudaic. lib. Ariel. and in the Geneva Bible I King. cap. 6. and marke well both it, and the notes vpon it; for I find them (above others) most agreeable to the Scriptures, and rely not vpon the figure of the Temple in Adricomius, without good examination; for I perceiue he hath misplaced somethings therein.” De non temerandis ecclesiis, A Tract of the Rights and Respect Due vnto Churches, 2 ed. (London: Iohn Beale, 1616), 74 note b.
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the scholars practicing the new history of cartography have mainly explored the political, literary, and artistic aspects of early modern mapping, with exciting results.34 The religious aspect of early modern cartography, however, still lags behind. For example, while maps of the Holy Land, are comprehensively catalogued, analyzed, and grouped according to formal and visual criteria, their broader cultural and intellectual contexts have only rarely been explored.35 The situation has changed as regards medieval cartography, especially mappae mundi, which have been studied and carefully placed in exegetical and literary traditions.36 In the early modern period, however, there is still a lot to be desired. In a recent overview of the field, Pauline Moffitt Watts observes that “there has been no comprehensive study of the relationship of cartography to the Protestant and Catholic reform movements of early modern Europe”.37 The recent works of Margriet Hoogvliet on world maps and of Alessandro Scafi on the mapping of Paradise present important steps towards a fuller understanding of the ways in which maps operated within changing religious cultural and intellectual spheres.38 One of the clear marks of this new scholarship is the full recognition that geography and cartography were to a large degree humanistic, text-oriented disciplines that took part in a wider world of early modern scholarship. Like most other branches of knowledge at the time, they were in continual negotiation with a 34 See for example, David Buisseret, ed., Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); Josef W. Konvitz, Cartography in France, 1660–1848: Science, Engineering, and Statecraft (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); Matthew H. Edney, Mapping an Empire: The Geographical Construction of British India, 1765–1843 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997); Tom Conley, The Self-Made Map: Cartographic Writing in Early Modern France (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996); Richard Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood: The Elizabethan Writing of England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); David Woodward, ed., Art and Cartography: Six Historical Essays (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987). 35 See Chapter Two for further discussion and bibliography. 36 See for example, Evelyn Edson, Mapping Time and Space: How Medieval Mapmakers View Their World (London: British Library, 1997); Scott D. Westrem, The Hereford Map: A Transcription and Translation of the Legends with Commentary, Terrarum Orbis; 1 (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2001). 37 Pauline M. Watts, “The European Religious Worldview and Its Influence on Mapping,” in The History of Cartography; Volume 3: Cartography in the European Renaissance, ed. David Woodward, pt. 1, ch. 11 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 387. 38 Margriet Hoogvliet, Pictura et scriptura: Textes, images et herméneutique des “mappae mundi” (XIIIe–XVIe Siècle), Terrarum Orbis; 7 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007); Scafi, Mapping Paradise.
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body of textual traditions, both scriptural and classical. I employ this approach when I study maps within the context of religion and scholarship. Jointly analyzing textual and visual sources, I stress both the obvious yet rarely practiced—that reading the texts which accompany a map is crucial—and the less obvious—that the specific intellectual arena into which a map is born should bear upon its interpretation. Moreover, if earlier critics, like J. B. Harley, who established “the power of maps” paradigm and thus redefined the history of cartography, looked at ‘mapping’ as a unified corpus with a clear agenda (power and rule), later map historians have gradually realized that individual maps, just like books, have specific arguments, and that dialogues and debates run through as well as between them.39 It will be noted throughout the following discussions that early modern scholars attentively designed their maps in order to promote particular views in response to other texts and maps. In recent scholarship there has been a real surge, sometimes called a ‘visual turn’, in the study of early modern visual culture.40 In the history of science in particular, images, diagrams, and sketches have assumed center stage in discussions on the production and presentation of knowledge, and on cultures of description.41 Somewhat paradoxically, the new history of cartography has taken a linguistic turn in order to turn maps into more meaningful historical documents. However, for my purposes, the two turns meet mid-way. I adopt the principle that images and maps are never simple descriptions of a natural or geographical reality, but are always mediated and shaped by convention and dialog. One of the more essential, demanding and
39 Valerie A. Kivelson, “Cartography, Autocracy and State Powerlessness: The Uses of Maps in Early Modern Russia,” Imago Mundi 51 (1999): 83–105. 40 David Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989); Robert W. Scribner, For the Sake of Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation, 2 ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994); James Elkins, “Art History and Images That Are Not Art,” The Art Bulletin 77, no. 4 (1995): 553–71; Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, The Mastery of Nature: Aspects of Art, Science, and Humanism in the Renaissance (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993); David Morgan, The Sacred Gaze: Religious Visual Culture in Theory and Practice (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005). 41 David Freedberg, The Eye of the Lynx: Galileo, His Friends, and the Beginnings of Modern Natural History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Barbara M. Stafford, Artful Science: Enlightenment, Entertainment, and the Eclipse of Visual Education (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1994). Wolfgang Lefevre, Jurgen Renn, and Urs Schoepflin, eds., The Power of Images in Early Modern Science (Basel: Birkhauser, 2003).
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rewarding aspects of dealing with visual sources is the reconstruction of historical discourses about their significance and use.42 Wherever I could, I have highlighted instances where early modern sacred geographers were highly conscious and articulate about maps. Some of them even developed a critical discourse about their use (or their opponents’ perceived misuse) of maps. On the whole, this book’s various chapters demonstrate the increasing and yet complex role played by visualization in early modern European scholarship. It is here that I see this study joining and contributing to current literature on past visual cultures. I have often been asked the very sensible question whether my studies in map history focused on any particular area. Regardless of the variety of evasive answers I have given in the past, I came to realize that indeed it was hard to pin down this project to any particular region. It mentions locations from Ceylon to Peru and from Cairo to Stockholm. It is certainly not tied to the Holy Land. My protagonists lived and acted in widely if not wildly different religious and political local contexts. The particular region I do cover, it would seem, is one province of the European Republic of Letters, that by-definition landless entity. Thus this study is at the same time very broad, hopping from one country and period to another, and very specific, in trying to explore one early modern scholarly genre. A survey of the whole field would have amounted to a frustrating list of authors and titles. I have chosen to avoid that and therefore many significant contributors to geographia sacra are either mentioned in passing or simply neglected. Instead, the book offers case studies, which explore in great detail central scholars and themes of sacred geography in the early modern period, while progressing chronologically from about 1540 to 1690. Together the chapters cover the essential issues which preoccupied sacred geographers at the period, and allow a view of the field from different scholarly perspectives.
42 As, for example, Sachiko Kusukawa amply demonstrated in the case of botanical illustrations: “Leonhart Fuchs on the Importance of Pictures,” Journal of the History of Ideas 58, no. 3 (1997): 403–27. See also Georgia Frank, The Memory of the Eyes: Pilgrims to Living Saints in Christian Late Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000); Peter Burke, “Images as Evidence in Seventeenth-Century Europe,” Journal of the History of Ideas 64, no. 2 (2003): 273–96.
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The following chapter examines the biblical maps of the Spanish theologian Benito Arias Montano, editor of the second great Polyglot Bible (Antwerp, 1569–72). Montano, who, so far as I can establish, was the first to use the term geographia sacra, was one of the earliest scholars to have fully realized Eusebius’ blueprint, and thus merits a closer look. Montano authored geographical texts, maps, and architectural designs, which he joined together in the Polyglot’s massive Apparatus. An examination of the Apparatus demonstrates that Montano’s scholarship combined his philological training in Oriental languages and exegesis with a profound antiquarian interest in tabulating and visualizing monuments of the past. A close look at Montano’s Latin texts and at his broader social and intellectual contacts underlines the importance of the antiquarian movement as a major factor in his biblical scholarship, and stresses the centrality of geography and maps in Montano’s religious thought. Geographia sacra, which for Montano encompassed the whole Earth, allowed him to demonstrate the relevance of Scripture to a modern overseas Spanish empire, and to argue enthusiastically for the potential of the text’s mysteries to yield more knowledge in the future. Sacred geography as an antiquarian practice manifested itself most clearly on-site, that is, in Jerusalem itself. The third chapter focuses on learned travel and pilgrimage, or, on what became of Eusebius’ remark that he would offer a representation of Jerusalem and the Temple “after comparison with the existing remains of the sites.”43 Current scholarship is almost united in the view that pilgrimage to Jerusalem died out after 1500. Yet the burgeoning publication of pilgrim accounts during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries calls for a reconsideration. It is shown here, first, that many took the route to the Holy Sepulcher, and second, that devotion to the sacred sites, even if it took a different form than its medieval predecessor, was lively and generated great interest at home in Europe, in both the Catholic and the Protestant worlds. The well-established tradition of pilgrimage was transformed by the growing practice of learned travel in search of curious items and phenomena, and the general scientific and descriptive culture of the time. Franciscan authors, who usually stayed for long periods in the Holy Land, effectively controlled information about the sacred sites, and were engaged in an extensive project of visual and textual
43
Eusebius, Onomasticon, 11.
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documentation of monuments and traditions. This activity was concurrent with similar efforts in Rome, especially in its catacombs, to document early Christian life and to tie them into contemporary devotion. The third chapter pays special attention to Bernardino Amico’s Trattato de sacri edificii di Terra Santa (1609, 1620). Amico, an Observant Franciscan, produced commentated maps, views, and meticulous scaled architectural plans of the Christian monuments of the Holy Land. His work allows a consideration of the meeting of CounterReform Christian scholarship, antiquarian interest in visualization and measurement, and the tradition of pilgrimage. Chapter Four investigates the scholarship of the Protestant minister and formidable Orientalist Samuel Bochart (1599–1667), and especially his Geographia sacra (Caen, 1646). Bochart’s authority and erudition were widely admired during his lifetime and throughout the eighteenth century,44 yet modern scholarship has so far failed to seriously engage with his oeuvre. I argue that Bochart’s geographical scholarship was distinctly Protestant, while tracing its origins back to the turbulent intellectual and political context of its inception and reception. The chapter also introduces the links between philology and sacred geography, which Bochart, following Montano, brought to perfection. Bochart’s mission in the Geographia was twofold. In Phaleg, following Eusebius and marshaling an intimidating range of sources, Bochart deciphered Genesis 10 and identified the location of each of Noah’s descendents. In Chanaan (both titles were borrowed from Montano) Bochart proceeded to explain the impact of Phoenician navigation on the ancient world. This two-tiered model allowed Bochart to chart human ‘prehistory,’ for which Mosaic geography was the only source, and to link it to the classical tradition of geography. Moreover, working with complex etymologies in European and Oriental languages, Bochart provided countless demonstrations of the Hebraic origins, propagated via the Phoenicians, of languages and cultures in various regions. These regions, significantly, did not include China and the New World. Bochart brought sacred geography to its utmost technical sophistication, while only tacitly admitting that the Bible was not a full account of human history and geography. It was a view that during
44 Bochart was crowned by Pierre Bayle as “un des plus savans hommes du monde.” Dictionnaire historique et critique, ed. Desmaizaux, 5 ed., 4 vols. (Amsterdam: 1740), I:585–87.
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these very years another Protestant, Isaac La Peyrère, moving in the same learned circles, would state explicitly in his Praeadamitae. Eusebius, although a pioneer of ecclesiastical history, did not include ecclesiastical geography in his master plan as outlined in the Onomasticon. In the sixteenth century and particularly in the seventeenth geographia sacra developed, as noted above, to include ecclesiastical geography and thus went beyond the strictly biblical to embrace a wholly different register. Chapter Five will explore this largely overlooked early modern development and extension of geographia sacra. Maps were an important tool of administration, and the Church, like the emergent monarchical states, was quick to use them. PostTridentine bishops, encouraged to visit and familiarize themselves with their dioceses, sponsored surveys and maps of the communities under their supervision. It became fashionable among monastic orders to record their origins and geographical spread in earlier periods, for which purpose they commissioned special atlases. Maps not only provided efficiency, but also added glory to the Catholic Church by presenting its ancient and enduring hierarchical structure, global missionary reach, and network of shrines. In this capacity ecclesiastical geography inevitably acquired a polemical edge. Chapter Five brings to light a fierce debate of the 1620s, whose main protagonists were the Genevan jurist Jacques Godefroy and the Jesuit Jacques Sirmond, over the geographical extent of the special diocese of the pope in the fourth century. It is shown that ecclesiastical geography was inseparable from explorations made by church historians and antiquaries into early Christian communities, institutions and material culture.45 The chapter ends with an account of the career in ecclesiastical geography of the Augustinian monk Augustin Lubin, who in the second half of the seventeenth century systematized the field and turned it almost into a technical pursuit. An Epilogue (Chapter Six) will trace the stabilization of geographia sacra in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Once the Bible lost its role as the basic research program of human and natural history, and once confessional debates had fallen out of vogue, sacred 45
Simon Ditchfield, Liturgy, Sanctity and History in Tridentine Italy: Pietro Maria Campi and the Preservation of the Particular (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Ingo Herklotz, Cassiano Dal Pozzo und die Archäologie des 17. Jahrhunderts (München: Hirmer, 1999).
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geography lost its resonance and significance. Moreover, the field itself had been almost exhausted. With Bochart, the progeny of Noah had been definitively charted; Jacques Bonfrère edited Eusebius’ Onomasticon and perfected the map of Judea; Christian van Adrichem and Louis Cappel fully researched Jerusalem and the Temple, respectively; Franciscus Quaresmius gave an authoritative statement of Christian pilgrimage and the traditions relating to the sacred sites in the Holy Land; with Augustin Lubin, ecclesiastical geography was fully methodized. Until the beginning of Near Eastern scientific archaeology in the late nineteenth century, no major advances would be gained over these fruits of the concentrated effort of scholars all over Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It is during the later phase of that efflorescence that an Anglican preacher and writer, Thomas Fuller, could popularize sacred geography, and use it as a platform from which to comment on current English affairs, or that Friedrich Spanheim, Jr., would publish an introduction to the subject for young students, and that Jean Le Clerc would write a brief history of sacred geography, and thus incorporate it into the historia litteraria of Europe.
CHAPTER TWO
THE ANTWERP POLYGLOT BIBLE: MAPS, SCHOLARSHIP, AND EXEGESIS The Council of Trent (1545–64), the founding event of the CounterReformation, also marked the beginning of the spectacular ecclesiastical career of Benito Arias Montano (1527–98, Figure 1).1 Poet laureate, member of the Military Order of St. James, Doctor of Theology, Orientalist, and a leading biblical scholar, Montano was chosen by Bishop Martín Peréz de Ayala to join the Spanish delegation to the third session-period of the Council (1562–64), and won praise for his interventions on communion and on marriage.2 For Montano, however, 1 An earlier version of this chapter appeared as “Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism and Visual Erudition: Benito Arias Montano and the Maps in the Antwerp Polyglot Bible,” Imago Mundi 55, no. 1 (2003): 56–80. For a recent reevaluation of the historiographical tradition of Trent and the Counter-Reformation see John W. O’Malley, Trent and All That: Renaming Catholicism in the Early Modern Era (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000). On Montano’s activities in Trent see C. Gutiérrez, Españoles en Trento, Corpus Tridentinum Hispanicum, 1 (Valladolid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Instituto “Jerónimo Zurita” Sección de Historia Moderna “Simancas”, 1951), 180–81, n. 366; Benito Arias Montano, Elucidationes in quatuor euangelia, Matthaei, Marci, Lucae & Johannis. Quibus accedunt eiusdem elucidationes in Acta Apostolorum (Antwerp: Plantin, 1575), 62; T. Gonzáles Carvajal, “Elogio histórico del Dr B. Arias Montano,” Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia VII (1823): 1–199, esp. 32–36. 2 We still lack a full intellectual biography and a full correspondence edition for Montano, a fascinating and central figure of early modern scholarship, though more and more particular studies and modern editions of his works shed light on his work and thought. Rekers’ standard biography is useful mainly as to Montano’s activities, yet less so regarding his works: Ben Rekers, Benito Arias Montano (1527–1598) (London: The Warburg Institute, 1972). See also, among others, Vicente Becares Botas, Arias Montano y Plantino: el libro flamenco en la España de Felipe II (León: Universidad Secretariado de Publicaciones, 1999), Luis Gómez Canseco, ed., Anatomía del humanismo: Benito Arias Montano, 1598–1998 (Huelva: Servicio de Publicaciones Universidad de Huelva, 1998); Sylvaine Hänsel, Der spanische Humanist Benito Arias Montano (1527–1598) und die Kunst (Münster: Aschendorff, 1991); Paul Saenger, “Benito Arias Montano and the Evolving Notion of Locus in Sixteenth-Century Printed Books,” Word & Image 17, no. 1&2 (2001): 119–37. Mark P. McDonald, “The Print Collection of Philip II at the Escorial,” Print Quarterly 15, no. 1 (1998): 15–35. Guy Lazure, “Possessing the Sacred: Monarchy and Identity in Philip II’s Relic Collection at the Escorial,” Renaissance Quarterly 60, no. 1 (2007): 58–93. Benito Arias was educated in Seville, and then in the University of Alcalá de Henares, a center for Hebraic and biblical studies. In 1560 he became a member of the military order of St. James. After
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Figure 1. Ph. Galle, engraved portrait of Benito Arias Montano. Galle and Montano, Virorum doctorum de disciplinis benemerentium effigies XLIIII (Antwerp, 1572). Source: Princeton University Library, Rare Books Division. Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, (Ex) CT 206 .G35x 1572q.
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the Council was not only about re-enforcing Catholic doctrine and fighting heretics, but also about scholarly exchange. During his stay in Trent Montano was able to examine ancient coins, buy and translate Hebrew books from Istanbul, and obtain a map of Canaan. Montano later used this map to illustrate the Apparatus sacer of the famous Antwerp Polyglot Bible, printed under Philip II’s auspices by Christophe Plantin, and of which Montano was the chief editor. Montano’s encounter with a map while at Trent and its later reworking into the Antwerp Polyglot opens a window onto the broader question of maps and religion in early modern Europe. When set against the rich intellectual and political context in which they were created and disseminated, prominent examples of geographia sacra such as these enable discussion of several key questions regarding their meaning and contemporary significance: How do maps function within an exegetical framework? What was the significance of the denominational rift in their conception and execution? How did biblical maps relate to the flowering of secular cartography, the geographical revolution, during the early modern period? As discussed in the opening chapter, Abraham Ortelius’ Catalogus auctorum in his celebrated Theatrum orbis terrarum (1570)—that invaluable ‘Who’s Who’ of late sixteenth-century cartography— demonstrates how deeply involved early modern mapmakers were in religious activities and scholarship.3 Like others in Plantin’s circle, Ortelius himself was to some extent sympathetic to the mystical and pietistic ideals of the Family of Love. As Giorgio Mangani has shown, Ortelius’s religious cartography was reflected in his use of the heartshaped projection, which intended to embody the union of Christian charity with Neostoic ideals.4 The authors listed on Ortelius’ Catalogus,
his recall from the Low Countries he was the librarian of the Escorial, and then, in 1586, retreated to his estate near Seville, where he died in 1598. 3 Robert W. Karrow, Jr., Mapmakers of the 16th Century and Their Maps: Biobibliographies of the Cartographers of Abraham Ortelius, 1570 (Chicago: Speculum Orbis Press, 1993); Peter H. Meurer, Fontes cartographici Orteliani: Das “Theatrum orbis terrarum” von Abraham Ortelius und seine Kartenquellen (Weinheim: VCH, Acta Humaniora, 1991). 4 Giorgio Mangani, “Abraham Ortelius and the Hermetic Meaning of the Cordiform Projection,” Imago Mundi 50 (1998): 59–83, and Il “mondo” di Abramo Ortelio: misticismo, geografia e collezionismo nel Rinascimento dei Paesi Bassi (Modena: Franco Cosimo Panini, 1998); René Boumans, “The Religious Views of Abraham Ortelius,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes (1954): 374–77; and the essays in Robert W. Karrow, Jr. et al., Abraham Ortelius (1527–1598): cartographe et humaniste
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like Jacob Ziegler, Sebastian Münster and Arias Montano himself, were theologians, philologists and historians. Modern scholarship, however, still lacks a comprehensive study that addresses the complex ways in which cartography operated within these religious and scholarly contexts. In the case of Holy Land maps, for example, we have fine albums and carto-bibliographies, yet very little that addresses contemporary discourses about the Holy Land and their relation to its cartography.5 In their survey of maps in Bibles in the sixteenth century, Catherine Delano Smith and Elizabeth Ingram opened the field for new kinds of questions about cartography and religion in the early modern period. Although their focus was on a specific genre in a single century, Delano Smith and Ingram made it clear that it is by no means obvious how maps function in such religious contexts as theology and exegesis, and that the question requires further historical investigation, specifically taking into account the wider social currents that mapmakers and their readers were navigating. Delano Smith’s and Ingram’s bibliographic survey was based on some 1,000 printed sixteenth-century Bibles, of which only 176 include maps. Their research revealed that maps never appear in Bibles printed in Catholic countries such as Spain, Portugal and Italy, and very rarely in Latin and French Bibles.6
(Tournhout: Brepols, 1998). Recent scholarship on The Family of Love tends to circumscribe the group’s extent and influence. See Jason Harris, “The Religious Position of Abraham Ortelius,” in The Low Countries as a Crossroads of Religious Beliefs, eds. Arie-Jan Gelderblom, Jan L. de Jong and M. van Vaeck, 89–139 (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2004). 5 For an album with valuable notes see Kenneth Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy Land: Images of Terra Sancta through Two Millennia (New York: Abbeville Press, 1986); see also Eva Wajntraub and Gimpel Wajntraub, Hebrew Maps of the Holy Land (Wien: Brüder Hollinek, 1992); Eran Laor and Shoshanna Klein, Maps of the Holy Land: Cartobibliography of Printed Maps, 1475–1900 (New York: A. R. Liss, 1986); Rehav Rubin’s pioneering scholarly study of Jerusalem maps pays attention mostly to formalvisual analysis and to map provenance: Image and Reality: Jerusalem in Maps and Views (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University Magnes Press, 1999). 6 Catherine Delano Smith and Elizabeth M. Ingram, Maps in Bibles, 1500–1600: An Illustrated Catalogue (Genève: Droz, 1991). The first printed Bible map appeared with Froschauer’s Old Testament (Zurich, 1525), based on Luther’s translation. Later, the Geneva Bible, which appeared in many editions, contained five maps (Exodus, Eden, Division of Canaan, The Holy Land at the Time of Christ, Eastern Mediterranean). See also their other important contributions: Delano Smith, “Geography or Christianity? Maps of the Holy Land before AD 1000,” Journal of Theological Studies 42 (1991): 143–52; “Maps as Art ‘and’ Science: Maps in 16th Century Bibles,” Imago Mundi 42 (1990): 65–83; “Maps in Bibles in the 16th Century,” The Map Collector 39 (1987): 2–14; Delano Smith and Mayer I. Gruber, “Rashi’s Legacy: Maps of the Holy Land,”
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They were thus able to conclude that “the history of maps in Bibles is part of the history of the Reformation.” According to the authors, the Protestant adoption of humanist historical-philological approaches to texts, emphasizing the literal over the allegorical, “is perhaps the key factor that explains why maps were felt by so many Protestant publishers to be useful adjuncts to printed Bibles.”7 Writing about the Galleria delle carte geografiche in the Vatican, Francesca Fiorani extended the argument by claiming that the Galleria project, which was completed in 1581, was in fact a Catholic cartographic response to the wide Protestant use of maps in Bibles.8 The striking quantitative finding that including maps in Bibles was a predominantly Protestant practice puts Montano’s maps—an exception to what appears to be the rule—in a particularly revealing light. Thus, Montano’s approach to cartography and the reasons for his inclusion of maps in the Apparatus of the Polyglot Bible deserve closer attention. This is enabled by the fact that Montano recorded many of his thoughts on the creation and understanding of maps and images in the text of the Apparatus. The aim of this chapter is to explore further this still largely uncharted terrain, and try to extend and nuance Delano Smith’s and Ingram’s thesis. Rather than attributing the spirit of mapping to a general Protestant mapping ethic, I attempt to reconstruct the ways in which maps, visual erudition, and biblical scholarship interacted in Montano’s world, and to open up the notion of geographia sacra to take account of sacred antiquarianism, both textual and visual. Montano’s thoughts on biblical geography, moreover, lay within a broader movement of pious philosophy that attempted to harmonize knowledge of the natural world with Scripture.
The Map Collector 59 (1992): 30–35; Elizabeth M. Ingram, “A Map of the Holy Land in the Coverdale Bible: A Map by Holbein?,” The Map Collector 64 (1993): 26–33; and “Maps as Readers’ Aids: Maps and Plans in Geneva Bibles,” Imago Mundi 45 (1993): 29–44. 7 Delano Smith and Ingram, Maps in Bibles, xvii, xxiv. 8 Francesca Fiorani, “Post-Tridentine geographia sacra: The Galleria delle carte geografiche in the Vatican Palace,” Imago Mundi 48 (1996): 124–48, and more extensively in her The Marvel of Maps: Art, Cartography and Politics in Renaissance Italy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005). See further discussion of the Galleria in Chapter 5.
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The story of the Antwerp Polyglot, also known as the Biblia Regia, has been told many times, and the process of its creation is well documented (Figure 2).9 The idea had originated with Plantin, perhaps under the influence of the Orientalist and mystic Guillaume Postel, and was first mentioned in Plantin’s letter to Andreas Masius of February 1565. Plantin was persuaded to embark on such a massive project by the rarity of the previous great polyglot edition, the Complutensian of Cardinal Ximenes (completed 1517, published 1520–22).10 Plantin recruited a group of scholars, and even won German Protestant patronage. Yet, after having been forced to print anti-Catholic material during the outbreak in Antwerp of Calvinist iconoclasm in 1566, Plantin eventually decided to apply for Catholic patronage for the Polyglot in order to save his printing house and his own reputation in the eyes of the King. After Philip and his secretary Zayas had granted permission for the project, Plantin was informed that Benito Arias Montano, the King’s chaplain, would supervise the project. In May 17, 1568, after a tortuous sea journey, Montano reached Antwerp to take charge of the Polyglot, one of the most ambitious printing projects of the time. In Antwerp he spent seven incredibly productive years, and also made some of his most intimate friends.11
9 Basil Hall, “Biblical Scholarship: Editions and Commentaries,” in The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. 3: The West from the Reformation to the Present Day, ed. S. L. Greenslade, 38–93 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963); Rekers, Benito Arias Montano, ch. 3; Léon Voet, “La Bible Polyglotte d’Anvers et Benedictus Arias Montanus. L’Histoire de la plus grande entreprise scriptuaire et typographique du XVIe siècle,” in La Biblia Polyglota de Amberes, eds. Federico Perez Castro and L. Voet (Madrid: Fundación universitaria Española, 1973), 35–53. Montano’s and Plantin’s correspondences concerning the Polyglot are published in “Correspondencia del doctor Arias Montano con Felipe II, el secretario Zayas y otros sugetos, desde 1568 hasta 1580,” in Collección de Documentos inéditos para la Historia de España (Madrid: Viuda de Calero, 1862); Christophe Plantin, Correspondance de Christophe Plantin, eds. Max Rooses and Jean Denucé, 9 vols. (Antwerpen: J. E. Buschmann, 1883–1918); Baldomero Macías Rosendo, ed., La Biblia Políglota de Amberes en la correspondencia de Benito Arias Montano (Ms. Estoc. A 902) (Huelva: Universidad de Huelva, 1998). For an insightful account of the intellectual background of the 17th-century Paris Polyglot see Peter N. Miller, “Les origines de la Polyglotte de Paris: philologia sacra, contre-réforme et raison d’état,” Dix-Septième Siècle 49, no. 1 (1997): 57–66. 10 On the Complutensian see Jerry H. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ: New Testament Scholarship in the Renaissance (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983), 72ff. 11 Montano’s nostalgia for his Antwerp period frequently recurs in his letters to Ortelius. See for example the letter from Rome, 28 February 1576, in Ortelius,
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Figure 2. Title page, Benito Arias Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), I. Source: Princeton University Library, Rare Books Division. Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, (Ex) 5145.1569f.
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Plantin, the leading printer of the second half of the sixteenth century, greatly admired his industrious new editor, of whom he noted that, “beside his nobility and rank, is not only so accomplished in the knowledge of Hebrew, Aramaic, Syriac, Greek, Latin, and various other languages, but also endowed with supreme modesty, prudence, [and] love of God.”12 Montano aimed to produce an authoritative Bible edition in five languages, supported by a weighty Apparatus complete with various reading aids. The project involved the concerted and prolonged work of experts in Oriental languages and biblical scholarship—including Masius, Postel’s students, the brothers Guy and Nicolas Lefèvre de la Boderie, and Franciscus Raphelenghius, Plantin’s son-in-law. By the end of two years Montano’s team of scholars and Plantin’s proofreaders, with the collaboration of the Doctors of the Faculty of Theology in Louvain, had the biblical texts ready for typesetting.13 The first four volumes of the Polyglot contain the Hebrew Old Testament, with the Vulgate, Septuagint, and Aramaic translations, while the fifth contains the New Testament in Greek, Latin and Syriac.14
Abrahami Ortelii (geographi Antverpiensis) et virorum eruditorum ad eundem et ad Jacobum Colium Ortelianum (Abrahami Ortelii sororis filium) epistulae. Cum aliquot aliis epistulis et tractatibus quibusdam ab utroque collectis (1524–1628), ed. John Henry Hessels (Cambridge: Typis Academiae, sumptibus Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae, 1887), no. 62: 1–3, 138–40. In September 1592 Montano even went as far as offering Justus Lipsius, one of his Antwerp acquaintances, to be the inheritor of his estate: Ronald W. Truman, “Justus Lipsius, Arias Montano and Pedro Ximenes,” Bulletin de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome 68 (1998): 367–86. 12 “Estant donc de retour en ceste ville, je trouvay Monsigneur le docteur en théologie Bénédict Arias Montanus, officier de la Sainte Inquisition en Espagne, Chevalier de l’ordre de Saint Jaques, personnage, outre l’estat de noblesse et degré qu’il tient, non seulment autant accompli en la science des langues hébraïcque, chaldaïcque, syrienne, grecque, latine et diverses autres, mais aussi doué d’une autant souveraine modestie, prudence, amour divin, et toutes autres vertues divines qu’oncques j’en ay sceu congnoistre.” Plantin to Maximilian de Berghes, Archbishop of Cambrai, 28 June, 1568, Plantin, Correspondance, I, no. 137. 13 In an often quoted passage Plantin describes how his thirteen-year old daughter, Magdelaine, used to read the biblical texts to Montano: she was in charge of bringing “toutes les espreuves des grandes Bibles Royal au logis de Monsgr le Docteur B. Arias Montanus et de lire, des originaux Hebraïcques, Chaldéens, Syriacques, Grecs et Latins, le contenu desdictes espreuves, tandis que mondict Sr le docteur observe diligemment si nos feilles sont telles qu’il convient pour les imprimer.” Plantin to Zayas, 4 November 1570, Plantin, Correspondance, II: 251, p. 175–76. 14 For a complete bibliographic description of the Polyglot see Léon Voet and Jenny Voet-Grisolle, The Plantin Press (1555–1589): A Bibliography of the Works Printed and Published by Christopher Plantin at Antwerp and Leiden, 6 vols. (Amsterdam: Van Hoeve, 1980), entry 644; Rosendo, La Biblia Políglota de Amberes, Introducción.
the antwerp polyglot bible
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Montano then moved on to prepare the Apparatus, in three volumes. The idea of an apparatus was not new. The old Complutensian had already offered its readers a volume of reading aids, including Greek, Hebrew and Chaldean dictionaries and a Hebrew grammar. As the practice of studying the Holy Scriptures in their original languages became more common during the sixteenth century, other sophisticated tools for precise reading were published, such as biblical name indexes.15 Montano, however, furnished his Polyglot with a selection of study aids unprecedented in quantity and comprehensiveness.16 In the Apparatus volumes one finds, besides dictionaries and grammars for Hebrew, Syriac, and Greek, also a non-Vulgate, literal Latin translation of the Hebrew Old Testament, copious indices, and various methodological essays on translation. For Volume Eight, the third of the Apparatus, Montano composed a number of learned treatises that add up to a complete ethnography of the ancient Hebrews. Montano summed up and elucidated what was then at the forefront of biblical scholarship, and in his view, of scholarship at large. Montano also included four maps—Orbis tabula, Terra Canaan Abrahae tempore, Terra Israel in tribus undecim distributa, Antiqua Ierusalem—and about ten antiquarian illustrations of architectural designs, biblical monuments, and liturgical vestments
15 For example, Robert Estienne’s Hebraea & Chaldaea nomina virorum, mulierum, populorum, idoloru[m], urbium, fluuiorum, montium, caeterorumque locoru[m], quae in Bibliis leguntur, ordine alphabeti Hebraici (Paris: Rob. Stephani, typographi Regii, 1549). An excellent overview with an emphasis on Protestant biblical scholarship in the sixteenth century is Debora K. Shuger, The Renaissance Bible: Scholarship, Sacrifice, and Subjectivity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), ch. 1. See also François Laplanche, Bible, sciences et pouvoirs au XVIIe siècle (Napoli: Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Filosofici, 1997). 16 For example, while Estienne’s Hebraea & Chaldaea nomina gave only Hebrew names and their Latin translations, Montano amplified this format to include, as Plantin duly emphasized in his ‘Preface to the Christian Reader,’ short descriptions of biblical figures’ lives, and geographical descriptions based on classical authors: Montano, ‘Hebraica, Chaldaea, Graeca et Latina nomina virorum, mulierum, populorum, idolorum, urbium, flu
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The Online Books Page
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Listing over 3 million free books on the Web - Updated Wednesday, August 28, 2024
BOOKS ONLINE
Search our Listings -- New Listings -- Authors -- Titles -- Subjects -- Serials
NEWS
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Schilb Antiquarian
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Jean Doujat was a 17th-century French lawyer known for his studies in canonic law. In addition to his law career, Doujat wrote a book on the history of Old Testament figures such as Adam, Methuselah, Nimrod, Isaac, Job, Debora, Samson, David, and Isaiah. Each entry features a small woodcut engraving – a portrait of the biblical character.
1688 1ed Old Testament BIBLE 50 Figures ART Adam Samson Methuselah David Doujat
Jean Doujat was a 17th-century French lawyer known for his studies in canonic law. In addition to his law career, Doujat wrote a book on the history of Old Testament figures such as Adam, Methuselah, Nimrod, Isaac, Job, Debora, Samson, David, and Isaiah. Each entry features a small woodcut engraving – a portrait of the biblical character.
Item number: #19031
Price: $750
DOUJAT, Jean
Éloges des personnes illustres de l’Ancien Testament, pour donner quelque teinture de l’histoire sacrée …
Paris : Impr. de G. Martin, 1688. First edition.
Details:
Collation: Complete with all pages
[16], 99
50 engravings
Language: French
Binding: Leather; tight and secure
Size: ~6.75in X 4.75in (17cm x 12cm)
Rare and desirable
Our Guarantee:
Very Fast. Very Safe. Free Shipping Worldwide.
Customer satisfaction is our priority! Notify us with 7 days of receiving, and we will offer a full refund without reservation!
19031
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https://habitant.org/tools/noblebib.htm
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Bibliography for Tracing French Noble Families
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A bibliography of useful books, articles, and manuscripts for tracing members of the French nobility and royalty.
| null |
John P. DuLong
WARNING: I am in the process of updating this bibliography so you will notice some things are crossed out because they are no longer valid and I have yet to find a replacement. Also, I am not done yet indicating with asterisks the works that are now available online. JPD, 20 April 2016.
Introduction
Tracing noble ancestors in France can be challenging. However, the researcher is blessed with a variety of published and manuscript resources to rely upon. In this partially annotated bibliography I list some of the more valuable books, articles, and indexes to manuscript collections available to the researcher. I also list some works that are less than accurate since you will probably encounter them sooner or later and you should be prepared for them.
This web page originally appeared as a post on a CompuServ genealogy forum in April 1992. It was written as an addition to Michael K. Smith's "Bibliography for Research in British and Continental Royal and Noble Lineages and Heraldry" posted on the same forum as two files, ROYALB.TXT and ROYALJ.TXT. I added this information because his otherwise very detailed and valuable listing lacked crucial works for doing French noble research. This is not a comprehensive bibliography but only an update of my original CompuServ file. It reflects what I have learned over the intervening years by working on the Baillon and Le Neuf research projects. Basically, this represents my working bibliographic notes.
This bibliography only covers the nobility prior to the French Revolution and not during the Napoleonic Empire or the Restoration. These periods are beyond my expertise. I have included a few titles relating to the nobility of New France.
Most of these works are in French. With a little effort, and brushing up on your High School French, you should be able to extract valuable information from these sources. You will find many of these books in public libraries with large genealogy collections or through the Family History Library. However, some of them you are more likely to find only at large university graduate libraries, often in storage.
Since I originally wrote this bibliography in 1999 there has been a major improvement. Many of these works, especially the older ones, are available in digital files that can be downloaded for free. When I know for sure that there is a digital version of a work, I will indicate it with the use of an asterisk. I suspect others are also now available online. You can search Google, Gallica, FamilySearch or the Internet Archive for digital copies. Some of these works are also available for purchase on CDs or DVDs. In the past, many of these CD and DVD products were available from GeneaGuide.com, but that firm is apparently no longer in business. However, many of these works are now available from Histoire & Généalgie. In fact, this company offers a special Cabinet Généalogiste Expert which includes most of the major works mentioned in this bibliography and consists of 22 CDs or DVDs for the price of 988.00 euros. The individual works in this collection can also be purchased separately from this company. Although many of the works in this special collection can be downloaded for free, the free versions are not always high quality scans.
When you suspect you have a French ancestor who was a noble you must launch a research project to verify your suspicions. You can not merely accept vague family traditions or the misleading use of prepositions in your surname. Contrary to popular belief, the use of "de," "de la," and "du" in a surname is NOT a not sign of nobility. Also, keep in mind that merely possessing a seigneurie, that is, a manor and landed estate, is also not proof of nobility as many wealthy commoners purchased seigneuries. However, if you find your ancestor consistently referred to in original documents as an écuyer (squire), chevalier (knight), or some other noble title, then you have an interesting clue well worth pursuing.
The general approach I recommend for tracing a French noble family is as follows:
First look through the key references and construct a detailed research bibliography. Make sure you include all the bibliographic information including any cryptic codes and numbers. These mysterious pieces of information are usually document codes and call numbers.
Now systematically hunt for the books and articles on this bibliography. This process usually requires visiting several university libraries and the extensive use of interlibrary loan. Also, some of the items will be found at the Family History Library. Carefully, review what others have found about the family you are researching. Perhaps your problem has already been solved by another genealogist.
If necessary, make up a list of manuscripts to consult in France. Although you could visit France to do the research, few of us can afford this. Besides, when in France why would you want to be in an archives or library when you could be touring one of the most magnificent countries in the world. Instead, I suggest that you order digital copies of the documents. Digital copies are usually cheaper than microfilm or paper copies. Processing a reproduction order can take up to and beyond six months. Be patient. I find it is better to get copies than to hire a researcher in France. This way you can pour over the evidence at your leisure. Be prepared to encounter some difficult to read script.
Lastly, analyze your evidence and make sure you have an original document or a printed source citing original documents to prove the link between every generation. Never settle for less.
I also strongly suggest you find others researching the same family and band together to divide the labor and share the costs. In my own case I have been very lucky to become a team member with some rather brilliant colleagues, namely René Jetté, Roland-Yves Gagné, Gail F. Moreau, and Fr. Joseph Dubé. I consider myself as the junior partner and I am fortunate to work with such talented people and to learn from them.
I would also like to thank Jean-Philippe Gérard for reading over this bibliography and supplying me with some helpful comments.
Lastly, in addition to Smith's bibliography, you might want to consult Leo van de Pas's "Royal Genealogical Book Evaluations" web site.
Key References
Whenever I start a project to study a French noble family I always consult these essential of tools. These key references will show you the state of the knowledge for the family you are interested in researching. They point to published and manuscript documentation about French noble and bourgeois families. Most of the manuscripts will be found in France at the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BN or BNF, National Library of France) or the Archives nationales (AN or ANF, National Archives of France) in Paris. However, many of the books and articles can be found in North America. The addresses for these important institutions are:
Centre d'accueil et de recherche des Archives nationales (CARAN)
60, rue des Francs-Bourgeois
75141 Paris Cedex 03
FRANCE
The entrance is on 11, rue des Quatre-Fils - 75003 Paris.
Web: http://www.culture.fr/culture/sedocum/caran.htm
Note: The Archives nationales is undergoing renovation until 2004.
Bibliothèque nationale de France
Site Richelieu
58 rue de Richelieu
75002 Paris
FRANCE
The manuscript collection is at the Richelieu site, but the books and many other offices are located at the new library at Site François Mitterrand, Quai François Mauriac, 75013 Paris.
Web: http://www.bnf.fr/
Bibliothèque nationale de France. "Inventaire des instruments de recherche: manuscrits occidentaux." About 2,700 microfiche. Paris and London: Chadwyck-Healey, 1991.
Imagine all the indexes, inventories, guides, and research tools for the western manuscripts of the Bibliothèque nationale on microfiche and that is what is in this collection. The most important item for genealogists researching French nobles is the "Table alphabétique du Cabinet des titres" (Noms de famille des 6 premières séries, 10 vol. manuscrits). This is the same as bound volumes found at the library under the title "Répertoire alphabétique des séries généalogiques de l'ancien cabinet des titres de la Bibliothèque nationale" (mss., 10 vols., in-fol.1898). The original index is on the shelve near the doorway as you enter the Department of Manuscripts. This index is the key to the crucial Cabinet des titres, that is, the Office of Noble Titles. In these titles you will find evidence submitted to document nobility and proving noble status back several generations. You will find the papers of the juges d'armes (Judges of Arms)with one exception, all members of the Hozier familyand the papers of Bernard Chérin, généalogiste des Ordres du roi (Genealogist of the King's Orders). On this index you will find out what parts of the Cabinet des titres hold documents concerning the surname you are researching. Many of the indexes listed under the Libraries and Archives Guides section of this web page can also be found in this microfiche set. You are more likely to find this microfiche set at larger university graduate libraries.
This index to the Cabinet des titres is now available on CD from GeneaGuide.com. The full citation for this product is:
Grando, Denis, and Christophe Levantal, eds., in collaboration with Daniel Catan and Christian Robert-Leroy, Répertoire alphabétique des six séries généalogiques du Cabinet des titres de la Bibliothèque nationale de France, CD, based on the original index prepared under the direction of Ulysse Robert (Paris: Générep, 2001).
Note: The original manuscript index for the first six series in the Cabinet des titres is now available via Gallica.
Arnaud, Etienne. Répertoire des généalogies françaises imprimées. 3 vols. Paris: Privately printed by the author, 1978-1981.
Vol. 1, A-F, 599 p.
Vol. 2, G-M, corrections and additions to Vol. 1, 553 p.
Vol. 3, N-Z, corrections and additions to Vols. 1 and 2, 592 p.
Even before I look at the microfiche indexes of manuscripts, I usually consult Arnaud's index of printed French genealogies. It includes not only nobles but also many bourgeois families. A family citation will often have the province of origin, associated estates, and a code indicating the published works containing information about the family. You will have to refer to the front of each volume for the full bibliographic information that matches the code. Remember to check vols. 2 and 3 for additions and corrections. Arnaud will usually point to all the well known published works. Arnaud also conveniently points to citations for a family in the Jougla de Morenas and de Warren's Grand armorial de France ([1934-1952] 1975), Saffroy (1968-1988), and some original manuscripts at the Bibliothèque nationale. This tool is in need of an update to catch up with the all the materials published since 1981 in France and Québec.
Arnaud's index is now available on CD from GeneaGuide.com. The CD contains additional families and corrections. In addition, this same firm sells another CD entitled Bibliothèque généalogique de France, which indexes published genealogies of at least three generations since 1982. It is meant to complement Arnaud's work.
Arnaud's index is available on CD from Histoire & Généalogie. The CD contains additional families and corrections.
Saffroy, Gaston. Bibliographie généalogique, héraldique et nobiliaire de la France des origines à nos jours. Imprimés et manuscrits. 5 vols. Paris: Librairie Gaston Saffroy, 1968-1988.
Vol. 1, General topics, nos. 1-16008, xxviii p., 734 p.
Vol. 2, Topics organized by provinces, French colonies, the Latin Orient, and refugees, nos. 16009-33963, viii p., 872 p.
Vol. 3, Genealogies organized by surname, nos. 33964-52222, vi p., 831 p.
Vol. 4, Index, iv p. 538 p.
Vol. 5, Supplement and index, nos. 52223-57484, by Geneviève Saffroy (Gaston Saffroy's daughter).
This is the masterpiece bibliography for the French nobility. Saffroy records published secondary sources as well as some primary source manuscripts in the Bibliothèque nationale and other libraries and archives in France. Although Arnaud points to some manuscripts at the Bibliothèque nationale, Saffroy's work offers more manuscript citations but is still not comprehensive. I usually check vol. 3 first because it is organized by family surnames. I then move on and check vol. 2 for information about the area in which my noble ancestors lived. The index is of limited help since it is only for authors and titles. Saffroy assigns a unique accession number at the beginning of each citation. Occasionally, other indexes will refer you to Saffroy and then indicate this number. Please see vol. 1, pp. xxvii-xxviii for a list of abbreviations used in the citations.
The obscure code at the end of many citations in Saffroy are the call numbers used at the Bibliothèque national. For example, [8 LM1 26 is the call number for La Chenaye-Desbois and Badier's Dictionnaire de la noblesse ([1863-1876] 1980). In general, if you see the abbreviation BN ms. fr. or BN n. acq. fr. followed by a number in a Saffroy citation, then it is indicating the French Manuscript Collection or the New Acquisitions French Manuscript Collections at the Bibliothèque national. Arnaud (1981) also points to Bibliothèque nationale call numbers and uses Fr. and NA to indicate manuscript collections at this institution. I can not emphasize enough how important it is to read the introductory materials in both Saffroy and Arnaud to understand all their subtleties.
Izarny-Gargas, Louis d', Jean-Jacques Lartigue; Jean de Vaulchier. Nouveau nobiliaire de France: Recueil de preuves de noblesse: Notices de 30.000 familles nobles d'Ancien Régime origines, armes, preuves de noblesse et sources archivistiques. 3 vols. Versailles : Mémoires & Documents, 1997-1998.
Vol. 1, A-D;
Vol. 2, E-L;
Vol. 3, M-Z.
This is a recent and welcomed addition to essential tools for researching French noble families. In this work you will find an index to published and manuscript proofs of nobility, which are rich in genealogical information. The introductory material is particularly worthwhile reading as it explains how one became a noble in France, what positions were ennobling, how nobility could be lost, and the rules for proving nobility in order to enter prestigious social institutions. It is organized by surname and then seigneurie or province. Titles of documents, their date, and location are given for the families listed. Lastly, the blazon of arms, if known, are provided. This reference work should be added to any major genealogical collection with a French interest. More information about this publication, including how to order it, can be found at the Mémoire et Document web site. At this web site you will also see that this book is now available on CD.
Gérard, Jean-Philippe. Répertiore des ressources généalogique et héraldiques du Départment des manuscrits del a Bibliothèque nationale de France. Versailles: Mémoire & Documents, 2003.
I have been remiss in not adding this important work sooner to this bibliography. M. Gérard provides us not only with a bibliographic guide to many valuable genealogical and heraldry documents in the Department of Manuscripts at the Bibliothèque nationale de France, but he also provides practical information about using these documents and gives us some insight into the history and organization of the Cabinet des titres. The book is organized by the category of the documents, but there is an index included. This book is available from Mémoire et Document.
Genealogical Dictionaries
The works in this section are genealogical dictionaries that contain published information about nobles and royals in France. Their quality range from excellent and well documented to useful finding aids only to absurd works requiring great caution. Most, but certainly not all, of these works are organized by family surname.
*Anselme de Ste-Marie, Père. Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la Maison royale de France, des pairs, grands officiers de la Couronne et de la Maison du roy et des anciens barons du royaume. . . . 9 vols. Continued by M. du Fourny. 3rd ed., reviewed, corrected, and augmented by P. Ange et du P. Simplicien, augustins dechausses. Paris, 1723-1733. Reprint Ed. Paris, Editions du Palais royal; New York and London, Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1967.
Vol. 1: Concerning the royal house of France;
Vol. 2: Concerning the twelve ancient ecclesiastic and lay peerages;
Vol. 3: Following peers of France (sorted by date of creation);
Vol. 4: Following peers of France, continued (also see Potier de Courcy ([1868-1879] 1968);
Vol. 5: Following peers of France, end, etc.;
Vol. 6: Senechals, constables, chancellors, and marshals of France;
Vol. 7: Marshals, admirals, and generals of the galleys of France;
Vol. 8: Grand masters of the arbalestries [crossbow men], grand-masters of the artillery, portes-oriflamme (bearers of the of the battle standard of France), colonel generals of the infantry; grand-almoners, grand-masters, chambriers (stewards of the king's chambers), grand chamberlains, grand écuyers (squires, in charge of the royal stables), grand butlers and echansons (cup bearers), grand pannetiers (pantler, store-keeper), grand veneurs (hunstman), grand falconers, grand louvetiers (wolf hunters), grand queux (head cooks), and grand masters of the waters and forests of France;
Vol. 9: Statutes and catalog of the Knights of the Order of the Holy Spirit, since their institution up to the present [ca. 1733] with their names, surnames, qualities, and posterity (also see Potier de Courcy ([1868-1879] 1968).
Although this is commonly referred to as Père Anselme’s work, it was really a team effort. Père Anselme de Ste-Marie was Pierre de Guibours (1625-1694). After his death the project was taken over by Honoré Caille du Fourny (1630-1713). It was completed by Paul Lucas (1683-1759) alias Pére Simplicien and François Raffard (1655-1726) alias Père Ange de Ste-Rosalie.
This is the definitive work on the royal house and peerage of France. It is the French equivalent of the English Complete Peerage. Once you become accustomed to the way it is laid out, by how a family was associated to the king and his household or when a titled peerage was established, it becomes easy to work with. Considering when it was produced, it is very modern. Père Anselme and his editors showed a great concern for documentation and cited sources in the margins. They even quoted the entire text of documents creating peerages. Each volume has its own index and there is a general index in the last volume. Vol. 9 is dedicated to recording the members of the Order of the Holy Spirit. You should use this set in conjunction with Potier de Courcy ([1868-1879] 1968).
*Aubert de la Che[s]naye-Desbois, François-Alexandre, et Jacques Badier. Dictionnaire de la noblesse, contenant les généalogies, l'histoire et la chronologie des familles nobles de France. 3rd ed. 19 vols. Paris: Schlesinger, 1863-1876. Reprint ed. 10 vols. Paris: Berger-Levrault, 1980.
Vol. 1: Aba-Aud, Abadie-Audet
Vol. 2: Aud-Ber, Audibert-Bernardon
Vol. 3: Ber-Bra, Bernardy-Brancher
Vol. 4: Bra-Cha, Brancion-Chabot
Vol. 5: Cha-Coe, Chabot-Coetmen
Vol. 6: Coe-Dou, Coetquen-Douhet
Vol. 7: Dou-Fev, Doujat-Fèvre
Vol. 8: Fev-Gar, Fèvre-Garravet
Vol. 9: Gar-Gue, Garreau-Guenant
Vol. 10: Gue-Iza, Guénégaud-Izarn
Vol. 11: Jab-Lev, Jablonowski-Levezou
Vol. 12: Lev-Mal, Levis-Malesset
Vol. 13: Mal-Mon, Malestroit-Montagnac
Vol. 14: Mon-Nob, Montagny-Noblet
Vol. 15: Nob-Poi, Noblet-Poisson
Vol. 16: Poi-Rev, Poisson-Reviers
Vol. 17: Rev-Rym, Révilliasc-Rym
Vol. 18: Saa-Til, Saarbruck-Tilly
Vol. 19: Til-Zur, Tilly-Zur-Lauben
My first impression of this work is that it was a hack job in comparison to the other available sources. Much of it is plagiarized from earlier works, usually Père Anselme ([1723-1733] 1967). The documentation of other more careful researchers is striped out when they pilfer the words of others. They do not cite any sources based on their own research either. Nor do they include transcriptions of original documents. My opinion of it has become more mild over the years. It is a widely published work that appears in many libraries. Although I use it with caution, it is a convenient finding aid that will notify you if the family you seek is prominent enough to have others write about it. The challenge is then to find where these authors got their data. Now available on CD from GeneaGuide.com.
Carretier, Christian. Les ancêtres de Louis XIV: 512 quartiers. 2nd rev. ed. Paris: Éditions Christian, 1981.
This slim volumes list the ancestry of Louis XIV. An appendix shows how he descends from El Cid, Mohammed, and Rurik the founder of Russia. It is also slim on documentation.
*Chaix d'Est-Ange, Gustave. Dictionnaire des familles françaises anciennes ou notables à la fin du XIXe siècle. 20 vols. Évreux: C. Hérissey, 1903-1929.
Vol. 1: A-Att
Vol. 2: Aub-Bar
Vol. 3: Bas-Ber
Vol. 4: Ber-Blo
Vol. 5: Blo-Bou
Vol. 6: Bou-Bré
Vol. 7: Bré-Bur
Vol. 8: Bus-Cas
Vol. 9: Cas-Cha
Vol. 10: Cha-Chu
Vol. 11: Cib-Cor
Vol. 12: Cos-Cum
Vol. 13: Cun-Des
Vol. 14: Des-Dug
Vol. 15: Duh-Dyé
Vol. 16: Eas-Eys
Vol. 17: Fab-Fei
Vol. 18: Fel-For
Vol. 19: For-Fyo
Vol 20: Gaa-Gau
This work provides summary information about the important noble families of France. It was never completed.
*Courcelles, Jean-Baptiste[-Pierre Julien], Chevalier de. Histoire généalogies et héraldique des pairs de France, des grands dignitaires de la couronne, des principales familles nobles du royaume et des maisons princières de l'Europe. 12 vols. Paris, 1822-1833.
This is an example of less than spectacular nineteenth century French genealogy. You are better off using Père Anselme ([1723-1733] 1967). I have never found anything of value in it.
Eynde, Gerald de, comp. Armorial général ou registres de la noblesse de France: nouvelle table générale. Paris: Éditions du Palais Royal, 1970.
This is a surname only index to the published Armorial général (Hozier 1738-1908).
Frotier de La Messelière, Henri. Filiattions bretonnes, 1650-1912: Recueil des filiations directed des représentants actuels des families noble, de bourgeoisie armoriée ou le plus fréquemment alliées à la noblesse, d'origine bretonne ou résidant actuellement en Gretagne, dupuis leur plus ancien auteur vivant en 1650. 5 vols. Mayenne, France: Impr. J. Floch, [1912] 1965.
I have not yet used this work, but I have seen it referred to in several other works and it appears to be highly regarded. Once I get a chance to use it I will provide further details. This is an example of a regional genealogical dictionary for nobles. Other such works exists and I hope some day to add some more selected examples to this bibliography.
*Gavard, Charles. Galeries historiques du Palais de Versailles. 9 vols. in 10. Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1839-1848.
Louis-Philippe, the Citizen King of the French, created a special shrine to commemorate the crusaders when he remodeled Versailles. Vol. 6, parts 1 and 2, of this work lists the knights, gives some biographical details, and presents their arms. Be forewarned that some of these arms and some of the crusaders are bogus. Nevertheless, it is an interesting work to examine. You can access it online at Gallica.
*Hozier, Louis-Pierre d'. Armorial général ou registres de la noblesse de France. 13 vols. Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1738-1908.
It is very important that you understand that the manuscript "Armorial général" is distinct and very different from the published Armorial général. It is also crucial that you know a little about the role of the d'Hozier family.
Shortly after Louis XIII established the office of judge of arms a member of the d'Hozier family occupied the position. A member of this family held the office until the Revolution and later under the Restoration. Their official title became: "généalogiste de la maison du roi, juge général des armes et blasons, et garde de l'armorial général de France." For several generations this dynasty of genealogists were responsible for accrediting the nobility of French families and recognizing and registering their arms. The manuscript "Armorial général" was the result of an interesting tax initiative on the part of Louis XIV. In 1696 the King insisted that everyone register their arms and pay a tax. Those bourgeois without arms, but with means, were granted arms and then taxed. Charles-René d'Hozier was charged with compiling this information into the "Armorial général." He did so between 1697 and 1707 placing the information in 48 manuscript volumes organized by province. Many French familiesincluding many bourgeois familiescan be found in the manuscript "Armorial général" in the Cabinet Des titres. However, the only information you will find in the manuscript is a description of their arms and a drawing of them. Also, it should be noted that some complete rolls of arms collected for the Armorial général in 1696 are available in print for specific regions and provinces. For example, see Meurgey de Tupigny's (1965-1967) armorial of Paris.
Despite the shared title, the thirteen published volumes of the Armorial général is not the same information collected for the 1696 tax and found in the manuscript "Armorial général." The published Armorial général is the work of Louis-Pierre d'Hozier, the nephew of Charles-René d'Hozier. It contains only the most prominent French families at the time of the publication. Each family has a written family history with footnotes pointing to original documents and published sources. The first 10 vols. were published from 1738 to 1768. Supplemental volumes were published in 1868, 1872, and 1908. Now available on CD from GeneaGuide.com. For a surname index of these published volumes see Eynde (1970).
Joannis, Jean-Dominique de, and R. de St-Jouan. Les seize quartiers généalogiques des Capétiens. 4 vols. Lyon: Sauvegarde Historique, 1958-1965.
This is a collection of well documented pedigree charts showing the ancestry of each King of France for four generations. It also includes cadet branches of the royal family. Vol. 4 consists of additions and corrections as well as an index.
Le Hête, Thierry. Les Capétiens. Paris: Éditions Christian, 1987.
A nicely done job laying out family trees for the Kings of France and families associated with the royal house. It also contains maps showing the development of the kingdom.
*Moréri, Louis. Le Grand dictionnaire historique . . . . 10 vols. Paris: Les Libraires Associes, 1759.
This is biographical dictionary that often contains very interesting genealogical details. There are several editions of this work, some translated into English. These editions vary in there coverage. I have yet to determine the best edition. Moréri tends to repeat his contemporary Père Anselme ([1723-1733] 1967). Nevertheless, he sometimes has information that is not otherwise available. M. Gérard has kindly pointed out that the best edition of this work is the last one consisting of 12 volumes and completed in 1873. This edition is available on CD from GeneaGuide.com.
*Potier de Courcy, Pol Louis. Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la maison royale de France. . . . Paris, vol. 4 and vol. 9 in 2 parts, 1868-1879. 4th ed. Paris: Éditions du Palais Royal, 1968.
This worthy effort to update, correct, and annotate Père Anselme was never completed. Potier did an excellent job on the volumes he was able to finish. There is great coverage of the members of the Order of the Holy Spirit.
Rey, Emmanuel-Guillaume. Les familles d'outre-mer de Du Cange. Reprint ed. New York: Burt Franklin, 1971.
Many French families participated in the Crusades. This is a well documented genealogy of Crusader families living in the Levant based on the historical and genealogical work of Charles du Fresne du Cange.
Saillot, Jacques. Les seize quartiers des Reines et Impératrices françaises (420-1920). Angers: J. Saillot, 1977.
This work is a counterpart to the work of Joannis and St-Jouan. It has pedigree charts for the Queens and Empresses of France.
*Saint-Allais, [Nicolas] Viton de. Nobiliarie universel de France, ou: recueil général des généalogies historiques des maisons nobles de ce royaume. 21 vols. Paris, 1814-1843. Reprint ed. Paris: Librairie Bachelin-Deflorenne, 1872-1878.
Although I have often stumbled upon this work, it has yet been able to provide me with anything of value. Sources for the genealogies are not provided.. Now available on CD from GeneaGuide.com.
Schwennicke, Detlev. Europäische Stammtafeln: Stammtafeln zur Geschichte der Europäischen Staaten, Neue Folge. [European Family Trees: Family Trees for the History of European States, New Series.] First series by Wilhelm Karl, Prinz zu Isenburg, continued second series by Frank, Baron Freytag von Loringhoven. 17 vols. to date. Marburg, Germany: Verlag von J. A. Stargardt , 1978-.
Despite being in German, this is a wonderful work for tracing noble families in France and elsewhere in Europe. For detailed information about this important work, and a key to understanding its abbreviations and symbols, see my Europäische Stammtafeln web pages.
Sereville, Étienne de, and F. de Saint Simon. Dictionnaire de la noblesse française. Paris: La Société Française au XXe Siècle, 1975. Supplement, Paris: Éditions Countrepoint, 1977.
This is a directory of modern day French nobility. The introductory material and bibliography is of special value to researchers.
Settipani, Christian. Les ancêtres de Charlemagne. Paris: Éditions Christian, 1989.
This is a genealogical dictionary of the ancestors of Charlemagne. Many French nobles, and all the royals, can be traced back to this Emperor of the West. Well researched, but I understand you should read the following article before reading the book.
__________. "Les ancêtres de Charlemagne: addenda et corridenda." Histoire et généalogie 28 (1990): 19-36.
This article is now available at http://www.rootsweb.com/~medieval/charladdend.htm.
Sirjean, Gaston. Encyclopédie généalogique des maisons souveraines du monde. Paris: Éditions du Palais-Royal, 1959-, 13 parts to date.
This is a collection of well done fold out pedigree charts and accompanying text and documentation. The parts that have appeared in print deal mostly with French royalty and nobility.
Sturdza, Mihail Dimitri. Grandes familles de Grèce, d'Albanie et de Constantinople. Paris: Privately printed by the author, 1983.
The French became inolved in Greece with the fall of Constantinople in 1204. This work is excellent for not only tracing French crusaders in Greece, but also for connections to Byzantium.
Nobility in France
Bird, Jack. "Some Sources for French Genealogy and Heraldry." The Genealogists' Magazine 13:8 (December 1960): 237-241.
Many of the sources in this bibliography I first learned about from reading Bird's article.
Bouchard, Constance B. "Consanguinity and Noble Marriages in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries." Speculum 56:2 (1981): 268-287.
Interesting discussion of consanguinity among the nobility and the impact of the Catholic Church's changing rules. Consanguinity often becomes a crucial issue when trying to untangle possible relationships among Medieval people.
Defauconpret, B. Les preuves de noblesse au XVIIIe siècle: la réaction aristocratique : avec un recueil de tous les ordres, honneurs, fonctions, écoles, chapitres, réservés à la noblesse. Paris: Intermédiaire des chercheurs et curieux (ICC), 1999.
This book examines the 187 noble institutions in eighteenth century France that required proof of nobility. He identifies each of these institutions and discusses the proofs that were required to establish nobility for candidates. Overtime it became more difficult for the bourgeoises and recently ennobled to be welcomed into these institutions.
Lart, Charles E. "French Noblesse." The Genealogists' Magazine 7:5 (March 1936): 229-242.
Lart, Charles E. "French Noblesse and Arms." Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London 15:3 (1936): 476-488.
Lart has written clear and concise articles dealing with French nobility on both sides of the Atlantic. These are excellent introductory pieces that help explain the terms used to describe and differentiate the French nobility. He also compares the French nobility to the English nobility.
Mousnier, Roland E. The Institutions of France under the Absolute Monarchy, 1598-1789: Society and the State. Brian Pearce and Arthur Goldhammer, trans. 2 vols. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1979-1984.
Anyone doing French genealogical research on either peasants, bourgeois, or nobles would benefit from reading Mousnier. He has prepared a social guide to the world of our ancestors. His chapters dealing with nobility, heraldry, the peerage, and the royal household are superb.
Bourgeois Gentlemen and Robins
Molière poked fun in his plays at bourgeois gentlemen who made money in lucrative positions and then tried to pass themselves off as nobles. They are important to us because many of our noble ancestors you will find trace back to an grandfather who was ennobled because of his office. The son would try to pass as a noble and the grandson would usually succeed at the charade. By time the family arrived in New France, they might have been passing as bona fide nobles for several generations. One of the important ways to enhance your families noble pretensions was to make sure your son married the daughter of a true noble family. The downwardly mobile noble would allow his daughter to marry the upwardly mobile bourgeois's son and thus we gain a gateway to the ancient nobility.
Families that became noble through holding offices were called nobles of the robe, or "robins," in contrast to those hereditary nobles with ancient lineages who were called nobles of the sword. Office holders tended to insure that their sons would inherit their office and after a generation or two the nobility attached to the office was now firmly a fixed to the family. The sovereign courts were the most important. These included the royal or king's council, Chambres des comptes (Court of Finances), Cour des aides (Court of the Aids Taxes), Cour des monnaies (Currency Court), the various provincial Parlements, and the most prestigious of them all the Parlement de Paris. Other important magistrates included the officials in the Bureau de ville of Paris, which would include the Prévôte des marchands (the mayor), the Échevins (the aldermen), and the Conseillers de ville.
Blanchard, François [or Guillaume]. "Les généalogie des présidents du Parlement de Paris et des conseillers du Parlement de Paris jusqu'en 1712." 36 mss. vols. on 4 microfilm reels, 0656806-0656809, Family History Library.
This manuscript provides genealogical information about leading Parisian families involved in the administration of the city. Many of them were ennobled due to their offices.
Bluche, J.-François. Les Magistrats du Grand conseil au XVIIIe siècle, 1690-1791. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1966.
__________. Les Magistrats de la Cour des monnaies de Paris au XVIIIe siècle, 1715-1790. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1966.
__________. L'Origine des magistrats du Parlement de Paris au XVIIIe siècle. Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1956.
It has been some time since I used these works by Bluche, frankly, I did not keep good notes on them. I do recall they varied in the amount of detail they provided on families. However, he does provide some interesting clues about Parisian administrators and men associated with the royal mint.
Favre-Lejeune, Christine. Les Secrétaires du roi de la grande chancellerie de France: dictionnaire biographique et génélogique (1672-1780). 2 vols. Paris: Sedopols, 1986.
To be a notary and secretary of the King was important because the position carried ennoblement for the office holder and his descendants.
Félix, Joël. Les Magistrats du Parlement de Paris (1771-1790): dictionnaire biographique et généalogique. Paris: Sedopols, 1990.
Huppert, George. Les Bourgeois Gentilshommes: An Essay on the Definition of Elites in Renaissance France. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1977.
This is an excellent historical introduction to the type of ancestor you will probably first encounter in your tracing of noble leads. This are men who have just broken into nobility through merit or money. You get a good view of both the positive and negative attributes of these people struggling to climb the slippery latter of noble success in France.
Lapeyre, André, and Rémy Scheurer. Les notaires et secrétaires du roi: sous les régnes de Louis XI, Charles VIII et Louis XII (1461-1515). 2 vols. Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1978.
Vol. 1 contains detailed information about each secretary of the King and vol. 2 has fold out family tree charts.
Popoff, Michel. Prosopographie des gens du Parlement de Paris (1266-1753): d'après les ms Fr. 7553, 7554, 7555, 7555 bis conservés au Cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale de France. Saint-Nazaire-le-Désert: Références, 1996.
This is a must consult work if you find any of your ancestors involved in the Parlement de Paris. Unlike the British Parliment, this was not a legislative body, but rather the highest court of appeal in France. It had many other administrative duties including the registering of royal acts to make them official. If your ancestors was a member of this court, then he would have been educated in canon, Roman, and customary law probably at a university like the ones in Orléans, Paris, or elsewhere in France. Basic information about the service of each person is provided and some genealogical details are given. As these positions became hereditary, and there was a lot of intermarriage between the families, it is often possible to trace several generations for some families in this work.
Villeneuve, Gérard de. Comment rechercher les origines d'un magistrat Parisien. Versailles: Centre Généalogique de Paris, 1985.
This is the first volume of a projected multi-volume work. It identifies the sources of information dealing with the nobility of the robe. Unfortunately, this work does not yet go to the end of the alphabet. To my knowledge, no other volumes have been completed. His book covers ennobled administrators, lawmakers, and judges.
Nobility in New France
Many nobles came to New France as officers or administrators. Although most of them returned to France after their tour of duty, some remained and founded families that can still be found in Québec, the Maritimes, and Louisiana. The following works concentrated on noble families in Québec.
*Auclair, Elie-J. Les de Jordy de Cabanac: Histoire dúne ancienne famille noble du Canada. Montréal: Librarie Beuchemin, Ltd., 1930.
Well done work on the de Jordy family based on documents from the Cabinet des titres. Also see the recent work by the Fitte de Soucys.
Beauregard, Denis. "Quebec and Acadian Royal Descends (QRD30)--Main References." Available at http://www.francogene.com/gfna/gfna/998/qrd30.htm (accessed 1 April 2016).
This is the go to website to determine if you have a royal gateway ancestor in Québec or Acadia. Beauregard does a good job of following recent developments and provides links or bibliographic citations to the relevant publications. He also list rejected lineages near the bottom of the webpage.
Couillard Despres, Azarie. La noblesse de France et du Canada. Montréal: Le Pays Laurentien, 1916.
*Drolet, Yves. "Bibliographie de la noblesse Canadienne, Acadienne et Lousianaise (XVIIe-XXe siècle)." January 2015 version. Available at http://www.anciennesfamilles.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/Biblio-noblesse.pdf (accessed 12 May 2016.
This is the best place to start searching for nobles in New France. Drolet points to all the known published works and many manuscripts. When they are available online he provides a link.
*__________. "Dictionaire généalogique de la noblesse de la Nouvelle-France." 2015 version. Available at http://www.anciennesfamilles.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/Dictionnaire-g%C3%A9n%C3%A9alogique-de-la-noblesse-de-la-Nouvelle-France.pdf (accessed 12 May 2016).
*__________. "Tables généaloqies de la noblesse québécoise du XVIIe au XIXe siècle." 2009 version. Available at http://www.shrt.qc.ca/PDF/20070317.pdf (accessed 1 April 2016).
Drolet has done a wonderful job collecting and presenting information about the nobles of New France. You should use his dictionary because he includes citations and it is more recently updated. However, the genealogical tables provide a nice visual way to look at these families. I hope he continues to update his dictionary. This have become a very useful tool, but keep in mind he does not trace these families roots back in France.
__________. "Les écuyers de la Nouvelle-France: noble ou roturiers?" Mémoires de la Société généalogique canadienne-française 68:2 (Summer 2017): 136-156.
Drolet analyzes what is known about people claiming to be nolbes (écuyers / squires) in New France and discusses whether or not we know if they were indeed nobles, recently ennobled, or commoners pretending to be nobles.
Fitte de Soucy, Louis de, and Miren de Fitte de Soucy. Les Jordy de Cabanac: gentilshommes en Languedoc, à Paris, en Bourgogne et en Nouvelle-France. Toulouse: Fitte de Soucy, 2001.
Gadoury, Lorraine. La Noblesse de Nouvelle-France: families et alliances. Ville La Salle, QC: Éditions Hurtubise HMH ltée., 1991.
This book is a historical demographic study of French nobles in Canada. The extensive lists and bibliographies (pp. 161-208) she offers are the best places to start to see if you have a French Canadian ancestor who was noble and to check if there is anything published on the family. Be warned that she only covers people living as nobles in New France and not those who might have noble ancestry back in France. For example, she does not list Catherine Baillon, Anne Couvent, or Jeanne Le Marchand.
Gagné, Roland-Yves, "Les origines des familles Le Neuf et Le Gardeur," Mémoires de la Société généalogique canadienne-française:
Part I, "Les origines des familles Le Neuf et Le Gardeur," 63:3 (Autumn 2012) : 174-198;
Part II, "De Richard Le Neuf à Jean et Jean dits Le Neuf, frères," 64:1 (Spring 2013): 9-27;
Part III, "Les enfants de Jean Le Neuf le jeune et de Marguerite Le Gardeur," 64:3 (Autumn 2013): 199-216;
Part IV, "Les cinq enfants de Mathieu Le Neuf et Jeanne Le Marchand," 64:4 (Winter 2013): 261-280;
Part V, "Les frères Robert et Jean Le Gardeur," 65:1 (Spring 2014): 23-40;
Part VI, "Les familles alliées Lainé et Poullain," 65:2 (Summer 2014): 97-108;
Part VII, "Jean Le Gardeur, Jeanne Le Tavernier et leurs enfants," 65:3 (Autumn 2014): 213-226;
Part VIII, "Boniface et René Le Gardeur, sieurs de Tilly," 65:4 (Winter 2014): 261-276. (Note: The SGCF has made this whole issue available, including Part VIII, at http://sgcf.com/documents/memoire_exemple_no_282.pdf, accessed 8 April 2016.)
This important series is an excellent example of what can be acheived by a skilled genealogist with access to original records at the departmental archives level. Gagné's research clearly establishes the origins of both the Le Neuf and the Le Gardeur families in Normandie. In the case of the Le Neufs, he demonstrates how this family went from being tanners to nobles over several generations.
Gagné, Roland-Yves, and Laurent Kokanosky, "Les origins de Philippe Amiot (Hameau), de son éspouse Anne Couvent et de leur neveu Toussaint Ledran," Mémoires de la Société généalogique canadienne-française 58, no 1, issue 251 (Spring 2007): 17-58.
Gagné and Kokanosky identify the places of origin back in France for the Amiot, Couvent, and Ledran family. They also document a royal gateway for Anne Couvent and her sister Charlotte Couvent back to Charlemagne through the Longueval and Joyeuse families.
Godbout, Archange. "Baillonde MarleLesueur." Mémoires de la Société Généalogique canadienne-française 1:1 (January 1944): 37-43.
__________. "D'Ailleboust, de Montet, et Hotman." Mémoires de la Société Généalogique canadienne-française 1:4 (June 1945): 231-240.
__________. "Damours." Mémoires de la Société Généalogique canadienne-française 6:3 (September 1953): 114-123.
__________. "Levrault." Mémoires de la Société Généalogique canadienne-française 1:1 (January 1944): 43-48.
__________. "Les Robineau de Bécancourt." Mémoires de la Société Généalogique canadienne-française 4:3 (September 1951): 158-165.
__________. "Vieilles familles de France en Nouvelle-France." Rapport de l'archiviste de la Province de Québec, vol. 53, 1976, pp. 105-264.
Godbout is one of the founding fathers of Québec genealogy. These works contain his research on the noble families of France that settled in New France. Besides the work of Godbout, many items of interest to French-Canadian nobles can be found in the pages of the Canadian journals Bulletin des recherches historiques, Cahiers des Dix, and the Mémoires de la Société généalogique canadienne-française.
Jetté, René. Dictionnaire généalogique des familles du Québec des origines à 1730. With the collaboration of the Programme de recherche en démographie historique. Montréal: Les Presses de l'Université de Montréal, 1983.
When Jetté finds a line leading back to France he includes several generations based on the information he had available to him in 1983.
Jetté, René, John P. DuLong, Roland-Yves Gagné, and Gail F. Moreau. "De Catherine Baillon à Charlemagne." Mémoires de la Société généalogique canadienne-française 48, no. 3 (Autumn 1997):190-216.
Jetté, René, John P. DuLong, Roland-Yves Gagné, and Gail F. Moreau. "From Catherine Baillon to Charlemagne." American-Canadian Genealogist 25, no. 4 (Fall 1999): 170-200.
Jetté, René, John Patrick DuLong, Roland-Yves Gagné, Gail F. Moreau, and Joseph A. Dubé. Table d'ascendance de Catherine Baillon (12 générations). Montréal: Société généalogique canadienne-française, 2001.
I am proud to be part of this research team that found and documented a lineage for Catherine Baillon that stretches all the way to Charlemagne. Our work used many of the references listed on this web page.
Jetté, René, Roland-Yves Gagné, John Patrick DuLong, and Paul Leportier. "Les Le Neuf: état des connaissances." Mémoires de la Société généalogique canadienne-française 51, no. 3 (Autumn 2000): 209-227. This article has been translated into English and is being published in three parts in Michigan's Habitant Heritage, starting with the October 2002 issue. For an important update on the Le Neuf family, see René Jetté, "Du neuf sur les Le Neuf," Mémoires de la Société généalogique canadienne-française 53, no. 3 (Summer 2002): 143-144.
This is the result of another research team, with overlapping membership from the Baillon team. Here we document a royal lineage back to Charlemagne for the Le Neuf brothers.
Larin, Robert. "Les émigrants nobles de la Conquête, dénombrement et recensement nominatif." Available at http://www.anciennesfamilles.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/Les-%C3%A9migrants-nobles-de-la-Conqu%C3%AAte_avril-2015.pdf (accessed 14 May 2016).
This is a list of the nobles who departed Canada after the Conquest. Many returned to France or went to other French colonies. Some died at sea on the trip to France.
Larin, Robert, and Yves Drolet. "Les listes de Carleton et de Haldimand. États de la noblesse canadienne en 1767 et 1778." Histoire sociale / Social History 41, no. 82 (November 2008): 563-603. Available at http://hssh.journals.yorku.ca/index.php/hssh/article/viewFile/38714/35122 (accessed 14 May 2016).
This is a list of nobles that the English authorities compiled after the Conquest.
Lart, Charles E. "The Noblesse of Canada." Canadian Historical Review 3:3 (September 1922): 222-232.
This is Lart's introduction to the French nobility in Canada. It is a good companion piece to read with the works he has on the nobility in France.
Massicotte, Edouard-Zotique. "Inventaire des actes de foi et hommage conservés aux Archives judiciaires de Montréal." Rapport des Archives nationales du Québec (1921/22): 102-108.
These are the acts of faith and homage the seigneurs of Canada performed to retain their property.
Quebec, Legislative Assembly. Edicts, Ordinances, Declarations and Decrees Relative to Seigniorial Tenure. Quebec: E. R. Frechette, 1852.
__________. Titles and Documents Relating to the Seigniorial Tenure. Quebec: E. R. Frechette, 1852.
These official publications consists of English translations of French seigneurial documents relating to Canada.
Roy, Pierre-Georges. Inventaire des concessions en fief et seigneurie fois et hommages et aveux et denombrements conservés aux Archives de la province de Quebec. 6 vols. Beauceville: L'Eclaireur, Ltée., 1927-1929.
This is inventory of seigneurial concessions, homages, and census for new France.
*__________. Lettres de noblesse, généalogies, érections de comtés et baronnies insinuées par le Conseil souverain de la Nouvelle-France. 2 vols. Beauceville: L'Éclaireur, 1920.
Because of charlatans like Cadillac, it was necessary periodically to have Canadian noblemen register their proofs of nobility. Since nobles did not pay many taxes, this was also a measure to detect tax frauds. This is a collection of proofs that the Canadian nobles had to submit to verify their social status.
Sulte, Benjamin. "La Noblesse au Canada avant 1760." Mémoires de la Société royale du Canada (September 1914): 103-135.
This is a basic introductory article to the nobles in New France, somewhat dated now.
Heraldry, Sigillography, and Orders
This section covers works on coats-of-arms, seals, and orders of knighthood. The arms our ancestors used and the orders they were awarded can turn into clues you might need to use to solve a genealogical problem. This was certainly the case in the research we did on the ancestry of Catherine Baillon. We used a seal and a display of arms to solve two different problems and to prove the link between generations.
Before proceeding with citations on these topics, I would like to direct your attention to the French Heraldry and Related Topics web page. This is one of my favorite sites to visit. François Velde has done a tremendous job providing us with information about French heraldry, nobility, royalty, and orders. He also has pages dedicated to heraldry in general and for other ethnic groups at Heraldica. Velde is the leading expert on French heraldry on the web and he often posts to the rec.heraldry Usenet news group.
Annonymous. "Bibliographie héraldique Canadienne Française." Available at http://www.anciennesfamilles.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/Biblio-H%C3%A9raldique.pdf (accessed 14 May 2016).
This detailed bibliography with links when available to online resources is an excellent guide to the use of heraldry in New France and Québec. It is hosted at the Regroupement des anciennes familles web site and I suspect it was prepared by Yves Drolet.
Abzac, Arnaud d'. Art du blason et recherches sur armoriaux. 5 vols. Available on CD from GeneaGuide.com.
Vol. 1: Familles des provinces de l'Ouest;
Vol. 2: Familles des provinces de l'Ouest (continued);
Vol. 3: Familles sur toute la France;
Vol. 4: Familles des provinces du Sud-Est;
Vol. 5: Familles de l'Ile de France, Vexin, et Normandie.
I have yet to see this CD product, but I am intrigued by it as the author relies on many other works to compile his armorial.
Colleville, Ludovic, comte de, and François Saint-Christo. Les ordres du roi, répertoire général contenant les noms et qualités de tous les chevaliers des ordres royaux militaires et chevaleresques ayant existé en France de 1099 a 1830 . . . Avec une histoire des ordres du Saint-Esprit, de Saint-Michel, de Saint-Louis, etc. Paris, Jouve, 1924. Photocopy. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, 1968.
This contains a list of the noble men initiated into the King's Orders and the dates of their enrollment. The orders include the Order of the Holy Spirit founded in 1578, the Order of St. Michel founded in 1428, and the Order of St. Louis founded in 1693. In addition there was also the Order of Our Lady of Mount Carmel founded in 1607 and the Order of St. Lazarus of Jerusalem established in 1060. These last two are not covered in this book. Lastly, there was also a Military Order of Merit founded in 1759 for Protestants. The other orders were exclusively Catholic. A reprint edition of this work is now available from Mémoire et Document.
Crayencour, Georges de. Dictionnaire héraldiques. 2nd rev. ed. Paris: Editions Christian, 1985.
Nicely done dictionary in French of heraldry.
*Demay, Germain. Inventaire des sceaux de l'Artois et de la Picardie, recuillis dans les dépôts d'archives, musées et collections particulières des départements du Pas-de-Calais, de l'Oise, de la Somme et de l'Aisne, avec un catalogue de pierres gravées ayant à sceller. 2 vols. Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1877.
*__________. Inventaire des sceaux de la collection Clairambault à la Bibliothèque nationale. 2 vols. Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1885-1886.
*__________. Inventarie des sceaux de la Flandre, recueillis dans les dépôts d'archives, musées et collections particulières du département du Nord. 2 vols. Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1873.
*__________. Inventaire des sceaux de la Normandie recueillis dans les dépôts d'archives, musées et collections particulières des départements de la Seine-Inférieure, du Calvados, de l'Eure, de la Manche et de l'Orne avec une introduction sur la paléographie des sceaux. Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1881.
Demay provides us with several valuable books containing descriptions of seals in various collections. Pierre de Clairambault (1651-1740), as the genealogist of the prestigious Order of the Holy Spirit, had an extensive collection of seals depicting the arms of the nobility and royalty. We were particularly fortunate on the Baillon project because Demay had inventoried seals from Picardy, Flanders, and Normandy, all areas we were researching. Typically, Demay transcribes the motto on the seal, describes it in detail, indicates the original document the seal was attached to, and provides an identification number so you can examine the seal or, more likely, a plaster cast of the seal in La salle de sigillographie et d'héraldique at the Archives nationales. Some illustrations are also included.
Devreaux, Pierre. Blazons et armoiries: témoins de notre histoire. St-Malo, France: Éditions d'Art Derveaux, 1987.
__________. Provinces de France: histoire et dynasties. St-Malo, France: Éditions d'Art Derveaux, 1989.
Devreaux is an excellent heraldry artist who has made some spectacular wall charts showing the lineages of the French kings, the dukes of Burgundy, and the Dukes of Brittany. These charts include beautifully done colorful images of the arms of the husbands and wives. These two books are illustrative of the quality of his art.
Dubuisson, Pierre Paul. Armorial des principles maisons et familles du royaume. Original ed. 1757. Reprint ed. Paris: Éditions du Palais royal, 1974.
This little book presents drawings of the arms of the top nobility mostly from Paris and Ile-de-France. He provides the blazon as well and often names the family's seigneuries.
Fauteux, Aegidius. "Armorial du Canada français." 2 vols. Typed manuscript at the Salle Gagnon, Bibliothèque centrale de Montréal, n.d.
This manuscript is worth consulting if you do not find what you seek in Massicotte and Roy's French Canadian armorial. Unfortunately, it is not published and you must consult it at the Salle Gagnon, Bibliothèque centrale, in Montréal.
__________. Les Chevaliers de Saint-Louis en Canada. Montreal: Les Éditions des Dix, 1940.
The Royal and Military Order of St-Louis was founded by Louis XIV to reward officer for bravery and service. Many members of the Canadian elite were granted this prestigious award. This book identifies the Canadian holders of this honor and the date they received it.
Gandilhon, René, and Michel Pastoureau. Bibliographie de la sigillographie française. Paris: A. et J. Picard, 1982.
This is the essential bibliography pointing to all the published works listing seals in France.
Héron de Villefosse, René, ed. Armorial de la ville de Paris. Engraved by Beaumont, Graveur ordinaire de la Ville. Paris: Éditions Contrepoint, 1977.
Beautifully done set of engravings showing the arms of the mayor (Prévôt des marchands) and aldermen (Échevins) of Paris before the French Revolution. Not well documented, but so far I have found it to correspond well with other data my colleagues and I have collected on some of these officials.
Hozier, Jean-Françios-Louis d'. Recueil de tous les membres composant l'ordre royal et militaire de Saint-Louis depuis l'année 1693. 2 vols. Paris: J. Smith, 1817-1818.
This book is organized by the date in which a gentleman was made a knight in the Order of St-Louis. Because it lacks an index, it is difficult to search. Also, some Canadians are missing from this compilation. Lastly, it ends its coverage in 1743. You are better off using Fauteux's Les Chevaliers de Saint-Louis en Canada (1940) who used this work in preparing his own. Nevertheless, this work is worth consulting if you are searching for someone who held this order, but was not French Canadian or Acadian. It this list is easily accessible online at Gallica.
*Massicotte, Édouard-Zotique, and Régis Roy. Armorial du Canada français. 2 vols. Montréal: Beauchemin, 1915-1918.
Hand drawings, of unimpressive quality, showing the arms of Canadian nobles and French administrators. Otherwise, a fine general resource.
Mathieu, Rémi. Le système héraldrique français. Paris: J. B. Janin, 1946.
This book is an excellent introduction to the practice of heraldry in France.
Meurgey de Tupigny, Jacques, ed. Armorial de la généralité de Paris. 4 vols. Macon, 1965-1967.
This is a well done example of a concentrating on the "Armorial général" manuscript of arms for a particular region, Paris. It has the blazons (technical descriptions of coats-of-arms) for the families living in and around Paris. It also has blazons for corporations, churches, and guilds. He also has a list of published armorials based on the "Armorial général" manuscript for other provinces. The introductory material in these volumes is an excellent explanation of the 1696 arms tax and the history of the "Armorial général."
Jougla de Morenas, Henri, and Raoul de Warren. Grand armorial de France. 7 vols., Paris: Les Editions Héraldiques, 1934-1952; reprint ed., Paris: Frankelve, 1975.
Vol. 1, Introduction to French Heraldry, Aa-Bat, nos. 1-3333, 398 p.
Vol. 2, Bat-Coe, nos. 3334-10570, 470 p.
Vol. 3, Coe-Fie, nos. 10571-15369, 390 p.
Vol. 4, Fie-Mar, nos. 15370-23075, 537 p.
Vol. 5, Mar-Ric, nos. 23076-29045, 473 p.
Vol. 6, Ric-Zyl and Bibliography, nos. 29046-35429, 537 p.
Vol. 7, Supplement, A-Z, 447 p.
This is a collection blazons for the French nobility. The surname and occasionally the associated estate names as well as the province of origins are recorded. Each family is assigned an accession number. Frequently a drawing is made of the arms. Some families have partial genealogies and family tables included. The authors also mention the sources for their information including manuscripts at the Bibliothèque nationale de France. Unfortunately, the inclusion of sources only starts haphazardly with the letter "E" in vol. 3 and does not become standard until vol. 4. Vol. 7 is a supplement with additions and corrections. It is important to get a description of your ancestor's possible arms. This will become a visual clue that you will learn to use in your research to differentiate families with similar surnames. The Grand armorial de France is the best place to start your search for the arms of a French family. This work is now also available on CD from Mémoire et Document.
*Paris, Louis. Indicateur du Grand Armorial Général de France: recueil officiel dressé en vertu de l'édit de 1696 (34 volumes de texte et 35 volumes d'armoiries) par Charles d'Hozier, Juge d'Armes. 2 vols. in 1. Paris: Librairie Nobilaire de Mme. Bachelin-Deflorenne, 1865.
This is an alphabetical index of surnames and seigneuries appearing in the manuscript "Armorial Général" of the Cabinet des titres.
Pastoureau, Michel. Traité d'héraldique. 2nd ed. Paris: Grands manuels Picard, 1993.
This is a scholarly and technical work on heraldry. It is well illustrated. It contains a detailed bibliography pointing to many other valuable tools.. I must confess that I have picked it up several times to read it, but never make it past a few pages. I find it less accessible than Mathieu's (1946) book on French heraldry.
*Renesse, comte Théodore de. Dictionnaire des figures héraldiques. 7 vols. Bruxelles: O. Schepens, 1894-1903. Reprinted in one volume. Leuven: Jan van Helmont, 1992.
This is an ordinary of arms, that is, a tool to look up owners of arms based on the design of the arms. It should be used in conjunction with Rietstap's 2nd ed. ([1861] 1884-1887).
*Rietstap, Johannes Baptist. Armorial général. 2nd ed., much enlarged. 2 vols. Gouda: G. B. van Goor, [1861] 1884-1887.
This is perhaps one of the best known and most widely available armorials covering arms from several European countries including many from France. This armorial contains only blazons, the technical description of arms. For drawings of the arms see the illustrations by Rolland and Rolland ([1903-1926] 1967).
*Robert, Ulysse. Indicateur des armoiries des villes, bourgs, villages, monastères, communautés, corporations, etc., contenues dans l'Armorial général de d'Hozier. Paris, 1879.
In the frenzy to record arms and tax the bearers of them in 1696, the French also carefully recorded corporate arms, that is, arms of villages, towns, monasteries, guilds, etc. This is an index to corporate arms in the "Armorial général"manuscript. You ancestor might not have carried arms, but perhaps his town or guild did have arms.
Rolland, Victor, and Henri V. Rolland. Armorial général de J. B. Rietstap, Supplément. 7 vols. La Haye: M. Nijhoff, 1926-1954.
Corrections and additions to Rietstap ([1861] 1884-1887).
__________. Illustrations to the Armorial general by J. B. Rietstap. 6 vols. in 3. Baltimore: Heraldic Book Co., [1903-1926] 1967.
This is a set of illustrations for Rietstap ([1861] 1884-1887) and the supplements by the Rollands (1926-1954).
*Roman, Joseph. Inventaire des sceaux de la collection des pièces originales du Cabinet des titres à la Bibliothèque nationale. Paris, Imprimerie nationale,1909.
This is an inventory of seals found attached to original documents once submitted to tax courts to prove nobility. It has a description of the seal, the motto, the name of the document and a unique number you can use to examine the seal at the La salle de sigillographie et d'héraldique of the Archives nationales in Paris. This was projected to be published in two volumes. However, only vol. 1, covering A-M, was published. The manuscript for vol. 2, N-Z, can be consulted in the Archives nationales.
Vachon, Auguste. "Les armoiries personnelles au Québec." L'Ancêtre, 34, no. 283 (summer 2008), available at http://heraldicscienceheraldique.com/les-armoiries-personnelles-au-queacutebec.html (accessed 10 May 2016).
__________. "Les armoiries personnelles en Nouvelle-France." L'Ancêtre, 34, nos. 281 and 283 (winter and summer 2008), available at http://heraldicscienceheraldique.com/les-armoiries-personnelles-en-nouvelle-france.html (accessed 10 May 2016).
The articles by Vachon, the retired Ottawa herald of the Canadian Heraldic Authority are well worth reviewing as introductions to the use of arms in New France and in the province of Québec. His website also holds many other interesting articles relating to heraldry in Canada.
Example Family Histories
French genealogists have compiled some rather well done reports, especially considering when some of them were working. Here I list some of the family histories I have seen in my research that have impressed me as valuable examples.
Bertrand de Broussillon, Arthur. La maison de Craon 1050-1480. 2 vols. Paris, 1893.
__________. La maison de Laval 1020-1605. 5 vols. Paris, 1895-1903.
These are two excellent and well documented books on important French families. They are models of completeness. Bertrand not only cites medieval cartularies, he includes the relevant
parts in his appendix. Cartularies are charters usually preserved at monasteries and recording donations of the devoted. They are packed with genealogical data and are essential for doing medieval research.
*Butkens, Christophe. Trophées tant sacrés que profanes du duché de Brabant. 2 vols. La Haye, 1724, supplement 1726.
This is a wide ranging work covering the Dukes of Brabant and associated families. At one time Flanders and its neighbors were in the cultural sphere of the France. Many Flemish-French noble families can be found in this work. The Family History Library has part of this work on microfilm.
Duchesne, André. Histoire des rois, ducs et comtes de Bourgogne. Paris, 1619. Available online at Gallica.
__________. Histoire de la maison de Chastillon sur Marne. 2 vols. Paris, 1621.
__________. Histoire généalogique de la maison de Montmorency. 2 vols. in 1. Paris, 1623.
__________. Histoire généalogique de la maison de Vergy. 2 vols. Paris, 1625. [Available through the Family History Library.]
__________. Histoire généalogique de la maison royale de Dreux. 8 vols. in 1. Paris, 1631.
__________. Histoire généalogique des maisons de Guines, d'Ardes, de Gand et de Coucy. 2 vols. Paris, 1631. Available online at Gallica.
__________. Histoire généalogique de la maison de Béthune. 2 parts in 1 vol. Paris, 1639.
André Duchesne (1584-1640) was the father of scholarly genealogy in France and had an impact on the development of this field across western Europe. He was one of the first to take great care to cite his sources. His work on the great feudal families is rare and not yet microfilmed. Yale University Library has most of them in their Rare Book Collection.
Jetté, René. Traité de généalogie. Montréal: Les Presses de l'Université de Montréal, 1991.
Jetté's treatise on genealogy is a breakthrough work for a number of reasons. However, in the context of this web site, his most important contribution was to point out three lines going back from Québec and Acadia to Charlemagne. Although one of these lines he latter modified when further evidence came forwardsee the article by Jetté, DuLong, Gagné, and Moreau (1997 and 1999) cited in the Nobility in New France sectionhis work has been an inspiration to several other North American French researchers to try and trace back other noble families.
*La Roque, Gilles André. Histoire genealogiqve de la maison de Harcovrt, enrichie d'vn grand nombre d'armoiries, alliances, genealogies, matieres & recherches concernants non seulement les range & les interests de cette maison, mais encore l'histoire generale. 4 vols. Paris: S. Cramoisy, imprimeur ordinaire du roy et de la reyne, 1662.
The Harcourt family of Normandie was related to many local families as well as families elsewhere in France and in England. The last two volumes contain transcriptions of proofs in the first two volumes. This set is difficult to work with because of its confusing organization and lack of a thorough index. However, if you have a family with any ties to the Harcourts, then you must consult this work. Now available on CD from GeneaGuide.com.
Leportier, Paul. Familles médiévales normandes. 3 vols. Saint-Aubin-les-Elbeuf: Page de garde, 2005, Fooliotage, 2010-2012.
Leportier provides detailed genealogies for Norman noble families he has been studying. Vol. 1 contains Beaumont (counts of Meulan, Leicester, and Warwick), de Bellme, Montgommery (counts of Bellme), de Ponthieu, d'Alenon, de Tosny (lords of Conches, barons of Flamstead), Hauteville (kings of Sicily, princes of Antioche; counts of Mortagne and of Perche, the lords of Montfort-sur-Risle and of Bertrand de Briquebec, Briquessart (vicounts of de Bayeux and counts of Chester); vicounts d'Arques; Tesson (barons of Thury and Saint-Sauveur), Crespin du Bec-Crespin, Dangu and Tillires, de Briouze, Paynel of Moutiers-Hubert, Hambye, Moyon, and Marcei; de La Haye in lower Normandy, the lords of Ligle, the lords of Beaufou, Peverel, Reviers (counts of Devon and Vernon), de Vassy, de Bricqueville, Aux Epaules, and de Campion. Vol. 2 covers du Hommet, de Conteville, Géré alias Giroie, Malet, de Ferrières, de Thibouville, de Colombières, de Mortemer, Bacon, de Villiers et de Vierville, Bigot, du Merle, de Bailleul, Suhard, d'Ouessy. I have no information on the contents of vol. 3.
Pâris, Bertrand, with the contribution of Paul Leportier. La Famille de Corday. Mayenne, France: Éditions Régionales de l'Ouest, 1994.
This well researched and documented book is of interest because the Le Neuf and Le Gardeur families of New France have a matrilineal descent from the Corday family. Furthermore, this same family gave birth to the heroine Charlotte Corday who stabbed to death the revolutionary rabble rouser Marat in his bath and was guillotined for her effort!
Library and Archives Guides
I must explain my approach to libraries and archives. I treat them as military objectives. I first identify the targets of choice, that is, the libraries and archives most likely to hold the data I am interested in. I then learn everything thing I can about the targeted institution including organization, catalogues, cataloguing systems, manuscript indexes, online resources, and guides. I then prepare a specific mission list of what I want to find and in what collections I hope to find it in. If writing, I make up a very specific request pointing to exact citations. If visiting, I make up a detailed hit list of what I want, where it should be, and how I found out about it. I have yet to find a librarian or archivist who is not impressed by my level of preparation and who has not helped me willingly. In my opinion, an unprepared general request for information is a disservice to yourself and to the staff at these often overwhelmed institutions.
Archives nationales de France. Guide du lecteur. 6th ed. Paris: Archives nationales, 1993.
This is the basic how-to-use-the-archives manual. You should read this over before you write or visit the Archives nationales. It is updated frequently.
Bernard, Gildas. Guide des recherches sur l'histoire des familles. Paris: Archives nationales, 1981.
In my opinion, this is the best published guide to French genealogy. He discusses in detail what is available in both the Archives nationales and the Bibliothèque nationale de France. See in particular pp. 193-217 and 226-227 coving nobles, orders of knighthood, and heraldry.
Bibliothèque nationale de France. Guide pratique de la Bibliothèque nationale. 2nd ed. Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1989.
Like the guide for the Archives nationales, this is essential reading before visiting or writing to the library. It too is updated frequently.
I have listed in this section as many Bibliothèque nationale de France catalogues as I can find that I have used in the past. Others may exist. Working with them you will soon observe that there are several series of manuscript numbers referring to difference collections that were donated or collected at distinct times. The French Manuscript Collection (often abbreviated as fr. ms.) is a closed series. Nothing new has been added to it since 1862 when the French Manuscripts New Acquisition Collection (often abbreviated as n. acq. ms.) was opened and where the new contributions have been placed. With a manuscript number and a series name, for example, Anciens petits fonds français, you should be able to refer to the correct catalog and look up a short description of the manuscript of interest. These documents can only be found at the Bibliothèque nationale de France and to my knowledge they have not been microfilmed by the Family History Library.
Keep in mind that the Bibliothèque nationale de France is not organized like any American or Canadian library you are familiar with. Its collection has grown over centuries not decades. Works dealing with genealogy were not all donated at the same time. This is why you have to look though all the catalogues listed here. Each of these catalogs also contains an index.
__________, Département des Manuscrits. Catalogue des manuscrits de la collection Baluze. Compiled by Lucien Auvray and René Poupardin. Paris: E. Leroux, 1921, 24 cm.
Étienne Baluze (1630-1718) was the librarian for Colbert, the famous minister of finance for Louis XIV. This collection holds some armoriesa collection of drawings of armsand divers papers of the genealogist André Duchesne.
*__________. Catalogue des manuscrits de la collection Clairambault. Compiled by Philippe Lauer. 3 vols. Paris: E. Leroux, 1923-1932, 24 cm.
Pierre de Clairambault (1651-1740) was a Genealogist of the King's Orders. Unlike his compatriot Bernard Chérinwhose papers were deposited in the Cabinet des titresClairambault's papers were not donated until after the French Revolution and were kept separate. Unfortunately, many of his papers were burnt by the revolutionaries. You might also want to check for seals in the Clairambault collection (Demay 1885-1886).
__________. Catalogue des manuscrits des collections Duchesne et Bréquigny. Paris: E. Leroux, 1905, 24 cm.
It is only the section of this catalogue dealing with André Duchesne (1584-1640) and his son François Duchesne (1616-1693) that interests us. André conducted many studies of the most important noble French families of the Middle Ages.
___________, Département des Manuscrits. Catalogue général des manuscrits français: table générale alphabétique des Ancien et Nouveaux fonds (Nos 1-33264) et des Nouvelles acquisitions (Nos 1-10000). Compiled by Alexandre Vidier and Paul Perrier. 6 vols. Paris: E. Leroux, 1931-1948, 24 cm.
Vol. 1, A-B;
Vol. 2, C-D;
Vol. 3, E-K;
Vol. 4, L-M;
Vol. 5, N-R;
Vol. 6, S-Z.
This is an alphabetical index of persons and places found in the extensive manuscript collection of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. If you find a name of interest here, then you must record the manuscript number as the first step. The second step is to track down the manuscript number in one of the other descriptive catalogs of the Bibliothèque nationale de France listed in this section.
__________, Département des Manuscrits. Catalogue général des manuscrits français: ancien fonds (Nos 1-6170). 5 vols. Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1868-1902, 31 cm.
__________, Département des Manuscrits. Catalogue général des manuscrits français: ancien supplément français (Nos 6171-15369). Compiled by Henri Omont. 3 vols. Paris: E. Leroux, 1895-1896, 24 cm.
__________, Département des Manuscrits. Catalogue général des manuscrits français: ancien Saint-Germain français (Nos 15370-20064). Compiled by Lucien Auvray and Henri Omont. 3 vols. Paris: E. Leroux, 1898-1900, 24 cm.
__________, Département des Manuscrits. Catalogue général des manuscrits français: anciens petits fonds français (Nos 20065-33264). Compiled by Charles de La Roncière and Camille Couderc [attributed to Henri Omont on the title page]. 3 vols. Paris: E. Leroux, 1898-1902, 24 cm.
The third volume of this set covers the Cabinet des titres. It gives basic information about what can be found in each item of the collection.
__________, Département des Manuscrits. Catalogue général des manuscrits français: nouvelles acquisitions françaises (Nos 1-10000, 20001-22811). 4 vols. Paris: E. Leroux, 1899-1918, 24 cm.
Vol. 4, pp. 517-740, contains an index for mss. 10001-11353, 20001-22811, which is not covered in the general index. Small sized manuscripts are numbered below 20000 and large sized ones above 20001. I have learned that the Bibliothèque nationale de France has continued to add manuscripts to this collection and they are up to at least 16427 and 25245 respectively. There are apparently published continuation summary inventories covering these additions.
__________, Département des Manuscrits. Les Catalogues du Département des Imprimés. Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1970.
A list of the catalogues and indexes for the printed books at the Bibliothèque nationale de France. You will need this to untangle the complex card catalogue system they have. The Bibliothèque nationale de France now has an online card catalogue for its publications, called Opale, but not everything is in it yet.
__________. Les Catalogues du Département des Manuscrits: manuscrits occidentaux. Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1974.
This lists many of the catalogues, inventories, and indexes that have now been microfiched. This is an important guide for understanding the tools available to you for locating information in the manuscript collection.
__________. Collections manuscrits sur l'histoire de provinces de France. Compiled by Philippe Lauer. 2 vols. Paris: E. Leroux, 1905-1911, 24 cm.
This is a descriptive catalogue with an index to the provincial collections in the Bibliothèque national de France. Only the following provinces are covered: Anjou, Artois, Bourgogne, Champagne, Flandre, Languedoc, Lorraine, Maine, Périgord, Picardie, Touraine, and Vexin. If your ancestor originates from one of these provinces, then I suggest you check this index.
Bluche, François. Les honneurs de la cour. 2 vols. in 1. Paris: Les cahiers nobles, 1957.
To be granted the honneurs de la court a person had to demonstrate an unbroken noble lineage extending back to 1400. This honor meant that you would be presented to the king. It was more than just attending the court at Versailles. It was an honor reserved for only members of the most ancient nobility of the sword unless the king made a special exception. The genealogist of the king's orders would verify any candidates lineage.
__________. Les Pages de la Grande-Écurie. 3 vols. in 4. Paris, 1966.
In order to take advantage of social perks, the nobles had to prove their nobility to the King's genealogists. These are the proofs people submitted to place their sons as pages in the King's Great Stable. Similar documentation had to be submitted for other various royal sponsored institutions and schools.
Chauleur, Andrée. Bibliothèque et archives: comment se documente? Guide pratique à l'usage des étudiants, des professeurs, des documentalistes et archivistes, des chercheurs. . . . 2nd ed. Paris: Institut National de Recherche Pédagogique, Economica, 1980.
This is probably the best overall guide to libraries and archives in France and how to use them.
Dechène, Louise. "Concise Inventory of the 'Cabinet des Titres' (Collection of Title Deeds) of the 'Bibliothèque nationale' (National Library) Paris, Pertaining to Canadian Families." French Canadian and Acadian Genealogical Review 2:2 (Summer 1969): 121-134.
This is a good introduction, as far as it goes, to the papers of the d'Hozier dynasty of judges of arms and genealogists of the King of France in the Cabinet des titres. Dechène explains the parts of this collection and the provenance of the records. It is especially of value to Canadian researchers since she lists the Canadian noble families with records appearing in the Cabinet des titres.
Directions des archives de France. Catalogue des instruments de recherche des archives départementales, communales, et hospitalières: dan les services d'archives des départements en vente au 30 juin 1981. Paris: Archives nationales, 1981.
Over the decades the staff of the various departmental archives have created a number of research tools, such as, guides, indexes, summary inventories, repertoires, etc. This book lists the published guides by departments available in 1981.
__________. État des inventaires des archives départementales, communales, et hospitalières au 1er janvier 1983. 2 vols. Paris: Archives nationales, 1984.
This is another and more detailed list of research tools and unpublished card indexes for departmental archives available in 1983. Before you visit a departmental archives you should always check first for a published guide to the collection and search any published indexes you can find in North America.
Direction des Bibliothèques et de la Lecture publique. Répertoire des bibliothèques et organismes de documentation. Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1971.
This is a directory of public libraries, departmental archives, and other repositories in France. Each repository is briefly described and occasionally special genealogical collections are mentioned. Although it is now out of date, you might still want to use it to locate repositories of interest. I believe a supplement was published in 1973, but I have not found any more recent update.
Favier, Jean, gen. ed. Les Archives nationales: état des inventaires. 4 vols. Paris: Archives nationales de France, 1985-1991.
Vol. 1, L'Ancien régime, by Anne-Lise Rey-Courtel;
Vol. 2, 1789-1940, probably by Anne-Lise Rey-Courtel;
Vol. 3, Marine et outre-mer, by Anne-Lise. Rey-Courtel, in press, probably printed by now, but I have not seen it;
Vol. 4, Fonds divers, by Anne-Lise Rey-Courtel.
This tool list all the manuscript and published inventories, indexes, and guides for working with various sets of documents. It is best used in conjunction with the État général des fonds.
__________. Les Archives nationales: état général des fonds. 5 vols. Paris: Archives nationales, 1978-1988.
Vol. 1, L'Ancien régime, by Étienne Taillemite, documents relating to France before 1789;
Vol. 2, 1789-1940, by Rémi Mathieu;
Vol. 3, Marine et outre-mer, by P. Boyer, M. A. Menier, and E. Taillemite, documents concerning the navy and overseas possessions;
Vol. 4, Fonds divers et corrections et additions aux tomes I, II, et III, by R. Marquant, divers collections with corrections and additions to the first three volumes, includes information about the archives of the notaires of Paris;
Vol. 5, 1940-1958: fonds conservés à Paris, by Chantal de Tourtier-Bonazzi, modern collections conserved at Paris.
The official guide to the collection of the Archives nationales. Here is housed many materials concerning the nobility and royalty. Vol. 1 covers the materials relating to the Ancien Régime. Each set of documents is briefly described with the period of coverage indicated. I use this resource to identify documents I might want to order and look through when visiting Paris. It is also excellent for untangling cryptic source citations in other works.
Geoffray, Stéphane. Répertoire des procès-verbaux des preuves de noblesse des jeunes gentilshommes admis aux écoles royales militaires, 1751-1792. Paris, 1894.
Documents proving nobility that parents submitted to gain entrance into the Royal Military Schools and the Royal College of La Flèche.
Hozier, M. d'. Indicateur nobiliaire, ou table alphabétique des noms des familles nobles. Paris: Doublet, 1818.
This is a surname guide to the papers in the Cabinet des titres. I do not believe it is very detailed.
Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication, Direction du Livre et de la Lecture. Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques des départements de France. 7 vols. Old series, Paris, 1849-1885. 64 vols. New series, Paris: Plon-Nourrit et cie. and Éditions du Centre national de la Recherche scientifique, 1886-1989.
This set is a catalogue of the manuscripts found in public libraries and departmental archives of France. Each volume is dedicated to a different region or repository and has an index. You must check each volume and pay particular attention to those done for your ancestor's region of origin. Saffroy (1968-1988) does point to this collection under the abbreviation CGMBPF. However, he is not complete in his coverage. I believe that this is still an ongoing publication project and their might be more volumes published since 1989. For an index see Popoff (1993).
Newman, Lindsay Mary. Libraries in Paris: A Student's Guide . Scorton, England: Conder Research, 1971.
Popoff, Michel. Index général des manuscrits: Décrits dans le Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France. 3 vols. Paris: Références, 1993.
Ricour, David Du Boys, comte de. Liste des filles demoiselles reçues dans la Maison de Saint-Louis fondée à Saint-Cyr par le roi, 1686-1766. Paris, 1879.
__________. Liste des pages du roi de la Petite et de la Grande écurie, 1680-1765, suivie de la liste des pages des ducs d'Orléans, 1721-1729. Paris, 1880.
These are lists of young ladies of quality admitted to the royal school at Saint-Cyr and young gentlemen admitted into the great and little royal stables as pages. The proofs of their nobility should be found in the Cabinet des titres.
Welsch, Erwin K. Libraries and Archives in France: A Handbook. Rev. ed. New York: Council for European Studies, 1979.
Willems, Joseph-Hubert, and Jean-Yves Conan. Liste alphabétique des pages de la Grande écurie du roi. Suresnes, 1966.
__________. Liste alphabétique des pages de la Petite écurie du roi. Suresnes, 1966.
These are indexes for the nobility proofs submitted by the pages of the great and
little royal stables.
Journals, Associations, and Stores
This section is incomplete. I have to add some French journals. I am aware of GE-Magazine and La Revue française de généalogie. However, I have never really looked through them closely. This is an oversight I must remedy. Meanwhile, I thought I should include what I had and add to this section later.
GeneaGuide.com
Web: GeneaGuide.com
This is a key website for anyone doing French genealogy. It is a partnership site between several book dealers and associations interested in French genealogy and heraldry. Their online bookstore is extensive. Well worth periodic visits to see what is new.
Éditions Christian
14, rue Littré
75006 Paris
FRANCE
Tel.: 01.45.48.49.79
Fax: 01.45.48.37.45
This is the best bookstore I have found offering the widest choice of titles on French genealogy, nobility, and royalty. I had the pleasure of visiting this store on one of my trips to Paris. It was like paradise. You can order Gé[néalogie]-Magazine: la généalogie aujourd'hui (1982-) and Histoire et sociétés: annales de généalogie et d'héraldique (1993-, formerly called Histoire et généalogie: annales de généalogie et d'héraldique [1985-1993]) from this company. It is one of the GeneaGuide.com partners.
Histoire et Généalogie
Web: http://www.histogeneal.com
This website offers a wide variety of genealogical and heraldry books. Several of the works on this bibliography are available from this company on CD or DVD.
Mémoire et Document
3, rue des frères Coustou
78000 Versailles
FRANCE
Tel.: 01.39.02.11.82
Fax: 01.39.50.19.44
Web: http://www.memodoc.com
This is a new establishment that I have not visited. However, its web site has an impressive array of genealogical items for sale including reprints of many books of interest to people researching their noble ancestors.
Éditions d'Art Derveaux
5, rue Cunat
35400, St-Malo
FRANCE
The source of beautifully illustrated wall charts containing heraldic images.
French Ancestor
Anglo-French Family History Society
31 Collingwood Walk
Andover, Hampshire SP10 1PU
UNITED KINGDOM
This society is dedicated to English-speaking people researching their ancestors in France.
The Genealogist
Picton Press
P.O. Box 250
Rockport ME 04856-0250
This prestigious quality journal covers many topics of interest to Medieval genealogists and has some French content. It is now edited by Charles M. Hansen and Gale Ion Harris, owned by the American Society of Genealogists and published by Picton Press.
Genealogists' Magazine
Society of Genealogists
14 Charterhouse Buildings
Goswell Road
London EC1M 7BA
UNITED KINGDOM
Occasionally, this English journal has some interesting articles on French research and Medieval genealogy.
Héraldique et généalogie: revue nationale de généalogie et d'héraldique (1969-)
BP 526
78005 Versailles
FRANCE
Email: h.g at eurogeneal.com
This journal replaced the Bulletin généalogique d'information du centre généalogique de Paris (1956-1968). There is a CD available from GeneaGuide.com, compiled by Philippe Houël de Chaulieu, which indexes these journals from 1956 to 2000. It too is a GeneaGuide.com partner.
I want to thank Peter de Loriol Chandieu for sending me a comprehensive list of French genealogy journals that he found in Héraldique et généalogie, no. 153 (October-December 1999): 305-317. There are obviously many more genealogy journal in France than I knew about from my own research.
Regroupement des anciennes familles
Web: http://www.anciennesfamilles.org
This is a website dedicated to the study of noble families of New France. It has lists of nobles and seigneurs as well as some very valuable heraldry and genealogy resouces on its Documents web page.
La Revue française de généalogie (1979-)
12, rue Raymond-Poincaré
55800 Revigny
FRANCE
Tel.: 03.29.70.56.33
Fax: 03.29.70.56.74
Willems, J. H., and Jean-Yves Conan. Armorial français; ou Repertoire alphabetique de tous les blasons et notices des familles nobles, patriciennes et bourgeoises de France. 17 vols. to date. Dison: G. Lelotte, 1964-.
I do not know if this semi-journal is still in print. The last issue I have seen was done in 1984. It is an interesting hodgepodge of facts and illustrations regarding the French nobility and heraldry.
Warning: All of the above works are helpful tools. However, it is absolutely essential that you track down original documents to back up any research you do. All of these works contain errors of transcription or omission. The grades I assigned to these works are subjective.
Please let me know if there are any works I have missed that you think should be added. Also please contact me should you notice any mistakes in spelling or grammar. At 45 I have not yet mastered some of the basic mechanics of writing in my native tongue. I make even more mistakes in French since I do not have a French web spell checker yet.
Thank you for visiting this page and I hope you find it helpful.
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Absolute Monarchy on the Frontiers : Louis XIV's Military Occupations of Lorraine and Savoy [1 ed.] 9781526110510, 9780719087165
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This book deals with the French military occupations of Lorraine and Savoy during the personal rule of Louis XIV (1661-1...
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Citation preview
Absolute monarchy on the frontiers Louis XIV’s military occupations of Lorraine and Savoy
PHIL M C CLUSKEY
Absolute monarchy on the frontiers
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STUDI ES I N EARLY MODERN EURO P EA N HIS TORY This series aims to publish challenging and innovative research in all areas of early moderncontinental history. The editors are committed to encouraging work that engages with current historiographical debates, adopts an interdisciplinary approach, or makes an original contribution to ourunderstanding of the period. series editors Joseph Bergin, William G. Naphy, Penny Roberts and Paolo Rossi Also available in the series Jews on trial:The papal inquisition in Modena, 1598-1638 Katherine Aron-Beller Sodomy in early modern Europe ed. Tom Betteridge The Malleus Maleficarum and the construction of witchcraft Hans Peter Broedel Latin books and the Eastern Orthodox clerical elite in Kiev, 1632–1780 Liudmila V. Charipova Fathers, pastors and kings: visions of episcopacy in seventeenth-century France Alison Forrestal Princely power in the Dutch Republic: Patronage and William Frederick of Nassau (1613–64) Geert H. Janssen, trans. J. C. Grayson Representing the King’s splendour: Communication and reception of symbolic forms of power in viceregal Naples Gabriel Guarino The English Republican tradition and eighteenth-century France: between the ancients and the moderns Rachel Hammersley Power and reputation at the court of Louis XIII: the career of Charles d’Albert, duc de Luynes (1578–1621) Sharon Kettering Popular science and public opinion in eighteenth-century France Michael R. Lynn Catholic communities in Protestant states: Britain and the Netherlands c.1570–1720 eds Bob Moore, Henk van Nierop, Benjamin Kaplan and Judith Pollman Religion and superstition in Reformation Europe eds Helen Parish and William G. Naphy Religious choice in the Dutch Republic: the reformation of Arnoldus Buchelus (1565–1641) Judith Pollman Witchcraft narratives in Germany: Rothenburg, 1561–1652 Alison Rowlands Orangism in the Dutch Republic in word and image, 1650–1675 Jill Stern Authority and society in Nantes during the French Wars of Religion, 1559–98 Elizabeth C. Tingle The great favourite: the Duke of Lerma and the court and government of Philip III of Spain, 1598–1621
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Absolute monarchy on the frontiers Louis XIV’s military occupations of Lorraine and Savoy PHIL McCLUSKEY
Manchester University Press Manchester and New York distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave Macmillan
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Copyright © Phil McCluskey 2013 The right of Phil McCluskey to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 Published by Manchester University Press Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9NR, UK and Room 400, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk Distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave Macmillan, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA Distributed exclusively in Canada by UBC Press, University of British Columbia, 2029 West Mall, Vancouver, BC, Canada V6T 1Z2 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data applied for ISBN 978 0 7190 8716 5 hardback First published 2013 The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Typeset in Perpetua with Albertus display by Koinonia, Manchester
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For MJA
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Contents
A note on terms Acknowledgements Abbreviations Maps Introduction
page viii ix x xi 1
I The eastern frontiers of France in the age of Louis XIV 1 Lorraine, Savoy and the frontiers of France 2 Military occupation in French frontier strategy
11 33
II Administration on the frontiers 3 The structures of occupation 4 The burdens of occupation
65 86
III The local elites under French occupation 5 The nobilities 6 The administrative elites 7 The church
119 146 172
Conclusions
196
Appendix: Officers of the sovereign companies of Savoy, 1690–1713 Select bibliography Index
202 207 217
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A note on terms
The terminology of early modern composite states poses particular problems for modern Anglophone historians. To avoid confusion, I use the terms ‘Savoy’ and ‘Savoyard’ to refer specifically to the duchy of Savoy, while ‘Piedmont-Savoy’ and ‘Sabaudian’ are used for the composite possessions of the duke of Savoy. ‘Lorraine’ designates the composite state of the dukes of Lorraine, except where I have indicated a distinction between the duchy of Lorraine and the duchy of Bar. Equally problematic is the rendering into English of Lorrain/Lorraine, which is both an adjective of nationality and the word for a native of Lorraine; in the interests of simplicity I use the form ‘Lorrain’ for both, e.g. the Lorrain nobility, a Lorrain.
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Acknowledgements
I am very grateful to the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the British Academy and the Scouloudi Foundation for their financial support when I was carrying out the research for this book. My thanks are also due to several people for their generosity and assistance, without which this book would not have taken quite the same shape: Mette Harder, Steve Murdoch, David Parrott, Jonathan Spangler, Grant Tapsell, Sara Wolfson and in particular Guy Rowlands. The staff of Manchester University Press also deserve acknowledgement for having made the publishing process remarkably straightforward. On a personal level, I would like to acknowledge my thanks to my parents, who have given me their unquestioning support, for which I will always be grateful. Parts of chapters 2, 5 and 6 previously appeared in the article ‘From Regime Change to Réunion: Louis XIV’s Quest for Legitimacy in Lorraine, 1670–97’ in the English Historical Review, 126 (2011), pp. 1386–1407, and are reproduced here with the permission of Oxford University Press. Phil McCluskey Manchester
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Abbreviations
AAE CP Archives des Affaires Etrangères, Correspondance Politique Lorr. Lorraine Lorr. Sup. Lorraine Supplément Sard. Sardaigne ADMM
Archives Départementales de Meurthe-et-Moselle
ADS
Archives Départementales de Savoie
AMA RD Archives Municipales d’Annecy, Registre des Délibérations AMC
Archives Municipales de Chambéry
AMN Ord. Archives Municipales de Nancy, collection of royal ordonnances AN
Archives Nationales
Archivio di Stato di Torino, Paesi AST P Sav. Savoie: ‘Ecritures concernant le duché, et province de Savoye’ BMN
Bibliothèque Municipale de Nancy
Bibliothèque Nationale de France BN Col. Lorr. Collection Lorraine Mél. Col. Mélanges Colbert Man. Fr. Manuscrits Français NAF Nouvelles Acquisitions Françaises SHDT
Service Historique de la Défense, Fonds de l’Armée de Terre
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e Arras
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EL
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CHANN
Lille Ca
Rh
ISH ENGL
Flanders Ar toi s
is
Cambrai Luxembourg Longwy
Landau
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Metz
Paris
Strasbourg
Nancy
Alsa
Toul
ce
Lorraine
Besançon FrancheComté
B AY
Savoy
Lyon
Chambéry
OF B I S C AY
Rhon
e
Grenoble
Frontiers of the kingdom of France in 1715 Annexed pays conquis
Nice
Territories occupied under Louis XIV and subsequently relinquished Rou
0 0
County of Nice
ssi
llon
Perpignan
200 kms 200 miles
N EA AN R R MEDITE
A SE
Map 1: The frontiers of Louis XIV’s France
Map 1 / MUP / AB / DS / 23.10.2012
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Verdun Metz
St. Mihiel Bar-le-Duc Nancy
Toul
Bishopric of Metz Bishopric of Toul
Épinal
Bishopric of Verdun Barrois mouvant Barrois non mouvant Duchy of Lorraine
0
50 kms
0
50 miles
Map 2: Political boundaries of Lorraine in the seventeenth century
Map 2 / MUP / AB / DS / 23.10.2012
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LUXEMBOURG Longwy
S
aa r
Thionville M
eu se
Vaudrevange Boulay VERDUN
Hombourg
Bouquenom Fénétrange
Rosières Commercy Ligny
Bitche
Sarralbe
Saint-Mihiel BAR-LE-DUC
Sarreguemines
Saint-Avold
Mose
lle
METZ
TOUL
Liverdun
Dieuze
Marsal
NANCY
Lixheim Sarrebourg
Lunéville M
eu
r
th
e
Rambervilliers Saint-Dié
Epinal
0
Remiremont
50 kms
0
50 miles
Map 3:The Lorraine region
Map 3 / MUP / AB / DS / 23.10.2012
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0
100 kms
0
CHABLAIS
Geneva 100 miles
FAUCIGNY
St-Julienen-Genevois
Benneville Bonneville
GENEVOIS SAVOY PROPER
Geneva
Annecy
Moutiers
Chambéry
TARENTAISE Sain-Jeande-Maurienne MAURIENNE
Annecy
Chambéry
DUCHY OF SAVOY
DUCHY OF AOSTA
Montmelian Montmélian
Grenoble
Briançon
Casale
Turin
Fenestrelles Fenestrelle Exilles
Dauphiné
Milan
PRINCIPALITY OF PIEDMONT
Pignerolo
Genoa
Embrun
FRANCE
Barcelonette COUNTY OF NICE
Provence
Toulon
Oneglia
Nice
L I G U R I AN S E A
N NEA RA R E MEDIT
SEA
Map 4: The duchy of Savoy and the Savoyard state, c. 1690
Map 4 / MUP / AB / DS / 23.10.2012
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Introduction
‘The frontier has always devoured French history’ (Fernand Braudel)1
The slow process of expansion by which France took the form of l’hexagone has been the object of much historical interest over the years. Louis XIV’s reign has naturally been the focus of much of this, as the Sun King presided over the acquisition of several new provinces which added significantly to the kingdom’s dimensions. Traditionally, the small states such as Lorraine and Piedmont-Savoy that were conquered, absorbed or dismembered along the way were ignored.Yet in the shadow of both the cultural and transnational ‘turns’, historians have begun to look anew at the way states and societies along the kingdom’s frontiers reacted to growing French influence. French territorial ambitions and consequent military activity during the reign of Louis XIV ensured that a number of territories bordering on France were subject to military occupation for strategic reasons from the 1660s onwards. That these territories were conquered and subsequently handed back to their original rulers is something that historians have so far failed to address. It is the purpose of this book to investigate the occupations of two of these territories, Lorraine and Savoy, both of which were occupied twice during the course of Louis’s personal rule: Lorraine in 1670–97 and 1702–14, Savoy in 1690–96 and again in 1703–13. Part of the reason for the neglect of this topic lies in the curious nature of military occupation: a product of warfare but distinct from the conduct of hostilities.2 This is especially true for the early modern period, when military occupation was a relatively new concept and its definition still imprecise. After 1500, it became widely accepted that rulers could further their war aims through the temporary domination of foreign territory, whereas earlier, during the High Middle Ages, conquest alone made a change of ruler both lawful and lasting. The term occupatio bellica appeared in the seventeenth century as part of the evolution from the medieval theory of just war (bellum iustum) to the theory of legal war (bellum legale publicum), an evolution which occurred in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.3 The conqueror’s rights to dispose of the
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territory were upheld by theorists such as Grotius. The rationale was that the conqueror was allowed to reap his just military rewards during the prosecution of war itself. Grotius conceded far-reaching rights and powers to the conqueror over the lives and the freedom of the people of the conquered territory and their movable goods.4 He nevertheless advised moderation in the treatment of conquered populations, and argued that it was better to leave them to govern themselves if this did not interfere with the interests of the conqueror, as this would be beneficial to both parties in the long term.5 As so few studies of societies under occupation in the early modern period have been undertaken in any depth,6 it is necessary to draw on some of the methodological questions that have arisen in the study of more recent military occupations. One particularly useful development is the ambition to open up a comparative study of territories under occupation. In the conclusion to their highly influential publication of the proceedings of a 1990 conference held in Paris, Jean-Pierre Azéma and François Bédarida suggested the importance of studying the comparative history of European countries during the Second World War, adding: ‘In short, far from wishing to erase the differences, comparative history has had as its principal function to bring them very much to the forefront’.7 Philippe Burrin, moreover, has argued that, ‘a comparative method, in aiming to establish similarities and differences, requires an effort at conceptualization that may well lead historians to new questions’.8 Burrin has also shown how Nazi Europe represented a patchwork, as Hitler settled each situation by the expedients dictated by the political, strategic and ideological interests of the moment, hence the variation in the forms of domination, exploitation and persecution.9 Policies of occupation can vary greatly, as is evident if the Nazi ‘patchwork’ is compared with the relative (though by no means straightforward) uniformity of the occupation policies of Napoleon. Tim Blanning also followed this method in attempting to identify the most important similarities and differences between the experience of the Rhineland and that of other parts of Frenchoccupied Germany in the 1790s. The role of the French army was central to that comparison: military exploitation was a common experience shared by all who came under French occupation, but there was considerable variation in the political framework that came with it.10 Such a comparative approach applied to the occupations of Louis XIV’s reign will show whether the Bourbon monarchy applied a uniform structure to its occupations of foreign lands, or whether its methods varied according to time and place. New approaches have also focused on the face-to-face interaction between occupier and occupied, on the levels of both the lived experience and symbolic representation.11 In 2005, for instance, Jacques Hantraye produced a study of the allied occupation of France of 1815–18. This work concentrated on the meeting
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of different peoples, and the effects that this had on the collective psychology of both the occupiers and occupied, discussing the complexity of feelings and hesitations, and the confusion of attitudes, caused by the new experience of invasion and occupation. As Hantraye pointed out, ‘this dive into the mass of the population offers many suggestions to those who are interested in earlier occupations’.12 Though the wealth of private letters and journals available to the historian of the modern period is not available for the early modernist, this nevertheless highlights the importance of attempting to reconstruct attitudes in order to understand the way occupations progressed. Historians of the Grand Règne have so far failed to adapt to these methodological developments. Consequently, studies of territories under occupation in this period still tend to focus almost exclusively on the military, legal or administrative aspects of occupation.13 The inherent problem with this approach is that it shows only the official view, and the intentions of the occupier often differed greatly from reality.14 Inadequacies of supply for instance (a chronic problem in the later wars of Louis XIV’s reign, given the ramshackle state of the French economy) meant that, whatever the government’s objectives might have been, soldiers had no choice but to take their subsistence into their own hands.15 Lorraine and Savoy constitute ideal case studies for an initial comparative analysis of French occupations in the reign of Louis XIV. Both territories had much in common with France in language, culture, institutions and social structures. They were also almost exclusively Catholic,16 which largely precludes the need to factor French policy towards Protestants and Jews into the analysis. In many ways, Lorraine and Savoy presented far fewer challenges to French administrators than did Roussillon, Alsace or Flanders, which were all occupied and then permanently annexed.17 In short, Lorraine and Savoy have sufficient in common to make a comparative study of them manageable, but there are also sufficient differences between them to make such a study worthwhile. Furthermore, neither territory has been subjected to recent historical analysis for the period in question.18 An overview of the occupations of Lorraine and Savoy would therefore be valuable in itself. These territories were among the last territorial additions to mainland France: Lorraine was officially annexed on the death of its last duke, Stanislas Leszczyński, in 1766, and Savoy following a plebiscite in 1860. French scholars have devoted much attention and a sizeable quantity of scholarly works to Lorraine. This interest must in part be ascribed to the importance of the region in the national psyche, arising from its partial loss to the German Empire in 1871, together with the long-held historiographical concern about ‘natural frontiers’. English-speaking historians, in contrast, have largely ignored Lorraine, perhaps not fully understanding the situation of this sovereign duchy. Like PiedmontSavoy, it was a state in its own right and a home-grown patriot literature existed:
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Lorrain chroniclers of the eighteenth century wrote virulently anti-French accounts of Louis XIV’s occupation of 1670–97, accounts which had a lasting influence on later historians. These made out that the occupation was almost an act of brigandage, perpetrated with as much bad faith as brutality.19 Nineteenthcentury historians, such as Haussonville, predictably focused excessively on the lives and actions of the princes, rather than the situation in the duchies. However, in 1931, Edgar de Lanouvelle published a re-examination of the official correspondence and a different tale began to emerge: the French governor Marshal Créqui, it was now argued, completed a thankless task with ‘vigour and moderation’.20 But this was still only part of the story. Guy Cabourdin provided an excellent synthesis of existing works on the French occupations of Lorraine in his Encyclopédie illustrée de la Lorraine, but we still lack an up-to-date account based on thorough archival research.21 For Savoy, there exists no systematic study in French or English of the French occupations of 1690–96 and 1703–13. As part of a larger composite state, the duchy of Savoy as an entity in itself has been the subject of few studies.22 Finding things of relevance to the French occupations of the duchy therefore involves usually unrewarding consultation of locally written micro-histories with limited geographical and conceptual focus.23 Moreover, the tradition of local studies as part of French (and Italian) historiography, together with the political destiny which separated Savoy and Nice from Piedmont in 1860, meant that there were until recently few works that dealt with the Savoyard state as a whole: French scholars studied Savoy and Nice while their Italian counterparts studied Piedmont. Recent English-language studies of the Savoyard state, notably those of Geoffrey Symcox and Christopher Storrs, have begun to overcome this limited perspective. Though dealing with the territories of the House of Savoy as a whole, they devote some attention to the importance of the regions, where particularism still held sway against uniformity well into the reign of Victor Amadeus II. Storrs’s work also assesses the impact of the French occupations of Savoy on state formation. Both Storrs and Symcox therefore provide, up to a point, the necessary ‘state-wide’ context in which the duchy of Savoy must be placed.24 Studies of Lorraine and Savoy under occupation also have the potential to reveal much about the workings of the French state, through an investigation of the ways in which the local elites collaborated with the centre, on what terms, and why. Since the 1960s, revisionist historians have discredited the old idea of a powerful, autonomous, absolute monarchy reducing unruly society to obedience in the name of modernity and progress. While Louis XIV succeeded in drawing the state and France’s elites closer together after the Frondes, he was a traditionalist who maintained stability entirely through the effective use of traditional modes of governance.25 Yet there remain sizeable gaps in the work of the
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revisionists: in particular, there is a lack of diversity in provincial studies.William Beik and James Collins provided important studies of Languedoc and Brittany respectively, but both of these provinces were pays d’états; equivalent political studies of the pays conquis have tended to lack the same depth or breadth of vision, with the exception of Georges Livet’s study of Alsace of 1956 and Daryl Dee’s more recent work on the Franche-Comté.26 Another large gap in our understanding of French politics under Louis XIV arises from a still considerable neglect of the crisis-filled second half of the reign. Only very recently have historians begun to analyse the effects of prolonged warfare on the development of the absolute monarchy;27 and based on these initial findings it looks increasingly likely that some of the conclusions of the revisionists – particularly their emphasis on co-operation and compromise – are relevant only to the first half of reign, as the monarchy resorted to more coercive measures after 1688. The occupations of Lorraine and Savoy together span forty-four years of Louis XIV’s personal rule, with Lorraine occupied around the time Louis was developing a new relationship with the pays d’états, and Savoy occupied during the two great wars later in the reign. They therefore offer a particular, if unusual, platform from which to view any evolution in the crown’s relations with the local elites, should any such evolution exist. Another debate to which the study of these occupations can contribute is that of Louis XIV’s policy towards France’s eastern frontier.With the noteworthy exception of Daniel Nordman, most historians in recent years have steered well clear of the issue.28 The topic has been imbued with so many erroneous agendas over the past century and a half, be they nationalist, étatist or whiggish, or simply resulting from an insufficient grasp of archival material, that many have been daunted by the task and decided to leave well alone. While twentiethcentury historians such as Gaston Zeller broke with the old ‘exultant and emphatic’ vision of the national past, they left an extremely fractured picture.29 Historians nowadays tend to agree that no early modern decision maker had any grand strategies for the conduct of foreign relations; as Andrew Lossky put it, ‘Most were pragmatically willing to take advantage of developments to achieve whatever gains were possible.’30 The most recent treatments stress that Louis’ ideas on foreign policy were often disjointed or incompatible, and the changes in his views through his reign were profound. Furthermore, in the field of international relations it has recently been argued that second-rank powers like Piedmont–Savoy helped circumscribe the options of major powers, whose policies may have been more reactive than hitherto appreciated.31 One further theme contributes to the overall shape and content of this book. Lorraine and Savoy were frontier societies, situated in the borderlands between the kingdom of France and the Holy Roman Empire. Though these boundaries were invisible, relations between the French on one side and the
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Lorrains and the Savoyards on the other were conditioned by long-standing and deeply-held preconceptions of each other. These conceptions would have a decisive impact on the course of the occupations. Historians working in the field of frontier studies have called for approaches to and analyses of frontier societies from a local rather than centrist perspective.32 This study therefore aims to provide as much local perspective as possible. It is notoriously difficult, however, for historians of early modern societies to gauge the mood of a large group of people, even using modern methods such as prosopography. The present study does not, therefore, claim to tell the story of these occupations with equal emphasis on both points of view. This would be impossible, given the relative paucity of sources available for the occupied populations in this period. Its focus is principally on France’s policy towards occupied territories.Yet it will become clear that, to fully understand the formulation of French policy, one must take into account the attitudes and priorities of the occupied populations themselves. This study draws upon a wide range of sources, including archival material from Paris, Vincennes, Nancy, Chambéry, Annecy and Turin, as well as relevant secondary literature. Yet, as with many comparative studies, the same quantity and variety of sources are not available for each case study. In the French war archives, the volume of ministerial correspondence grows exponentially during the 1690s and 1700s, but is comparatively scant for much of the earlier period of the occupation of Lorraine, particularly between the Treaty of Nijmegen (1679) and the outbreak of the Nine Years War (1688). Furthermore, the suppression of the sovereign courts of Lorraine in early 1671 meant that the companies kept no records for almost the entire period of the French occupation, effectively depriving the Lorrain elites of any collective voice. By contrast, the periods of occupation of Savoy have left more abundant records, both from the French administrators and from the Savoyard elites. These disparities mean that the behaviour and motivations of both the French and the occupied populations are easier to understand in some periods and in some contexts than in others. Chapter 1 provides some necessary background in terms of French frontier strategy during the seventeenth century, and also relations between France, Lorraine and Piedmont-Savoy in the longer term; it includes a brief account of the occupation of Lorraine under cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin, to provide useful comparison with an earlier occupation. Chapter 2 then gives a narrative analysis of the occupations from the point of view of France’s strategic priorities. Chapters 3 and 4 consider the administrative side of the occupations, in terms of the structures and personnel put in place by the French regime and the financial and security burdens imposed on occupier and occupied. In Part III, the final chapters of the book investigate French policy towards elite groups, and their reactions to French occupation. Chapter 5 looks at the ways in which
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the nobilities responded: whether they chose to collaborate with or resist the French, and what forms that collaboration and resistance took. In Chapter 6, attention turns to those who held offices in occupied territories, in the sovereign courts – where they continued to exist – as well as in the lower, subaltern courts and the towns. Finally, Chapter 7 considers the church: French policies towards, and the responses of, the episcopate, the religious superiors and the lower regular and secular clergy. By taking a thematic, comparative approach to the occupations of Lorraine and Savoy, this book attempts to identify the key similarities and differences between the way the French governed these territories and behaved towards the native populations. It considers the range of dynamic factors that influenced the course of the occupations, placing equal emphasis on issues of geopolitics (i.e., the reasons for the occupations and the reasons for relinquishing the territories), frontier administration and the socio-cultural factors which determined relations between France and the local populations. In doing so, it provides an original perspective on the aims and intentions, and also the limitations, of the early modern French state.
Notes
1 F. Braudel, The identity of France, trans. S. Reynolds (2 vols., London, 1988), i, p. 309. 2 P. Stirk, The politics of military occupation (Edinburgh, 2009), pp. 1–3. 3 H. Steiger, ‘ “Occupatio bellica” in der Literatur des Völkerrechts der Christenheit (Spätmittel alter bis 18. Jahrhundert)’ in M. Meumann and J. Rogge (eds), Die besetzte Res publica, pp. 201–40. 4 H. Grotius, The rights of war and peace, ed. R. Tuck (3 vols., Indianapolis, IN, 2005), iii, pp. 1375–7. 5 Ibid., iii, pp. 1507–10. 6 The English occupation of Scotland under Oliver Cromwell is one that has attracted significant attention from historians: e.g., F. Dow, Cromwellian Scotland (Edinburgh, 1979), and S. Barber, ‘The formation of cultural attitudes: the example of the three kingdoms in the 1650s’ in A. I. Macinnes and J. Ohlmeyer (eds), The Stuart kingdoms in the seventeenth century (Dublin, 2002). 7 J.-P. Azéma and F. Bédarida, Vichy et les Français (Paris, 1992), p. 767. 8 P. Burrin, ‘Writing the History of Military Occupations’ in S. Fishman et al. (eds), France at war: Vichy and the historians (Oxford, 2000), p. 78. 9 P. Burrin, ‘Vichy et les expériences étrangères’ in Azéma and Bédarida, Vichy et les Français, p. 650. 10 T. C. W. Blanning, The French Revolution in Germany: occupation and resistance in the Rhineland, 1792–1802 (Oxford, 1983), pp. 317–19. See also Michael Broers’ The Napoleonic empire in Italy, 1796–1814: cultural imperialism in a European context? (Basingstoke, 2005), pp. 175–207 on the political frameworks put in place across Italy under Napoleon. 11 Burrin, ‘Writing the History’, p. 81. 12 J. Hantraye, Les Cosaques aux Champs-Elysées: L’Occupation de la France après la chute de Napoléon (Paris, 2005), p. 6. 13 See for example H. van Houtte, Les Occupations étrangères en Belgique sous l’ancien régime (Paris, 1930); I. Lameire, Les Occupations militaires en Italie pendant les guerres de Louis XIV (Paris 1903). For a recent, administrative study of Louis XIV’s occupation of Nice, see Pierre-Olivier Chaumet’s Louis XIV ‘Comte de Nice’: Etude politique et institutionnelle d’une annexion inaboutie (1691–1713) (Nice, 2006).
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14 See K. H. Wegert, German radicals confront the common people: revolutionary politics and popular politics, 1789–1849 (Mainz, 1992), p. 19; Blanning, French Revolution, p. 83. 15 See G. Rowlands, The financial decline of a great power: war, influence and money in Louis XIV’s France (Oxford, 2012). 16 A small number of Protestants continued to live in the Vosges mountains in Lorraine, as well as in the southern Alps bordering on Savoy. Lorraine was also home to a very small community of Jews, but there were none in Savoy. See below, pp. 16 and 24. 17 On these territories see E. Coornaert, La Flandre française de la langue flamande (Paris, 1970); G. Livet, L’Intendance d’Alsace de la guerre de trente ans à la morte de Louis XIV, 1634–1715 (2nd edn, Strasbourg, 1991); D. Stewart, Assimilation and acculturation in seventeenth-century Europe: Roussillon and France, 1659–1715 (Westport, CT, 1997). 18 By contrast, the earlier French occupation of Lorraine (1631–61) has been fairly well documented: M.C.Vignal Souleyreau, Richelieu et la Lorraine (Paris, 2004); P. Martin, Une guerre de trente ans en Lorraine, 1631–1661 (Metz, 2002). 19 See for example A. Calmet, Histoire ecclesiastique et civile de Lorraine (4 vols., Nancy, 1728); J. Cléron de Haussonville, Histoire de la réunion de la Lorraine à la France (4 vols., Paris, 1860). 20 E. Lanouvelle, Le Maréchal de Créquy (Paris, 1931). 21 G. Cabourdin, Encyclopédie illustrée de la Lorraine: Les temps modernes (2 vols., Nancy, 1991). 22 One noteworthy exception to this is Jean Nicolas’s social and economic history, La Savoie au 18e siècle: Noblesse et bourgeoisie (2 vols., Paris, 1978). 23 There are, however, one or two short yet useful studies, e.g. J. C. Devos, ‘Aspects de l’occupation française en Savoie (1703–1712)’, Actes du Congres National – Sociétés Savantes Section D Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, 85 (1960); drawing on documents from the war archives, this deals with some of the military and fiscal aspects of the occupation. 24 C. Storrs, War, diplomacy and the rise of Savoy, 1690–1720 (Cambridge, 1999); G. Symcox, Victor Amadeus II: absolutism in the Savoyard state, 1675–1730 (London, 1983). 25 W. Beik, ‘The Absolutism of Louis XIV as Social Collaboration’, Past and Present 188 (2005). 26 W. Beik, Absolutism and society in seventeenth-century France: state power and provincial aristocracy (Cambridge, 1985); J. Collins, Classes, estates and order in early-modern Brittany (Cambridge, 1994); D. Dee, Expansion and crisis in Louis XIV’s France: the Franche-Comté and absolute monarchy (Rochester, NY, 2009); Livet, L’Intendance d’Alsace. 27 See for instance Dee, Expansion and crisis, and J. Swann, Provincial power and absolute monarchy: the Estates General of Burgundy, 1661–1790 (Cambridge, 2003), particularly chapters 6 and 7. 28 See D. Nordman, Frontières de France: de l’espace au territoire, XVIe–XIXe siècle (Paris, 1998). 29 Ibid., p. 90. 30 A. Lossky, ‘ “Maxims of State” in Louis XIV’s Foreign Policy in the 1680s’ in J. Bromley and R. Hatton (eds), William III and Louis XIV (Liverpool, 1968), p. 8. 31 J. Black, European international relations, 1648–1815 (Basingstoke, 2002), p. 42. 32 See for instance the introduction to Steven Ellis and Reingard Eßer’s Frontiers and the writing of history, 1500–1850 (Hanover, 2006).
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Part I The eastern frontiers of France in the age of Louis XIV
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1 Lorraine, Savoy and the frontiers of France
Lorraine and Savoy existed in the political and cultural borderlands that separated France from, respectively, the Rhenish imperial principalities and Reichsitalien. Through the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the rulers and elites of these frontier territories found themselves caught in the ongoing power struggle between the Valois/Bourbons and the Habsburgs, who jostled for influence in these small but strategically vital territories.1 Subject to frequent French military intervention over the centuries, both were occupied either wholly or partly on two separate occasions during the personal rule of Louis XIV. This chapter examines the background to the conquest and occupation of these territories during the reign of the Sun King. It begins with a brief exploration of French Government policies on the eastern frontiers of the kingdom in this period, with the aim of identifying the priorities and mindset of the king and his ministers. This context is essential in understanding the occupations of Savoy and Lorraine. This chapter also seeks to establish the political, social, economic and cultural circumstances of the territories themselves. Historians of more recent military occupations have demonstrated that, to fully comprehend the priorities and attitudes of both occupier and occupied, it is essential to understand the regime that preceded the occupation.2 Lorraine and Savoy were not, as they have sometimes been portrayed, wayward frontier provinces of France. Both were components of larger politico-dynastic sovereign entities which had their own ancient, separate histories.The dukes of Lorraine and Savoy ruled over ‘composite’ states (though they were composite by varying degrees),3 which comprised disparate lands held together principally by bonds of dynastic loyalty. The internal dynamics of these composite political structures would have an important effect on the way these territories responded to foreign occupation, as will become clear in Part III of this book.
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French frontier strategy under Louis XIV The first three decades of Louis XIV’s personal rule saw significant territorial additions to the kingdom of France. At the Peace of the Pyrenees in 1659, the Spanish province of Rosselló and part of the Cerdanya region were annexed and became the province of Roussillon. In the north, the border was gradually pushed back as parts of the Spanish Netherlands were annexed piecemeal at the Peace of the Pyrenees and the treaties of Aix-la-Chapelle (1668) and Nijmegen (1678), and Lorraine, the Franche-Comté, Strasbourg, Luxembourg and other réunion territories on the north-eastern frontier were conquered in the 1670s and early 1680s (see Map 1). Current thinking on the strategy behind these acquisitions is that Louis XIV was continuing the principal concern of French rulers for centuries: securing the kingdom’s borders through the acquisition of buffer zones and more defensible frontiers.4 The Valois and Bourbon kings had gained territories and fortifications on the Rhine and at strategic sites in northern Italy as a means of pursuing offensive and defensive warfare more effectively. As Gaston Zeller put it, ‘the ideal frontier was not only, nor even principally, that which sheltered the French from invasion; it was above all that which would permit them to carry their arms outside of the kingdom’.5 The real Leitmotiv of Louis XIV’s reign, it now seems, was ensuring the security of the Bourbon dynasty and the maintenance, if not strengthening, of the kingdom by boosting French prestige and influence. Partly this could be attained by the acquisition of territory to further develop these ‘strategic frontiers’ and partly by bringing surrounding smaller states directly into France’s orbit. Louis’s strategic goals were in many ways a continuation of the all-embracing concept of ‘long-term security’ seen in the assertive foreign policy of Cardinal Richelieu, whereby the cardinal sought to gain the greatest possible territorial and strategic advantages for France.6 In particular, Richelieu’s government was preoccupied for much of the early 1630s with the threat of an invasion across France’s eastern frontiers, and adopted the geostrategic concept of ‘gates’ – points of secure entry and exit for troops operating in Germany; he also occupied territories on France’s frontiers as a means of guaranteeing communications with France’s allies while disrupting Habsburg communication routes. Although the French crown routinely advanced dynastic claims to further its strategic aims on the frontiers throughout the seventeenth century, these claims had largely become a mere matter of form. Dynastic ambition was without doubt still a driving force in French foreign policy, but by Louis XIV’s reign it was tempered by a more general stress on considerations of raison d’état.7 These policies also reflected contemporary notions of the frontière, which by the seventeenth century denoted a liminal space at the extremity of the realm, a zone that could shrink, expand or shift location following territorial
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changes.8 Yet such concepts were far from static through this period. Despite a revisionist stress on limited change in international relations before and after the Peace of Westphalia, improvements in mapping in the second half of the seventeenth century led to a firmer grasp of the nature both of the frontier and of political sovereignty.9 This evolution in mentalities was certainly reflected in policy: from the 1670s, strategists such as Vauban advocated the creation of more linear frontiers and, over the course of Louis XIV’s reign, the northern border which stretched from the North Sea to the Meuse was successfully squared off.10 But in spite of these trends, many of France’s borderlands remained irregular, riddled with enclaves, exclaves and pays indivis (territories where sovereignty was shared), and whose shape was still determined by feudal fief boundaries, well into the eighteenth century.11 This was especially the case in the northeast, where innumerable overlapping feudal jurisdictions meant that the frontier continued to be undefined and confused.12 Linked with these changes, an idea gained currency that the kingdom’s ideal form should constitute a space bounded and enclosed by nature. As Vauban put it in 1693, ‘All the ambitions of France should be contained within the summits of the Alps and the Pyrenees, the Swiss and the two seas: it is there that she should intend to establish her boundaries by legitimate means according to the times and the occasions.’13 While the concept of ‘natural frontiers’ as a guiding principle in Louis XIV’s foreign policy came to be dismissed by historians, thanks to the work of Gaston Zeller, more recent developments in methodology have meant that the debate over France’s ‘natural frontiers’ rumbles on, though with somewhat different points of emphasis. Peter Sahlins has argued that natural frontiers were, in a way, pivotal to French frontier policy, ‘not as boundaries but as passages’.14 Furthermore, Daniel Nordman has pointed out that Zeller ignored the importance of many publications in the seventeenth century, especially by Jesuits, which helped to make natural frontiers such as the Rhine a common image which permeated all levels of society from the nobility to labourers. While this may not have directly influenced the policy of Louis XIV, Nordman argues that the wide extent to which it informed contemporary preoccupations towards territory and strategy should not be ignored.15 Such geographic ‘visions’ of France’s frontiers in the popular consciousness extended not only to the Rhine, but to the entire limits of ancient Gaul, which extended in the south-east to the Alps and the Var.16 Prominent in the popular consciousness though such images may have been, the legitimating discourse in French expansionism in this period was not nature but a combination of history, dynastic inheritance and feudal law. In seventeenth-century Europe, brute conquest alone was rarely seen as sufficient for annexation, and territorial changes needed to be explained and justified by reference to both history and legal titles.17 The French were sensitive to
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this: under Richelieu, if circumstances dictated the permanent occupation of territories to which France had no dynastic claims, for instance in the towns of Alsace, the concept of military and diplomatic ‘protection’ was used instead; this shielded France from the reputation of Sweden, which was notorious for having claimed territory by right of conquest alone.18 To facilitate its strategic objectives, the French crown developed and maintained an arsenal of jealously guarded claims to territories on the kingdom’s frontiers, which needed to be kept alive, if hibernating, and could be activated whenever necessity dictated. The ‘use and abuse’ of history and feudal law to legitimise French expansionism had come into its own under the cardinal ministers: the annexations of Alsace and Roussillon, for example, were presented as ‘reunions’ of the crown’s legitimate patrimony to the kingdom.19 By the time Louis XIV assumed personal control of his government, therefore, there was already ample precedent for activating latent claims on titles to legitimise a French monarch’s control of conquered territory, which could be strengthened by the invocation of history and the laws of dynastic succession. At the French court, views on frontier states such as Lorraine and Savoy were conditioned also by the presence of a cohort of princes belonging to cadet branches of the ruling dynasties, such as the Lorraine-Guise, the SavoyNemours and the Gonzaga-Nevers. As Jonathan Spangler has recently suggested, these princely clans could be of great use to France in its cross-frontier links in several unofficial ways.20 Their continued presence and importance at court meant that the French Government had a channel of influence to Lorraine and Piedmont-Savoy, by which it could exert pressure and bind the Lorrain and Savoyard rulers to France. These links were also maintained by the presence in these borderlands of elites who belonged to a shared ‘geo-cultural landscape’ and whose family, property and material interests transcended the idea of the linear frontier, as Part III of this study details.21 Yet beyond the ‘society of princes’ and the elites who surrounded them, ideas about occupation, annexation or interstate relations with foreign territories just beyond the frontier did not extend into popular consciousness at this time; French public concepts of these territories were generally limited to crude stereotypes.22 Overall, factors conditioning French relations with Lorraine and Savoy were driven most of all by strategic and dynastic interests, and to a lesser extent by changing concepts of the frontier.The next section investigates these relations in further detail: it looks at diplomatic relations between the rulers, at the ties that existed across the frontier, and also at how France was viewed from within Lorrain and Savoyard societies.
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Lorraine and France, c.1552–1670 Lorraine sat at the crossroads of Europe – from the Middle Ages it had been open to influences from Germany, Italy, the Low Countries and France, flourishing culturally and artistically through the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Its location, at a strategically vital point on the frontier between France and the Holy Roman Empire, heightened its relative importance. The multiple influences and pressures upon it had made the territory extremely complex in terms of overlapping frontiers: feudal, administrative, judicial, financial and religious – as one historian has said, Lorraine was ‘not one, but multiple’.23 Within what was termed ‘Lorraine’ were: the duchy of Lorraine proper (which had been a legally independent ‘protectorate’ of the Empire since 1542); the duchy of Bar, half of which (the Barrois mouvant) fell under the jurisdiction of the Parlement of Paris, while the other half (the Barrois non-mouvant) was under the full sovereignty of the dukes; and various small territories in the Holy Roman Empire. Further complicating the picture was the status of the Trois Evêchés – the towns of Metz, Toul and Verdun, which had been conquered by the French in 1552 and which were officially received into French sovereignty at the Treaty of Münster in 1648. These three bishoprics and their hinterlands came to be organised into a French généralité with its own intendant and governor, and the presence of these French exclaves meant that the Lorraine region was officially shared between two sovereignties, a fact which would prove to be of great diplomatic and strategic consequence, as these sovereignties were bound, by their orientation and interests, to compete against each other (see Map 2). The complexity and incertitudes of the political geography of the region did not predispose Lorraine to a centralised regime. Furthermore, the feudal nobility, naturally associated with public affairs thanks to the practice of holding yearly meetings of the Estates General, still wielded significant influence in the running of the state into the seventeenth century. The Lorrain nobility traditionally administered much of the justice in the state through the feudal Cour des assises, over which the duke had very little control.24 Though the sixteenth century had seen conflict between the duke – who wished to exert greater control over the state and its institutions – and the ancienne chevalerie (akin to the French ‘sword’ nobility), the continued existence of the tribunal of the assises attests to the place the nobility conserved for themselves in Lorrain society.25 In the Barrois, however, neither the chevalerie nor the assises existed, and government institutions were in general closer to the French model.26 Families of the ancienne chevalerie were also an important link between Lorraine and France. Among them were the Choiseul, Apremont and Nettancourt families, all originally from Champagne, the Ludres from Burgundy and the Beauvau family, who came from Anjou in the fifteenth century.27 The
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Haraucourts, Lenoncourts and other high nobility married into French grandee families, creating dynastic alliances.28 Many of these families had long traditions of French military service and several – the Stainville-Couvonges, Lenoncourts and Nettancourts – fought on the French side in the Thirty Years War.29 The Barrois elites were particularly close to France. Many married into French society and became francisised in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, a trend that continued despite – or because of – the ensuing French occupations.30 Economically, too, the Barrois was orientated towards the neighbouring French province of the Champagne, partly because its rivers flowed into the Marne and Meuse, whereas Lorraine looked east and was traditionally geared more to Rhenish trade networks than to France.31 Yet the French occupation of Metz, Toul and Verdun from 1552 contributed to the economic stagnation of both duchies. After its sixteenth-century peak, Lorraine’s economy declined significantly and commerce was severely hampered by an under-developed industrial sector. While the Trois Evêchés enjoyed significant trade and were home to a fairly cosmopolitan bourgeoisie, including many Protestants and Jews,32 society in ducal Lorraine remained overwhelmingly Catholic and rural, its towns few and small, its scattered bourgeoisie scarcely constituting a political or social force. Lorraine’s overlapping jurisdictions deprived it of strength and unity, and made it vulnerable. Moreover, due to its location it was caught, from the sixteenth century onwards, in a precarious position between France and the Holy Roman Empire. French rulers pursued a policy of dynastic alliances with Lorraine through the second half of the sixteenth and the early seventeenth centuries, as a means of maintaining and extending their influence there.33 Henri II’s occupation of the Trois Evêchés in 1552 gave France a firm military foothold in the region, curtailing Lorraine’s ability to pursue an independent foreign policy. This became increasingly apparent in the ThirtyYears War.34 In the mid-1620s a succession crisis in the duchy raised tensions between France and Lorraine, intensified in 1629 when Gaston d’Orléans went into open opposition to Richelieu and took refuge in Nancy. Given the increasingly volatile situation in Europe, the hostility of Duke Charles IV towards France presented Cardinal Richelieu with the alarming prospect of a potential imperial place d’armes in Lorraine. Attempts at forcing protectorate status on Lorraine proved fruitless after the duke repeatedly showed himself to be unreliable and unable to adhere to French terms.35 An irritated Cardinal Richelieu decided to solve the problem of Lorraine with a pre-emptive strike. Louis XIII occupied Bar in August 1633, meeting very little opposition; after a brief siege, Nancy fell in mid-September.The whole of Lorraine, including its fortresses, was in French hands by the middle of 1634.36 As David Parrott has argued, Lorraine’s importance for France originated in Richelieu’s strategic, fiscal and logistic requirements. The aim was to spare France as much as possible
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the burdens of war, while increasing costs for the Spanish and the Imperials, and the key to this policy was to seize large swathes of enemy territory.37 These provinces could then serve as places d’armes: military zones in which occupying French armies could systematically plunder all resources they required from the local population, while also denying them to the enemy. Several months before the conquest of the duchies, the French had created the Parlement of Metz. This new institution, which started work in August 1633, marked a major development of the French Government’s influence and control in the region.38 After the suppression of a short-lived Conseil souverain in Nancy in 1637, the Parlement became the linchpin of French administration in Lorraine.39 Also in 1637, central authority was bolstered with the creation of an intendant residing in Metz.40 Yet the occupation rested very much on native services: the Chambres des comptes of Nancy and Bar were maintained, along with the bailliages and prévôtés (local courts). This reflected Richelieu’s intention to encourage collaboration with the Lorrain elites, and set the tone for French policy towards them for the rest of the occupation.41 Cardinal Mazarin maintained the same system of administration in Lorraine as established by Richelieu: governors and intendants were superimposed on an indigenous local administration, collecting established taxes and making troops live off the province.42 Despite initial French military success, Croats de bois ravaged the country and these raiding parties tied down many French soldiers. Writing several decades later, the marquis de Beauvau claimed that these Lorrain brigands did far more harm to their compatriots than the French troops did, reducing the peasantry to a ‘deplorable misery’ and bringing famine: ‘one even saw many women reduced to the necessity of eating their own children so as not to starve’.43 A new governor, the comte de La Ferté-Senneterre, appointed in 1643, served for eighteen years. Though rapacious and avaricious, he re-imposed order on the duchies and put an end to much of the activity of the raiding parties, pointing to a shift in style from Richelieu’s era.44 The problem of Lorraine was not resolved at the Peace of Westphalia. Cardinal Mazarin wavered, uncertain whether to annex the duchies or return them demilitarised to the duke.45 The French therefore engineered the exclusion of the Lorrain envoys from the peace negotiations, and, as Charles IV was closer to the Spanish than to the emperor, the imperial negotiators would not make the return of Lorraine a precondition of peace. Furthermore, the duke had to watch from the sidelines as the emperor handed sovereignty of Metz, Toul and Verdun to the French monarchy. As the war between France and Spain continued, no solution could be found, and Lorraine’s fate was now more closely than ever tied up with the conflict. For the time being, the duke could do little other than go on supporting the Spanish side, and Lorraine remained under French rule.
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The assimilation of Lorraine into the French monarchy continued, but it remained fragile and superficial.46 The French simply lacked the time and resources required to fully impose their political or juridical authority on the duchies. Though in theory they had superimposed a new top layer of administration while co-opting the rest of the duchies’ traditional apparatus, this strategy was in practice frustrated by a laxity of control from Paris. Conditions were favourable to clandestine maintenance of the ducal-aligned administration, alongside that imposed by the French.Wherever French garrisons were not close, Lorrain tribunals loyal to the duke continued to function and exercise justice in Charles IV’s name, and still commanded much respect from the population.47 Furthermore the Cour souveraine of Lorraine continued to sit in exile in Luxembourg, ‘the soul of resistance to the French presence in Lorraine’, judging cases and reciprocally annulling the decrees of the Parlement of Metz. It also raised contributions for Charles IV, showing the ineffective control exercised over the duchies by the French.48 The example of Lorraine shows that French strategies of administering conquered provinces under the cardinal ministers were deeply problematic. It would be for Louis XIV and his ministers to study the mistakes of their predecessors and ensure they were not repeated. Despite a brief, partial reconquest of Lorraine during the Frondes, Charles IV remained exiled and, for the second half of the 1650s, imprisoned by the Spanish. During his captivity, the Lorrain regiments under the duke’s brother Nicolas-François passed into French service, playing an important role at the siege of Montmédy in 1657, and at the Battle of the Dunes the following year. As a result, fewer troops were quartered in Lorraine and the French authorities started a process of pacification and economic reconstruction.49 In 1659 Charles IV was not permitted to send emissaries to the peace negotiations between France and Spain. By the terms of the Peace of the Pyrenees that year, Lorraine would be returned to its duke defortified, and the Barrois was to be annexed by France. Along with these humiliations, the French were to have military rights of access through Lorraine, and the duke was to be obliged to quarter and provision French troops when necessary.50 Outraged by the Spanish sell-out of his interests, Charles refused to accept these terms and upon his release went to Paris to put his case to Mazarin directly. He succeeded in getting Louis XIV and Mazarin to re-open negotiations for the future of Lorraine, and discussions continued through 1660. Finally, on 28 February 1661, the dying Cardinal Mazarin solved the ‘Lorraine problem’ by concluding the Treaty of Vincennes, the terms of which differed considerably from those of the Peace of the Pyrenees. Most notably, Charles IV was to receive back the duchy of Bar, while the French gained certain villages in Lorraine which created a ‘French corridor’, allowing their troops to pass from France into Germany without hindrance. Lorraine had regained its independence, but had lost much of its territorial integrity,
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though this had been somewhat curtailed even before 1633. Henceforth the duchy of Lorraine would be indefensible; at any moment French soldiers could intervene.51 Through the conflict, Lorraine had been ravaged by enemy troops, plague and brigandage.52 As a consequence of nearly thirty years of occupation and hostilities, it suffered a demographic and economic catastrophe, perhaps losing as much as two thirds of its population.53 It is a striking feature of this occupation that the miseries it brought affirmed ‘le patriotisme lorrain’.54 Popular sentiment towards France was envenomed further by the confiscations of property of those who remained loyal to Charles IV. Mazarin’s policy at Vincennes of preparing the way for a future annexation had failed. Indeed, the prospect now seemed more distant than ever; as Braun put it, ‘thirty years of occupation, far from consummating the voluntary union of peoples which language, values and history had for a long time brought together, actually sowed in Lorraine the feelings of defiance, hostility and rancour … which did not disappear until the Revolutionary era’.55 Though the Lorrains had ceased to look to Spain to protect their interests after Westphalia, they were in no mood to throw in their lot with the French. Charles IV’s restoration, 1661–70 As the French regime was dismantled, a power struggle developed between the restored duke and the old elites of the duchy. No sooner had Charles signed the Treaty of Vincennes than he was forced to deal with the ancienne chevalerie of Lorraine which had, without his permission, met in Liverdun to discuss how to recover their old rights and privileges, lost during the war. He had the newly reconstituted Cour souveraine – established to abase the powers of the assises – issue an arrêt banishing the baron de Saffre – one of the principal leaders of the Liverdun assembly – and his family, giving them eight days to leave his states.56 Charles dealt harshly with members of the old elites who resisted his assaults on their privileges: exile and property confiscations were not uncommon.57 The duke also created new senior officers whose competence covered both duchies, in an attempt to reinforce the links between them. But he further alienated the old nobility from 1663 by appointing lower nobles and recently ennobled bourgeois to new judicial offices.58 They were also upset by Charles IV’s refusal to call the Estates General. The abolition of the tribunal of the assises deprived Lorrain noblemen of the possibility of supporting the interests of their corps, and Charles IV also divided them with the distribution of favours, appointing a new generation of nobles to state offices (a generation which had never known local liberties in their full existence).59
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In February 1662 Louis XIV and Charles IV signed the Treaty of Mont martre, which was intended to unite Lorraine and France by peaceful means. By its terms, Charles IV ceded his sovereign rights to the duchies of Lorraine and Bar, allowing France to annex the duchies on his death. In return he and his entire family would be aggregated to the royal family of France and placed in line to the French throne. The king was eager for gloire at this stage of his personal reign, and was more than willing to aggrandise the Lorraine-Guise family, for whom he had great respect, in exchange for strengthening the unstable northeastern frontier.60 French propaganda immediately presented the impending acquisition of Lorraine as the ‘reunion’ of an ancient French province. As the author of one such tract wrote to Louis, ‘You have not acquired Lorraine, you have only recovered it’, and he extolled the virtues of the king for beginning to give back to the French monarchy its ancient territorial limits.61 However, the treaty met with strong resistance in many quarters, including the Parlement of Paris, the Cour souveraine of Lorraine, the Imperial Diet, the French princes du sang, the duke’s heirs Nicolas-François and his son Prince Charles, and the whole of Lorrain society.62 Within a year the treaty had been completely abandoned as a dead letter due to the strength of opposition. The duke sent emissaries to the Imperial Diet to request the formal annulment of the treaty, but neither the emperor nor the German princes wished to upset Louis XIV, so the treaty was left in juridical limbo – something the French would later try to capitalise on.63 Strife would only increase. In 1663, citing one of the clauses of the Treaty of Montmartre, Louis XIV invested the fortress of Marsal. The duke had little choice but to agree to hand over the fortress. With Marsal occupied, future occupations would be just a case of a simple march forward. Further antagonism grew out of the uneasy relationship between Charles IV and the intendant of the Trois Evêchés, Jean-Paul de Choisy. On many occasions, Charles IV complained of Choisy’s lack of deference towards him, and relations between the two men became increasingly uncomfortable; Charles IV dubbed Choisy ‘the artillery’, and the French war minister Louvois was prompted to rebuke the intendant for his lack of respect.64 Essentially this antagonism was the manifestation of a more fundamental anxiety for both France and Lorraine: that of assuring their respective sovereignty and security. The decade saw repeated clashes over territorial control of certain towns, over rival claims to the appointments of benefices, and over Charles IV’s attempts to circumvent French ecclesiastical domination over his states by the creation of a new bishopric. More significantly still, Choisy was given orders to actively research all the titles and deeds which could prove the rights of the king in Lorraine, research which would ultimately prove the basis for the ‘reunions’ of the 1680s. If French intentions were driven by long-term interests such as this, the duke’s methods were driven by ill-will towards France. The later 1660s saw a
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marked anti-French stance in Charles IV’s foreign policy. During the War of Devolution (1667–8), Charles negotiated a treaty of neutrality that served to allow Spanish soldiers from Luxembourg to use the duchies of Lorraine as a base from which to pillage the Trois Evêchés.65 Irritated by this, Louis XIV demanded the help of Lorrain troops for the Flanders campaign. Charles was understandably hesitant about military collaboration with France, obliging Louis to send his envoy d’Aubeville to Nancy to apply more pressure on the duke.66 In the end, the duke reluctantly agreed, but managed to frustrate Louis’s plans by sending only a part of the contingent he had promised, composed of inexperienced and badly armed recruits. From 1667, Charles also sought an alliance with England, Sweden and Holland to counter-balance the over-powerful position of France. His patience quickly dwindling, Louis XIV in January 1669 ordered Charles IV to disarm, threatening to invade his states if he did not comply. Confronted by an army of 15,000 French troops on his doorstep at Metz, the duke backed down and disarmed.67 But his intrigues continued, first negotiating a defensive alliance with the archbishop of Cologne and several German counts, and then attempting to obtain an alliance with the emperor and Spain.68 The closer relations between Lorraine and the Dutch Republic, facilitated by Prince Charles of Lorraine’s candidacy for the throne of Poland in 1669, was a further cause of worry for Louis XIV.69 Faced with this, Louis XIV charged his secretary of state for foreign affairs, Hugues de Lionne, with devising a plan to depose the duke. Choisy’s advice to Lionne was annexation of the duchies, but Lionne’s own project envisaged replacing Charles IV with his brother Nicolas-François, and fixing the succession on the descendants of Prince Charles.70 The dire state to which Franco-Lorrain relations had sunk by the end of 1669 was compounded in 1670 by a string of provocations on the part of Charles IV. Ducal agents raised customs on commerce between Charles’ lands and the Trois Evêchés, paralysing commerce and leading to a retaliatory French trade embargo. The duke’s position was now desperate, and he appears to have counted on the success of negotiations with the emperor and Holland to save him. Matters came to a head in April 1670 when rumours reached Paris that Lorraine had joined the Triple Alliance of England, Holland and Sweden, while popular unrest broke out in Metz as people suffered under the new customs barriers. As the situation in the Evêchés became more and more untenable, the position of the French Government finally shifted, and military occupation was decided upon, in either late July or August.71 With war against the Dutch Republic looming, it was impossible to leave a ruler as untrustworthy as Charles IV in possession of this strategically vital point for the security of both the frontier with Germany and the French lines of advance down the Meuse and Rhine. For this reason the occupation of Lorraine was a necessity for Louis XIV. Yet it had never been an inevitable course of action. To the king and his minis-
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ters, the actions of the duke amounted to a succession of needless provocations. Louis XIV, in his frustration, ultimately had little option but to impose a military solution. Of Charles IV, Louis would probably have shared Saint-Simon’s view that the duke’s life was ‘a tissue of perfidies’ and that through his sheer deceitfulness he had squandered the opportunity for peaceful co-existence between Lorraine and France.72 But the French king was equally to blame for the breakdown in relations during the 1660s, through his arrogant and overbearing behaviour. Thus, despite Louis’s attempts during Charles IV’s restoration to bring Lorraine into France’s political orbit, the House of Lorraine grew ever closer to the Habsburgs, and the kingdom’s north-eastern frontier remained weak and exposed. Moreover, for the population of Lorraine, thirty years of occupation had reinforced feelings of defiance and hostility towards France, which would remain strong and unyielding for the remainder of Louis XIV’s reign.73 Savoy and France, c.1559–1690 Far to the south things were no easier. In the late seventeenth century the House of Savoy ruled over the principality of Piedmont, the county of Nice, the principality of Oneglia, the duchy of Aosta and the duchy of Savoy, which comprised the provinces of Savoy proper, the Genevois, Faucigny, the Chablais, the Tarentaise and the Maurienne (see Map 4). The dynastic union grouping together these culturally and politically disparate territories straddled not only the Alps, but also the internal juridical boundaries of the Holy Roman Empire.74 By its vital geostrategic position the Sabaudian state inevitably found itself uncomfortably squeezed between France and the possessions of the House of Austria, and its dukes spent the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries alternating between support of one or the other. A long period of French occupation of Savoy and Piedmont (1536–59) was concluded by the Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, whereby France and Spain recognised that the existence of an independent Sabaudian state, guardian of the passages of the Alps, was necessary to maintain the European equilibrium.75 From that point, the French monarchy hoped – as it did in Lorraine – to bind the interests of the dukes of Savoy closer to their own through a series of dynastic alliances, beginning with the marriage of Emmanuel Philibert to Marguerite de Valois, the sister of Henri II. Despite these marriages, the dukes continued to pursue an opportunistic foreign policy, attempting to capitalise on French weaknesses whenever they could, resulting in two further, brief, French occupations of Savoy by Henri IV in 1600–01 and Louis XIII in 1630–31. But, following the death of Charles Emmanuel in 1630 and the signature of the Treaty of Cherasco, the Sabaudian
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state was placed decisively in the political orbit of France. The French notably gained the fortress of Pinerolo, twenty miles west of Turin, giving them a bridgehead into Italy and a powerful military presence near the ducal capital. First Cardinal Richelieu, and then Cardinal Mazarin and Louis XIV profited from the regencies and periods of influence of the dowager duchesses Marie Christine (1637–48) and Marie Jeanne Baptiste (1675–80) to transform Piedmont-Savoy into a satellite of the French crown. Both women were naturally pro-French in inclination, the former being Louis XIII’s sister, and the latter belonging to the House of Savoy-Nemours, princes étrangers who had been resident in France since the sixteenth century. Through the marriage of Victor Amadeus II to Anne Marie d’Orléans in 1684, Louis XIV believed he could consolidate French tutelage of the Sabaudian state through the traditional method of dynastic alliance. In the context of the twists and turns in Franco-Sabaudian relations, the position of the duchy of Savoy to the west of the Alps made it a perpetual hostage to fortune. In light of this, Duke Emmanuel Philibert abandoned Chambéry and moved his capital to the more secure setting of Turin in 1563. This decision would be of great consequence, as the divide between Piedmont and the duchy of Savoy became increasingly pronounced thereafter. Despite the dynastic union tying them together, the two territories had little in common: while Piedmont was Italian in both language and culture, the essentially francophone duchy of Savoy was influenced more and more by France – particularly after the occupation of 1536–59.76 The French had used this occupation to impose institutions after their own governmental model, notably the introduction of a French-style Parlement in Chambéry.77 In 1560, Emmanuel Philibert reconstituted this court as the Sénat, which thereafter followed French usages, adapted to local customs. The Chambre des comptes of Chambéry, which supervised fiscal, monetary and economic policy in the duchy, was also raised to the status of a sovereign company in 1560. In both courts, the majority of magistrates had trained at the university of Valence in France, and the libraries of Savoyard magistrates were comparable with those of their provincial French colleagues.78 Though Savoy retained a mixture of French and Italian cultures, French was increasingly dominant: by the seventeenth century, the French language was used exclusively, even in official correspondence with Turin.79 French influence also permeated deep into the ecclesiastical sphere in Savoy. The duke nominated the archbishops of the Tarentaise and their suffragans at Saint-Jean-de-Maurienne and Geneva/Annecy, but Chambéry and the province of Savoy proper belonged to the diocese of Grenoble, whose bishops were appointees of the French crown. Moreover, the absence of any seminaries in the duchy until the end of the seventeenth century meant that almost all ecclesiastics in Savoy, with the exception of Jesuits, were recruited from Lyon or the papal territory of Avignon, although the duke insisted that the superiors
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of Savoyard religious houses be native subjects of his.80 Savoy was therefore exposed to the same religious currents that circulated in southern France, though substantial differences remained. In particular, despite the duchy’s position between Geneva, Lyon and the Valdesi valleys, Protestantism had failed to make inroads into Savoy, and since François de Sales reconverted the Chablais in the late 1590s, it had been entirely Catholic. Indeed it became, like Lorraine, a bastion of ‘Counter-Reformation’ Catholicism.81 Savoy was orientated to the French economy too, using the French unit of account (the livre tournois), while Piedmont had adopted the lire (similarly of 20 sols) in 1632.82 Though placed at a crossroads of international transit, Savoy was economically under-developed due to its lack of industry and produce.83 The principal source of wealth in Savoy was land, and the duchy’s economy relied heavily on the movement of people and goods. Its meagre commerce was based on cheese and seasonal fairs of livestock and horses, meaning that many Savoyard peasants were forced to work part of each year in neighbouring Piedmont or the Dauphiné in order to make enough money to subsist. Though the duchy had been spared from invasion and occupation for most of the seventeenth century, its inhabitants were forced to pay to lodge French troops during periods of international conflict, and their tax burden could be very heavy. This was aggravated by economic and demographic crises, and the last two decades of the seventeenth century in particular saw prolonged periods of climatic catastrophes.84 The condition of the peasantry of Savoy appears to have deteriorated significantly during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and depopulation, abandonment of land and community indebtedness became chronic.85 In terms of finance, the duchy supplied only a small part of the duke’s revenues: in 1689, 5.9 million lire, or 75 per cent, came from Piedmont, while Savoy brought in only 1.7 million.86 Over the course of the seventeenth century, Savoy’s elites felt increasingly adrift from the ducal court at Turin. Only a small number of senior noble families had a presence there, such as that of the marquis de Sales, who functioned as the leader and representative of the nobility of the duchy of Savoy.87 Moreover, since the Estates General of Savoy ceased to be called at the end of the sixteenth century, the nobility’s collective political role in the state had diminished.88 Links between the nobility and the sovereign were henceforth of a more personal nature – notably in the strong tradition of military service in Savoy, though opportunities for service were rare and many therefore served foreign princes, of whom Louis XIV proved by far the most accommodating.89 The divide between Savoy and Piedmont was exacerbated during the personal rule of Victor Amadeus II, as Savoy became increasingly sidelined in the Sabaudian state. Since the time of Emmanuel Philibert, no native Savoyards had worked as local officials east of the Alps, but increasingly in the 1680s Victor
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Amadeus employed Piedmontese as his representatives in Savoy.90 Even where local Savoyards were appointed in Chambéry, it did not enhance autonomy: in 1687 the duke appointed the Savoyard marquis de Bellegarde to the dual role of premier président of the Sénat and military commander of the duchy, and Bellegarde proved himself the most loyal henchman in the programme of greater central control at the expense of Savoy’s autonomy.91 As part of this drive, new structures were imposed on the duchy: the first moves were made in 1686, with the installation at Chambéry of the comte de Tarin as intendant général d’artillerie et des bâtiments, with a right of inspection of bridges and roads. By his appointment, the Chambre des comptes at Chambéry was deprived of its traditional role in matters of bridges and roads, as well as fortifications and military provisioning. It subsequently lost its right of inspection of étapes (military staging posts on set routes), as well as the farming of gunpowder and the management of vacant ecclesiastical benefices.92 Quickly, through a combination of pride and self-interest, the Chambre associated itself more and more with the duchy’s nobility, and so the duel with the intendant took on other dimensions: the Chambre became the focus of opposition to ducal policy and the defender of Savoyard particularism.93 Over the decades, the loss of pre-eminence in the Savoyard state hit the duchy hard, and there was a growing sense that its fortunes were in decline due to its neglect in favour of Piedmont.94 By contrast its links with France, cultural, economic and religious, continued to develop. Louis XIV, Victor Amadeus II and the road to war These links did not, though, make for easier relations between the duke and the king, relations which were under severe strain by the mid-1680s. Louis XIV’s foreign ministry did not possess a monopoly on diplomacy with foreign states: the war ministry under the marquis de Louvois was dominant in relations with Piedmont-Savoy from 1675 until 1690.95 Louvois’s character, authoritarian and imperious, was therefore a significant factor in determining France’s relations with the Sabaudian state. As John Lynn explained,‘in the 1680s Louvois’s tendency to favour force over finesse in the international arena encouraged Louis to bully his adversaries in ways that were both unnecessary and unwise’.96 The substantial body of correspondence between Louvois and the French envoy to Turin, and also with senior members of the Sabaudian court, testifies to overbearing French influence in Sabaudian affairs in this period.97 Weak ducal authority allowed this to happen. Victor Amadeus succeeded to the throne at the age of nine in 1675. He assumed power in 1684, ousting his mother, Marie Jeanne Baptiste, but soon
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became aware of the extent of French influence in his affairs. France had acquired a vice-like grip on Turin when in 1681 Louis XIV took control of the Gonzaga fortress of Casale in the Montferrato, while continuing to control Pinerolo where the Alps met the Piedmontese plain.98 The permanent spectre of French intervention or interference was a source of much frustration for Victor Amadeus. On a personal level, the duke was pathologically secretive, and his desire for personal autonomy became, as Geoffrey Symcox noted, linked with ‘a fundamental maxim of Savoyard policy: to undo the treaty of Cherasco, end French influence, and regain sovereign independence’.99 But he was driven just as much by closely-related dynastic aims – most significantly, the recognition of his house’s royal status, and the expansion of his territorial base. Louis XIV showed himself to be stubbornly opposed to giving the duke and his family the traitement royal, as he saw the interests of the House of Savoy as subordinate to those of the House of France. He also had little faith in Italian rulers, believing that left to their own devices they might permit the r esurrection of Imperial power in northern Italy ‘by their own stupidity’.100 What was more, Victor Amadeus had a serious claim to the Spanish succession, and if he were allowed to become stronger he would pose a threat to the claims of Louis’s son, the grand dauphin.101 It was clear that as long as the French were a permanent presence east of the Alps, the duke’s ambitions would be frustrated. From 1687 the duke’s policy became increasingly anti-French, as he searched for a way to assert his aspirations and concerns. The opportunity came in 1688, with the outbreak of war between France and a coalition of the major European powers. Initially, the duke wished to remain neutral in the conflict, but he was not allowed to do so.102 For the French Government, their own strategic needs and dynastic pride were far more important than Victor Amadeus’s rights or even diplomatic niceties. Louis’s intention was that the Sabaudian state would remain politically and militarily dependent on France, and as such should focus on strengthening its fortresses along its border with the Spanish Milanese, leaving the direction of its army to the French generals. When Spain joined the war against France in March 1689, the need to secure the loyalty of Victor Amadeus was more acute than ever. Yet Louis’s blatant insensitivity towards the duke and disregard for Sabaudian interests in the spring of 1690 actually ended up driving Victor Amadeus into the arms of Louis’s enemies.103 In March 1690 the king ordered his general Catinat to march through Piedmont to attack Spanish Lombardy – with or without the permission of Victor Amadeus.104 In May, as word got to Versailles that the duke was planning to sign an alliance with Spain and the emperor, Catinat was ordered to proceed to Turin to deliver an ultimatum: Victor Amadeus was to hand over 2,000 infantrymen, three dragoon regiments, the citadel of Turin and the fortress of Verrua, further down the Po. He was informed that, if he did not, he would
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be ‘punished in such a manner that he remembers it for the rest of his life’.105 After temporising to build up his forces and conclude the necessary alliances with the Spanish and imperial envoys, Victor Amadeus formally declared war on France on 4 June.106 And, of all the European states of the Grand Alliance ranged against Louis XIV in the Nine Years War, it was the Sabaudian state, a third-rank power in the 1680s, which caused Louis ‘a hugely disproportionate amount of trouble’,107 despite his occupation of significant portions of the duke’s lands in the years to come. Conclusions The most pragmatic and immediate concern of Louis XIV’s government in terms of frontier policy was to ensure the territorial security of the kingdom. This could be achieved in part by the acquisition of more territory and partly by bringing adjacent smaller states within the French orbit. The latter policy was predicated on the basis that these small states would benefit from French protection at the cost of surrendering their autonomy in matters of foreign policy – and, in some cases, their domestic policy as well. But Louis’s lack of sensitivity to and respect for the interests of their rulers ultimately led to its failure.Throughout his personal rule his tactics towards Lorraine and PiedmontSavoy were characterised by intimidation and arrogance: in the War of Devolution, Louis forced Duke Charles IV of Lorraine to hand over part of his army to fight alongside the French, and parallels can be seen in 1690 and 1703 when he made similar demands on Victor Amadeus II of Savoy. Guy Rowlands has recently suggested that this reflected a deliberate desire to undermine relations between untrustworthy neighbouring princes and their elites – hardly a gesture that would persuade wavering allies to return to the fold.108 By failing to accommodate the interests of these rulers, Louis effectively forced them into the arms of his enemies; in so doing, he inadvertently destabilised France’s eastern frontiers and created for himself new military commitments. But the strategic threats posed by Lorraine and Piedmont-Savoy were far from equal. Despite the striking similarity between these two small intermediary states, this resemblance should not be exaggerated: their g eostrategic situations were very different. The duc de Saint-Simon compared them with characteristic acuity at the turn of the eighteenth century: Piedmont-Savoy was ‘a separate state, independent without constraint, separated by the Alps, and always in a position to be powerfully supported by its neighbours’, whereas Lorraine was ‘an isolated and enclaved country, invaded whenever France wishes, an open country without fortification, without liberty to have any fortification … a country which can only subsist at France’s pleasure.’109
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The two states were also extremely different internally. Savoy’s governing institutions had a long history of autonomy and strength going back over a century, while those of Lorraine lacked that level of prestige and authority, having been re-established only in the 1660s. Relations between the rulers and their elites were conditioned by wholly different assumptions and expectations, particularly given the long exile of the duke of Lorraine from the 1630s to 1661. Furthermore, the experiences and attitudes of their inhabitants vis-à-vis France were poles apart: the traumatised population of Lorraine harboured a deep hostility to the French, retaining in its collective memory for decades to come the devastation of Richelieu and Mazarin’s occupation. The importance of these differences, particularly in terms of past experiences with France, will become clearer in Part III of this book, which deals with relations between the occupied populations and the French occupiers. Nonetheless, Lorraine and Savoy bore at least one thing in common: both had the misfortune of bordering France in an era of almost continuous warfare. Their strategic positions made entanglement in Louis XIV’s European conflicts almost inevitable. The involvement of France in these territories over the period of Louis’s personal rule reflects, as we shall see, the successes and failures of French foreign policy, as well as the material needs of its war effort.
Notes
1 The best overviews of the two territories in this period are Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i: ‘De la Renaissance à la guerre de Trente Ans’; and R. Devos, ‘Un siècle en mutation (1536–1684)’ in P. Guichonnet, Histoire de la Savoie (Toulouse, 1973). From the French perspective, see Nordman, Frontières de France, pp. 81–7. 2 For example, T. C. W. Blanning, Reform and revolution in Mainz, 1743–1803 (Cambridge, 1974), p. 40. 3 As John Elliott put it, most states in the early modern period were composite, though some ‘were clearly more composite than others’. J. H. Elliott, ‘A Europe of Composite Monarchies’, Past and Present, 137 (1992), p. 51. 4 J.-P. Cénat, Le Roi stratège: Louis XIV et la direction de la guerre, 1661–1715 (Rennes, 2010), pp. 299–301; J. O’Connor, ‘Louis XIV and Europe: War and Diplomacy in the Seventeenth Century’ in S. G. Reinhardt (ed.), The Sun King: Louis XIV and the new world (New Orleans, LA, 1994), p. 60. 5 G. Zeller, ‘Saluces, Pignerol et Strasbourg: La Politique des frontières au temps de la prépondérance Espagnole’, Revue Historique, 193/2 (1942), p. 110. 6 D. Parrott, ‘The Causes of the Franco-Spanish War of 1635–59’ in J. Black (ed.), The origins of war in early modern Europe (Edinburgh, 1987), pp. 96–7. 7 Black, European international relations, p. 16. 8 The term limite was used in a more metaphoric sense, signifying an outer limit to sovereignty, accepted by mutual agreement and definitive. For a detailed discussion of the evolution of these terms, see the chapter ‘Lexique de la frontière’ in Nordman’s Frontières de France, pp. 25–39; or L. Febvre, ‘Frontière: the word and the concept’ in P. Burke (ed.), A new kind of history: from the writings of Lucien Febvre (London, 1973), pp. 208–10. 9 See the introduction to Jeremy Black’s The Origins of War, p. 7. 10 N. Girard d’Albissin, Genèse de la frontière franco-belge: les variations des limites septentrionales de la France de 1659 à 1789 (Paris, 1970); G. Zeller, L’Organisation défensive des frontières du nord et de l’est au XVIIe siècle (Paris, 1929), p. 41; P. Sahlins, ‘Natural Frontiers Revisited: France’s
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Boundaries since the Seventeenth Century’, American Historical Review, 95 (1990), p. 1434. 11 Sahlins, ‘Natural Frontiers’, pp. 1428–9. 12 A. Sinkoli, Frankreich, das Reich und die Reichsstände, 1697–1702 (Frankfurt am Main, 1995), pp. 78–87. 13 Vauban, ‘Intérét présent des états de la chrétiénté’ (c.1700), in Vauban, sa Famille et ses Écrits, ses Oisivetés et sa Correspondance, ed. A. Rochas d’Aiglun (2 vols, Paris, 1910), i, p. 492. 14 Sahlins, ‘Natural Frontiers’, p. 1433. 15 Nordman, Frontières de France, pp. 95–105. 16 Febvre, ‘Frontière: word and concept’, pp. 215–16; D. Nordman, ‘From the Boundaries of the State to National Borders’ in P. Nora (ed.), Rethinking France: Les Lieux de mémoire, trans. D. P. Jordan (4 vols., Chicago, 2001), i, pp. 105–9. 17 A. Osiander, The states system of Europe, 1640–1990 (Oxford, 1994), p. 50. 18 Parrott, ‘Franco-Spanish War’, pp. 96–7. 19 Sahlins, ‘Natural Frontiers’, p. 1427; Nordman, Frontières de France, p. 127; Stewart, Assimilation and acculturation, pp. 20–3. 20 See J. Spangler, The society of princes: the Lorraine-Guise and the conservation of power and wealth in seventeenth-century France (Farnham, Surrey, 2009), pp. 118, 264; and also his chapter ‘Those in between: Princely Families on the Margins of the Great Powers – The Franco-German Frontier, 1477–1830’ in C. H. Johnson, D. W. Sabean, S. Teuscher and F. Trivellato (eds), Transregional and transnational families in Europe and beyond: experiences since the middle ages (New York, 2011). 21 The term ‘geo-cultural landscape’ is from William D. Godsey’s Nobles and nations in central Europe: free imperial knights in the age of revolution, 1750–1850 (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 13–14. 22 Both Lorraine and Savoy saw a continuance of popular witchcraft well into the seventeenth century, and Savoy was viewed from within France as a ‘citadelle de magique’: J. Nicolas, La vie quotidienne en Savoie aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Paris, 1979), p. 293; R. Briggs, Communities of belief: cultural and social tensions in early modern France (Oxford, 1989), pp. 7–9. 23 Vignal Souleyreau, Richelieu, p. 33. Lorraine also straddled a linguistic boundary which ran south-east from Longwy to Sarrebourg; approximately one third of the duchy of Lorraine was German speaking, and organised into the baillage d’Allemagne, centred on Vaudrevange/ Wallerfangen: M. Toussaint, La Frontière linguistique en Lorraine (Paris, 1955), pp. 40–2. 24 In a precursor to his son’s changes to Lorraine’s constitutional arrangements, Louis XIII abolished the assises in 1634. H. Mahuet, La Cour souveraine de Lorraine et Barrois, 1641–1790 (Nancy, 1959), pp. 14–17. 25 See M. Graves, The parliaments of early modern Europe (Harlow, 2001), pp. 149–51. 26 A. Schmitt, Le Barrois mouvant au XVIIe siècle (1624–1697), Mémoires de la Société des Lettres, Sciences et Arts de Bar-le-Duc et du Musée de Géographie, 5e série, 47 (1928–9), p. 227. 27 M.-J. Laperche-Fournel, L’Intendance de Lorraine et Barrois à la fin du XVIIe siècle: edition critique du mémoire ‘pour l’instruction du duc de Bourgogne’ (Paris, 2006), p. 152. 28 Ibid., p. 153. 29 Ibid., pp. 154–6. 30 Schmitt, Le Barrois, pp. 144–5. 31 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i, pp. 137–8; Schmitt, Le Barrois, pp. 260–82. 32 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i, pp. 19–20; B. Blumenkranz, Histoire des Juifs en France (Toulouse, 1972), pp. 79–84. 33 J.-D. Pariset, ‘La Lorraine dans les relations internationales au XVIe siècle’ in Bled et al., Les Habsbourg et la Lorraine, p. 53. 34 See R. Babel, ‘Dix années décisives: aspects de la politique étrangère de Charles IV de 1624 a 1634’ in Bled et al., Les Habsbourg et la Lorraine, pp. 59–65. 35 By the Treaty of Vic of 1632, the duke was forced to cede Marsal for three years; he also promised not to sign any alliance or levy troops without the permission of the king, and was to guarantee the free passage of French troops through his states. D. Parrott, Richelieu’s army: war, government, and society in France, 1624–1642 (Cambridge, 2001), p. 104. 36 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i, pp. 185–94.
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37 Parrott, Richelieu’s army, pp. 77–83. This could be seen as the precursor to Louis XIV and Louvois’s system of contributions. 38 The main objective in establishing the Parlement was ultimately to separate the Trois Evêchés from the Empire. M.-O. Piquet-Marchal, La Chambre de Réunion de Metz (Paris, 1969), p. 16; Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i, pp. 189–90. 39 The Parlement sat in Toul for most of the war, returning to Metz in 1658. 40 Vignal Souleyreau, Richelieu, pp. 181–93; Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i, pp. 220–1. 41 Vignal Souleyreau, Richelieu, p. 224. 42 Ibid., p. 139. 43 H. de Beauvau, Mémoires du marquis de Beauvau: concernant ce qui s’est passé de plus mémorable sous le règne de Charles IV duc de Lorraine & de Bar (Metz, 1686), pp. 54–5. 44 Schmitt, Le Barrois, p. 139. 45 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, i, pp. 227–8. 46 Vignal Souleyreau, Richelieu, pp. 258–9. 47 P. Braun, La Lorraine pendant le gouvernement de la Ferté-Sénectère (1643–1661) (Nancy, 1907), p. 143. 48 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, ii, p. 23. 49 Ibid., ii, p. 26. 50 Ibid., ii, p. 17. 51 Ibid., ii, pp. 20–2. 52 Vignal Souleyreau, Richelieu, p. 286. 53 At the start of the eighteenth century, Vauban estimated the population of Lorraine to be 361,000, down from a million a century earlier. J. Dupâquier (ed.), Histoire de la population Française (4 vols., Paris, 1988), ii, p. 76; M.-J. Laperche-Fournel, La Population du duché de Lorraine de 1580 à 1720 (Nancy, 1985), p. 202. 54 R. Taveneaux, Le Jansénisme en Lorraine (Paris, 1960), p. 55. 55 Braun, Ferté-Sénectère, p. 163. 56 Beauvau, Mémoires, pp. 184–5. 57 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, ii, p. 31. 58 E. Gerardin, Histoire de Lorraine: duchés–comtés–evêchés, depuis les origines jusqu’à la réunion des deux duchés à la France (1766) (Nancy, 1925), p. 277. 59 Beauvau, Mémoires, p. 454; Haussonville, Histoire de la réunion, iii, p. 154. 60 J. Spangler, ‘A Lesson in Diplomacy for Louis XIV: The Treaty of Montmartre, 1662, and the Princes of the House of Lorraine’, French History, 17 (2003), pp. 225–30. 61 Anon., Dissertation historique et politique, sur le Traitté fait entre le Roy et le Duc Charles, touchant la Lorraine (n.p., 1662). 62 Cabourdin, Encyclopédie, ii, p. 28. The treaty drove Prince Charles (later Duke Charles V) to move to Vienna and join the imperial camp. 63 In his memoirs for the dauphin for 1662, Louis wrote: ‘It is still uncertain … what the advantages of this treaty for me will one day be, but you have seen at least that it will not be worthless’. Mémoires de Louis XIV, ed. J. Longnon, (Paris, 1979), p. 133. 64 N. Kaypaghian, ‘Le duché de Lorraine et les Trois Evêchés entre deux occupations (1663– 1670)’, Cahiers Lorrains, 33 (1981), p. 107. 65 Ibid., pp. 108–12. 66 Haussonville, Histoire de la réunion, iii, pp. 172–4. 67 P. Sonnino, Louis XIV and the origins of the DutchWar (Cambridge, 1988), p. 50; Calmet, Histoire ecclésiastique, iii, pp. 654–6. 68 Ibid., iii, pp. 661–2. 69 Kaypaghian, ‘Le Duché de Lorraine’, p. 113. 70 Calmet, Histoire ecclésiastique, iii, p. 662; Kaypaghian, ‘Le Duché de Lorraine’, p. 112; Sonnino, Dutch War, pp. 76, 105. 71 Kaypaghian, ‘Le Duché de Lorraine’, pp. 115–18. Sonnino argues that the king took the decision as late as 22 August, in a spontaneous fit of rage at having to postpone the Dutch War. Sonnino, Dutch War, pp. 110–11, 119.
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72 L. de Rouvroy, duc de Saint-Simon, Mémoires, ed. A. M. Boislisle (40 vols., Paris, 1879–1928), xv, p. 28. 73 Saint-Simon reproached the dukes for their attachment to Germany, ‘which they cling to, without being a part of’. J. Voss, ‘La Lorraine et sa situation politique entre la France et l’Empire vues par le duc de Saint-Simon’ in Bled et al., Les Habsbourg et la Lorraine, p. 92. 74 Symcox, Victor Amadeus, p. 135. 75 R. Devos and B. Grosperrin, La Savoie de la Réforme à la Révolution française (Rennes, 1985), p. 23; Devos, ‘Un siècle’, pp. 234, 246–7; B. Haan, Une paix pour l’éternité: la négociation du traité du Cateau-Cambrésis (Madrid, 2010). 76 J. Balsamo, ‘Lorraine et Savoie, médiateurs culturels entre la France et l’Italie (1580–1630)’ in G. Mombello et al. (eds), Culture et pouvoir dans les Etats de Savoie du XVIIe siècle à la Révolution: actes du colloque d’Annecy–Chambéry–Turin (1982) (Chambéry, 1985), p. 273. 77 L. Chevallier, ‘L’occupation française de la Savoie (1536–1559): Réflexions sur quelques aspects politiques et institutionnels’, Cahiers d’Histoire, 5 (1960), pp. 321–8. 78 R. Devos, ‘Elite et culture. Les magistrats savoyards au XVIIe siècle’ in Mombello et al., Culture et pouvoir, pp. 219–20, 227. 79 Devos, ‘Un siècle’, p. 259. 80 F. Meyer, ‘Les Elites diocésaines en Savoie à la fin du XVIIe siècle’, Rives Méditerranées, 32–3 (2009), p. 5. 81 Devos, ‘Un siècle’, p. 264. Unlike the county of Nice, which had a long-established Jewish population, there had been no Jews in Savoy since the begi
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https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/common-law-civil-law-and-colonial-law/george-harris-and-the-comparative-legal-background-of-the-first-english-translation-of-justinians-institutes/BA552E7E699E46D4237D723CA4F565FE
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George Harris and the Comparative Legal Background of the First English Translation of Justinian’s Institutes (Chapter 4)
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Common Law, Civil Law, and Colonial Law - April 2021
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https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/common-law-civil-law-and-colonial-law/george-harris-and-the-comparative-legal-background-of-the-first-english-translation-of-justinians-institutes/BA552E7E699E46D4237D723CA4F565FE
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George Harris
George Harris was born in Westminster in 1721. It seems that he spent part of his childhood in Wales with his father, John Harris, who was appointed bishop of Llandaff in 1729. Shortly before his father’s death, in June 1738, George was matriculated at Oriel College, Oxford. In 1745 he obtained the degree of Bachelor in Civil Law and five years later a doctoral degree. Later the same year, on 23 October, Harris was admitted to the College of Advocates, and he began a legal practice. During his long-term membership, he performed many administrative functions: register (1763–4), librarian (1765–6) and treasurer (1767–70; 1781–2). In addition, he was involved in the administrative and judicial organisation of many dioceses. It was noted in his obituary published in The Annual Register that Harris was chancellor of the dioceses of Durham, Hereford and Llandaff as well as the commissioner of Essex, Hertfordshire and Surrey. This list can be supplemented with two more chancellorships in Bangor and Winchester. It seems that most of these appointments were held by Harris almost until his death.
It is possible to locate some traces of Harris’s practice as advocate. Archival investigation indicates the survival of several legal opinions presented by Harris. Most of them concern ecclesiastical matters, primarily regarding staffing of offices. Lambeth Palace Library possesses three such opinions dated 1770/1, 1784 and 1787. Another two opinions are held by the local archives in Yorkshire (1764) and Devon (1780).
Like many other eighteenth-century civilians, Harris was also involved in judicial work. For many years he was a judge of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. Through the press testamentary reports, it is possible to see that Harris was performing judicial duties as early as March 1759, when he proved the will and codicils of Henry Hawley. He was still acting as a judge in 1790 when he proved the will of the well-known eccentric John Elwes.
Besides the Prerogative Court, Harris was also acting as a judge while he was holding the diocesan offices. While he was a commissioner of Surrey, then part of the diocese of Winchester, Harris was engaged in an unusual case. At the time, the bishop of Winchester was visitor of Magdalen College, Oxford. He exercised his powers through the commissioner. In 1769 Harris was presiding over a hearing in a case regarding the deprivation of Ambrose Kent of his Doctor of Divinity degree and fellowship at Magdalen College. It seems that these hearings were partly informal since they were taking place in such different locations as Harris’s chambers, the common-hall of Doctors’ Commons and the bishop’s home in Chelsea.
Harris’s judicial activity on behalf of the Winchester diocese was perpetuated by John Wentworth. By the end of the eighteenth century, this barrister and member of the Inner Temple published several volumes regarding judicial proceedings. The matters discussed were illustrated with actual examples from practice. During the analysis of the writ of prohibition, Wentworth included in his book a motion to grant a writ, the writ itself signed by George III, as well as Harris’s declaration of admitting the writ, all concerning the 1777 case.
Kent’s was not the only university case in which Harris was involved. In 1793 Jesus College, Cambridge sent a request to the civilian for an opinion regarding an appropriate interpretation of the College statute. The proceedings concern the publication of a treatise by William Frend entitled Peace and Union Recommended to the Associated Bodies of Republicans and Anti-Republicans. Although Harris was not called to appear in the Vice-Chancellor’s Court, his opinion was used during the hearing.
As a diocesan official, Harris was also acting widely as an administrator of different ecclesiastical legal matters. For example, as a commissary of Surrey, Harris was involved in the discussion regarding the dispute between the bishop of Winchester and the vicar general of the Province of Canterbury in issuing marriage licences (1765). At another point, Harris was presiding on behalf of the archbishop of Canterbury over proceedings regarding applications for medical licences.
Further, like many other civilians at the time, Harris did not limit his practice to ecclesiastical law. He was also an advocate in the Admiralty, where he gained an important position and held the post of Admiralty Advocate between 1764 and 1782.
George Harris was professionally active until his death. The archives of Lambeth Palace possess documentation of a 1795 case pending in the Arches – the provincial court of the archbishop of Canterbury – wherein Harris was acting on behalf of the diocese of Winchester. Harris died only a few months later, on 19 April 1796. He left a last will in which he disposed of his huge wealth. He established several trusts, including two major ones on behalf of two London hospitals – one worth £20,000, the other £15,000. This is, in fact, not surprising, since Harris was involved in charity work during his lifetime. He was a member of the Corporations of the Sons of Clergy, which financially supported poor ecclesiastics and their families.
Translation of the Institutes: Content
Harris began his opus with an extensive dedicatory note addressed to Sir George Lee, then the dean of the Arches. In a typical panegyric manner, the civilian praised the merits of the judge for the development of English law as well as for his intellectual qualities. It would not be an exaggeration to say that Harris packed the note with all possible flattery. As an illustration, two passages can be quoted: ‘and, as I have the honor to attend those courts, in which you so eminently preside, I may hope to avail myself of the many opportunities of instruction, which must continually offer themselves’ and ‘the benefits, conferred by you, are not confined to individuals; your conduct as a Lord Commissioner of the Admiralty, and the satisfaction it gave the public, are sufficiently known’.
It seems that Harris here had a pragmatic purpose. Not only was George Lee, as the dean of the Arches, the presiding member of the College of Advocates, but he was also the head of the court before which the civilian appeared. It should not be ruled out that Harris’s actions were parts of his efforts to obtain a judgeship in the Arches. If this really was the case, it may be that these efforts were successful. The dedicatory note was signed by Harris on 25 February 1756. Less than three years later, in March 1759, the lawyer was already a surrogate-judge for the dean of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. It is true that at the time the Arches had a new dean, Sir Edward Simpson, but Lee had died only a few months earlier.
After the dedication, Harris placed the advertisement, where he pointed out his main aims in preparing his translation. He emphasised that his work should be treated as an introduction to the Institutes’ edition and commentary written by Arnold Vinnius. The second paragraph of the advertisement contains a short explanation regarding the notes added by Harris to the translation. He pointed out that the majority of them concern English law. He admitted also that they were not perfect but added that they should arouse the curiosity of a ‘young reader’. He hoped that these notes could also rouse the desire of the readers to study more deeply their national law as well as the Civil law, described by Harris as ‘the Master-work of human policy’.
Finally, the introductory part is crowned with the already-mentioned ‘A Brief Account of the Rise and Progress of the Roman Law’. Starting from the earliest stages of Roman legal history, Harris presented first the semi-legendary stories of the legislative activity of Romulus, a gathering of the leges regiae by Sextus Papirius and finally the exile of Tarquinius Priscus from Rome. In the opinion of Harris, the subsequent events that led to the creation of the republic were the times of ‘great incertainity in respect to law’. Arbitrary decisions of the magistrates brought widespread discontent among the people. As a consequence, the patricians succumbed to the plebeians and decided to appoint the ten men – decemviri – who would eventually propose a project to enact a law that would be partially based on Greek laws and partially on previous Roman laws. Next, Harris presented the circumstances that led to the appointment of another decemviri committee and to shape the final version of what would be known as the law of the Twelve Tables.
The story told by Harris is focused on the republican period. He noticed that shortly after the enactment of the lex duodecim tabularum, its provisions started to be changed due to their severity. In his opinion, the Senate was primarily responsible for these changes, as well as the plebeians who voted during their assemblies. It is curious, from a modern point of view, that he did not mention the role played by the far more important legislative body of the republican period, the popular assembly, and their statutes (leges). Instead, Harris pointed out the important role played by the learned jurists, by what he calls ‘auctoritas prudentum’. Harris went on to state that after the promulgation of the law of the Twelve Tables, the Roman system of actiones was constituted. At first, they were unknown to the public until Flavius made them public. Shortly thereafter, Sextus Aelius introduced a newer, much improved system of the legal actions.
Harris then suddenly changed the course of his arguments to focus on the pretorian edict. He explained that although the edict lost its authority after the one-year term of office of the pretor, nevertheless ‘many of them were so truly valuable for their justice and equity, that they have been perpetuated as laws’.
After these extended deliberations regarding the republican period, Harris dealt with the principate in just one paragraph. He declared that after the ‘re-establishment of monarchy’ by Augustus, the Roman law gained new types of sources – the imperial constitutions and the responses of the lawyers. The details regarding their issuing were, however, not interesting to him. Instead, he skipped about three-hundred years and proclaimed that at that time the number of the imperial constitutions was so great that it was necessary to codify them. He listed the names of the lawyers Gregorius and Hermogenes (sic), who compiled private collections of the constitutions during the reign of the emperor Constantine. Next, he emphasised, an official collection was promulgated on the command of Emperor Theodosius. Harris summed up this part of ‘A Brief Account’ by saying that all the foregoing attempts to fix the state of imperial legislation were imperfect. Due to this, the great work of Justinian’s codification was necessary.
In the following paragraphs, Harris presented the stages of the works of codification carried out by the forces appointed by the emperor. He mentioned that the laws created on behalf of the emperor should be unchangeable and that they should not be summarised or excerpted. In a separate paragraph, Harris pointed out that Justinian had continued his legislative efforts by issuing novels and edicts which were written in Greek rather than Latin. He explained that it was a consequence of the greater popularity of Greek language in the Eastern Empire. He finished these deliberations by mentioning the release of the Basilica.
Harris devoted the last part of ‘A Brief Account’ to the problem of later knowledge of the codification in Western Europe. He explained that it was not commonly known in the former Western Empire, and after the Lombard invasion it was nearly forgotten. Both Code and Pandects were missing until their rediscovery in the twelfth century, respectively in Ravenna and Amalfi. Since that time, however, they have been a subject of constant studies.
There are no doubts that the history of Roman law and its sources presented by Harris is disputable, especially when compared with twenty-first-century knowledge of Roman legal science. Harris’s knowledge, especially about the archaic and pre-classical Roman law, is rather simplified and based more on conjectures and legends than scientific arrangements. Other matters, like the rediscovery of the Digest in Amalfi were still unverified. It is important to remember, however, that ‘A Brief Account’ was only a short introduction and should precede further reading of Vinnius’s commentary .
After ‘A Brief Account’, the main section of Harris’s book starts: the translation equipped with numerous notes. His pattern is as follows: he first gives the original Latin text, followed by the English translation typed in italics. Where he believed it was necessary, he included a short commentary and the explanation of the pivotal terms at the end.
One of the characteristic features of Harris’s translation was his inclusion of a reference to the parallel segments in other parts of Justinian’s codification at the start of every title in the Institutes. For example, beneath the name of the first title of the first book of the Institutes (De iustitia et iure) Harris indicated the designation ‘D. 1 T. 1’ that redirects the reader to the first title of the first book of Justinian’s Digest, which bears the same name. In another place, beneath the eighteenth title of the second book of the Institutes (De inofficioso testamento) the translator indicated the parallel places both in the Digest and the Code. Such practice was characteristic for English civilian literature in the eighteenth century. It can be observed in various places throughout the century. Francis Dickins, the Regius Professor of Civil Law in Cambridge (1714–55) used it, for example, in his lecture notes. In the 1770s the same method was exploited by Samuel Hallifax in his textbook.
Another characteristic of Harris’s work was the addition of informal subtitles clarifying the content of the following segment of the Institutes. A good example is the already-mentioned title De inofficioso testamento. It was divided into the following subtitles: Ratio huius querelae (I. 2, 18, pr.); Qui de inofficioso agunt (I. 2, 18, 1); Qui alio iure veniunt, de inofficioso non agunt (I. 2, 18, 2); De eo, cui testator aliquid reliquit (I. 2, 18, 3); Si tutor, cui nihil a patre relictum, pupilli nomine legatum acceperit (I. 2, 18, 4); Si de inofficioso nomine pupilli agens succubuerit (I. 2, 18, 5); De quarta legitima partis (I. 2, 18, 6–7). Although the addition was unique in comparison with other civilian works of the epoch, it was not Harris’s independent idea. The names of the subtitles were borrowed from Vinnius’s commentary.
The publication of the English translation of Justinian’s Institutes was a very important event in the history of the English science of Roman Civil law. A crucial component of that translation was the notes. In fact, they were arguably the most significant element of the translation. Close analysis of them shows that Harris was a very well-read independent scholar who knew both older and more recent legal literature well. His reading was not restricted to Civil law. On the contrary, Harris also reveals extensive knowledge of the English legal system. It is noteworthy that the works to which Harris referred very often represented other disciplines and are a good manifestation of the lawyer’s comprehensive knowledge.
These legal sources are quoted by Harris on many different occasions. He had an extensive orientation in all parts of Justinian’s codification. In many notes it is possible to find direct references to parallel passages of the Digest, Code and Novels . Quite often he based his argumentation also on Theophilus’s Paraphrase. The Theodosian Code, by contrast, was used infrequently. Harris also quoted non-legal sources. Besides the Cicero orations, he also referred to Tacitus’s Annales, Suetonius and Aulus Gellius. Among the Greek authors, he used the works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Herodotus, Plutarch and the Homeric epics.
As for the scholarly works, Harris referred to a great number of Roman Civil law authors who represent different traditions. It is possible to find in the notes citation of the following authors: Bartolus, Philibert Bugnyon, Diego de Covarrubias y Leyva, Cujacius (Cujas), Jean Domat (quoted both in the original version as well as in the English translation by William Strahan), Jean Doujat , Claude-Joseph de Ferrière, Simon van Groenewegen van der Made, Johann Friedrich Gronovius, Grotius, Heineccius, Joachim Hoppe, François Hotman, Gilles Ménage, Joachim Mynsinger von Frundeck, Matthew Wesenbeck and, naturally, Arnold Vinnius. In addition to these Continental scholars, Harris referred to only three English civilians, all of whom were living in the eighteenth century, namely Robert Eden, John Taylor and Thomas Wood.
A separate group, much more interesting than the English civilians, is made up of writers on English law, whom he used extensively. This is a rather surprising occurrence, especially given that Harris had never been trained in Common law. It can be assumed, however, that he was quite well self-educated in this field of knowledge. Besides the oldest English legal treatises, i.e. Glanvill and Bracton, Harris referred also to another medieval text – Britton. The lawyers of later epochs cited by Harris are: Matthew Bacon, Thomas Blount, Edward Coke, John Cowell, Anthony Fitzherbert, John Fortescue, Matthew Hale, William Hawkins, Thomas Littleton, John Rastell, Thomas Smith, Christopher St German and Thomas Wood.
Harris was also keen to refer to English ecclesiastical lawyers, including Edmund Gibson, John Godolphin and Henry Swinburne. In addition, in one of the notes, Harris referred to a work entitled Ordo iudiciorum but did not insert the name of the author. The context of Harris’s statement, however, suggests that he was referring to the work published in 1728 by Thomas Oughton. Pre-Reformation literature was not exploited by Harris, except that he referred three times to Gregory IX’s Liber extra. The ‘ecclesiastical’ context was strengthened by Harris referring to passages from the Bible as well as the theological literature. It is interesting that among that last type of references it is possible to find a citation of the Catholic theologian, Peter Faber, a Jesuit priest and the disciple of Ignatius of Loyola.
As to English law, it has to be emphasised that Harris devoted much of his attention to the problems of legislation and court practice. This last feature of the translation is especially fascinating. The oldest law reports quoted by Harris date back to the sixteenth century. These are the reports of the judge Sir James Dyer, those known as Keilway’s Reports as well as those of the lawyer Edmund Plowden. From the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries come another three law reports: Sir Edmund Anderson’s, Sir Edward Coke’s and Sir George Croke’s. The seventeenth century is represented by the reports by Thomas Hardres, Thomas Siderfin and John Vaughan and the collection known as Levine’s King’s Bench and Common Pleas Reports 1660–1697. The turn of the seventeenth and eighteenth century is represented by the reports series Modern Reports and the reports collected by William Salkeld, whilst the eighteenth century is witnessed by the reports authored by Sir Jeffrey Gilbert, Lord Raymond and Sir John Strange. The activity of the Chancery is attested by Harris through the quotation of four reports series: an anonymous A General Abridgement of Cases in Equity, Argued and Adjudged in the High Court of Chancery etc., the Chancery Cases and the Chancery Reports, as well as the reports of Thomas Vernon. The ecclesiastical judgments are quoted only once, when Harris referred to the reports collected by Edward Stillingfeet.
Quite unique are the references to the experience of Scottish institutional writers – Sir George Mackenzie and Lord Stair. In both cases Harris referred to their Institutions. Also, in one place, it is possible to find a mention of Norman customs of the Channel Islands.
Obviously, Harris was also using some secondary, auxiliary literature. Among these works, it is worth mentioning the historical pieces Basil Kennett’s Antiquities of Rome and John Potter’s Archaeologia Greca or the Antiquities of Greece. Besides, Harris was using philosophical works, like Tetrachordon by John Milton and Montesquieu’s De l’esprit des lois. Among the dictionaries can be mentioned Thesaurus linguae latinae by Robert Estienne and Thesaurus eruditionis scholasticae by Basil Faber.
Following the translation of the Institutes, Harris added a single supplement to his work. It was an English translation of the Novel 118, decreed by Justinian in 543. The imperial constitution was part of the famous changes that the emperor introduced in the field of the intestate succession. The reason for its attachment to the translation of the Institutes is not clear, as Harris did not explain his action in this regard. It seems natural, though, that the translation could have been dictated by practical reasons. After all, ecclesiastical courts – the domain of the civilians’ activity – were mainly preoccupied with testamentary inheritance cases. The Novel and its translation cover a little over ten pages. The text was presented in three ways. First, Harris presented the Greek version of the constitution. Second, the Latin translation of the constitution was added. Finally, beneath these two versions, an English translation was included.
Just as with the Institutes, the lawyer equipped the Novel with extensive commentaries. The apparatus is varied again. Among the civilian works it is possible to find the two pieces already mentioned before – written by Domat and Ferrière. In addition, Harris also used two other civilian treatises authored by Petrus Gudelinus (Pierre Goudelin) and Johannes Voet. English law is again represented by Glanvill, Littleton and Coke, and in addition by the work on criminal law written by Sir Michael Foster. Finally, the law reports were used by Harris. Only the reports of Lord Raymond were reused. In addition, another three were used by Harris for the very first time: the reports prepared by Sir John Holt, Sir Bartholomew Shower and William Peere Williams.
What were the origins of such a wealth of literature? The translation was published in 1756. Even, if it is assumed that this project was initiated by Harris while still at Oxford, the 1749 edition of the translation does not reveal much about Harris’s interest in constructing elaborate notes. It seems plausible that the notes were mostly already written after Harris’s graduation, while he was a member of the College of Advocates. Besides a private library which was definitely continually expanded by Harris, it is most likely that his main supplying source was the library of the Doctors’ Commons. This conclusion can be partially confirmed by juxtaposing the list of works used by Harris with the library catalogue of Doctors’ Commons published in 1818. Although not all the works to which he referred can be found in the catalogue, many of them were in the College’s possession. While he was living in London, it is possible that Harris also had access to Lambeth Palace Library as well as the libraries of the Inns of Court. Finally, it is plausible that he used bishops’ or cathedrals’ libraries while he was travelling around the country to fulfil his professional duties .
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55 • ORIGINE(S) • DEUX MILLE ANS D'ÉCRITS DU PAPYRUS AU LIVRE IMPRIMÉ
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KB-KBZ Religious Legal Systems -- Continued DRAFTS KBR-KBX Law of the Christian Church. Ecclesiastical Law. Canon Law KBR History of Canon Law ** Class here sources (collected and individual) of, and general works on, Canon law covering all periods to ca. 1900 For Canon law from ca. 1900 on (Pope Pius X, 1903-1914), see KBS Bibliography Including international and national bibliography 2 Bibliography of bibliography. Bibliographical concordances 3 General bibliography 4 Indexes for periodical literature, society publications, collections, etc. Subject bibliography 5 General (Collective) Individual subjects and topics, see the subject Early works, e.g. Repertoria, see the author in the appropriate period 7 Personal bibliography. Canonical jurists. Writers on Canon law (Collective or individual) Catalogs, inventories and guides to manuscripts and incunabula collections in public libraries or archives. By name of the library or archive Including university, museum, cathedral, religious order and other institutional libraries or archives 10 North American, A-Z Including US and Canada 12 Central and South American, A-Z European 14 English, A-Z 14.5 French, A-Z 15 German, A-Z 15.5 Italian, A-Z .A73 Archivio vaticano .B5 Biblioteca apostolica vaticana .5 Spanish and Portuguese, A-Z 17 Other European, A-Z 18 Asian and Pacific, A-Z 19 African and Middle Eastern, A-Z (20) Periodicals, see KB 21 Annuals. Annuaires. Yearbooks e.g. Annuarium historiae conciliorum
KBR History of Canon Law--Continued ** This part of the religious law schedule, KBR, has a dualistic design orientation, tracking as closely as possible the Classes KJ/KJA, and some sections of CLasses BR and BX. There are, of course, some structural differences in the initial part of the schedules (e.g. time periods of Canon and Roman law do not match exactly). Still, the parallel development of KBR is an important feature because it will give libraries a choice where to class whole groups of materials, in particular those previously in Classes BR and BX, and all materials "utriusque iuris", relating to both Canon and Roman law, which could be classed by either schedule, KJA or KBR. KBR History of Canon Law--Continued 22 Monographic series e.g. Kirchenrechtliche Abhandlungen Theses ad lauream in iure canonico (Pontificia Universita lateranense) Monographias canonicas Penafort Oesterreichisches Archiv fuer Kirchenrecht Studia Gratiana Official gazette of the Apostolic See (25) Acta Sanctae Sedis (1865-1904), see KBS Superceded by Acta Apostolicae Sedis (26) Acta Apostolicae Sedis (1908-), see KBS Official acts of the Holy See
Including Apostolic constitutions, and decrees of the Roman Curia (27) Bibliography Early or discontinued collections and compilations Bullaries. Bullaria Cf. BX870+ (27.5) Indexes and Tables. Repertories. Regesta. Digests .J35 Regesta Pontificum Romanorum: Ab condita ecclesia ad annum post Christum natum MCXVIII (Philipp Jaffe (1819- 1870, ed.), 1885-88 .P77 Regesta Pontificum Romanorum inde ab A. post Christum natum MCXCVIII ad A. MCCCIV (August Potthast, 1824- 1895, ed.), 1874-750 Individual popes (28) Clement IX (Pope, 1700-1721). Bullarium, 1723 (28.2) Benedict XIV (Pope, 1740-1758). Benedicti Papae XIV bullarium...in quo continentur constitutiones, epistolae, &...,1746-57 (28.4) Acta Gregory XVI (1831-1846), 1901-1904 (28.5) Acta PII IX (1846-1878), 1854 (28.6) Acta Leonis XIII (1878-1905), 1881-1905 (28.9) Acta Pii X (1903-1914), 1905-1913 (29) Private. By author or title .B37 Bullarii Romani continuatio summorum pontificum Clementis XIII..etc...[et Gregorii XVI].. Quas collegit Andreas Barberi, 1835 .C54 Magnum Bullarium romanum ab Urbano VIII, usque ad s.d.n. Clementem X. (Laerzio Cherubini, d. ca. 1626 & Angelo Maria Cherubini, fl. 1633-1637, eds.), 1629-97 KBR History of Canon Law Constitutions, acts, etc., of the Apostolic See Early or discontinued collections and compilations Bullaries. Bullaria Private. By author or title - Continued (29) .C63 Bullarum, diplomatum et privilegiorum sanctorum romanorum pontificum taurinensis editio..facta collectione novissima plurium brevium, epistolarum, decretorum actorumque s. Sedis a s. Lione Magno usque ad praesens..(Charles Cocquelines, d.1758 & Francesco Gaude, 1809-1860, et al., eds.), 1857-72 .M35 Magnum bullarium Romanum...1733-62 (1964) Other collections. Compilations. Selections Class her comprehensive collections and compilations etc. of pontifical acts, decrees, constitutions, and not relating to a specific historic period or pope, with or without ecclesiastical court decisions and acts/decisions of the Roman Curia, etc. Including annotated editions (30) Collectio diversarum constitutionum et litterarum Rom. Pont. a Gregorio VII usque ad sanctissimum D.N.D. Gregorium XIII..., 1579 (30.2) Compendium constitutionum summorum Pontificum: quae extant a Gregorio VII usque ad Clementem VIII.. per .. Iacobum Castellanum.. collectum, 1606 (30.4) Summa bullarii ac constitutionum summorum pontificum: Quae ad universalem ecclesiae usum, post volumina iuris canonici usque ad..Paulum Papam V emanarunt..(authore Stephano Quaranta..; cum additionibus Prosperi de Augustino), 1606 (30.5) Summa constitutionum summorum pontificum, et rerum in ecclesia Romana gestarum a Gregorio IX usque ad Sixtum V .. per Petrum Matthaeum, 1589 (30.6) Constitutiones pontificiae et Romanarum congregationum decisiones ad episcopos et abbates..(Giambattista Pittoni, 1687-1767, comp.), 1712 (30.7) Summae Bullarum, sive Apostolicarum constitutionum usu frequentiorum commentaria..(Giovanni Antonio Novario, 17th. cent.), 1677 ***Individual Apostolic constitutions and other particular documents Cf. BX873+ (32) By pope Subarrange by date KBR History of Canon Law Encyclicals. Litterae Encyclicae, see BX860 Epistolae. Litterae Pontificiae, see BX863 **Concordates (37) Collections. Compilations. Selections (38) **Individual. By country and date ***Decrees and decisions of the Curia Romana (39) General (Collective) Not including Papal documents Particular office or congregation (39.2) Cancellaria Apostolica (39.3) Camera Apostolica Cf. KBR45 (39.4) Secretaria Status (39.5) Secretaria Brevium (39.6) Secretaria Memorialium Roman congregations (Name authorites have to be checked!) Including older congregations (40) Congregatio Romanae et universalis Inquisitionis seu Sancti Officii (40.2) Congregatio de disciplina Sacramentarum (40.3) Congregatio indicis librorum prohibitorum Index librorum prohibitorum Leonis XIII, Summi Pontificis auctoritatre recognitus, 1924 (40.4) Congregatio Cardinalium Concilii Tridentini interpretum Including related congregations (40.5) Congregatio negotiis religiosorum sodalium praeposita Previously Congregatio super Negotiis Episcoporum (40.6) et regularium Collectanea in usum secretariae S.C. Congregatio episcoporum et regularium (40.7) Congregationes super Disciplina Regulari and super Statu Regularium (40.8) Congregatio Iurisdictionis et Immunitatis ecclesiasticae (40.9) Congregatio sacrorum Rituum Decreta autentica, 1898, 1912, 1927 KBR History of Canon Law ***Decrees and decisions of the Curia Romana Roman congregations - Continued (41) Congregatio Indulgentiarum et Sacrarum Reliquiarum Decreta authentica, 1668-1882 (41.2) Congregatio de Propaganda Fide (41.22) Congregatio specialis pro negotiis ritus Orientalis (Congregatio pro corrigendis libris ecclesiae Orientalis) Collectanea S.C. de Propaganda Fide, 1893, 1907 (41.3) Congregatio super negotiis Ecclesiae extraordinariis (41.4) Congregatio Reverendae Fabricae Basilicae (s.Petri) ___________________________________________________________________ ** Concordates have been classed so far with "Church and State. Ecclesiastical law" in particular country schedules or tables, e.g. KK5520+ (Law of Germany; Secular ecclesiastical law; Concordates) *** The classification of individual legislative and other legal acts, facts, events, etc., usually follows the principle underlying the LCC: distribution by subject. For Canon law, it maybe a good idea to have these materials arranged in one place, be it in KBR or KBS regardless of subject, and not dispersed by subject throughout the two Classes. KBR History of Canon Law - Continued Decisions of ecclesiastical tribunals and courts, and related materials Class here historic collections For modern decisions, see KBS Note: parallel number structure in KBS for complete collection, historic and modern (current) collections (42) General collections By tribunal or court Sacri Palatii auditorium. Rota Romana (43) Indexes and tables. Repertories. Digests For repertories to a particular work, see the author or title .C47 Aloisius Cerroti. Collectio omnium juris theorematum: quae in decisionibus S. Rotae Romanae ab anno MDCCXLI editis: continentur.. annuales indices, alphabetie digesta, 1846 .D45 Giacomo Del Pozzo (1508-1563). Decisiones D. Iacobi Putei, iurisconsulti ..ac Sacri Palatij causarum auditoris..1582 (1583) Collections. Compilations. Selections Including collections with annotations and scholarly comment (44) General. By editor, compiler or title .B45 Sacrosanctae decisiones canonicae (Decisiones Rotae collectae ex consiliis dominorum Sacri Palatii causarum auditorum) (Gilles de Bellem�re, 1342 or 3-1407; Guilielmus Cassador,1477-1527,comp.)1579 .C97 Controversiarum forensium liber primus[-tertius]:.. accesserunt decisiones aliquae Rotae Romanae nondum impressae.. (Franciscus Niger Cyriacus, fl. 1629, comp.), 1644; 1652-54 .H67 Decisiones Rotae Romanae (Wilhelm Horborch, ed.), 1477 Including decisions of earlier compilations by Guilielmus Gallici, Wilhelm Horborch, and Bonaguida Cremonensis .H677 Decisiones Rote noue [et] antique cum additionibus, casibus dubiis et regulis Cancellarie Apostolice (Wilhelm Horborch, Guilielmus Gallici, and Bonaguida Cremonensis, comp.), [1509] KBR History of Canon Law Decisions of ecclesiastical tribunals and courts, and related materials Sacri Palatii auditorium. Rota Romana Collections. Compilations. Selections (44) General - Continued .P38 Decisiones Rotae Romanae (Gianfrancesco Pavini, ed.), 1475 Including Decisiones novae, Decisiones antiquae, and decisions of earlier compilations by Thomas Fastolf, Bernardus de Bosqueto, Guilielmus Gallici, and Wilhem Horborch .R43 Rotae auditorum decisiones nouae, antiquae, et antiquiores...accesserunt..Do. Petri Rebuffi, Camilli Melle..& aliorum doctissimorum..additiones,1570/1579 KBR History of Canon Law Decisions of ecclesiastical tribunals and courts, and related materials Sacri Palatii auditorium. Rota Romana Collections. Compilations.Selections --Continued (44.5) Individual auditores of the Rota .D42 Gilles de Bellem�re, 1342 or 3-1407. Consilia, see KBR 2145 .P46 Francisco Pena, 1540-1612. Recollectae decisiones (Diego Antonio Franc�s de Urrutigoiti, d.1682) Other tribunals or courts (45) Tribunal of the Camera Apostolica (46) Signatura Apostolica (46.3) Signatura justitiae (46.5) Signatura gratiae (47) Dataria Apostolica (48) Poenitentiaria Apostolica (49-55) Diocesan courts {here? or with the administrative structure?} Class here decisions of diocesan (ecclesiastical) courts or other authorities in particular countries; e.g. France Archdiocese of Toulouse Decisiones Capellae Tholosanae (Jean Corsier, fl. ca.1392- 1416, comp.;Etienne Aufreri, d.1511, commentator), 1522 (1527, 1543) 56 Encyclopedias. Law dictionaries. Terms and phrases. Vocabularia Including early works For vocabularies on both Roman and canon law combined (e.g.Albericus, de Rosate, 1290-1360, Dictionarium iuris tam civilis, quam canonici), see KJA56 64 Directories Including early works Nicolau Eimeric, 1320-1399. Directorium inquisitorium, 1587 Petrus Ravennas, ca. 1448-1508 or 9. Alphabetu aureu famatissimi juris utriusque doctoris... Methodology, see KBR190 KBR History of Canon Law - Continued Auxiliary sciences 74 General works 75 Diplomatics 76 Paleography e.g. Coloman E. Viola, Exercitationes paleographiae iuris canonici; Papyrology, see KBR190 77 Linguistics. Semantics 78 Archeology. Legal symbolism Inscriptions. Epigraphy, see KBR190 83 Heraldry. Seals. Insignia, etc. 100 Proverbs. Legal maxims. Brocardica. Regulae juris For legal maxims, brocardica, etc. on both canon and Roman law, see KJA100 .C37 Vincenzo Carocci, 16th/17th cent. Commentaria ad regulam Cum quid prohibitur, Libro sexto..1574 .C68 Diego de Covarrubias y Leyva, 1512-1577 De regulis juris libri sexti relectio .D36 Damasus, fl. 1210-1215 Brocarda, 1566 .D56 Dinus, de Mugello, 1254-ca. 1300 De regulis iuris, 1476 Commentarii in regulas iuris pontificij: cum additionibus Nicolai Boerii, 1577 105 Formularies. Clauses and forms. Formularia. By author or title Including individual or collected formularies for notaries or trial lawyers, court and procedural practice before a particular office or court, e.g. the Rota Romana, Camera apostolica, Cancellaria apostolica, etc. For comparative works about formularies (Roman and canon law), see KJA105 .F65 Formularium instrumentorum ad usum Curiae Romanae, 1480 (1483, and 1488) .F66 Formularium instrumentorum et variorum processuum.., 1561 .F67 Formularium procuratorum et advocatorum Curiae Romanae,1483 .F68 Formularium terminorum Rotae Romanae, 1489 .F9 Formularium terminorum seu registrorum noviter impressum & emendatum, 1523 KBR History of Canon Law - Continued 105 Formularies. Clauses and forms. Formularia. By author or title .L85 Luis Gomez, d. 1542. Commentarii in judiciales regulas Cancellariae, 1575 .M36 Quintiliano Mandosio, d. 1593. Praxis seu theoria commissionum..ad causas decidendas quibuscunque iudicibus.., 1572 .R45 Regulae Cancellariae, 1493 .S85 Stil general des notaires apostoliques..., 1636 .T53 Sallustius Tiberius. De modis procedendi in causis...coram auditore Camerae..., 1586 Repertoria. Summaria. Margaritae General works, see KBR2153 Comprehensive repertories, indexes, etc. By author, see KBR2153.5 Repertories, indexes, etc. for a particular work, see the title/author in the appropriate period [?or simply by author of the repertorium? e.g. KBR1749.6, Martinus Polonus, Margarita] Repertories, indexes, etc. on the works of a particular author collectively, see the author in the appropriate period Other forms of contemporary legal literature, see KBR2139+ Canon law and canonists in literature, see PB-PZ Biography of canonists or jurists Including decretists and decretalists Collective 122 General 123 By school 124 Collections of portraits Individual, see the canonist or jurist in the appropriate period Trials Including criminal and civil trials 127 Collections 128 Individual. By defendant, plaintiff, or best known (popular) name Legal research. Legal bibliography. Methods of bibliographic research 130 General 132 System of citation. Legal abbreviation. Modus legendi abbreviaturas Including early works Legal education. Study and teaching, see KBR2155 (133) General {it could be also here; KBR2155 parallels KJA2155} (134) By school The legal profession, see KBR2157 KBR History of Canon Law - Continued Societies. Associations. Academies, etc. 136 International, A-Z National 138 North American (US and Canada), A-Z 139 Central and South American, A-Z European 141 English, A-Z 142 French, A-Z 143 German, A-Z 144 Italian, A-Z 145 Spanish and Portuguese, A-Z 146 Other European, A-Z 150 Conferences. Symposia General works, see KBR190 Influence of other legal systems on Canon law 156 General 158 Roman law. Civil law (Reception) Canon law compared with other legal systems General, see KB...+ Roman law. Civil law Class here early comparative works (concordia et discordia tam iuris Romani quam iuris civilis cum iure canonico) 166 General 167 Differentiae. By author .B37 Bartolo, of Sassoferrato, 1313-1357 Tractatus inter ius canonicum et civile .B53 Ioannes Baptista de S. Blasio Contradictiones iuris civilis cum canonico .C36 Heinrich Canisius (1548-1610) De differentiis iuris canonici et civilis, 1594 .D43 Ioannes de Molina Tractatus differentiarum inter ius canonicum et regium ... 1551 .L36 Giovanni Paolo Lancelotti(1522-1590) De comparatione iuris pontificii et caesarei et utriusque interpretandi ratione, 1574 .M36 Carolus von Mansfeld (d.1661) Utriusque iuris concors discordia, 1619 .M38 Petrus Maurocensus Concordantiae iuris civilis et canonici Comparisons of particular subjects in canon and Roman law, see the appropriate subject in KBR KBR History of Canon Law - Continued 180 Works on diverse aspects of a particular subject and falling within several branches of the law. By subject, A-Z Sources Studies on sources Including history of sources and methodology (e.g. papyrology, epigraphy, etc.) By author, A-Z Class here collected or individual works of authors regardless of nationality or language 190 A - Hove .B35 Ballerini, Pietro (1698-1769). De antiquis collectionibus et collectoribus canonum usque ad Gratianum; .F68 Fournier, Paul (1853-1935). Histoire des collections canoniques en Occident depuis les Fausses decretales jusqu'au Decret de Gratien, 1931 (1972) .F75 Friedberg, Emil (1837-1910). Die Canones-Sammlungen zwischen Gratian und Bernhard von Pavia, 1958 190.3 Hove, Alphonso van (b.1872). Prolegomena ad codicem iuris canonici, 1928 190.4 Hove - Kuttner 190.5 Kuttner, Stephan (1907-1996?). Medieval councils, decretals, and collections of canon law: selected essays, 1980 190.6 Kuttner - Stickler .M33 Maassen, Friedrich B. C. (1823-1900). Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des Canonischen Rechts im Abendlande, 2 vols., (1870) 1956 .S35 Schulte, Johann Friedrich von (1827-1914). Die Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des canonischen Rechts von Gratian bis auf die Gegenwart, 1875-80 191 Stickler, Alphonsus M. Historia iuris Canonici Latini: institutiones Academiae. 1. Historia Fontium; 191.3 Stickler - Z .T54 Augustinus Theiner(1804-1874). Disquisitiones criticae in praecipuas canonum et decretalium collectiones sey sylloges Gallandianae continuatio, 1836 .V66 V��bus, Arthur. Syrische Kanonessammlungen; ein Beitrag zur Quellenkunde, 1970-192 .W37 Wasserschleben, Hermann (1812-1893). Beitraege zur Geschichte der vorgratianischen Kirchenrechtsquellen, 1839 192 Classification of sources KBR History of Canon Law Sources - Continued Collections. Compilations. Selections 195 General Class here comprehensive collections stemming from all historicperiods of canon law. For collections relating to a particular historic period or type of source, see the period or type of source (e.g. decretals, consilia, etc.) Including translations 195.5 Indexes. Chronologies. Concordances e.g. John Fulton (1834-1907). Index canonum: Containing the canons called apostolical, the canons of the...general councils, and the canons of the provincial councils of Ancyra, Neo-Caesarea, Gangra...with a complete digest of the whole code of canon law in the undivided primitive church, 1872 Pseudo-apostolic collections of canons, to ca. 400 AD Class here collections relating to the legal foundation of the early (primitive) church, e.g. apostolic canons, decrees, and decretals General works, see KBR190+ 196 Didache (Didache kyriou ton dodeka apostolon tois ethnesin. Doctrina duodecim apostolorum). Teaching of the twelve apostles, between 1st and 3rd cent.? 196.2 Traditio Apostolica (Apostolike paradosis)(Hippolytus, Antipope, ca. 170-235 or 6), ca. 218? 196.22 Canones Hippolyti (Hippolytus, Antipope, ca.170-235 or 6), ca. 218-221 196.3 Didascalia Apostolorum (Doctrina XII apostolorum et sanctorum discipulorum nostri Salvatoris), 3rd cent.? 196.4 Canones ecclesiastici sanctorum apostolorum (Kanones ekklesiastikoi ton hagion Apostolon ( Canones Apostolici aegyptiaci), 3rd cent. 196.5 Constitutiones apostolorum (Diatagai ton hagion apostolon), ca.400 e.g. Constitutiones Apostolorum. P. A. de Lagarde, ed.,1862 196.6 Constitutiones per Hippolytum (Epitome libri VIII Constitutionum apostolorum), 4th or 5th cent.? 196.7 Canones Apostolorum 85. Eighty-five ecclesiastical canons of the Apostles, early 4th cent.? e.g. Octoginta quinque regulae, seu canones Apostolorum/ Cum vetustis Ioannis Monachi Zonarae in eosdem commentariis Latine modo versis 196.8 Horos kanonikos ton hagion Apostolon (Canones poenitentiales apostolorum), 4th cent., see Poenitentiaries KBR History of Canon Law Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections Pseudo-apostolic collections of canons, to ca. 400 AD Minor collections 196.9 Canones 9 synodi Antiochenae apostolorum (ascribed to the Synod of Antioch, 341) 197 Octateuchus Sancti Clementis e.g. La version Syriaque de L'Octateuque de Clement. Francois Nau, transl., and Pio Capriotti, ed., 1967 197.2 Didascalia (Arabic) e.g. Canones des Apotres: Texte Arabe...traduit en Francais. Jean Perier et Augustin Perier, transl., 1912 197.3 Didascalia (Ethiopian) e.g. Canones apostolorum aethiopice (Apostolic canons). Winandus Fell, ed., 1871 197.33 Testamentum Domini nostri Jesus Christi (Testament of Our Lord), 5th cent.? 197.4 Liber canonum diversorum sanctorum patrum siue cpollection in CLXXXIII titulos digesta. Joseph Motta, ed., 1988 Jus ecclesiae Graecae seu Byzantinae. Greek-Byzantine collections, to ca. 14th cent. General works, see KBR190 197.4 Syntagma canonum (Synodon conciliorum oecumenici) Chronological collection Including decrees and canons of the early councils, beginning with the Council of Ancyra (314) to the Council of Chalcedon (451), and (since 6th cent.) the 85 Canones Apostolorum 197.5 Codex vetus Ecclesiae Universae, a Iustiniano Imperatore confirmatus...ex Graecis codicibus editis & mss. collegit & emendavit. Latinum fecit (Christofle Iustel, 1580-1649, ed.) 197.6 Canones sanctorum Apostolorum, conciliorum generalium particularum, sanctorum patrum Dijonysij Alexandrini...& alterum veterum theologorum: Photii Costantinopolitani Patriarchae praefixus est Nomocanon..(Gentian Hervet, 1499-1584, transl.), 1561 197.7 Codex Canonum ecclesiae primitivae (William Beveridge, 1637-1708, comp.), 1678 Systematic collections 197.8 Collectio sexaginta titulorum, ca. 535 197.9 Synagoge kanonon (Collectio quinquaginta titulorum) (Joannes Scholasticus), ca. 570 198 Synopsis [canonum], 6th cent. (Stephanus of Ephesus) 198.2 Epitome canonum (Simeon) KBR History of Canon Law Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections Jus ecclesiae Greaecae seu Byzantinae. Greek-Byzantine collections, to ca. 14th cent. - Continued 198.3 Collectio XXV capitulorum, 565-578 198.4 Collectio LXXXVII capitulorum, 565-578 Trullan collection (Council of Trullo, 692), see KBR237 {or here?} 198.6 Collectio Tripartita (Collectio constitutionum ecclesiasticarum) (Nicolaas van der Wal & Bernard H. Stolte, eds., 1994) Nomocanon collections 199 Nomocanon L titulorum (Joannes Scholasticus ?), 6th. cent. 199.2 Nomocanon quatuordecim titulorum, ca. 630 (ascribed falsly to Photius I., Patriarch of Constantinople, ca. 820- ca.891) 199.3 Second revision, 883 199.33 Third revision, 1198 (Theodorus Balsamon, Patriarch of Antioch, 12th cent.) Imperial (Byzantine) law relating to the church, see KJA1361-1405 e.g. Ecloge (Ecloge ton nomon; Leo III., 717-ca.741), ca. 726, see KJA1361-1370 Prochiron (Procheiros nomos; Basileus I, Macedo, 867-886), ca. 870-879, see KJA1391-1400 Epanagoge tou nomou (Basileus I, Macedo, 876-886), see KJA1405 Post-schismatic oriental collections, see KBV
KBR History of Canon Law Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections - Continued Canonical collections of councils and synods For general histories see BR200+ 200 General (collective). By author .B35 Louis Bail (1610-1669). Summa conciliorum omnium, 1659 .B36 �tienne Baluze (1630-1718). Nova collectio conciliorum, 1683 .B48 William Beveridge, ed. (1637-1708). Synodikon, 1672 .B56 Severinus Binius. Concilia generalia et provincialia .C37 Bartolom� Carranza (1503-1576) Summa conciliorum & pontificum a Petro usque ad Paulum Tertium..., 1546 Summa conciliorum et pontificum a Petro vsque ad Pium IIII, collecta..., 1570 Summa conciliorum, a sancto Petro usque ad Pium Quartum pontificem, 1576 .C66 Conciliorum omnium generalioum et principalium collectio regia, 1644 .H37 Jean Hardouin. Conciliorum collectio regia maxima, 1715 .M36 J.D. Mansi. Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio...(1901) .T36 Norman P. Tanner. Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, 1990 *Early councils. Concilia. To end 9th century Including general and ecumenical councils 205 General works For general histories on the councils and synods, seeBR205+ By date of opening 210 Council of Nicea (1st), 325 213 Council of Saragossa, 380 214 Council of Aquileia, 381 215 Council of Constantinople (1st), 381 220 Council of Ephesus, 449 225 Council of Chalcedon, 451 230 Council of Constantinople (2nd), 553 235 Council of Constantinople (3rd), 680 237 Quinisext Synod(Constantinople; Concilium Trullanum), 692 240 Council of Nicea (2nd), 787 242 Council of Frankfurt, 794 ___________________________________________________ * The class numbers correspond to the numbers assigned to the councils in schedule BR KBR History of Canon Law Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections Canonical collections of councils and synods Early councils. To end 9th century - Continued Provincial councils Including provincial synods 245 General works General (Collective), see KBR200 Individual. By date of opening 260 255 Carthage, 255 260 314 Ancyra (Ankara), 314 260 315 Neocaesarea (Niksar), 315 260 343 Gangra (Cankiri), 343 260 341 Antioch (Antakya), 341 260 343 Sardica (Sofia), 343 260 394 Constantinople, 394 260 419 Carthage, 419 Cf. KBR1110, Codex Canonum Ecclesiae Africanae 260 861 Constantinople, 861 260 879 Constantinople, 879 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections Canonical collections of councils and synods - Continued * General and ecumenical councils. From end 9th century Including post-schism and contested councils 820 General works For general histories on the councils, synods, etc., see BX820-BX822 General (Collective), see KBR200+ 830 Individual councils. By date of opening 830 869 Council of Constantinople (4th), 869 830 879 Council of Union, 879 830 1064 Council of Mantua, 1064 830 1095 Council of Clermont, 1095 830 1123 Lateran Council (1st), 1123 830 1139 Lateran Council (2nd), 1139 830 1179 Lateran Council (3rd), 1179 830 1215 Lateran Council (4th), 1215 830 1245 Council of Lyons (1st), 1245 830 1274 Council of Lyons (2nd), 1274 830 1311 Council of Vienne, 1311 830 1409 Council of Pisa (1st), 1409 830 1414 Council of Constance, 1414 830 1423 Council of Pavia-Siena, 1423 Council of Basel, 1431, and Ferrara, 1438, see KBR830 1439 830 1439 Council of Ferrara-Florence, 1439 830 1511 Council of Pisa (2nd), 1511 830 1512 Lateran Council (5th), 1512 830 1545 Council of Trent, 1545 830 1596 Council of Brest-Litovsk, 1596 830 1869 Vatican Council (1st), 1869 830 1962 Vatican Council (2nd), 1962 Episcopal synods. Synodus episcoporum 830.5 General works For general histories on the synods, see BX831+ 831 Individual episcopal synods. By date of opening ____________________________________________________ * The class numbers correspond to the numbers assigned to the councils in schedule BX KBR History of Canon Law Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections Canonical collections of councils and synods - Continued *General and ecumenical councils. From end 9th century Plenary councils. National councils. By region and/or country Under each country, include the diocesan and provincial councils in the order of jurisdictional hierarchy The Americas Latin America 831.5 General works For general histories on the plenary/national councils, see BX832+ 832 Individual. By date North America United States 833 General works 835 Individual. By date 835 1852 Plenary Council (1st), Baltimore, 1852 835 1866 Plenary Council (2nd), Baltimore, 1866 835 1884 Plenary Council (3d), Baltimore, 1884 Canada 836 General works 836.5 Individual. By date 836.5 1909 Plenary Council (1st), Quebec, 1909 837 Other countries, A-Z Subarrange further by date of opening of the Council 837.5 Episcopal conferences Diocesan or provincial synods Including diocesan pastoral councils (838) General works, see KBR2820+ 838.5 By dioces or provincee Catholic Church. Diocese of Valencia (Spain) Catholic Church. Province of Florence (Italy) Catholic Church. Patriarchate of Venice (Italy) Synod of 1592, 1594, 1653, 1667, 1741, etc. {Here or with the country?} KBR History of Canon Law Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections - Continued Latin versions of Oriental canonical collections prior to pseudo- Isidoriana Including collections of both canons of the early Oriental councils or synods, decrees and decretals General works, see KBR190 Africa 1100 Summary of canons. Council of Hippo, 393. (Carthage, 397) 1110 Codex Canonum Ecclesiae Africanae (Synod of Carthage, 419), Christophorus Justellus ex mss. codicibus edidit. (Justel, Christofle, 1580-1649, ed.) 1120 Ferrandus, Fulgentius, fl. 523-ca.546. Breviatio canonum, ca. 546 1130 Cresconius, African Bishop,7th cent.Concordia canonum,ca.690 1140 Athanasius, Saint, patriarch of Alexandria (d.373). Canons (Wilhelm Riedel, ed. and tr.) 1904 1145 Die Kirchenrechtsquellen des Patriarchats Alexandria (Wilhelm Riedel, ed. and tr.), 1900 Italy 1150 Collectio Prisca vel Itala, 5th cent. 1155 Collectio Isidoriana vel Hispana, see Spain Dionysius Exiguus, d. ca. 540 1160 Collectio canonum (Collectio prima) 1162 Collectio XXXVIII decretalium (Collectio secunda) Including Papal decretals from Siricius, 384-399, to Anastasius II, 496-498 1164 Collectio tertia 1166 Collectio Dionysiana (Collectio quarta) 1170 Corpus codicis canonum 1175 (Collectio) Dionysio-Hadriana (Dionysiana. Hadriana); (Adrian I, 774. Code of the Frankish Church since 802) 1180 Theodosius, Diaconus. Collectio Theodosii Diaconi 1182 Collectio Avellana, late 6th cent. KBR History of Canon Law Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections Latin versions of Oriental canonical collections prior to pseudo- Isidoriana - Continued Gaul 1200 Collectio Vetus Gallica (Nordek, Hubert, ed., 1975) 1205 Quesnel, Paschasius, Collectio Quesnelliana, 1675 (Codex canonum vetus Ecclesiae Romanae, 5th and 6th cent.) 1210 Statuta Ecclesiae antiqua (Statuta Ecclesiae unica. Statuta antiqua Orientis; ascribed to the Synod IV of Carthage, 398), late 5th or early 6th cent. 1215 Second recension, 7th cent. Including canons of Gallic councils 1220 D'Achery, d. 1685. Collectio Dacheriana, ca. 800 1225 Quadripartita (Vaticana);(Antiqua canonum collectio, ed. Richter, 1843) Ireland 1230 Theodore, Bp. of Canterbury. Collectio canonum Cantabrigiensis, 673 1235 Egbert, Saint, d.766 (Egbert, Abp. of York). Collection, ca. 750 1240 Collectio Hibernensis, ca. 750 1245 Liber ex lege Moysis, ca. 750 Spain 1250 Martin, of Braga, Saint, ca. 515-579 or 80. Collectio canonum (Collectio canonum Martini Bracarensis. Excerpta Martini. Capitula Martini Papae), 572 1255 Collectio Isidoriana seu Hispana (Corpus canonum. Codex canonum of Synod IV of Toledo; since 9th cent. ascribed to Isidore of Seville), 6th or 7th cent. KBR History of Canon Law Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections - Continued Compilations of secular law pertaining to religious law General works, see KBR190+ 1260 Mosaicarum et Romanarum legum collatio, see KB 1265 Codex Theodosianus (Breviarium Alarici), 506, see KJA591+ 1268 Constitutiones Sirmondii (Gaul), late 6th cent. 1270 Lex Romana canonice compta (Capitula legis Romane ad canones pertinentia), 9th cent. [ KJA? or comparative?] 1275 Capitularia regum Francorum 1278 Ansegius de Fontanella. Capitularia, 827, see KJ322 Capitula episcoporum Class here adaptations of provincial synodal canons to diocesan corditions General works, see KBR190+ 1280 Theodolphus of Orleans, d. 821 1285 Haito of Basel, d. 836 1290 Herard of Tours, d. 870 Capitula Heraldi Archiepiscopi Turonensis, 858 1292 Hincmar, Archbishop of Reims, ca. 806-882 Pseudo-Isidoriana. 9th century Cf.BX875+ 1295 General works 1298 Isidorii Mercatoris falsarum decretalium collectio, ca.850. Decretales pseudo-Isidorianae (Isidore, of Seville, Saint, d.636) 1300 Hispana Augustodunensis Benedictus, Levita, fl.850 1305 Compilation of capitularies 1308 Capitula Angilramni, ca. 850 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections - Continued Post Pseudo-Isidorian collections of canons and decretals, to 1140 1315 General works Italy Anselmo, Saint, bp. of Lucca, 1036-1086 1320 Collectio canonum (Collectio Anselmi Lucani) Cf. KJA1582 Atto, Bp. of Vercelli, 10th cent. 1325 Capitulare (Breviarium) Bonizo, Bp. of Sutri, ca. 1045- ca. 1096 1328 Liber de vita christiana 1330 Decretum Deusdedit, Cardinal, d. ca. 1099 1332 Collection of canons, 1083-1087 Gregory, Cardinal of San Crisogono, d. 1113 1335 Polycarpus Collectio LXXIV titulorum Germany Burchard, Bishop of Worms, ca.965-1025 1338 Decretorum libri XX Regino, Abbot of Prum, 840-915 1340 De synodalibus causis et disciplinis ecclesiasticis, ca. 906 (Libri duo de ecclesiasticis disciplinis et religione christiana) Gaul Abbo, of Fleury, Saint, ca. 945-1004 1342 Collection of canons Ivo, Saint, Bishop of Chartres, ca. 1040-1116 1345 Collectio trium partium 1347 Panormia 1349 Decretum (Decretum Ivonis Episcopi Carnutensis) Alger, of Li�ge, ca. 1060-ca.1132 1350 De miserecordia et iustitia Spain 1355 Collectio Tarreconensis, after 1085 1358 Collectio Caesaraugustana, 1110-1125 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections - Continued 1360 Decretum Gratiani. Concordia discordantium canonum (Gratian, 12th cent.), 1140 Flores sive Decretorum compilationes, 126-? Cf. KBR2154 (1370) Emendatio decreti Gratiani (Correctores Romani), 1582, see KBR1930 Collections. Compilations. Selections between 1140 and 1234 (Decretum Gratiani to Decretales Gregorii IX.) General 1410 Decretales ineditae saeculi XII (Walther Holtzman, 1891- 1963; Stanley Chodorow and Charles Duggan, eds.), 1982 1411 Summa constitutionum summorum pontificum et rerum in Ecclesia Romana gestarum a Gregorio IX vsque ad Sixtum V. (Pierre Matthieu, 1563-1621, ed.), 1596 1415 Collectio Farfensis (Gregorio,di Catino,fl.1100,comp.), 12th cent. 1420 Appendix Concilii Lateranensi III (ascribed to Gilbertus, Anglicus), after 1181 1422 Collectio Bambergensis, ca.1181-1185 1425 Collectio Compendiensis (Compi�gne), ca. 1181-1185 1428 Collectio Lipsiensis (Leipzig), after 1181-1185 1430 Collectio Casselana (or Hesse-Casselana), ca. 1181-1185 1432 Collectio Parisiensis I, 1175-1179 1434 Collectio Parisiensis II(ascribed to Bernard,of Pavia),before 1179 1436 Collectio Brugensis, ca. 1187-1191 1438 Collectio Halensis, end 12th cent. 1340 Collectio Lucensis, end 12th cent. 1342 Compilations of Gilbertus, Anglicus, ca. 1205 1444 Compilatio of Alanus Anglicus, ca. 1208 1446 Collection of Bernard, Compostella, ca. 1208 1448 Rainerius, of Pomposa, 1201-1202 Quinque compilationes antiquae. The five compilations of decretals, 1188-1226 1450 Compilatio Prima: Breviarium extravagantium [decretalium] (Bernard, of Pavia, 1187-1191), ca. 1192 1460 Compilatio Secunda (John of Wales, 13th cent.), 1210-1212 1470 Compilatio Tertia (Petrus, of Benevent; Collivaccinus), ca.1209- 1210 1480 Compilatio Quarta (Joannes, Teutonicus, d. 1245?) ca.1216-1217 1490 Compilatio Quinta (Joannes, Teutonicus, d.1245?), 1226 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections - Continued 1500 Liber extra. Decretales Gregorii IX (Gregory IX, Pope, 1227-1241), 1234 Decretales, 1473 1510 Novellae constitutiones, 1234-1298 Collection of Innocent IV, Pope, 1243-1254 Collection of Gregory X, Pope, 1271-1276 Collection of Nicolaus III, Pope, 1277-1280 1520 Private decretal collections Alexander IV, Pope, 1254-1261 Urban IV, Pope, 1261-1264 Clement IV, Pope, 1265-1268 1530 Liber Sextus decretalium (Boniface VIII, Pope, 1294-1303), 1298 1540 Clementinae Constitutiones (Clement V, Pope, 1305-1315), 1317 1550 Extravagantes Joannis XXII (John XXII, Pope, 1316-1334), end 15th cent. 1560 Extravagantes communes, end 15th cent. 1565 Corpus iuris canonici Class here the editions of the body of church law in force until 1917 (enactment of the Codex Iuris Canonici), beginning with the authenticated Rome edition of the Corpus (comprising the six compilations, i.e. Decretum Gratiani; Decretals Gregorii IX; Liber Sextus Bonefacii VIII; Clementinae; Extravagantes Ioanni XII, and Extravagantes communes) as promulgated by Pope Gregory XIII in his brief Cum pro munere pastorali (1580) Cf. KBR1360-1560 By date of edition Including earlier collections under the title "Corpus Iuris Canonici" 1930 1554 Charles Dumoulin (Molinaeus), Lyon 1554, etc. 1930 1570 A. Le Conte (Contius), Antwerp 1570 1930 1582 Editio Romana (Correctores Romani), 1582 1930 1687 Petrus et Franciscus Pithou (Pithoeus), Paris 1687 1930 1728 Ch. H Freiesleben, Prag 1728 1930 1747 Justus Henning Boehmer, Halle 1747 1930 1839 Aemilius Ludovicus Richter, Leipzig 1839 1930 1879 Emil Friedberg, Leipzig 1879-81 KBR History of Canon Law Sources - Continued Canonists and jurists By period 12th to mid 16th centuries Class here works produced by the early canonical jurisprudence (canonics) between Decretum Gratiani and Tridentinum (ca. 1140 to 1545) Cf. KJA1630+, Individual jurists (6th to 15th cent. Post- Justinian periods. Jus Romanum Medii Aevi) * Note: The class number ranges for the canonists/jurists correspond to the class number ranges in KJA (Ius Romanum Medii Aevi) recognizant not only of the comparative nature of the early canonical jurisprudence and created works, but also because library holdings proliferate with Roman law jurists authoring major works in the field of canonics. Therefore, a large number of jurists appear on the author lists in both classes, KBR and KJA, under the same number. For easier review of the schedule, these authors have been printed in italics.The same applies to "General works" and "Collections" ahead of each list of authors. Catalogers (reclassifying or original cataloging) should be encouraged to consult KJA befor entering an author on the list in KBR and vice-verso. This will enable libraries to place works of such authors in either KJA or KBR, especially when works are cross-disciplinal. 1570 General works 1573 Collections. Compilations. Selections Paolo Attavanti, Breviarium totius juris canonici, 1484 (1499) Decretists and early decretalists Class here works of canonists on the Decretum Gratiani, and works of canonists on the Quinque compilationes antiquae (collection decretalists), ca.1140- ca.1234 Including the school of Bologna, the French, Rheinish and Anglo-Normanic schools General works, see KBR1570 Particular types of contemporary legal literature, see KBR2139+ Including auxiliary literature KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period 12th to mid 16th centuries Decretists and early decretalists - Continued Collections, see KBR1573 Individual titles or canonists 1576 Paucapalea. Summa, before 1148 1580 Rolandus Bandinelli (Alexander III, Pope), d.1181 Stroma Rolandi, before 1148 1584 Rufinus, Bp of Assissi, fl.1157-1179 Summa decretorum, ca. 1157-59 1586 Stephanus Tornacensis, bp., 1128-1203 Summa, ca. 1160 1588 Ordinaturus, ca. 1180-1182 Summa Coloniensis ("Elegantius in iure diuino")(G�rard Fransen and Stephan Kuttner, eds.,1969) 1592 Summa Parisiensis ("Magister Gratianus in hoc opere"), 1160 or 1170 1594 Johannes Faventinus, d. 1190 Summa, after 1171 1598 Summa Monacensis ("Imperatorie maiestati"), 1175-1178 1600 Raymond, of Penafort, Saint, 1175?-1275 1605 Simon de Bisignano Summa, between 1177-1179 1610 Sicardus, Bishop of Cremona, d.1215 Summa, between 1179-1181 1620 Permissio quaedam (Summa), between 1179-1187 1630 Et est sciendum (Glossae Stuttgardienses), ca. 1181-1185 1635 Notae Atrebatenses, ca.1182 1640 Summa Lipsiensis ("Omnis qui iuste iudicat"), ca. 1186 1645 De iure canonico tractaturus, ca. 1185-1190 1648 Honorius Summa quaestionum decretalium, 1186-1190 1651 Ricardus Anglicus (Richard of Mores) 1653 Summa ("Circa ius naturale"), 1186-1187 1655 Summa brevis, ca.1196-1198 1660 Alanus Anglicus Glossa ordinaria ("Ius naturale"), 1205 (1192) Ecce vicit Leo (Apparatus), after 1202 1665 Summa Bambergensis ("Animal est substantia"), 1206-1210 1670 Laurentius Hispanus, bp., d.1248 Apparatus, between 1210-1215 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period 12th to mid 16th centuries Decretists and early decretalists Individual titles or canonists - Continued 1680 Burchardus Anerbe, de Argentina, 13th cent. Summa de paenitentia seu de casibus conscientiae, between 1300 and 1350 1685 Glossa Palatina , ca. 1210-1215 1691 Vincentius Hispanus, 13th cent. Apparatus, 1209/10-1215 1696 Tancred, ca. 1185-1236? (Tancredus Bononiensis) Glossa ordinaria {here?} 1210-1215; 1220 (on Compilatio decretalium prima and secunda) 1216-1220 (on Compilatio tertia decretalium) 1697 Joannes, Teutonicus, d. 1245? Glossa ordinaria (on Compilatio qarta decretalium), 1216-1217 {here?} 1699 Jacobus de Albenga, d. 1274 Apparatus on Compilatio quinta decretalium, after 1226 1700 Bernard, of Pavia (Bernardus Balbus) Summa on Compilatio prima decretalium, between 1191- 1198 1701 Ambrosius (revised edition), ca. 1215 1702 Damasus (revised edition), ca. 1215 Decretalists and commentators (consiliators), to 1545 General works, see KBR1570 Collections, see KBR1573 Individuals titles or canonists 1705 Innocent III, Pope, 1160 or 61-1216 1706 Innocent IV, Pope, ca. 1200-1254 Apparatus super libros Decretalium, 1481 1707 Bernardo Bottoni (Bernardus de Botone Parmensis, d. 1266 Casus longus super quinque libros decretalium, 1484 1708 Henricus, de Segusio, Cardinal, ca. 1200-1271 Summa Hostiensis 1709 Vivianuss Tuscus, 13th cent. 1710 Alberto Gandino, 13th cent. Tractatus maleficiorum, 1494 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period 12th to mid 16th centuries Decretalists and commentators (consiliators), to 1545 Individual titles or canonists - Continued 1748 Guillaume Durand, ca. 1230-1296 Speculum iuris Repertorium aureum iuris canonici, see KBR2153.5 B�renger Fr�dol, d. 1323, Inventarium Speculis iudicialis 1748.5 Goffredo, da Trani, d. 1245 Summa...in titulos Decretalium 1748.7 Bartolommeo de'Granchi da San Concordio,Pisano,1262- 1347 Summa de casibus conscientiae, 1479 1748.9 Tancredus, de Corneto, fl. 1298-1310 1749 Gilbertus Anglicus, fl. 1250 1749.3 Innocentius Hispanus 1749.4 Henricus de Sugosio, d. 1271 1749.5 Jacobus de Albenga, d. 1274 1749.6 Martinus Polonus, d. 1279 Margarita (to the Decretum) Cf. KBR2153+ 1749.8 Guido da Baisio (Baysio), d.1313 Rosarium 1750 Rolandinus, de Passageriis, d. 1300 1753 Dinus, de Mugello, 1245-ca. 1300 1762 Pietro, da Unzola, d. 1312 1769 Oldrado da Ponte, 1335?...? 1769.5 Gulielmus de Monte Lauduno, d.1343 1772 Cino da Pistoia, 1270?-1336 or 7 1774 Joannes de Anguissola De sponsalibus, ca. 1490 1775 Giovanni d'Andrea, ca. 1270-1348 Novella super I-V decretalium, 1489 Novella super VI decretalium, 1484 Super arboribus consanguinitatis, 1475 Cf. KBR2230 Summa de sponsalibus et matrimoniis, 1472 Lucas Panaetius, Repertorium Novellarum Joannis Andree..., 1524 Cf. KBR2153 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period 12th to mid 16th centuries Decretalists and commentators (consiliators), to 1545 Individual titles or canonists - Continued 1776 Albericus, de Rosate, 1290-1360 1777 Bartolo, of Sassoferrato, 1314-1357 1777.5 Joannes Calderinus, d. 1365 Repertorium iuris, 1474, see KBR2153.5 1782 Goffredus, Saligniacus, fl. ca. 1373 1784 Baldo degli Ubaldi, 1327?-1400 Margarita, 1487. Cf.KBR2139 Ad tres priores libros Decretalium commentaria, 1585 .5 Adam Coloniensis, d. 1408 Summula (Summula Raymundi), 1500 .6 Pietro, d'Ancarano, 1330-1416 Lectura super Sexto decretalium, 1502 1788 Giovanni da Legnano, d. 1383 .3 Gilles de Bellem�re (Aegidius Bellemera), 1342 or 3-1407 In primam primi-tertiam secundi Decretalium libri partem praelectiones, 1548-1549 1788 Bartholomeo da Saliceto, d.1412 1791 Joannes de Imola, d. 1436 .5 Francesco Zabarella, 1360-1417 Lectura super Clementinis, 1492 1795.5 Dominicus, de Sancto Geminiano, ca. 1375-1424 Super sexto Decretalium, 1476 Commentaria in Decretum 1796 Marianus Socinus, 1401-1467 .5 Joannes, de Anania, d.1457 Super primo Decretalium, 1553 Super secundo et tertio Decretalium, 1553 Super quinto decretalium, 1553 Index ..rerum ac sententiarum quae in lectura domini Ioannis de Anania super Decretalibus continentur, 1553 1798 Alessandro Tartagni, 1424-1477 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period 12th to mid 16th centuries Decretalists and commentators (consiliators), to 1545 Individual titles or canonists - Continued 1798.5 Niccol�, de' Tudeschi (Panormitanus, Abbas Siculus) Archbishop, 1386-1445 Commentaria primae partis in primum Decretalium librum, 1578 Lectura super secundam partem libri secundi Decretalium, 1471 Lectura super tertio Decretalium, 1477 Commentaria in quartum et quintum Decretalium librum,1571 Lectura super rubrica de translatione episcoporum, 1478 Alonso D¡az de Montalvo, 1405-1499 Repertorium quaestionum super Nicolaum de Tudeschis, 1484 Antonio Corsetti, ca. 1450-1503 Repertorium in opera Nicolai de Tudeschis, 1486 Cf. KBR2153+ 1799 Bartolomeo Cipolla, d. 1477 1800 Franciscus de Accoltis, 1416 or 17-1486 1802 Giovanni Battista Caccialupi, d. 1496 1805 Lancelotto Decio, d. 1503 1806 Bartholomaeus Raimundus, fl. 1506 1806.5 Joannes Antonius de Sancto Georgio (Sangiorgi) 1807.5 Juan de Torquemada (Ioannis de Turre Cremata), 1388-1468 Super toto Decreto, 1515-1520 Super secundo volumine Causarum, 1555 1809.5 Nicholas, of Osimo, d. 1453 Supplementum Summae Pisanellae, 1475 1814 Filippo Decio, 1454-1536 or 7 1817 Angelo Carletti, 1411-1495 Summa Angelica de casibus conscientiae, 1486 1819 Battista, da Sambagio, ca. 1425-1492 Varii tractatus juridici, 1481 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period 12th to mid 16th centuries Decretalists and commentators (consiliators), Individual titles or canonists - Continued to 1545-Continued English canonists, see KD? French canonists 1822 General works 1823 Collections. Compilations. Selections 1828 Jacobus de Ravennis (Jacques de Revigny), d. 1296 1830 Guido de Cumis (Franciscus Aretinus), 13th cent. 1832 Simon de Paris, 13th cent. 1833 Zenzelinus de Cassanis (Jesselin de Cassagnes),d.ca.1350 1835 Henri Bohic(Boyk, Voich), 1310-ca. 1390 Opus...super quinque libris decretalium..., 1498 1846 Joannes Faber (Jean Faure), 14th cent. 1847 Pierre Rebuffi, 1487-1557 Praxis beneficiorum, 1580 Commentaria super titulos...Decretalium.., 1527 Spanish and Portugues canonists 1850 General works Collections, see KBR1571 1864 Diaz de Montalvo, Alonso (Aphonsus Didaci), 1405-1499 1874 Joao de Deus (Deogratia), fl. 1247-1256 1875 Mart¡n de Azpilcueta, 1492?-1586 Tractado de las rentas de los beneficios ecclesiasticos, 1568 1877 Juan L¢pez de Palacios Rubios, 1450-1524 Repetitio rubricae et capituli Per vestras KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period 12th to mid 16th centuries Decretalists and commentators (consiliators), to 1545-Continued German canonists 1882 General works 1884 Collections. Compilations. Selections 1885 Henricus Merseburgensis (Heinrich von Merseburg), d. after 1276) 1887 Johannes, de Erfordia, ca. 1250-ca. 1325 Summa confessorum 1889 Balduinus Brandeburgensis (Balduin von Brandenburg) Summa titulorum, ca. 1270 1891 Nicolaus St�r, d. 1424 Expositio officii Missae sacrique Canonis, 1474 (1481) 1893 Johann von Breitenbach, d. ca. 1507 Repetitio, 1496 1895 Konrad Summenhart, 1465-1511 Dutch canonists 1905 General works 1907 Collections. Compilations. Selection 1920 Johannes de Turnhout, d.1492 1925 Other canonists or jurists, A-Z Cf. KJA1925+, Jurists of the 14th and 15th centuries .A39 Albericus, de Maletis .A42 Pietro Albignani (Petrus Albignanus Trecius) .A48 Jacopo Alvarotti, 1385-1453 .A57 Antonio da Cannara .A78 Astesno, d. 1330? Canones poenitentiales, 1495 .A96 Johannes de Aurbach (Urbach), 15th cent. Processus judiciarius, ca. 1488 .A45 Alexander de Nevo, 15th cent. .B36 Andrea Barbazza, ca. 1410-1480 .B37 Battista, da Sambagio, ca. 1425-1492 Varii tractatus juridici, 1481 .B42 Benedicto Capra de Benedictis .B43 Jean Barbier(Johannes Berberius), 15th cent. .B85 Antonius de Butrio, 1338-1408 .C32 Vitalis de Cambanis, 15th cent. .C35 Giovanni Campeggi, 1448-1511 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period 12th to mid 16th centuries Decretalists and commentators (consiliators), to 1545 1925 Other canonists and jurists, A-Z - Continued .C63 Joannes Jacobus Canis, d.1490 .C64 Guilielmus Cassador, 1477-1527 .C65 Johannes de Castellione, 15th cent. .C66 Paolo Cittadino, d. 1525 .C67 Stephanus Costa, 15th cent. .C68 Antonio Corsetti, ca. 1450-1503 .C83 Marco Antonio Cucchi, 1506-1567 .C86 Nicolaus Cusanus .D44 Pietro del Monte, d.1457 .F54 Filippo Franchi, d. 1471 Lectura super titulo De Appellationibus, 1548 .F48 Johannes Ferrarius, 1485 or6-1558 .G33 Antonio Gabrieli, d. 1555 .G36 Pietro Andrea Gammaro, 1480-1528 .G37 Martino Garrati, 15th cent. De primogenitura, ca.1490-95 .G55 Girolamo Giganti, d. 1560 .G66 Louis Gomez (Ludovicus Gomesius), d. 1542 or 3 .J62 Johannes, Monachus, d. 1313 .L36 Cesare Lambertini, d. 1550 .L56 Johannes Lindholz, d. 1535 .M66 Lodovico Montalto, d. ca. 1533 .N36 Thomas Naogeorg, 1511-1563 .N48 Alexander de Nevo, 15th cent. .P36 Guy de La Pape, ca.1402-ca. 1487 Super decretales, 1517 .P48 Petrus Ravennas (Peter Tomasi), d. 1502 .P65 Ludovico Pontano, 1409-1439 .P73 Ioannis de Prato, .P88 Paris de Puteo, ca. 1413-1493 .R42 Jacobus Rebuffi (of Montpellier), d. 1428 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period 12th to mid 16th centuries Decretalists and commentators (consiliators), to 1545 1925 Other canonists and jurists, A-Z - Continued .R58 Gianfrancesco Riva di San Nazarro, d. 1535 In primum-secundum Decretalium librum commentaria, 1554 Repertorium locupletissimum in omnia opera..Ioannis Francisci Ripae a S. Nazario.., 1586 Index alphabeticus Commentariorum, Interpretationum, Tractatus de peste, ac Responsorum.., 1554 Cf. KBR2153+ .R64 Guilielmo Rodano, d.1573 .R68 Antonius Rosellus (of Arezzo), d.1466 .S27 Felino Maria Sandeo, 1444-1503 Lectura super I,II, IV, et V Decretalium, 1497-99 Commentaria in quinque Decretalium libros, 1548 Benedetto Vadi, 16th cent. Repertorium Felini Sandei Commentarios ad quinque Decretalium libros, 1555 Cf. KBR2153+ KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period - Continued 1545 (Council of Trent) to 19th century 1928 General works 1929 Collections. Compilations. Selections By nationality English, see KD? French Cf. KJA1942+ 1942 General works 1944 Collections. Compilations. Selections Individual canonists and jurists (commentators) 1950 Andr� Alciat (Andreas Alciatus), 1492-1550 1950.2 Antoine de Mouchy (Antonius Demochares), 1491- 1574 1953 Jean Quintin, 1500-1561 1954 Francois Baudouin (Balduinus), 1520-1573 1956 Barnabe Brisson, 1531-1591 1956.2 Ioannes a Costa, (de Lacoste), 1560-1637 1957 Pierre Gr�goire, 1540-1617 Commentaria et annotationes in Decretalium Proemium...1592 1966 Jacques Cujas, 1522-1590 Recitationes ad librum secundum Decretalium Gregorii IX, 1594 1967 Jean Doujat (Joannes Dovatius), 1609-1688 1970 Hugo Doneau (Donellus), 1527-1591 1972 Charles Du Moulin (Carolus Molinaeus), 1500-1566 1974 Antoine Dadin d'Hauteserre (Antonius Alteserra), 1602-1682 1976 Flavin-Francois de Hautesere de Salvaizon (Flavius Alteserra), 16th/17th cent. 1979 Pierre Pithou, 1539-1596 1979.3 Francois Pithou, 1543-1621 1985 Philippe Labb�, 1607-1667 1986 Jean de Launoy, 1603-1678 1987 Antoine Le Conte, (Antonius Contius), 1517-1586 1988 Jean Majoret (Joannes Majoretus), fl. 1676 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period 1545 (Council of Trent) to 19th century Canonists and jurists By nationality French - Continued 1989.5 Other canonists and jurists, A-Z .B35 Etienne Baluze, 1630-1718 .B54 Antoine Fabrice Bleynianus, 1520-1573 .B56 David Blondel, 1591-1655 .C33 Jean Cabassut, 1604-1685 .G67 Gabriel Gossart, 17th cent. .G68 Pierre Coustant, d.1721 .D37 Jean Dartis, 1572-1651 .D86 Louis Ellies Dupin, 1657-1719 .D88 Andr� Duval, d. 1638 .F54 Claude Fleury, 1640-1723 .G53 Jean Pierre Gibert, 1660-1736 .G74 Pierre Gr�goire (Gregorius Tolosanus), 1540- 1597 .H35 Francois Hallier, 1595-1659 .M37 Pierre de Marca, 1594-1662 .M57 Celestine Mirebeau (Mirbellus), fl. 1668 .M67 Jean Morin, 1591-1659 .T56 Louis Thomassin, 1619-1695 .T66 Pierre Francois de Tonduti, 1583-1669KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period 1545(Council of Trent) to 19th century By nationality - Continued Italian, Spanish and Portuguese Cf. KJA1990-2070 1990 General works 1992 Collections. Compilations. Selections Individual canonists and jurists (commentators) Giovanni Paolo Lancelotti, 1522-1590 Institutiones iuris canonici, 1566 2002 Agostinho Barbosa, 1590-1649 Juris ecclesiastici universi libri tres, 1634 2004 Diego Covarrubias y Leyva, 1512-1577 In quartum Decretalium librum epitome, 1568 De regulis juris libri sexti relectio, see KBR100 2005 Antonio G¢mez, b. 1501 2009 Prospero Fagnani, 1588-1678 Commentaria in primum-qintum librum Decretalium,1709 2054 Prospero Farinacci, fl. 1602-1649 2057 Alberico Gentili, 1552-1606 2064.3 Lodovico Montalto, d.ca. 1533 2066.5 Lorenzo Ridolfi 2074 Other jurists, A-Z .A53 Mattia degli Alberti, d. 1575 .A57 Lelio Altogradi, 16th/17th cent. .A68 Giovanni Carlo Antonelli, d. 1694 .A85 Antonio Augustin, 1517-1586 De Pontifice Maximo: De Patriarchis & Primatibus, De Archiepiscopis & Metropolitanis .A96 Mart¡n de Azpilcueta, 1492?-1586 .B35 Girolamo Ballerini, 1702-1781 .B37 Giovanni Bartoli, 1695-1776 .B47 Carlo Sebastiano Berardi, 1719-1768 .C4 Pedro Cenedo, d.1609 .C66 Antonio Concioli, 17th cent. .D37 Estaban Daoiz, d. 1619 .D48 Giovanni Devoti, 1744-1820 .E76 Boetius Epo, 1529-1599 .F38 Fatinellus de Fatinellis, 1627-1719 .F46 Lucius Ferraris,. d. 1760 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period 1545(Council of Trent) to 19th century By nationality Italian, Spanish and Portuguese 2074 Other canonists and jurists, A-Z - Continued .G37 Nicolas Garcia, d. 1613 .G66 T�llez Manuel Gonz lez, 17th cent. .L83 Giovanni Battista de Luca, 1614-1683 .M36 Giovanni Domenico Mansi, 1692-1769 .M37 Marco Mantova Benavides, 1489-1582 .M44 Sebastiano Medici, d. 1595 .P37 Flaminicus Parisius, d. 1603 .P38 Pietro Maria Passerini, 1594-1677 .P39 Melchior Adam Pastorius, 1624-1702 .P55 Giacomo Pignatelli, 1625-1698 .P57 Francesco Pitoni, d.1729 .R55 Giovanni Lorenzo Riganti, 1661-1735 .S36 Tom s S nchez, 1550-1610 .S37 Mauro Sarti, 1709-1766 .S43 Giovanni Giacomo Scarfontoni, 1674-1748 .S56 Diego Simancas, d.1583 .S84 Francisco S£arez, 1548-1617 .T66 Giacomo Filippo Tomasini, 1595-1655 .U77 Domenico Ursaya, fl. 1729 .V45 Gabriel de Vega, 16th/17th cent. .V55 Francisco Torreblanca Villalpando, d. 1645 .V74 Guiseppe Vredi, d.1698 .Z33 Francesco Antonio Zaccaria, 1714-1795 German Cf. KJA2075-2138 2075 General works 2077 Collections. Compilations. Selections Individual canonists and jurists (commentators) 2077.3 Augustin von Alveldt, 16th cent. 2077.7 Jacob Ayrer, fl. 1593-1603 2079 Justus Henning B�hmer, 1674-1749 2979.5 Heinrich Canisius, 1548-1610 Summa iuris canonici, 1600 2082.4 Ludwig Engel, d. 1674 2094 Johann Gottlieb Heineccius, 1681-1741 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Canonists and jurists By period 1545 (Council of Trent) to 19th century By nationality German - Continued 2098.5 Heinrich Linck, 1642-1696 Commentarius in Decretales, 1697 2114 Christian Thomasius, 1655-1728 2115 Nicolaus Vigel, 1529-1600 2119 Kaspar Ziegler, 1621-1690 Praelectiones publicae in Decretales, 1699 2119.5 Other jurists, A-Z Dutch Cf. KJA2120+ 2120 General works 2122 Collections. Compilations. Selections Individual canonists and jurists (commentators) 2122.7 Johannes Arnoldus Corvinius, ca. 1582-1650 2131 Gerardus van Aalst Schouten 2138.5 Other jurists, A-Z KBR History of Canon Law Sources - Continued Particular forms of contemporary legal literature Including auxiliary literature Dictionaria. Vocabularia, see KBR56 Directoria, see KBR64 Formularia, see KBR105 Glossae. Apparatus 2139 General works By jurist or title, see the jurist or title in the appropriate period Summae. Summulae 2140 General works By jurist or title, see the jurist or title in the appropriate period Rubricae 2141 General works 2141.5 Collections. Compilations. Selections (General) Individual jurists or titles, see the jurist or title in the appropriate period e.g. Rubricae sive summae capitulorum iuris canonici, 1588, see KBR1925.N36 Lecturae. Commenta. Commentaria. Repetitiones 2142 General works 2142.3 Collections. Compilations. Selections (General) Primum volumen Repetitionum diuersorum doctorum in iure canonico..., 1519 Including: Repertorium seu tabula Hieronymi de Marliano.., 1519 Individual jurist or title, see the jurist or title in the appropriate period Additiones 2142.5 General works By jurist or title, see the jurist or title in the appropriate period Quaestiones. Distinctiones. Observationes 2143 General works By jurist or title, see the jurist or title in the appropriate period Dissensiones. Disputationes 2144 General works By jurist or title, see the jurist or title in the appropriate period KBR History of Canon Law Sources Particular forms of contemporary legal literature - Continued Consilia. Responsa Including all periods For consilia collections of both Roman and canon law, see KJA2147+ 2145 General works 2147 Collections. Compilations. Selections (General) 2150 Individual canonists and jurists (commentators), A-Z .A96 Martin de Azpilcueda, 1492?-1586 .B45 Gilles de Bellem�re, 1342 or3-1407 .B87 Antonius de Butrio, 1338-1408 Consilia, 1493 .F47 Giambattista Ferreti, 16th cent. .G73 Jacobus de Graffiis, 1548-1620 .N66 Thobias Nonius, 1528-1570 .O64 Giovanni Vincenzo Ondedeo, d. 1603 .P3 Michelangelo Paleoli, b. ca. 1710 .P36 Pier Paolo Parisio, 1473-1545 .P37 Carmine Tommaso Pascucci, 1653-1701 Compendium et index ad consultationes canonicas D. Iacobi Pignatelli .P54 Pietro d'Ancarano, 1330-1416 Consilia, 1490 .P55 Giacomo Pignatelli, 1625-1698 .P66 Oldrado da Ponte, d.1335 .R68 Gianantonio Rossi, 1489-1544 .R85 Carlo Ruini, 1456-1530 .S37 Marcantonio Savelli, 17th cent. .Z33 Francesco Zabarella, 1360-1417 Consilia, 1490 Differentiae (Early comparative works), see KBR167 Brocardica, see KBR100 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Particular forms of contemporary legal literature - Continued Casus literature Including casþs longi and casþs breves decretalium 2151 General works 2152 Collections. Compilations. Selections (General) Casus papales, episcopales et abbatiales, 1477-80 Casus summarii Decretalium (Casþs breves Decretalium Sexti Clementinorum), 1493 Individual jurists or title, see the jurist or title in the appropriate period and country Repertoria. Summaria. Margaritae. Repertories. Indexes. Summaries 2153 General works 2153.5 Comprehensive repertories, indexes, etc. By author Class here repertories, indexes, etc., of broad application, i.e. covering more than one particular work .G85 Guillaume Durand, ca. 1230-1296 Repertorium aureum iuris canonici, 1475 .C35 Joannes Calderinus, d. 1365 Repertorium iuris, 1474 Repertories, indexes, etc. for a particular work, see the title/author in the appropriate period [?or simply by author of the repertorium? e.g.: KBR1749.6, Martinus Polonus, Margarita; KBR1784, Baldo degli Ubaldi, Margarita] but: Lucas Panaetius, Repertorium Nouellarum Joannis Andree..., 1524, see KBR Berenger Fredol, d. 1323, Inventarium Speculis iudicialis, see KBR1798.5 KBR History of Canon Law Sources Particular types of contemporary scholarly literature Repertoria. Summaria. Margaritae. Repertories. Indexes. Summaries - Continued Repertories, indexes, etc. on the works of a particular author collectively, see the author in the appropriate period e.g. Antonio Corsetti,ca. 1450-1503, Repertorium in opera Nicolai de Tudeschis, see KBR1798.5 Alonso D¡az de Montalvo, 1405-1499, Repertorium quaestionum super Nicolaum de Tudeschis,1484, see KBR1798.5 Benedetto Vadi, 16th cent., Index..in Felini Sandei Commentarios ad quinque Decretalium libros, 1555, see KBR1925.S27 Repertorium locupletissimum in omnia opera..Ioannis Francisci Ripae a S. Nazario.., 1586, see KBR1925.R58 Index alphabeticus Commentariorum, Interpretationum, Tractatus de peste, ac Responsorum..Domini Ioann. Francisci de Ripa.., 1554, see KBR1925.R58 Cf. KBR2153+ Abbatis Panormitani repertorium...Decretalium..., 1571, see KBR1798.5 Exceptiones. Excerpta. Flores legum 2154 General works By jurist or title, see the jurist or title in the appropriate period (2154.5) Penitentials, see Sacraments (Penitentiary) KBR History of Canon Law - Continued Legal education. Study and teaching For study and teaching of both Roman and Canon law (traditio juris utriusque), see KJA2155 2155 General 2156 By school 2157 The legal profession. Canonists Canon law and other disciplines or subjects 2158.5 Canonical jurisprudence and theology. Law and gospel Cf. BT79 2158.7 Canon law and moral theology. Casuistry. Cases of conscience, etc. Cf. BX1757 Canon law and Roman/Civil law, see KBR166+ Canonical jurisprudence. Jus ecclesiasticum Class here comprehensive theoretical works on system and doctrinal development of (pre-1900) Canon law, including contemporary and recent criticism on such works For studies on sources (General), see KBR190 (History of sources and methodology) For works on the Ius canonum of a particular period, and on authors or category of literature, see the period, author, or type of literature General works 2160 English and American jurists, A-Z Including Canadian jurists 2162 French jurists, A-Z .A63 Jean Francois Andr�, 1809-1881 .A65 Michel Andr�, 1803-1878 .B37 Michel Bargilliat, 1853-1926 .I33 Henri Joseph Icard, 1805-1893 .T37 Adolphe Francois Lucien Tardif, 1824-1890 Italian jurists 2163 A - Gasparri .A75 Filippo de Angelis, 1824-1881 .A76 Joseph d' Annibale, d. 1892 .C36 Joseph de Camillis, 1828-1860 2164 Pietro Gasparri, 1852-1934 Gasparri - Nardi .G46 Casimiro Gennari, 1839-1914 Gennari - Lombardi .L66 Carlo Lombardi, d.1908 .L83 Mariano de Luca, d. 1904 KBR History of Canon Law Canonical science. Jus ecclesiasticum General works Italian jurists - Continued 2165 Francesco Nardi, 1808-1877 2166 Nardi - Sebastianelli .S43 Guglielmo Sebastianelli, d. 1920 2167 Sebastianelli - Vecchiotti .V43 Septimio Vecchiotti, d. 1870 2168 Vecchiotti - Z 2170 Spanish and Portuguese jurists Including Latin American jurists .D66 Iusto Donoso-Silva, d. 1868 German jurists Including Austrian and Swiss jurists 2172 A - Friedberg .B56 Anton Joseph Binterim, 1779-1855 .E53 Karl Friedrich Eichhorn, 1781-1854 2173 Emil Albert Friedberg, 1837-1910 2174 Friedberg - Kahl .H56 Paul Hinschius, 1835-1898 2177 Wilhelm Kahl, b. 1849 2178 Kahl - Phillips .L34 Hugo Laemmer, 1835-1918 2179 Georg Phillips, 1804-1872 2180 Phillips - Sohm .S35 Johann Friedrich von Schulte, 1827-1914 .S43 Emil Seckel, 1864-1924 2182 Rudolf Sohm,1841-1917 2183 Sohm - Z .T54 Augustin Theiner, 1804-1874 2185 Dutch and Belgian jurists .B47 Henricus van den Berghe, b.1848 .B73 Petrus de Brabandere, 1828-1895 .F49 Hendrik Jan Feye, 1820-1894 .V47 Arthur Vermeersch, 1858-1936 2188 Other nationals, A-Z KBR History of Canon Law Canonical jurisprudence. Jus ecclesiasticum - Continued The source of canon law Class here theoretical treatises on the source (legal foundation) of Canon law 2190 Ius naturale and ius divinum. Natural law and divine law Cf. K440+ (Natural law, Early Christian) Divina traditio and traditio apostolica. Tradition Apostolic canons and constitutions, ca. 30 AD through 600 AD (Apostolic age) For individual sources and groups of sources, as well as works on sources, see the period and source at KBR190+ (Discussion point: for general works on periods of sources, both places are logic. Collection preference decides) 2192 General works e.g. Peter L'Huillier, 1926-. The church of the ancient councils, 1995 2193 Jus canonum. Conciliar canons and decrees Including conciliar/synodal canons and decrees of the Roman-Byzantine period, 4th to 7th centuries For individual sources and groups of sources, as well as works on sources, see the period and source at KBR190+ {Discussion point: both places logic. Collection preference decides} 2194 Constitutiones pontificiae (decretals) For individual sources and groups of sources, as well as works on sources, see the period and source at KBR190+ {Discussion point: both places logic. Collection preference deciding factor} KBR History of Canon Law - Continued Canonical jurisprudence. Jus ecclesiasticum - Continued Principia generalia. Concepts and principles 2210 General works. By author .B66 Dominicus Bouix (1808-1871). De principiis iuris canonici, 1852 .G68 Thomas. M.J. Gousset (1792-1866). Exposition des principes du droit canonique, 1859 2211 Ethics. Morality of law 2212 Authority 2213 Conciliar principle 2215 Conflict of laws Note: From here on, the two manuscripts are developed completely parallel; in fact, the topical part could be merged at this point with KBS; KBR would have only bracketed numbers. Historic developments of subjects could be brought out by form division tables.In case the schedules stand by themselves, expansion will occure from this point on only in KBS tracking modern doctrinal developments and recording new source collections. Persons 2230 General Natural persons. Personality 2232 General works Church membership 2233 General works 2234 Special topics, A-Z .B37 Baptism .C77 Conversion 2235 Ecclesiastical estates Legal acts and facts affecting persons 2236 Domicile. Quasi-domicile 2237 Consanguinity 2238 Affinity 2239 Rites and changes of rites 2242 Guardian and ward Inheritance and succession 2245 General works 2247 Testamentary succession. Wills 2250 Special topics, A-Z 2253 Juristic persons. Personality For the community and associations of the faithful, etc., see KBR2990 Legal acts, facts, and events 2255 General 2256 Legal transactions The clergy, see KBR2280+ KBR History of Canon Law - Continued Constitution of the Church Hierarchia ordinis. Hierarchical order of the clergy 2280 General works Ordinatio. Potestas ordinis 2282 General works 2285 Capacity and irregularity 2287 Legal status. Rights and privileges. Immunity Obligations and duties 2290 General works 2292 Celibacy Ecclesiastical offices in general 2300 General works 2302 Election. Appointment 2305 Postulation 2307 Admission to the office. Loss of office. Vacancy 2309 Administrative districts. Ecclesiastical provinces. Mission territories Hierarchia jurisdictionis, see KBR2350+ Territory 2315 General works 2317 The Papal States (to 1870) The Holy See. Vatican City (1929-) 2320 General works Legal (international) status of the Holy See 2325 General works 2327 Sovereignty 2330 Extraterritoriality of Vatican City KBR History of Canon law Constitution of the church - Continued Church government. Organs of government 2350 General works Jurisdiction. Hierarchia jurisdictionis Including jurisdictio ordinaria, delegata, mandata and vicaria The Pope Cf. BX1805+ 2355 General works 2360 Primacy and episcopat. Primatus jurisdictionis. Papal supremacy 2362 Sovereignty Powers and privileges 2370 General 2372 Primatus honoris. Privileges. Honors 2375 Legislative power. Treaty making power 2377 Judicial power 2380 Granting of benefices 2382 Tax power 2385 Metropolitan and diocesan authority 2390 Election. Election procedures 2394 Vacancy of the Holy See The General Council 2398 General works 2400 Special topics
KBR History of Canon Law Constitution of the Church Organs of government. Hierarchia jurisdictionis - Continued 2420 Cardinalat. College of cardinals Cf. BX1815 The Curia Romana Cf. BX1818 2435 General works 2438 Prelatures Administrative organization Including officials Cf. 1870+ 2450 Cancellaria Apostolica 2463 Camera Apostolica 2473 Secretaria Status 2485 Secretaria brevium 2497 Secretaria Memorialium Roman congregations Cf. BX1820+ 2518 Congregatio Romanae et universalis Inquisitionis seu Sancti Officii 2528 Congregatio de disciplina Sacramentarum 2540 Congregatio indicis librorum prohibitorum Index librorum prohibitorum Leonis XIII, Summi Pontificis auctoritatre recognitus, 1924 2555 Congregatio Cardinalium Concilii Tridentini interpretum Including related congregations 2575 Congregatio negotiis religiosorum sodalium praeposita Previously Congregatio super Negotiis Episcoporum et regularium Collectanea in usum secretariae S.C. Congregatio episcoporum et regularium 2595 Congregationes super Disciplina Regulari and super Statu Regularium 2610 Congregatio Iurisdictionis et Immunitatis ecclesiasticae 2625 Congregatio sacrorum Rituum Decreta autentica, 1898, 1912, 1927 2640 Congregatio Indulgentiarum et Sacrarum Reliquiarum Decreta authentica, 1668-1882 KBR History of Canon Law Constitution of the Church Organs of government. Hierarchia jurisdictionis The Curia Romana Roman congregations - Continued 2660 Congregatio de Propaganda Fide (Congregatio pro gentium Evangelizatione) 2670 Congregatio specialis pro negotiis ritus Orientalis (Congregatio pro corrigendis libris ecclesiae Orientalis) Collectanea S.C. de Propaganda Fide, 1893, 1907 2690 Congregatio super negotiis Ecclesiae extraordinariis 2710 Congregatio Reverendae Fabricae Basilicae (s.Petri) Commissions of cardinals Cf. BX1895 2730 General works 2732 Particular commissions KBR History of Canon Law Constitution of the Church Organs of government. Hierarchia jurisdictionis - Continued Councils. Synods For sources relating to councils and synods, see KBR200+ 2800 General or ecumenical councils 2820 Provincial councils and synods 2840 Conferences of bishops (Conferentiae episcoporum) Episcopal jurisdiction and organs 2855 General works 2858 Apostolate. Episcopate in general For episcopal conferences, see KBR837.5 2862 Patriarchat. Metropolitanate. Exarchate. Archbishopric Diocesan constitution Including territorial organization 2870 General works Bishopric. Dioceses 2873 General works 2875 Diocesan synods For sources, see KBR838+ 2885 Diocesan curia Including offices and administrators 2895 Courts. Officialat 2910 Cathedral chapters. Convent chapters Auxiliaries 2920 Deans. Vicars forane 2923 Pastors 2926 Parish vicars 2930 Parish rectors 2934 Property. Financial admimistration By country, see KBR4113+ Religious associations and societies. Monasticism. Religious orders Cf. Secular ecclesiastical law in K subclasses, e.g. KK5538+; KJV4244; KJ-KKZ, Table A, 2698+ 2970 General works 2972 Erection and administration 2975 Reception into religious associations. Membership 2978 Duties and privileges 2982 Property. Financial administration 2990 Community (society) of persons without vows 2994 Special topics, A-Z .C Cloistered women KBR History of Canon Law - Continued Administrative law. Laws relating to things Sacraments. Administreation of sacraments 3010 General works Particular sacraments 3020 Baptism 3030 Confirmation 3040 Blessed Eucharist 3050 Penance. Penitential discipline {Penitentials here?} 3060 Extreme unction 3080 Holy orders Marriage. Marriage law For works on marriage, church and state, see the K subclasses for individual countries 3090 General works 3094 Betrothal 3096 Marriage ban Marriage impediments 3098 General works 3104 Impedimentum mixtae religionis. Mixed marriage 3108 Raptus. Raptus in parentes. Raptus seductionis 3112 Impedimentum criminis 3114 Relationship. Consanguinity and affinity 3116 Matrimonial consent 3118 Marriage bond 3120 Marriage contracts 3122 Matrimonial property and regime 3132 Separation 3135 Dissolution of marriage Matrimonial actions, see KBR3730 3150 Validation of invalid marriages Sacramentals 3180 General Consecrations. Dedications 3181 General 3182 Particular, A-Z KBR History of Canon Law Administrative law. Laws relating to things - Continued The Cult. Sacred places and times Sacred places 3188 General works Particular buildings and structures e.g. Churches, chapels, altars 3190 General Consecration, see KBR3181 3195 Furnishings and decoration 3198 Right of asylum 3200 Publicity 3205 Maintenance and repair 3210 Cemetaries and ecclesiastical burial Sacred times and seasons 3220 General works 3222 Special topics Liturgy and ritual. Liturgical laws Cf. BX1970+ 3230 General works 3234 Public prayers 3238 Saints. Relics and images. Veneration 3240 Processions and pilgrimages 3245 Sacred furnishings. Paraments. Utensils The teaching authority of the Church. Magisterium 3262 General works 3265 Heretics. Apostates, etc. 3268 Catechetics and preaching Education and training of the clergy For state supervision, see Secular ecclesiastical law in K subclasses for individual countries, e.g. KK5541.5 (Secular ecclesiastical law of Germany) 3282 General works 3285 Seminaries. Ecclesiastical institutions 3295 Public schools. Universities For state regulation of prayer and religous education in public schools, see the law of education in K subclasses for individual countries 3300 Censorship and prohibition of books 3310 Profession of faith
KBR History of Canon Law - Continued Church economics. Church finance. Administration 3320 General works Ecclesiastical benefices and other institutes 3328 General works 3335 Errection of benefices 3340 Transfer, division, etc. of benefices 3345 Conferring of benficies. Nomination 3350 Right of patronage Other non-collegiate institutes 3360 General works 3365 Dotatio (hospitals, orphanages, etc.) Temporal goods of the Church. Church Property 3380 General works 3385 Acquisition Including gifts, bequests, etc. Real property. Land holdings, land rents, etc. 3400 General works 3410 Privileges and immunities Including exemption from taxes, obligatory services (munera sordida), etc. 3440 Foundations. Religious endowments Other sources of revenue 3460 Tith 3465 Church taxes For state regulation of church taxation typical for a particular jurisdiction, see the jurisdiction (Secular ecclesiastical law)
KBR History of Canon Law -- Continued Courts and procedure 3500 General works Jurisdiction and organization of courts 3510 General works 3520 Regular courts of first instance 3530 Regular courts of second instance 3540 Regular courts of the Apostolic See 3550 Sacra Romana Rota 3560 Signatura Apostolica 3570 Delegated courts 3580 Conflict of jurisdiction between ecclesiastical and civil courts 3585 Judicial assistance The legal profession 3590 General works 3595 Judges. Auditors, etc. 3600 Notaries Law of procedure 3610 General 3615 Court oder and decorum Procedural principles 3630 Oral procedures 3635 Speedy trial. Court congestion and delay 3640 Oath of parties etc. Place and time of court 3645 Time periods. Deadlines 3647 Exclusion of public 3650 Parties to action 3652 Actions and defenses. Exceptions 3655 Pretrial procedure. Introductory procedures 3660 Evidence. Burden of proof 3670 Interlocutory procedure 3675 Termination of trial 3680 Judicial decisions. Judgement 3695 Remedies 3700 Res judicata and reinstatement (Restitutio in integrum) 3705 Execution of sentence 3715 Costs Particular procedures 3720 Arbitration and award. Compromise Criminal procedure, see KBR3940+ 3730 Matrimonial cases 3740 Procedure in ordination cases. Annulment 3750 Noncontentious jurisdiction KBR History of Canon Law Courts and procedure Particular procedures - Continued 3760 Beatification and canonization 3770 Administrative procedures Including removal or transfer of pastors, procedure against clerics, etc. Criminal law and procedure 3790 General Concepts and principles Criminal offense 3795 General 3797 Principle of guilt. Dolus and culpa 3799 Principles and accomplices 3800 Compound offenses 3805 Attempt Punishment. Penalties and measures of rehabilitation 3810 General works 3812 Censures 3815 Vindictive penalties 3820 Penal remedies 3825 Penance Individual offenses Offenses against faith and unity of the Church 3830 General Particular 3833 Apostasy 3835 Heresy 3837 Schism 3839 Publishing prohibited books 3842 Offenses relating to marriage Offenses against religion 3850 General Particular 3852 Blasphemy. Perjury 3857 Superstition 3859 Sacrilege 3862 Disturbing religious observance and peace of the dead KBR History of Canon Law Criminal law and procedure Individual offenses - Continued Offenses against ecclesiastical authority 3870 General 3872 Particular Offenses against the person (Life, liberty, reputation, and moral order) 3880 General 3882 Particular Forgery. Suppression of documents 3890 General 3892 Particular Offenses in the administration or reception of orders and other sacraments 3900 General 3902 Particular Offenses against the obligation of the clerical and religious state 3912 General 3914 Particular Offenses in the conferring etc. of ecclesiastical dignities, benefices and dignities 3920 General 3922 Particular Abuse of ecclesiastical power or office 3930 General 3932 Particular
KBR History of Canon Law Criminal law and procedure - Continued Criminal procedure 3940 General Procedural principles 3942 Accusation procedure 3945 Denunciation procedure 3947 Inquisition procedure 3950 Evidence. Burden of proof Execution of sentence. Punishment. Poena 3960 General works Penalties and measures of punishment 3965 General works 3967 Penal authority For conflict of jurisdiction, see KBR3580 3969 Remission of penalties Particular penalties Censures 3975 General works 3977 Excommunication 3979 Interdict Vindictive penalties 3982 General works 3984 Common Particular to clerics 3986 Suspension 3988 Privation of benefice or office3988 3990 Degradation 3992 Deposition KBR History of Canon Law - Continued Ius publicum ecclesiae. Church and state relationships For secular ecclesiastical law, i.e. secular (civil) law affecting the church, see the K subclasses for individual countries, e.g. KK5520+, Secular ecclesiastical law in Germany 4000 General works .A85 Guilelmus Audisio (1802- ca. 1882). Diritto pubblico della Chiesa e delle genti cristiane, 1864, .H47 Joseph Hergenroether (1820-1890). Katholische Kirche und christlicher Staat, 1872 .L53 Matthaeus Liberatore (1810-1892). La Chiesa e lo stato cristiano, 1871 .M37 Wilhelm Martens (1831-1902). Die Beziehung der Ueberordnung, Nebenordnung und Unterordnung zwischen Kirche und Staat, 1877 .T37 Camillus Tarquini (1810-1874). Institutiones iuris publici ecclesiastici, 1860 .V46 Ioachimus Ventura (1792-1861). De iure publico ecclesiastico commentaria, 1826 Relation of papacy to monarchic government (divine right of kings) 4010 General works Early Church and Roman Empire. Byzantine Empire (to ca. 8th cent.) 4012 General works 4014 Constitutum Constantini. Donatio Constantini, 8th cent. (5th cent. Legenda s. Silvestri) CF. BX875+ Frankish and Holy Roman Empire (to ca. end 15th cent.) 4020 General works 4022 Carlovingian State church. Private church (Eigenkirchenrecht) 4024 Potestas indirecta in temporalia (Gregory VII, 1073-1085) 4026 Potestas directa in temporalia (Bonifaz VIII, 1294-1303). Bulla "Unam sanctam" 4028 Investiture struggle 4030 Concordate of Worms, 1122 4032 Church and feudal institutes Cf. KJC4435+, Feudal law in Europe Renaissance and Reformation (16th cent.) 4034 General works 4036 Schism and restauration 4038 By country Absolutism. Enlightenment. Modernism (17th to end 19th cent.) 4040 General works 4045 By country KBR History of Canon Law Ius publicum ecclesiae. Church and state relationships - Continued 4050 Separation of Church and state Foreign and international relations of the Holy See 4060 General works Legation. Diplomacy 4065 General works 4070 Papal envoys. Legates. Nuncios. Papal vicars Concordates Collections, see KBR(37+) By country, see the country?
KBR History of Canon law - Continued Local Church government. By region and/or jurisdiction, see KBS4112+
KB-KBZ Religious Legal Systems -- Continued KBR-KBX Law of the Christian Church. Ecclesiastical Law. Canon Law KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See Bibliography Including international and national bibliography 2 Bibliography of bibliography. Bibliographical concordances 3 General bibliography 4 Indexes for periodical literature, society publications, collections, etc. Subject bibliography 5 General (Collective) Individual subjects and topics, see the subject Early works, e.g. Repertoria, see the author in the appropriate period 7 Personal bibliography. Writers on Canon law (Collective or individual) Catalogs, inventories and guides to manuscripts and incunabula collections in public libraries or archives. By name of the library or archive Including university, museum, cathedral, religious order and other institutional libraries or archives 10 North American, A-Z Including US and Canada 12 Central and South American, A-Z European 14 English, A-Z 14.5 French, A-Z 15 German, A-Z 15.5 Italian, A-Z 16 .B5 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana 16.5 Spanish and Portuguese, A-Z 17 Other European, A-Z 18 Asian and Pacific, A-Z 19 African and Middle Eastern, A-Z (20) Periodicals, see KB 21 Annuals. Annuaires. Yearbooks e.g. L'Ann�e canonique 22 Monographic series e.g. Kirchenrechtliche Abhandlungen Theses ad lauream in iure canonico (Pontificia Universita lateranense) Monographias canonicas Penafort Oesterreichisches Archiv fuer Kirchenrecht Studia Gratiana KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See - Continued Official gazette of the Apostolic See 25 Acta Sanctae Sedis (1865-1904) Superceded by Acta Apostolicae Sedis 26 Acta Apostolicae Sedis (1908-) Official acts Including Apostolic constitutions and decrees of the Roman Curia
27 Bibliography Early or discontinued collections and compilations Bullaries. Bullaria 27.5 Indexes and Tables. Repertories. Regesta. Digests .J35 Regesta Pontificum Romanorum: Ab condita ecclesia ad annum post Christum natum MCXVIII (Philipp Jaffe (1819- 1870, ed.), 1885-88 .P77 Regesta Pontificum Romanorum inde ab A. post Christum natum MCXCVIII ad A. MCCCIV (August Potthast, 1824- 1895, ed.), 1874-750 Individual popes 28 Clement IX (Pope, 1700-1721). Bullarium, 1723 28.2 Benedict XIV (Pope, 1740-1758). Benedicti Papae XIV bullarium...in quo continentur constitutiones, epistolae, &...,1746-57 28.4 Acta Gregory XVI (1831-1846), 1901-1904 28.5 Acta PII IX (1846-1878), 1854 28.6 Acta Leonis XIII (1878-1905), 1881-1905 28.9 Acta Pii X (1903-1914), 1905-1913 29 Private. By author or title Early or discontinued .B37 Bullarii Romani continuatio summorum pontificum Clementis XIII..etc...[et Gregorii XVI].. Quas collegit Andreas Barberi, 1835 .C54 Magnum Bullarium romanum ab Urbano VIII, usque ad s.d.n. Clementem X. (Laerzio Cherubini, d. ca. 1626 & Angelo Maria Cherubini, fl. 1633-1637, eds.), 1629-97 .C63 Bullarum, diplomatum et privilegiorum sanctorum romanorum pontificum taurinensis editio..facta collectione novissima plurium brevium, epistolarum, decretorum actorumque s. Sedis a s. Lione Magno usque ad praesens..(Charles Cocquelines, d.1758 & Francesco Gaude, 1809-1860, et al., eds.), 1857-72 .M35 Magnum bullarium Romanum...1733-62 (1964) KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See Constitutions, acts, etc., of the Apostolic See - Continued Other collections. Compilations. Selections Class her comprehensive collections and compilations etc. of pontifical acts, decrees, constitutions, and not relating to a specific historic period or pope, with or without ecclesiastical court decisions and acts/decisions of the Roman Curia, etc. Including annotated editions 30 Collectio diversarum constitutionum et litterarum Rom. Pont. a Gregorio VII usque ad sanctissimum D.N.D. Gregorium XIII..., 1579 30.2 Compendium constitutionum summorum Pontificum: quae extant a Gregorio VII usque ad Clementem VIII.. per .. Iacobum Castellanum.. collectum, 1606 30.4 Summa bullarii ac constitutionum summorum pontificum: Quae ad universalem ecclesiae usum, post volumina iuris canonici usque ad..Paulum Papam V emanarunt..(authore Stephano Quaranta..; cum additionibus Prosperi de Augustino), 1606 30.5 Summa constitutionum summorum pontificum, et rerum in ecclesia Romana gestarum a Gregorio IX usque ad Sixtum V .. per Petrum Matthaeum, 1589 30.6 Constitutiones pontificiae et Romanarum congregationum decisiones ad episcopos et abbates..(Giambattista Pittoni, 1687-1767, comp.), 1712 30.7 Summae Bullarum, sive Apostolicarum constitutionum usu frequentiorum commentaria..(Giovanni Antonio Novario, 17th. cent.), 1677 ***Individual papal constitutions, bulls, etc. 32 By pope Subarrange by date Encyclicals. Litterae Encyclicae, see BX860 Epistolae. Litterae Pontificiae. Letters, see BX863 ** Concordates 37 Collections. Compilations. Selections 38 **Individual. By country and date, see the signatory country KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See - Continued ***Decrees and decisions of the Curia Romana 39 General (Collective) Including regulations and decrees; not including Papal documents Particular office or congregation 39.2 Cancellaria Apostolica 39.3 Camera Apostolica Cf. KB45 39.4 Secretaria Status 39.5 Secretaria brevium 39.6 Secretaria Memorialium Roman congregations (name authorities have to be checked) Including older congregations 40 Congregatio Romanae et universalis Inquisitionis seu Sancti Officii 40.2 Congregatio de disciplina Sacramentarum 40.3 Congregatio indicis librorum prohibitorum Index librorum prohibitorum Leonis XIII, Summi Pontificis auctoritatre recognitus, 1924 40.4 Congregatio Cardinalium Concilii Tridentini interpretum Including related congregations 40.5 Congregatio negotiis religiosorum sodalium praeposita Previously Congregatio super Negotiis Episcoporum 40.6et regularium Collectanea in usum secretariae S.C. Congregatio episcoporum et regularium 40.7 Congregationes super Disciplina Regulari and super Statu Regularium 40.8 Congregatio Iurisdictionis et Immunitatis ecclesiasticae 40.9 Congregatio sacrorum Rituum Decreta autentica, 1898, 1912, 1927 41 Congregatio Indulgentiarum et Sacrarum Reliquiarum Decreta authentica, 1668-1882 41.2 Congregatio de Propaganda Fide 41.22 Congregatio specialis pro negotiis ritus Orientalis (Congregatio pro corrigendis libris ecclesiae Orientalis) Collectanea S.C. de Propaganda Fide, 1893, 1907 41.3 Congregatio super negotiis Ecclesiae extraordinariis 41.4 Congregatio Reverendae Fabricae Basilicae (s.Petri) ** Concordates have been classed so far with "Church and State. Ecclesiastical law" in particular country schedules or tables, e.g. KK5520+ (Law of Germany; Secular ecclesiastical law; Concordates) *** The classification of individual legislative and other legal acts, facts, events, etc., usually follows the principle underlying the LCC: distribution by subject. For Canon law, it maybe a good idea to have these materials arranged in one place, be it in KBR or KBS regardless of subject, and not dispersed by subject throughout the two Classes.
KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See - Continued Decisions of ecclesiastical tribunals and courts, and related materials Including historic collections Note: parallel number structure in KBS for complete collection, historic and modern (current) collections 42 General collections Individual tribunal or court Sacri Palatii auditorium. Rota Romana 43 Indexes and tables. Repertories. Digests For repertories to a particular work, see the author or title Collections. Compilations. Selections Including collections with annotations and scholarly comment 44 General. By editor, compiler or title .B45 Sacrosanctae decisiones canonicae (Decisiones Rotae collectae ex consiliis dominorum Sacri Palatii causarum auditorum) (Gilles de Bellem�re, 1342 or 3-1407; Guilielmus Cassador,1477-1527,comp.)1579 .C97 Controversiarum forensium liber primus[-tertius]:.. accesserunt decisiones aliquae Rotae Romanae nondum impressae.. (Franciscus Niger Cyriacus, fl. 1629, comp.),1644;1652-54 .H67 Decisiones Rotae Romanae (Wilhelm Horborch, ed.), 1477 Including decisions of earlier compilations by Guilielmus Gallici, Wilhelm Horborch, and Bonaguida Cremonensis .H677 Decisiones Rote noue [et] antique cum additionibus, casibus dubiis et regulis Cancellarie Apostolice (Wilhelm Horborch, Guilielmus Gallici, and Bonaguida Cremonensis, comp.), [1509] .P38 Decisiones Rotae Romanae (Gianfrancesco Pavini, ed.), 1475 Including Decisiones novae, Decisiones antiquae, and decisions of earlier compilations by Thomas Fastolf, Bernardus de Bosqueto, Guilielmus Gallici, and Wilhem Horborch .R43 Rotae auditorum decisiones nouae, antiquae, et antiquiores...accesserunt..Do. Petri Rebuffi, Camilli Melle..& aliorum doctissimorum..additiones,1570/1579 44.5 Individual auditores of the Rota .D42 Gilles de Bellem�re, 1342 or 3-1407. Consilia, see 2145 .P46 Francisco Pena, 1540-1612. Recollectae decisiones (Diego Antonio Franc�s de Urrutigoiti, d.1682) KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See - Continued Decisions of ecclesiastical tribunals and courts, and related materials Other tribunals or courts 45 Tribunal of the Camera Apostolica 46 Signatura Apostolica 46.3 Signatura justitiae 46.5 Signatura gratiae 47 Dataria Apostolica 48 Poenitentiaria Apostolica 49-55 Diocesan courts {here; or with the administrative structure?} Class here decisions of diocesan (ecclesiastical) courts or other authorities in particular countries 54 Encyclopedias 56 Dictionaries (Terms and phrases). Vocabularies Including early works For vocabularies on both canon and Roman law combined (e.g.vocabularius iuris utriusque), see KJA5 64 Directories Methodology, see KBR190 History, see KBR Auxiliary sciences, see KBR74+ (74) General works (75) Diplomatics (76) Paleography e.g. Coloman E. Viola, Exercitationes paleographiae iuris canonici; Papyrology, see KBR190 (77) Linguistics. Semantics (78) Archeology. Legal symbolism (80) Inscriptions. Epigraphy (83) Heraldry. Seals. Insignia, etc. 100 Proverbs. Legal maxims KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See - Continued 105 Form books. Clauses and forms Including individual or collected formularies for notaries or trial lawyers, court and procedural practice before a particular office or court, e.g. the Rota Romana, Camera apostolica, Cancellaria apostolica, etc. Other forms of contemporary legal literature, see KBR2139+ Biography Collective, see KBR122+ Individual, see the canonist or jurist in the appropriate period Trials Including criminal and civil trials 127 Collections 128 Individual. By defendant, plaintiff, or best known (popular) name Legal research. Legal bibliography. Methods of bibliographic research 130 General 132 System of citation. Legal abbreviation. Modus legendi abbreviaturas Legal education. Study and teaching, see KBS2155 The legal profession, see KBS3590+ Societies. Associations. Academies, etc. 136 International, A-Z National 138 North American (US and Canada), A-Z 139 Central and South American, A-Z European 141 English, A-Z 142 French, A-Z 143 German, A-Z 144 Italian, A-Z 145 Spanish and Portuguese, A-Z 146 Other European, A-Z 148 Academies. Institutes 150 Conferences. Symposia 155 General works 156 Influence of other legal systems on Canon law (Reception) Canon law compared with other religious systems General, see KB 166 Civil law Comparisons of particular subjects between canon law and civil law, see the subject in KBS 170 Law reform and policies. Criticism KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See - Continued 180 Works on diverse aspects of a particular subject and falling within several branches of the law. By subject, A-Z History. Sources Studies on sources Including history of sources and methodology (e.g. papyrology, epigraphy, etc.) (190) By author, A-Z Class here collected or individual works of authors regardless of nationality or language (192) Classification of sources Collections. Compilations. Selections (195) General Class here comprehensive collections stemming from all historicperiods of canon law. For collections relating to a particular historic period or type of source, see the period or type of source (e.g. decretals, consilia, etc.) Including translations (195.5) Indexes. Chronologies. Concordances (196-197.4) Pseudo-apostolic collections of canons, to ca. 400 AD Class here collections relating to the legal foundation of the early (primitive) church, e.g. apostolic canons, decrees, and decretals General works, see KBS(190+) (197.4-199.33) Jus ecclesiae Graecae seu Byzantinae. Greek-Byzantine collections, to ca. 14th cent. General works, see KBS(190+) Post-schismatic oriental collections, see KBV KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See History. Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections - Continued Canonical collections of councils and synods For general histories see BR200+ 200 General (collective). By author .B35 Louis Bail (1610-1669). Summa conciliorum omnium, 1659 .B36 Etienne Baluze (1630-1718). Nova collectio conciliorum, 1683 .B48 William Beveridge, ed. (1637-1708). Synodikon, 1672 .B56 Severinus Binius. Concilia generalia et provincialia .C37 Bartolom� Carranza (1503-1576) Summa conciliorum & pontificum a Petro usque ad Paulum Tertium..., 1546 Summa conciliorum et pontificum a Petro vsque ad Pium IIII, collecta..., 1570 Summa conciliorum, a sancto Petro usque ad Pium Quartum pontificem, 1576 .C66 Conciliorum omnium generalioum et principalium collectio regia, 1644 .H37 Jean Hardouin. Conciliorum collectio regia maxima, 1715 .M36 J.D. Mansi. Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio...(1901) .T36 Norman P. Tanner. Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, 1990 *Early councils. Concilia. To end 9th century Including general and ecumenical councils 205 General works For general histories on the councils and synods, seeBR205+ By date of opening 210 325 Council of Nicea (1st), 325 213 380 Council of Saragossa, 380 214 381 Council of Aquileia, 381 215 381 Council of Constantinople (1st), 381 220 449 Council of Ephesus, 449 225 451 Council of Chalcedon, 451 230 553 Council of Constantinople (2nd), 553 235 681 Council of Constantinople (3rd), 680 237 692 Quinisext Synod(Constantinople; Concilium Trullanum), 692 240 787 Council of Nicea (2nd), 787 242 794 Council of Frankfurt, 794 ___________________________________________________ * The class numbers correspond to the numbers assigned to the councils in schedule BR KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See History. Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections Canonical collections of councils and synods Early councils. To end 9th century - Continued Provincial councils Including provincial synods 245 General works General (Collective), see KBS200 Individual. By date of opening 260 255 Carthage, 255 260 314 Ancyra (Ankara), 314 260 315 Neocaesarea (Niksar), 315 260 343 Gangra (Cankiri), 343 260 341 Antioch (Antakya), 341 260 343 Sardica (Sofia), 343 260 394 Constantinople, 394 260 419 Carthage, 419 Cf. KBR1110, Codex Canonum Ecclesiae Africanae 260 861 Constantinople, 861 260 879 Constantinople, 879 KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See History. Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections Canonical collections of councils and synods - Continued * General and ecumenical councils. From end 9th century Including post-schism and contested councils 820 General works For general histories on the councils, synods, etc., see BX820-BX822 General (Collective), see KBS200+ 830 Individual councils. By date of opening 830 869 Council of Constantinople (4th), 869 830 879 Council of Union, 879 830 1064 Council of Mantua, 1064 830 1095 Council of Clermont, 1095 830 1123 Lateran Council (1st), 1123 830 1139 Lateran Council (2nd), 1139 830 1179 Lateran Council (3rd), 1179 830 1215 Lateran Council (4th), 1215 830 1245 Council of Lyons (1st), 1245 830 1274 Council of Lyons (2nd), 1274 830 1311 Council of Vienne, 1311 830 1409 Council of Pisa (1st), 1409 830 1414 Council of Constance, 1414 830 1423 Council of Pavia-Siena, 1423 Council of Basel, 1431, and Ferrara, 1438, see KBS830 1439 830 1438 Council of Ferrara-Florence (Florentinum), 1439 830 1511 Council of Pisa (2nd), 1511 830 1512 Lateran Council (5th), 1512 830 1545 Council of Trent, 1545 830 1596 Council of Brest-Litovsk, 1596 830 1869 Vatican Council (1st), 1869 830 1962 Vatican Council (2nd), 1962 Episcopal synods. Synodus episcoporum 830.5 General works For general histories on the synods, see BX831+ 831 Individual episcopal synods. By date of opening ____________________________________________________ * The class numbers correspond to the numbers assigned to the councils in schedule BX KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See History. Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections Canonical collections of councils and synods - Continued *General and ecumenical councils. From end 9th century Plenary councils. National councils. By region and/or country Under each country, include the diocesan and provincial councils in the order of jurisdictional hierarchy The Americas Latin America 831.5 General works For general histories on the plenary/national councils, see BX832+ 832 Individual. By date North America United States 833 General works 835 Individual. By date 835 1852 Plenary Council (1st), Baltimore, 1852 835 1866 Plenary Council (2nd), Baltimore, 1866 835 1884 Plenary Council (3d), Baltimore, 1884 Canada 836 General works 836.5 Individual. By date 836.5 1909 Plenary Council (1st), Quebec, 1909 837 Other countries, A-Z Subarrange further by date of opening of the Council 837.5 Episcopal conferences Diocesan or provincial synods Including diocesan pastoral councils (838) General works, see KBS2820 838.5 By dioces or provincee Catholic Church. Diocese of Valencia (Spain) Catholic Church. Province of Florence (Italy) Catholic Church. Patriarchate of Venice (Italy) Synod of 1592, 1594, 1653, 1667, 1741, etc. {Here or with the country?} KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See History. Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections - Continued Latin versions of Oriental canonical collections prior to pseudo- Isidoriana Including collections of both canons of the early Oriental councils or synods, decrees and decretals General works, see KBS190 (1100-1145) Africa (1150-1182) Italy 1200-1225) Gaul (1230-1245) Ireland (1250-1255) Spain (1260-1292) Compilations of secular law pertaining to religiou law (1295-1308) Pseudo-Isidoriana. 9th century Cf. BX875+ Post Pseudo-Isidorian collections of canons and decretals, to 1140 (1315) General works (1320-1335) Italy (1338-1340) Germany (1342-1350) Gaul (1355-1358) Spain (1360) Decretum Gratiani. Concordia discordantium canonum (Gratian, 12th cent.), 1140 Flores sive Decretorum compilationes, 126-? Cf. KBR2154 (1370) Emendatio decreti Gratiani (Correctores Romani), 1582, see KBR1930 (1410-1490) Collections. Compilations. Selections between 1140 and 1234 (Decretum Gratiani to Decretales Gregorii IX.) (1500) Liber extra. Decretales Gregorii IX (Gregory IX, Pope, 1227-1241), 1234 (1510) Novellae constitutiones, 1234-1298 (1530) Liber Sextus decretalium (Boniface VIII, Pope, 1294-1303), 1298 (1540) Clementinae Constitutiones (Clement V, Pope, 1305-1315), 1317 (1550) Extravagantes Joannis XXII (John XXII, Pope, 1316-1334), end 15th cent. (1560) Extravagantes communes, end 15th cent. KBS Law of the Roman Catholic Church. The Holy See History. Sources Collections. Compilations. Selections - Continued (1565) Corpus iuris canonici. By date of edition Class here the editions of the body of church law in force until 1917 (enactment of the Codex Iuris Canonici), beginning with the authenticated Rome edition of the Corpus (comprising the six compilations, i.e. Decretum Gratiani; Decretals Gregorii IX; Liber Sextus Bonefacii VIII; Clementinae; Extravagantes Io
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[VENTE MAINTENUE] 36 • LES COLLECTIONS ARISTOPHIL • HISTOIRE : LIVRES, LETTRES ET MANUSCRITS AUTOGRAPHES PAR DROUOT ESTIMATIONS
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Titi Livii Patavini Historiarum libri qui extant (6 volumes) by Titus Livius; Jean Doujat; Johann Freinsheim: Very Good Hardcover (1679)
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Hardcover - Parisiis (Paris): apud Fredericum Leonard - 1679 - Condition: Very Good - 6 volume set. Bound in contemporary French calf. Gilt seal of Louis-Hyacinth Boyer de Cremilles on covers. All edges red. Marbled end pages. Heraldic book plate of Sir John Haldane of Gleneagles, 1707. Later book plate of Rev. David Welsh, D.D. Engraved title; 3 engraved plates (1 folding). Printer's device. The Exhaustive Dauphin's Edition, including Freinsheim's supplement. Brunet III, page 1102. "This edition is very scarce, and is held in considerable estimation." - Moss 2, page 196. Contents: [I]: I-V. 1679. [II]: VI-X; XI-XX. 1682. [III]: XXI-XXX. 1679. [IV]: XXXI-XLV; supplement. XLI, XLIII-XLV. 1682. [V]: XLVI-XCV. 1679. [VI]: XCVI-CXL. 1680. This is an oversized or heavy book, which WILL require additional postage for international delivery outside the US. - Titi Livii Patavini Historiarum libri qui extant (6 volumes)
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Tacitus and Bracciolini. The Annals Forged in the XVth Century by John Wilson Ross (Ebook)
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John Wilson Ross
Tacitus and Bracciolini. The Annals Forged in the XVth Century
EAN 8596547235545
DigiCat, 2022
Contact: DigiCat@okpublishing.info
Table of Contents
PREFACE
BOOK THE FIRST.
TACITUS AND BRACCIOLINI.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.
BOOK THE SECOND.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
BOOK THE THIRD.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.
BOOK THE FOURTH.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER THE LAST.
PREFACE
Table of Contents
The theory broached in this book involves a charge of the grossest fraud against a most distinguished man, who rose to high posts in public affairs and won imperishable fame in letters. There being blots on his moral character, it would be censurable to fasten upon his memory this new imputation of dishonesty, were it not substantiated by irresistible evidence.
The title of this book quite explains what its design is,—to contribute something towards settling the authorship of the Annals of Tacitus, which encomiastic admirers imagine to be the most extraordinary history ever penned, and the writer but one degree removed from inspiration, if not inspired. This wondrous writer I assert to be the famous Florentine of the Renaissance, Poggio Bracciolini, in favour of which view I have tried to make out a case by bringing forward a variety of passages from the History and the Annals to show an extensive series of contradictions as to facts and characters, departures from truth about matters connected with ancient Roman life, laches in grammar and use of words that never could have proceeded from any patrician or plebian of the world-renowned old Commonwealth, with a number of other things that will readily strike the intelligent and sober mind as utterly inconsistent with the existing belief of the Annals being the production of Tacitus. All this is case in the shade for the fullest light to be thrown on the subject, when not wishing to make my theory a matter of speculation but founded in common sense, I give a detailed history of the forgery, from its conception to its completion, the sum that was paid for it, the abbey where it was transcribed, and other such convincing minutiae taken from a correspondence that Poggio carried on with a familiar friend who resided in Florence.
A reader of acumen and critical faculty following a writer in an inquiry of this nature places himself in the position of a lawyer who will not accept the interpretation of an Act of Parliament, or even a clause in it, as correct, except,—as his phrase goes,—it runs upon all fours: he knows that it is with a speculation in a literary matter as with a chapter of a statute: he struggles to raise only a single valid objection against what is advanced: if successful he at one destroys the whole of the theory, from thus exposing it to view as not running upon all fours; the fabric is, in fact, discovered to be reared on a false foundation; it must, therefore, fall as at the slightest breath a child's house built of cards; and the theory becomes one more added to the list of those that are apocryphal. If on examination it should be agreed that the theory in this book is without a flaw, I conceived that I shall have done not a small, but a considerable service to the cause of true history.
LONDON, April 3, 1878.
BOOK THE FIRST.
TACITUS.
CHAPTER I.
TACITUS COULD BARELY HAVE WRITTEN THE ANNALS.
I. From the chronological point of view.
II. The silence preserved about that work by all writers till
the fifteenth century.
III. The age of the MSS. containing the Annals.
CHAPTER II.
A FEW REASONS FOR BELIEVING THE ANNALS TO BE A FORGERY.
I. The fifteenth century an age of imposture, shown in the
invention of printing.
II. The curious discovery of the first six books of the Annals.
III. The blunders it has in common with all forged documents.
IV. The Twelve Tables.
V. The Speech of Claudius in the Eleventh Book of the Annals.
VI. Brutus creating the second class of nobility.
VII. Camillus and his grandson.
VIII. The Marching of Germanicus.
IX. Description of London in the time of Nero.
X. Labeo Antistius and Capito Ateius; the number of people
executed for their attachment to Sejanus; and the
marriage of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius, to the
Elder Antonia.
CHAPTER III.
SUSPICIOUS CHARACTER OF THE ANNALS FROM THE POINT OF TREATMENT.
I. Nature of the history.
II. Arrangement of the narrative.
III. Completeness in form.
IV. Incongruities, contradictions and disagreements from the
History of Tacitus.
V. Craftiness of the writer.
VI. Subordination of history to biography.
VII. The author of the Annals and Tacitus differently illustrate
Roman history.
VIII. Characters and events corresponding to characters and
events in the XVth century.
IX. Greatness of the Author of the Annals.
CHAPTER IV.
HOW THE ANNALS DIFFERS FROM THE HISTORY.
I. In the qualities of the writers; and why that difference.
II. In the narrative, and in what respect.
III. In style and language.
IV. The reputation Tacitus has of writing bad Latin due to the
mistakes of his imitator.
CHAPTER V.
THE LATIN AND THE ALLITERATIONS IN THE ANNALS.
I. Errors in Latin, (a) on the part of the transcriber; (b) on the part of the writer. II. Diction and Alliterations: Wherein they differ from those of Tacitus.
BOOK THE SECOND.
BRACCIOLINI.
CHAPTER I.
BRACCIOLINI IN ROME.
I. His genius and the greatness of his age.
II. His qualifications.
III. His early career.
IV. The character of Niccolo Niccoli, who abetted him in the
forgery
V. Bracciolini's descriptive writing of the Burning of Jerome
of Prague compared with the descriptive writing of the
sham sea fight in the Twelfth Book of the Annals.
CHAPTER II.
BRACCIOLINI IN LONDON.
I. Gaining insight into the darkest passions from associating
with Cardinal Beaufort.
II. His passage about London in the Fourteenth Book of the
Annals examined.
III. About the Parliament of England in the Fourth Book.
CHAPTER III.
BRACCIOLINI SETTING ABOUT THE FORGERY OF THE ANNALS
I. The Proposal made in February, 1422, by a Florentine, named
Lamberteschi, and backed by Niccoli.
II. Correspondence on the matter, and Mr. Shepherd's view that
it referred to a Professorship refuted.
III. Professional disappointments in England determine
Bracciolini to persevere in his intention of forging
the Annals.
IV. He returns to the Papal Secretaryship, and begins the
forgery in Rome in October, 1423.
CHAPTER IV.
BRACCIOLINI AS A BOOKFINDER
I. Doubts on the authenticity of the Latin, but not the
Greek Classics.
II. At the revival of letters Popes and Princes offered large
rewards for the recovery of the ancient classics.
III. The labours of Bracciolini as a bookfinder.
IV. Belief put about by the professional bookfinders that
MSS. were soonest found in obscure convents in barbarous
lands.
V. How this reasoning throws the door open to fraud and
forgery.
VI. The bands of bookfinders consisted of men of genius in
every department of literature and science.
VII. Bracciolini endeavours to escape from forging the Annals by
forging the whole lost History of Livy.
VIII. His Letter on the subject to Niccoli quoted, and examined.
IX. Failure of his attempt, and he proceeds with the forgery of
the Annals.
BOOK THE THIRD.
THE LAST SIX BOOKS OF THE ANNALS.
CHAPTER I.
THE CHARACTER OF BRACCIOLINI.
I. The audacity of the forgery accounted for by the mean
opinion Bracciolini had of the intelligence of men.
II. The character and tone of the last Six Books of the Annals
exemplified by what is said of Sabina Poppaea, Sagitta,
Pontia and Messalina.
III. A few errors that must have proceeded from Bracciolini
about the Colophonian Oracle of Apollo Clarius, the
Household Gods of the Germans, Gotarzes, Bardanes and,
above all, Nineveh.
IV. The estimate taken of human nature by the writer of the
Annals the same as that taken by Bracciolini.
V. The general depravity of mankind as shown in the
Annals insisted upon in Bracciolini's Dialogue
De Infelicitate Principum.
CHAPTER II.
THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
I. The intellect and depravity of the age.
II. Bracciolini as its exponent.
III. Hunter's accurate description of him.
IV. Bracciolini gave way to the impulses of his age.
V. The Claudius, Nero and Tiberius of the Annals
personifications of the Church of Rome in the
fifteenth century.
VI. Schildius and his doubts.
VII. Bracciolini not covetous of martyrdom: communicates his
fears to Niccoli.
VIII. The princes and great men in the Annals the princes and
great men of the XVth century, not of the opening period
of the Christian aera.
IX. Bracciolini, and not Tacitus, a disparager of persons in
high places.
CHAPTER III.
FURTHER PROOFS OF FORGERY.
I. Octavianus as the name of Augustus Caesar.
II. Cumanus and Felix as joint governors of Judaea.
III. The blood relationship of Italians and Romans.
IV. Fatal error in the oratio obliqua.
V. Mistake made about locus.
VI. Objections of some critics to the language of Tacitus
examined.
VII. Some improprieties that occur in the Annals found also in
Bracciolini's works.
VIII. Instanced in (a) nec—aut.
(b) rhyming and the peculiar use of pariter.
IX. The harmony of Tacitus and the ruggedness of Bracciolini
illustrated.
X. Other peculiarities of Bracciolini's not shared by Tacitus:
Two words terminating alike following two others with like
terminations; prefixes that have no meaning; and playing
on a single letter for alliterative purposes.
CHAPTER IV.
THE TERMINATION OF THE FORGERY.
I. The literary merit and avaricious humour of Bracciolini.
II. He is aided in his scheme by a monk of the Abbey of Fulda.
III. Expressions indicating forgery.
IV. Efforts to obtain a very old copy of Tacitus.
V. The forgery transcribed in the Abbey of Fulda.
VI. First saw the light in the spring of 1429.
CHAPTER V.
THE FORGED MANUSCRIPT.
I. Recapitulation, showing the certainty of forgery.
II. The Second Florence MS. the forged MS.
III. Cosmo de' Medici the man imposed upon.
IV. Digressions about Cosmo de' Medici's position, and fondness
for books, especially Tacitus.
V. The many suspicious marks of forgery about the Second
Florence MS.; the Lombard characters; the attestation
of Salustius.
VI. The headings, and Tacitus being bound up with Apuleius,
seem to connect Bracciolini with the forged MS.
VII. The first authentic mention of the Annals.
VIII. Nothing invalidates the theory in this book.
IX. Brief recapitulation of the whole argument.
BOOK THE FOURTH.
THE FIRST SIX BOOKS OF THE ANNALS.
CHAPTER I.
REASONS FOR BELIEVING THAT BRACCIOLINI WROTE BOTH PARTS OF THE ANNALS.
I. Improvement in Bracciolini's means after the completion
of the forgery of the last part of the Annals.
II. Discovery of the first six books, and theory about their
forgery.
III. Internal evidence the only proof of their being forged.
IV. Superiority of workmanship a strong proof.
V. Further departure than in the last six books from Tacitus's
method another proof.
VI. The symmetry of the framework a third proof.
VII. Fourth evidence, the close resemblance in the openings of
the two parts.
VIII. The same tone and colouring prove the same authorship.
IX. False statements made about Sejanus and Antonius Natalis
for the purpose of blackening Tiberius and Nero.
X. This spirit of detraction runs through Bracciolini's works.
XI. Other resemblances denoting the same author.
XII. Policy given to every subject another cause to believe both
parts composed by a single writer.
XIII. An absence of the power to depict differences in persons
and things.
CHAPTER II.
LANGUAGE, ALLITERATION, ACCENT AND WORDS.
I. The poetic diction of Tacitus, and its fabrication in
the Annals.
II. Florid passages in the Annals.
III. Metrical composition of Bracciolini.
IV. Figurative words: (a) pessum dare
(b) voluntas
V. The verb foedare and the Ciceronian use of foedus.
VI. The language of other Roman writers,—Livy, Quintus Curtius
and Sallust.
VII. The phrase non modo—sed, and other anomalous expressions,
not Tacitus's.
VIII. Words not used by Tacitus, distinctus and codicillus
IX. Peculiar alliterations in the Annals and works of
Bracciolini.
X. Monotonous repetition of accent on penultimate syllables.
XI. Peculiar use of words: (a) properus
(b) annales and scriptura
(c) totiens
XII. Words not used by Tacitus: (a) addubitare
(b) extitere
XIII. Polysyllabic words ending consecutive sentences.
XIV. Omissions of prepositions: (a) in.
(b) with names of nations.
CHAPTER III.
MISTAKES THAT PROVE FORGERY
I. The gift for the recovery of Livia.
II. Julius Caesar and the Pomoerium.
III. Julia, the wife of Tiberius.
IV. The statement about her proved false by a coin.
V. Value of coins in detecting historical errors.
VI. Another coin shows an error about Cornatus.
VII. Suspicion of spuriousness from mention of the
Quinquennale Ludicrum.
VIII. Account of cities destroyed by earthquake contradicted by
a monument.
IX. Bracciolini's hand shown by reference to the Plague.
X. Fawning of Roman senators more like conduct of Italians in
the fifteenth century.
XI. Same exaggeration with respect to Pomponia Graecina.
XII. Wrong statement of the images borne at the funeral
of Drusus.
XIII. Similar kind of error committed by Bracciolini in his
Varietate Fortunae.
XIV. Errors about the Red Sea.
XV. About the Caspian Sea.
XVI. Accounted for.
XVII. A passage clearly written by Bracciolini.
CHAPTER THE LAST.
FURTHER PROOFS OF BRACCIOLINI BEING THE AUTHOR OF THE FIRST SIX BOOKS OF THE ANNALS.
I. The descriptive powers of Bracciolini and Tacitus.
II. The different mode of writing of both.
III. Their different manners of digressing.
IV. Two statements in the Fourth Book of the Annals that could
not have been made by Tacitus.
V. The spirit of the Renaissance shown in both parts of the
Annals.
VI. That both parts proceeded from the same hand shown in the
writer pretending to know the feelings of the characters
in the narrative.
VII. The contradictions in the two parts of the Annals and in
the works of Bracciolini.
VIII. The Second Florence MS. a forgery.
IX. Conclusion.
BOOK THE FIRST.
Table of Contents
TACITUS.
"Allusiones saepe subobscurae … mihi conjectandi aliquando,
et aliquando exploratae veritatis fundamento innitendi materiam
praebuere."
DE TONELLIS. Praef. ad Poggii Epist.
TACITUS AND BRACCIOLINI.
Table of Contents
CHAPTER I.
TACITUS COULD BARELY HAVE WRITTEN THE ANNALS.
I. From the chronological point of view.—II. The silence preserved about that work by all writers till the fifteenth century.—III. The age of the MSS. containing the Annals.
I. The Annals and the History of Tacitus are like two houses in ruins: dismantled of their original proportions they perpetuate the splendour of Roman historiography, as the crumbling remnants of the Coliseum preserve from oblivion the magnificence of Roman architecture. Some of the subtlest intellects, keen in criticism and expert in scholarship, have, for centuries, endeavoured with considerable pains, though not with success in every instance, to free the imperfect pieces from difficulties, as the priesthood of the Quindecimvirs, generation after generation, assiduously, yet vainly, strove to clear from perplexities the mutilated books of the Sibyls. I purpose to bring,—parodying a passage of the good Sieur Chanvallon,—not freestone and marble for their restoration, but a critical hammer to knock down the loose bricks that, for more than four centuries, have shown large holes in several places.
Tacitus is raised by his genius to a height, which lifts him above the reach of the critic. He shines in the firmament of letters like a sun before whose lustre all, Parsee-like, bow down in worship. Preceding generations have read him with reverence and admiration: as one of the greatest masters of history, he must continue to be so read. But though neither praise nor censure can exalt or impair his fame, truth and justice call for a passionless inquiry into the nature and character of works presenting such difference in structure, and such contradictions in a variety of matters as the History and the Annals.
The belief is general that Tacitus wrote Roman history in the retrograde order, in which Hume wrote the History of England. Why Hume pursued that method is obvious: eager to gain fame in letters,—seeing his opportunity by supplying a good History of England,—knowing how interest attaches to times near us while all but absence of sympathy accompanies those that are remote,—and meaning to exclude from his plan the incompleted dynasty under which he lived,—he commenced with the House of Stuart, continued with that of Tudor, and finished with the remaining portion from the Roman Invasion to the Accession of Henry VII. But why Tacitus should have decided in favour of the inverse of chronological order is by no means clear. He could not have been actuated by any of the motives which influenced Hume. Rome, with respect to her history, was not in the position that England was, with respect to hers, in the middle of the last century. All the remarkable occurrences during the 820 years from her Foundation to the office of Emperor ceasing as the inheritance of the Julian Family on the death of Nero, had been recorded by many writers that rendered needless the further labours of the historian. Tacitus states this at the commencement of his history, and as a reason why he began that work with the accession of Galba: Initium mihi operis Servius Galba iterum, Titus Vinius consules erunt; nam post conditam urbem, octingentos et viginti prioris aevi annos multi auctores retulerunt. (Hist. I. 1.) After this admission, it is absolutely unaccountable that he should revert to the year since the building of the City 769, and continue writing to the year 819, going over ground that, according to his own account, had been gone over before most admirably, every one of the numerous historians having written in his view, with an equal amount of forcible expression and independent opinion—pari eloquentia ac libertate. Thus, by his own showing, he performed a work which he knew to be superfluous in recounting events that occurred in the time of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero.
What authority have we that he did this? Certainly, not the authority of those who knew best—the ancients. They do not mention, in their meagre accounts of him, the names of his writings, the number of which we, perhaps, glean from casual remarks dropped by Pliny the Younger in his Epistles. He says (vii. 20), I have read your book, and with the utmost care have made remarks upon such passages, as I think ought to be altered or expunged. Librum tuum legi, et quam diligentissime potui, adnotavi, quae commutanda, quae eximenda arbitrarer. In a second letter (viii. 7) he alludes to another (or it might be the same) book, which his friend had sent him not as a master to a master, nor as a disciple to a disciple, but as a master to a disciple: neque ut magistro magister, neque ut discipulo discipulus … sed ut discipulo magister … librum misisti. That Tacitus was not the author of one work only is clear from Pliny in another of his letters (vi. 16) speaking in the plural of what his friend had written: the immortality of your writings:— scriptorum tuorum aeternitas; also of my uncle both by his own, and your works:—avunculus meus et suis libris et tuis. In the letter already referred to (vii. 20), Tacitus is further spoken of as having written, at least, two historical works, the immortality of which Pliny predicted without fear of proving a false prophet: auguror, nec me fallit augurium, historias tuas immortales futuras. From these passages it would seem that the works of Tacitus were, at the most, three.
If his works were only three in number, everything points in preference to the Books of History, of which we possess but five; the Treatise on the different manners of the various tribes that peopled Germany in his day; and the Life of his father-in-law, Agricola. Nobody but Fabius Planciades Fulgentius, Bishop of Carthage, supposes that he wrote a book of Facetiae or pleasant tales and anecdotes, as may be seen by reference to the episcopal writer's Treatise on Archaic or Obsolete Words, where explaining Elogium to mean hereditary disease, he continues, as Cornelius Tacitus says in his book of Facetiae; 'therefore pained in the cutting off of children who had hereditary disease left to them': Elogium est haereditas in malo; sicut Cornelius Tacitus ait in libro Facetiarum: 'caesis itaque motum elogio in filiis derelicto.' (De Vocibus Antiquis. p. 151. Basle ed. 1549). Justus Lipsius doubts whether the Discourse on the Causes of the Corruption of Latin Eloquence proceeded from Tacitus, or the other Roman to whom many impute it, Quintilian, for he says in his Preface to that Dialogue: What will it matter whether we attribute it to Tacitus, or, as I once thought, to Marcus Fabius Quinctilianus? … Though the age of Quinctilianus seems to have been a little too old for this Discourse to be by that young man. Therefore, I have my doubts. Incommodi quid erit, sive Tacito tribuamus; sive M. Fabio Quinctiliano, ut mihi olim visim? … Aetas tamen Quinctiliani paullo grandior fuisse videtur, quam ut hic sermo illo juvene. Itaque ambigo. (p. 470. Antwerp ed. 1607.) Enough will be said in the course of this discussion to carry conviction to the minds of those who can be convinced by facts and arguments that Tacitus did not write the Annals.
Chronology, in the first place, prevents our regarding him as the author. Though we know as little of his life as of his writings— and though no ancient mentions the date or place of his birth, or the time of his death,—we can form a conjecture when he flourished by comparing his age with that of his friend, Pliny the Younger. Pliny died in the year 13 of the second century at the age of 52, so that Pliny was born A.D. 61. Tacitus was by several years his senior. Otherwise Pliny would not have spoken of himself as a disciple looking up to him with reverence as to a master; the duty of submitting to his influence, and a desire to obey his advice:—tu magister, ego contra—(Ep. viii. 7): cedere auctoritati tuae debeam (Ep. i. 20): cupio praeceptis tuis parere (Ep. ix. 10); nor would he describe himself as a mere stripling when his friend was at the height of fame and in a proud position: equidem adolescentulus, quum jam tu fama gloriaque floreres (Ep. vii. 20); nor of their being, all but contemporaries in age: duos homines, aetate propemodum aequales (Ep. vii. 20). From these remarks chiefly and a few other circumstances, the modern biographers of Tacitus suppose there was a difference of ten or eleven years between that ancient historian and Pliny, and fix the date of his birth about A.D. 52.
This is reconcilable with the belief of Tacitus being the author of the Annals; for when the boundaries of Rome are spoken of in that work as being extended to the Red Sea in terms as if it were a recent extension—"claustra … Romani imperii, quod nunc Rubrum ad mare patescit (ii. 61),—he would be 63, the extension having been effected as we learn from Xiphilinus, by Trajan A.D. 115. It is also reconcilable with Agricola when Consul offering to him his daughter in marriage, he being then a young man: Consul egregiae tum spei filiam juveni mihi despondit (Agr. 9); for, according as Agricola was Consul A.D. 76 or 77, he would be 24 or 25. But it is by no means reconcilable with the time when he administered the several offices in the State. He tells us himself that he began holding office under Vespasian, was promoted by Titus, and still further advanced by Domitian: dignitatem nostram a Vespasiano inchoatam, a Tito auctam, a Domitiano longius provectam (Hist. i. 1). To have held office under Vespasian he must have been quaestor; to have been promoted by Titus he must have been aedile; and as for his further advancement we know that he was praetor under Domitian. By the Lex Villia Annalis, passed by the Tribune Lucius Villius during the time of the Republic in 573 after the Building of the City, the years were fixed wherein the different offices were to be entered on—in the language of Livy; eo anno rogatio primum lata est ab Lucio Villio tribuno plebis, quot annos nati quemque magistratum peterent caperentque" (xl. 44); and the custom was never departed from, in conformity with Ovid's statement in his Fasti with respect to the mature years of those who legislated for his countrymen, and the special enactment which strictly prescribed the age when Romans could be candidates for public offices:
"Jura dabat populo senior, finitaque certis
Legibus est aetas, unde petatur honos."
Fast. v. 65-6.
After the promulgation of his famous plebiscitum by the old Tribune of the People in the year 179 A.C., a Roman could not fill the office of quaestor till he was 31, nor aedile till he was 37,—as, guided by the antiquaries, Sigonius and Pighius, Doujat, the Delphin editor of Livy, states: quaestores ante annum aetatis trigesimum primum non crearentur, nec aediles curules ante septimum ac trigesimum;—and the ages for the two offices were usually 32 and 38.
From Vespasian's rule extending to ten years we cannot arrive at the date when Tacitus was quaestor; but we can guess when he was aedile, as Titus was emperor only from the spring of 79 to the autumn of 81.
Had his appointment to the aedileship taken place on the last day of the reign of Titus, he would then be but 29 years old; and though in the time of the Emperors, after the year 9 of our aera, there might be a remission of one or more years by the Lex Julia or the Lex Pappia Poppaea, those laws enacted rewards and privileges to encourage marriage and the begetting of children; the remission could, therefore, be in favour only of married men, especially those who had children; so that any such indulgence in the competition for the place of honours could not have been granted to Tacitus, he not being, as will be immediately seen, yet married. In order, then, that he should have been aedile under Titus,—even admitting that he could boast, like Cicero, of having obtained all his honours in the prescribed years—omnes honores anno suo—and been aedile the moment he was qualified by age for the office,—he must have been born, at least, as far back as the year 44.
This will be reconcilable with all that Pliny says, as well as with his being married when young; for he would then be 32 or 33, and his bride 22 or 23; for the daughter of Agricola was born when her father was quaestor in Asia—sors quaesturae provinciam Asiam dedit … auctus est ibi filiâ. (Agr. 9). Nor let it be supposed that a Roman would not have used the epithet young to a man of 32 or 33, seeing that the Romans applied the term to men in their best years, from 20 to 40, or a little under or over. Hence Livy terms Alexander the Great at the time of his death, when he was 31, a young man, egregium ducem fuisse Alexandrum … adolescens … decessit (ix. 17): so Cicero styles Lucius Crassus at the age of 34;—talem vero exsistere eloquentiam qualis fuerit in Crasso et Antonio … alter non multum (quod quidem exstaret), et id ipsum adolescens, alter nihil admodum scripti reliquisset. (De Orat. ii. 2): so also does Cornelius Nepos speak of Marcus Brutus, when the latter was praetor, Brutus being then 43 years of age:—sic Marco Bruto usus est, ut nullo ille adolescens aequali familiarius (Att. 8); to this passage of Nepos's, Nicholas Courtin, his Delphin editor, adds that the ancients called men young from the age of 17 to the age of 46; notwithstanding that Varro limited youth to 30 years:—a 17 ad 46 annum, adolescentia antiquitus pertingebat, ut ab antiquis observatum est. Nihilominus Varro ad 30 tantum pertingere ait. But Tacitus being born in 44 is not reconcilable with his being the Author of the Annals, as thus:—
Some time in the nineteen years that Trajan was Emperor,—from 98 to ll7,—Tacitus, being then between the ages of 54 and 73, composed his History. He paused when he had carried it on to the reign of Domitian; the narrative had then extended to twenty-three years, and was comprised in thirty books, if we are to believe St. Jerome in his Commentary on the Fourteenth Chapter of Zechariah:
Cornelius Tacitus … post Augustum usque ad mortem Domitiani vitas Caesarum triginta voluminibus exaravit. [Endnote 013] It was scarcely possible for Tacitus to have executed his History in a shorter compass;—indeed, it is surprising that the compass was so short, looking at the probability of his having observed the symmetry attended to by the ancients in their writings, and having continued his work on the plan he pursued at the commencement, the important fragment which we have of four books, and a part of the fifth, embracing but little more than one year. Whether he ever carried into execution the design he had reserved for his old age,—writing of Nerva and Trajan,—we have no record. But two things seem tolerably certain; that he would have gone on with that continuation to his History in preference to writing the Annals; and that he would not have written that continuation until after the death of the Emperor Trajan. He would then have been 73. Now, how long would he have been on that separate history? Then at what age could he have commenced the Annals? And how long would he have been engaged in its composition? We see that he must have been bordering on 80, if not 90: consequently with impaired faculties, and thus altogether disqualified for producing such a vigorous historical masterpiece; for though we have instances of poets writing successfully at a very advanced age, as Pindar composing one of his grandest lyrics at 84, and Sophocles his Oedipus Coloneus at 90, we have no instance of any great historian, except Livy, attempting to write at a very old age, and then Livy rambled into inordinate diffuseness.
II. The silence maintained with respect to the Annals by all writers till the first half of the fifteenth century is much more striking than chronology in raising the very strongest suspicion that Tacitus did not write that book. This is the more remarkable as after the first publication of the last portion of that work by Vindelinus of Spire at Venice in 1469 or 1470, all sorts and degrees of writers began referring to or quoting the Annals, and have continued doing so to the present day with a frequency which has given to its supposed writer as great a celebrity as any name in antiquity. Kings, princes, ministers and politicians have studied it with diligence and curiosity, while scholars, professors, authors and historians in Italy, Spain, France, England, Holland, Germany, Denmark and Sweden have applied their minds to it with an enthusiasm, which has been like a kind of worship. Yet, after the most minute investigation, it cannot be discovered that a single reference was made to the Annals by any person from the time when Tacitus lived until shortly before the day when Vindelinus of Spire first ushered the last six books to the admiring world from the mediaeval Athens. When it appeared it was at once pronounced to be the brightest gem among histories; its author was greeted as a most wonderful
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John Wilson Ross
Tacitus and Bracciolini. The Annals Forged in the XVth Century
EAN 8596547235545
DigiCat, 2022
Contact: DigiCat@okpublishing.info
Table of Contents
PREFACE
BOOK THE FIRST.
TACITUS AND BRACCIOLINI.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.
BOOK THE SECOND.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
BOOK THE THIRD.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.
BOOK THE FOURTH.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER THE LAST.
PREFACE
Table of Contents
The theory broached in this book involves a charge of the grossest fraud against a most distinguished man, who rose to high posts in public affairs and won imperishable fame in letters. There being blots on his moral character, it would be censurable to fasten upon his memory this new imputation of dishonesty, were it not substantiated by irresistible evidence.
The title of this book quite explains what its design is,—to contribute something towards settling the authorship of the Annals of Tacitus, which encomiastic admirers imagine to be the most extraordinary history ever penned, and the writer but one degree removed from inspiration, if not inspired. This wondrous writer I assert to be the famous Florentine of the Renaissance, Poggio Bracciolini, in favour of which view I have tried to make out a case by bringing forward a variety of passages from the History and the Annals to show an extensive series of contradictions as to facts and characters, departures from truth about matters connected with ancient Roman life, laches in grammar and use of words that never could have proceeded from any patrician or plebian of the world-renowned old Commonwealth, with a number of other things that will readily strike the intelligent and sober mind as utterly inconsistent with the existing belief of the Annals being the production of Tacitus. All this is case in the shade for the fullest light to be thrown on the subject, when not wishing to make my theory a matter of speculation but founded in common sense, I give a detailed history of the forgery, from its conception to its completion, the sum that was paid for it, the abbey where it was transcribed, and other such convincing minutiae taken from a correspondence that Poggio carried on with a familiar friend who resided in Florence.
A reader of acumen and critical faculty following a writer in an inquiry of this nature places himself in the position of a lawyer who will not accept the interpretation of an Act of Parliament, or even a clause in it, as correct, except,—as his phrase goes,—it runs upon all fours: he knows that it is with a speculation in a literary matter as with a chapter of a statute: he struggles to raise only a single valid objection against what is advanced: if successful he at one destroys the whole of the theory, from thus exposing it to view as not running upon all fours; the fabric is, in fact, discovered to be reared on a false foundation; it must, therefore, fall as at the slightest breath a child's house built of cards; and the theory becomes one more added to the list of those that are apocryphal. If on examination it should be agreed that the theory in this book is without a flaw, I conceived that I shall have done not a small, but a considerable service to the cause of true history.
LONDON, April 3, 1878.
BOOK THE FIRST.
TACITUS.
CHAPTER I.
TACITUS COULD BARELY HAVE WRITTEN THE ANNALS.
I. From the chronological point of view.
II. The silence preserved about that work by all writers till
the fifteenth century.
III. The age of the MSS. containing the Annals.
CHAPTER II.
A FEW REASONS FOR BELIEVING THE ANNALS TO BE A FORGERY.
I. The fifteenth century an age of imposture, shown in the
invention of printing.
II. The curious discovery of the first six books of the Annals.
III. The blunders it has in common with all forged documents.
IV. The Twelve Tables.
V. The Speech of Claudius in the Eleventh Book of the Annals.
VI. Brutus creating the second class of nobility.
VII. Camillus and his grandson.
VIII. The Marching of Germanicus.
IX. Description of London in the time of Nero.
X. Labeo Antistius and Capito Ateius; the number of people
executed for their attachment to Sejanus; and the
marriage of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius, to the
Elder Antonia.
CHAPTER III.
SUSPICIOUS CHARACTER OF THE ANNALS FROM THE POINT OF TREATMENT.
I. Nature of the history.
II. Arrangement of the narrative.
III. Completeness in form.
IV. Incongruities, contradictions and disagreements from the
History of Tacitus.
V. Craftiness of the writer.
VI. Subordination of history to biography.
VII. The author of the Annals and Tacitus differently illustrate
Roman history.
VIII. Characters and events corresponding to characters and
events in the XVth century.
IX. Greatness of the Author of the Annals.
CHAPTER IV.
HOW THE ANNALS DIFFERS FROM THE HISTORY.
I. In the qualities of the writers; and why that difference.
II. In the narrative, and in what respect.
III. In style and language.
IV. The reputation Tacitus has of writing bad Latin due to the
mistakes of his imitator.
CHAPTER V.
THE LATIN AND THE ALLITERATIONS IN THE ANNALS.
I. Errors in Latin, (a) on the part of the transcriber; (b) on the part of the writer. II. Diction and Alliterations: Wherein they differ from those of Tacitus.
BOOK THE SECOND.
BRACCIOLINI.
CHAPTER I.
BRACCIOLINI IN ROME.
I. His genius and the greatness of his age.
II. His qualifications.
III. His early career.
IV. The character of Niccolo Niccoli, who abetted him in the
forgery
V. Bracciolini's descriptive writing of the Burning of Jerome
of Prague compared with the descriptive writing of the
sham sea fight in the Twelfth Book of the Annals.
CHAPTER II.
BRACCIOLINI IN LONDON.
I. Gaining insight into the darkest passions from associating
with Cardinal Beaufort.
II. His passage about London in the Fourteenth Book of the
Annals examined.
III. About the Parliament of England in the Fourth Book.
CHAPTER III.
BRACCIOLINI SETTING ABOUT THE FORGERY OF THE ANNALS
I. The Proposal made in February, 1422, by a Florentine, named
Lamberteschi, and backed by Niccoli.
II. Correspondence on the matter, and Mr. Shepherd's view that
it referred to a Professorship refuted.
III. Professional disappointments in England determine
Bracciolini to persevere in his intention of forging
the Annals.
IV. He returns to the Papal Secretaryship, and begins the
forgery in Rome in October, 1423.
CHAPTER IV.
BRACCIOLINI AS A BOOKFINDER
I. Doubts on the authenticity of the Latin, but not the
Greek Classics.
II. At the revival of letters Popes and Princes offered large
rewards for the recovery of the ancient classics.
III. The labours of Bracciolini as a bookfinder.
IV. Belief put about by the professional bookfinders that
MSS. were soonest found in obscure convents in barbarous
lands.
V. How this reasoning throws the door open to fraud and
forgery.
VI. The bands of bookfinders consisted of men of genius in
every department of literature and science.
VII. Bracciolini endeavours to escape from forging the Annals by
forging the whole lost History of Livy.
VIII. His Letter on the subject to Niccoli quoted, and examined.
IX. Failure of his attempt, and he proceeds with the forgery of
the Annals.
BOOK THE THIRD.
THE LAST SIX BOOKS OF THE ANNALS.
CHAPTER I.
THE CHARACTER OF BRACCIOLINI.
I. The audacity of the forgery accounted for by the mean
opinion Bracciolini had of the intelligence of men.
II. The character and tone of the last Six Books of the Annals
exemplified by what is said of Sabina Poppaea, Sagitta,
Pontia and Messalina.
III. A few errors that must have proceeded from Bracciolini
about the Colophonian Oracle of Apollo Clarius, the
Household Gods of the Germans, Gotarzes, Bardanes and,
above all, Nineveh.
IV. The estimate taken of human nature by the writer of the
Annals the same as that taken by Bracciolini.
V. The general depravity of mankind as shown in the
Annals insisted upon in Bracciolini's Dialogue
De Infelicitate Principum.
CHAPTER II.
THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
I. The intellect and depravity of the age.
II. Bracciolini as its exponent.
III. Hunter's accurate description of him.
IV. Bracciolini gave way to the impulses of his age.
V. The Claudius, Nero and Tiberius of the Annals
personifications of the Church of Rome in the
fifteenth century.
VI. Schildius and his doubts.
VII. Bracciolini not covetous of martyrdom: communicates his
fears to Niccoli.
VIII. The princes and great men in the Annals the princes and
great men of the XVth century, not of the opening period
of the Christian aera.
IX. Bracciolini, and not Tacitus, a disparager of persons in
high places.
CHAPTER III.
FURTHER PROOFS OF FORGERY.
I. Octavianus as the name of Augustus Caesar.
II. Cumanus and Felix as joint governors of Judaea.
III. The blood relationship of Italians and Romans.
IV. Fatal error in the oratio obliqua.
V. Mistake made about locus.
VI. Objections of some critics to the language of Tacitus
examined.
VII. Some improprieties that occur in the Annals found also in
Bracciolini's works.
VIII. Instanced in (a) nec—aut.
(b) rhyming and the peculiar use of pariter.
IX. The harmony of Tacitus and the ruggedness of Bracciolini
illustrated.
X. Other peculiarities of Bracciolini's not shared by Tacitus:
Two words terminating alike following two others with like
terminations; prefixes that have no meaning; and playing
on a single letter for alliterative purposes.
CHAPTER IV.
THE TERMINATION OF THE FORGERY.
I. The literary merit and avaricious humour of Bracciolini.
II. He is aided in his scheme by a monk of the Abbey of Fulda.
III. Expressions indicating forgery.
IV. Efforts to obtain a very old copy of Tacitus.
V. The forgery transcribed in the Abbey of Fulda.
VI. First saw the light in the spring of 1429.
CHAPTER V.
THE FORGED MANUSCRIPT.
I. Recapitulation, showing the certainty of forgery.
II. The Second Florence MS. the forged MS.
III. Cosmo de' Medici the man imposed upon.
IV. Digressions about Cosmo de' Medici's position, and fondness
for books, especially Tacitus.
V. The many suspicious marks of forgery about the Second
Florence MS.; the Lombard characters; the attestation
of Salustius.
VI. The headings, and Tacitus being bound up with Apuleius,
seem to connect Bracciolini with the forged MS.
VII. The first authentic mention of the Annals.
VIII. Nothing invalidates the theory in this book.
IX. Brief recapitulation of the whole argument.
BOOK THE FOURTH.
THE FIRST SIX BOOKS OF THE ANNALS.
CHAPTER I.
REASONS FOR BELIEVING THAT BRACCIOLINI WROTE BOTH PARTS OF THE ANNALS.
I. Improvement in Bracciolini's means after the completion
of the forgery of the last part of the Annals.
II. Discovery of the first six books, and theory about their
forgery.
III. Internal evidence the only proof of their being forged.
IV. Superiority of workmanship a strong proof.
V. Further departure than in the last six books from Tacitus's
method another proof.
VI. The symmetry of the framework a third proof.
VII. Fourth evidence, the close resemblance in the openings of
the two parts.
VIII. The same tone and colouring prove the same authorship.
IX. False statements made about Sejanus and Antonius Natalis
for the purpose of blackening Tiberius and Nero.
X. This spirit of detraction runs through Bracciolini's works.
XI. Other resemblances denoting the same author.
XII. Policy given to every subject another cause to believe both
parts composed by a single writer.
XIII. An absence of the power to depict differences in persons
and things.
CHAPTER II.
LANGUAGE, ALLITERATION, ACCENT AND WORDS.
I. The poetic diction of Tacitus, and its fabrication in
the Annals.
II. Florid passages in the Annals.
III. Metrical composition of Bracciolini.
IV. Figurative words: (a) pessum dare
(b) voluntas
V. The verb foedare and the Ciceronian use of foedus.
VI. The language of other Roman writers,—Livy, Quintus Curtius
and Sallust.
VII. The phrase non modo—sed, and other anomalous expressions,
not Tacitus's.
VIII. Words not used by Tacitus, distinctus and codicillus
IX. Peculiar alliterations in the Annals and works of
Bracciolini.
X. Monotonous repetition of accent on penultimate syllables.
XI. Peculiar use of words: (a) properus
(b) annales and scriptura
(c) totiens
XII. Words not used by Tacitus: (a) addubitare
(b) extitere
XIII. Polysyllabic words ending consecutive sentences.
XIV. Omissions of prepositions: (a) in.
(b) with names of nations.
CHAPTER III.
MISTAKES THAT PROVE FORGERY
I. The gift for the recovery of Livia.
II. Julius Caesar and the Pomoerium.
III. Julia, the wife of Tiberius.
IV. The statement about her proved false by a coin.
V. Value of coins in detecting historical errors.
VI. Another coin shows an error about Cornatus.
VII. Suspicion of spuriousness from mention of the
Quinquennale Ludicrum.
VIII. Account of cities destroyed by earthquake contradicted by
a monument.
IX. Bracciolini's hand shown by reference to the Plague.
X. Fawning of Roman senators more like conduct of Italians in
the fifteenth century.
XI. Same exaggeration with respect to Pomponia Graecina.
XII. Wrong statement of the images borne at the funeral
of Drusus.
XIII. Similar kind of error committed by Bracciolini in his
Varietate Fortunae.
XIV. Errors about the Red Sea.
XV. About the Caspian Sea.
XVI. Accounted for.
XVII. A passage clearly written by Bracciolini.
CHAPTER THE LAST.
FURTHER PROOFS OF BRACCIOLINI BEING THE AUTHOR OF THE FIRST SIX BOOKS OF THE ANNALS.
I. The descriptive powers of Bracciolini and Tacitus.
II. The different mode of writing of both.
III. Their different manners of digressing.
IV. Two statements in the Fourth Book of the Annals that could
not have been made by Tacitus.
V. The spirit of the Renaissance shown in both parts of the
Annals.
VI. That both parts proceeded from the same hand shown in the
writer pretending to know the feelings of the characters
in the narrative.
VII. The contradictions in the two parts of the Annals and in
the works of Bracciolini.
VIII. The Second Florence MS. a forgery.
IX. Conclusion.
BOOK THE FIRST.
Table of Contents
TACITUS.
"Allusiones saepe subobscurae … mihi conjectandi aliquando,
et aliquando exploratae veritatis fundamento innitendi materiam
praebuere."
DE TONELLIS. Praef. ad Poggii Epist.
TACITUS AND BRACCIOLINI.
Table of Contents
CHAPTER I.
TACITUS COULD BARELY HAVE WRITTEN THE ANNALS.
I. From the chronological point of view.—II. The silence preserved about that work by all writers till the fifteenth century.—III. The age of the MSS. containing the Annals.
I. The Annals and the History of Tacitus are like two houses in ruins: dismantled of their original proportions they perpetuate the splendour of Roman historiography, as the crumbling remnants of the Coliseum preserve from oblivion the magnificence of Roman architecture. Some of the subtlest intellects, keen in criticism and expert in scholarship, have, for centuries, endeavoured with considerable pains, though not with success in every instance, to free the imperfect pieces from difficulties, as the priesthood of the Quindecimvirs, generation after generation, assiduously, yet vainly, strove to clear from perplexities the mutilated books of the Sibyls. I purpose to bring,—parodying a passage of the good Sieur Chanvallon,—not freestone and marble for their restoration, but a critical hammer to knock down the loose bricks that, for more than four centuries, have shown large holes in several places.
Tacitus is raised by his genius to a height, which lifts him above the reach of the critic. He shines in the firmament of letters like a sun before whose lustre all, Parsee-like, bow down in worship. Preceding generations have read him with reverence and admiration: as one of the greatest masters of history, he must continue to be so read. But though neither praise nor censure can exalt or impair his fame, truth and justice call for a passionless inquiry into the nature and character of works presenting such difference in structure, and such contradictions in a variety of matters as the History and the Annals.
The belief is general that Tacitus wrote Roman history in the retrograde order, in which Hume wrote the History of England. Why Hume pursued that method is obvious: eager to gain fame in letters,—seeing his opportunity by supplying a good History of England,—knowing how interest attaches to times near us while all but absence of sympathy accompanies those that are remote,—and meaning to exclude from his plan the incompleted dynasty under which he lived,—he commenced with the House of Stuart, continued with that of Tudor, and finished with the remaining portion from the Roman Invasion to the Accession of Henry VII. But why Tacitus should have decided in favour of the inverse of chronological order is by no means clear. He could not have been actuated by any of the motives which influenced Hume. Rome, with respect to her history, was not in the position that England was, with respect to hers, in the middle of the last century. All the remarkable occurrences during the 820 years from her Foundation to the office of Emperor ceasing as the inheritance of the Julian Family on the death of Nero, had been recorded by many writers that rendered needless the further labours of the historian. Tacitus states this at the commencement of his history, and as a reason why he began that work with the accession of Galba: Initium mihi operis Servius Galba iterum, Titus Vinius consules erunt; nam post conditam urbem, octingentos et viginti prioris aevi annos multi auctores retulerunt. (Hist. I. 1.) After this admission, it is absolutely unaccountable that he should revert to the year since the building of the City 769, and continue writing to the year 819, going over ground that, according to his own account, had been gone over before most admirably, every one of the numerous historians having written in his view, with an equal amount of forcible expression and independent opinion—pari eloquentia ac libertate. Thus, by his own showing, he performed a work which he knew to be superfluous in recounting events that occurred in the time of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero.
What authority have we that he did this? Certainly, not the authority of those who knew best—the ancients. They do not mention, in their meagre accounts of him, the names of his writings, the number of which we, perhaps, glean from casual remarks dropped by Pliny the Younger in his Epistles. He says (vii. 20), I have read your book, and with the utmost care have made remarks upon such passages, as I think ought to be altered or expunged. Librum tuum legi, et quam diligentissime potui, adnotavi, quae commutanda, quae eximenda arbitrarer. In a second letter (viii. 7) he alludes to another (or it might be the same) book, which his friend had sent him not as a master to a master, nor as a disciple to a disciple, but as a master to a disciple: neque ut magistro magister, neque ut discipulo discipulus … sed ut discipulo magister … librum misisti. That Tacitus was not the author of one work only is clear from Pliny in another of his letters (vi. 16) speaking in the plural of what his friend had written: the immortality of your writings:— scriptorum tuorum aeternitas; also of my uncle both by his own, and your works:—avunculus meus et suis libris et tuis. In the letter already referred to (vii. 20), Tacitus is further spoken of as having written, at least, two historical works, the immortality of which Pliny predicted without fear of proving a false prophet: auguror, nec me fallit augurium, historias tuas immortales futuras. From these passages it would seem that the works of Tacitus were, at the most, three.
If his works were only three in number, everything points in preference to the Books of History, of which we possess but five; the Treatise on the different manners of the various tribes that peopled Germany in his day; and the Life of his father-in-law, Agricola. Nobody but Fabius Planciades Fulgentius, Bishop of Carthage, supposes that he wrote a book of Facetiae or pleasant tales and anecdotes, as may be seen by reference to the episcopal writer's Treatise on Archaic or Obsolete Words, where explaining Elogium to mean hereditary disease, he continues, as Cornelius Tacitus says in his book of Facetiae; 'therefore pained in the cutting off of children who had hereditary disease left to them': Elogium est haereditas in malo; sicut Cornelius Tacitus ait in libro Facetiarum: 'caesis itaque motum elogio in filiis derelicto.' (De Vocibus Antiquis. p. 151. Basle ed. 1549). Justus Lipsius doubts whether the Discourse on the Causes of the Corruption of Latin Eloquence proceeded from Tacitus, or the other Roman to whom many impute it, Quintilian, for he says in his Preface to that Dialogue: What will it matter whether we attribute it to Tacitus, or, as I once thought, to Marcus Fabius Quinctilianus? … Though the age of Quinctilianus seems to have been a little too old for this Discourse to be by that young man. Therefore, I have my doubts. Incommodi quid erit, sive Tacito tribuamus; sive M. Fabio Quinctiliano, ut mihi olim visim? … Aetas tamen Quinctiliani paullo grandior fuisse videtur, quam ut hic sermo illo juvene. Itaque ambigo. (p. 470. Antwerp ed. 1607.) Enough will be said in the course of this discussion to carry conviction to the minds of those who can be convinced by facts and arguments that Tacitus did not write the Annals.
Chronology, in the first place, prevents our regarding him as the author. Though we know as little of his life as of his writings— and though no ancient mentions the date or place of his birth, or the time of his death,—we can form a conjecture when he flourished by comparing his age with that of his friend, Pliny the Younger. Pliny died in the year 13 of the second century at the age of 52, so that Pliny was born A.D. 61. Tacitus was by several years his senior. Otherwise Pliny would not have spoken of himself as a disciple looking up to him with reverence as to a master; the duty of submitting to his influence, and a desire to obey his advice:—tu magister, ego contra—(Ep. viii. 7): cedere auctoritati tuae debeam (Ep. i. 20): cupio praeceptis tuis parere (Ep. ix. 10); nor would he describe himself as a mere stripling when his friend was at the height of fame and in a proud position: equidem adolescentulus, quum jam tu fama gloriaque floreres (Ep. vii. 20); nor of their being, all but contemporaries in age: duos homines, aetate propemodum aequales (Ep. vii. 20). From these remarks chiefly and a few other circumstances, the modern biographers of Tacitus suppose there was a difference of ten or eleven years between that ancient historian and Pliny, and fix the date of his birth about A.D. 52.
This is reconcilable with the belief of Tacitus being the author of the Annals; for when the boundaries of Rome are spoken of in that work as being extended to the Red Sea in terms as if it were a recent extension—"claustra … Romani imperii, quod nunc Rubrum ad mare patescit (ii. 61),—he would be 63, the extension having been effected as we learn from Xiphilinus, by Trajan A.D. 115. It is also reconcilable with Agricola when Consul offering to him his daughter in marriage, he being then a young man: Consul egregiae tum spei filiam juveni mihi despondit (Agr. 9); for, according as Agricola was Consul A.D. 76 or 77, he would be 24 or 25. But it is by no means reconcilable with the time when he administered the several offices in the State. He tells us himself that he began holding office under Vespasian, was promoted by Titus, and still further advanced by Domitian: dignitatem nostram a Vespasiano inchoatam, a Tito auctam, a Domitiano longius provectam (Hist. i. 1). To have held office under Vespasian he must have been quaestor; to have been promoted by Titus he must have been aedile; and as for his further advancement we know that he was praetor under Domitian. By the Lex Villia Annalis, passed by the Tribune Lucius Villius during the time of the Republic in 573 after the Building of the City, the years were fixed wherein the different offices were to be entered on—in the language of Livy; eo anno rogatio primum lata est ab Lucio Villio tribuno plebis, quot annos nati quemque magistratum peterent caperentque" (xl. 44); and the custom was never departed from, in conformity with Ovid's statement in his Fasti with respect to the mature years of those who legislated for his countrymen, and the special enactment which strictly prescribed the age when Romans could be candidates for public offices:
"Jura dabat populo senior, finitaque certis
Legibus est aetas, unde petatur honos."
Fast. v. 65-6.
After the promulgation of his famous plebiscitum by the old Tribune of the People in the year 179 A.C., a Roman could not fill the office of quaestor till he was 31, nor aedile till he was 37,—as, guided by the antiquaries, Sigonius and Pighius, Doujat, the Delphin editor of Livy, states: quaestores ante annum aetatis trigesimum primum non crearentur, nec aediles curules ante septimum ac trigesimum;—and the ages for the two offices were usually 32 and 38.
From Vespasian's rule extending to ten years we cannot arrive at the date when Tacitus was quaestor; but we can guess when he was aedile, as Titus was emperor only from the spring of 79 to the autumn of 81.
Had his appointment to the aedileship taken place on the last day of the reign of Titus, he would then be but 29 years old; and though in the time of the Emperors, after the year 9 of our aera, there might be a remission of one or more years by the Lex Julia or the Lex Pappia Poppaea, those laws enacted rewards and privileges to encourage marriage and the begetting of children; the remission could, therefore, be in favour only of married men, especially those who had children; so that any such indulgence in the competition for the place of honours could not have been granted to Tacitus, he not being, as will be immediately seen, yet married. In order, then, that he should have been aedile under Titus,—even admitting that he could boast, like Cicero, of having obtained all his honours in the prescribed years—omnes honores anno suo—and been aedile the moment he was qualified by age for the office,—he must have been born, at least, as far back as the year 44.
This will be reconcilable with all that Pliny says, as well as with his being married when young; for he would then be 32 or 33, and his bride 22 or 23; for the daughter of Agricola was born when her father was quaestor in Asia—sors quaesturae provinciam Asiam dedit … auctus est ibi filiâ. (Agr. 9). Nor let it be supposed that a Roman would not have used the epithet young to a man of 32 or 33, seeing that the Romans applied the term to men in their best years, from 20 to 40, or a little under or over. Hence Livy terms Alexander the Great at the time of his death, when he was 31, a young man, egregium ducem fuisse Alexandrum … adolescens … decessit (ix. 17): so Cicero styles Lucius Crassus at the age of 34;—talem vero exsistere eloquentiam qualis fuerit in Crasso et Antonio … alter non multum (quod quidem exstaret), et id ipsum adolescens, alter nihil admodum scripti reliquisset. (De Orat. ii. 2): so also does Cornelius Nepos speak of Marcus Brutus, when the latter was praetor, Brutus being then 43 years of age:—sic Marco Bruto usus est, ut nullo ille adolescens aequali familiarius (Att. 8); to this passage of Nepos's, Nicholas Courtin, his Delphin editor, adds that the ancients called men young from the age of 17 to the age of 46; notwithstanding that Varro limited youth to 30 years:—a 17 ad 46 annum, adolescentia antiquitus pertingebat, ut ab antiquis observatum est. Nihilominus Varro ad 30 tantum pertingere ait. But Tacitus being born in 44 is not reconcilable with his being the Author of the Annals, as thus:—
Some time in the nineteen years that Trajan was Emperor,—from 98 to ll7,—Tacitus, being then between the ages of 54 and 73, composed his History. He paused when he had carried it on to the reign of Domitian; the narrative had then extended to twenty-three years, and was comprised in thirty books, if we are to believe St. Jerome in his Commentary on the Fourteenth Chapter of Zechariah:
Cornelius Tacitus … post Augustum usque ad mortem Domitiani vitas Caesarum triginta voluminibus exaravit. [Endnote 013] It was scarcely possible for Tacitus to have executed his History in a shorter compass;—indeed, it is surprising that the compass was so short, looking at the probability of his having observed the symmetry attended to by the ancients in their writings, and having continued his work on the plan he pursued at the commencement, the important fragment which we have of four books, and a part of the fifth, embracing but little more than one year. Whether he ever carried into execution the design he had reserved for his old age,—writing of Nerva and Trajan,—we have no record. But two things seem tolerably certain; that he would have gone on with that continuation to his History in preference to writing the Annals; and that he would not have written that continuation until after the death of the Emperor Trajan. He would then have been 73. Now, how long would he have been on that separate history? Then at what age could he have commenced the Annals? And how long would he have been engaged in its composition? We see that he must have been bordering on 80, if not 90: consequently with impaired faculties, and thus altogether disqualified for producing such a vigorous historical masterpiece; for though we have instances of poets writing successfully at a very advanced age, as Pindar composing one of his grandest lyrics at 84, and Sophocles his Oedipus Coloneus at 90, we have no instance of any great historian, except Livy, attempting to write at a very old age, and then Livy rambled into inordinate diffuseness.
II. The silence maintained with respect to the Annals by all writers till the first half of the fifteenth century is much more striking than chronology in raising the very strongest suspicion that Tacitus did not write that book. This is the more remarkable as after the first publication of the last portion of that work by Vindelinus of Spire at Venice in 1469 or 1470, all sorts and degrees of writers began referring to or quoting the Annals, and have continued doing so to the present day with a frequency which has given to its supposed writer as great a celebrity as any name in antiquity. Kings, princes, ministers and politicians have studied it with diligence and curiosity, while scholars, professors, authors and historians in Italy, Spain, France, England, Holland, Germany, Denmark and Sweden have applied their minds to it with an enthusiasm, which has been like a kind of worship. Yet, after the most minute investigation, it cannot be discovered that a single reference was made to the Annals by any person from the time when Tacitus lived until shortly before the day when Vindelinus of Spire first ushered the last six books to the admiring world from the mediaeval Athens. When it appeared it was at once pronounced to be the brightest gem among histories; its author was greeted as a most wonderful
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This index refers to page numbers in the published volumes. Documents subsequently added to the digital editions are marked with a +. Copies of the published volumes are available at a library near you, or may be purchased through this website or from Princeton University Press. The volumes are also available via two online platforms, the Rotunda version through the University of Virginia Press (subscription required) and the Founders Online version (free).
A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z
[jump to top]
[jump to bottom]
Laban (Old Testament figure), 6:564
Labaume, Eugène
Relation Circonstanciée de la Campagne de Russie, 10:214–10:215, 10:215n
La Bedoyere, Charles Angelique
execution of, 9:391–9:392
La Bergerie (J. Armstrong’s Hudson River estate), 5:8n
Labernardière, Mr.
French public official, 7:489
Labigarre. See Delabigarre, Peter
Labouchere, John Peter
identified, 15:478–15:479n
introduced to TJ, 15:478
letter from accounted for, 15:459n
Labouchère, Pierre César
as banker, 2:9, 2:245, 3:54, 3:105–3:106
family of, 15:478
La Brousse, Mr. de
Traité de la Culture du Figuier, suivi d’observations & d’expériences sur la meilleure maniere de cultiver, 2:82, 2:83n, 11:165
Lacépède, Bernard Germain Étienne de La Ville-Sur-Illon, comte de
analyzes bones for Institut de France, 1:101n, 1:250n
and Buffon’s Histoire Naturelle, 7:626
Histoire naturelle de l’homme, 1:250n
identified, 1:250n
letter from accounted for, 9:400n
letter from, 1:248–1:250
letter to, 8:321–8:323
mentioned, 3:221n, 5:601, 14:387, 17:98
rumored immigration to U.S. of, 9:359, 9:360n
sends greetings to TJ, 1:629, 20:446
and Société Linnéenne de Paris, 19:610
TJ forwards letter from, 1:249, 1:417
TJ introduces B. S. Barton to, 8:321, 8:325
TJ sends greetings to, 20:282
and TJ’s health, 20:99
Lacey, David R.
and University of Virginia, 17:636, 19:189
Lachryma Christi (wine), 13:28
Lackington, George
bookseller, 17:418, 17:420n, 18:459
Lackington, James
bookseller, 17:418, 17:420n
Lackington, Hughes & Company (London firm)
book catalogues of, 17:419, 17:419, 17:419
and books for TJ, 17:42–17:43, 17:196, 17:196n, 17:417–17:418, 17:419, 17:562, 17:562n, 18:71, 18:251
and books for University of Virginia, 17:418
identified, 17:197n
invoice from, 17:196–17:197, 17:563, 18:71, 18:203, 18:251
receipt from, 17:562n
Laclotte, Jean Hyacinthe, 2:445n, 5:86n
Lacon: or Many Things in Few Words; addressed to Those Who Think (C. C. Colton), 18:65, 18:119–18:120
Lacretelle, Jean Charles Dominique
Histoire de France, pendant Le Dix-Huitième Siècle, 15:26, 19:506
lectures of, 11:634
La Croix, Mr.
Abridgment of Universal History, 8:629, 8:632n
Lacroix, Irenée Amelot De, Baron de Vanden Boègard
identified, 4:375–4:376n
letters from accounted for, 4:376n
letters to, 4:375–4:376
seeks military appointment, 4:375–4:376, 4:376
Lacroix, Sylvestre François
Complément des élémens d’algèbre, 4:79, 4:80n
Cours de Mathematiques à l’usage de l’École Centrale des Quatres-Nations, 4:71–4:72, 4:72n, 4:79, 5:14, 5:36, 8:640, 8:670, 8:685, 8:686, 9:60
Traité élémentaire de trigonométrie rectiligne et sphérique et d’application de l’algèbre à la géométrie, 4:79, 4:80n
writings of, 4:370, 14:168, 20:469
Lactantius, Lucius Caecilius Firmianus (early Christian author), 7:25, 16:189, 16:196, 16:258
Lacy, Benjamin
and Limestone Survey lawsuit, 18:373, 19:64, 20:171n
Lacy, David R.
and University of Virginia, 20:195
Lacy, Stephen H.
and P. Piernet’s estate, 3:466–3:467, 3:467–3:468, 3:472n, 3:652–3:653, 4:42, 4:43n, 4:81–4:82, 4:166n, 5:99, 5:116–5:118, 5:217, 5:333–5:334
and P. Piernet’s will, 5:332
Ladd, Thomas
and Gilliam v. Fleming, 1:304, 1:305, 1:306–1:307, 1:329–1:330, 1:331, 1:362–1:363, 1:364–1:365, 1:591, 1:608, 2:123, 2:368, 2:396–2:397, 2:403, 2:407, 2:425, 2:447, 2:448, 2:464–2:465, 2:465–2:466, 2:674–2:675, 3:44–3:45, 3:45, 3:84, 3:85–3:86
identified, 1:307n
letters from, 1:329–1:330, 2:674–2:675
letters from accounted for, 3:45n
letters to, 1:306–1:307, 2:464–2:465, 3:45
Ladvocat, Jean Baptiste
Dictionnaire Historique et Bibliographique Portatif, 1:580, 10:234, 10:237n, 12:582
Lady Monroe (brig), 15:63, 15:119, 15:120, 15:262, 15:300, 15:362, 15:362n
“The Lady of the Wreck; or, Castle Blarneygig: a poem” (G. Colman), 7:60, 7:62n
lady-slipper, 1:436–1:437n
Laertius. See Diogenes Laertius
Laet, Joannes de
Nieuwe wereldt, ofte Beschrijvinghe van West-Indien, 2:503n, 2:503n, 2:511
“Lætitia Lookabout” (pseudonym)
A Sketch of the Rights of Boys and Girls, 18:228, 18:229n
La Fare, Charles Auguste, 7:665
Lafayette, Adrienne de Noailles, marquise de (Lafayette’s wife)
dowry of, 2:10, 2:12, 2:13
mentioned, 2:16, 12:300n
Lafayette, Françoise Émilie Destutt de Tracy (Lafayette’s daughter-in-law), 2:17, 9:664n, 10:509n, 18:428, 19:230
Lafayette, George Washington (Lafayette’s son)
family of, 9:69, 17:254, 17:255
inheritance of, 2:14
as legislator, 9:68, 9:69n, 18:427, 18:428
marriage of, 2:16, 2:17, 9:664n, 10:509n
mentioned, 3:447
sends greetings to TJ, 3:106, 4:359, 17:255
Lafayette, Gilbert Motier de (1380-1462) , 2:12–2:13
Lafayette, Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
J. Adams on, 6:287
aids L. Pio, 14:259–14:260
and American Revolution, 2:10–2:11, 3:314, 3:315n, 4:434, 8:266, 11:283, 12:247, 15:277, 19:101, 19:118, 19:122, 19:130, 19:131n
attempts to emancipate African slaves, 2:11
and C. G. G. Botta, 20:369, 20:370, 20:498
and Bureaux de Pusy family, 4:155, 5:71, 5:72n
bust of, at Monticello, 15:li, 15:383
and chestnuts, 4:322
and I. A. Coles, 1:269–1:270, 1:528
correspondence with S. Bernard, 18:300
correspondence with TJ, 17:278, 19:230, 20:289
description of his finances, 2:10–2:26, 3:213, 3:214n, 3:446, 3:447n, 12:248
and Destutt de Tracy, 1:270, 8:266, 9:484, 9:663–9:664, 10:289, 10:291, 10:323–10:324, 10:603, 11:283, 12:248, 13:414, 14:108, 16:137, 16:420, 16:485, 18:428–18:429, 19:101, 20:288, 20:369–20:370
and Destutt de Tracy’s commentary on Montesquieu, 4:54, 4:202, 4:446, 9:377, 10:61–10:62, 10:62n, 10:62, 10:80, 10:81, 10:154, 10:290, 12:248, 14:108
and P. S. Du Pont de Nemours, 9:484
as electoral candidate, 12:38–12:39, 12:246, 12:248n, 13:568
and events in Europe, 16:135–16:136, 16:493, 17:253–17:254, 18:426, 18:426–18:427, 18:427, 19:489, 20:285, 20:368–20:369
and events in France, 7:536–7:541, 9:67–9:68, 9:376–9:377, 10:323, 10:324, 11:281–11:282, 12:245–12:247, 14:108, 16:135–16:137, 16:493, 17:254, 18:426, 18:427, 20:368–20:369
and events in U.S., 19:101–19:102, 20:285–20:286, 20:368
family of, 1:629, 5:212, 5:215n, 7:349, 7:537, 7:542, 9:69, 9:484, 9:664n, 10:323, 10:392, 10:507, 10:509n, 10:549–10:550, 12:248, 16:137, 17:254, 17:369, 18:428, 19:230, 20:369–20:370, 20:370, 20:370n
as farmer, 9:484, 9:667
finances of, 1:376, 1:628, 2:8–2:9, 2:10–2:18, 2:243–2:245, 2:287–2:288, 2:310, 2:418, 3:54–3:55, 3:212, 3:213, 3:445–3:446, 7:15, 7:349, 20:482
on freedom, 10:324
and French Revolution, 8:262, 17:363, 17:366, 17:366, 17:370–17:371, 17:371
friendship with F. Wright, 18:429, 19:609, 20:286–20:287, 20:370
and A. Gallatin, 10:323, 18:429–18:430
and J. Garnett’s family, 20:514
and Greek independence, 18:427–18:428
and R. H. Harrison’s Revolutionary War service, 18:134, 18:135n, 18:160–18:161
health of, 10:392, 12:38, 17:254, 19:102
identified, 1:270–1:271n
and Indian vocabularies, 9:373n, 12:294, 12:295–12:296n
introduces R. A. Barba, 17:255, 17:540, 17:541, 17:559, 17:559n
introduces S. Bernard, 10:391–10:392, 11:139–11:140, 11:180
introduces F. S. Constancio, 19:229, 19:230, 19:230
introduces J. Corrêa da Serra, 4:359
introduces M. L. Descaves, 11:282
introduces E. de Vendel, 16:521, 16:521n
introduces G. Flower, 9:679, 10:299, 10:559, 10:560, 10:560, 10:592, 11:124
introduces E. Grouchy, 9:13, 12:105–12:106
introduces M. A. Jullien, 7:215, 12:229
introduces J. Lakanal, 9:300, 10:276, 18:580
introduces Montlezun, 10:396
introduces E. Vail, 18:299–18:300, 18:302n
and M. A. Jullien’s proposed biography of T. Kosciuszko, 14:50, 16:87
and T. Kosciuszko monument, 17:415n
land of, in La., 1:270n, 1:529, 1:628, 2:8, 2:9, 2:15, 2:16, 2:17–2:18, 2:33–2:34, 2:72–2:73, 2:243, 2:244, 2:245, 2:418, 3:54, 3:105–3:106, 3:212–3:213, 3:248, 3:314, 3:445, 4:29–4:31, 4:359, 4:649–4:650, 5:68–5:69, 5:69n, 5:212–5:214, 5:215n, 7:541, 9:301n, 12:248
on Latin American revolutions, 4:359, 7:14–7:15
and J. B. Lefevre, 2:74, 2:75n
as legislator, 9:68, 9:69n, 9:376–9:377, 14:260, 17:254, 17:255n, 18:428
letter from to an Unidentified Correspondent, 7:542–7:544
letters from, 1:269–1:271, 1:528–1:530, 1:627–1:629, 2:7–2:9, 2:242–2:246, 2:287–2:288, 2:310, 3:54–3:55, 3:105–3:106, 3:211–3:214, 3:444–3:447, 4:155, 4:358–4:359, 4:649–4:650, 5:68–5:69, 5:212–5:215, 7:215, 7:536–7:542, 9:13–9:14, 9:67–9:69, 9:300–9:301, 9:376–9:377, 9:484, 9:679, 10:323–10:324, 10:391–10:392, 11:281–11:283, 12:245–12:249, 16:135–16:137, 17:253–17:255, 18:425–18:431, 19:230–19:231, 19:609, 20:367–20:370
letters from accounted for, 18:302n, 19:609n
letters from TJ forwarded to, 14:107, 14:202, 17:65
letters from mentioned, 2:512, 9:304, 11:528, 11:581, 13:254
letters to, 3:313–3:315, 4:29–4:31, 4:36, 7:13–7:16, 8:261–8:268, 8:478–8:479, 10:62–10:64, 11:353–11:355, 13:413–13:415, 14:108, 16:493–16:494, 17:50, 17:114–17:115, 17:219, 19:101–19:102, 20:285–20:287
letters to mentioned, 4:33
T. Lyman introduced to, 11:294, 11:294n, 11:355, 11:357, 11:360
and J. Madison, 18:429
medallion of, 18:162
memoir of, 8:478
mentioned, 3:114, 3:512, 3:538, 5:189, 9:96, 9:201, 10:253, 12:105, 12:230, 16:27, 17:265, 17:347
and merino sheep, 2:39, 7:404
on neutral powers, 2:242
and D. Parker (of Paris), 10:323
plans to visit U.S., 18:300
plans to write TJ, 4:325, 7:505
and P. Poinsot’s consular ambitions, 16:52
and J. L. Poirey’s military service claims, 12:299, 12:300n, 12:355n, 13:140, 13:141n, 13:414, 13:435, 14:108, 14:111, 14:199, 16:494
portraits of, 8:239, 10:398, 18:162
proposed biography of, 8:478–8:479, 19:427
recommends L. P. G. de Lormerie, 1:342
recommends F. De Masson, 8:250, 8:251n
retirement of, 9:69, 9:300, 9:301n, 9:377, 10:323
and B. Rivadavia, 12:621
sends dogs, 1:376, 1:457, 6:511
sends greetings to TJ, 3:198
sends merino sheep, 1:529, 1:537–1:538, 1:629
sends works to TJ, 16:137, 19:609, 20:286
and W. Short, 5:215n, 19:230
and slavery in U.S., 16:493–16:494, 17:254–17:255, 18:425–18:426
and South American independence, 9:391, 11:354–11:355, 12:247–12:248, 16:493, 18:425, 20:369
speeches of, 16:137, 17:254, 17:255n
Madame de Staël Holstein on, 5:450, 11:117, 11:118n
and Madame de Tessé, 1:528, 1:593–1:594, 1:627, 7:35, 7:536
G. Ticknor carries letter to, 9:560, 11:281
TJ forwards letter of , 8:482
TJ introduces T. P. Barton to, 17:98, 17:114–17:115, 17:115
TJ introduces L. H. Girardin to, 8:478–8:479
TJ introduces W. B. Lawrence to, 17:219, 17:219–17:220
TJ introduces Mr. Wilson to, 17:50
TJ on, 3:504, 11:174, 14:108, 17:219–17:220, 17:340, 19:101
TJ sends greetings to, 3:443, 3:444n
and TJ’s health, 14:31, 16:135, 16:493, 20:285, 20:287, 20:370
toasts honoring, 17:289
travels of, 2:11, 2:13, 2:16
and U.S. peace commission, 7:542–7:543
visits U.S., 20:482
works sent to, 13:568n
Lafayette, Oscar Thomas Gilbert du Motier de (Lafayette’s grandson)
birth of, 9:69
Laffitte, Jacques
election of, 12:39
Laffitte, Jacques, & Compagnie (Paris firm). See Jacques Laffitte & Compagnie (Paris firm)
Lafitau, Joseph François
Mœurs des Sauvages Ameriquains, 5:122–5:123, 5:125n, 5:182, 6:324
Lafite, Château (wine), 9:513
Lafões, João Carlos de Bragança de Sousa Ligne Tavares Mascarenhas da Silva, duque de, 12:153
Lafolie, Charles Jean
Mémoires Historiques relatifs a la fonte et a l’élévation de la Statue Équestre de Henri IV sur le terre-plein du Pont-Neuf a Paris, 15:393n
Lafon, Bartholemew
“Plan of the City and Environs of New Orleans,”, 2:525, 3:486, 3:488n
La Fontaine, Jean de
in collegiate curriculum, 7:665
fables of, 14:614, 14:615n, 19:147, 19:149n
on Plato, 7:454
La Forest. See Mathurin, Antoine René Charles, comte de La Forest
La Gasca y Segura, Mariano
seeks professorship in U.S., 15:156–15:157n
Lagrange. See Bouillon-Lagrange, Edme Jean Baptiste
La Grange (Lafayette’s French estate), 1:270n, 1:529, 2:15, 2:17, 7:540, 7:541, 9:69, 10:323, 18:302n
Lagrange, Joseph Louis
praised, 7:661
referenced, 20:581
Théorie des Fonctions Analytiques, 13:314n, 20:292
La Grange, Nicolas de
edits and translates Lucrece, [De la Nature des Choses] Traduction Nouvelle, avec des Notes (Lucretius), 14:511
translates Oeuvres de Séneque le philosophe (Seneca), 10:233, 10:236–10:237n, 12:534, 14:511
La Grange et de Fourilles, Adélaïde Blaise François Le Lièvre, marquis de, 1:372
La Harpe, Benard de
“Journal historique Concernant l’Etablissement des françois à la Louisianne” , 9:445–9:446, 9:447n, 9:516, 9:518, 9:518n, 9:658, 9:658–9:659n, 9:710, 12:156, 12:157n, 12:294–12:295, 12:295, 12:296n, 12:331–12:332, 12:371
Journal Historique de l’Établissement des Français a la Louisiane (ed. A. L. Boimare), 9:659n
La Harpe, Frédéric César de
as educator, 16:60
tutor of Alexander I, 7:506, 8:671n, 9:110–9:111
La Harpe, Jean François de
J. Adams reads, 11:268
Correspondance Littéraire, 10:589
criticism of, 10:13
Lycée ou Cours De Littérature Ancienne Et Moderne, 7:26
writings of, 6:302, 7:481, 10:306
Lahay (Lahy), Michael
and University of Virginia, 16:308, 17:623, 17:629n
Lahontan, Louis Armand de Lom d’Arce, baron de
New Voyages to North-America, 10:486
Laibach, Congress of, 17:253, 17:253, 17:255n
Lakanal, Joseph
identified, 9:268n
introduced by Lafayette, 9:300, 10:276, 18:580
introduced by A. Thoüin, 9:267–9:268
letter from, 10:107–10:109
letter to, 10:276–10:277
moves to Ky., 9:267–9:268, 9:300, 10:107, 10:276
as president of Orleans College, 18:580
proposed book of, 10:107–10:108, 10:276–10:277
Lake Champlain
fort on, 11:568, 11:569n
natural history of, 7:357
proposed canal to, 11:219n, 11:259, 11:280–11:281
Vt. militia crosses, 8:112, 8:112n
Lake Erie
O. H. Perry’s naval victory on, 6:524, 6:524n, 6:531, 6:546n, 7:11, 7:14, 7:56, 7:57n, 7:88, 7:89n, 8:259, 8:263
proposed canal to, 3:459–3:460, 3:597–3:598, 4:160, 4:161n, 11:219n, 11:259, 11:280–11:281, 11:339, 11:357–11:358, 11:358n, 11:360, 11:364–11:365, 11:376–11:377, 11:415, 11:434–11:435, 11:448
steamboats on, 12:401, 12:402n
survey on, 3:437
and War of 1812, 7:531, 18:311, 20:488, 20:566
Lake George, N.Y.
W. Short on, 8:687
Lake Ontario
proposed canal to, 3:459–3:460
and War of 1812, 7:10, 7:14, 7:531
Lake Superior
copper mines along, 12:411, 12:453–12:454, 12:454n
Lalande, Joseph Jérôme Le Français de
J. Adams on, 9:527, 10:7
Astronomie, 4:244, 4:244n, 7:626, 10:235
as educator, 16:325
Histoire des Mathématiques, 6:381, 7:250, 7:626, 10:235, 12:344
and W. Lambert’s calculations, 4:253, 4:260, 5:249
mentioned, 7:480, 18:356
praised, 7:661
Tables de Logarithmes pour les Nombres et Pour les Sinus, 13:342–13:343n, 13:358, 13:394, 13:394, 13:474, 13:474, 13:474, 13:474–13:475n, 13:476, 13:477n, 13:524, 13:561, 13:561, 14:215, 15:133, 15:160
TJ on, 15:232
Lallemand, François Antoine, baron, 1:372
La Luzerne, Anne César, chevalier de, 10:115, 10:117n, 17:330, 17:344, 17:376n, 17:377n
La Luzerne, César Henri, comte de
as government minister, 17:357, 17:364, 17:364, 17:364, 17:368–17:369, 17:369, 17:377n
Lamarck, Jean Baptiste Pierre Antoine de Monet de
Encyclopédie Méthodique: Botanique, 17:546, 17:546–17:547n
Histoire Naturelle des Animaux sans Vertèbres, 12:33, 14:168
praised, 7:661
works of, 11:192, 12:33
La Marck, Marie Françoise Augustine Ursule Le Danois de Cernay, comtesse de, 2:10
lamb, 14:383, 14:632
Lamb, George
translates The Poems of Caius Valerius Catullus (G. V. Catullus), 17:535
Lamb, John Fergusson
identified, 18:105n
letter from, 18:105
and medical education at University of Virginia, 18:105
Lambarde, William
Archaionomia, 7:126, 7:127
Eirenarcha: or Of the office of the Iustices of peace, 3:546
Lambert, John
letters to, 4:164
as U.S. senator, 4:163, 4:164n, 11:182
Lambert, William
Abstracts of Calculations, to ascertain the Longitude of the Capitol, in the City of Washington, 12:86, 13:314, 13:314n, 18:505
and American Philosophical Society, 5:251, 5:311, 7:436, 7:437n, 7:486
astronomical calculations, 2:54, 2:55n, 4:634–4:637, 5:311, 18:505, 18:505–18:510, 18:528, 18:539, 19:628
calculates latitude and longitude of U.S. Capitol, 4:275, 4:651–4:660, 12:86, 18:287, 18:314, 18:505, 18:508, 18:528, 18:539, 18:539–18:545, 19:628
calculates Monticello’s longitude, 4:235–4:236, 4:239, 4:246, 4:247–4:266, 4:276, 4:368, 4:369, 4:402–4:406, 4:407, 8:455, 8:456n
clerk of the House of Representatives, 1:275, 1:359n, 1:512
congratulates TJ, 1:54–1:55, 1:237–1:238
and domestic manufactures, 1:560–1:562
on House of Representatives, 1:274–1:275, 1:534–1:535
identified, 1:54–1:55n
and latitude calculations, 3:367n
letters from, 1:54–1:55, 1:274–1:276, 1:356–1:359, 1:489–1:498, 1:534–1:535, 1:539–1:540, 1:560–1:562, 2:54–2:55, 2:60–2:68, 2:337–2:338, 2:398–2:399, 2:566, 3:285, 4:235–4:236, 4:275–4:276, 4:402–4:406, 4:407–4:408, 4:634–4:637, 4:651–4:660, 5:245–5:251, 7:436–7:437, 12:86, 14:559, 18:287, 18:505, 18:528–18:529, 18:539, 19:33, 19:208–19:209, 19:210–19:211, 19:628–19:629
letters from accounted for, 2:68n
letters to, 1:237–1:238, 1:511–1:512, 2:541, 4:368–4:369, 18:314, 18:515, 19:197–19:201
letters to accounted for, 2:54–2:55n, 14:559n
lunar calculations, 1:539–1:540, 1:540–1:554, 2:54, 2:60–2:68, 5:245–5:251, 18:505, 18:505–18:510, 18:528, 18:539, 18:539–18:545
and Message from the President of the United States, transmitting a Report of William Lambert, on the subject of the Longitude of the Capitol of the United States. January 9, 1822, 18:287, 18:314, 18:508, 18:543–18:544, 19:211, 19:211n
ode for Fourth of July by, 2:399, 2:400–2:401
and prime meridian, 1:275–1:276, 1:356–1:358, 1:359n, 1:489–1:498, 1:511–1:512, 1:534–1:535, 2:54, 2:55n, 2:337–2:338, 2:398–2:399, 2:541, 2:566, 3:285, 3:367n, 18:314, 19:211, 19:628–19:629
proposes reformation of Gregorian calendar, 7:436–7:437, 7:486
as State Department clerk, 14:559
Table for Computing the Moon’s Motion, with Explanations, 1:540–1:554, 1:571–1:572, 1:608–1:609, 1:609n
Table of Logarithms, 19:33, 19:33–19:36
and TJ’s method of calculating longitude and latitude, 19:197–19:201, 19:208–19:209, 19:210–19:211
To the Critical Reviewers of Boston, 3:285
and University of Virginia, 18:287, 18:505, 18:510, 18:515, 18:528–18:529, 18:539, 19:33
and western exploration, 19:211
Lamberti, Thomas
letter from, 14:271
plans trip to New Orleans, 14:271
requests loan from TJ, 14:271
Lambrecht, Mr.
and Lafayette, 7:537
Lameth, Alexandre Théodore Victor
and French Constitution of 1791, 17:370
and French Revolution, 8:504, 8:508n
Lameth, Charles Malo François, 8:504, 8:508n
Lamétherie, Jean Claude de
as geologist, 2:551, 2:552n
Théorie de La Terre, 8:429, 8:429, 8:429–8:430n
writings of, 14:168
Lamoignon, Chrétine François de
as keeper of the seals, 17:358, 17:378n
La Motte, François Claude Adam. See Delamotte, François Claude Adam
La Motte, Jeanne de Saint Remy de Valois, comtesse de
Vie de Jeanne de St. Remy de Valois, ci-devant Comtesse de La Motte (included in Book of Kings compiled by TJ; see also Book of Kings), 8:33, 8:34n, 8:240
works on, 8:309, 8:310n
lampblack, 16:8, 17:7, 18:50, 19:15
Lampredi, Giovanni Maria, 7:688
lamps
alabaster, 1:190, 1:309, 20:126
at Bell Rock lighthouse, 4:362–4:363
W. Lewis’s, 12:378, 12:380n, 13:5
used in lighthouses, 18:185, 18:216
safety, 11:501
as scientific equipment, 20:611, 20:611, 20:612, 20:612, 20:637, 20:638
spirit, 20:612, 20:613n
Lancaster, Joseph
The British System of Education, 9:443n, 9:502, 9:503n, 9:529
educational system of, 10:45, 10:336, 10:338, 10:390–10:391, 10:481, 10:482n, 12:39, 12:402n, 16:29n, 16:60, 16:325, 17:388, 18:142, 20:375
Improvements in Education, 1:662, 1:662n, 9:530n
Lancaster Schuylkill Bridge, 16:34, 16:34–16:35n
Lance, William
identified, 4:106n
letters from, 4:105–4:107
letter to, 4:175+
letters to accounted for, 4:107n
An Oration, delivered on the Fourth of July, 1816, In St. Michael’s Church, S. C. by appointment of the ’76 Association, 11:530n
and Seventy-Six Association, 4:105, 4:106n, 4:175+
Lancelot, Claude
as grammarian, 19:407, 19:409n, 20:546, 20:548n
Le Jardin des Racines Greques, 10:234
A New Method Of learning with Facility the Latin Tongue (trans. T. Nugent), 17:536, 17:537n
A New Method Of learning with greater Facility the Greek Tongue (trans. T. Nugent), 17:536, 17:537n, 20:527, 20:527n
The Primitives of the Greek Tongue (trans. T. Nugent), 10:358, 12:313, 12:356, 17:536, 17:537n
land conveyances. See indentures
Landon, Charles Paul
Description de Paris et de ses Édifices, 12:107
edits Annales du Musée et de l’école moderne des beaux-arts, 12:107
Landriot
French publisher, 13:343n
Landrum, Mr.
and J. Monroe’s Highland estate, 19:397
Landsdown, Lord. See Lansdowne, Henry Petty-Fitzmaurice, 3d Marquess of
Lane, Mr. (boatman), 20:252, 20:382
Lane, John
death of, 17:609n
visits J. W. Eppes, 12:7
Lane, Ralph, 11:293+, 11:293n+
Lane, Sally (Sarah) Eppes (John Wayles Eppes’s sister; John Lane’s wife)
business affairs of, 17:608, 17:609n
visits J. W. Eppes, 12:7
Lane, Samuel
assaulted by J. Dougherty, 14:544–14:545
as commissioner of public buildings, 12:196, 12:278, 12:278, 12:520, 12:641, 14:545, 15:320–15:321n
Lane & Smiths (Baltimore firm), 20:633
Lane’s Ordinary (Fairfax Co.), 1:52n, 8:290
Langdon, John
biography of proposed, 15:546–15:547
correspondence with TJ, 15:496, 15:497, 15:510–15:511, 15:546
correspondence with S. Ringgold, 19:331, 19:332n
death of, 15:235
family of, 20:631
as governor of N.H., 2:348
identified, 2:231–2:232n
letters from, 2:230–2:232
letters to, 2:274–2:277, 7:365
as member of Continental Congress, 6:184n
and political situation, 2:230–2:231, 2:274–2:277
TJ introduces W. C. Rives to, 7:365
TJ on, 13:25
TJ sends batture pamphlet to, 4:624
Lange, Abraham
Augusta Co. innkeeper, 13:230, 13:231, 13:232, 13:519
identified, 13:519–13:520n
letter from accounted for, 13:599n
letters to, 13:519–13:520, 13:599
letter to accounted for, 13:520n
and seeds for TJ, 13:519, 13:599
Langhorne, Frances Steptoe, 12:237n
Langhorne, John
Letters Supposed to have passed between M. De St. Evremond and Mr. Waller, 19:506, 19:509n
translates Lives (Plutarch), 1:580
Langhorne, William
translates Lives (Plutarch), 1:580
Langland, William
The Vision of Pierce Plowman, 1:390, 1:397n, 9:633, 9:633n
Langley, Batty
Pomona: or, The Fruit-Garden Illustrated, 2:82, 11:165
Langon (wine), 9:513
language See also Anglo-Saxon (Old English) language; English language; French language; German language; Greek language; Italian language; Latin language; Spanish language
Arabic, 8:3, 8:5
books on
books on French, 2:27n, 5:557
books on Spanish, 2:32n
bound pamphlets on, 13:456, 13:457n
Catalan, 12:47
Chinese, 1:518, 1:518n, 7:480, 13:124, 13:124n, 13:142
collegiate education in, 12:3–12:4, 12:76, 12:76, 12:85, 12:120, 12:124, 12:150, 12:201, 12:204, 12:467, 13:301, 14:150, 14:345–14:346, 14:347–14:348, 14:517, 14:519, 14:589–14:590, 16:628, 16:629n, 19:558–19:559, 19:570, 20:154, 20:457, 20:512
Coptic, 8:3
Danish, 13:237
Erse, 16:85n
French training of T. J. Randolph, 1:520, 1:557
Gaelic, 7:560, 7:561n, 8:3
Hebrew, 7:715, 8:5, 9:652, 13:570, 13:570n, 14:269, 17:466
Indian (American), 1:205, 1:269, 1:520–1:521, 1:555–1:557, 1:599n, 1:651–1:652, 3:596, 3:596, 3:596–3:597, 3:616, 7:181, 7:182n, 7:243, 7:281, 9:65, 9:65–9:66, 9:372–9:373, 9:373n, 10:377, 10:377, 10:444, 10:445, 11:126–11:127, 11:454, 12:171, 12:172, 12:236, 12:250, 12:250–12:251, 12:294, 12:295n, 12:295–12:296n, 12:331, 12:385–12:386, 12:386n, 12:636n, 12:637, 13:90, 13:90, 13:90, 14:132n, 16:79, 16:79–16:85, 16:107–16:109, 16:109–16:110, 16:118, 16:118–16:120, 16:132–16:133, 16:133, 16:261–16:262, 16:459, 18:198, 18:225, 18:356, 19:348, 20:514n
Irish, 16:85n
neology, 7:209, 7:514, 9:632–9:633, 13:96, 16:194–16:195, 16:571
Persian, 8:6, 11:351, 11:351n, 11:441
philosophy of, 15:223–15:224
and phonics, 2:306–2:307, 2:308n
Portuguese, 13:238
Punic, 7:560, 7:561n
Russian, 1:556, 7:480
Sanskrit, 7:480, 8:3
sign, 1:662, 1:662n
study of, 5:359+, 7:357, 7:480, 7:481n, 7:658, 7:660–7:661, 7:666, 7:686, 8:3, 10:370–10:372, 10:516, 10:542, 12:15–12:16, 12:249–12:250, 12:259, 12:291–12:292, 16:29n, 16:65, 16:65, 16:77, 16:325, 18:9, 18:225, 20:87, 20:292, 20:292
Swedish, 13:237, 16:109, 16:109–16:110
TJ on study of, 4:162–4:163, 7:243, 7:447, 7:637, 7:638, 7:640, 7:641, 8:13, 8:341, 9:372–9:373, 9:626
TJ on translation, 9:353, 9:354n
translations by TJ, 3:11–3:15, 3:21–3:23, 3:652, 10:594
translations by D. B. Warden, 1:142
Welsh, 16:85n
Lania (TJ’s slave; b. 1805)
on Monticello slave lists, 4:388, 12:303
L. Annæi Flori Epitome Rerum Romanarum (L. A. Florus; ed. J. G. Graevius), 14:511
Lannes, Jean, Duc de Montebello, 1:371, 1:372
Lannes, Louise Antoinette, Duchesse de Montebello
and D. B. Warden, 7:490, 7:491n
Lansdowne, George Granville, Baron
correspondence of, 17:460n
Lansdowne, Henry Petty-Fitzmaurice, 3d Marquess of
British politician, 7:541, 15:469, 15:470n
Lansdowne, William Petty, 2d Earl of Shelburne and 1st Marquess of
family of, 15:469, 15:470n, 15:470n
on taxation, 7:299
lanterns, 1:303, 12:378, 12:380n, 13:5, 18:185, 18:216
Lantier, Étienne François
Voyages d’Antenor en Grèce et en Asie, avec des notions sur l’Égypte, 20:115n, 20:282
Lanusse, Paul, 6:436
Lapa, Manoel de Almeida e Vasconcellos, Visconde da
Portuguese official, 19:356
La Pérouse, Jean François de Galalup, comte de
Voyage de La Pérouse autour du Monde, 1:445–1:449
Lapie, Pierre
Carte réduite de la Mer Méditerranée et de la mer Noire, 1:247–1:248, 15:579, 15:579n
Laplace, Pierre Simon, marquis de
Americans correspond with, 4:196
Analyse du Traite de Mécanique Céleste de P. S. Laplace (J. B. Biot), 13:314n
as astronomer, 9:85, 12:442, 12:619, 14:153
error of detected, 4:634
Exposition du Systême du Monde, 1:348, 1:349n, 1:357, 1:491, 13:342, 13:359, 13:494, 13:525, 20:500, 20:520, 20:530
mentioned, 14:323, 20:292, 20:581
praised, 7:661
Traité de Mécanique Céleste, 12:566n, 13:342, 13:359, 13:494, 13:525, 14:45, 17:410, 20:469
A Treatise of Celestial Mechanics (trans. H. H. Harte) , 20:633
J. Wood’s book sent to, 2:171
works of, 20:582
Laporte, Alexander
letter from accounted for, 14:273n
Laporte, Arnaud de
as government minister, 17:364
Laporte, E.
letter from accounted for, 18:257n
Laporte, Peter (Victoire Laporte’s husband) See also Laporte’s boardinghouse (Charlottesville)
family of, 14:210, 14:274, 14:294, 14:425, 14:425, 14:438, 15:239, 15:239n, 15:243, 15:484, 17:119–17:120, 17:231–17:232
finances of, 16:77, 16:78n, 16:190n, 18:256
health of, 15:484
and J. B. Herard, 15:266
identified, 14:273n
letters from, 14:383, 14:528, 14:571–14:572, 15:270, 15:484
letters to, 14:272–14:273, 14:382–14:383, 15:280
patents of, 17:119–17:120, 17:149–17:150, 17:232n
T. M. Randolph as security for, 17:156
requests loan of carriage, 15:484
tavern of, 13:230, 13:230, 13:231, 13:232, 14:425, 15:141, 15:142n
TJ as security for, 15:270, 15:280, 15:379n, 15:397, 15:397n, 17:156, 17:176
TJ’s debt to, 15:425, 15:426, 16:366n, 16:376n
travels of, 17:119–17:120
and University of Virginia, 16:475, 16:479
visits Monticello, 15:141
Laporte, Victoire (Peter Laporte’s wife)
identified, 17:120n
letters from, 17:119–17:120, 17:231–17:232, 18:256–18:257
letters from accounted for, 17:120n, 17:232n, 18:257n
letter to, 17:149–17:150
requests assistance from TJ, 18:256–18:257
seeks information on husband, 17:119–17:120, 17:149–17:150, 17:231–17:232
TJ provides credit for, 17:176, 17:212n, 17:232
Laportea canadensis. See nettle, wood
La Porte Du Theil, François Jean Gabriel de
translates Théatre d’Æschyle (Aeschylus), 15:26, 15:490, 15:491n
Laporte’s boardinghouse (Charlottesville) See also Laporte, Peter
advertisement for, 14:425, 15:109, 15:109n
bedding for, 14:383n, 14:425, 14:528, 15:378
boarders at, 14:210, 14:268, 14:274, 14:294, 14:383n, 14:472, 14:517, 14:519, 14:525–14:526, 14:640, 15:12, 15:270, 15:280, 16:24
charges for boarding at, 14:272, 14:294, 14:383n, 14:425, 14:439, 15:270, 15:280, 15:378, 15:379n, 16:24
closing of, 16:77, 16:190n
fare served at, 14:382, 14:383n, 14:383, 14:425, 14:425
French language spoken at, 14:210, 14:274, 14:294, 14:425, 14:425, 14:438–14:439, 14:512, 14:517, 14:519, 14:525–14:526, 14:571, 15:141, 15:241, 15:243
location of, 16:26n
misbehavior of boarders, 15:140–15:141, 15:500n
opening of, 14:210, 14:261, 14:272–14:273, 14:294, 14:383n, 14:383n, 14:425
Laporte’s Tavern (Augusta Co.), 13:230, 13:230, 13:231, 13:232, 14:425
lard
in New Englanders’ diet, 14:420
price of, 17:26
as scab remedy, 5:182n
sent to TJ, 12:324, 13:566, 15:311, 16:470–16:471
La Révellière Lépeaux, Louis Marie de, 10:44
Large, Daniel
and hydrostatic engines, 7:232
La Rivière. See Le Mercier de La Rivière, Paul Pierre
La Roche, Martin Lefèbvre de (abbé), 3:9, 3:17, 3:87, 3:89n, 3:330
La Rochefoucauld, Alexandrine Charlotte Sophie de Rohan-Chabot, duchesse de. See Castellane, Alexandrine Charlotte Sophie de Rohan-Chabot, marquise de
La Rochefoucauld, François de
J. Adams on, 6:228, 6:287, 6:296
criticized, 7:220
on marriage, 7:403, 7:405n
maxims of, 9:433, 9:434n, 19:505
La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, François Alexandre Frédéric, duc de
friendship with J. L. Guillemard, 9:134, 9:135n
friendship with J. de Lespinasse, 14:30
reports to Louis XVI, 17:366, 17:378n
La Romana, José Caro, marquês, 2:247, 2:248n
La Rouërie, Armand Charles Tuffin, marquis de, 2:74
La Rue, Charles de
edits Opera. Interpretatione et Notis (Virgil; Delphin edition), 8:660, 9:274, 9:464, 9:538, 9:639, 13:33, 13:33, 13:47, 13:47
Lasalle, Philippe de, 2:591
La Salle, René Robert Cavelier de
and settlement of La., 9:445, 9:479, 10:627, 11:460n
travels of, 20:164
Las Cases, Emmanuel Auguste Dieudonné Marin Joseph, comte de (A. Le Sage)
Atlas Historique, Généalogique, Chronologique et Géographique, 3:552, 3:552n, 3:578
Genealogical, chronological, historical, and geographical atlas, 4:325–4:326, 4:326n, 5:7, 5:83, 5:114, 5:211, 5:436, 7:90
Memorial de Sainte Helene. Journal of the Private Life and Conversations of the Emperor Napoleon at Saint Helena, 19:546, 19:547n, 19:569, 19:584, 19:669, 20:329, 20:348, 20:349, 20:349n, 20:481
Mémorial de Sainte-Hélène, ou Journal ou se trouve consigné, jour par jour, ce qu’a dit et fait Napoléon durant dix-huit mois, 19:517, 19:517n, 19:546, 20:155
work of sent to M. J. Randolph, 5:7, 5:436, 7:90
La Serna de Santander, Carlos Antonio
Catalogue des Livres de la Bibliotheque de M. C. de la Serna Santander, 8:559, 8:561, 8:562n
owns Bollandist manuscript, 8:559, 8:561
Last Day. A Poem In Three Books (Young), 6:297
Lasteyrie du Saillant, Louis, marquis de (Lafayette’s son-in-law), 2:17
Lasteyrie du Saillant, Virginie, marquise de (Lafayette’s daughter)
family of, 17:254, 17:255n, 18:428, 19:230, 19:231n
sends greetings to TJ, 4:359
Lasteyrie-Dusaillant, Charles Philibert, comte De
agricultural report of, 2:83
Du Cotonnier et de sa Culture, 1:37, 2:83, 11:164
Du Pastel, de l’indigotier, 3:461–3:462, 10:471
identified, 3:115n
introduces G. Flower, 9:667, 10:299, 10:559, 10:560, 10:592, 11:124
letters from, 3:114–3:115, 3:461–3:462, 9:667–9:669
as lithographer, 9:667
sends books on arts and sciences, 3:114, 3:115n, 3:461–3:462
sends greetings to TJ, 1:141
Traité sur les Bêtes-à-Laine d’Espagne, 2:83, 11:164
A Treatise on the Culture, Preparation, History and Analysis of Pastel, or Woad (trans. H. A. S. Dearborn), 3:462n, 10:471
Lastri, Marco Antonio
Corso di agricoltura, 11:164
Latham, William
identified, 17:97n
letter from, to W. Maury, 17:97
and J. Maury’s consulship, 17:96, 17:97, 17:509
as J. Maury’s partner, 5:253, 5:253n, 17:96
Latimer, George
recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461
Latimer (Latemer), W. G.
and University of Virginia, 19:54
Latin America
religion in, 16:590
revolutions in, 4:359, 7:14–7:15, 7:29, 12:247–12:248, 16:528–16:529
TJ on liberation of, 7:14–7:15, 7:29–7:30, 10:373–10:375
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:506, 4:508
Latin and English Dictionary abridged (R. Ainsworth), 1:35, 17:221
Latin language
applicants to teach at University of Virginia, 16:426, 16:502, 19:443, 20:414
of G. Buchanan, 2:215
collegiate education in, 12:3–12:4, 12:33, 12:120, 12:120, 12:509, 13:195, 13:195–13:196, 13:214, 13:215–13:216, 13:218, 13:233, 13:278, 13:402, 14:132, 14:551, 14:589, 17:376n, 19:42, 19:44n, 20:458
dictionaries, 6:387, 8:660, 9:274, 9:274, 9:276, 9:277n, 10:235, 10:235, 10:237n, 10:358, 12:439, 14:193, 14:221, 14:240, 14:258, 14:265, 14:266, 14:286, 15:450, 15:452n, 17:211, 17:221
documents in, by
T. de Bry, 7:614–7:615
T. J. O’Flaherty, 19:443–19:444
S. G. Tucker, 1:617–1:619
elementary education in, 13:195–13:196, 13:215, 17:231, 17:541, 19:590
and etymology, 16:224, 16:257
E. Everett on, 20:546–20:547
glossaries, 13:342, 13:358, 13:394, 13:474, 13:494, 13:561
letters in, from
F. Glass, 18:552–18:554
pronunciation of, 14:153
and Randolph family, 19:454n
study of, 3:327–3:328, 3:372, 3:501, 4:131, 4:372, 4:648, 6:65, 7:447, 7:658, 7:659, 7:660–7:661, 7:662–7:663, 7:666, 7:685–7:686, 8:13, 8:200, 8:446–8:447, 8:449n, 8:482, 8:482, 8:513, 8:514, 9:251, 9:607, 9:626, 10:358, 10:358, 10:664, 11:112, 11:233, 11:261, 11:409, 11:625, 11:626–11:627, 13:237, 13:537, 14:251, 14:257–14:258, 14:276, 14:280, 14:294, 14:323, 14:351, 14:425, 14:438, 14:516, 14:519, 14:566n, 15:242n, 16:29n, 16:280, 16:329, 16:329–16:330, 18:79n, 18:161, 18:399, 18:556, 18:659, 20:279, 20:364
thesauri, 17:535
TJ on, 7:447, 9:607–9:608, 11:252, 12:206, 14:629–14:631, 18:79n
TJ quotes proverb in, 19:112n
TJ studies, 17:309–17:310
verses in requested, 9:264–9:266, 9:374–9:375
works in, 16:208–16:209, 16:219, 16:236–16:237, 16:258, 16:290, 16:290n, 16:330, 16:393, 16:530, 18:32, 18:242n, 18:278, 18:552–18:553, 18:554n, 18:583–18:584, 19:478, 19:669, 19:696, 20:323
latitude
and calculation of longitude, 15:288, 18:505, 19:199, 19:208
calculations for Monticello, 9:70, 9:415, 11:40, 12:618
calculations for Natural Bridge, 9:26n, 9:36, 9:36n
calculations for Peaks of Otter, 9:18, 9:36, 9:36, 9:36–9:37n, 9:173, 13:385, 13:385n
calculations for Poplar Forest, 3:361–3:367, 3:563+, 9:245–9:246, 10:514–10:515
calculations for U.S. Capitol, 18:287, 18:540, 18:543–18:544, 18:545, 19:35–19:36
calculations for Willis’s Mountain, 10:xlvii–10:xlviii, 10:571–10:572
W. King’s method of calculating, 12:643–12:644, 13:84–13:85, 13:119–13:120
logarithms for calculating, 19:35–19:36
and maps of Va., 16:99, 16:100
of Norwich, Vt., 9:241
and political boundary lines, 15:276n, 19:23, 19:66–19:67, 19:67, 19:68n
TJ’s method for calculating, 19:200–19:201
and western exploration, 19:197, 19:198, 19:211
Latour, Chatêau (wine), 9:513
Latour, Géraud Calixte Jean Baptiste Arsène Lacarrière
Historical Memoir of the War in West Florida and Louisiana in 1814–15, 9:129n
identified, 9:103n
letter from, 9:103
letter to, 9:128–9:129
Proposals, for Publishing by Subscription, The History of the War in Louisiana & West Florida, 9:103, 9:103n, 9:128–9:129
witnesses deed, 3:478n
La Tour-du-Pin Gouvernet, Jean Frédéric, comte de
as government minister, 17:368
La Tour-Maubourg, Anastasie, comtesse de (Lafayette’s daughter)
family of, 18:428, 18:428
inheritance of, 2:17
marriage contract with, 2:16
sends greetings to TJ, 4:359
La Tour-Maubourg, Célestine de (Lafayette’s granddaughter) , 17:254, 17:255n
La Tour-Maubourg, Charles, comte de (Lafayette’s son-in-law), 2:17
La Tour-Maubourg, Marie Charles César de Fay, comte de
and French Constitution of 1791, 17:370, 17:378n
Latreille, Pierre André, 14:387
La Trémoïlle, Marie Geneviève de Durfort, duchesse de, 2:10, 2:15
Latrobe, Benjamin
J. Bruce introduced to, 11:613
Latrobe, Benjamin Henry
and alterations to U.S. Capitol’s design, 8:595–8:596, 8:596n
and Annapolis naval depot, 12:519
Anniversary Oration, 3:624, 3:625n
and J. Barlow’s letter, 5:576, 5:577n
and E. F. Bond’s application, 5:525, 5:526n
and builders’ prices, 12:159, 12:196, 12:278, 12:519–12:520, 13:612
and capitals (architectural), 1:473, 1:475n, 1:595, 10:xlvii, 10:350, 10:350 (illus.) , 10:350, 10:351n, 10:510–10:511, 10:511 (illus.) , 11:xlv–11:xlvi, 11:232 (illus.) , 11:481, 11:481n, 11:481n, 11:535, 11:572, 12:143
and carving for TJ, 4:66, 4:459, 5:206–5:207
and Central College craftsmen, 11:535, 11:571, 11:571, 11:602, 11:610–11:611
and Central College design, 11:315, 11:431–11:432, 11:453, 11:479–11:480, 11:481n, 11:535, 11:563, 11:564–11:565, 11:586–11:587, 11:610–11:612, 11:649–11:650, 12:72–12:73, 12:94, 12:143, 12:638, 13:57–13:58
and Chesapeake and Delaware Canal, 16:33
and Columbian Institute for the Promotion of Arts and Sciences, 11:144n, 11:144n
on conflict with TJ, 8:592–8:593
death of, 19:90
designs houses in Philadelphia, 4:63–4:64
designs Richmond penitentiary, 17:326
drawings by, 2:39, 2:40n, 2:106, 3:535–3:536, 3:537n, 3:581–3:582, 3:590–3:591, 8:594 (illus.) , 8:595 (illus.) , 12:72–12:73, 12:94, 12:143
edits J. Bruce’s work, 11:612–11:613, 11:614n
and expenses at U.S. Capitol, 5:205, 5:207n, 5:238, 5:239n
family of, 11:613, 11:614n, 12:72, 12:94, 12:519
to find work for J. Dougherty, 1:199
furnishes President’s House, 1:43n
health of, 10:510, 12:519, 12:639
identified, 1:474–1:475n
letters from, 1:473–1:475, 3:534–3:538, 3:624–3:625, 4:63–4:67, 5:205–5:207, 8:591–8:596, 10:510–10:511, 11:453, 11:479–11:481, 11:563–11:565, 11:571–11:572, 11:610–11:615, 12:72–12:73, 12:143, 12:196, 12:278, 12:519–12:521, 12:638–12:639
letters to, 1:595–1:596, 3:555–3:557, 4:459, 5:238–5:239, 8:479–8:480, 10:350–10:351, 11:431–11:432, 11:534–11:536, 11:586–11:588, 11:602, 11:649–11:650, 12:94, 12:159, 13:57–13:58
letter to, from W. Thackara, 12:278–12:279
mentioned, 6:216, 12:166
and J. Monroe, 12:520, 12:638–12:639, 12:639
Opinion on a Project for Removing the Obstructions to a Ship Navigation to Georgetown, Col., 12:521
oversees work at Washington Navy Yard, 4:64, 5:206
and payment for Italian sculptors, 1:78n, 1:113, 1:114n
A Private Letter to the Individual Members of Congress, 3:537n
and proposed marine hospital, 5:178, 5:179n, 5:206
proposed visit to Monticello, 1:366, 1:474, 1:595–1:596, 11:535, 11:565
as reference, 14:652
relocates to Washington, 8:591
resigns from work on U.S. Capitol, 12:196, 12:278, 12:638, 12:639, 12:643n, 13:58
seeks office, 7:165–7:166
and steamboats, 7:56–7:57, 8:591, 11:565, 11:565n
students of, 7:165–7:166, 7:166n
TJ recommends carpenters to, 8:479–8:480, 8:592
and TJ’s sundial, 10:xlvii, 10:350, 10:350 (illus.) , 10:350, 10:510, 11:432
and window glass for TJ, 2:80, 2:188, 2:346, 2:362, 5:298
works on Baltimore Merchants’ Exchange, 12:196
works on U.S. Capitol, 1:65, 1:92, 1:474n, 3:534–3:537, 3:555–3:556, 4:64–4:66, 4:67n, 5:205–5:206, 5:238, 5:359+, 8:479–8:480, 8:591–8:596, 10:510–10:511, 11:480–11:481, 12:143, 12:520–12:521, 12:638, 12:639–12:643, 19:226
Latrobe, Henry Sellon Boneval
as assistant clerk, 1:65n
death of, 12:72, 12:94
Latrobe, Mary Elizabeth Hazlehurst (Benjamin Henry Latrobe’s wife)
greetings from, 5:207, 8:596
Lattimer, Nancy
signs petition, 18:146
Lattimore, Hannah
signs petition, 18:146
Latting, Jacob
claims of against Spain, 12:142
identified, 12:142n
letter from, 12:142
Laud, William, archbishop of Canterbury, 5:387, 5:389, 6:145, 6:228
Lauffeld, Battle of (1747)
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:504
Launay, Bernard René Jourdan de
execution of, 17:365, 17:366
“Launcelot Light” (pseudonym)
A Sketch of the Rights of Boys and Girls, 18:228, 18:229n
Laurence, Mr. (sloop captain), 11:204
Laurence, John
and University of Virginia, 20:204, 20:226, 20:230
Laurens, Henry
diplomatic service of, 17:329
family of, 7:28
relationship with B. Franklin, 13:466
Laurent, Simon, 3:235, 3:237n, 3:484
Laurentii Vallæ de linguae Latinae Elegantia (L. Valla), 17:535
Laurie, Robert
A New Juvenile Atlas, and familiar introduction to the use of maps, 8:76, 8:77n, 8:78n
Laurie & Whittle (London firm)
map engravers, 7:70n
Laval, John
account with TJ, 14:384, 14:423, 14:467–14:468, 14:472, 15:425, 15:440, 15:463, 15:490, 16:40n, 17:403, 17:443, 17:526, 17:535, 18:358, 18:375, 18:376, 18:447, 18:529, 19:696, 20:481, 20:520
and books for TJ, 11:283–11:284, 14:221–14:222, 14:240, 14:266, 14:276, 14:351, 14:384, 14:423, 14:467–14:468, 14:505, 14:552, 15:440, 15:490, 15:503–15:504, 15:594, 15:607, 16:25, 16:40, 17:403, 17:443, 17:526, 17:535, 17:535–17:537, 18:73, 18:123, 18:197, 18:202, 18:358, 18:375, 18:376, 18:439, 18:447, 18:487, 19:517, 19:546, 19:569, 19:584, 19:669, 19:696, 19:696n, 20:64, 20:100, 20:101, 20:158–20:159, 20:182, 20:186, 20:329, 20:330n, 20:348–20:349, 20:349n, 20:481, 20:500, 20:520, 20:530
and N. G. Dufief’s business, 11:241, 11:247, 11:283–11:284, 13:513, 14:221–14:222, 14:467–14:468, 14:505, 18:376
identified, 11:284n
letter from accounted for, 15:504n
letters from, 11:283–11:284, 13:513, 14:240–14:241, 14:351, 14:467–14:468, 14:552, 15:440, 15:503–15:504, 15:607–15:608, 16:40, 17:443, 17:535, 18:123–18:124, 18:202, 18:375–18:376, 18:447, 18:529, 19:546–19:547, 19:584, 19:696, 20:158–20:159, 20:329–20:330, 20:481, 20:520
letters to, 14:221–14:222, 14:266, 14:276, 14:384, 14:423, 14:505, 15:463, 15:481, 15:490–15:491, 15:594, 16:25, 17:403, 17:526, 18:73, 18:197, 18:358, 18:439, 18:440, 18:487, 19:517, 19:569, 19:669, 20:101, 20:182, 20:348–20:349, 20:500, 20:530
letters to accounted for, 14:552n, 19:696n, 20:330n
payment made for TJ, 20:159, 20:329
as publisher, 19:546–19:547, 19:569
TJ pays, 15:481, 18:487, 18:487, 18:491, 19:696n, 20:500
TJ’s correspondence with, 18:440
Lavalette, Antoine Marie Chamans, comte de
escapes from prison, 12:95
La Vallière, Françoise Louise de la Baume Le Blanc de
print of, 11:403
La Vauguyon, Paul François de Quélen de Stuer de Caussade, duc de
as government minister, 17:357, 17:364
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:504
lavender
alternative names for, 10:215, 10:218n
grown in France, 10:216
qualities of, 10:216, 10:217
sent by S. Cathalan, 10:215, 10:216, 11:406, 11:531, 13:565, 13:585
Lavergné, Celestino , 5:85n
Lavoisier, Antoine Laurent
theories of, 10:68–10:69, 12:518, 18:625, 18:626n
Traité Élémentaire de Chimie, 7:626, 10:234, 20:469
law See also Virginia: laws of
agrarian, 4:168
books on, 1:158, 1:416, 2:28, 2:51, 2:103, 2:104n, 2:420, 2:521, 2:676, 2:676, 2:677, 3:173–3:176n, 3:236–3:237n, 3:546–3:547, 5:176, 5:176n, 5:245, 6:45, 6:122, 6:372, 6:374, 6:412–6:413, 6:445, 6:477, 6:479, 6:598, 7:125–7:127, 7:146–7:148, 7:228, 7:249, 7:249–7:250, 7:257–7:258, 7:292, 7:292n, 7:627–7:628, 7:683, 8:40, 8:151, 8:152n, 8:175, 8:179, 8:231, 8:235, 8:244, 8:285, 8:301, 8:328, 8:348–8:349, 8:388, 8:399, 8:630, 8:630, 8:630, 8:672, 8:672, 8:673n, 9:107, 9:107n, 9:129, 10:235, 10:390, 10:404, 10:404n, 10:417, 10:417, 10:428–10:429, 10:438, 10:452, 10:457, 10:486, 10:557n, 10:564–10:565, 10:569, 10:572, 10:617, 10:625, 11:352, 12:291, 12:291, 12:291, 12:337, 12:337, 12:364, 12:364, 12:400, 13:33, 13:47, 13:53, 13:53, 13:100, 13:107, 13:368–13:369, 13:369n, 14:78, 14:133, 14:146, 14:147n, 14:165, 14:166, 14:219, 14:222, 14:240, 14:445, 15:340, 15:391, 16:45, 16:162, 16:168–16:169, 16:211–16:212, 16:239, 16:240, 16:240, 16:241, 16:241, 16:260–16:261, 16:286, 16:364, 16:486, 16:499, 16:504n, 16:615, 16:640–16:642, 17:197, 17:210, 17:233, 17:402, 17:402n, 17:419, 17:419, 17:450, 17:450n, 17:538, 17:563, 18:239, 18:329, 18:330n, 18:334, 18:334–18:335, 18:335, 18:362, 18:367, 18:374, 18:381, 18:418n, 18:418n, 18:418n, 18:442–18:443, 18:446, 18:446n, 18:463, 18:467, 18:468n, 18:473, 18:473, 18:475, 18:488, 18:559, 18:580, 19:116, 19:402, 19:436, 19:437, 19:453, 19:459–19:460, 19:460–19:461n, 19:488–19:489, 19:672, 19:684, 19:687, 20:115n, 20:118, 20:118–20:119, 20:165–20:166, 20:261, 20:282, 20:288, 20:308n, 20:312, 20:314, 20:373n, 20:410, 20:411, 20:422
bound pamphlets on, 8:630, 13:456
British, 5:135–5:136, 7:125–7:127, 7:146–7:148, 7:190–7:191, 7:257, 7:688, 10:101, 10:557n, 10:564–10:565, 10:625, 11:369–11:370, 11:433, 16:640–16:642, 18:531, 19:97–19:98, 19:100n, 19:420
British sympathies of attorneys, 7:57–7:58, 7:248–7:249
chancery, 16:641
civil, 2:357, 2:521, 2:522, 2:526, 2:527, 2:678, 2:679, 3:31, 4:477, 7:688, 8:483–8:484, 10:302
collegiate education in, 7:480, 7:663, 7:668, 12:4, 12:26, 12:27, 12:76, 12:124, 12:333, 13:195, 13:195, 13:214, 13:214, 13:298–13:299, 13:403, 14:459, 16:628, 16:629n, 17:101, 17:328, 17:328, 19:570, 19:583, 19:633
common, 1:381–1:382, 2:357, 2:521, 2:522, 2:527, 2:532, 3:117, 3:144, 3:165, 4:293, 4:296–4:297n, 4:297–4:298, 4:300–4:301, 5:58–5:59, 5:135–5:136, 7:125–7:127, 7:146–7:148, 7:190–7:191, 7:217, 10:190–10:191, 11:369–11:370, 11:433, 14:219, 18:467, 18:468n, 20:473
compilations proposed, 7:257–7:258
and constitutions, 20:534–20:544
criminal, 1:382, 1:384n, 7:374–7:378
of distribution, 10:190–10:191, 10:192n
doom book, 7:125
P. S. Du Pont de Nemours on, 4:330–4:332
ecclesiastical, 16:642, 19:165
endorsement, property, and replevin, 9:277–9:278, 9:278n, 9:279–9:280, 10:190–10:191, 10:302, 18:364, 18:365–18:366n, 18:550, 18:576n
estate, 19:413–19:414, 19:649–19:650
feudal, 3:174–3:175n, 7:688
French, 2:676, 2:678, 3:47–3:48, 3:71, 3:73n, 3:130–3:132, 3:159–3:160, 3:203, 3:226–3:227, 3:236–3:237n, 4:477, 4:643n, 5:45–5:47, 5:576, 5:576–5:577n, 7:688
on gambling, 18:460, 18:580–18:581
Gentoo Code, 7:219, 7:221n
of Great Britain, 1:382, 1:424, 4:293, 4:294, 4:296–4:297n, 4:297–4:298, 4:299–4:300, 4:302n, 5:137n, 8:525, 8:526, 8:527n, 16:196, 16:603
and habeas corpus, 20:280
insolvency, 14:237
international, 16:296n, 16:642, 19:165, 19:406–19:407
Jewish, 3:124–3:125, 3:165
and judicial review, 1:380, 8:525–8:526, 16:287, 16:288, 16:288, 16:289n, 16:353–16:354, 16:483, 16:489, 18:364–18:365, 18:365–18:366n, 18:367, 18:367n, 18:378–18:379, 18:550–18:551, 18:576n, 18:576n, 20:119n
jurisprudence, 11:368–11:370, 11:432–11:434, 16:603
jus gentium principle, 10:627
and Latin writings, 14:630
Laws of Manu, 7:219, 7:221n
legal profession, 7:273, 12:465, 13:50, 16:557, 16:603, 20:414
legal writing, 12:16
Magna Carta, 7:67, 7:125, 7:126, 16:619
marital, 8:374, 8:376n
maritime, 7:688, 7:688n, 16:642, 19:165, 20:299n, 20:304n
martial, 1:571, 3:120–3:121, 10:422–10:423, 10:423n, 18:384
medical, 17:236
natural, 3:138–3:139, 3:142, 3:144, 10:557–10:558, 10:594, 12:441, 14:43, 16:296n
and perjury, 10:428–10:430, 10:497–10:499
professional education in, 7:639, 7:640, 7:688
and punishment of criminals, 12:484, 12:517, 14:78, 16:499, 20:164–20:165
T. M. Randolph on careers in, 17:304–17:305
Roman, 2:676, 3:47–3:48, 3:130–3:131, 3:133, 3:151n, 3:174n, 3:175n, 3:176n, 3:236n, 3:237n, 3:546, 4:502, 4:643n, 16:641, 19:165
Salic, 9:317
Spanish, 2:471, 2:678, 3:71, 3:160–3:161, 3:175n, 4:477, 4:643n, 18:239
study of, 3:276, 7:688, 8:341, 8:341, 8:342, 11:11, 14:550, 16:162, 16:495, 17:275–17:276, 17:493, 18:230n, 18:303, 18:475, 18:488, 18:488–18:489, 18:580, 19:116, 19:164–19:165, 19:166n, 19:436, 19:608n, 19:645n, 20:146, 20:261, 20:261, 20:499, 20:632
TJ on attorneys, 7:129, 7:248–7:249, 19:650
TJ on study of, 4:162, 7:626, 7:627–7:628, 7:628, 16:65, 16:640–16:642, 17:494, 18:334–18:335, 19:488–19:489, 20:410
TJ provides legal advice, 9:27–9:28, 9:42–9:43n, 9:44, 9:72–9:73, 9:93–9:94, 9:120–9:121, 10:190–10:191, 11:146–11:147, 11:478, 11:479, 11:485, 11:486, 11:514–11:520, 11:520n, 11:538, 11:538–11:539, 11:542, 14:246, 14:251, 14:254, 14:255, 14:646, 17:269–17:270, 19:649–19:650
TJ provides training in, 1:245, 1:389, 1:416, 2:28, 2:51, 2:77n, 2:259, 2:420
TJ refuses to intervene in case, 10:406–10:407
TJ studies, 17:310, 17:311
TJ’s legal commonplace book, 7:125, 7:130n, 7:151n, 7:190–7:191
and tyranny, 14:201
University of Virginia professorship of, 20:290, 20:297, 20:303, 20:322, 20:322, 20:322–20:323, 20:340–20:341, 20:363, 20:458, 20:468, 20:473–20:474
usury, 15:260, 15:261, 15:350–15:351, 15:352n, 16:445, 16:491
in utopian societies, 19:378–19:380
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502, 4:503
and the West, 3:423–3:424
Law, Edmund
and Columbian Institute for the Promotion of Arts and Sciences , 11:144n
health of, 19:431
Law, Edward, 1st Earl of Ellenborough
and alleged remarks on TJ by C. J. Fox, 3:261n, 3:261–3:262, 4:234
family of, 3:261n, 3:262n
Law, Elizabeth Parke Custis (Thomas Law’s wife), 3:209n
Law, John (d. 1729)
Mississippi scheme of, 6:586, 6:593n, 9:407
Law, John (d. 1822), 19:431, 19:431n
Law, Jonathan
identified, 1:95n
letters from, 1:95
letters to, 1:126–1:127
and meeting of Conn. Republicans, 1:95, 1:126–1:127
Law, Thomas
Additional Facts, Remarks, and Arguments. Illustrative of the Advantage to the People of the United States, of a National Circulating Medium, 19:202, 19:202n, 19:225
amanuensis for, 19:202, 19:225
on Anglo-American relations, 4:234
on banks and banking, 6:578, 6:592, 6:594, 6:649, 6:649, 7:468, 8:475
on British economy, 7:468
and Columbian Institute for the Promotion of Arts and Sciences, 11:143, 11:148–11:149
on education, 7:342
on European political economy, 7:467–7:468
family of, 19:431, 19:431n
and Federalist criticism of TJ, 4:234
Homo’s Letters on a National Currency, addressed to the People of the United States, 11:61, 11:62n
identified, 3:209n
on interest-bearing treasury notes, 6:534, 6:578, 6:592, 6:594, 6:649, 7:468
introduces J. J. Chapman, 19:431
introduces C. D. Crommelin and J. van Lennep, 16:564
introduces F. Hall, 10:594
letter from to J. Wagner, 3:261–3:262
letters from, 3:209, 3:261, 3:552, 4:234–4:235, 6:534, 6:649, 7:342, 7:467–7:469, 8:231–8:232, 8:475, 10:594, 11:61–11:62, 11:143–11:144, 11:165–11:166, 16:564–16:565, 19:431
letters to, 3:298–3:299, 3:578–3:579, 6:594, 7:412–7:416, 11:148–11:149, 19:225
and National Institution for the Promotion of Industry, 16:564
and New York Unitarians, 16:170
and promotion of domestic interests, 19:431
Second Thoughts on Instinctive Impulses, 7:342, 7:342n, 7:412, 7:468n
sends letter to TJ, 8:231
sends prospectus to TJ, 3:552, 3:552n, 3:578–3:579
sends respects to TJ, 7:308–7:309
sends works to TJ, 11:61, 11:165–11:166, 19:202, 19:225
taxation policy of, 4:234, 4:235n
Thoughts on Instinctive Impulses, 3:209, 3:261, 3:298, 3:578, 3:579n, 7:467, 7:468n
Law Academy of Philadelphia, 17:141
Lawfeld. See Lauffeld, Battle of
Lawler, James
wheat of, 11:537n
Lawler, Matthew
recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461
Law of Nations. See Le Droit des Gens, ou, Principes de la loi naturelle, appliqué à la conduite & aux affaires des nations & des souverains (E. von Vattel)
The Law of Nature (Volney), 8:668, 8:669n, 18:75, 18:126, 18:167, 18:176
Law of Orleans. See A Digest of the Civil Laws Now in Force in the Territory of Orleans (L. Kerr and L. Moreau Lislet)
Law, or, A Discourse Thereof, In foure Bookes (H. Finch), 7:147–7:148
Lawrance, John
and University of Virginia, 16:479
Lawrence, Abraham R.
and New York City customhouse, 19:499n
Lawrence, David (sloop captain), 11:216
Lawrence, Esther R. Gracie (William Beach Lawrence’s wife)
travels of, 17:202–17:203, 17:203n
Lawrence, James
biography of proposed, 19:427
quoted, 18:57, 18:60n
TJ quotes, 9:330, 9:331n, 18:333, 18:334n
Lawrence, John
and University of Virginia, 19:47, 19:52n, 20:556
Lawrence, Sir William
Lectures on Physiology, Zoology, and the Natural History of Man, 17:535, 17:537n
Lawrence, William Beach
identified, 16:555n
introduced to TJ, 16:555
letter from, 17:202–17:203
letter to, 17:219–17:220
seeks letters of introduction from TJ, 17:202–17:203, 17:219–17:220
TJ introduces to Lafayette, 17:219
visits Monticello, 16:555, 17:202–17:203
Laws of Harvard College, 20:377, 20:378n
The Laws of Las Siete Partidas (trans. L. Moreau Lislet and H. Carleton), 3:53n, 3:160–3:161, 3:168, 18:239
Laws of the College of South-Carolina, 19:450, 19:450–19:451n, 19:539
Laws of the State of New-York, respecting Navigable Communications between The Great Western and Northern Lakes and the Atlantic Ocean, 11:281n
The laws of the United States of America (Z. Swift), 2:521
Laws of the United States of America, from the 4th of March, 1789, to the 4th of March, 1815 (J. B. Colvin), 8:151, 8:152n, 8:179, 12:400
Lawson, Alexander
engraving by, 9:352n, 10:200 (illus.) , 10:201n
identified, 10:201n
Lawson, Robert
Revolutionary War service of, 15:193, 15:194
Lawson, Sarah
boardinghouse of, 3:552
Lawur, Peter
letters from accounted for, 1:677
laxatives, 7:387
Lay, Amos
Map of the Northern Part of the State of New York, 5:263n, 5:306n, 5:581
Lazaria (Maria) (TJ’s slave; b. 1797)
on Monticello slave lists, 4:388, 12:303
Lazzerini, Bartolommeo
and P. Mazzei’s will, 9:675
Lea, Isaac See also H. C. Carey & I. Lea (Philadelphia firm)
identified, 18:481–18:482n
Leach, William Elford
as reference for C. S. Rafinesque, 17:89, 17:89
as zoologist, 16:568
lead
architectural ornaments of, 18:494, 18:494, 18:630, 19:liii, 19:277, 19:477, 19:488, 19:513, 19:514–19:515, 19:520, 19:520–19:522, 19:523, 19:567, 20:219
bar, 18:43, 19:13
as building material, 15:96, 15:100, 19:185, 19:189, 19:191n, 20:555
from Great Britain, 13:381
manufacture of, 2:376
mines, 12:544n
in N.Y., 8:209n
sheet, 19:185, 19:189, 19:191n
for shot, 8:96, 8:113n+, 8:120, 8:121, 8:121, 12:544
for sundials, 11:176
tubing, 20:638
white, 1:55n, 1:77, 5:33, 6:111, 15:101, 17:6, 17:7, 18:44, 18:174, 19:15, 19:277, 19:277, 19:277
Leake, Josiah
as subscription agent, 15:452–15:453n, 16:363
Leake, Mask, 16:646
Leake, Samuel
identified, 16:647n
land claim of, 16:646–16:647, 17:30
letter from, 16:646–16:647
letter to, 17:30
Leake, Walter, 2:211
Leake, William Martin
Researches in Greece, 9:197n
Leamy, John
recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461
Leander (British warship), 1:228n
Lear, Benjamin Lincoln
education of, 6:158–6:159, 6:208
identified, 17:500n
and T. Kosciuszko’s estate, 12:315n, 17:443, 17:485, 17:497, 17:497n, 17:498–17:500, 17:501n, 17:510, 17:513, 17:533, 17:533n, 17:550, 20:52
letter from, 17:498–17:501
letter to, 17:513–17:514
visits Monticello, 20:52
Lear, Frances Dandridge Henley (Tobias Lear’s wife)
mentioned, 6:208, 6:208
sends greetings to TJ, 6:159
TJ sends greetings to, 6:209
Lear, Tobias
as consul at Algiers, 6:159–6:160n, 6:164, 11:661, 11:663n, 20:578–20:579
death of, 10:496, 10:496n
identified, 6:159n
letters from, 6:157–6:160
letters to, 6:208–6:209
and proposed visit to TJ, 6:158, 6:208
son’s education, 6:158–6:159, 6:208
A learned commendation of the politique lawes of England (J. Fortescue), 17:419
leather
buckskin clothing, 20:452
for chairs, 16:573
hides, 15:451
map drawn on, 8:238, 16:36
shaving machines, 11:240
for shoes, 6:345, 6:345, 6:346, 6:346, 6:347, 6:348, 8:234, 18:410
tanning, 8:411, 9:29, 9:30n, 16:460, 16:589, 18:410
TJ buys, 9:254, 9:604, 18:49, 18:318n
for University of Virginia, 15:97, 15:100, 20:210, 20:212
Leavenworth, Mark, 3:542, 3:543n
Leavitt, Dudley
identified, 7:407–7:408n
letters from, 7:407–7:408
Table for Determining the Moon’s Quarters, 7:407, 7:408–7:409
Le Baron, Francis
appointment of, 6:28n
Leblanc, Guillaume
translates Dionis Nicæi, rerum Romanarum a pompeio magno, ad Alexandrum Mamææ filium Epitom (Cassius Dio; ed. J. Xiphilinus), 10:233
le Blanc (Siblong) de Villeneufve, Paul Louis
La Fête du Petit Blé; ou, L’Heroisme du Poucha-Houmma, 1:202, 1:203n, 1:509
LeBourdais, Mr., 1:557
Le Bourgeois, Mr., 2:244
Le Breton, John
British army officer, 8:221
Le Breton Deschapelles, Louis Césaire
and batture controversy, 10:668–10:669
identified, 10:669n
letter from, 10:668–10:669
Le Breton D’orgenoy, Francis Joseph. See D’orgenoy, Francis Joseph Le Breton
Le Brun, Charles
identified, 18:96–18:97n
letter from, 18:95–18:97
letter to, 18:156
recommended by T. Kosciuszko, 18:95, 18:97n
translates B. Barère’s La Libertád de los Mares, ó el Gobiérno Inglés descubiérto, 18:95–18:96, 18:156
translates A. Pope’s Essay on Man, 18:96
Lebrun, Ponce Denis Écouchard, 7:665
Lechevalier, Jean Baptiste
as librarian, 10:311, 11:632
Voyage de La Troade, Fait dans les années 1785 et 1786, 11:632, 12:112
Leclerc, Georges Louis, 5:452n
Leclerc, Jean (Johannes Clericus)
edits Æschinis Socratici Dialogi Tres Græce et Latine, ad quos accessit quarti Latinum Fragmentum (Aeschines Socraticus), 10:233
edits Titi Livii Historiarum quod exstat (Livy), 5:501, 5:594, 5:594–5:595n, 5:625, 6:157, 7:286, 10:233, 11:414, 12:576, 14:510, 17:106
and Hesiodi Ascraei Quae Exstant (Hesiod), 9:196
Leçons d’Anatomie Comparée (G. Cuvier), 8:429, 8:429n
Leçons d’Histoire (Volney), 1:580
Le Conte, John Eatton, 10:287, 10:288n
Le Coulteux, Mr., 2:13
A Lecture, introductory to a Course of Lectures, now delivering in the University of Maryland (D. Hoffman), 20:372, 20:373n
A Lecture, introductory to a Course of Lectures on the Cause, Seat and Cure of Diseases (J. Crawford), 4:336, 4:338n, 4:394
Lectures on History, and General Policy (J. Priestley), 19:505
Lectures on Mechanics (Helsham), 1:581
Lectures on Natural and Experimental Philosophy (G. Adams), 1:581, 14:375, 14:378n, 19:505
Lectures on Physiology, Zoology, and the Natural History of Man (W. Lawrence), 17:535, 17:537n
Lectures on Political Principles (D. Williams), 3:38, 3:40n, 3:87, 3:189, 3:334
Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres (H. Blair), 1:576, 7:629, 7:662, 12:576, 16:5, 16:381, 16:458, 19:505
Lectures on Rhetoric and Oratory (J. Q. Adams), 4:390, 4:391n, 4:428, 4:430n, 4:435, 4:473, 4:483, 12:576
Lectures on Select Subjects in Mechanics, Hydrostatics, Pneumatics, and Optics (J. Ferguson) , 1:581, 6:380, 9:638n, 19:506
Lectures on the adulteration of food and culinary poisons (J. Cutbush), 20:6, 20:37
Lédenon, France
wine from, 10:170, 10:170, 10:338, 11:246, 11:404, 11:404, 11:404, 11:405, 11:407, 11:531, 11:653, 12:374, 12:515, 12:566, 12:580, 13:10, 13:302, 14:327, 14:328, 14:328, 14:328, 14:329, 15:120, 15:262, 16:117, 16:117, 16:117, 16:425, 16:510, 17:139, 17:140, 18:457, 19:641–19:642
Ledlie, Elizabeth
signs petition, 18:146
Le Duc, Marie Pierre
as notary, 7:366n
Ledyard, Isaac
and J. Ledyard (1751–89), 12:281
Ledyard, John (1751–89)
biography of, 12:188, 12:280–12:281, 16:272, 16:273n
A Journal of Captain Cook’s last Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, and in quest of a North-West Passage, between Asia & America, 12:188, 12:189n, 16:272, 17:341
and western exploration, 6:417, 6:420, 9:650, 12:280–12:281, 17:341–17:342, 19:197, 19:201n
Ledyard, John (of Connecticut)
letters from, 2:419, 2:423–2:424
seeks TJ’s assistance, 2:419, 2:423–2:424
Lee, Arthur
and cession of Northwest Territory, 4:567
as diplomat, 17:329
The Farmer’s and Monitor’s Letters, 6:440
as member of Confederation Congess, 17:333, 17:333
relationship with B. Franklin, 8:23, 13:466
as writer, 6:440
Lee, Arthur (1779–1828)
as Va. legislator, 19:284
Lee, Charles, 12:427
Lee, Charles (1731–82)
accused of desertion, 18:138
Lee, David B.
flying machine of, 18:344–18:345, 18:346, 18:347–18:348, 18:349n, 18:359
identified, 18:348–18:349n
letter from, 18:344–18:349
letter to, 18:359–18:360
petitions Congress, 18:345, 18:349n
rivalry with J. Bennett, 18:345–18:346, 18:349n
Lee, Edmund Jennings, 1:516
Lee, Eliza Collins
given portrait of J. Madison, 12:li
Lee, Francis Lightfoot
and Va. Committee of Correspondence, 9:367, 17:312
as Va. legislator, 17:313, 17:314
Lee, Henry (1756–1818)
and American Revolution, 13:115, 19:122, 19:130
criticism of, 19:215, 19:216, 19:428
as defense witness, 1:277, 1:278–1:279n
funeral oration for G. Washington, 19:441n
and P. Henry, 4:604
introduces I. McPherson, 6:353, 6:354n
medal voted for, 2:104–2:105, 2:106n, 2:125–2:126, 2:224, 2:253
Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States, 6:122, 8:178, 8:179n, 19:96–19:97, 19:97, 19:100n
and TJ’s remark on G. Washington, 10:423n
Lee, Henry (1787–1837)
and father’s medal, 2:104–2:105, 2:106n, 2:224, 2:253
Lee, Henry (of Winchester)
and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 11:334, 16:303
Lee, James
as trustee for J. Paradise and L. L. Paradise, 9:283, 9:284, 9:284
Lee, James (of England)
patents machine, 10:548n
Lee, John
and University of Virginia, 16:307, 17:632, 19:47
Lee, Rachel Fanny Antonina
An Essay on Government, 1:123–1:124, 3:116, 3:117n
Lee, Richard Bland
and assumption of Revolutionary War debts, 12:424
and W. Bentley, 2:170n
as commissioner of public buildings, 8:596n, 12:641
given portrait of J. Madison, 12:li
identified, 14:581–14:582n
letter from, 14:581–14:582
letter to, 14:603–14:604
An Oration, delivered July 5, 1819, In the Chamber of the House of Representatives, 14:581–14:582, 14:603
Lee, Richard Evers
identified, 6:364n
introduced to TJ, 6:364
Lee, Richard Henry
and G. R. Clark’s 1779 expedition, 4:378
on Declaration of Independence, 20:124
family of, 10:421, 10:423n
and P. Henry, 4:378
as member of Continental Congress, 4:600, 4:601, 4:602, 6:440, 6:612, 6:612, 6:613, 8:620, 8:626, 8:626n, 8:643–8:644, 10:421, 11:202, 13:331, 17:316, 17:317, 20:138, 20:138n
oratorial skills of, 2:156
and J. Otis, 13:618–13:619
recommends W. Kendall, 18:138
reputed speech of, 8:626, 8:626n, 8:643–8:644, 14:138, 16:441, 16:472–16:473
and Stamp Act Resolutions, 8:642
TJ on, 7:411, 7:411, 8:642, 16:472–16:473
and J. Trumbull’s Declaration of Independence, 13:329, 13:330n
and Va. Committee of Correspondence, 9:367, 9:369n, 17:312
as Va. legislator, 17:313, 17:314
Lee, Thomas Ludwell
biography of proposed, 8:619
and revision of Va. laws, 1:381–1:382, 3:570, 5:136, 7:549, 17:322, 17:322, 17:323
and Stamp Act Resolutions, 8:642
Lee, Thomas Sim
death of, 15:235
Lee, Tom (Shackelford estate’s slave), 3:36, 3:37n, 3:529
Lee, William (1739–95)
and L. L. Paradise estate, 11:59, 11:59n
Lee, William (1772–1840)
assists J. Ronaldson in Paris, 2:163
and J. M. Baker, 12:93, 12:473, 12:473–12:474
and bust of G. Washington, 8:161
and commercial agent for Le Havre, 9:363n
consul at Bordeaux, 1:118, 1:121n, 3:166, 3:178, 3:442, 3:599, 4:189, 4:529–4:530, 4:530n, 7:428n, 7:428n, 7:491n, 8:37, 8:571, 9:388, 9:389–9:390n, 9:421, 9:570, 9:573n, 9:655, 9:656n, 10:215, 10:489, 10:632, 12:567
Les États-Unis et L’Angleterre, 8:150–8:151, 8:151n, 10:342, 10:489
family of, 8:151
forwards letters to TJ, 2:672, 10:39
on France, 10:490
and F. Gard, 10:39, 10:489
identified, 2:672n
and immigration, 10:489–10:491
introduces J. Achard, 15:448, 15:484
introduces C. Lowell, 12:102
introduces J. A. Pénières-Delors, 10:491
letters from, 2:672, 8:150–8:151, 10:39–10:40, 10:489–10:491, 11:449–11:450, 11:506–11:507, 12:102, 12:260, 12:354, 15:448
letters to, 10:342–10:343, 10:670–10:671, 11:413, 11:471–11:472, 11:602, 12:185–12:186, 12:339, 15:484
and manufacturing in U.S., 10:489
plans visit to Monticello, 10:491, 10:516
recommends A. and C. de Montcarel, 13:419, 13:441
and Société Agricole et Manufacturière Française, 10:632, 10:635, 10:670–10:671
and C. Stewart’s apprenticeship, 12:185, 12:186, 12:257, 12:260, 12:338, 12:339, 12:354, 12:396
as War Department accountant, 10:496n
weaving enterprise of, 11:413, 11:449–11:450, 11:463–11:464, 11:470, 11:471–11:472, 11:506–11:507, 11:602, 12:338, 12:339, 12:354
Lee, William Raymond
forwards items to TJ, 4:4, 4:215, 4:220, 6:163
identified, 4:220n
letters to, 4:220
and G. H. Ward, 12:379, 13:5
Leedes, Edward
edits De Vero Usu Verborum Mediorum (L. Küster), 10:358
Leeds, Francis Osborne, Marquess of Carmarthen, 5th Duke of, 1:516, 10:116, 10:117n, 17:339
Lee family
and Port Folio, 7:318
TJ on, 7:548
Leesburg, Va.
convention of Protestant Episcopal Church of Virginia held in, 20:5, 20:5n
Republican mechanics of, address TJ, 1:89–1:90
Leeson, Thomas
as builder for University of Virginia, 15:385, 15:386n, 16:310
letter from, 15:385–15:386
Lefevre, Jean Baptiste
land warrant issued to, 2:74, 2:75n, 2:94
Leforest, A., 2:154
Leftwich, Jabez , 5:339
Leftwich, Joel
military service of, 7:227
as sheriff, 12:29n, 14:114n
and TJ’s land dispute with S. Scott, 5:339
Leftwich’s Mill (Bedford Co.)
on route to Natural Bridge, 9:35
Legaré, Hugh Swinton
An Oration, delivered on the Fourth of July, 1823; before the ’76 Association, 20:16, 20:16n
Legare, John Berwick
identified, 13:158n
letter from, 13:157–13:159
and Seventy-Six Association, 13:157
Legaux, Pierre
and Alexander grape, 4:524, 4:525n
Legendre, Adrien Marie
Éléments de Géométrie, 13:394, 13:413, 13:428, 13:474, 13:561, 14:215, 19:617, 20:469
Le Gendre, Louis, 3:235, 3:237n
Leges Anglo-Saxonicæ Ecclesiasticæ & Civilies (D. Wilkins), 7:126, 7:127, 16:364, 17:197
Leghorn (Livorno), Italy. See Appleton, Thomas
Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliæ (H. de Bracton), 1:383, 3:546, 7:125–7:127, 7:257, 7:627, 16:640, 16:641, 18:335, 18:336n
The Legislatorial Trial of Her Majesty Caroline Amelia Elizabeth, Queen of England, Consort of George the Fourth, for the alleged Crime of Adultery with Bartolomeo Bergami (E. Barron), 17:536
Lego (TJ’s Albemarle Co. estate)
acreage of, 4:387
hogs at, 5:545
lease of, 1:488n, 3:522, 12:301–12:305, 13:355, 15:545
livestock at, 12:303–12:304
and W. McClure’s weaving establishment, 4:143
overseers at, 1:137–1:138n, 3:180, 3:181n, 3:196, 3:642, 4:101, 9:604n, 10:387, 10:388n, 12:167n, 13:476n
sale of proposed, 15:614, 15:614n, 16:110
slaves at, 3:37, 3:180–3:181, 3:196, 6:181, 12:303, 14:476, 14:477n, 14:494, 14:555
surveys of, 2:107–2:108, 2:109n, 3:570–3:573, 5:362
and TJ’s lease dispute with E. Alexander, 2:85–2:86, 2:150–2:151, 2:199, 2:200, 2:212–2:213, 2:239–2:240, 2:240, 2:277–2:281, 2:282, 2:286, 2:286–2:287, 2:294
tobacco grown at, 2:86, 2:200, 2:239, 2:240
wheat grown at, 2:239, 2:240, 3:191, 9:152, 16:444
Legrand, Jacques Guillaume
Description de Paris et de ses Édifices, 12:107
Le Havre, France
consul at, 10:9–10:10, 10:21, 10:22n
Lehré, Thomas
appointed loans commissioner, 6:113n, 14:301
and appointment as federal marshal, 6:28, 6:29, 6:29n, 6:63–6:64, 6:64, 6:113
and celebration of Revolutionary War victory, 6:250
desires TJ’s opinion on foreign affairs, 7:459, 13:130
on J. W. Eppes’s election, 6:80
and Fourth of July celebration, 20:15, 20:16
and P. Freneau, 6:611, 6:636
on Great Britain, 6:80
identified, 5:244n
introduces J. Bellinger, 6:317
letters from, 5:243–5:244, 5:284–5:286, 5:329–5:330, 5:332, 5:355–5:356, 5:393–5:394, 5:680–5:681, 6:28–6:29, 6:80, 6:113, 6:250–6:251, 6:317, 6:611, 6:636, 7:459, 13:129, 13:130, 14:300–14:302, 20:15–20:16
letters to, 5:303–5:304, 6:63–6:64, 7:524–7:525, 13:142–13:143, 20:64–20:65
and opinion of TJ in S.C., 20:15–20:16, 20:64
on Republicans, 5:244
and S.C. politics, 5:243–5:244, 5:284–5:285, 5:285–5:286n, 5:303–5:304, 5:329, 5:329–5:330n, 5:332, 5:393, 5:680–5:681, 5:681n, 6:317, 7:459, 13:129, 13:130, 13:142–13:143
seeks federal appointment, 14:300–14:301
supports TJ and J. Madison for president, 6:28
on War of 1812, 6:250–6:251, 6:636
Leib, Michael
appointed postmaster of Philadelphia, 7:196, 7:197n
and A. Gallatin, 1:598, 1:599n
identified, 4:174n
introduces J. Ronaldson, 18:521
letters from, 4:173–4:175
letters to, 4:164
recommends A. Macaulay, 2:304
sends respects to TJ, 7:308–7:309
supports W. Duane, 4:174, 4:174n
as U.S. senator, 4:163, 4:164n, 4:173, 6:241
Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm
in collegiate curriculum, 7:480, 7:667
philosophy of, 7:557, 9:651, 11:268, 11:270n
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502, 4:506
works of, 11:383
Leigh, Benjamin Watkins
aide to J. Barbour, 7:632, 7:633n
as attorney, 19:92–19:93, 20:146
Leigh, Sir Egerton (1733–1781)
family of, 7:28
Leigh, Sir Egerton (1762–1818)
health of, 7:68–7:69, 7:143
identified, 7:69n
introduced by D. Ramsay, 7:28, 7:68, 7:143, 7:143
letters from, 7:68–7:69
letters to, 7:143
proposed visit to Monticello, 7:68–7:69, 7:143
Leiper, Elizabeth Coultas Gray (Thomas Leiper’s wife), 18:360
“Leiper, George G.” (pseudonym)
letters from, 18:341, 18:342
TJ’s loan to, 18:341, 18:342, 18:343, 18:350, 18:352, 18:352, 18:353, 18:357, 18:360–18:361, 18:363
visits Monticello, 18:341, 18:352, 18:360
Leiper, George Gray (Thomas Leiper’s son), 18:352, 18:363, 19:623
Leiper, Samuel McKean, 19:623
Leiper, Thomas
and agriculture, 19:591, 19:606–19:607, 19:624, 19:635, 19:636
on Alexander I, 7:104, 7:298, 9:217–9:218
criticizes Great Britain, 7:36–7:37, 7:298–7:299
and J. Delaplaine’s Repository, 11:203
and W. Duane, 3:450–3:451, 3:452n, 3:506, 3:507, 3:585
and election of 1800, 18:247–18:248
family of, 18:363, 19:623, 19:635
finances of, 19:622–19:623, 19:635–19:636, 20:586
and “George G. Leiper”, 18:341, 18:343n, 18:350, 18:352, 18:352, 18:353, 18:357, 18:360–18:361, 18:363
identified, 7:37n
and internal improvements, 19:622, 19:624
letters from, 7:36–7:38, 7:104–7:105, 7:297–7:300, 9:216–9:218, 18:352–18:353, 18:363, 19:591–19:592, 19:606–19:607, 19:621–19:625, 20:585–20:588
letters to, 7:96–7:99, 8:531–8:534, 12:558–12:559, 17:578–17:579, 18:352, 18:360–18:361, 19:635–19:637
on Napoleon, 7:37, 7:298, 7:298, 7:298, 7:299, 9:216–9:217, 9:217
and politics, 19:623–19:624, 19:635, 20:585–20:587
and portraits of Napoleon, 19:623, 19:625n, 19:636
on prophecy, 7:36–7:37
purchases TJ’s tobacco, 4:593
quarry of, 18:360, 19:623
recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461
and religion, 19:623, 19:636
and Second Bank of U.S., 12:558
sends works to TJ, 19:591, 19:606, 19:635
and taxes, 9:217
TJ introduces F. Watson to, 17:578–17:579
TJ reports on politics and international affairs to, 8:531–8:534
and TJ’s letter to G. Logan, 7:36–7:37, 7:96–7:99, 7:104–7:105
and F. Watson, 18:352, 18:363
Leiper, William Jones, 19:623
Leipzig, Battle of (Battle of the Nations) (1813), 6:637n, 7:158n, 14:415, 14:416n
Leitch, A.
and University of Virginia, 16:310
Leitch, James See also Samuel & James Leitch (Charlottesville firm)
accepts draft, 2:234n
account with TJ, 1:64, 1:65n, 8:48, 9:565–9:566, 9:597, 9:656, 11:426n, 12:644, 12:644, 13:165, 13:528n, 14:472, 15:450, 16:363, 16:624, 17:8, 17:8, 17:8, 17:9, 17:36, 17:37n, 17:47n, 17:285, 18:44, 18:623n, 19:8, 19:8, 19:8, 19:11, 19:12, 19:13, 19:14, 19:14, 19:15, 19:69
agent for TJ, 3:83, 4:77, 5:394, 6:431, 9:267, 9:269, 11:452, 16:270, 16:274, 17:68, 17:83
and Albemarle Academy, 7:267, 7:282, 7:293, 7:335, 7:339, 7:427, 7:535, 7:570, 7:571
C. L. Bankhead’s debt to, 8:394
and Central College, 11:322, 11:329, 11:565, 12:274, 12:292, 12:301, 12:646, 15:91, 15:91, 15:93, 15:93, 15:94, 15:95, 15:100, 15:101
and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 13:161, 13:164, 13:164n, 15:97, 16:476, 17:620, 20:195
and Charlottesville Female Academy, 16:26n
and currency for TJ, 12:45+
extracts from daybook of, 15:449–15:453, 16:5–16:14, 16:191n, 16:289n, 16:363n, 16:470n, 17:4–17:11, 17:234n, 17:291n+, 18:40–18:51, 18:174n, 18:225n, 18:280n, 18:319n, 19:8–19:16
and gunpowder sales, 3:583
identified, 1:65n
introduces Mr. Logan, 10:673
as juror, 5:278, 5:279
letters from, 1:64–1:65, 1:458, 2:40, 2:77, 5:394, 6:431, 8:48, 9:656, 10:673, 11:470–11:471, 12:186, 12:274, 12:502, 12:555, 12:646
letters from accounted for, 19:16n, 20:576n
letters to, 1:302–1:303, 4:182, 4:358, 4:477, 4:496, 4:647, 4:686–4:687, 5:119, 5:133, 5:394, 8:380, 8:570, 12:45+, 12:454, 13:32+, 13:64–13:65, 13:92, 13:166–13:167, 14:379–14:380, 15:71, 15:134, 15:144, 15:315, 15:453, 15:475, 15:479+, 15:485, 16:191, 16:289, 16:363, 16:470, 17:234, 17:291+, 18:174, 18:225, 18:280, 18:319, 18:368
letters to accounted for, 5:394n, 12:626n, 20:576n
and loan to J. Gorman, 20:123, 20:123n
makes payments for TJ, 12:lii, 12:614n, 12:614n, 13:169, 14:295, 14:295n, 14:549n, 15:451, 18:41, 18:368, 18:435n, 18:647–18:648, 18:648n, 19:8, 19:8, 19:11, 19:14, 20:383n
mentioned, 20:30
and nails from TJ, 2:77
and packages for TJ, 13:327, 13:327n, 14:97, 16:126–16:127, 16:131, 16:140, 16:326, 16:366, 16:375, 16:376, 16:389, 17:110–17:111, 17:147, 17:224, 18:118, 18:298
petition to General Assembly, 5:378–5:380
provides postal services, 16:382
requests payment from TJ, 2:40, 2:52–2:53, 2:77, 2:80
returns papers to TJ, 12:502, 12:555
sells knives, 14:20
store of, 14:8, 14:8–14:9, 14:10n, 16:363, 18:604n, 18:642, 18:647
and timothy seed, 4:156, 4:194
TJ orders clothes from, 4:496, 8:380, 8:570, 9:566, 9:566, 12:45+, 18:225
TJ orders goods from, 1:302–1:303, 4:182, 4:209, 4:210, 4:211, 4:358, 4:477, 4:647, 4:686, 5:119, 5:133, 5:394, 9:565–9:566, 9:597, 9:656, 12:454, 13:32+, 13:64–13:65, 13:92, 14:636, 15:71, 15:134, 15:144, 15:315, 15:449–15:453, 15:475, 15:479+, 15:485, 16:5–16:14, 16:191, 16:289, 16:470, 17:4–17:11, 17:234, 17:291+, 18:40–18:51, 18:174, 18:225n, 18:280, 18:319, 18:643, 19:8–19:16
TJ pays, 12:541, 12:541n, 12:613, 12:614, 12:633, 12:656, 13:141, 13:142n, 13:356, 13:393, 13:475, 13:476n, 14:42, 14:220, 14:244, 14:244, 14:296, 14:309, 14:318, 14:318, 14:319, 14:354, 14:380, 14:415, 14:473, 14:473, 14:473, 14:474, 14:474, 14:549, 14:549n, 14:571, 15:450, 15:483, 15:483n, 15:513, 16:363, 16:366, 17:46, 17:47n, 17:531, 17:532n, 18:623, 19:38n, 20:382, 20:383n, 20:405, 20:576
TJ’s debt to, 13:142n, 13:166–13:167, 13:415n, 13:595n, 14:295, 14:295n, 14:316, 14:379–14:380, 15:425, 15:453, 16:363, 16:649, 16:649, 19:495, 19:496n
trades nails for goods, 1:64, 1:303, 1:458
and University of Virginia, 15:96, 15:96, 15:97, 15:101, 15:103, 16:303, 16:303, 16:303, 16:304, 16:310, 16:319, 16:475, 16:476, 16:478, 16:478, 16:480, 16:481, 17:627, 17:631, 17:632, 17:637, 17:642, 17:650, 19:46, 19:185, 20:197, 20:199, 20:215, 20:216, 20:219, 20:220
vouches for O. Norris, 3:465
and weaver, 11:463–11:464, 11:470, 11:602, 12:185, 12:186, 12:274, 12:338–12:339, 12:339, 12:396
witnesses warrant, 5:280
works sent to, 14:215
Leitch, Samuel (d. 1841) See also Samuel & James Leitch (Charlottesville firm)
and Albemarle Volunteer Company subscription, 5:344
and Central College–University of Virginia, 15:95, 16:308, 16:309, 16:314, 16:316
and Central College subscription, 13:162
identified, 3:242n
letter from accounted for, 9:719
petition to General Assembly, 3:253–3:254
Leitch, Samuel (1790–1870)
and University of Virginia, 16:307, 16:307, 16:309, 17:636, 19:51
Leitch, Samuel & James (Charlottesville firm). See Samuel & James Leitch (Charlottesville firm)
Leitch, William
and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 11:324, 11:329, 13:162, 15:98
Leith, Dr.
and cheese-making, 15:418n
Leith threshing machine, 5:444–5:445, 5:445n
Leland, John
A View Of the Principal Deistical Writers, 6:302
Leland, Thomas
translates All the Orations of Demosthenes (Demosthenes), 19:505
Lemaire, Étienne
death of, 12:176, 12:273
identified, 1:56n
and kitchen inventory of President’s House, 1:43n, 1:155, 1:155, 1:156n
letters from, 1:59–1:60, 1:71–1:72, 1:188–1:189, 1:222
letters to, 1:55–1:56, 1:161–1:162
maître d’hôtel, 1:42
offered employment by W. Short, 7:469
offers to run errands in Philadelphia, 1:60, 1:71
sends oil and syrup to TJ, 1:161, 1:188, 1:188, 1:222, 1:245, 1:257
TJ pays, 1:41, 1:293–1:294
TJ praises, 1:55–1:56, 1:71
Le Maire, Jacques, 1:450
Lemaire, Santiago, 3:478n, 5:85n
Le Mercier de La Rivière, Paul Pierre
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502
Le Mierre, Antoine Marin
La Veuve du Malabar, 7:77, 7:78n
Le Monnier, Pierre Charles
translates Institutions Astronomiques, 7:626
lemons
acid, 7:594, 7:602, 8:613, 8:627, 8:641
juice, 20:189
Lemosy, Auguste
and J. David, 9:199
Le Moyne, Jean Baptiste, sieur de Bienville
French colonial governor of La., 9:479, 9:480n
Le Moyne, Pierre, sieur d’Iberville
French colonial governor of La., 9:479, 9:480n
Lemprière, John
A Classical Dictionary, 14:276, 14:351
Universal Biography, 12:534
Leney, William Satchwell
engraver, 6:125, 9:405n, 9:459, 9:461, 9:461n, 10:493, 10:493n
L’Enfant, Peter (Pierre) Charles
and Society of the Cincinnati, 12:430
Lenglet du Fresnoy, Nicolas
Tablettes Chronologiques de L’Histoire Universelle, 10:234, 19:510
Lenni Lenape Indians
clothing and implements of, 16:155
history of, 16:107–16:109, 16:131–16:132, 16:133
language of, 16:108–16:109
mentioned, 16:154
and Moravian missionaries, 9:65
works on, 13:89, 14:132n, 16:181
Lenoir, Étienne
scientific-instrument maker, 9:223
Lenox, Peter
identified, 5:178–5:179n
letters from, 5:177–5:179
seeks position at Washington, 5:177–5:178, 8:592, 8:592
TJ pays, 1:41
Lenthall, John
clerk of works at U.S. Capitol, 1:92, 5:205
death of, 1:65n
lentils
sent to TJ, 13:278, 20:605
Lentz, John, 6:83n
Leo X, pope, 7:74, 9:432, 14:78
“Leolin.” See Austin, James Trecothick
Leonard, David Augustus
identified, 7:94n
letters from, 7:93–7:94, 7:105–7:106
letters to, 7:141–7:142
and westward relocation, 7:93–7:94, 7:105, 7:141–7:142
Leonard, George
and University of Virginia, 16:307, 17:625
Leonard, Jonathan
letter from accounted for, 10:79n
Leonard, Uriah
as blacksmith at University of Virginia, 17:650, 19:48, 19:63, 19:238, 20:197, 20:197, 20:209, 20:209, 20:214, 20:215, 20:215, 20:216, 20:219, 20:220, 20:227, 20:232
and University of Virginia, 19:47, 19:48, 19:48, 19:49, 19:54, 19:56, 19:186, 19:187, 19:189, 19:190, 20:555
Leonardo da Vinci
and portrait of A. Vespucci, 7:613
Leoni, Giacomo
The Architecture of A. Palladio, 14:480+, 17:133, 17:133–17:134, 19:552, 20:237, 20:237, 20:238
Leonidas, king of Sparta, 12:518, 20:24
León y Gama, Antonio de
Descripción histórica y cronológica de los piedras, 1:521, 1:521n, 1:556
Leopard, HMS
and Chesapeake incident, 2:261n, 16:465–16:466, 17:518–17:519
Leopold II, Holy Roman Emperor
and Declaration of Pillnitz, 7:299–7:300n
permits P. Mazzei’s immigration to U.S., 9:115
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502, 4:507
Léoville (wine), 9:513
Le Page du Pratz, Antoine Simon
The History of Louisiana, or of the Western Parts of Virginia and Carolina, 17:536
Le Peletier de Rosanbo, Antoinette de Lamoignon de Malesherbes, madame de, 14:203–14:204
Lepidium officinale. See water cress
Lepidium sativum. See garden cress
Lepidus, Junia (Marcus Aemilius Lepidus’s wife), 17:73n
Lerasle
Encyclopédie Méthodique: Jurisprudence, 3:130, 3:174n, 3:175n, 3:546
Leray de Chaumont, Jacques Donatien, 2:13
Le Ray de Chaumont, James
An Address, delivered at the meeting at the Agricultural Society of Jefferson County, December 29, 1817, 13:71, 13:72n, 13:172n
and agricultural societies, 13:71, 13:172
carries TJ’s letters, 5:449
identified, 13:71–13:72n
introduces M. A. Jullien, 12:229, 12:232n
letter from, 13:172
letter to, 13:71–13:72
and Lafayette, 3:446
and D. B. Warden, 7:506n, 7:506n
wealth of, 17:585, 17:603, 19:468
LeRoy, Herman See also LeRoy, Bayard & Company (New York firm); LeRoy, Bayard & McEvers (New York firm)
and mortgage to T. M. Randolph, 20:366, 20:366n
Leroy, Lewis (d. 1843)
family of, 12:478
identified, 12:480n
letter from, 12:477–12:480
recommendations for, 12:478
seeks TJ’s assistance, 12:477–12:478
Leroy, Lewis, Jr.
education of, 12:478
Leroy, Louis
Les politiqves d’Aristote, 3:546
LeRoy, Bayard & Company (New York firm)
identified, 9:580n
letters from, 10:302–10:303, 11:366–11:367, 11:419, 13:88, 14:73, 14:432, 15:481+, 17:117, 18:494–18:495, 18:537, 20:29, 20:57–20:58
letters to, 10:319, 11:293, 11:381, 13:43–13:44, 14:53–14:54, 14:354, 15:471–15:472, 17:21, 18:458, 18:526–18:527, 20:20, 20:46, 20:300–20:301
and TJ’s debt to P. Mazzei’s estate, 12:74
and TJ’s debt to N. & J. & R. van Staphorst, 10:302–10:303, 10:319, 11:290–11:291, 11:293, 11:304, 11:362, 11:366, 11:379, 11:380n, 11:380, 11:381n, 11:381, 11:395, 11:419, 11:419n, 12:613, 12:613, 13:42–13:43, 13:43–13:44, 13:88, 14:53–14:54, 14:73, 14:316, 14:354, 14:354, 14:415, 14:432, 14:473, 14:474, 14:483–14:484, 15:426, 15:471–15:472, 15:481+, 15:518, 15:538, 15:541, 15:590, 16:640n, 16:648, 16:649, 17:16, 17:21, 17:36, 17:46, 17:47, 17:117, 18:458, 18:458, 18:484, 18:494–18:495, 18:526–18:527, 18:537, 19:494, 20:20, 20:29, 20:46, 20:47, 20:54, 20:57, 20:143, 20:300–20:301, 20:301, 20:302, 20:302
and TJ’s lines of credit in Europe, 13:31, 13:79
LeRoy, Bayard & McEvers (New York firm)
identified, 9:580n
letters from, 9:579–9:580, 9:662–9:663, 9:679–9:680
letter to, 9:644
and TJ’s debt to N. & J. & R. van Staphorst, 9:579–9:580, 9:580–9:581, 9:644, 9:662–9:663, 9:679–9:680, 10:303
Le Sage, A. See Las Cases, Emmanuel Auguste Dieudonné Marin Joseph, Comte de (A. Le Sage)
Le Sage, Alain René
Le Diable Boiteux, 7:665
Histoire de Gil Blas de Santillane, 4:163n, 7:665, 9:598, 9:600n, 10:573, 12:534, 14:258, 19:508, 19:509n
Lescallier, Daniel
and J. Corrêa da Serra, 5:7–5:8
The Enchanted Throne, An Indian Story translated from the Persian Language, 11:351, 11:351n, 11:441
identified, 1:184n
introduces Quinette de Rochemont, 11:351, 11:352n
letters from, 1:184, 11:351–11:352
letter to, 11:441
and A. M. Rochon, 5:301
sends publication to TJ, 1:184, 11:351, 11:351n
Le Trône Enchanté, Conte Indien traduit du Persan, 11:351n
Vocabulaire des Termes de Marine Anglais et Français, 1:36, 1:184n
Leschot, Louis A.
Charlottesville house of, 19:634
friendship with H. Roi, 19:375
identified, 11:365–11:366n
letters to, 11:365–11:366, 13:527–13:528
payment to, 11:539, 11:539n, 13:528n
and stoves for University of Virginia, 14:214, 14:229
TJ invites to Monticello, 13:528
TJ’s debt to, 12:644, 16:648
as watchmaker, 10:578–10:579, 11:198–11:199, 11:199n, 11:365, 11:374, 11:374n, 11:413, 11:413n, 11:507–11:508, 12:137–12:138, 12:396, 13:156, 13:527, 13:537, 15:305, 15:320
Leschot, Sophie Montandon (Louis A. Leschot’s wife)
TJ invites to Monticello, 13:528
TJ sends greetings to, 11:365
Leslie, Charles
A Short and Easie Method with Deists, 3:590, 3:590n
Leslie, Charles Robert
as portrait painter, 20:50
Leslie, Sir John
and Central College–University of Virginia, 12:193, 12:201, 12:227, 13:510, 15:303
defended in A Short Statement of some important facts, relative to the late election of a Mathematical Professor in the University of Edinburgh (D. Stewart), 15:140
inquires about TJ’s family, 8:38, 8:244
introduction to sought, 13:485, 13:510
as professor at University of Edinburgh, 16:207–16:208, 16:208, 16:208
as scientist, 14:313
sends greetings to T. M. Randolph, 8:244
solicits article from D. B. Warden, 8:420
Le Souef, Jeremiah
as vice consul at London, 17:562n, 17:562n, 18:79
Lespinasse, Jeanne Julie Éléonore de
J. Adams on, 10:306, 14:30–14:31
Lettres de Mademoiselle de Lespinasse, 14:30, 14:31
Lesseps, Mathieu Maximilien Prosper, comte de
identified, 15:146n
recommended to TJ, 15:145
Lessi, Bernardo
and C. Bellini estate, 7:693–7:694, 9:113
Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim
popularity of, 9:84
Lesslie, John
and TJ’s flour, 4:12, 4:58, 10:671
Lessons to a Young Prince, by an Old Statesman (D. Williams), 15:337, 15:338n
L’Estrange, Sir Roger
translates Seneca’s Morals (Seneca), 19:505
Lesueur, Charles Alexandre
French naturalist, 12:516, 12:516n, 14:442–14:443, 14:489, 14:569
Le Tellier, François Michel, marquis de Louvois
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502
Le Tellier, John
identified, 2:316n
and Jefferson Cups, 2:xlii, 2:315–2:316, 2:316n, 2:474, 3:83, 3:154, 3:168, 3:177
letters from, 2:474, 11:604–11:605
letters to, 2:315–2:316, 11:548–11:549
and silversmith for Charlottesville, 11:548–11:549, 11:604–11:605
Létombe, Philippe André Joseph de, 1:256+, 5:266
Le Tourneur, Étienne François Louis Honoré, 10:44
Le Trosne, Guillaume François
French economist, 9:630
Letter, Addressed to the Most Reverend Leonard Neale, Arch Bishop of Baltimore (J. F. Oliveira Fernandes), 11:28, 11:28n, 11:28n, 11:63, 11:63–11:64n
A Letter concerning Toleration (J. Locke), 19:505
Letter from Alexander Hamilton, concerning the Public Conduct and Character of John Adams (A. Hamilton), 19:367n
A Letter, from Germany, to the Princess Royal of England; on the English and German languages (H. Croft), 16:193–16:194
Letter from the Secretary of State Accompanied with a List of the Names of Persons who have Invented any New and Useful Art, Machine, Manufacture or Composition of Matter, 6:282, 6:282n
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of Persons who Have Made Any New and Useful Invention, and for which Patents Have Been Obtained, from thirty-first December, 1813, to the first January, 1815, 8:408, 8:408n
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting a List of the Names of Patentees, their Places of Residence, and the Nature of their Inventions or Improvements, 6:362
Letter from the Secretary of State, Transmitting a List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Issued, 6:282, 6:282n
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Issued … from January 1, 1812, to January 1, 1813, 8:195, 8:196n, 8:253
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Issued … from January 1st, 1813, to January 1st, 1814, 8:195, 8:196n, 8:253
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Granted, … from the 1st of January, 1815, to the 1st of January, 1816, 9:592, 9:593n
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Issued, … from January 1st, 1816, to January 1st, 1817, 11:135, 11:136n
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting a list of the names of Persons to whom Patents have been issued … For one year, prior to the 1st January, 1822, 18:292–18:293, 18:303, 18:304n
A Letter on the Genius and Dispositions of the French Government (R. Walsh), 3:190n, 3:199, 3:200n
letter press (copying device), 17:45, 17:45n, 18:449, 19:32, 19:32n, 19:91–19:92, 19:256
letter press (furniture), 3:xlvii, 3:358 (illus.)
Letters addressed to the people of Virginia (S. Kercheval writing as “H. Tompkinson”), 10:162–10:163, 10:323, 10:367, 10:434
Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania (J. Dickinson), 8:643, 8:645n
Letters From Paris (W. C. Somerville), 19:630
Letters from Paris, Written During the Period of the late Accession and Abdication of Napoleon (T. B. Robertson), 14:583–14:584, 15:184
Letters from Washington, on the Constitution and Laws; with Sketches of some of the prominent public characters of the United States (G. Watterston), 16:168–16:169
Letters of Abbe Salemankis to a Friend in Ireland (“Salemankis”), 2:263, 2:296
Letters of Paul and Amicus, 19:612–19:613, 19:613n, 19:629
The Letters of the British Spy (W. Wirt), 4:471, 4:472n, 4:560, 8:140, 8:671, 8:672n, 19:505, 19:509n
Letters of the late Lord Lyttelton (G. Lyttelton), 19:505
Letters Of the Right Honourable Lady M—y W—y M—e: Written, during her Travels in Europe, Asia and Africa (M. W. Montagu), 19:506
Letters on England (J. E. White), 15:126
Letters on Political Liberty (D. Williams), 3:189, 3:190n, 3:207
Letters on Several Subjects (“T. Fitzosborne” [W. Melmoth]), 19:506
Letters on the Ministry, Ritual, and Doctrines of the Protestant Episcopal Church (J. Sparks), 16:272, 16:394, 18:37–18:38, 18:564, 19:75, 19:75n
Letters on the Natural History and Internal Resources of the State of New-York (“Hibernicus” [D. Clinton]), 19:171, 19:171n, 19:224–19:225
Letters on The Subject of The Catholics (S. Smith), 2:161, 2:161n
Letters Supposed to have passed between M. De St. Evremond and Mr. Waller (J. Langhorne), 19:506, 19:509n
Letters to A Young Lady on a Course of English Poetry (J. Aikin), 7:664
Letters to Friends (Cicero), 1:386, 1:386n, 17:490, 17:490–17:491n
Letters to the Directors of the Banks of Philadelphia, on the Pernicious Consequences of the Prevailing System of Reducing the Amount of Bills Discounted (M. Carey), 19:591, 19:592n
Letters to the Inhabitants of Northumberland and its neighbourhood (J. Priestley), 1:119, 1:121–1:122n, 7:224, 7:225n
Letters to The Jews; inviting them to an Amicable Discussion of the Evidences of Christianity (J. Priestley), 9:651–9:652, 9:652n
Letters written by the late right honourable Philip Dormer Stanhope, Earl of Chesterfield, to His Son, Philip Stanhope, Esq. (Lord Chesterfield), 19:505
Letters Written from the Mountain (J. J. Rousseau), 7:665
A Letter to a member of the General Assembly of North Carolina (G. Tucker), 5:458, 5:458n
A Letter to Harrison G. Otis, Esquire (J. Q. Adams), 4:435n
Letter to Henri Gregoire (J. Barlow), 1:588, 1:590n
Letter to James Monroe, Esq. President of the United States, on the State of the Country: with a plan for improving the condition of society (J. Melish), 15:359, 15:359n, 15:384
A Letter to the Honorable John Randolph (“Numa”), 2:264, 2:290
A Letter to The Reverend Mr. Cary (G. B. English), 7:435n
Lettre a M. Jean Baptiste Say (P. S. Du Pont de Nemours), 9:231–9:232, 9:234n, 9:304–9:305, 9:306
Lettre Intéressante adressee à S. A. R. le Prince Régent d’Angleterre (Orvault), 15:574, 15:574–15:575n, 15:598–15:599
Lettre Intéressante adressée à son excellence, le comte Bathurst, ministre des colonies Britanniques (Orvault), 15:574, 15:574–15:575n, 15:598–15:599
Lettres a Eugénie (Holbach), 15:26
Lettres de Ciceron a Atticus (Cicero; trans. N. H. Mongault; ed. Goujon), 9:354, 9:420, 12:112, 14:511
Lettres de Cicéron a M. Brutus, et de M. Brutus a Ciceron (Brutus; Cicero; trans. A. F. Prévost; ed. Goujon), 9:354, 9:420, 12:112, 14:511, 15:258
Lettres de Ciceron, Qu’on nomme vulgairement Familières (Cicero; trans. A. F. Prévost; ed. Goujon), 9:354, 9:354, 9:355n, 9:420, 9:420, 12:112, 14:511, 15:258
Lettres de La Marquise du Deffand, 17:536
Lettres de Mademoiselle de Lespinasse (J. de Lespinasse), 14:30, 14:31
Lettres de Pline le Jeune, en Latin et en Français, Suivies du Panégyrique de Trajan (Pliny the Younger; trans. L. de Sacy), 13:342, 13:343n, 13:391, 13:394, 13:413, 13:474, 13:494, 13:561, 14:215
Lettres d’un Bourgeois de New-Heaven (Condorcet), 5:595, 5:595–5:596n
Lettres D’Un Voyageur Anglois Sur La France, La Suisse Et L’Allemagne (J. Moore), 7:389
Lettres Patentes du Roy
J. Armstrong sends, 5:8, 5:8n, 5:8–5:9n
Lettres sur la Vieillesse (J. H. Meister), 3:137, 3:137n, 3:393
Lettsom, John Coakley
collaboration with B. Waterhouse, 6:39n, 19:362
introduces W. Thornton, 16:530, 16:531n
memoirs of, 18:655
lettuce
cultivation of, 8:305
impact of drought on, 4:38
mentioned, 6:187
seeds, 4:527, 5:31, 5:490, 8:258, 8:272, 20:605
tennis ball, 5:307, 5:307n
Letty (C. L. Bankhead’s slave), 8:395
Leturcq, François Charles Michel
family of, 16:325
Leuba, Claude Victoire Herard
family of, 15:265–15:266
identified, 15:268n
letter from, 15:265–15:268
letter to, 15:276
seeks recommendation from TJ, 15:265–15:266, 15:276
Leunclavius, Johannes
Ivris Græco-romani tam canonici qvam civilis, 3:546
Leusden, Johannes
works of, 18:242n
Le Vaillant, François
Second Voyage Dans L’Intérieur De L’Afrique, Par Le Cap De Bonne-Espérance, Dans Les Années 1783, 84 et 85, 7:389
levers, 14:167, 16:29
Levi, David
Dissertations on the Prophecies of the Old Testament, 9:651–9:652, 9:652n
Levi, Nathan
as U.S. consul at Saint Thomas, 13:123n, 14:98, 14:99
Leviathan, HMS, 16:15
Levy, J. B. (ship captain), 13:530, 13:557
Levy, Uriah Phillips
commissions statue of TJ, 20:399, 20:402n
Lewis (H. Chisholm’s slave), 18:472, 20:30, 20:30
Lewis (E. Randolph’s slave), 4:231–4:232n
Lewis (TJ’s slave; b. ca. 1760)
health of, 18:501
on Monticello slave lists, 4:386, 16:648
Lewis (TJ’s slave; b. 1788)
given to T. J. Randolph, 6:36
mentioned, 16:264n
on Monticello slave lists, 4:387
Lewis (African American)
and University of Virginia, 17:627
Lewis, Capt.
master of schooner Liberty, 1:307, 2:349
Lewis, Mr.
seeks position at University of Virginia, 17:496
Lewis, Ann Marks (TJ’s niece)
finances of, 3:90–3:91, 6:358
identified, 3:91n
letters from, 3:90–3:91
property dispute with C. Peyton, 11:520n
sends greetings to TJ, 6:358
Lewis, Charles (George Washington’s grandnephew)
impressed into British navy, 6:145n
Lewis, Charles (Meriwether Lewis’s uncle)
and Poplar Forest land, 19:203
Revolutionary War service of, 6:418–6:419
Lewis, Charles (TJ’s uncle)
family of, 1:168n
mentioned, 13:435
Revolutionary War regiment of, 7:280, 7:356
Lewis, Charles (d. 1806) (TJ’s nephew)
dispute with C. Peyton, 11:478, 11:478n, 11:479n, 11:485, 11:486, 11:514–11:520, 11:520n, 11:520–11:521n, 11:538, 11:538–11:539, 11:542, 13:284
Lewis, Charles Lilburne (TJ’s brother-in-law)
dispute with C. Peyton, 7:535, 11:478, 11:478n, 11:479, 11:479n, 11:485, 11:486, 11:514–11:520, 11:520n, 11:520–11:521n, 11:538, 11:538–11:539, 11:542, 13:284
family of, 1:167, 1:168n, 1:415n, 8:647, 11:520n, 11:538, 11:538n
finances of, 3:90–3:91, 3:242–3:243, 6:358
identified, 3:92–3:93n
and Jefferson v. Michie, 6:477, 6:479, 6:480, 6:481–6:482n
on Ky. life, 3:92
letters from, 3:91–3:93, 6:358
requests money from TJ, 6:358
Lewis, David Jackson
attests document, 11:243n
and Central College cornerstone laying, 12:62, 12:67
identified, 5:281n
letters to accounted for, 5:281n
and J. M. Perry, 16:550, 16:559
petition to General Assembly, 4:346–4:349
and warrant for restitution of land, 5:280–5:281, 6:215, 6:216n, 6:554, 6:555
Lewis, Edwin
complaints against H. Toulmin, 16:461, 16:462–16:464, 16:464–16:465n
identified, 16:462n
letter from, 16:461–16:462
letter from, to H. Toulmin, 16:462–16:465
Lewis, Fielding (Meriwether Lewis’s granduncle), 6:418
Lewis, Figures, 16:462
Lewis, Francis
signer of Declaration of Independence, 13:331
Lewis, Henry, 1:27
Lewis, Howell
and Central College subscription, 11:325, 11:329
petition to General Assembly, 3:253–3:254
TJ’s debt to, 15:425
Lewis, Isham (TJ’s nephew)
identified, 1:168n
letters from, 1:167–1:168
letters of introduction for, from TJ, 1:215, 1:216
letters to, 1:181–1:182
and murder of slave, 1:168n
seeks TJ’s assistance, 1:167–1:168
TJ offers to teach surveying to, 1:181–1:182
Lewis, James
account of, 4:9
and deposition in Henderson case, 5:179, 5:180, 5:192–5:198, 6:153, 6:198, 6:199, 6:199, 6:200, 6:200, 6:200, 6:200, 6:479
and deposition in Jefferson v. Michie, 7:597, 9:3
desires appointment as Indian agent, 8:32
and Henderson lands, 1:440, 1:454, 1:459, 5:139–5:141, 6:197, 6:197, 6:197, 6:478, 6:479, 6:572, 6:574n, 7:673, 7:673, 7:673, 7:674, 7:674, 11:209
identified, 5:197n
letters from accounted for, 5:198n
letters to accounted for, 5:180n
tends to ill slave, 3:283, 3:367–3:368, 3:529
and TJ’s land dispute with D. Michie, 5:139–5:141, 5:261, 7:597, 7:673, 7:673, 7:673, 7:674, 7:674
Lewis, Jane Woodson (Robert Lewis’s wife), 3:179
Lewis, Jesse
petition to General Assembly, 5:378–5:380
petition to James Monroe
Lewis, Jesse Pitman
and Central College–University of Virginia, 15:91, 15:95, 15:96, 15:96, 15:97, 15:100, 16:303, 16:312, 16:320, 17:625, 17:628, 17:630, 19:55, 20:202, 20:222, 20:225, 20:555
and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 11:330, 16:304, 17:620
house of, burns, 14:270n
and Jefferson v. Rivanna Company, 14:368
petition to General Assembly, 3:253–3:254, 5:378–5:380
Lewis, John
petition to General Assembly, 4:346–4:349
Lewis, John (of Albemarle Co.)
land grant to, 11:560–11:561
Lewis, John (of Charleston)
as merchant, 13:530–13:531n
Lewis, John (Col.)
land claims of, 11:560–11:561
Lewis, John (George Washington’s grandnephew)
impressed into British navy, 6:145n
Lewis, John (Meriwether Lewis’s granduncle), 6:418
Lewis, Joseph Saunders
recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461
Lewis, Joshua, 2:443n
Lewis, Lawrence
estate of, 11:389, 11:391n
Lewis, Lillburne (TJ’s nephew)
family of, 3:90–3:91
and murder of slave, 1:168n
Lewis, Lucy B. See Griffin, Lucy B. Lewis (TJ’s niece)
Lewis, Lucy Jefferson (TJ’s sister; Charles Lilburne Lewis’s wife)
death of, 3:90
family of, 1:168n, 1:415n, 3:90–3:91, 6:611n, 11:520n, 11:538, 11:538n
and property conveyances, 11:479n, 11:479n
Lewis, Lucy Meriwether, 2:120, 2:241, 2:340
Lewis, Martha Amanda Carr. See Monroe, Martha Amanda Carr Lewis (TJ’s niece; Daniel Monroe’s wife)
Lewis, Mary Walker (Nicholas Lewis’s wife)
and apples for TJ, 7:78
family of, 20:306
gives apples to TJ, 5:357
health of, 18:255, 18:654, 20:306
identified, 2:291–2:292n
letters from, 2:291–2:292, 5:357
letters to, 4:38, 7:78, 18:255, 20:306
letters to accounted for, 2:38n
property of, 8:394, 8:423
M. J. Randolph plans visit to, 20:306
seeks appointment for Wood, 4:186–4:187
sells victuals to TJ, 2:37–2:38, 2:291, 2:292n, 4:210
TJ gives wine to, 18:255, 20:306
TJ makes payment for, 7:708, 12:614n
TJ pays, 6:338n, 7:45, 7:45n
TJ sends figs to, 4:38
and vegetables for TJ, 18:255
Lewis, Meriwether
and artifact collection of W. Clark, 1:510
death of, 1:436n, 1:602–1:603, 1:606–1:608, 1:632, 1:668, 2:30, 2:35, 2:42, 2:42, 2:44, 2:120–2:121, 2:121, 2:191–2:192, 2:208, 6:423–6:424, 7:63, 7:64n, 10:444
education of, 6:419, 6:421–6:422, 6:424n, 6:426, 6:426
executor of, 2:123, 2:336, 2:567, 3:110, 3:166
family of, 6:418–6:419
health of, 6:423–6:424
as hunter, 6:419, 6:426
identified, 1:436n
and Indian dialects, 1:520, 1:556, 12:171, 12:172, 12:294, 12:331, 12:637
land warrant granted to, 2:121, 2:122n, 6:424n
letters to, 1:435–1:437
Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1:603, 1:607, 1:630n, 1:668–1:669, 2:30, 2:31, 2:34, 2:72, 2:123, 2:140, 6:417–6:418, 6:422–6:424, 7:31, 7:34–7:35, 7:244–7:245, 8:449n, 9:605n, 9:680–9:681, 9:704–9:706, 10:256–10:257, 11:43, 11:43–11:44n, 11:220, 12:171–12:172, 12:235–12:236, 13:344, 15:288, 19:197–19:198
makes payment for TJ, 6:506, 6:506n
military career of, 6:419, 6:426
and J. Neelly, 2:30–2:31, 2:34, 2:73n, 2:121, 2:191–2:192, 6:423–6:424
papers of, 2:31, 2:34, 2:35n, 2:72, 2:121, 2:122, 2:123–2:124, 2:127, 2:140, 3:181–3:182, 9:704–9:706, 10:40, 10:125, 10:164, 10:256–10:257, 10:377, 10:377, 10:444, 10:445, 10:445, 11:454, 11:486–11:487, 11:574, 12:171–12:172, 12:235–12:236, 12:295, 12:331, 12:463n, 12:636, 12:636n, 12:637, 12:638n
J. Pernier’s claim against estate of, 2:34, 2:192, 2:208–2:209, 2:364, 2:672, 2:673n, 3:49, 3:110
personal belongings of, 2:34, 2:121, 2:123–2:124, 2:191–2:192, 2:192, 2:208, 2:241, 2:340
plants discovered by, 2:90–2:91, 2:140, 4:523–4:524
prepares for Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1:101n, 1:194n, 6:421–6:422
and publication of journals, 1:249, 1:412n, 1:436, 1:443, 1:668–1:669, 3:33, 3:150, 3:166–3:167, 3:181–3:182, 4:147, 6:417, 6:427, 6:429, 6:430, 6:430, 6:531–6:532, 7:63–7:64, 7:244–7:245, 7:244–7:245, 7:245n, 9:309, 9:310n, 9:467, 9:605, 9:704–9:706, 10:377
seeds brought by from the West, 1:192n, 3:150, 3:150n, 3:166, 6:152
and stone block for TJ, 4:66
TJ introduces J. Bradbury to, 1:435–1:436
TJ on, 2:336, 2:340, 6:417–6:418
TJ’s biography of, 6:357, 6:418–6:424, 6:427, 6:429, 6:430, 6:531, 6:532, 7:63, 7:318, 7:319n, 10:257, 10:257n, 10:377, 12:188, 12:281, 16:272, 17:307, 17:342, 17:377n
TJ’s claim against estate of, 2:294, 2:294n, 2:294
TJ sends greetings to, 1:511
TJ’s
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Family tree of Gilles HOCQUARD
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There is an unfortunate lack of materials regarding Hocquart's personal history. What little sources remain are mostly professional exchanges between various officials, making it difficult to understand the man behind the intendant.
We do know that Hocquart's family came from the provincial nobility. Gilles Hocquart was born in the parish of Sainte-Croix, Mortagne, Perche in 1694. His official date of birth remains a mystery. His young adult years were spent in school, preparing for his ultimate goal: to follow in his father Jean-Hyacinthe's footsteps.
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Geneanet
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https://en.geneastar.org/genealogy/hocquardgil/gilles-hocquard
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Ambassador, Diplomat, Civil servant
Born Gilles HOCQUARD
Intendant of New France
Born on 1694 in Mortagne-au-Perche , France
Died on April 1, 1783 in Paris , France
This form allows you to report an error or to submit additional information about this family tree: Gilles HOCQUARD (1694)
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https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/common-law-civil-law-and-colonial-law/george-harris-and-the-comparative-legal-background-of-the-first-english-translation-of-justinians-institutes/BA552E7E699E46D4237D723CA4F565FE
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George Harris and the Comparative Legal Background of the First English Translation of Justinian’s Institutes (Chapter 4)
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Common Law, Civil Law, and Colonial Law - April 2021
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Cambridge Core
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https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/common-law-civil-law-and-colonial-law/george-harris-and-the-comparative-legal-background-of-the-first-english-translation-of-justinians-institutes/BA552E7E699E46D4237D723CA4F565FE
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George Harris
George Harris was born in Westminster in 1721. It seems that he spent part of his childhood in Wales with his father, John Harris, who was appointed bishop of Llandaff in 1729. Shortly before his father’s death, in June 1738, George was matriculated at Oriel College, Oxford. In 1745 he obtained the degree of Bachelor in Civil Law and five years later a doctoral degree. Later the same year, on 23 October, Harris was admitted to the College of Advocates, and he began a legal practice. During his long-term membership, he performed many administrative functions: register (1763–4), librarian (1765–6) and treasurer (1767–70; 1781–2). In addition, he was involved in the administrative and judicial organisation of many dioceses. It was noted in his obituary published in The Annual Register that Harris was chancellor of the dioceses of Durham, Hereford and Llandaff as well as the commissioner of Essex, Hertfordshire and Surrey. This list can be supplemented with two more chancellorships in Bangor and Winchester. It seems that most of these appointments were held by Harris almost until his death.
It is possible to locate some traces of Harris’s practice as advocate. Archival investigation indicates the survival of several legal opinions presented by Harris. Most of them concern ecclesiastical matters, primarily regarding staffing of offices. Lambeth Palace Library possesses three such opinions dated 1770/1, 1784 and 1787. Another two opinions are held by the local archives in Yorkshire (1764) and Devon (1780).
Like many other eighteenth-century civilians, Harris was also involved in judicial work. For many years he was a judge of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. Through the press testamentary reports, it is possible to see that Harris was performing judicial duties as early as March 1759, when he proved the will and codicils of Henry Hawley. He was still acting as a judge in 1790 when he proved the will of the well-known eccentric John Elwes.
Besides the Prerogative Court, Harris was also acting as a judge while he was holding the diocesan offices. While he was a commissioner of Surrey, then part of the diocese of Winchester, Harris was engaged in an unusual case. At the time, the bishop of Winchester was visitor of Magdalen College, Oxford. He exercised his powers through the commissioner. In 1769 Harris was presiding over a hearing in a case regarding the deprivation of Ambrose Kent of his Doctor of Divinity degree and fellowship at Magdalen College. It seems that these hearings were partly informal since they were taking place in such different locations as Harris’s chambers, the common-hall of Doctors’ Commons and the bishop’s home in Chelsea.
Harris’s judicial activity on behalf of the Winchester diocese was perpetuated by John Wentworth. By the end of the eighteenth century, this barrister and member of the Inner Temple published several volumes regarding judicial proceedings. The matters discussed were illustrated with actual examples from practice. During the analysis of the writ of prohibition, Wentworth included in his book a motion to grant a writ, the writ itself signed by George III, as well as Harris’s declaration of admitting the writ, all concerning the 1777 case.
Kent’s was not the only university case in which Harris was involved. In 1793 Jesus College, Cambridge sent a request to the civilian for an opinion regarding an appropriate interpretation of the College statute. The proceedings concern the publication of a treatise by William Frend entitled Peace and Union Recommended to the Associated Bodies of Republicans and Anti-Republicans. Although Harris was not called to appear in the Vice-Chancellor’s Court, his opinion was used during the hearing.
As a diocesan official, Harris was also acting widely as an administrator of different ecclesiastical legal matters. For example, as a commissary of Surrey, Harris was involved in the discussion regarding the dispute between the bishop of Winchester and the vicar general of the Province of Canterbury in issuing marriage licences (1765). At another point, Harris was presiding on behalf of the archbishop of Canterbury over proceedings regarding applications for medical licences.
Further, like many other civilians at the time, Harris did not limit his practice to ecclesiastical law. He was also an advocate in the Admiralty, where he gained an important position and held the post of Admiralty Advocate between 1764 and 1782.
George Harris was professionally active until his death. The archives of Lambeth Palace possess documentation of a 1795 case pending in the Arches – the provincial court of the archbishop of Canterbury – wherein Harris was acting on behalf of the diocese of Winchester. Harris died only a few months later, on 19 April 1796. He left a last will in which he disposed of his huge wealth. He established several trusts, including two major ones on behalf of two London hospitals – one worth £20,000, the other £15,000. This is, in fact, not surprising, since Harris was involved in charity work during his lifetime. He was a member of the Corporations of the Sons of Clergy, which financially supported poor ecclesiastics and their families.
Translation of the Institutes: Content
Harris began his opus with an extensive dedicatory note addressed to Sir George Lee, then the dean of the Arches. In a typical panegyric manner, the civilian praised the merits of the judge for the development of English law as well as for his intellectual qualities. It would not be an exaggeration to say that Harris packed the note with all possible flattery. As an illustration, two passages can be quoted: ‘and, as I have the honor to attend those courts, in which you so eminently preside, I may hope to avail myself of the many opportunities of instruction, which must continually offer themselves’ and ‘the benefits, conferred by you, are not confined to individuals; your conduct as a Lord Commissioner of the Admiralty, and the satisfaction it gave the public, are sufficiently known’.
It seems that Harris here had a pragmatic purpose. Not only was George Lee, as the dean of the Arches, the presiding member of the College of Advocates, but he was also the head of the court before which the civilian appeared. It should not be ruled out that Harris’s actions were parts of his efforts to obtain a judgeship in the Arches. If this really was the case, it may be that these efforts were successful. The dedicatory note was signed by Harris on 25 February 1756. Less than three years later, in March 1759, the lawyer was already a surrogate-judge for the dean of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. It is true that at the time the Arches had a new dean, Sir Edward Simpson, but Lee had died only a few months earlier.
After the dedication, Harris placed the advertisement, where he pointed out his main aims in preparing his translation. He emphasised that his work should be treated as an introduction to the Institutes’ edition and commentary written by Arnold Vinnius. The second paragraph of the advertisement contains a short explanation regarding the notes added by Harris to the translation. He pointed out that the majority of them concern English law. He admitted also that they were not perfect but added that they should arouse the curiosity of a ‘young reader’. He hoped that these notes could also rouse the desire of the readers to study more deeply their national law as well as the Civil law, described by Harris as ‘the Master-work of human policy’.
Finally, the introductory part is crowned with the already-mentioned ‘A Brief Account of the Rise and Progress of the Roman Law’. Starting from the earliest stages of Roman legal history, Harris presented first the semi-legendary stories of the legislative activity of Romulus, a gathering of the leges regiae by Sextus Papirius and finally the exile of Tarquinius Priscus from Rome. In the opinion of Harris, the subsequent events that led to the creation of the republic were the times of ‘great incertainity in respect to law’. Arbitrary decisions of the magistrates brought widespread discontent among the people. As a consequence, the patricians succumbed to the plebeians and decided to appoint the ten men – decemviri – who would eventually propose a project to enact a law that would be partially based on Greek laws and partially on previous Roman laws. Next, Harris presented the circumstances that led to the appointment of another decemviri committee and to shape the final version of what would be known as the law of the Twelve Tables.
The story told by Harris is focused on the republican period. He noticed that shortly after the enactment of the lex duodecim tabularum, its provisions started to be changed due to their severity. In his opinion, the Senate was primarily responsible for these changes, as well as the plebeians who voted during their assemblies. It is curious, from a modern point of view, that he did not mention the role played by the far more important legislative body of the republican period, the popular assembly, and their statutes (leges). Instead, Harris pointed out the important role played by the learned jurists, by what he calls ‘auctoritas prudentum’. Harris went on to state that after the promulgation of the law of the Twelve Tables, the Roman system of actiones was constituted. At first, they were unknown to the public until Flavius made them public. Shortly thereafter, Sextus Aelius introduced a newer, much improved system of the legal actions.
Harris then suddenly changed the course of his arguments to focus on the pretorian edict. He explained that although the edict lost its authority after the one-year term of office of the pretor, nevertheless ‘many of them were so truly valuable for their justice and equity, that they have been perpetuated as laws’.
After these extended deliberations regarding the republican period, Harris dealt with the principate in just one paragraph. He declared that after the ‘re-establishment of monarchy’ by Augustus, the Roman law gained new types of sources – the imperial constitutions and the responses of the lawyers. The details regarding their issuing were, however, not interesting to him. Instead, he skipped about three-hundred years and proclaimed that at that time the number of the imperial constitutions was so great that it was necessary to codify them. He listed the names of the lawyers Gregorius and Hermogenes (sic), who compiled private collections of the constitutions during the reign of the emperor Constantine. Next, he emphasised, an official collection was promulgated on the command of Emperor Theodosius. Harris summed up this part of ‘A Brief Account’ by saying that all the foregoing attempts to fix the state of imperial legislation were imperfect. Due to this, the great work of Justinian’s codification was necessary.
In the following paragraphs, Harris presented the stages of the works of codification carried out by the forces appointed by the emperor. He mentioned that the laws created on behalf of the emperor should be unchangeable and that they should not be summarised or excerpted. In a separate paragraph, Harris pointed out that Justinian had continued his legislative efforts by issuing novels and edicts which were written in Greek rather than Latin. He explained that it was a consequence of the greater popularity of Greek language in the Eastern Empire. He finished these deliberations by mentioning the release of the Basilica.
Harris devoted the last part of ‘A Brief Account’ to the problem of later knowledge of the codification in Western Europe. He explained that it was not commonly known in the former Western Empire, and after the Lombard invasion it was nearly forgotten. Both Code and Pandects were missing until their rediscovery in the twelfth century, respectively in Ravenna and Amalfi. Since that time, however, they have been a subject of constant studies.
There are no doubts that the history of Roman law and its sources presented by Harris is disputable, especially when compared with twenty-first-century knowledge of Roman legal science. Harris’s knowledge, especially about the archaic and pre-classical Roman law, is rather simplified and based more on conjectures and legends than scientific arrangements. Other matters, like the rediscovery of the Digest in Amalfi were still unverified. It is important to remember, however, that ‘A Brief Account’ was only a short introduction and should precede further reading of Vinnius’s commentary .
After ‘A Brief Account’, the main section of Harris’s book starts: the translation equipped with numerous notes. His pattern is as follows: he first gives the original Latin text, followed by the English translation typed in italics. Where he believed it was necessary, he included a short commentary and the explanation of the pivotal terms at the end.
One of the characteristic features of Harris’s translation was his inclusion of a reference to the parallel segments in other parts of Justinian’s codification at the start of every title in the Institutes. For example, beneath the name of the first title of the first book of the Institutes (De iustitia et iure) Harris indicated the designation ‘D. 1 T. 1’ that redirects the reader to the first title of the first book of Justinian’s Digest, which bears the same name. In another place, beneath the eighteenth title of the second book of the Institutes (De inofficioso testamento) the translator indicated the parallel places both in the Digest and the Code. Such practice was characteristic for English civilian literature in the eighteenth century. It can be observed in various places throughout the century. Francis Dickins, the Regius Professor of Civil Law in Cambridge (1714–55) used it, for example, in his lecture notes. In the 1770s the same method was exploited by Samuel Hallifax in his textbook.
Another characteristic of Harris’s work was the addition of informal subtitles clarifying the content of the following segment of the Institutes. A good example is the already-mentioned title De inofficioso testamento. It was divided into the following subtitles: Ratio huius querelae (I. 2, 18, pr.); Qui de inofficioso agunt (I. 2, 18, 1); Qui alio iure veniunt, de inofficioso non agunt (I. 2, 18, 2); De eo, cui testator aliquid reliquit (I. 2, 18, 3); Si tutor, cui nihil a patre relictum, pupilli nomine legatum acceperit (I. 2, 18, 4); Si de inofficioso nomine pupilli agens succubuerit (I. 2, 18, 5); De quarta legitima partis (I. 2, 18, 6–7). Although the addition was unique in comparison with other civilian works of the epoch, it was not Harris’s independent idea. The names of the subtitles were borrowed from Vinnius’s commentary.
The publication of the English translation of Justinian’s Institutes was a very important event in the history of the English science of Roman Civil law. A crucial component of that translation was the notes. In fact, they were arguably the most significant element of the translation. Close analysis of them shows that Harris was a very well-read independent scholar who knew both older and more recent legal literature well. His reading was not restricted to Civil law. On the contrary, Harris also reveals extensive knowledge of the English legal system. It is noteworthy that the works to which Harris referred very often represented other disciplines and are a good manifestation of the lawyer’s comprehensive knowledge.
These legal sources are quoted by Harris on many different occasions. He had an extensive orientation in all parts of Justinian’s codification. In many notes it is possible to find direct references to parallel passages of the Digest, Code and Novels . Quite often he based his argumentation also on Theophilus’s Paraphrase. The Theodosian Code, by contrast, was used infrequently. Harris also quoted non-legal sources. Besides the Cicero orations, he also referred to Tacitus’s Annales, Suetonius and Aulus Gellius. Among the Greek authors, he used the works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Herodotus, Plutarch and the Homeric epics.
As for the scholarly works, Harris referred to a great number of Roman Civil law authors who represent different traditions. It is possible to find in the notes citation of the following authors: Bartolus, Philibert Bugnyon, Diego de Covarrubias y Leyva, Cujacius (Cujas), Jean Domat (quoted both in the original version as well as in the English translation by William Strahan), Jean Doujat , Claude-Joseph de Ferrière, Simon van Groenewegen van der Made, Johann Friedrich Gronovius, Grotius, Heineccius, Joachim Hoppe, François Hotman, Gilles Ménage, Joachim Mynsinger von Frundeck, Matthew Wesenbeck and, naturally, Arnold Vinnius. In addition to these Continental scholars, Harris referred to only three English civilians, all of whom were living in the eighteenth century, namely Robert Eden, John Taylor and Thomas Wood.
A separate group, much more interesting than the English civilians, is made up of writers on English law, whom he used extensively. This is a rather surprising occurrence, especially given that Harris had never been trained in Common law. It can be assumed, however, that he was quite well self-educated in this field of knowledge. Besides the oldest English legal treatises, i.e. Glanvill and Bracton, Harris referred also to another medieval text – Britton. The lawyers of later epochs cited by Harris are: Matthew Bacon, Thomas Blount, Edward Coke, John Cowell, Anthony Fitzherbert, John Fortescue, Matthew Hale, William Hawkins, Thomas Littleton, John Rastell, Thomas Smith, Christopher St German and Thomas Wood.
Harris was also keen to refer to English ecclesiastical lawyers, including Edmund Gibson, John Godolphin and Henry Swinburne. In addition, in one of the notes, Harris referred to a work entitled Ordo iudiciorum but did not insert the name of the author. The context of Harris’s statement, however, suggests that he was referring to the work published in 1728 by Thomas Oughton. Pre-Reformation literature was not exploited by Harris, except that he referred three times to Gregory IX’s Liber extra. The ‘ecclesiastical’ context was strengthened by Harris referring to passages from the Bible as well as the theological literature. It is interesting that among that last type of references it is possible to find a citation of the Catholic theologian, Peter Faber, a Jesuit priest and the disciple of Ignatius of Loyola.
As to English law, it has to be emphasised that Harris devoted much of his attention to the problems of legislation and court practice. This last feature of the translation is especially fascinating. The oldest law reports quoted by Harris date back to the sixteenth century. These are the reports of the judge Sir James Dyer, those known as Keilway’s Reports as well as those of the lawyer Edmund Plowden. From the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries come another three law reports: Sir Edmund Anderson’s, Sir Edward Coke’s and Sir George Croke’s. The seventeenth century is represented by the reports by Thomas Hardres, Thomas Siderfin and John Vaughan and the collection known as Levine’s King’s Bench and Common Pleas Reports 1660–1697. The turn of the seventeenth and eighteenth century is represented by the reports series Modern Reports and the reports collected by William Salkeld, whilst the eighteenth century is witnessed by the reports authored by Sir Jeffrey Gilbert, Lord Raymond and Sir John Strange. The activity of the Chancery is attested by Harris through the quotation of four reports series: an anonymous A General Abridgement of Cases in Equity, Argued and Adjudged in the High Court of Chancery etc., the Chancery Cases and the Chancery Reports, as well as the reports of Thomas Vernon. The ecclesiastical judgments are quoted only once, when Harris referred to the reports collected by Edward Stillingfeet.
Quite unique are the references to the experience of Scottish institutional writers – Sir George Mackenzie and Lord Stair. In both cases Harris referred to their Institutions. Also, in one place, it is possible to find a mention of Norman customs of the Channel Islands.
Obviously, Harris was also using some secondary, auxiliary literature. Among these works, it is worth mentioning the historical pieces Basil Kennett’s Antiquities of Rome and John Potter’s Archaeologia Greca or the Antiquities of Greece. Besides, Harris was using philosophical works, like Tetrachordon by John Milton and Montesquieu’s De l’esprit des lois. Among the dictionaries can be mentioned Thesaurus linguae latinae by Robert Estienne and Thesaurus eruditionis scholasticae by Basil Faber.
Following the translation of the Institutes, Harris added a single supplement to his work. It was an English translation of the Novel 118, decreed by Justinian in 543. The imperial constitution was part of the famous changes that the emperor introduced in the field of the intestate succession. The reason for its attachment to the translation of the Institutes is not clear, as Harris did not explain his action in this regard. It seems natural, though, that the translation could have been dictated by practical reasons. After all, ecclesiastical courts – the domain of the civilians’ activity – were mainly preoccupied with testamentary inheritance cases. The Novel and its translation cover a little over ten pages. The text was presented in three ways. First, Harris presented the Greek version of the constitution. Second, the Latin translation of the constitution was added. Finally, beneath these two versions, an English translation was included.
Just as with the Institutes, the lawyer equipped the Novel with extensive commentaries. The apparatus is varied again. Among the civilian works it is possible to find the two pieces already mentioned before – written by Domat and Ferrière. In addition, Harris also used two other civilian treatises authored by Petrus Gudelinus (Pierre Goudelin) and Johannes Voet. English law is again represented by Glanvill, Littleton and Coke, and in addition by the work on criminal law written by Sir Michael Foster. Finally, the law reports were used by Harris. Only the reports of Lord Raymond were reused. In addition, another three were used by Harris for the very first time: the reports prepared by Sir John Holt, Sir Bartholomew Shower and William Peere Williams.
What were the origins of such a wealth of literature? The translation was published in 1756. Even, if it is assumed that this project was initiated by Harris while still at Oxford, the 1749 edition of the translation does not reveal much about Harris’s interest in constructing elaborate notes. It seems plausible that the notes were mostly already written after Harris’s graduation, while he was a member of the College of Advocates. Besides a private library which was definitely continually expanded by Harris, it is most likely that his main supplying source was the library of the Doctors’ Commons. This conclusion can be partially confirmed by juxtaposing the list of works used by Harris with the library catalogue of Doctors’ Commons published in 1818. Although not all the works to which he referred can be found in the catalogue, many of them were in the College’s possession. While he was living in London, it is possible that Harris also had access to Lambeth Palace Library as well as the libraries of the Inns of Court. Finally, it is plausible that he used bishops’ or cathedrals’ libraries while he was travelling around the country to fulfil his professional duties .
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A "collège" education followed by law studies
(This Musing provides supplementary information about the education that Marc-Antoine Charpentier can be presumed to have received. For information his enrollment in the Law Faculty in 1662,
see my Musing on the law school register signed by Charpentier)
A brief summary of the type of studies that Marc-Antoine Charpentier had completed by the time he was eighteen will not only help us understand his mature years, it will also shed light on why his contemporaries considered him to be savant -- "savant" primarily in the compositional art, but also far more learned than the typical musician or composer.
Law studies, an open-sesame to a career in the Church
As a background to our understanding of the family politics underlying Marc-Antoine Charpentier's studies in a collège and his embarking on the three years of university studies that would lead to a doctorate in law, we can profit from Joseph Bergin's tableau of the typical education of seventeenth-century French prelates -- and of their subordinates in the Gallican Church.
Indeed, it was during his research for Crown, Church and Episcopate under Louis XIV (New Haven and London, 2004) that Bergin came upon Marc-Antoine Charpentier's inscription in the register of the law faculty. Although his chapter entitled "College, University and Seminary" (especially pp. 81-104) talks primarily about bishops and archbishops, Bergin points out that many of his findings apply not only to prelates and their relatives, but to cathedral canons as well. Since one of Marc-Antoine Charpentier's cousin by marriage was Sevin, bishop of Cahors, and since his paternal uncle, Pierre Charpentier, was a canon at the cathedral of Meaux, Bergin's observations can shed light on why Marc-Antoine -- although not a "younger son" -- may have been directed toward the law by his parents and/or guardian: "Younger sons destined for clerical careers were rarely without uncles or older relatives already in the church, whether bishops, canons, or mere curates. Family understandings ... usually placed some responsibility on those clerical shoulders for educating younger members in due course" (p. 84).
By the mid-seventeenth century, university studies -- either a doctorate in theology or a doctorate in law -- had become a prerequisite for advancement in the church (p. 81). Bergin's research revealed that, until the mid- to late-1660s, more future churchmen studied law than theology (pp. 93-95); and that the study of canon law far exceeded the study of civil law. "By choosing canon law for their degree, even those who were steering clear of theology were nevertheless committing themselves to a career in the church" (p. 96).
While there is no evidence to suggest that his uncle in Meaux or his Sevin cousins in Cahors shaped Marc-Antoine Charpentier's education in any way, the fact that he signed up to study with Jean Doujat, a respected scholar in canon law, suggests that, at nineteen, Marc-Antoine (or his guardians) was "committing himself to a career in the church" -- or was at least keeping open that possibility. That is to say, once Marc-Antoine had earned his doctorate in law, if he was fortunate enough to be offered a position as "agent" for a powerful churchman, he could take the requisite vows and be tonsured. If ecclesiastical fortune did not smile on him, he could still earn a livelihood in a post requiring an ability to "read" and "write' either canonical or civil law.
In this context, Bergin's observations about the role played by the Society of Jesus in educating churchmen are therefore very thought-provoking. The Jesuits were always on the lookout for talented young men to along; and if the collège where a youth began his studies was weak in the subject in which he excelled, arrangements would be made for him to continue his studies elsewhere: "Out of fifty-seven bishops for whom information survives, twenty-eight had been to a Jesuit college ..." (p. 86). "One of the features of these networks of colleges [principally those run by the Doctrinaires, the Jesuits, the Oratorians] was the possibility that individual students could be singled out, sometimes at an early age, for their ability or future prospects, and then 'forwarded' to better-placed or better-known institutions. ... The active 'sponsorship' of their brightest pupils (in the broadest sense) by the Jesuits, Oratorians and other orders cannot be underestimated" (p. 87).
Through their family friend, Marie Talon, the Charpentiers had close ties to the Jesuits. (See my Portraits around Marc-Antoine Charpentier, pp. 95-98.) It is therefore quite likely that at some point in his education the Jesuits either "singled him out" or ensured that he would be "forwarded" to an institution where his intellectual and musical talents would be nourished.
A "college education" in the 1650s and 1660s
For an overview of what was involved in Charpentier's "college education" -- that is, his ten years of study that culminated in his admission to the law faculty at nineteen -- we can scarcely do better than to consult Roland Mousnier's sketch of the course of study and the pedagogy of a Parisian collège and his tableau of the Paris law school, Les Institutions de la France sous la Monarchie absolue ( Paris: PUF, 1974), vol. 1, pp. 552 ff. (Another very useful publication is George Huppert's, Public Schools in Renaissance France, Chicago: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1984, passim.) A summary of the principal points in Mousnier's broadly-brushed tableau follows.
The duration of the course of study in a typical collège
The basic course of study lasted eight years. After having studied what was known as "grammaire," the student progressed to sixième, cinquième, quatrième, troisième, and finally to the "humanités." After that he moved on the final two years of study, known as the "première" or "rhétorique"
At this point, most students left school. In fact, the ones who stayed on for rhétorique were usually those "qui jugeaient nécessaire de conquérir licence et doctorat dans les facultés." These select few took a year of "philosophie," studying "la logique et la morale." During the second year of these supplementary studies, they studied "physique" and "métaphysique." At that point, they were awarded a "maître ès arts" and could be admitted to specialized faculties such as theology, law or medicine.
In other words, to be admitted to the Faculté de Droit, Marc-Antoine Charpentier almost certainly had passed the examinations for a maîtrise ès arts, and this accomplishment had been validated by the University of Paris. He clearly had done this by the summer of 1662, when he was still eighteen or had newly turned nineteen. This means that he had mastered the entire cursus of one of the Parisian collèges -- ten years of study. In other words, at the age of eight or nine, he had been enrolled in a collège, perhaps as a boursier, that is, a scholarship student, or perhaps as an externe or non-boarder (the less costly option).
The subjects studied, the pedagogy employed
The goal of the first six years was to "former le cÅur de l'homme, d'exercer et entraîner son esprit" by means of "les humanités, les grands auteurs latins et grecs. Il s'agissait de s'en imprégner, de les imiter, de rivaliser avec eux, de les dépasser et, par de petits changements, de les renouveler. La métaphore des abeilles qui vont puiser le suc des fleurs en en font leur miel est constante chez les auteurs qui préconisent cet enseignement."
The pedagogical exercise used for beginners (and for more advanced classes as well) was the "prélection." Students listened as the teacher gave a "leçon magistrale" that would prepare them for studying the text. The teacher himself would read the text aloud, to bring out its meaning; and then he would explain the argument of the selected excerpt within the context of the whole. He would read a phrase in Latin, paraphrase it, and explain difficult passages; he would discuss the style, turn the phrases about, etc.
In the lowest classes, the attention was on the words themselves. But the focus gradually moved to syntax, and mythological allusions were explained. When the students had advanced to the "humanities" classes, style and speech rhythms were discussed. "Les humanités reposaient sur l'explication des poètes: beauté des formes, propriété et variété des termes, élégance et originalité de l'expression, éclat et couleur des images, musique des rythmes, qui déchaînent l'émotion, l'enthousiasme, ouvrent l'imagination du cÅur."
"Rhétorique" brought the study of orators and historians, and the students learned elocution, composition, and oratory. They also analyzed the moral aspects of the text.
"Il semble que les régents ne dictaient pas mais qu'il parlaient. Les élèves prenaient des notes. Le texte des auteurs étaient présenté en feuilles, nu, sans note, avec de larges interlignes et des pages intercalaires blanches pour noter."
"Apres la prélection, venait le travail personnel de l'élève, la revue." The student studied both his notes and the texts themselves; he noted which passages were not clear to him, so they could be explained again; and he summarized the master's explanations. He copied down the author's text and learned it by heart before going to bed. Every morning the students would declaim the text with the appropriate gestures (this exercise was called the "recitatio"). Then they would re-do the prélection, with the master interrupting to ask questions about grammar, syntax, meaning, etc. All this had to be done with a clear and accurate pronunciation of Latin (Latin pronounced à la française, of course). "Tout l'enseignement était donné en latin. Les élèves parlaient le latin." They likewise wrote their compositions in Latin. In addition, they learned the art of letter-writing, and of writing poems and speeches.
We can therefore assume that Charpentier knew Latin quite well (and had mastered some Greek), and that he had studied the principal classical authors for about six years.
"Les élèves tenaient des cahiers de loci communes ou sentences, locutions, comparaisons, images, définitions, proverbes, maximes, fables, adages." They carefully selected these "commonplaces" that would serve them later when they were called to reflect upon one theme or another. "Cet enseignement avait des vertus. Il permettait l'acquisition de ce qu'il y a de plus beau et de meilleur dans l'humanité. Il aidait à la libération de ce qu'il y a de meilleur dans l'homme. Il exerçait à pénétrer au plus profond du cÅur humain, même des ses replis le plus secrets. Il apprenait toute une méthode pour conduire l'esprit: sous les mots, chercher la pensée et ainsi fuire la psittacisme ["parroting" words, without understanding the ideas the words represent]; sous l'idée, chercher la réalité et ainsi écarter les formules creuses; sous la réalité, chercher les essences et ainsi éviter l'empirisme, ses limites et sa dispersion; poursuivre les rapports multiples entre les objets et les idées, trouver sous ces rapports un monde qui paraissait s'harmoniser et s'unifier à partir d'un centre unique, Dieu. Une recherche de Dieu s'opérait à partir des belles formes et à travers la beauté spirituelle des grandes âmes qui ont voulu s'exprimer par ces formes. -- Toute recherche peut échouer." There were, of course, drawbacks to this approach, so teachers tried to overcome them by livening up the more abstract lessons with practical exercises, for example the astrolabe, measuring devices, the compass, maps, etc.
Marc-Antoine Charpentier's use of "Aliquando bonus Homerus..." in the Beretta mass is strong evidence that he had compiled a book of commonplaces.
The Law Faculty and the intellectual formation of statesmen and administrators
Mousnier addresses the sort of education that was expected of future lawyers -- a category that, we now know, included Marc-Antoine Charpentier. There were, he says, no special schools to train magistrates or civil servants of all sorts. "Les hommes [que l'Ãtat] emploie dans ses conseils, ses Cours de justice, ses bureaux reçoivent d'ordinaire la formation commune des collèges, complétée ensuite par des études de droit. Tout le monde a une teinture de théologie, car la religion catholique, apostolique et romaine constitue un fonds commun, qui donne les vues d'ensemble nécessaires sur l'Univers, la destinée de l'homme, sa conduite en ce monde." Some high magistrates, he continues, hired preceptors so that their sons could be taught at home, but what the boys learned at home differed little from the curriculum of the collège -- be the collège a university school or be it run by a religious order.
"Les futurs magistrats fréquentaient plus encore les collèges des Jésuites, en particulier le Collège de Clermont à Paris, qui devint Collège Louis-le-Grand en 1682 ..., les collèges des Oratoriens, surtout celui de Juilly, les collèges des Doctrinaires. En fait, tous enseignent à peu près comme les collèges de l'Université de Paris, modo parisiensis."
"La plupart des futurs officiers et des grands commis poursuivaient des études de droit, quelques-uns des études de théologie. Turgot estimait que seuls les théologiens savaient raisonner."
Law studies -- including those at the Paris faculty, until Doujat began shaking up the moribund institution -- were often "médiocres." Many universities awarded the licence and doctorate in exchange for money. "Mais les étudiants trouvaient beaucoup de leçons données par des docteurs-répétiteurs qui étaient des gens de pratique, évêques, maîtres des requêtes, conseillers au Parlement, aumôniers de la Cour, avocats au Parlement." Ces "siffleurs" enseignaient soit chez eux, où il groupaient jusqu'à vingt élèves, soit en leçons particulières. à la faculté ou en répétitions, c'était presque toujours la même méthode: une demi-heure de dictée, une demi-heure d'explication de la dictée, une demi-heure d'interrogation et de discussion. Des méthodes imprimées donnaient des conseils pour le travail personnel: revoir la dictée et les notes prises au cours des explications, les rédiger, lire les textes citées, les étudier; lire ensemble les codes d'où ces textes étaient tirés et les livres des grands auteurs sur la question; se faire des cahiers d'extraits, méthodiquement classés. En somme tout ceci reposait sur un très bon principe: le recours perpétuel aux sources, leur étude personnelle et directe pour s'en pénétrer. L'enseignement était complété par des discussions, où les antagonistes argumentaient en forme: les disputes."
(In short, the pedagogy at the law school was a prolongation of the pedagogy of the collège. Thus a serious nineteen-year-old -- and we assume that Marc-Antoine Charpentier was serious -- would have felt quite a home in his new environment.)
French law -- that is, "droit civil" -- did not become part of the curriculum until 1679. In Marc-Antoine Charpentier's day studies focused on canon law and Roman law/customary law.
To become a "bachelier en droit, il fallait deux ans d'étude, subir un examen et soutenir une dispute de deux heures; pour devenir licencié, un an de plus, un examen et une dispute de trois heures; pour le doctorat, un an encore, une explication de texte et une dispute de quatre heures."
But Marc-Antoine Charpentier withdrew from the faculty without having done more than dip his toe into the deep waters of the law.
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French author and journalist (1844–1924)
For the metro station, see Anatole France (Paris Métro).
Anatole France (French: [anatɔl fʁɑ̃s]; born François-Anatole Thibault, [frɑ̃swa anatɔl tibo]; 16 April 1844 – 12 October 1924) was a French poet, journalist, and novelist with several best-sellers. Ironic and skeptical, he was considered in his day the ideal French man of letters.[1] He was a member of the Académie Française, and won the 1921 Nobel Prize in Literature "in recognition of his brilliant literary achievements, characterized as they are by a nobility of style, a profound human sympathy, grace, and a true Gallic temperament".[2]
France is also widely believed to be the model for narrator Marcel's literary idol Bergotte in Marcel Proust's In Search of Lost Time.[3]
Early years
[edit]
The son of a bookseller, France, a bibliophile,[4] spent most of his life around books. His father's bookstore specialized in books and papers on the French Revolution and was frequented by many writers and scholars. France studied at the Collège Stanislas, a private Catholic school, and after graduation he helped his father by working in his bookstore.[5] After several years, he secured the position of cataloguer at Bacheline-Deflorenne and at Lemerre. In 1876, he was appointed librarian for the French Senate.[6]
Literary career
[edit]
France began his literary career as a poet and a journalist. In 1869, Le Parnasse contemporain published one of his poems, "La Part de Madeleine". In 1875, he sat on the committee in charge of the third Parnasse contemporain compilation. As a journalist, from 1867, he wrote many articles and notices. He became known with the novel Le Crime de Sylvestre Bonnard (1881).[7] Its protagonist, skeptical old scholar Sylvester Bonnard, embodied France's own personality. The novel was praised for its elegant prose and won him a prize from the Académie Française.[8]
In La Rotisserie de la Reine Pedauque (1893) France ridiculed belief in the occult, and in Les Opinions de Jérôme Coignard (1893), France captured the atmosphere of the fin de siècle. He was elected to the Académie Française in 1896.[9]
France took a part in the Dreyfus affair. He signed Émile Zola's manifesto supporting Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish army officer who had been falsely convicted of espionage.[10] France wrote about the affair in his 1901 novel Monsieur Bergeret.
France's later works include Penguin Island (L'Île des Pingouins, 1908) which satirizes human nature by depicting the transformation of penguins into humans – after the birds have been baptized by mistake by the almost-blind Abbot Mael. It is a satirical history of France, starting in Medieval times, going on to the author's own time with special attention to the Dreyfus affair and concluding with a dystopian future. The Gods Are Athirst (Les dieux ont soif, 1912) is a novel, set in Paris during the French Revolution, about a true-believing follower of Maximilien Robespierre and his contribution to the bloody events of the Reign of Terror of 1793–94. It is a wake-up call against political and ideological fanaticism and explores various other philosophical approaches to the events of the time. The Revolt of the Angels (La Revolte des Anges, 1914) is often considered France's most profound and ironic novel. Loosely based on the Christian understanding of the War in Heaven, it tells the story of Arcade, the guardian angel of Maurice d'Esparvieu. Bored because Bishop d'Esparvieu is sinless, Arcade begins reading the bishop's books on theology and becomes an atheist. He moves to Paris, meets a woman, falls in love, and loses his virginity causing his wings to fall off, joins the revolutionary movement of fallen angels, and meets the Devil, who realizes that if he overthrew God, he would become just like God. Arcade realizes that replacing God with another is meaningless unless "in ourselves and in ourselves alone we attack and destroy Ialdabaoth." "Ialdabaoth", according to France, is God's secret name and means "the child who wanders".
He was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1921. He died on 13 October 1924[1] and is buried in the Neuilly-sur-Seine Old Communal Cemetery near Paris.
On 31 May 1922, France's entire works were put on the Index Librorum Prohibitorum ("List of Prohibited Books") of the Catholic Church.[11] He regarded this as a "distinction".[12] This Index was abolished in 1966.
Personal life
[edit]
In 1877, France married Valérie Guérin de Sauville, a granddaughter of Jean-Urbain Guérin, a miniaturist who painted Louis XVI.[13] Their daughter Suzanne was born in 1881 (and died in 1918).
France's relations with women were always turbulent, and in 1888 he began a relationship with Madame Arman de Caillavet, who conducted a celebrated literary salon of the Third Republic. The affair lasted until shortly before her death in 1910.[13]
After his divorce, in 1893, France had many liaisons, notably with a Madame Gagey, who committed suicide in 1911.[14]
In 1920, France married for the second time, to Emma Laprévotte.[15]
France had socialist sympathies and was an outspoken supporter of the 1917 Russian Revolution. However he also vocally defended the institution of monarchy as more inclined to peace than bourgeois democracy, saying in relation to efforts to end the First World War that "a king of France, yes a king, would have had pity on our poor, exhausted, bloodied nation. However democracy is without a heart and without entrails. When serving the powers of money, it is pitiless and inhuman."[16] In 1920, he gave his support to the newly founded French Communist Party.[17] In his book The Red Lily, France famously wrote, "The law, in its majestic equality, forbids rich and poor alike to sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets, and to steal loaves of bread."[18]
Reputation
[edit]
The English writer George Orwell defended France and declared that his work remained very readable, and that "it is unquestionable that he was attacked partly from political motives".[19]
Works
[edit]
Poetry
[edit]
Les Légions de Varus, poem published in 1867 in the Gazette rimée.
Poèmes dorés (1873)
Les Noces corinthiennes (The Bride of Corinth) (1876)
Prose fiction
[edit]
Jocaste et le chat maigre (Jocasta and the Famished Cat) (1879)
Le Crime de Sylvestre Bonnard (The Crime of Sylvestre Bonnard) (1881)
Les Désirs de Jean Servien (The Aspirations of Jean Servien) (1882)
Abeille (Honey-Bee) (1883)
Balthasar (1889)
Thaïs (1890)
L'Étui de nacre (Mother of Pearl) (1892)
La Rôtisserie de la reine Pédauque (At the Sign of the Reine Pédauque) (1892)
Nos Enfants (Our Children: Scenes from the Country and the Town) (1886) illustrated by Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel
Les Opinions de Jérôme Coignard (The Opinions of Jerome Coignard) (1893)
Le Lys rouge (The Red Lily) (1894)
Le Puits de Sainte Claire (The Well of Saint Clare) (1895)
L'Histoire contemporaine (A Chronicle of Our Own Times)
1: L'Orme du mail (The Elm-Tree on the Mall) (1897)
2: Le Mannequin d'osier (The Wicker-Work Woman) (1897)
3: L'Anneau d'améthyste (The Amethyst Ring) (1899)
4: Monsieur Bergeret à Paris (Monsieur Bergeret in Paris) (1901)
Clio (1900)
Histoire comique (A Mummer's Tale) (1903)
Sur la pierre blanche (The White Stone) (1905)
L'Affaire Crainquebille (1901)
L'Île des Pingouins (Penguin Island) (1908)
Les Contes de Jacques Tournebroche (The Merrie Tales of Jacques Tournebroche) (1908)
Les Sept Femmes de Barbe bleue et autres contes merveilleux (The Seven Wives of Bluebeard and Other Marvelous Tales) (1909)
Bee The Princess of the Dwarfs (1912)
Les dieux ont soif (The Gods Are Athirst) (1912)
La Révolte des anges (The Revolt of the Angels) (1914)
Marguerite (1920) illustrated by Fernand Siméon
Memoirs
[edit]
Le Livre de mon ami (My Friend's Book) (1885)
Pierre Nozière (1899)
Le Petit Pierre (Little Pierre) (1918)
La Vie en fleur (The Bloom of Life) (1922)
Plays
[edit]
Au petit bonheur (1898)
Crainquebille (1903)
La Comédie de celui qui épousa une femme muette (The Man Who Married A Dumb Wife) (1908)
Le Mannequin d'osier (The Wicker Woman) (1928)
Historical biography
[edit]
Vie de Jeanne d'Arc (The Life of Joan of Arc) (1908)
Literary criticism
[edit]
Alfred de Vigny (1869)
Le Château de Vaux-le-Vicomte (1888)
Le Génie Latin (The Latin Genius) (1909)
Social criticism
[edit]
Le Jardin d'Épicure (The Garden of Epicurus) (1895)
Opinions sociales (1902)
Le Parti noir (1904)
Vers les temps meilleurs (1906)
Sur la voie glorieuse (1915)
Trente ans de vie sociale, in four volumes, (1949, 1953, 1964, 1973)
References
[edit]
[edit]
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Law Faculty Register:
Marc-Antoine Charpentier enters law school, October 1662
Thanks to historian Joseph Bergin, we now know that, for a very short while, Marc-Antoine Charpentier had enrolled for a training in the law, perhaps for a career on the margins of the Parlement or the Châtelet, or perhaps in the Church where canon law was a key to advancement.
The inscription in the Law Faculty register
On October 24, 1662, Charpentier wrote out the following statement in the inscription register of the Paris Law Faculty, la Faculté de Droit (AN, MM 1059, p. 11). He apparently was so nervous that he misspelled his name: Anthonicus -- which he then corrected, trying not to call attention to the mistake by crossing something out. The result was closer to Anthoniust than to Anthonius.
Ego Marcus Anthonius Charpentier cÅpi excipere scripta et lectiones DD Phylippi de Buzines et Joannes Doujat cæleb. anteces. die 24 oct. an 1662
M A Charpentier Pari.
That is to say:
"I, Marc Anthoine Charpentier undertake to receive writing and reading [in law] from Dom Philippe de Buzines and Dom Jean Doujat, celebrated professors [caelebrium antecessorum], on the 24th day of October of the year 1662.
M. A. Charpentier, Parisian"
These twenty-seven words teach us so much!
Thanks to this document we can infer that:
--- on the eve of his nineteenth year, Marc-Antoine Charpentier, who would become an acknowledged master at setting Latin devotional texts to music (http://www.cmbv.com/fr/edit/livres/cmbv-hc2.htm), was conversant in Latin and knew at least a modicum of Greek;
--- he had completed the cursus in one of the Parisian collèges and had been awarded the degree of maître ès arts;
--- the Talon-Voisin family, who had attended the wedding of Marc-Antoine's sister only a few months earlier, was watching over Marc-Antoine;
--- Marc-Antoine may have entered into contact with Armand-Jean de Riants as early as 1662; and
--- Marc-Antoine reveals some of his career aspirations as he began his twentieth year.
Let us look more closely at the information provided by this document.
Marc-Antoine Charpentier's education
The statutes of the Faculté de Droit stipulated that students "ne peuvent commencer l'étude de Droit qu'après la maîtrise-ès-arts, c'est-à -dire après avoir acquis les connaissances philosophiques et des éléments de la langue grecque et latine." (Marie-Antoinette Lemasne-Desjobert, La Faculté de Droit de Paris aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, Paris: Cujas, 1966, p. 74.)
To earn a maîtrise, the student had to complete some ten years of study in a collège and then pass an examination by which the University of Paris validated his accomplishments. (Students who had spent less than ten years in formal studies were sometimes permitted to take this examination.)
From the very first, a student at a collège was taught in Latin, spoke in Latin, wrote in Latin; he committed to memory a host of "commonplaces," lieux communs, and he then declaimed them in class. In other words, by the time he was eighteen, Marc-Antoine Charpentier had not only studied the classics, he had also acquired considerable proficiency in Latin grammar and had learned to declaim the language according to the rhetorical practices of his day.
Several Parisian collèges provided this sort of education and were preferred by parents who were planning a legal career for their child, as were either Marc-Antoine's late parents or the guardian appointed by the officials at the Châtelet. There were the Oratorian schools (especially the collège of Juilly, located just to the west of today's Charles de Gaulle Airport); the collèges run by the Doctrinaires (but these schools were primarily located in the South); and the Jesuit Collège de Clermont in Paris, renowned for its pedagogy. The course of study known as the modo parisiensis, which was observed in the collèges of the University of Paris, was adhered to by these schools administered by religious orders. (Roland Mousnier, Les Institutions de de France sous la Monarchie absolue, Paris: PUF, 1974, vol. 1, p. 552.)
There were certain tacit prerequisites for admission to a law school. Law students must have "natural intelligence and disposition, must have received instruction from childhood on, must have a correct knowledge of the law, must work tirelessly, must spend the appropriate amount of time on their studies, ... and must have a place to study that is convenient and favorable to working." (Lemasne-Desjobert, p. 79.) Should we assume that Marc-Antoine Charpentier met all these requirements -- and that a quiet corner for studying was made available to the him somewhere, perhaps in his linener sister's left-bank lodgings?
(The education typically acquired in a collège and at the law faculty is summarized on a separate page of this site: the college and the law school)
Yet another link to the Talon family
In October 1662, only two months after Ãlisabeth Charpentier signed her wedding contract in the presence of Dame Marie Talon, Marc-Antoine became a student of Marie's maternal cousin, Jean Doujat, a professor of canon law at the Collège Royal (today's Collège de France). Profoundly upset by the moribund situation at the law faculty, where Philippe de Busine was the sole teacher in the Ãcoles du décret -- that is, the only professor who directed the "readings" from the Decretals that were an essential part of the curriculum (Lemasne-Desjobert, p.59). Busine was determined to remain unique, the better to pocket all inscription fees for himself.
After a struggle pitting the Parlement against Busine, Jean Doujat was named to the faculty by the Parlement in 1655. Himself a judge in the Parlement and a member of the French Academy, Doujat soon became one of the central figures at the law school and did much to give the establishment renewed vigor. (Lemasne-Desjobert, pp. 17, 45-46, 58, 61, 87, 89ff.; and Dictionnaire de biographie française, "Doujat.")
When Marc-Antoine Charpentier began his studies in the fall of 1662, Jean Doujat was teaching canon law, that is, the Decretals, the papal decrees. Author of a Spanish grammar, a method for learning foreign languages, a Latin treatise on Christian marriage, and a variety of Latin "oratii," Doujat had been selected to fulfill a clause in the will of Jean d'Artis, his late predecessor (and supporter in the nomination struggle.) D'Artis had bequeathed 1,000 livres to cover the costs of a folio edition of his writings on canon law. (The volume was published in 1656.) When Charpentier signed up to study with Doujat, the latter was doubtlessly at work on the two-volume study of French canon law that would be published in 1671.
(Another clause in d'Artis' will is of particular interest. He provided money for scholarships to poor law students. Here is some evidence that, after 1651, a fund existed so that regents could award scholarships to needy young men.)
Celibacy was an issue in the appointment of a professor. That is, Doujat's predecessor, Jean d'Artis, had long argued that the only way to reverse the decline at the law school was to select unmarried men as regent-antecessors. Thus, "pour affirmer une dernière fois ses convictions de célibataire, d'Artis rendit dans ce testament le mariage des régents responsable de la décadence des études à la faculté de droit canon, et il voulut exclure de son legs les régents mariés ou même qui se marieraient après l'expiration de leurs fonctions." (Dictionnaire de biographie française, "Artis").
Therefore when Doujat was nominated to succeed d'Artis in 1651, one of the principal points in his favor had been the fact that "being unmarried, Doujat would occupy one of the chairs with great dignity," Doujat n'étant pas marié, remplirait très dignement une des chaires (Lemasne-Desjobart, p. 59).
Doujat was also the scindic of the faculty -- which now totaled six "regents," plus an undetermined number of agrégés appointed by the Parlement of Paris to ensure a more comprehensive course of study. As scindic, Doujat verified the accuracy of the record books, to ensure that the candidates for exams had completed the requirements; he signed all theses, having first verified that there were no errors or faulty principles; he also took minutes of faculty meetings. (Lemasne-Desjobert, pp. 21-22, 38-39; see also the article on Doujat at Wikipedia.fr.) Voltaire suggests that Doujat eventually married and fathered children (Le Siècle de Louis XIV : Catalogue de la plupart des écrivains français qui ont paru dans le Siècle de Louis XIV, pour servir à lâhistoire littéraire de ce temps, 1751).
How was Jean Doujat related to Marie Talon?
In the mid-sixteenth century a certain Louis Doujat had left Toulouse to establish himself in Parisian legal circles. One of his sons remained in Toulouse, where he was a councillor in the Parlement of Toulouse. Another son, Jean Doujat, joined his father in Paris and served as avocat général to Catherine de Médicis. The granddaughter of this Jean Doujat, Françoise Doujat, would marry Omer Talon, the renowned avocat général in the Parlement of Paris. By 1662 their daughter, Marie Talon, would befriend Marc-Antoine Charpentier's sister Ãlisabeth.
Meanwhile, the Toulouse branch of the family had produced the Jean Doujat with whom Marc-Antoine would study in 1662. This particular Jean Doujat -- like Françoise Doujat-Talon -- was the great-grandchild of the Louis Doujat who had gone to Paris in the mid-sixteenth century. In other words, Françoise Doujat-Talon and Professor Jean Doujat were cousins issus de germains, blood relatives in the "third-degree"; and Marie Talon was Jean's blood relative to the "fourth degree." (BnF, ms. Dossiers bleus, 241, "Doujat," no. 6214, fol. 11; and Louis Moreri, Grand dictionnaire, ed. of 1745, "Doujat, Jean.")
Marie Talon was the wife of Daniel Voisin (Patricia Ranum, Portraits around Marc-Antoine Charpentier, Baltimore, 2004, pp. 95-98). Daniel's brother was a Jesuit, having followed the path taken earlier by his maternal uncle, Pierre de Verthamon, one of the leading Jesuits in France. There presumably is a cause and effect between these two Jesuits and the gratitude later expressed by Marc-Antoine Charpentier's sister, Ãtiennette, for the instruction she had received as a child from the Jesuits at the Noviciate. I have hypothesized elsewhere that, thanks to Father Verthamon's protection, Marc-Antoine Charpentier may well have been educated at the Jesuit Collège de Clermont, as what we today would call a "scholarship student." Whatever the merits of that hypothesis, in 1662, at this crucial moment in Marc-Antoine's education, we encounter Jean Doujat, a member of the Talon-Voisin-Verthamon clan.
The fees imposed by the law faculty could mount quickly: 25 livres for an inscription, 16 livres for an examination, 15 livres for defending a thesis, and 150 livres for a doctorande (Lemasne-Desjobert, pp. 22-23). Since orphaned Marc-Antoine had inherited only a few hundred livres from his father, the cost of a law-school education would have had to be paid by his guardian or by well-to-do family friends. The only other option was to get one or both professors to renounce some or all of the fees due, or to convert someone's bequest into a scholarship. (The testament of d'Artis, 1651, immediately comes to mind.) We can, of course, merely hypothesize about the financial arrangements surrounding Marc-Antoine Charpentier's matriculation at the law faculty, but it seems likely that his guardian was consulting Marie Talon, and that a financial arrangement had been worked out so that this talented, but nearly penniless youth could continue his studies.
Armand-Jean de Riants
We cannot be sure whether, in October 1662, Armand-Jean de Riants was one of the agrégés who were being imposed upon stubborn Philippe de Busines by the Parlement and the royal administration. That Lemasne-Desjobert's study does not mention Riants' name, is no proof that he was not involved at the law faculty in 1662. These aggrégés where not faculty members, they were adjuncts who taught a specialization sporadically and for short periods of time. (For Riants, see Ranum, Portraits, pp. 262-267.)
On the other hand, we know that in January 1664 Riants went through the inscription register for the Faculty that bears Marc-Antoine Charpentier's inscription. He marked large X's through the blank columns so that names could not be entered fraudently, and on the first page of the register he noted that these modifications had been made by "me, Armand Jean de Rians Villeray, doctor of canon law agrégé." With a colleague named Louis Laurens, Riants added a similar statement at the bottom of each page for the period 1662-1664, and each time he signed his name.
In other words, there is a strong possibility that Armand-Jean de Riants was a parlement-appointed agrégé at the law faculty as early as 1662, and that there he crossed paths with Marc-Antoine Charpentier. Or did Riants already know the Charpentier family through the Châtelet? Was he the godfather of Marc-Antoine's younger brother, Armand-Jean Charpentier?
Marc-Antoine's statement in the register
That October day in 1662, Marc-Antoine Charpentier did not simply copy out and sign a routine, formulaic statement provided by the law faculty. He clearly drew it up himself, for into it he wove some expressions rarely found in his classmates' statements.
For example, Marc-Antoine's use of scripta is very unusual: most students simply refer to the texts, lectiones, that their professor would be reading aloud and commenting upon. A noteworthy exception is a student-priest who stated that he was going to "write and listen to the readings by Dom Philippe de Busine," scribere et audire lectiones D. Ph. de Busine (MM 1059, p. 13). Does this allusion to "writing" mean that friends of the Charpentier family were giving Marc-Antoine reason to hope that he would one day not only "read" and interpret the law, but play a role in actually writing it in a more professional legal capacity?
Another intriguing word is woven into Marc-Antoine's statement: unlike his classmates, he emphasizes that both Busine and Doujat were "celebrated." (Influenced by the argument about celibacy, I initially read "cæleb" as an abbreviation for "celibate," rather than "celebrated," which it clearly is. I thank my Latinist reader for setting me straight!) His motivations for paying this unexpected compliment can only be guessed.
That October day in 1662, when Marc-Antoine Charpentier signed the register, several dozen young men wrote out similar statements of intention and signed their names. Some of them stated that they had earned a baccalauréat, that is, had completed their first year of study and had passed a one-hour exam on Justinian's Institutes. That Marc-Antoine did not use this title suggests that he was a first-year student.
Not every student signed up to study with the same pair of professors. It is not clear how much choice Marc-Antoine had, in becoming Doujat's student, rather than Hallé's or Cottin's or Le Blanc's or Deloy's. But in so doing, he was putting himself under the wing of one of the most respected scholars of canon law in the realm. Canon law -- that branch of law that, as Joseph Bergin points out, provided a key to open the doors to a career in the Church (see my Musing on the college and the law school. As for Busines, he might be described as an illustre inconnu, that is, his name crops up in sources but he left no imprint upon history: for example, the Dictionnaire de biographie française does not devote so much as a paragraph to him, and no published works (if they existed) found their way into the catalogue of the Bibliothèque nationale de France.
The course of study on which Marc-Antoine was embarking would last three years (Lemasne-Desjobart, pp. 66, 119). Every trimester -- that is, in late October, early January, and early June -- the students renewed their commitment and named the professors with whom they would be studying. Thumbing through this register, one can pick out students who return from trimester to trimester. For example, Nicolas Rousseau, who inscribed his name just after Marc-Antoine's in October 1662, returned in January 1663, as did Patrick Kearny, the Irishman from the diocese of Cloyne in County Cork, who signed immediately after Rousseau in October 1662.
The inevitable attrition also can be noted. In fact, Marc-Antoine Charpentier was among the drop-outs. When January 1663 rolled around, he did not sign the register, and his name does not reappear. Did he drop out because he had done so poorly that his name had been entered in the register of the refusés (since lost)? Did he rebel against the career plans that had been worked out for him? Or, circa January 1663, did a different career opportunity open to him?
So many questions that cannot be answered!
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This index refers to page numbers in the published volumes. Documents subsequently added to the digital editions are marked with a +. Copies of the published volumes are available at a library near you, or may be purchased through this website or from Princeton University Press. The volumes are also available via two online platforms, the Rotunda version through the University of Virginia Press (subscription required) and the Founders Online version (free).
A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z
[jump to top]
[jump to bottom]
Laban (Old Testament figure), 6:564
Labaume, Eugène
Relation Circonstanciée de la Campagne de Russie, 10:214–10:215, 10:215n
La Bedoyere, Charles Angelique
execution of, 9:391–9:392
La Bergerie (J. Armstrong’s Hudson River estate), 5:8n
Labernardière, Mr.
French public official, 7:489
Labigarre. See Delabigarre, Peter
Labouchere, John Peter
identified, 15:478–15:479n
introduced to TJ, 15:478
letter from accounted for, 15:459n
Labouchère, Pierre César
as banker, 2:9, 2:245, 3:54, 3:105–3:106
family of, 15:478
La Brousse, Mr. de
Traité de la Culture du Figuier, suivi d’observations & d’expériences sur la meilleure maniere de cultiver, 2:82, 2:83n, 11:165
Lacépède, Bernard Germain Étienne de La Ville-Sur-Illon, comte de
analyzes bones for Institut de France, 1:101n, 1:250n
and Buffon’s Histoire Naturelle, 7:626
Histoire naturelle de l’homme, 1:250n
identified, 1:250n
letter from accounted for, 9:400n
letter from, 1:248–1:250
letter to, 8:321–8:323
mentioned, 3:221n, 5:601, 14:387, 17:98
rumored immigration to U.S. of, 9:359, 9:360n
sends greetings to TJ, 1:629, 20:446
and Société Linnéenne de Paris, 19:610
TJ forwards letter from, 1:249, 1:417
TJ introduces B. S. Barton to, 8:321, 8:325
TJ sends greetings to, 20:282
and TJ’s health, 20:99
Lacey, David R.
and University of Virginia, 17:636, 19:189
Lachryma Christi (wine), 13:28
Lackington, George
bookseller, 17:418, 17:420n, 18:459
Lackington, James
bookseller, 17:418, 17:420n
Lackington, Hughes & Company (London firm)
book catalogues of, 17:419, 17:419, 17:419
and books for TJ, 17:42–17:43, 17:196, 17:196n, 17:417–17:418, 17:419, 17:562, 17:562n, 18:71, 18:251
and books for University of Virginia, 17:418
identified, 17:197n
invoice from, 17:196–17:197, 17:563, 18:71, 18:203, 18:251
receipt from, 17:562n
Laclotte, Jean Hyacinthe, 2:445n, 5:86n
Lacon: or Many Things in Few Words; addressed to Those Who Think (C. C. Colton), 18:65, 18:119–18:120
Lacretelle, Jean Charles Dominique
Histoire de France, pendant Le Dix-Huitième Siècle, 15:26, 19:506
lectures of, 11:634
La Croix, Mr.
Abridgment of Universal History, 8:629, 8:632n
Lacroix, Irenée Amelot De, Baron de Vanden Boègard
identified, 4:375–4:376n
letters from accounted for, 4:376n
letters to, 4:375–4:376
seeks military appointment, 4:375–4:376, 4:376
Lacroix, Sylvestre François
Complément des élémens d’algèbre, 4:79, 4:80n
Cours de Mathematiques à l’usage de l’École Centrale des Quatres-Nations, 4:71–4:72, 4:72n, 4:79, 5:14, 5:36, 8:640, 8:670, 8:685, 8:686, 9:60
Traité élémentaire de trigonométrie rectiligne et sphérique et d’application de l’algèbre à la géométrie, 4:79, 4:80n
writings of, 4:370, 14:168, 20:469
Lactantius, Lucius Caecilius Firmianus (early Christian author), 7:25, 16:189, 16:196, 16:258
Lacy, Benjamin
and Limestone Survey lawsuit, 18:373, 19:64, 20:171n
Lacy, David R.
and University of Virginia, 20:195
Lacy, Stephen H.
and P. Piernet’s estate, 3:466–3:467, 3:467–3:468, 3:472n, 3:652–3:653, 4:42, 4:43n, 4:81–4:82, 4:166n, 5:99, 5:116–5:118, 5:217, 5:333–5:334
and P. Piernet’s will, 5:332
Ladd, Thomas
and Gilliam v. Fleming, 1:304, 1:305, 1:306–1:307, 1:329–1:330, 1:331, 1:362–1:363, 1:364–1:365, 1:591, 1:608, 2:123, 2:368, 2:396–2:397, 2:403, 2:407, 2:425, 2:447, 2:448, 2:464–2:465, 2:465–2:466, 2:674–2:675, 3:44–3:45, 3:45, 3:84, 3:85–3:86
identified, 1:307n
letters from, 1:329–1:330, 2:674–2:675
letters from accounted for, 3:45n
letters to, 1:306–1:307, 2:464–2:465, 3:45
Ladvocat, Jean Baptiste
Dictionnaire Historique et Bibliographique Portatif, 1:580, 10:234, 10:237n, 12:582
Lady Monroe (brig), 15:63, 15:119, 15:120, 15:262, 15:300, 15:362, 15:362n
“The Lady of the Wreck; or, Castle Blarneygig: a poem” (G. Colman), 7:60, 7:62n
lady-slipper, 1:436–1:437n
Laertius. See Diogenes Laertius
Laet, Joannes de
Nieuwe wereldt, ofte Beschrijvinghe van West-Indien, 2:503n, 2:503n, 2:511
“Lætitia Lookabout” (pseudonym)
A Sketch of the Rights of Boys and Girls, 18:228, 18:229n
La Fare, Charles Auguste, 7:665
Lafayette, Adrienne de Noailles, marquise de (Lafayette’s wife)
dowry of, 2:10, 2:12, 2:13
mentioned, 2:16, 12:300n
Lafayette, Françoise Émilie Destutt de Tracy (Lafayette’s daughter-in-law), 2:17, 9:664n, 10:509n, 18:428, 19:230
Lafayette, George Washington (Lafayette’s son)
family of, 9:69, 17:254, 17:255
inheritance of, 2:14
as legislator, 9:68, 9:69n, 18:427, 18:428
marriage of, 2:16, 2:17, 9:664n, 10:509n
mentioned, 3:447
sends greetings to TJ, 3:106, 4:359, 17:255
Lafayette, Gilbert Motier de (1380-1462) , 2:12–2:13
Lafayette, Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
J. Adams on, 6:287
aids L. Pio, 14:259–14:260
and American Revolution, 2:10–2:11, 3:314, 3:315n, 4:434, 8:266, 11:283, 12:247, 15:277, 19:101, 19:118, 19:122, 19:130, 19:131n
attempts to emancipate African slaves, 2:11
and C. G. G. Botta, 20:369, 20:370, 20:498
and Bureaux de Pusy family, 4:155, 5:71, 5:72n
bust of, at Monticello, 15:li, 15:383
and chestnuts, 4:322
and I. A. Coles, 1:269–1:270, 1:528
correspondence with S. Bernard, 18:300
correspondence with TJ, 17:278, 19:230, 20:289
description of his finances, 2:10–2:26, 3:213, 3:214n, 3:446, 3:447n, 12:248
and Destutt de Tracy, 1:270, 8:266, 9:484, 9:663–9:664, 10:289, 10:291, 10:323–10:324, 10:603, 11:283, 12:248, 13:414, 14:108, 16:137, 16:420, 16:485, 18:428–18:429, 19:101, 20:288, 20:369–20:370
and Destutt de Tracy’s commentary on Montesquieu, 4:54, 4:202, 4:446, 9:377, 10:61–10:62, 10:62n, 10:62, 10:80, 10:81, 10:154, 10:290, 12:248, 14:108
and P. S. Du Pont de Nemours, 9:484
as electoral candidate, 12:38–12:39, 12:246, 12:248n, 13:568
and events in Europe, 16:135–16:136, 16:493, 17:253–17:254, 18:426, 18:426–18:427, 18:427, 19:489, 20:285, 20:368–20:369
and events in France, 7:536–7:541, 9:67–9:68, 9:376–9:377, 10:323, 10:324, 11:281–11:282, 12:245–12:247, 14:108, 16:135–16:137, 16:493, 17:254, 18:426, 18:427, 20:368–20:369
and events in U.S., 19:101–19:102, 20:285–20:286, 20:368
family of, 1:629, 5:212, 5:215n, 7:349, 7:537, 7:542, 9:69, 9:484, 9:664n, 10:323, 10:392, 10:507, 10:509n, 10:549–10:550, 12:248, 16:137, 17:254, 17:369, 18:428, 19:230, 20:369–20:370, 20:370, 20:370n
as farmer, 9:484, 9:667
finances of, 1:376, 1:628, 2:8–2:9, 2:10–2:18, 2:243–2:245, 2:287–2:288, 2:310, 2:418, 3:54–3:55, 3:212, 3:213, 3:445–3:446, 7:15, 7:349, 20:482
on freedom, 10:324
and French Revolution, 8:262, 17:363, 17:366, 17:366, 17:370–17:371, 17:371
friendship with F. Wright, 18:429, 19:609, 20:286–20:287, 20:370
and A. Gallatin, 10:323, 18:429–18:430
and J. Garnett’s family, 20:514
and Greek independence, 18:427–18:428
and R. H. Harrison’s Revolutionary War service, 18:134, 18:135n, 18:160–18:161
health of, 10:392, 12:38, 17:254, 19:102
identified, 1:270–1:271n
and Indian vocabularies, 9:373n, 12:294, 12:295–12:296n
introduces R. A. Barba, 17:255, 17:540, 17:541, 17:559, 17:559n
introduces S. Bernard, 10:391–10:392, 11:139–11:140, 11:180
introduces F. S. Constancio, 19:229, 19:230, 19:230
introduces J. Corrêa da Serra, 4:359
introduces M. L. Descaves, 11:282
introduces E. de Vendel, 16:521, 16:521n
introduces G. Flower, 9:679, 10:299, 10:559, 10:560, 10:560, 10:592, 11:124
introduces E. Grouchy, 9:13, 12:105–12:106
introduces M. A. Jullien, 7:215, 12:229
introduces J. Lakanal, 9:300, 10:276, 18:580
introduces Montlezun, 10:396
introduces E. Vail, 18:299–18:300, 18:302n
and M. A. Jullien’s proposed biography of T. Kosciuszko, 14:50, 16:87
and T. Kosciuszko monument, 17:415n
land of, in La., 1:270n, 1:529, 1:628, 2:8, 2:9, 2:15, 2:16, 2:17–2:18, 2:33–2:34, 2:72–2:73, 2:243, 2:244, 2:245, 2:418, 3:54, 3:105–3:106, 3:212–3:213, 3:248, 3:314, 3:445, 4:29–4:31, 4:359, 4:649–4:650, 5:68–5:69, 5:69n, 5:212–5:214, 5:215n, 7:541, 9:301n, 12:248
on Latin American revolutions, 4:359, 7:14–7:15
and J. B. Lefevre, 2:74, 2:75n
as legislator, 9:68, 9:69n, 9:376–9:377, 14:260, 17:254, 17:255n, 18:428
letter from to an Unidentified Correspondent, 7:542–7:544
letters from, 1:269–1:271, 1:528–1:530, 1:627–1:629, 2:7–2:9, 2:242–2:246, 2:287–2:288, 2:310, 3:54–3:55, 3:105–3:106, 3:211–3:214, 3:444–3:447, 4:155, 4:358–4:359, 4:649–4:650, 5:68–5:69, 5:212–5:215, 7:215, 7:536–7:542, 9:13–9:14, 9:67–9:69, 9:300–9:301, 9:376–9:377, 9:484, 9:679, 10:323–10:324, 10:391–10:392, 11:281–11:283, 12:245–12:249, 16:135–16:137, 17:253–17:255, 18:425–18:431, 19:230–19:231, 19:609, 20:367–20:370
letters from accounted for, 18:302n, 19:609n
letters from TJ forwarded to, 14:107, 14:202, 17:65
letters from mentioned, 2:512, 9:304, 11:528, 11:581, 13:254
letters to, 3:313–3:315, 4:29–4:31, 4:36, 7:13–7:16, 8:261–8:268, 8:478–8:479, 10:62–10:64, 11:353–11:355, 13:413–13:415, 14:108, 16:493–16:494, 17:50, 17:114–17:115, 17:219, 19:101–19:102, 20:285–20:287
letters to mentioned, 4:33
T. Lyman introduced to, 11:294, 11:294n, 11:355, 11:357, 11:360
and J. Madison, 18:429
medallion of, 18:162
memoir of, 8:478
mentioned, 3:114, 3:512, 3:538, 5:189, 9:96, 9:201, 10:253, 12:105, 12:230, 16:27, 17:265, 17:347
and merino sheep, 2:39, 7:404
on neutral powers, 2:242
and D. Parker (of Paris), 10:323
plans to visit U.S., 18:300
plans to write TJ, 4:325, 7:505
and P. Poinsot’s consular ambitions, 16:52
and J. L. Poirey’s military service claims, 12:299, 12:300n, 12:355n, 13:140, 13:141n, 13:414, 13:435, 14:108, 14:111, 14:199, 16:494
portraits of, 8:239, 10:398, 18:162
proposed biography of, 8:478–8:479, 19:427
recommends L. P. G. de Lormerie, 1:342
recommends F. De Masson, 8:250, 8:251n
retirement of, 9:69, 9:300, 9:301n, 9:377, 10:323
and B. Rivadavia, 12:621
sends dogs, 1:376, 1:457, 6:511
sends greetings to TJ, 3:198
sends merino sheep, 1:529, 1:537–1:538, 1:629
sends works to TJ, 16:137, 19:609, 20:286
and W. Short, 5:215n, 19:230
and slavery in U.S., 16:493–16:494, 17:254–17:255, 18:425–18:426
and South American independence, 9:391, 11:354–11:355, 12:247–12:248, 16:493, 18:425, 20:369
speeches of, 16:137, 17:254, 17:255n
Madame de Staël Holstein on, 5:450, 11:117, 11:118n
and Madame de Tessé, 1:528, 1:593–1:594, 1:627, 7:35, 7:536
G. Ticknor carries letter to, 9:560, 11:281
TJ forwards letter of , 8:482
TJ introduces T. P. Barton to, 17:98, 17:114–17:115, 17:115
TJ introduces L. H. Girardin to, 8:478–8:479
TJ introduces W. B. Lawrence to, 17:219, 17:219–17:220
TJ introduces Mr. Wilson to, 17:50
TJ on, 3:504, 11:174, 14:108, 17:219–17:220, 17:340, 19:101
TJ sends greetings to, 3:443, 3:444n
and TJ’s health, 14:31, 16:135, 16:493, 20:285, 20:287, 20:370
toasts honoring, 17:289
travels of, 2:11, 2:13, 2:16
and U.S. peace commission, 7:542–7:543
visits U.S., 20:482
works sent to, 13:568n
Lafayette, Oscar Thomas Gilbert du Motier de (Lafayette’s grandson)
birth of, 9:69
Laffitte, Jacques
election of, 12:39
Laffitte, Jacques, & Compagnie (Paris firm). See Jacques Laffitte & Compagnie (Paris firm)
Lafitau, Joseph François
Mœurs des Sauvages Ameriquains, 5:122–5:123, 5:125n, 5:182, 6:324
Lafite, Château (wine), 9:513
Lafões, João Carlos de Bragança de Sousa Ligne Tavares Mascarenhas da Silva, duque de, 12:153
Lafolie, Charles Jean
Mémoires Historiques relatifs a la fonte et a l’élévation de la Statue Équestre de Henri IV sur le terre-plein du Pont-Neuf a Paris, 15:393n
Lafon, Bartholemew
“Plan of the City and Environs of New Orleans,”, 2:525, 3:486, 3:488n
La Fontaine, Jean de
in collegiate curriculum, 7:665
fables of, 14:614, 14:615n, 19:147, 19:149n
on Plato, 7:454
La Forest. See Mathurin, Antoine René Charles, comte de La Forest
La Gasca y Segura, Mariano
seeks professorship in U.S., 15:156–15:157n
Lagrange. See Bouillon-Lagrange, Edme Jean Baptiste
La Grange (Lafayette’s French estate), 1:270n, 1:529, 2:15, 2:17, 7:540, 7:541, 9:69, 10:323, 18:302n
Lagrange, Joseph Louis
praised, 7:661
referenced, 20:581
Théorie des Fonctions Analytiques, 13:314n, 20:292
La Grange, Nicolas de
edits and translates Lucrece, [De la Nature des Choses] Traduction Nouvelle, avec des Notes (Lucretius), 14:511
translates Oeuvres de Séneque le philosophe (Seneca), 10:233, 10:236–10:237n, 12:534, 14:511
La Grange et de Fourilles, Adélaïde Blaise François Le Lièvre, marquis de, 1:372
La Harpe, Benard de
“Journal historique Concernant l’Etablissement des françois à la Louisianne” , 9:445–9:446, 9:447n, 9:516, 9:518, 9:518n, 9:658, 9:658–9:659n, 9:710, 12:156, 12:157n, 12:294–12:295, 12:295, 12:296n, 12:331–12:332, 12:371
Journal Historique de l’Établissement des Français a la Louisiane (ed. A. L. Boimare), 9:659n
La Harpe, Frédéric César de
as educator, 16:60
tutor of Alexander I, 7:506, 8:671n, 9:110–9:111
La Harpe, Jean François de
J. Adams reads, 11:268
Correspondance Littéraire, 10:589
criticism of, 10:13
Lycée ou Cours De Littérature Ancienne Et Moderne, 7:26
writings of, 6:302, 7:481, 10:306
Lahay (Lahy), Michael
and University of Virginia, 16:308, 17:623, 17:629n
Lahontan, Louis Armand de Lom d’Arce, baron de
New Voyages to North-America, 10:486
Laibach, Congress of, 17:253, 17:253, 17:255n
Lakanal, Joseph
identified, 9:268n
introduced by Lafayette, 9:300, 10:276, 18:580
introduced by A. Thoüin, 9:267–9:268
letter from, 10:107–10:109
letter to, 10:276–10:277
moves to Ky., 9:267–9:268, 9:300, 10:107, 10:276
as president of Orleans College, 18:580
proposed book of, 10:107–10:108, 10:276–10:277
Lake Champlain
fort on, 11:568, 11:569n
natural history of, 7:357
proposed canal to, 11:219n, 11:259, 11:280–11:281
Vt. militia crosses, 8:112, 8:112n
Lake Erie
O. H. Perry’s naval victory on, 6:524, 6:524n, 6:531, 6:546n, 7:11, 7:14, 7:56, 7:57n, 7:88, 7:89n, 8:259, 8:263
proposed canal to, 3:459–3:460, 3:597–3:598, 4:160, 4:161n, 11:219n, 11:259, 11:280–11:281, 11:339, 11:357–11:358, 11:358n, 11:360, 11:364–11:365, 11:376–11:377, 11:415, 11:434–11:435, 11:448
steamboats on, 12:401, 12:402n
survey on, 3:437
and War of 1812, 7:531, 18:311, 20:488, 20:566
Lake George, N.Y.
W. Short on, 8:687
Lake Ontario
proposed canal to, 3:459–3:460
and War of 1812, 7:10, 7:14, 7:531
Lake Superior
copper mines along, 12:411, 12:453–12:454, 12:454n
Lalande, Joseph Jérôme Le Français de
J. Adams on, 9:527, 10:7
Astronomie, 4:244, 4:244n, 7:626, 10:235
as educator, 16:325
Histoire des Mathématiques, 6:381, 7:250, 7:626, 10:235, 12:344
and W. Lambert’s calculations, 4:253, 4:260, 5:249
mentioned, 7:480, 18:356
praised, 7:661
Tables de Logarithmes pour les Nombres et Pour les Sinus, 13:342–13:343n, 13:358, 13:394, 13:394, 13:474, 13:474, 13:474, 13:474–13:475n, 13:476, 13:477n, 13:524, 13:561, 13:561, 14:215, 15:133, 15:160
TJ on, 15:232
Lallemand, François Antoine, baron, 1:372
La Luzerne, Anne César, chevalier de, 10:115, 10:117n, 17:330, 17:344, 17:376n, 17:377n
La Luzerne, César Henri, comte de
as government minister, 17:357, 17:364, 17:364, 17:364, 17:368–17:369, 17:369, 17:377n
Lamarck, Jean Baptiste Pierre Antoine de Monet de
Encyclopédie Méthodique: Botanique, 17:546, 17:546–17:547n
Histoire Naturelle des Animaux sans Vertèbres, 12:33, 14:168
praised, 7:661
works of, 11:192, 12:33
La Marck, Marie Françoise Augustine Ursule Le Danois de Cernay, comtesse de, 2:10
lamb, 14:383, 14:632
Lamb, George
translates The Poems of Caius Valerius Catullus (G. V. Catullus), 17:535
Lamb, John Fergusson
identified, 18:105n
letter from, 18:105
and medical education at University of Virginia, 18:105
Lambarde, William
Archaionomia, 7:126, 7:127
Eirenarcha: or Of the office of the Iustices of peace, 3:546
Lambert, John
letters to, 4:164
as U.S. senator, 4:163, 4:164n, 11:182
Lambert, William
Abstracts of Calculations, to ascertain the Longitude of the Capitol, in the City of Washington, 12:86, 13:314, 13:314n, 18:505
and American Philosophical Society, 5:251, 5:311, 7:436, 7:437n, 7:486
astronomical calculations, 2:54, 2:55n, 4:634–4:637, 5:311, 18:505, 18:505–18:510, 18:528, 18:539, 19:628
calculates latitude and longitude of U.S. Capitol, 4:275, 4:651–4:660, 12:86, 18:287, 18:314, 18:505, 18:508, 18:528, 18:539, 18:539–18:545, 19:628
calculates Monticello’s longitude, 4:235–4:236, 4:239, 4:246, 4:247–4:266, 4:276, 4:368, 4:369, 4:402–4:406, 4:407, 8:455, 8:456n
clerk of the House of Representatives, 1:275, 1:359n, 1:512
congratulates TJ, 1:54–1:55, 1:237–1:238
and domestic manufactures, 1:560–1:562
on House of Representatives, 1:274–1:275, 1:534–1:535
identified, 1:54–1:55n
and latitude calculations, 3:367n
letters from, 1:54–1:55, 1:274–1:276, 1:356–1:359, 1:489–1:498, 1:534–1:535, 1:539–1:540, 1:560–1:562, 2:54–2:55, 2:60–2:68, 2:337–2:338, 2:398–2:399, 2:566, 3:285, 4:235–4:236, 4:275–4:276, 4:402–4:406, 4:407–4:408, 4:634–4:637, 4:651–4:660, 5:245–5:251, 7:436–7:437, 12:86, 14:559, 18:287, 18:505, 18:528–18:529, 18:539, 19:33, 19:208–19:209, 19:210–19:211, 19:628–19:629
letters from accounted for, 2:68n
letters to, 1:237–1:238, 1:511–1:512, 2:541, 4:368–4:369, 18:314, 18:515, 19:197–19:201
letters to accounted for, 2:54–2:55n, 14:559n
lunar calculations, 1:539–1:540, 1:540–1:554, 2:54, 2:60–2:68, 5:245–5:251, 18:505, 18:505–18:510, 18:528, 18:539, 18:539–18:545
and Message from the President of the United States, transmitting a Report of William Lambert, on the subject of the Longitude of the Capitol of the United States. January 9, 1822, 18:287, 18:314, 18:508, 18:543–18:544, 19:211, 19:211n
ode for Fourth of July by, 2:399, 2:400–2:401
and prime meridian, 1:275–1:276, 1:356–1:358, 1:359n, 1:489–1:498, 1:511–1:512, 1:534–1:535, 2:54, 2:55n, 2:337–2:338, 2:398–2:399, 2:541, 2:566, 3:285, 3:367n, 18:314, 19:211, 19:628–19:629
proposes reformation of Gregorian calendar, 7:436–7:437, 7:486
as State Department clerk, 14:559
Table for Computing the Moon’s Motion, with Explanations, 1:540–1:554, 1:571–1:572, 1:608–1:609, 1:609n
Table of Logarithms, 19:33, 19:33–19:36
and TJ’s method of calculating longitude and latitude, 19:197–19:201, 19:208–19:209, 19:210–19:211
To the Critical Reviewers of Boston, 3:285
and University of Virginia, 18:287, 18:505, 18:510, 18:515, 18:528–18:529, 18:539, 19:33
and western exploration, 19:211
Lamberti, Thomas
letter from, 14:271
plans trip to New Orleans, 14:271
requests loan from TJ, 14:271
Lambrecht, Mr.
and Lafayette, 7:537
Lameth, Alexandre Théodore Victor
and French Constitution of 1791, 17:370
and French Revolution, 8:504, 8:508n
Lameth, Charles Malo François, 8:504, 8:508n
Lamétherie, Jean Claude de
as geologist, 2:551, 2:552n
Théorie de La Terre, 8:429, 8:429, 8:429–8:430n
writings of, 14:168
Lamoignon, Chrétine François de
as keeper of the seals, 17:358, 17:378n
La Motte, François Claude Adam. See Delamotte, François Claude Adam
La Motte, Jeanne de Saint Remy de Valois, comtesse de
Vie de Jeanne de St. Remy de Valois, ci-devant Comtesse de La Motte (included in Book of Kings compiled by TJ; see also Book of Kings), 8:33, 8:34n, 8:240
works on, 8:309, 8:310n
lampblack, 16:8, 17:7, 18:50, 19:15
Lampredi, Giovanni Maria, 7:688
lamps
alabaster, 1:190, 1:309, 20:126
at Bell Rock lighthouse, 4:362–4:363
W. Lewis’s, 12:378, 12:380n, 13:5
used in lighthouses, 18:185, 18:216
safety, 11:501
as scientific equipment, 20:611, 20:611, 20:612, 20:612, 20:637, 20:638
spirit, 20:612, 20:613n
Lancaster, Joseph
The British System of Education, 9:443n, 9:502, 9:503n, 9:529
educational system of, 10:45, 10:336, 10:338, 10:390–10:391, 10:481, 10:482n, 12:39, 12:402n, 16:29n, 16:60, 16:325, 17:388, 18:142, 20:375
Improvements in Education, 1:662, 1:662n, 9:530n
Lancaster Schuylkill Bridge, 16:34, 16:34–16:35n
Lance, William
identified, 4:106n
letters from, 4:105–4:107
letter to, 4:175+
letters to accounted for, 4:107n
An Oration, delivered on the Fourth of July, 1816, In St. Michael’s Church, S. C. by appointment of the ’76 Association, 11:530n
and Seventy-Six Association, 4:105, 4:106n, 4:175+
Lancelot, Claude
as grammarian, 19:407, 19:409n, 20:546, 20:548n
Le Jardin des Racines Greques, 10:234
A New Method Of learning with Facility the Latin Tongue (trans. T. Nugent), 17:536, 17:537n
A New Method Of learning with greater Facility the Greek Tongue (trans. T. Nugent), 17:536, 17:537n, 20:527, 20:527n
The Primitives of the Greek Tongue (trans. T. Nugent), 10:358, 12:313, 12:356, 17:536, 17:537n
land conveyances. See indentures
Landon, Charles Paul
Description de Paris et de ses Édifices, 12:107
edits Annales du Musée et de l’école moderne des beaux-arts, 12:107
Landriot
French publisher, 13:343n
Landrum, Mr.
and J. Monroe’s Highland estate, 19:397
Landsdown, Lord. See Lansdowne, Henry Petty-Fitzmaurice, 3d Marquess of
Lane, Mr. (boatman), 20:252, 20:382
Lane, John
death of, 17:609n
visits J. W. Eppes, 12:7
Lane, Ralph, 11:293+, 11:293n+
Lane, Sally (Sarah) Eppes (John Wayles Eppes’s sister; John Lane’s wife)
business affairs of, 17:608, 17:609n
visits J. W. Eppes, 12:7
Lane, Samuel
assaulted by J. Dougherty, 14:544–14:545
as commissioner of public buildings, 12:196, 12:278, 12:278, 12:520, 12:641, 14:545, 15:320–15:321n
Lane & Smiths (Baltimore firm), 20:633
Lane’s Ordinary (Fairfax Co.), 1:52n, 8:290
Langdon, John
biography of proposed, 15:546–15:547
correspondence with TJ, 15:496, 15:497, 15:510–15:511, 15:546
correspondence with S. Ringgold, 19:331, 19:332n
death of, 15:235
family of, 20:631
as governor of N.H., 2:348
identified, 2:231–2:232n
letters from, 2:230–2:232
letters to, 2:274–2:277, 7:365
as member of Continental Congress, 6:184n
and political situation, 2:230–2:231, 2:274–2:277
TJ introduces W. C. Rives to, 7:365
TJ on, 13:25
TJ sends batture pamphlet to, 4:624
Lange, Abraham
Augusta Co. innkeeper, 13:230, 13:231, 13:232, 13:519
identified, 13:519–13:520n
letter from accounted for, 13:599n
letters to, 13:519–13:520, 13:599
letter to accounted for, 13:520n
and seeds for TJ, 13:519, 13:599
Langhorne, Frances Steptoe, 12:237n
Langhorne, John
Letters Supposed to have passed between M. De St. Evremond and Mr. Waller, 19:506, 19:509n
translates Lives (Plutarch), 1:580
Langhorne, William
translates Lives (Plutarch), 1:580
Langland, William
The Vision of Pierce Plowman, 1:390, 1:397n, 9:633, 9:633n
Langley, Batty
Pomona: or, The Fruit-Garden Illustrated, 2:82, 11:165
Langon (wine), 9:513
language See also Anglo-Saxon (Old English) language; English language; French language; German language; Greek language; Italian language; Latin language; Spanish language
Arabic, 8:3, 8:5
books on
books on French, 2:27n, 5:557
books on Spanish, 2:32n
bound pamphlets on, 13:456, 13:457n
Catalan, 12:47
Chinese, 1:518, 1:518n, 7:480, 13:124, 13:124n, 13:142
collegiate education in, 12:3–12:4, 12:76, 12:76, 12:85, 12:120, 12:124, 12:150, 12:201, 12:204, 12:467, 13:301, 14:150, 14:345–14:346, 14:347–14:348, 14:517, 14:519, 14:589–14:590, 16:628, 16:629n, 19:558–19:559, 19:570, 20:154, 20:457, 20:512
Coptic, 8:3
Danish, 13:237
Erse, 16:85n
French training of T. J. Randolph, 1:520, 1:557
Gaelic, 7:560, 7:561n, 8:3
Hebrew, 7:715, 8:5, 9:652, 13:570, 13:570n, 14:269, 17:466
Indian (American), 1:205, 1:269, 1:520–1:521, 1:555–1:557, 1:599n, 1:651–1:652, 3:596, 3:596, 3:596–3:597, 3:616, 7:181, 7:182n, 7:243, 7:281, 9:65, 9:65–9:66, 9:372–9:373, 9:373n, 10:377, 10:377, 10:444, 10:445, 11:126–11:127, 11:454, 12:171, 12:172, 12:236, 12:250, 12:250–12:251, 12:294, 12:295n, 12:295–12:296n, 12:331, 12:385–12:386, 12:386n, 12:636n, 12:637, 13:90, 13:90, 13:90, 14:132n, 16:79, 16:79–16:85, 16:107–16:109, 16:109–16:110, 16:118, 16:118–16:120, 16:132–16:133, 16:133, 16:261–16:262, 16:459, 18:198, 18:225, 18:356, 19:348, 20:514n
Irish, 16:85n
neology, 7:209, 7:514, 9:632–9:633, 13:96, 16:194–16:195, 16:571
Persian, 8:6, 11:351, 11:351n, 11:441
philosophy of, 15:223–15:224
and phonics, 2:306–2:307, 2:308n
Portuguese, 13:238
Punic, 7:560, 7:561n
Russian, 1:556, 7:480
Sanskrit, 7:480, 8:3
sign, 1:662, 1:662n
study of, 5:359+, 7:357, 7:480, 7:481n, 7:658, 7:660–7:661, 7:666, 7:686, 8:3, 10:370–10:372, 10:516, 10:542, 12:15–12:16, 12:249–12:250, 12:259, 12:291–12:292, 16:29n, 16:65, 16:65, 16:77, 16:325, 18:9, 18:225, 20:87, 20:292, 20:292
Swedish, 13:237, 16:109, 16:109–16:110
TJ on study of, 4:162–4:163, 7:243, 7:447, 7:637, 7:638, 7:640, 7:641, 8:13, 8:341, 9:372–9:373, 9:626
TJ on translation, 9:353, 9:354n
translations by TJ, 3:11–3:15, 3:21–3:23, 3:652, 10:594
translations by D. B. Warden, 1:142
Welsh, 16:85n
Lania (TJ’s slave; b. 1805)
on Monticello slave lists, 4:388, 12:303
L. Annæi Flori Epitome Rerum Romanarum (L. A. Florus; ed. J. G. Graevius), 14:511
Lannes, Jean, Duc de Montebello, 1:371, 1:372
Lannes, Louise Antoinette, Duchesse de Montebello
and D. B. Warden, 7:490, 7:491n
Lansdowne, George Granville, Baron
correspondence of, 17:460n
Lansdowne, Henry Petty-Fitzmaurice, 3d Marquess of
British politician, 7:541, 15:469, 15:470n
Lansdowne, William Petty, 2d Earl of Shelburne and 1st Marquess of
family of, 15:469, 15:470n, 15:470n
on taxation, 7:299
lanterns, 1:303, 12:378, 12:380n, 13:5, 18:185, 18:216
Lantier, Étienne François
Voyages d’Antenor en Grèce et en Asie, avec des notions sur l’Égypte, 20:115n, 20:282
Lanusse, Paul, 6:436
Lapa, Manoel de Almeida e Vasconcellos, Visconde da
Portuguese official, 19:356
La Pérouse, Jean François de Galalup, comte de
Voyage de La Pérouse autour du Monde, 1:445–1:449
Lapie, Pierre
Carte réduite de la Mer Méditerranée et de la mer Noire, 1:247–1:248, 15:579, 15:579n
Laplace, Pierre Simon, marquis de
Americans correspond with, 4:196
Analyse du Traite de Mécanique Céleste de P. S. Laplace (J. B. Biot), 13:314n
as astronomer, 9:85, 12:442, 12:619, 14:153
error of detected, 4:634
Exposition du Systême du Monde, 1:348, 1:349n, 1:357, 1:491, 13:342, 13:359, 13:494, 13:525, 20:500, 20:520, 20:530
mentioned, 14:323, 20:292, 20:581
praised, 7:661
Traité de Mécanique Céleste, 12:566n, 13:342, 13:359, 13:494, 13:525, 14:45, 17:410, 20:469
A Treatise of Celestial Mechanics (trans. H. H. Harte) , 20:633
J. Wood’s book sent to, 2:171
works of, 20:582
Laporte, Alexander
letter from accounted for, 14:273n
Laporte, Arnaud de
as government minister, 17:364
Laporte, E.
letter from accounted for, 18:257n
Laporte, Peter (Victoire Laporte’s husband) See also Laporte’s boardinghouse (Charlottesville)
family of, 14:210, 14:274, 14:294, 14:425, 14:425, 14:438, 15:239, 15:239n, 15:243, 15:484, 17:119–17:120, 17:231–17:232
finances of, 16:77, 16:78n, 16:190n, 18:256
health of, 15:484
and J. B. Herard, 15:266
identified, 14:273n
letters from, 14:383, 14:528, 14:571–14:572, 15:270, 15:484
letters to, 14:272–14:273, 14:382–14:383, 15:280
patents of, 17:119–17:120, 17:149–17:150, 17:232n
T. M. Randolph as security for, 17:156
requests loan of carriage, 15:484
tavern of, 13:230, 13:230, 13:231, 13:232, 14:425, 15:141, 15:142n
TJ as security for, 15:270, 15:280, 15:379n, 15:397, 15:397n, 17:156, 17:176
TJ’s debt to, 15:425, 15:426, 16:366n, 16:376n
travels of, 17:119–17:120
and University of Virginia, 16:475, 16:479
visits Monticello, 15:141
Laporte, Victoire (Peter Laporte’s wife)
identified, 17:120n
letters from, 17:119–17:120, 17:231–17:232, 18:256–18:257
letters from accounted for, 17:120n, 17:232n, 18:257n
letter to, 17:149–17:150
requests assistance from TJ, 18:256–18:257
seeks information on husband, 17:119–17:120, 17:149–17:150, 17:231–17:232
TJ provides credit for, 17:176, 17:212n, 17:232
Laportea canadensis. See nettle, wood
La Porte Du Theil, François Jean Gabriel de
translates Théatre d’Æschyle (Aeschylus), 15:26, 15:490, 15:491n
Laporte’s boardinghouse (Charlottesville) See also Laporte, Peter
advertisement for, 14:425, 15:109, 15:109n
bedding for, 14:383n, 14:425, 14:528, 15:378
boarders at, 14:210, 14:268, 14:274, 14:294, 14:383n, 14:472, 14:517, 14:519, 14:525–14:526, 14:640, 15:12, 15:270, 15:280, 16:24
charges for boarding at, 14:272, 14:294, 14:383n, 14:425, 14:439, 15:270, 15:280, 15:378, 15:379n, 16:24
closing of, 16:77, 16:190n
fare served at, 14:382, 14:383n, 14:383, 14:425, 14:425
French language spoken at, 14:210, 14:274, 14:294, 14:425, 14:425, 14:438–14:439, 14:512, 14:517, 14:519, 14:525–14:526, 14:571, 15:141, 15:241, 15:243
location of, 16:26n
misbehavior of boarders, 15:140–15:141, 15:500n
opening of, 14:210, 14:261, 14:272–14:273, 14:294, 14:383n, 14:383n, 14:425
Laporte’s Tavern (Augusta Co.), 13:230, 13:230, 13:231, 13:232, 14:425
lard
in New Englanders’ diet, 14:420
price of, 17:26
as scab remedy, 5:182n
sent to TJ, 12:324, 13:566, 15:311, 16:470–16:471
La Révellière Lépeaux, Louis Marie de, 10:44
Large, Daniel
and hydrostatic engines, 7:232
La Rivière. See Le Mercier de La Rivière, Paul Pierre
La Roche, Martin Lefèbvre de (abbé), 3:9, 3:17, 3:87, 3:89n, 3:330
La Rochefoucauld, Alexandrine Charlotte Sophie de Rohan-Chabot, duchesse de. See Castellane, Alexandrine Charlotte Sophie de Rohan-Chabot, marquise de
La Rochefoucauld, François de
J. Adams on, 6:228, 6:287, 6:296
criticized, 7:220
on marriage, 7:403, 7:405n
maxims of, 9:433, 9:434n, 19:505
La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, François Alexandre Frédéric, duc de
friendship with J. L. Guillemard, 9:134, 9:135n
friendship with J. de Lespinasse, 14:30
reports to Louis XVI, 17:366, 17:378n
La Romana, José Caro, marquês, 2:247, 2:248n
La Rouërie, Armand Charles Tuffin, marquis de, 2:74
La Rue, Charles de
edits Opera. Interpretatione et Notis (Virgil; Delphin edition), 8:660, 9:274, 9:464, 9:538, 9:639, 13:33, 13:33, 13:47, 13:47
Lasalle, Philippe de, 2:591
La Salle, René Robert Cavelier de
and settlement of La., 9:445, 9:479, 10:627, 11:460n
travels of, 20:164
Las Cases, Emmanuel Auguste Dieudonné Marin Joseph, comte de (A. Le Sage)
Atlas Historique, Généalogique, Chronologique et Géographique, 3:552, 3:552n, 3:578
Genealogical, chronological, historical, and geographical atlas, 4:325–4:326, 4:326n, 5:7, 5:83, 5:114, 5:211, 5:436, 7:90
Memorial de Sainte Helene. Journal of the Private Life and Conversations of the Emperor Napoleon at Saint Helena, 19:546, 19:547n, 19:569, 19:584, 19:669, 20:329, 20:348, 20:349, 20:349n, 20:481
Mémorial de Sainte-Hélène, ou Journal ou se trouve consigné, jour par jour, ce qu’a dit et fait Napoléon durant dix-huit mois, 19:517, 19:517n, 19:546, 20:155
work of sent to M. J. Randolph, 5:7, 5:436, 7:90
La Serna de Santander, Carlos Antonio
Catalogue des Livres de la Bibliotheque de M. C. de la Serna Santander, 8:559, 8:561, 8:562n
owns Bollandist manuscript, 8:559, 8:561
Last Day. A Poem In Three Books (Young), 6:297
Lasteyrie du Saillant, Louis, marquis de (Lafayette’s son-in-law), 2:17
Lasteyrie du Saillant, Virginie, marquise de (Lafayette’s daughter)
family of, 17:254, 17:255n, 18:428, 19:230, 19:231n
sends greetings to TJ, 4:359
Lasteyrie-Dusaillant, Charles Philibert, comte De
agricultural report of, 2:83
Du Cotonnier et de sa Culture, 1:37, 2:83, 11:164
Du Pastel, de l’indigotier, 3:461–3:462, 10:471
identified, 3:115n
introduces G. Flower, 9:667, 10:299, 10:559, 10:560, 10:592, 11:124
letters from, 3:114–3:115, 3:461–3:462, 9:667–9:669
as lithographer, 9:667
sends books on arts and sciences, 3:114, 3:115n, 3:461–3:462
sends greetings to TJ, 1:141
Traité sur les Bêtes-à-Laine d’Espagne, 2:83, 11:164
A Treatise on the Culture, Preparation, History and Analysis of Pastel, or Woad (trans. H. A. S. Dearborn), 3:462n, 10:471
Lastri, Marco Antonio
Corso di agricoltura, 11:164
Latham, William
identified, 17:97n
letter from, to W. Maury, 17:97
and J. Maury’s consulship, 17:96, 17:97, 17:509
as J. Maury’s partner, 5:253, 5:253n, 17:96
Latimer, George
recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461
Latimer (Latemer), W. G.
and University of Virginia, 19:54
Latin America
religion in, 16:590
revolutions in, 4:359, 7:14–7:15, 7:29, 12:247–12:248, 16:528–16:529
TJ on liberation of, 7:14–7:15, 7:29–7:30, 10:373–10:375
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:506, 4:508
Latin and English Dictionary abridged (R. Ainsworth), 1:35, 17:221
Latin language
applicants to teach at University of Virginia, 16:426, 16:502, 19:443, 20:414
of G. Buchanan, 2:215
collegiate education in, 12:3–12:4, 12:33, 12:120, 12:120, 12:509, 13:195, 13:195–13:196, 13:214, 13:215–13:216, 13:218, 13:233, 13:278, 13:402, 14:132, 14:551, 14:589, 17:376n, 19:42, 19:44n, 20:458
dictionaries, 6:387, 8:660, 9:274, 9:274, 9:276, 9:277n, 10:235, 10:235, 10:237n, 10:358, 12:439, 14:193, 14:221, 14:240, 14:258, 14:265, 14:266, 14:286, 15:450, 15:452n, 17:211, 17:221
documents in, by
T. de Bry, 7:614–7:615
T. J. O’Flaherty, 19:443–19:444
S. G. Tucker, 1:617–1:619
elementary education in, 13:195–13:196, 13:215, 17:231, 17:541, 19:590
and etymology, 16:224, 16:257
E. Everett on, 20:546–20:547
glossaries, 13:342, 13:358, 13:394, 13:474, 13:494, 13:561
letters in, from
F. Glass, 18:552–18:554
pronunciation of, 14:153
and Randolph family, 19:454n
study of, 3:327–3:328, 3:372, 3:501, 4:131, 4:372, 4:648, 6:65, 7:447, 7:658, 7:659, 7:660–7:661, 7:662–7:663, 7:666, 7:685–7:686, 8:13, 8:200, 8:446–8:447, 8:449n, 8:482, 8:482, 8:513, 8:514, 9:251, 9:607, 9:626, 10:358, 10:358, 10:664, 11:112, 11:233, 11:261, 11:409, 11:625, 11:626–11:627, 13:237, 13:537, 14:251, 14:257–14:258, 14:276, 14:280, 14:294, 14:323, 14:351, 14:425, 14:438, 14:516, 14:519, 14:566n, 15:242n, 16:29n, 16:280, 16:329, 16:329–16:330, 18:79n, 18:161, 18:399, 18:556, 18:659, 20:279, 20:364
thesauri, 17:535
TJ on, 7:447, 9:607–9:608, 11:252, 12:206, 14:629–14:631, 18:79n
TJ quotes proverb in, 19:112n
TJ studies, 17:309–17:310
verses in requested, 9:264–9:266, 9:374–9:375
works in, 16:208–16:209, 16:219, 16:236–16:237, 16:258, 16:290, 16:290n, 16:330, 16:393, 16:530, 18:32, 18:242n, 18:278, 18:552–18:553, 18:554n, 18:583–18:584, 19:478, 19:669, 19:696, 20:323
latitude
and calculation of longitude, 15:288, 18:505, 19:199, 19:208
calculations for Monticello, 9:70, 9:415, 11:40, 12:618
calculations for Natural Bridge, 9:26n, 9:36, 9:36n
calculations for Peaks of Otter, 9:18, 9:36, 9:36, 9:36–9:37n, 9:173, 13:385, 13:385n
calculations for Poplar Forest, 3:361–3:367, 3:563+, 9:245–9:246, 10:514–10:515
calculations for U.S. Capitol, 18:287, 18:540, 18:543–18:544, 18:545, 19:35–19:36
calculations for Willis’s Mountain, 10:xlvii–10:xlviii, 10:571–10:572
W. King’s method of calculating, 12:643–12:644, 13:84–13:85, 13:119–13:120
logarithms for calculating, 19:35–19:36
and maps of Va., 16:99, 16:100
of Norwich, Vt., 9:241
and political boundary lines, 15:276n, 19:23, 19:66–19:67, 19:67, 19:68n
TJ’s method for calculating, 19:200–19:201
and western exploration, 19:197, 19:198, 19:211
Latour, Chatêau (wine), 9:513
Latour, Géraud Calixte Jean Baptiste Arsène Lacarrière
Historical Memoir of the War in West Florida and Louisiana in 1814–15, 9:129n
identified, 9:103n
letter from, 9:103
letter to, 9:128–9:129
Proposals, for Publishing by Subscription, The History of the War in Louisiana & West Florida, 9:103, 9:103n, 9:128–9:129
witnesses deed, 3:478n
La Tour-du-Pin Gouvernet, Jean Frédéric, comte de
as government minister, 17:368
La Tour-Maubourg, Anastasie, comtesse de (Lafayette’s daughter)
family of, 18:428, 18:428
inheritance of, 2:17
marriage contract with, 2:16
sends greetings to TJ, 4:359
La Tour-Maubourg, Célestine de (Lafayette’s granddaughter) , 17:254, 17:255n
La Tour-Maubourg, Charles, comte de (Lafayette’s son-in-law), 2:17
La Tour-Maubourg, Marie Charles César de Fay, comte de
and French Constitution of 1791, 17:370, 17:378n
Latreille, Pierre André, 14:387
La Trémoïlle, Marie Geneviève de Durfort, duchesse de, 2:10, 2:15
Latrobe, Benjamin
J. Bruce introduced to, 11:613
Latrobe, Benjamin Henry
and alterations to U.S. Capitol’s design, 8:595–8:596, 8:596n
and Annapolis naval depot, 12:519
Anniversary Oration, 3:624, 3:625n
and J. Barlow’s letter, 5:576, 5:577n
and E. F. Bond’s application, 5:525, 5:526n
and builders’ prices, 12:159, 12:196, 12:278, 12:519–12:520, 13:612
and capitals (architectural), 1:473, 1:475n, 1:595, 10:xlvii, 10:350, 10:350 (illus.) , 10:350, 10:351n, 10:510–10:511, 10:511 (illus.) , 11:xlv–11:xlvi, 11:232 (illus.) , 11:481, 11:481n, 11:481n, 11:535, 11:572, 12:143
and carving for TJ, 4:66, 4:459, 5:206–5:207
and Central College craftsmen, 11:535, 11:571, 11:571, 11:602, 11:610–11:611
and Central College design, 11:315, 11:431–11:432, 11:453, 11:479–11:480, 11:481n, 11:535, 11:563, 11:564–11:565, 11:586–11:587, 11:610–11:612, 11:649–11:650, 12:72–12:73, 12:94, 12:143, 12:638, 13:57–13:58
and Chesapeake and Delaware Canal, 16:33
and Columbian Institute for the Promotion of Arts and Sciences, 11:144n, 11:144n
on conflict with TJ, 8:592–8:593
death of, 19:90
designs houses in Philadelphia, 4:63–4:64
designs Richmond penitentiary, 17:326
drawings by, 2:39, 2:40n, 2:106, 3:535–3:536, 3:537n, 3:581–3:582, 3:590–3:591, 8:594 (illus.) , 8:595 (illus.) , 12:72–12:73, 12:94, 12:143
edits J. Bruce’s work, 11:612–11:613, 11:614n
and expenses at U.S. Capitol, 5:205, 5:207n, 5:238, 5:239n
family of, 11:613, 11:614n, 12:72, 12:94, 12:519
to find work for J. Dougherty, 1:199
furnishes President’s House, 1:43n
health of, 10:510, 12:519, 12:639
identified, 1:474–1:475n
letters from, 1:473–1:475, 3:534–3:538, 3:624–3:625, 4:63–4:67, 5:205–5:207, 8:591–8:596, 10:510–10:511, 11:453, 11:479–11:481, 11:563–11:565, 11:571–11:572, 11:610–11:615, 12:72–12:73, 12:143, 12:196, 12:278, 12:519–12:521, 12:638–12:639
letters to, 1:595–1:596, 3:555–3:557, 4:459, 5:238–5:239, 8:479–8:480, 10:350–10:351, 11:431–11:432, 11:534–11:536, 11:586–11:588, 11:602, 11:649–11:650, 12:94, 12:159, 13:57–13:58
letter to, from W. Thackara, 12:278–12:279
mentioned, 6:216, 12:166
and J. Monroe, 12:520, 12:638–12:639, 12:639
Opinion on a Project for Removing the Obstructions to a Ship Navigation to Georgetown, Col., 12:521
oversees work at Washington Navy Yard, 4:64, 5:206
and payment for Italian sculptors, 1:78n, 1:113, 1:114n
A Private Letter to the Individual Members of Congress, 3:537n
and proposed marine hospital, 5:178, 5:179n, 5:206
proposed visit to Monticello, 1:366, 1:474, 1:595–1:596, 11:535, 11:565
as reference, 14:652
relocates to Washington, 8:591
resigns from work on U.S. Capitol, 12:196, 12:278, 12:638, 12:639, 12:643n, 13:58
seeks office, 7:165–7:166
and steamboats, 7:56–7:57, 8:591, 11:565, 11:565n
students of, 7:165–7:166, 7:166n
TJ recommends carpenters to, 8:479–8:480, 8:592
and TJ’s sundial, 10:xlvii, 10:350, 10:350 (illus.) , 10:350, 10:510, 11:432
and window glass for TJ, 2:80, 2:188, 2:346, 2:362, 5:298
works on Baltimore Merchants’ Exchange, 12:196
works on U.S. Capitol, 1:65, 1:92, 1:474n, 3:534–3:537, 3:555–3:556, 4:64–4:66, 4:67n, 5:205–5:206, 5:238, 5:359+, 8:479–8:480, 8:591–8:596, 10:510–10:511, 11:480–11:481, 12:143, 12:520–12:521, 12:638, 12:639–12:643, 19:226
Latrobe, Henry Sellon Boneval
as assistant clerk, 1:65n
death of, 12:72, 12:94
Latrobe, Mary Elizabeth Hazlehurst (Benjamin Henry Latrobe’s wife)
greetings from, 5:207, 8:596
Lattimer, Nancy
signs petition, 18:146
Lattimore, Hannah
signs petition, 18:146
Latting, Jacob
claims of against Spain, 12:142
identified, 12:142n
letter from, 12:142
Laud, William, archbishop of Canterbury, 5:387, 5:389, 6:145, 6:228
Lauffeld, Battle of (1747)
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:504
Launay, Bernard René Jourdan de
execution of, 17:365, 17:366
“Launcelot Light” (pseudonym)
A Sketch of the Rights of Boys and Girls, 18:228, 18:229n
Laurence, Mr. (sloop captain), 11:204
Laurence, John
and University of Virginia, 20:204, 20:226, 20:230
Laurens, Henry
diplomatic service of, 17:329
family of, 7:28
relationship with B. Franklin, 13:466
Laurent, Simon, 3:235, 3:237n, 3:484
Laurentii Vallæ de linguae Latinae Elegantia (L. Valla), 17:535
Laurie, Robert
A New Juvenile Atlas, and familiar introduction to the use of maps, 8:76, 8:77n, 8:78n
Laurie & Whittle (London firm)
map engravers, 7:70n
Laval, John
account with TJ, 14:384, 14:423, 14:467–14:468, 14:472, 15:425, 15:440, 15:463, 15:490, 16:40n, 17:403, 17:443, 17:526, 17:535, 18:358, 18:375, 18:376, 18:447, 18:529, 19:696, 20:481, 20:520
and books for TJ, 11:283–11:284, 14:221–14:222, 14:240, 14:266, 14:276, 14:351, 14:384, 14:423, 14:467–14:468, 14:505, 14:552, 15:440, 15:490, 15:503–15:504, 15:594, 15:607, 16:25, 16:40, 17:403, 17:443, 17:526, 17:535, 17:535–17:537, 18:73, 18:123, 18:197, 18:202, 18:358, 18:375, 18:376, 18:439, 18:447, 18:487, 19:517, 19:546, 19:569, 19:584, 19:669, 19:696, 19:696n, 20:64, 20:100, 20:101, 20:158–20:159, 20:182, 20:186, 20:329, 20:330n, 20:348–20:349, 20:349n, 20:481, 20:500, 20:520, 20:530
and N. G. Dufief’s business, 11:241, 11:247, 11:283–11:284, 13:513, 14:221–14:222, 14:467–14:468, 14:505, 18:376
identified, 11:284n
letter from accounted for, 15:504n
letters from, 11:283–11:284, 13:513, 14:240–14:241, 14:351, 14:467–14:468, 14:552, 15:440, 15:503–15:504, 15:607–15:608, 16:40, 17:443, 17:535, 18:123–18:124, 18:202, 18:375–18:376, 18:447, 18:529, 19:546–19:547, 19:584, 19:696, 20:158–20:159, 20:329–20:330, 20:481, 20:520
letters to, 14:221–14:222, 14:266, 14:276, 14:384, 14:423, 14:505, 15:463, 15:481, 15:490–15:491, 15:594, 16:25, 17:403, 17:526, 18:73, 18:197, 18:358, 18:439, 18:440, 18:487, 19:517, 19:569, 19:669, 20:101, 20:182, 20:348–20:349, 20:500, 20:530
letters to accounted for, 14:552n, 19:696n, 20:330n
payment made for TJ, 20:159, 20:329
as publisher, 19:546–19:547, 19:569
TJ pays, 15:481, 18:487, 18:487, 18:491, 19:696n, 20:500
TJ’s correspondence with, 18:440
Lavalette, Antoine Marie Chamans, comte de
escapes from prison, 12:95
La Vallière, Françoise Louise de la Baume Le Blanc de
print of, 11:403
La Vauguyon, Paul François de Quélen de Stuer de Caussade, duc de
as government minister, 17:357, 17:364
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:504
lavender
alternative names for, 10:215, 10:218n
grown in France, 10:216
qualities of, 10:216, 10:217
sent by S. Cathalan, 10:215, 10:216, 11:406, 11:531, 13:565, 13:585
Lavergné, Celestino , 5:85n
Lavoisier, Antoine Laurent
theories of, 10:68–10:69, 12:518, 18:625, 18:626n
Traité Élémentaire de Chimie, 7:626, 10:234, 20:469
law See also Virginia: laws of
agrarian, 4:168
books on, 1:158, 1:416, 2:28, 2:51, 2:103, 2:104n, 2:420, 2:521, 2:676, 2:676, 2:677, 3:173–3:176n, 3:236–3:237n, 3:546–3:547, 5:176, 5:176n, 5:245, 6:45, 6:122, 6:372, 6:374, 6:412–6:413, 6:445, 6:477, 6:479, 6:598, 7:125–7:127, 7:146–7:148, 7:228, 7:249, 7:249–7:250, 7:257–7:258, 7:292, 7:292n, 7:627–7:628, 7:683, 8:40, 8:151, 8:152n, 8:175, 8:179, 8:231, 8:235, 8:244, 8:285, 8:301, 8:328, 8:348–8:349, 8:388, 8:399, 8:630, 8:630, 8:630, 8:672, 8:672, 8:673n, 9:107, 9:107n, 9:129, 10:235, 10:390, 10:404, 10:404n, 10:417, 10:417, 10:428–10:429, 10:438, 10:452, 10:457, 10:486, 10:557n, 10:564–10:565, 10:569, 10:572, 10:617, 10:625, 11:352, 12:291, 12:291, 12:291, 12:337, 12:337, 12:364, 12:364, 12:400, 13:33, 13:47, 13:53, 13:53, 13:100, 13:107, 13:368–13:369, 13:369n, 14:78, 14:133, 14:146, 14:147n, 14:165, 14:166, 14:219, 14:222, 14:240, 14:445, 15:340, 15:391, 16:45, 16:162, 16:168–16:169, 16:211–16:212, 16:239, 16:240, 16:240, 16:241, 16:241, 16:260–16:261, 16:286, 16:364, 16:486, 16:499, 16:504n, 16:615, 16:640–16:642, 17:197, 17:210, 17:233, 17:402, 17:402n, 17:419, 17:419, 17:450, 17:450n, 17:538, 17:563, 18:239, 18:329, 18:330n, 18:334, 18:334–18:335, 18:335, 18:362, 18:367, 18:374, 18:381, 18:418n, 18:418n, 18:418n, 18:442–18:443, 18:446, 18:446n, 18:463, 18:467, 18:468n, 18:473, 18:473, 18:475, 18:488, 18:559, 18:580, 19:116, 19:402, 19:436, 19:437, 19:453, 19:459–19:460, 19:460–19:461n, 19:488–19:489, 19:672, 19:684, 19:687, 20:115n, 20:118, 20:118–20:119, 20:165–20:166, 20:261, 20:282, 20:288, 20:308n, 20:312, 20:314, 20:373n, 20:410, 20:411, 20:422
bound pamphlets on, 8:630, 13:456
British, 5:135–5:136, 7:125–7:127, 7:146–7:148, 7:190–7:191, 7:257, 7:688, 10:101, 10:557n, 10:564–10:565, 10:625, 11:369–11:370, 11:433, 16:640–16:642, 18:531, 19:97–19:98, 19:100n, 19:420
British sympathies of attorneys, 7:57–7:58, 7:248–7:249
chancery, 16:641
civil, 2:357, 2:521, 2:522, 2:526, 2:527, 2:678, 2:679, 3:31, 4:477, 7:688, 8:483–8:484, 10:302
collegiate education in, 7:480, 7:663, 7:668, 12:4, 12:26, 12:27, 12:76, 12:124, 12:333, 13:195, 13:195, 13:214, 13:214, 13:298–13:299, 13:403, 14:459, 16:628, 16:629n, 17:101, 17:328, 17:328, 19:570, 19:583, 19:633
common, 1:381–1:382, 2:357, 2:521, 2:522, 2:527, 2:532, 3:117, 3:144, 3:165, 4:293, 4:296–4:297n, 4:297–4:298, 4:300–4:301, 5:58–5:59, 5:135–5:136, 7:125–7:127, 7:146–7:148, 7:190–7:191, 7:217, 10:190–10:191, 11:369–11:370, 11:433, 14:219, 18:467, 18:468n, 20:473
compilations proposed, 7:257–7:258
and constitutions, 20:534–20:544
criminal, 1:382, 1:384n, 7:374–7:378
of distribution, 10:190–10:191, 10:192n
doom book, 7:125
P. S. Du Pont de Nemours on, 4:330–4:332
ecclesiastical, 16:642, 19:165
endorsement, property, and replevin, 9:277–9:278, 9:278n, 9:279–9:280, 10:190–10:191, 10:302, 18:364, 18:365–18:366n, 18:550, 18:576n
estate, 19:413–19:414, 19:649–19:650
feudal, 3:174–3:175n, 7:688
French, 2:676, 2:678, 3:47–3:48, 3:71, 3:73n, 3:130–3:132, 3:159–3:160, 3:203, 3:226–3:227, 3:236–3:237n, 4:477, 4:643n, 5:45–5:47, 5:576, 5:576–5:577n, 7:688
on gambling, 18:460, 18:580–18:581
Gentoo Code, 7:219, 7:221n
of Great Britain, 1:382, 1:424, 4:293, 4:294, 4:296–4:297n, 4:297–4:298, 4:299–4:300, 4:302n, 5:137n, 8:525, 8:526, 8:527n, 16:196, 16:603
and habeas corpus, 20:280
insolvency, 14:237
international, 16:296n, 16:642, 19:165, 19:406–19:407
Jewish, 3:124–3:125, 3:165
and judicial review, 1:380, 8:525–8:526, 16:287, 16:288, 16:288, 16:289n, 16:353–16:354, 16:483, 16:489, 18:364–18:365, 18:365–18:366n, 18:367, 18:367n, 18:378–18:379, 18:550–18:551, 18:576n, 18:576n, 20:119n
jurisprudence, 11:368–11:370, 11:432–11:434, 16:603
jus gentium principle, 10:627
and Latin writings, 14:630
Laws of Manu, 7:219, 7:221n
legal profession, 7:273, 12:465, 13:50, 16:557, 16:603, 20:414
legal writing, 12:16
Magna Carta, 7:67, 7:125, 7:126, 16:619
marital, 8:374, 8:376n
maritime, 7:688, 7:688n, 16:642, 19:165, 20:299n, 20:304n
martial, 1:571, 3:120–3:121, 10:422–10:423, 10:423n, 18:384
medical, 17:236
natural, 3:138–3:139, 3:142, 3:144, 10:557–10:558, 10:594, 12:441, 14:43, 16:296n
and perjury, 10:428–10:430, 10:497–10:499
professional education in, 7:639, 7:640, 7:688
and punishment of criminals, 12:484, 12:517, 14:78, 16:499, 20:164–20:165
T. M. Randolph on careers in, 17:304–17:305
Roman, 2:676, 3:47–3:48, 3:130–3:131, 3:133, 3:151n, 3:174n, 3:175n, 3:176n, 3:236n, 3:237n, 3:546, 4:502, 4:643n, 16:641, 19:165
Salic, 9:317
Spanish, 2:471, 2:678, 3:71, 3:160–3:161, 3:175n, 4:477, 4:643n, 18:239
study of, 3:276, 7:688, 8:341, 8:341, 8:342, 11:11, 14:550, 16:162, 16:495, 17:275–17:276, 17:493, 18:230n, 18:303, 18:475, 18:488, 18:488–18:489, 18:580, 19:116, 19:164–19:165, 19:166n, 19:436, 19:608n, 19:645n, 20:146, 20:261, 20:261, 20:499, 20:632
TJ on attorneys, 7:129, 7:248–7:249, 19:650
TJ on study of, 4:162, 7:626, 7:627–7:628, 7:628, 16:65, 16:640–16:642, 17:494, 18:334–18:335, 19:488–19:489, 20:410
TJ provides legal advice, 9:27–9:28, 9:42–9:43n, 9:44, 9:72–9:73, 9:93–9:94, 9:120–9:121, 10:190–10:191, 11:146–11:147, 11:478, 11:479, 11:485, 11:486, 11:514–11:520, 11:520n, 11:538, 11:538–11:539, 11:542, 14:246, 14:251, 14:254, 14:255, 14:646, 17:269–17:270, 19:649–19:650
TJ provides training in, 1:245, 1:389, 1:416, 2:28, 2:51, 2:77n, 2:259, 2:420
TJ refuses to intervene in case, 10:406–10:407
TJ studies, 17:310, 17:311
TJ’s legal commonplace book, 7:125, 7:130n, 7:151n, 7:190–7:191
and tyranny, 14:201
University of Virginia professorship of, 20:290, 20:297, 20:303, 20:322, 20:322, 20:322–20:323, 20:340–20:341, 20:363, 20:458, 20:468, 20:473–20:474
usury, 15:260, 15:261, 15:350–15:351, 15:352n, 16:445, 16:491
in utopian societies, 19:378–19:380
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502, 4:503
and the West, 3:423–3:424
Law, Edmund
and Columbian Institute for the Promotion of Arts and Sciences , 11:144n
health of, 19:431
Law, Edward, 1st Earl of Ellenborough
and alleged remarks on TJ by C. J. Fox, 3:261n, 3:261–3:262, 4:234
family of, 3:261n, 3:262n
Law, Elizabeth Parke Custis (Thomas Law’s wife), 3:209n
Law, John (d. 1729)
Mississippi scheme of, 6:586, 6:593n, 9:407
Law, John (d. 1822), 19:431, 19:431n
Law, Jonathan
identified, 1:95n
letters from, 1:95
letters to, 1:126–1:127
and meeting of Conn. Republicans, 1:95, 1:126–1:127
Law, Thomas
Additional Facts, Remarks, and Arguments. Illustrative of the Advantage to the People of the United States, of a National Circulating Medium, 19:202, 19:202n, 19:225
amanuensis for, 19:202, 19:225
on Anglo-American relations, 4:234
on banks and banking, 6:578, 6:592, 6:594, 6:649, 6:649, 7:468, 8:475
on British economy, 7:468
and Columbian Institute for the Promotion of Arts and Sciences, 11:143, 11:148–11:149
on education, 7:342
on European political economy, 7:467–7:468
family of, 19:431, 19:431n
and Federalist criticism of TJ, 4:234
Homo’s Letters on a National Currency, addressed to the People of the United States, 11:61, 11:62n
identified, 3:209n
on interest-bearing treasury notes, 6:534, 6:578, 6:592, 6:594, 6:649, 7:468
introduces J. J. Chapman, 19:431
introduces C. D. Crommelin and J. van Lennep, 16:564
introduces F. Hall, 10:594
letter from to J. Wagner, 3:261–3:262
letters from, 3:209, 3:261, 3:552, 4:234–4:235, 6:534, 6:649, 7:342, 7:467–7:469, 8:231–8:232, 8:475, 10:594, 11:61–11:62, 11:143–11:144, 11:165–11:166, 16:564–16:565, 19:431
letters to, 3:298–3:299, 3:578–3:579, 6:594, 7:412–7:416, 11:148–11:149, 19:225
and National Institution for the Promotion of Industry, 16:564
and New York Unitarians, 16:170
and promotion of domestic interests, 19:431
Second Thoughts on Instinctive Impulses, 7:342, 7:342n, 7:412, 7:468n
sends letter to TJ, 8:231
sends prospectus to TJ, 3:552, 3:552n, 3:578–3:579
sends respects to TJ, 7:308–7:309
sends works to TJ, 11:61, 11:165–11:166, 19:202, 19:225
taxation policy of, 4:234, 4:235n
Thoughts on Instinctive Impulses, 3:209, 3:261, 3:298, 3:578, 3:579n, 7:467, 7:468n
Law Academy of Philadelphia, 17:141
Lawfeld. See Lauffeld, Battle of
Lawler, James
wheat of, 11:537n
Lawler, Matthew
recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461
Law of Nations. See Le Droit des Gens, ou, Principes de la loi naturelle, appliqué à la conduite & aux affaires des nations & des souverains (E. von Vattel)
The Law of Nature (Volney), 8:668, 8:669n, 18:75, 18:126, 18:167, 18:176
Law of Orleans. See A Digest of the Civil Laws Now in Force in the Territory of Orleans (L. Kerr and L. Moreau Lislet)
Law, or, A Discourse Thereof, In foure Bookes (H. Finch), 7:147–7:148
Lawrance, John
and University of Virginia, 16:479
Lawrence, Abraham R.
and New York City customhouse, 19:499n
Lawrence, David (sloop captain), 11:216
Lawrence, Esther R. Gracie (William Beach Lawrence’s wife)
travels of, 17:202–17:203, 17:203n
Lawrence, James
biography of proposed, 19:427
quoted, 18:57, 18:60n
TJ quotes, 9:330, 9:331n, 18:333, 18:334n
Lawrence, John
and University of Virginia, 19:47, 19:52n, 20:556
Lawrence, Sir William
Lectures on Physiology, Zoology, and the Natural History of Man, 17:535, 17:537n
Lawrence, William Beach
identified, 16:555n
introduced to TJ, 16:555
letter from, 17:202–17:203
letter to, 17:219–17:220
seeks letters of introduction from TJ, 17:202–17:203, 17:219–17:220
TJ introduces to Lafayette, 17:219
visits Monticello, 16:555, 17:202–17:203
Laws of Harvard College, 20:377, 20:378n
The Laws of Las Siete Partidas (trans. L. Moreau Lislet and H. Carleton), 3:53n, 3:160–3:161, 3:168, 18:239
Laws of the College of South-Carolina, 19:450, 19:450–19:451n, 19:539
Laws of the State of New-York, respecting Navigable Communications between The Great Western and Northern Lakes and the Atlantic Ocean, 11:281n
The laws of the United States of America (Z. Swift), 2:521
Laws of the United States of America, from the 4th of March, 1789, to the 4th of March, 1815 (J. B. Colvin), 8:151, 8:152n, 8:179, 12:400
Lawson, Alexander
engraving by, 9:352n, 10:200 (illus.) , 10:201n
identified, 10:201n
Lawson, Robert
Revolutionary War service of, 15:193, 15:194
Lawson, Sarah
boardinghouse of, 3:552
Lawur, Peter
letters from accounted for, 1:677
laxatives, 7:387
Lay, Amos
Map of the Northern Part of the State of New York, 5:263n, 5:306n, 5:581
Lazaria (Maria) (TJ’s slave; b. 1797)
on Monticello slave lists, 4:388, 12:303
Lazzerini, Bartolommeo
and P. Mazzei’s will, 9:675
Lea, Isaac See also H. C. Carey & I. Lea (Philadelphia firm)
identified, 18:481–18:482n
Leach, William Elford
as reference for C. S. Rafinesque, 17:89, 17:89
as zoologist, 16:568
lead
architectural ornaments of, 18:494, 18:494, 18:630, 19:liii, 19:277, 19:477, 19:488, 19:513, 19:514–19:515, 19:520, 19:520–19:522, 19:523, 19:567, 20:219
bar, 18:43, 19:13
as building material, 15:96, 15:100, 19:185, 19:189, 19:191n, 20:555
from Great Britain, 13:381
manufacture of, 2:376
mines, 12:544n
in N.Y., 8:209n
sheet, 19:185, 19:189, 19:191n
for shot, 8:96, 8:113n+, 8:120, 8:121, 8:121, 12:544
for sundials, 11:176
tubing, 20:638
white, 1:55n, 1:77, 5:33, 6:111, 15:101, 17:6, 17:7, 18:44, 18:174, 19:15, 19:277, 19:277, 19:277
Leake, Josiah
as subscription agent, 15:452–15:453n, 16:363
Leake, Mask, 16:646
Leake, Samuel
identified, 16:647n
land claim of, 16:646–16:647, 17:30
letter from, 16:646–16:647
letter to, 17:30
Leake, Walter, 2:211
Leake, William Martin
Researches in Greece, 9:197n
Leamy, John
recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461
Leander (British warship), 1:228n
Lear, Benjamin Lincoln
education of, 6:158–6:159, 6:208
identified, 17:500n
and T. Kosciuszko’s estate, 12:315n, 17:443, 17:485, 17:497, 17:497n, 17:498–17:500, 17:501n, 17:510, 17:513, 17:533, 17:533n, 17:550, 20:52
letter from, 17:498–17:501
letter to, 17:513–17:514
visits Monticello, 20:52
Lear, Frances Dandridge Henley (Tobias Lear’s wife)
mentioned, 6:208, 6:208
sends greetings to TJ, 6:159
TJ sends greetings to, 6:209
Lear, Tobias
as consul at Algiers, 6:159–6:160n, 6:164, 11:661, 11:663n, 20:578–20:579
death of, 10:496, 10:496n
identified, 6:159n
letters from, 6:157–6:160
letters to, 6:208–6:209
and proposed visit to TJ, 6:158, 6:208
son’s education, 6:158–6:159, 6:208
A learned commendation of the politique lawes of England (J. Fortescue), 17:419
leather
buckskin clothing, 20:452
for chairs, 16:573
hides, 15:451
map drawn on, 8:238, 16:36
shaving machines, 11:240
for shoes, 6:345, 6:345, 6:346, 6:346, 6:347, 6:348, 8:234, 18:410
tanning, 8:411, 9:29, 9:30n, 16:460, 16:589, 18:410
TJ buys, 9:254, 9:604, 18:49, 18:318n
for University of Virginia, 15:97, 15:100, 20:210, 20:212
Leavenworth, Mark, 3:542, 3:543n
Leavitt, Dudley
identified, 7:407–7:408n
letters from, 7:407–7:408
Table for Determining the Moon’s Quarters, 7:407, 7:408–7:409
Le Baron, Francis
appointment of, 6:28n
Leblanc, Guillaume
translates Dionis Nicæi, rerum Romanarum a pompeio magno, ad Alexandrum Mamææ filium Epitom (Cassius Dio; ed. J. Xiphilinus), 10:233
le Blanc (Siblong) de Villeneufve, Paul Louis
La Fête du Petit Blé; ou, L’Heroisme du Poucha-Houmma, 1:202, 1:203n, 1:509
LeBourdais, Mr., 1:557
Le Bourgeois, Mr., 2:244
Le Breton, John
British army officer, 8:221
Le Breton Deschapelles, Louis Césaire
and batture controversy, 10:668–10:669
identified, 10:669n
letter from, 10:668–10:669
Le Breton D’orgenoy, Francis Joseph. See D’orgenoy, Francis Joseph Le Breton
Le Brun, Charles
identified, 18:96–18:97n
letter from, 18:95–18:97
letter to, 18:156
recommended by T. Kosciuszko, 18:95, 18:97n
translates B. Barère’s La Libertád de los Mares, ó el Gobiérno Inglés descubiérto, 18:95–18:96, 18:156
translates A. Pope’s Essay on Man, 18:96
Lebrun, Ponce Denis Écouchard, 7:665
Lechevalier, Jean Baptiste
as librarian, 10:311, 11:632
Voyage de La Troade, Fait dans les années 1785 et 1786, 11:632, 12:112
Leclerc, Georges Louis, 5:452n
Leclerc, Jean (Johannes Clericus)
edits Æschinis Socratici Dialogi Tres Græce et Latine, ad quos accessit quarti Latinum Fragmentum (Aeschines Socraticus), 10:233
edits Titi Livii Historiarum quod exstat (Livy), 5:501, 5:594, 5:594–5:595n, 5:625, 6:157, 7:286, 10:233, 11:414, 12:576, 14:510, 17:106
and Hesiodi Ascraei Quae Exstant (Hesiod), 9:196
Leçons d’Anatomie Comparée (G. Cuvier), 8:429, 8:429n
Leçons d’Histoire (Volney), 1:580
Le Conte, John Eatton, 10:287, 10:288n
Le Coulteux, Mr., 2:13
A Lecture, introductory to a Course of Lectures, now delivering in the University of Maryland (D. Hoffman), 20:372, 20:373n
A Lecture, introductory to a Course of Lectures on the Cause, Seat and Cure of Diseases (J. Crawford), 4:336, 4:338n, 4:394
Lectures on History, and General Policy (J. Priestley), 19:505
Lectures on Mechanics (Helsham), 1:581
Lectures on Natural and Experimental Philosophy (G. Adams), 1:581, 14:375, 14:378n, 19:505
Lectures on Physiology, Zoology, and the Natural History of Man (W. Lawrence), 17:535, 17:537n
Lectures on Political Principles (D. Williams), 3:38, 3:40n, 3:87, 3:189, 3:334
Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres (H. Blair), 1:576, 7:629, 7:662, 12:576, 16:5, 16:381, 16:458, 19:505
Lectures on Rhetoric and Oratory (J. Q. Adams), 4:390, 4:391n, 4:428, 4:430n, 4:435, 4:473, 4:483, 12:576
Lectures on Select Subjects in Mechanics, Hydrostatics, Pneumatics, and Optics (J. Ferguson) , 1:581, 6:380, 9:638n, 19:506
Lectures on the adulteration of food and culinary poisons (J. Cutbush), 20:6, 20:37
Lédenon, France
wine from, 10:170, 10:170, 10:338, 11:246, 11:404, 11:404, 11:404, 11:405, 11:407, 11:531, 11:653, 12:374, 12:515, 12:566, 12:580, 13:10, 13:302, 14:327, 14:328, 14:328, 14:328, 14:329, 15:120, 15:262, 16:117, 16:117, 16:117, 16:425, 16:510, 17:139, 17:140, 18:457, 19:641–19:642
Ledlie, Elizabeth
signs petition, 18:146
Le Duc, Marie Pierre
as notary, 7:366n
Ledyard, Isaac
and J. Ledyard (1751–89), 12:281
Ledyard, John (1751–89)
biography of, 12:188, 12:280–12:281, 16:272, 16:273n
A Journal of Captain Cook’s last Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, and in quest of a North-West Passage, between Asia & America, 12:188, 12:189n, 16:272, 17:341
and western exploration, 6:417, 6:420, 9:650, 12:280–12:281, 17:341–17:342, 19:197, 19:201n
Ledyard, John (of Connecticut)
letters from, 2:419, 2:423–2:424
seeks TJ’s assistance, 2:419, 2:423–2:424
Lee, Arthur
and cession of Northwest Territory, 4:567
as diplomat, 17:329
The Farmer’s and Monitor’s Letters, 6:440
as member of Confederation Congess, 17:333, 17:333
relationship with B. Franklin, 8:23, 13:466
as writer, 6:440
Lee, Arthur (1779–1828)
as Va. legislator, 19:284
Lee, Charles, 12:427
Lee, Charles (1731–82)
accused of desertion, 18:138
Lee, David B.
flying machine of, 18:344–18:345, 18:346, 18:347–18:348, 18:349n, 18:359
identified, 18:348–18:349n
letter from, 18:344–18:349
letter to, 18:359–18:360
petitions Congress, 18:345, 18:349n
rivalry with J. Bennett, 18:345–18:346, 18:349n
Lee, Edmund Jennings, 1:516
Lee, Eliza Collins
given portrait of J. Madison, 12:li
Lee, Francis Lightfoot
and Va. Committee of Correspondence, 9:367, 17:312
as Va. legislator, 17:313, 17:314
Lee, Henry (1756–1818)
and American Revolution, 13:115, 19:122, 19:130
criticism of, 19:215, 19:216, 19:428
as defense witness, 1:277, 1:278–1:279n
funeral oration for G. Washington, 19:441n
and P. Henry, 4:604
introduces I. McPherson, 6:353, 6:354n
medal voted for, 2:104–2:105, 2:106n, 2:125–2:126, 2:224, 2:253
Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States, 6:122, 8:178, 8:179n, 19:96–19:97, 19:97, 19:100n
and TJ’s remark on G. Washington, 10:423n
Lee, Henry (1787–1837)
and father’s medal, 2:104–2:105, 2:106n, 2:224, 2:253
Lee, Henry (of Winchester)
and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 11:334, 16:303
Lee, James
as trustee for J. Paradise and L. L. Paradise, 9:283, 9:284, 9:284
Lee, James (of England)
patents machine, 10:548n
Lee, John
and University of Virginia, 16:307, 17:632, 19:47
Lee, Rachel Fanny Antonina
An Essay on Government, 1:123–1:124, 3:116, 3:117n
Lee, Richard Bland
and assumption of Revolutionary War debts, 12:424
and W. Bentley, 2:170n
as commissioner of public buildings, 8:596n, 12:641
given portrait of J. Madison, 12:li
identified, 14:581–14:582n
letter from, 14:581–14:582
letter to, 14:603–14:604
An Oration, delivered July 5, 1819, In the Chamber of the House of Representatives, 14:581–14:582, 14:603
Lee, Richard Evers
identified, 6:364n
introduced to TJ, 6:364
Lee, Richard Henry
and G. R. Clark’s 1779 expedition, 4:378
on Declaration of Independence, 20:124
family of, 10:421, 10:423n
and P. Henry, 4:378
as member of Continental Congress, 4:600, 4:601, 4:602, 6:440, 6:612, 6:612, 6:613, 8:620, 8:626, 8:626n, 8:643–8:644, 10:421, 11:202, 13:331, 17:316, 17:317, 20:138, 20:138n
oratorial skills of, 2:156
and J. Otis, 13:618–13:619
recommends W. Kendall, 18:138
reputed speech of, 8:626, 8:626n, 8:643–8:644, 14:138, 16:441, 16:472–16:473
and Stamp Act Resolutions, 8:642
TJ on, 7:411, 7:411, 8:642, 16:472–16:473
and J. Trumbull’s Declaration of Independence, 13:329, 13:330n
and Va. Committee of Correspondence, 9:367, 9:369n, 17:312
as Va. legislator, 17:313, 17:314
Lee, Thomas Ludwell
biography of proposed, 8:619
and revision of Va. laws, 1:381–1:382, 3:570, 5:136, 7:549, 17:322, 17:322, 17:323
and Stamp Act Resolutions, 8:642
Lee, Thomas Sim
death of, 15:235
Lee, Tom (Shackelford estate’s slave), 3:36, 3:37n, 3:529
Lee, William (1739–95)
and L. L. Paradise estate, 11:59, 11:59n
Lee, William (1772–1840)
assists J. Ronaldson in Paris, 2:163
and J. M. Baker, 12:93, 12:473, 12:473–12:474
and bust of G. Washington, 8:161
and commercial agent for Le Havre, 9:363n
consul at Bordeaux, 1:118, 1:121n, 3:166, 3:178, 3:442, 3:599, 4:189, 4:529–4:530, 4:530n, 7:428n, 7:428n, 7:491n, 8:37, 8:571, 9:388, 9:389–9:390n, 9:421, 9:570, 9:573n, 9:655, 9:656n, 10:215, 10:489, 10:632, 12:567
Les États-Unis et L’Angleterre, 8:150–8:151, 8:151n, 10:342, 10:489
family of, 8:151
forwards letters to TJ, 2:672, 10:39
on France, 10:490
and F. Gard, 10:39, 10:489
identified, 2:672n
and immigration, 10:489–10:491
introduces J. Achard, 15:448, 15:484
introduces C. Lowell, 12:102
introduces J. A. Pénières-Delors, 10:491
letters from, 2:672, 8:150–8:151, 10:39–10:40, 10:489–10:491, 11:449–11:450, 11:506–11:507, 12:102, 12:260, 12:354, 15:448
letters to, 10:342–10:343, 10:670–10:671, 11:413, 11:471–11:472, 11:602, 12:185–12:186, 12:339, 15:484
and manufacturing in U.S., 10:489
plans visit to Monticello, 10:491, 10:516
recommends A. and C. de Montcarel, 13:419, 13:441
and Société Agricole et Manufacturière Française, 10:632, 10:635, 10:670–10:671
and C. Stewart’s apprenticeship, 12:185, 12:186, 12:257, 12:260, 12:338, 12:339, 12:354, 12:396
as War Department accountant, 10:496n
weaving enterprise of, 11:413, 11:449–11:450, 11:463–11:464, 11:470, 11:471–11:472, 11:506–11:507, 11:602, 12:338, 12:339, 12:354
Lee, William Raymond
forwards items to TJ, 4:4, 4:215, 4:220, 6:163
identified, 4:220n
letters to, 4:220
and G. H. Ward, 12:379, 13:5
Leedes, Edward
edits De Vero Usu Verborum Mediorum (L. Küster), 10:358
Leeds, Francis Osborne, Marquess of Carmarthen, 5th Duke of, 1:516, 10:116, 10:117n, 17:339
Lee family
and Port Folio, 7:318
TJ on, 7:548
Leesburg, Va.
convention of Protestant Episcopal Church of Virginia held in, 20:5, 20:5n
Republican mechanics of, address TJ, 1:89–1:90
Leeson, Thomas
as builder for University of Virginia, 15:385, 15:386n, 16:310
letter from, 15:385–15:386
Lefevre, Jean Baptiste
land warrant issued to, 2:74, 2:75n, 2:94
Leforest, A., 2:154
Leftwich, Jabez , 5:339
Leftwich, Joel
military service of, 7:227
as sheriff, 12:29n, 14:114n
and TJ’s land dispute with S. Scott, 5:339
Leftwich’s Mill (Bedford Co.)
on route to Natural Bridge, 9:35
Legaré, Hugh Swinton
An Oration, delivered on the Fourth of July, 1823; before the ’76 Association, 20:16, 20:16n
Legare, John Berwick
identified, 13:158n
letter from, 13:157–13:159
and Seventy-Six Association, 13:157
Legaux, Pierre
and Alexander grape, 4:524, 4:525n
Legendre, Adrien Marie
Éléments de Géométrie, 13:394, 13:413, 13:428, 13:474, 13:561, 14:215, 19:617, 20:469
Le Gendre, Louis, 3:235, 3:237n
Leges Anglo-Saxonicæ Ecclesiasticæ & Civilies (D. Wilkins), 7:126, 7:127, 16:364, 17:197
Leghorn (Livorno), Italy. See Appleton, Thomas
Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliæ (H. de Bracton), 1:383, 3:546, 7:125–7:127, 7:257, 7:627, 16:640, 16:641, 18:335, 18:336n
The Legislatorial Trial of Her Majesty Caroline Amelia Elizabeth, Queen of England, Consort of George the Fourth, for the alleged Crime of Adultery with Bartolomeo Bergami (E. Barron), 17:536
Lego (TJ’s Albemarle Co. estate)
acreage of, 4:387
hogs at, 5:545
lease of, 1:488n, 3:522, 12:301–12:305, 13:355, 15:545
livestock at, 12:303–12:304
and W. McClure’s weaving establishment, 4:143
overseers at, 1:137–1:138n, 3:180, 3:181n, 3:196, 3:642, 4:101, 9:604n, 10:387, 10:388n, 12:167n, 13:476n
sale of proposed, 15:614, 15:614n, 16:110
slaves at, 3:37, 3:180–3:181, 3:196, 6:181, 12:303, 14:476, 14:477n, 14:494, 14:555
surveys of, 2:107–2:108, 2:109n, 3:570–3:573, 5:362
and TJ’s lease dispute with E. Alexander, 2:85–2:86, 2:150–2:151, 2:199, 2:200, 2:212–2:213, 2:239–2:240, 2:240, 2:277–2:281, 2:282, 2:286, 2:286–2:287, 2:294
tobacco grown at, 2:86, 2:200, 2:239, 2:240
wheat grown at, 2:239, 2:240, 3:191, 9:152, 16:444
Legrand, Jacques Guillaume
Description de Paris et de ses Édifices, 12:107
Le Havre, France
consul at, 10:9–10:10, 10:21, 10:22n
Lehré, Thomas
appointed loans commissioner, 6:113n, 14:301
and appointment as federal marshal, 6:28, 6:29, 6:29n, 6:63–6:64, 6:64, 6:113
and celebration of Revolutionary War victory, 6:250
desires TJ’s opinion on foreign affairs, 7:459, 13:130
on J. W. Eppes’s election, 6:80
and Fourth of July celebration, 20:15, 20:16
and P. Freneau, 6:611, 6:636
on Great Britain, 6:80
identified, 5:244n
introduces J. Bellinger, 6:317
letters from, 5:243–5:244, 5:284–5:286, 5:329–5:330, 5:332, 5:355–5:356, 5:393–5:394, 5:680–5:681, 6:28–6:29, 6:80, 6:113, 6:250–6:251, 6:317, 6:611, 6:636, 7:459, 13:129, 13:130, 14:300–14:302, 20:15–20:16
letters to, 5:303–5:304, 6:63–6:64, 7:524–7:525, 13:142–13:143, 20:64–20:65
and opinion of TJ in S.C., 20:15–20:16, 20:64
on Republicans, 5:244
and S.C. politics, 5:243–5:244, 5:284–5:285, 5:285–5:286n, 5:303–5:304, 5:329, 5:329–5:330n, 5:332, 5:393, 5:680–5:681, 5:681n, 6:317, 7:459, 13:129, 13:130, 13:142–13:143
seeks federal appointment, 14:300–14:301
supports TJ and J. Madison for president, 6:28
on War of 1812, 6:250–6:251, 6:636
Leib, Michael
appointed postmaster of Philadelphia, 7:196, 7:197n
and A. Gallatin, 1:598, 1:599n
identified, 4:174n
introduces J. Ronaldson, 18:521
letters from, 4:173–4:175
letters to, 4:164
recommends A. Macaulay, 2:304
sends respects to TJ, 7:308–7:309
supports W. Duane, 4:174, 4:174n
as U.S. senator, 4:163, 4:164n, 4:173, 6:241
Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm
in collegiate curriculum, 7:480, 7:667
philosophy of, 7:557, 9:651, 11:268, 11:270n
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502, 4:506
works of, 11:383
Leigh, Benjamin Watkins
aide to J. Barbour, 7:632, 7:633n
as attorney, 19:92–19:93, 20:146
Leigh, Sir Egerton (1733–1781)
family of, 7:28
Leigh, Sir Egerton (1762–1818)
health of, 7:68–7:69, 7:143
identified, 7:69n
introduced by D. Ramsay, 7:28, 7:68, 7:143, 7:143
letters from, 7:68–7:69
letters to, 7:143
proposed visit to Monticello, 7:68–7:69, 7:143
Leiper, Elizabeth Coultas Gray (Thomas Leiper’s wife), 18:360
“Leiper, George G.” (pseudonym)
letters from, 18:341, 18:342
TJ’s loan to, 18:341, 18:342, 18:343, 18:350, 18:352, 18:352, 18:353, 18:357, 18:360–18:361, 18:363
visits Monticello, 18:341, 18:352, 18:360
Leiper, George Gray (Thomas Leiper’s son), 18:352, 18:363, 19:623
Leiper, Samuel McKean, 19:623
Leiper, Thomas
and agriculture, 19:591, 19:606–19:607, 19:624, 19:635, 19:636
on Alexander I, 7:104, 7:298, 9:217–9:218
criticizes Great Britain, 7:36–7:37, 7:298–7:299
and J. Delaplaine’s Repository, 11:203
and W. Duane, 3:450–3:451, 3:452n, 3:506, 3:507, 3:585
and election of 1800, 18:247–18:248
family of, 18:363, 19:623, 19:635
finances of, 19:622–19:623, 19:635–19:636, 20:586
and “George G. Leiper”, 18:341, 18:343n, 18:350, 18:352, 18:352, 18:353, 18:357, 18:360–18:361, 18:363
identified, 7:37n
and internal improvements, 19:622, 19:624
letters from, 7:36–7:38, 7:104–7:105, 7:297–7:300, 9:216–9:218, 18:352–18:353, 18:363, 19:591–19:592, 19:606–19:607, 19:621–19:625, 20:585–20:588
letters to, 7:96–7:99, 8:531–8:534, 12:558–12:559, 17:578–17:579, 18:352, 18:360–18:361, 19:635–19:637
on Napoleon, 7:37, 7:298, 7:298, 7:298, 7:299, 9:216–9:217, 9:217
and politics, 19:623–19:624, 19:635, 20:585–20:587
and portraits of Napoleon, 19:623, 19:625n, 19:636
on prophecy, 7:36–7:37
purchases TJ’s tobacco, 4:593
quarry of, 18:360, 19:623
recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461
and religion, 19:623, 19:636
and Second Bank of U.S., 12:558
sends works to TJ, 19:591, 19:606, 19:635
and taxes, 9:217
TJ introduces F. Watson to, 17:578–17:579
TJ reports on politics and international affairs to, 8:531–8:534
and TJ’s letter to G. Logan, 7:36–7:37, 7:96–7:99, 7:104–7:105
and F. Watson, 18:352, 18:363
Leiper, William Jones, 19:623
Leipzig, Battle of (Battle of the Nations) (1813), 6:637n, 7:158n, 14:415, 14:416n
Leitch, A.
and University of Virginia, 16:310
Leitch, James See also Samuel & James Leitch (Charlottesville firm)
accepts draft, 2:234n
account with TJ, 1:64, 1:65n, 8:48, 9:565–9:566, 9:597, 9:656, 11:426n, 12:644, 12:644, 13:165, 13:528n, 14:472, 15:450, 16:363, 16:624, 17:8, 17:8, 17:8, 17:9, 17:36, 17:37n, 17:47n, 17:285, 18:44, 18:623n, 19:8, 19:8, 19:8, 19:11, 19:12, 19:13, 19:14, 19:14, 19:15, 19:69
agent for TJ, 3:83, 4:77, 5:394, 6:431, 9:267, 9:269, 11:452, 16:270, 16:274, 17:68, 17:83
and Albemarle Academy, 7:267, 7:282, 7:293, 7:335, 7:339, 7:427, 7:535, 7:570, 7:571
C. L. Bankhead’s debt to, 8:394
and Central College, 11:322, 11:329, 11:565, 12:274, 12:292, 12:301, 12:646, 15:91, 15:91, 15:93, 15:93, 15:94, 15:95, 15:100, 15:101
and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 13:161, 13:164, 13:164n, 15:97, 16:476, 17:620, 20:195
and Charlottesville Female Academy, 16:26n
and currency for TJ, 12:45+
extracts from daybook of, 15:449–15:453, 16:5–16:14, 16:191n, 16:289n, 16:363n, 16:470n, 17:4–17:11, 17:234n, 17:291n+, 18:40–18:51, 18:174n, 18:225n, 18:280n, 18:319n, 19:8–19:16
and gunpowder sales, 3:583
identified, 1:65n
introduces Mr. Logan, 10:673
as juror, 5:278, 5:279
letters from, 1:64–1:65, 1:458, 2:40, 2:77, 5:394, 6:431, 8:48, 9:656, 10:673, 11:470–11:471, 12:186, 12:274, 12:502, 12:555, 12:646
letters from accounted for, 19:16n, 20:576n
letters to, 1:302–1:303, 4:182, 4:358, 4:477, 4:496, 4:647, 4:686–4:687, 5:119, 5:133, 5:394, 8:380, 8:570, 12:45+, 12:454, 13:32+, 13:64–13:65, 13:92, 13:166–13:167, 14:379–14:380, 15:71, 15:134, 15:144, 15:315, 15:453, 15:475, 15:479+, 15:485, 16:191, 16:289, 16:363, 16:470, 17:234, 17:291+, 18:174, 18:225, 18:280, 18:319, 18:368
letters to accounted for, 5:394n, 12:626n, 20:576n
and loan to J. Gorman, 20:123, 20:123n
makes payments for TJ, 12:lii, 12:614n, 12:614n, 13:169, 14:295, 14:295n, 14:549n, 15:451, 18:41, 18:368, 18:435n, 18:647–18:648, 18:648n, 19:8, 19:8, 19:11, 19:14, 20:383n
mentioned, 20:30
and nails from TJ, 2:77
and packages for TJ, 13:327, 13:327n, 14:97, 16:126–16:127, 16:131, 16:140, 16:326, 16:366, 16:375, 16:376, 16:389, 17:110–17:111, 17:147, 17:224, 18:118, 18:298
petition to General Assembly, 5:378–5:380
provides postal services, 16:382
requests payment from TJ, 2:40, 2:52–2:53, 2:77, 2:80
returns papers to TJ, 12:502, 12:555
sells knives, 14:20
store of, 14:8, 14:8–14:9, 14:10n, 16:363, 18:604n, 18:642, 18:647
and timothy seed, 4:156, 4:194
TJ orders clothes from, 4:496, 8:380, 8:570, 9:566, 9:566, 12:45+, 18:225
TJ orders goods from, 1:302–1:303, 4:182, 4:209, 4:210, 4:211, 4:358, 4:477, 4:647, 4:686, 5:119, 5:133, 5:394, 9:565–9:566, 9:597, 9:656, 12:454, 13:32+, 13:64–13:65, 13:92, 14:636, 15:71, 15:134, 15:144, 15:315, 15:449–15:453, 15:475, 15:479+, 15:485, 16:5–16:14, 16:191, 16:289, 16:470, 17:4–17:11, 17:234, 17:291+, 18:40–18:51, 18:174, 18:225n, 18:280, 18:319, 18:643, 19:8–19:16
TJ pays, 12:541, 12:541n, 12:613, 12:614, 12:633, 12:656, 13:141, 13:142n, 13:356, 13:393, 13:475, 13:476n, 14:42, 14:220, 14:244, 14:244, 14:296, 14:309, 14:318, 14:318, 14:319, 14:354, 14:380, 14:415, 14:473, 14:473, 14:473, 14:474, 14:474, 14:549, 14:549n, 14:571, 15:450, 15:483, 15:483n, 15:513, 16:363, 16:366, 17:46, 17:47n, 17:531, 17:532n, 18:623, 19:38n, 20:382, 20:383n, 20:405, 20:576
TJ’s debt to, 13:142n, 13:166–13:167, 13:415n, 13:595n, 14:295, 14:295n, 14:316, 14:379–14:380, 15:425, 15:453, 16:363, 16:649, 16:649, 19:495, 19:496n
trades nails for goods, 1:64, 1:303, 1:458
and University of Virginia, 15:96, 15:96, 15:97, 15:101, 15:103, 16:303, 16:303, 16:303, 16:304, 16:310, 16:319, 16:475, 16:476, 16:478, 16:478, 16:480, 16:481, 17:627, 17:631, 17:632, 17:637, 17:642, 17:650, 19:46, 19:185, 20:197, 20:199, 20:215, 20:216, 20:219, 20:220
vouches for O. Norris, 3:465
and weaver, 11:463–11:464, 11:470, 11:602, 12:185, 12:186, 12:274, 12:338–12:339, 12:339, 12:396
witnesses warrant, 5:280
works sent to, 14:215
Leitch, Samuel (d. 1841) See also Samuel & James Leitch (Charlottesville firm)
and Albemarle Volunteer Company subscription, 5:344
and Central College–University of Virginia, 15:95, 16:308, 16:309, 16:314, 16:316
and Central College subscription, 13:162
identified, 3:242n
letter from accounted for, 9:719
petition to General Assembly, 3:253–3:254
Leitch, Samuel (1790–1870)
and University of Virginia, 16:307, 16:307, 16:309, 17:636, 19:51
Leitch, Samuel & James (Charlottesville firm). See Samuel & James Leitch (Charlottesville firm)
Leitch, William
and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 11:324, 11:329, 13:162, 15:98
Leith, Dr.
and cheese-making, 15:418n
Leith threshing machine, 5:444–5:445, 5:445n
Leland, John
A View Of the Principal Deistical Writers, 6:302
Leland, Thomas
translates All the Orations of Demosthenes (Demosthenes), 19:505
Lemaire, Étienne
death of, 12:176, 12:273
identified, 1:56n
and kitchen inventory of President’s House, 1:43n, 1:155, 1:155, 1:156n
letters from, 1:59–1:60, 1:71–1:72, 1:188–1:189, 1:222
letters to, 1:55–1:56, 1:161–1:162
maître d’hôtel, 1:42
offered employment by W. Short, 7:469
offers to run errands in Philadelphia, 1:60, 1:71
sends oil and syrup to TJ, 1:161, 1:188, 1:188, 1:222, 1:245, 1:257
TJ pays, 1:41, 1:293–1:294
TJ praises, 1:55–1:56, 1:71
Le Maire, Jacques, 1:450
Lemaire, Santiago, 3:478n, 5:85n
Le Mercier de La Rivière, Paul Pierre
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502
Le Mierre, Antoine Marin
La Veuve du Malabar, 7:77, 7:78n
Le Monnier, Pierre Charles
translates Institutions Astronomiques, 7:626
lemons
acid, 7:594, 7:602, 8:613, 8:627, 8:641
juice, 20:189
Lemosy, Auguste
and J. David, 9:199
Le Moyne, Jean Baptiste, sieur de Bienville
French colonial governor of La., 9:479, 9:480n
Le Moyne, Pierre, sieur d’Iberville
French colonial governor of La., 9:479, 9:480n
Lemprière, John
A Classical Dictionary, 14:276, 14:351
Universal Biography, 12:534
Leney, William Satchwell
engraver, 6:125, 9:405n, 9:459, 9:461, 9:461n, 10:493, 10:493n
L’Enfant, Peter (Pierre) Charles
and Society of the Cincinnati, 12:430
Lenglet du Fresnoy, Nicolas
Tablettes Chronologiques de L’Histoire Universelle, 10:234, 19:510
Lenni Lenape Indians
clothing and implements of, 16:155
history of, 16:107–16:109, 16:131–16:132, 16:133
language of, 16:108–16:109
mentioned, 16:154
and Moravian missionaries, 9:65
works on, 13:89, 14:132n, 16:181
Lenoir, Étienne
scientific-instrument maker, 9:223
Lenox, Peter
identified, 5:178–5:179n
letters from, 5:177–5:179
seeks position at Washington, 5:177–5:178, 8:592, 8:592
TJ pays, 1:41
Lenthall, John
clerk of works at U.S. Capitol, 1:92, 5:205
death of, 1:65n
lentils
sent to TJ, 13:278, 20:605
Lentz, John, 6:83n
Leo X, pope, 7:74, 9:432, 14:78
“Leolin.” See Austin, James Trecothick
Leonard, David Augustus
identified, 7:94n
letters from, 7:93–7:94, 7:105–7:106
letters to, 7:141–7:142
and westward relocation, 7:93–7:94, 7:105, 7:141–7:142
Leonard, George
and University of Virginia, 16:307, 17:625
Leonard, Jonathan
letter from accounted for, 10:79n
Leonard, Uriah
as blacksmith at University of Virginia, 17:650, 19:48, 19:63, 19:238, 20:197, 20:197, 20:209, 20:209, 20:214, 20:215, 20:215, 20:216, 20:219, 20:220, 20:227, 20:232
and University of Virginia, 19:47, 19:48, 19:48, 19:49, 19:54, 19:56, 19:186, 19:187, 19:189, 19:190, 20:555
Leonardo da Vinci
and portrait of A. Vespucci, 7:613
Leoni, Giacomo
The Architecture of A. Palladio, 14:480+, 17:133, 17:133–17:134, 19:552, 20:237, 20:237, 20:238
Leonidas, king of Sparta, 12:518, 20:24
León y Gama, Antonio de
Descripción histórica y cronológica de los piedras, 1:521, 1:521n, 1:556
Leopard, HMS
and Chesapeake incident, 2:261n, 16:465–16:466, 17:518–17:519
Leopold II, Holy Roman Emperor
and Declaration of Pillnitz, 7:299–7:300n
permits P. Mazzei’s immigration to U.S., 9:115
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502, 4:507
Léoville (wine), 9:513
Le Page du Pratz, Antoine Simon
The History of Louisiana, or of the Western Parts of Virginia and Carolina, 17:536
Le Peletier de Rosanbo, Antoinette de Lamoignon de Malesherbes, madame de, 14:203–14:204
Lepidium officinale. See water cress
Lepidium sativum. See garden cress
Lepidus, Junia (Marcus Aemilius Lepidus’s wife), 17:73n
Lerasle
Encyclopédie Méthodique: Jurisprudence, 3:130, 3:174n, 3:175n, 3:546
Leray de Chaumont, Jacques Donatien, 2:13
Le Ray de Chaumont, James
An Address, delivered at the meeting at the Agricultural Society of Jefferson County, December 29, 1817, 13:71, 13:72n, 13:172n
and agricultural societies, 13:71, 13:172
carries TJ’s letters, 5:449
identified, 13:71–13:72n
introduces M. A. Jullien, 12:229, 12:232n
letter from, 13:172
letter to, 13:71–13:72
and Lafayette, 3:446
and D. B. Warden, 7:506n, 7:506n
wealth of, 17:585, 17:603, 19:468
LeRoy, Herman See also LeRoy, Bayard & Company (New York firm); LeRoy, Bayard & McEvers (New York firm)
and mortgage to T. M. Randolph, 20:366, 20:366n
Leroy, Lewis (d. 1843)
family of, 12:478
identified, 12:480n
letter from, 12:477–12:480
recommendations for, 12:478
seeks TJ’s assistance, 12:477–12:478
Leroy, Lewis, Jr.
education of, 12:478
Leroy, Louis
Les politiqves d’Aristote, 3:546
LeRoy, Bayard & Company (New York firm)
identified, 9:580n
letters from, 10:302–10:303, 11:366–11:367, 11:419, 13:88, 14:73, 14:432, 15:481+, 17:117, 18:494–18:495, 18:537, 20:29, 20:57–20:58
letters to, 10:319, 11:293, 11:381, 13:43–13:44, 14:53–14:54, 14:354, 15:471–15:472, 17:21, 18:458, 18:526–18:527, 20:20, 20:46, 20:300–20:301
and TJ’s debt to P. Mazzei’s estate, 12:74
and TJ’s debt to N. & J. & R. van Staphorst, 10:302–10:303, 10:319, 11:290–11:291, 11:293, 11:304, 11:362, 11:366, 11:379, 11:380n, 11:380, 11:381n, 11:381, 11:395, 11:419, 11:419n, 12:613, 12:613, 13:42–13:43, 13:43–13:44, 13:88, 14:53–14:54, 14:73, 14:316, 14:354, 14:354, 14:415, 14:432, 14:473, 14:474, 14:483–14:484, 15:426, 15:471–15:472, 15:481+, 15:518, 15:538, 15:541, 15:590, 16:640n, 16:648, 16:649, 17:16, 17:21, 17:36, 17:46, 17:47, 17:117, 18:458, 18:458, 18:484, 18:494–18:495, 18:526–18:527, 18:537, 19:494, 20:20, 20:29, 20:46, 20:47, 20:54, 20:57, 20:143, 20:300–20:301, 20:301, 20:302, 20:302
and TJ’s lines of credit in Europe, 13:31, 13:79
LeRoy, Bayard & McEvers (New York firm)
identified, 9:580n
letters from, 9:579–9:580, 9:662–9:663, 9:679–9:680
letter to, 9:644
and TJ’s debt to N. & J. & R. van Staphorst, 9:579–9:580, 9:580–9:581, 9:644, 9:662–9:663, 9:679–9:680, 10:303
Le Sage, A. See Las Cases, Emmanuel Auguste Dieudonné Marin Joseph, Comte de (A. Le Sage)
Le Sage, Alain René
Le Diable Boiteux, 7:665
Histoire de Gil Blas de Santillane, 4:163n, 7:665, 9:598, 9:600n, 10:573, 12:534, 14:258, 19:508, 19:509n
Lescallier, Daniel
and J. Corrêa da Serra, 5:7–5:8
The Enchanted Throne, An Indian Story translated from the Persian Language, 11:351, 11:351n, 11:441
identified, 1:184n
introduces Quinette de Rochemont, 11:351, 11:352n
letters from, 1:184, 11:351–11:352
letter to, 11:441
and A. M. Rochon, 5:301
sends publication to TJ, 1:184, 11:351, 11:351n
Le Trône Enchanté, Conte Indien traduit du Persan, 11:351n
Vocabulaire des Termes de Marine Anglais et Français, 1:36, 1:184n
Leschot, Louis A.
Charlottesville house of, 19:634
friendship with H. Roi, 19:375
identified, 11:365–11:366n
letters to, 11:365–11:366, 13:527–13:528
payment to, 11:539, 11:539n, 13:528n
and stoves for University of Virginia, 14:214, 14:229
TJ invites to Monticello, 13:528
TJ’s debt to, 12:644, 16:648
as watchmaker, 10:578–10:579, 11:198–11:199, 11:199n, 11:365, 11:374, 11:374n, 11:413, 11:413n, 11:507–11:508, 12:137–12:138, 12:396, 13:156, 13:527, 13:537, 15:305, 15:320
Leschot, Sophie Montandon (Louis A. Leschot’s wife)
TJ invites to Monticello, 13:528
TJ sends greetings to, 11:365
Leslie, Charles
A Short and Easie Method with Deists, 3:590, 3:590n
Leslie, Charles Robert
as portrait painter, 20:50
Leslie, Sir John
and Central College–University of Virginia, 12:193, 12:201, 12:227, 13:510, 15:303
defended in A Short Statement of some important facts, relative to the late election of a Mathematical Professor in the University of Edinburgh (D. Stewart), 15:140
inquires about TJ’s family, 8:38, 8:244
introduction to sought, 13:485, 13:510
as professor at University of Edinburgh, 16:207–16:208, 16:208, 16:208
as scientist, 14:313
sends greetings to T. M. Randolph, 8:244
solicits article from D. B. Warden, 8:420
Le Souef, Jeremiah
as vice consul at London, 17:562n, 17:562n, 18:79
Lespinasse, Jeanne Julie Éléonore de
J. Adams on, 10:306, 14:30–14:31
Lettres de Mademoiselle de Lespinasse, 14:30, 14:31
Lesseps, Mathieu Maximilien Prosper, comte de
identified, 15:146n
recommended to TJ, 15:145
Lessi, Bernardo
and C. Bellini estate, 7:693–7:694, 9:113
Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim
popularity of, 9:84
Lesslie, John
and TJ’s flour, 4:12, 4:58, 10:671
Lessons to a Young Prince, by an Old Statesman (D. Williams), 15:337, 15:338n
L’Estrange, Sir Roger
translates Seneca’s Morals (Seneca), 19:505
Lesueur, Charles Alexandre
French naturalist, 12:516, 12:516n, 14:442–14:443, 14:489, 14:569
Le Tellier, François Michel, marquis de Louvois
in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502
Le Tellier, John
identified, 2:316n
and Jefferson Cups, 2:xlii, 2:315–2:316, 2:316n, 2:474, 3:83, 3:154, 3:168, 3:177
letters from, 2:474, 11:604–11:605
letters to, 2:315–2:316, 11:548–11:549
and silversmith for Charlottesville, 11:548–11:549, 11:604–11:605
Létombe, Philippe André Joseph de, 1:256+, 5:266
Le Tourneur, Étienne François Louis Honoré, 10:44
Le Trosne, Guillaume François
French economist, 9:630
Letter, Addressed to the Most Reverend Leonard Neale, Arch Bishop of Baltimore (J. F. Oliveira Fernandes), 11:28, 11:28n, 11:28n, 11:63, 11:63–11:64n
A Letter concerning Toleration (J. Locke), 19:505
Letter from Alexander Hamilton, concerning the Public Conduct and Character of John Adams (A. Hamilton), 19:367n
A Letter, from Germany, to the Princess Royal of England; on the English and German languages (H. Croft), 16:193–16:194
Letter from the Secretary of State Accompanied with a List of the Names of Persons who have Invented any New and Useful Art, Machine, Manufacture or Composition of Matter, 6:282, 6:282n
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of Persons who Have Made Any New and Useful Invention, and for which Patents Have Been Obtained, from thirty-first December, 1813, to the first January, 1815, 8:408, 8:408n
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting a List of the Names of Patentees, their Places of Residence, and the Nature of their Inventions or Improvements, 6:362
Letter from the Secretary of State, Transmitting a List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Issued, 6:282, 6:282n
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Issued … from January 1, 1812, to January 1, 1813, 8:195, 8:196n, 8:253
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Issued … from January 1st, 1813, to January 1st, 1814, 8:195, 8:196n, 8:253
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Granted, … from the 1st of January, 1815, to the 1st of January, 1816, 9:592, 9:593n
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Issued, … from January 1st, 1816, to January 1st, 1817, 11:135, 11:136n
Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting a list of the names of Persons to whom Patents have been issued … For one year, prior to the 1st January, 1822, 18:292–18:293, 18:303, 18:304n
A Letter on the Genius and Dispositions of the French Government (R. Walsh), 3:190n, 3:199, 3:200n
letter press (copying device), 17:45, 17:45n, 18:449, 19:32, 19:32n, 19:91–19:92, 19:256
letter press (furniture), 3:xlvii, 3:358 (illus.)
Letters addressed to the people of Virginia (S. Kercheval writing as “H. Tompkinson”), 10:162–10:163, 10:323, 10:367, 10:434
Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania (J. Dickinson), 8:643, 8:645n
Letters From Paris (W. C. Somerville), 19:630
Letters from Paris, Written During the Period of the late Accession and Abdication of Napoleon (T. B. Robertson), 14:583–14:584, 15:184
Letters from Washington, on the Constitution and Laws; with Sketches of some of the prominent public characters of the United States (G. Watterston), 16:168–16:169
Letters of Abbe Salemankis to a Friend in Ireland (“Salemankis”), 2:263, 2:296
Letters of Paul and Amicus, 19:612–19:613, 19:613n, 19:629
The Letters of the British Spy (W. Wirt), 4:471, 4:472n, 4:560, 8:140, 8:671, 8:672n, 19:505, 19:509n
Letters of the late Lord Lyttelton (G. Lyttelton), 19:505
Letters Of the Right Honourable Lady M—y W—y M—e: Written, during her Travels in Europe, Asia and Africa (M. W. Montagu), 19:506
Letters on England (J. E. White), 15:126
Letters on Political Liberty (D. Williams), 3:189, 3:190n, 3:207
Letters on Several Subjects (“T. Fitzosborne” [W. Melmoth]), 19:506
Letters on the Ministry, Ritual, and Doctrines of the Protestant Episcopal Church (J. Sparks), 16:272, 16:394, 18:37–18:38, 18:564, 19:75, 19:75n
Letters on the Natural History and Internal Resources of the State of New-York (“Hibernicus” [D. Clinton]), 19:171, 19:171n, 19:224–19:225
Letters on The Subject of The Catholics (S. Smith), 2:161, 2:161n
Letters Supposed to have passed between M. De St. Evremond and Mr. Waller (J. Langhorne), 19:506, 19:509n
Letters to A Young Lady on a Course of English Poetry (J. Aikin), 7:664
Letters to Friends (Cicero), 1:386, 1:386n, 17:490, 17:490–17:491n
Letters to the Directors of the Banks of Philadelphia, on the Pernicious Consequences of the Prevailing System of Reducing the Amount of Bills Discounted (M. Carey), 19:591, 19:592n
Letters to the Inhabitants of Northumberland and its neighbourhood (J. Priestley), 1:119, 1:121–1:122n, 7:224, 7:225n
Letters to The Jews; inviting them to an Amicable Discussion of the Evidences of Christianity (J. Priestley), 9:651–9:652, 9:652n
Letters written by the late right honourable Philip Dormer Stanhope, Earl of Chesterfield, to His Son, Philip Stanhope, Esq. (Lord Chesterfield), 19:505
Letters Written from the Mountain (J. J. Rousseau), 7:665
A Letter to a member of the General Assembly of North Carolina (G. Tucker), 5:458, 5:458n
A Letter to Harrison G. Otis, Esquire (J. Q. Adams), 4:435n
Letter to Henri Gregoire (J. Barlow), 1:588, 1:590n
Letter to James Monroe, Esq. President of the United States, on the State of the Country: with a plan for improving the condition of society (J. Melish), 15:359, 15:359n, 15:384
A Letter to the Honorable John Randolph (“Numa”), 2:264, 2:290
A Letter to The Reverend Mr. Cary (G. B. English), 7:435n
Lettre a M. Jean Baptiste Say (P. S. Du Pont de Nemours), 9:231–9:232, 9:234n, 9:304–9:305, 9:306
Lettre Intéressante adressee à S. A. R. le Prince Régent d’Angleterre (Orvault), 15:574, 15:574–15:575n, 15:598–15:599
Lettre Intéressante adressée à son excellence, le comte Bathurst, ministre des colonies Britanniques (Orvault), 15:574, 15:574–15:575n, 15:598–15:599
Lettres a Eugénie (Holbach), 15:26
Lettres de Ciceron a Atticus (Cicero; trans. N. H. Mongault; ed. Goujon), 9:354, 9:420, 12:112, 14:511
Lettres de Cicéron a M. Brutus, et de M. Brutus a Ciceron (Brutus; Cicero; trans. A. F. Prévost; ed. Goujon), 9:354, 9:420, 12:112, 14:511, 15:258
Lettres de Ciceron, Qu’on nomme vulgairement Familières (Cicero; trans. A. F. Prévost; ed. Goujon), 9:354, 9:354, 9:355n, 9:420, 9:420, 12:112, 14:511, 15:258
Lettres de La Marquise du Deffand, 17:536
Lettres de Mademoiselle de Lespinasse (J. de Lespinasse), 14:30, 14:31
Lettres de Pline le Jeune, en Latin et en Français, Suivies du Panégyrique de Trajan (Pliny the Younger; trans. L. de Sacy), 13:342, 13:343n, 13:391, 13:394, 13:413, 13:474, 13:494, 13:561, 14:215
Lettres d’un Bourgeois de New-Heaven (Condorcet), 5:595, 5:595–5:596n
Lettres D’Un Voyageur Anglois Sur La France, La Suisse Et L’Allemagne (J. Moore), 7:389
Lettres Patentes du Roy
J. Armstrong sends, 5:8, 5:8n, 5:8–5:9n
Lettres sur la Vieillesse (J. H. Meister), 3:137, 3:137n, 3:393
Lettsom, John Coakley
collaboration with B. Waterhouse, 6:39n, 19:362
introduces W. Thornton, 16:530, 16:531n
memoirs of, 18:655
lettuce
cultivation of, 8:305
impact of drought on, 4:38
mentioned, 6:187
seeds, 4:527, 5:31, 5:490, 8:258, 8:272, 20:605
tennis ball, 5:307, 5:307n
Letty (C. L. Bankhead’s slave), 8:395
Leturcq, François Charles Michel
family of, 16:325
Leuba, Claude Victoire Herard
family of, 15:265–15:266
identified, 15:268n
letter from, 15:265–15:268
letter to, 15:276
seeks recommendation from TJ, 15:265–15:266, 15:276
Leunclavius, Johannes
Ivris Græco-romani tam canonici qvam civilis, 3:546
Leusden, Johannes
works of, 18:242n
Le Vaillant, François
Second Voyage Dans L’Intérieur De L’Afrique, Par Le Cap De Bonne-Espérance, Dans Les Années 1783, 84 et 85, 7:389
levers, 14:167, 16:29
Levi, David
Dissertations on the Prophecies of the Old Testament, 9:651–9:652, 9:652n
Levi, Nathan
as U.S. consul at Saint Thomas, 13:123n, 14:98, 14:99
Leviathan, HMS, 16:15
Levy, J. B. (ship captain), 13:530, 13:557
Levy, Uriah Phillips
commissions statue of TJ, 20:399, 20:402n
Lewis (H. Chisholm’s slave), 18:472, 20:30, 20:30
Lewis (E. Randolph’s slave), 4:231–4:232n
Lewis (TJ’s slave; b. ca. 1760)
health of, 18:501
on Monticello slave lists, 4:386, 16:648
Lewis (TJ’s slave; b. 1788)
given to T. J. Randolph, 6:36
mentioned, 16:264n
on Monticello slave lists, 4:387
Lewis (African American)
and University of Virginia, 17:627
Lewis, Capt.
master of schooner Liberty, 1:307, 2:349
Lewis, Mr.
seeks position at University of Virginia, 17:496
Lewis, Ann Marks (TJ’s niece)
finances of, 3:90–3:91, 6:358
identified, 3:91n
letters from, 3:90–3:91
property dispute with C. Peyton, 11:520n
sends greetings to TJ, 6:358
Lewis, Charles (George Washington’s grandnephew)
impressed into British navy, 6:145n
Lewis, Charles (Meriwether Lewis’s uncle)
and Poplar Forest land, 19:203
Revolutionary War service of, 6:418–6:419
Lewis, Charles (TJ’s uncle)
family of, 1:168n
mentioned, 13:435
Revolutionary War regiment of, 7:280, 7:356
Lewis, Charles (d. 1806) (TJ’s nephew)
dispute with C. Peyton, 11:478, 11:478n, 11:479n, 11:485, 11:486, 11:514–11:520, 11:520n, 11:520–11:521n, 11:538, 11:538–11:539, 11:542, 13:284
Lewis, Charles Lilburne (TJ’s brother-in-law)
dispute with C. Peyton, 7:535, 11:478, 11:478n, 11:479, 11:479n, 11:485, 11:486, 11:514–11:520, 11:520n, 11:520–11:521n, 11:538, 11:538–11:539, 11:542, 13:284
family of, 1:167, 1:168n, 1:415n, 8:647, 11:520n, 11:538, 11:538n
finances of, 3:90–3:91, 3:242–3:243, 6:358
identified, 3:92–3:93n
and Jefferson v. Michie, 6:477, 6:479, 6:480, 6:481–6:482n
on Ky. life, 3:92
letters from, 3:91–3:93, 6:358
requests money from TJ, 6:358
Lewis, David Jackson
attests document, 11:243n
and Central College cornerstone laying, 12:62, 12:67
identified, 5:281n
letters to accounted for, 5:281n
and J. M. Perry, 16:550, 16:559
petition to General Assembly, 4:346–4:349
and warrant for restitution of land, 5:280–5:281, 6:215, 6:216n, 6:554, 6:555
Lewis, Edwin
complaints against H. Toulmin, 16:461, 16:462–16:464, 16:464–16:465n
identified, 16:462n
letter from, 16:461–16:462
letter from, to H. Toulmin, 16:462–16:465
Lewis, Fielding (Meriwether Lewis’s granduncle), 6:418
Lewis, Figures, 16:462
Lewis, Francis
signer of Declaration of Independence, 13:331
Lewis, Henry, 1:27
Lewis, Howell
and Central College subscription, 11:325, 11:329
petition to General Assembly, 3:253–3:254
TJ’s debt to, 15:425
Lewis, Isham (TJ’s nephew)
identified, 1:168n
letters from, 1:167–1:168
letters of introduction for, from TJ, 1:215, 1:216
letters to, 1:181–1:182
and murder of slave, 1:168n
seeks TJ’s assistance, 1:167–1:168
TJ offers to teach surveying to, 1:181–1:182
Lewis, James
account of, 4:9
and deposition in Henderson case, 5:179, 5:180, 5:192–5:198, 6:153, 6:198, 6:199, 6:199, 6:200, 6:200, 6:200, 6:200, 6:479
and deposition in Jefferson v. Michie, 7:597, 9:3
desires appointment as Indian agent, 8:32
and Henderson lands, 1:440, 1:454, 1:459, 5:139–5:141, 6:197, 6:197, 6:197, 6:478, 6:479, 6:572, 6:574n, 7:673, 7:673, 7:673, 7:674, 7:674, 11:209
identified, 5:197n
letters from accounted for, 5:198n
letters to accounted for, 5:180n
tends to ill slave, 3:283, 3:367–3:368, 3:529
and TJ’s land dispute with D. Michie, 5:139–5:141, 5:261, 7:597, 7:673, 7:673, 7:673, 7:674, 7:674
Lewis, Jane Woodson (Robert Lewis’s wife), 3:179
Lewis, Jesse
petition to General Assembly, 5:378–5:380
petition to James Monroe
Lewis, Jesse Pitman
and Central College–University of Virginia, 15:91, 15:95, 15:96, 15:96, 15:97, 15:100, 16:303, 16:312, 16:320, 17:625, 17:628, 17:630, 19:55, 20:202, 20:222, 20:225, 20:555
and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 11:330, 16:304, 17:620
house of, burns, 14:270n
and Jefferson v. Rivanna Company, 14:368
petition to General Assembly, 3:253–3:254, 5:378–5:380
Lewis, John
petition to General Assembly, 4:346–4:349
Lewis, John (of Albemarle Co.)
land grant to, 11:560–11:561
Lewis, John (of Charleston)
as merchant, 13:530–13:531n
Lewis, John (Col.)
land claims of, 11:560–11:561
Lewis, John (George Washington’s grandnephew)
impressed into British navy, 6:145n
Lewis, John (Meriwether Lewis’s granduncle), 6:418
Lewis, Joseph Saunders
recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461
Lewis, Joshua, 2:443n
Lewis, Lawrence
estate of, 11:389, 11:391n
Lewis, Lillburne (TJ’s nephew)
family of, 3:90–3:91
and murder of slave, 1:168n
Lewis, Lucy B. See Griffin, Lucy B. Lewis (TJ’s niece)
Lewis, Lucy Jefferson (TJ’s sister; Charles Lilburne Lewis’s wife)
death of, 3:90
family of, 1:168n, 1:415n, 3:90–3:91, 6:611n, 11:520n, 11:538, 11:538n
and property conveyances, 11:479n, 11:479n
Lewis, Lucy Meriwether, 2:120, 2:241, 2:340
Lewis, Martha Amanda Carr. See Monroe, Martha Amanda Carr Lewis (TJ’s niece; Daniel Monroe’s wife)
Lewis, Mary Walker (Nicholas Lewis’s wife)
and apples for TJ, 7:78
family of, 20:306
gives apples to TJ, 5:357
health of, 18:255, 18:654, 20:306
identified, 2:291–2:292n
letters from, 2:291–2:292, 5:357
letters to, 4:38, 7:78, 18:255, 20:306
letters to accounted for, 2:38n
property of, 8:394, 8:423
M. J. Randolph plans visit to, 20:306
seeks appointment for Wood, 4:186–4:187
sells victuals to TJ, 2:37–2:38, 2:291, 2:292n, 4:210
TJ gives wine to, 18:255, 20:306
TJ makes payment for, 7:708, 12:614n
TJ pays, 6:338n, 7:45, 7:45n
TJ sends figs to, 4:38
and vegetables for TJ, 18:255
Lewis, Meriwether
and artifact collection of W. Clark, 1:510
death of, 1:436n, 1:602–1:603, 1:606–1:608, 1:632, 1:668, 2:30, 2:35, 2:42, 2:42, 2:44, 2:120–2:121, 2:121, 2:191–2:192, 2:208, 6:423–6:424, 7:63, 7:64n, 10:444
education of, 6:419, 6:421–6:422, 6:424n, 6:426, 6:426
executor of, 2:123, 2:336, 2:567, 3:110, 3:166
family of, 6:418–6:419
health of, 6:423–6:424
as hunter, 6:419, 6:426
identified, 1:436n
and Indian dialects, 1:520, 1:556, 12:171, 12:172, 12:294, 12:331, 12:637
land warrant granted to, 2:121, 2:122n, 6:424n
letters to, 1:435–1:437
Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1:603, 1:607, 1:630n, 1:668–1:669, 2:30, 2:31, 2:34, 2:72, 2:123, 2:140, 6:417–6:418, 6:422–6:424, 7:31, 7:34–7:35, 7:244–7:245, 8:449n, 9:605n, 9:680–9:681, 9:704–9:706, 10:256–10:257, 11:43, 11:43–11:44n, 11:220, 12:171–12:172, 12:235–12:236, 13:344, 15:288, 19:197–19:198
makes payment for TJ, 6:506, 6:506n
military career of, 6:419, 6:426
and J. Neelly, 2:30–2:31, 2:34, 2:73n, 2:121, 2:191–2:192, 6:423–6:424
papers of, 2:31, 2:34, 2:35n, 2:72, 2:121, 2:122, 2:123–2:124, 2:127, 2:140, 3:181–3:182, 9:704–9:706, 10:40, 10:125, 10:164, 10:256–10:257, 10:377, 10:377, 10:444, 10:445, 10:445, 11:454, 11:486–11:487, 11:574, 12:171–12:172, 12:235–12:236, 12:295, 12:331, 12:463n, 12:636, 12:636n, 12:637, 12:638n
J. Pernier’s claim against estate of, 2:34, 2:192, 2:208–2:209, 2:364, 2:672, 2:673n, 3:49, 3:110
personal belongings of, 2:34, 2:121, 2:123–2:124, 2:191–2:192, 2:192, 2:208, 2:241, 2:340
plants discovered by, 2:90–2:91, 2:140, 4:523–4:524
prepares for Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1:101n, 1:194n, 6:421–6:422
and publication of journals, 1:249, 1:412n, 1:436, 1:443, 1:668–1:669, 3:33, 3:150, 3:166–3:167, 3:181–3:182, 4:147, 6:417, 6:427, 6:429, 6:430, 6:430, 6:531–6:532, 7:63–7:64, 7:244–7:245, 7:244–7:245, 7:245n, 9:309, 9:310n, 9:467, 9:605, 9:704–9:706, 10:377
seeds brought by from the West, 1:192n, 3:150, 3:150n, 3:166, 6:152
and stone block for TJ, 4:66
TJ introduces J. Bradbury to, 1:435–1:436
TJ on, 2:336, 2:340, 6:417–6:418
TJ’s biography of, 6:357, 6:418–6:424, 6:427, 6:429, 6:430, 6:531, 6:532, 7:63, 7:318, 7:319n, 10:257, 10:257n, 10:377, 12:188, 12:281, 16:272, 17:307, 17:342, 17:377n
TJ’s claim against estate of, 2:294, 2:294n, 2:294
TJ sends greetings to, 1:511
TJ’s
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Parte II. BIOBIBLIOGRAFÍ
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Parte II. BIOBIBLIOGRAFÍA DE LOS MAESTROS DE LENGUA… En lo que respecta al resto <strong>de</strong> <strong>la</strong> gramática, el esfuerzo <strong>de</strong> traducción con respecto a Oudin ofrecía menos problemas, ya que <strong>la</strong>s referencias contrastivas eran más sencil<strong>la</strong>s y parale<strong>la</strong>s al inglés, por lo que Wadsworth apenas alteró el texto original más que en los aspectos que ya había anunciado en el prólogo. Al respecto, seña<strong>la</strong>remos a continuación los principales cambios que realiza el inglés en <strong>la</strong> gramática con re<strong>la</strong>ción a su mo<strong>de</strong>lo. Así, tras <strong>la</strong> sección sobre <strong>la</strong> pronunciación, en el tratamiento <strong>de</strong> <strong>la</strong>s partes nominales y pronominales <strong>de</strong>l discurso, apenas hay cambios respecto al mo<strong>de</strong>lo <strong>de</strong> Oudin, aunque sin embargo Wadsworth amplía <strong>la</strong> disquisición <strong>de</strong> Oudin acerca <strong>de</strong>l género <strong>de</strong> los nombres. A este respecto resulta lógico que el gramático inglés se extienda más, ya que su lengua nativa carece <strong>de</strong> género morfológico, por lo que son necesarias más reg<strong>la</strong>s para acertar en el género <strong>de</strong>l sustantivo, reg<strong>la</strong>s que siguen el típico procedimiento c<strong>la</strong>sificatorio por el final <strong>de</strong> <strong>la</strong> pa<strong>la</strong>bra, que Oudin <strong>de</strong>saprobaba (págs. 11- 14): Of Nounes, and of their Gen<strong>de</strong>rs. C 2 Æsar Oudin hath spoken but little concerning the Gen<strong>de</strong>rs of Nounes, passing it sleightly ouer with this excuse, that they are seldome put without an Article, or Adiectiue, whereby their Gen<strong>de</strong>r may be knowne: for (faith he) by the termination it would be a matter very difficult to distinguish them. Notwithstanding I haue thought it conuenient to speake somewhat concerning this effect, for that I haue obserued Substantiues very often (although he saith but seldome) to be put without either Adiectiue [pág. 11] or Article, and many times with an Adiectiue seruing both to the Masculine and Feminine, or else with mi, tu, suk, and their plurals mis, tus, sus, which are common to both Gen<strong>de</strong>rs: and therefore I haue taken paines to gather the most compendious Rules I could possible for this purpose, and haue read ouer seuerall bookes, the better to confirme them, excepting all such words, as I haue found therein to be contrary vnto them. The first Rule. Note therefore that all Nounes, of whatsoeuer termination they be, including the signification of the Male, are Masculines. Whereunto shall be ad<strong>de</strong>d those that end in e, i, o, u, l, n, r, s, x, as mónte, marauedí, sombréro, ímpetu, papél, coraçón, dolór, lúnes, relóx. These following are excepted, which although they end, as we haue said, are Feminines. From e are excepted, árte, áue, cálle, córte, corriénte, costúmbre, fuénte, génte, hámbre, léche, lláue, lúmbre, muérte, náue, niéue, nóche, párte, puénte, sángre, serpiénte, suérte, &c. From i or y, I haue not read any excepted, sauing only léy. From o; máno and náo. From u, I cannot fin<strong>de</strong> any excepted. From l; cál, canál, sál, cárcel, hiél, miél, piél, &c. From n; Opinión, raçón, sazón, ór<strong>de</strong>n, sartén, ymágen; and those taht end in cion, and ssion, as Contrición, prisión, remissión. From r; Colór, flór, and már, which is sometimes written, el már. From s and x, I haue not found any excepted. [pág. 12] putting the v for b, and z for ç; and whosoever looketh into the words that end with the said z, shall fin<strong>de</strong> it differ in nothing from the s, when it en<strong>de</strong>th a word likewise, except it be pronounced with a grave accent.», pág. 6 (apud A. Alonso, id., págs. 213-214, nota). 611
612 Capítulo 4. Ing<strong>la</strong>terra The second Rule. All Nounes of what termination soueuer, including the signification of the Female, are Feminines. To which shall be ad<strong>de</strong>d those that end in a, d, z, as Cabéça, lealdád, páz. These following, notwithstanding they end, as I haue said, are Feminines. From a, is excepted, Día, p<strong>la</strong>néta, &c. From d; Atáüd, and láud, which is sometimes Feminine. From z; Agráz, almiréz, arróz, albornóz, arcabúz. The third Rule. Nounes neuters either end in e or o; as Caliénte, buéno. But to know the difference betwixt the Masculines, and Neuters, being both of one termination, it behoueth to note that the Masculine is taken for particu<strong>la</strong>r things, as el mónte, el cámpo; and the Neuter for things generall drawne from their subiect, as lo valiénte, lo négro, lo blánco, &c. which as they be Neuters, haue not the plurall number. Note that all Substantiues ending in or, doe make the feminine by adding a, as Amadór, Amadóra, Dançadór, Dançadóra. Most Substantiues ending in o, make their feminine by changing o into a; as, Hermáno, Hermána; Suégro, Suégra: but this rule hol<strong>de</strong>th not alwayes. Adiectiues ending in e, l, or zk, are of the common of two gen<strong>de</strong>rs, as Hómbre innocénte, mugér impudénte, cámpo fértil, cósa fácil, pérro rapáz, hémbra sagáz. [pág.13] Adiectiues in o, make their feminine by changing e into a, as buéno, buéna; málo, má<strong>la</strong>. [pág. 14] Dejando atrás <strong>la</strong> parte <strong>de</strong> <strong>la</strong> gramática <strong>de</strong>dicada al nombre y sus sustitutos o modificadores, nos topamos con <strong>la</strong> sección verbal, <strong>la</strong> cual –como ya había anunciado en el prólogo al lector– acumu<strong>la</strong> <strong>la</strong> mayoría <strong>de</strong> cambios con respecto a Oudin, don<strong>de</strong> Wadsworth reor<strong>de</strong>na racionalmente <strong>la</strong> gramática <strong>de</strong>l secretario francés. Así, <strong>la</strong> sección verbal arranca con un párrafo teórico introductorio calcado <strong>de</strong> Oudin, seguido <strong>de</strong> <strong>la</strong>s listas sucesivas (y no en columnas) <strong>de</strong> verbos <strong>de</strong> <strong>la</strong>s tres conjugaciones (págs. 51-54). En este punto, Wadsworth se ve en <strong>la</strong> necesidad <strong>de</strong> explicar cómo se ha visto obligado a adaptar <strong>la</strong> nomenc<strong>la</strong>tura en francés <strong>de</strong> los verbos al inglés, lo que le lleva, por ejemplo, a discernir <strong>de</strong> forma más c<strong>la</strong>ra <strong>la</strong> distinción entre modo optativo y modo subjuntivo, según <strong>la</strong> leve diferencia <strong>de</strong> <strong>la</strong>s partícu<strong>la</strong>s que los introducen (págs. 55-56): And for so much as the greatest difficulty in any Language, consisteth in the knowledge and true vn<strong>de</strong>rstanding of the Verbes, I will not bin<strong>de</strong> my selfe to set them downe or the Tenses, directly as they are by the Author, which would cause confusion, for that diuers of them serue onely to expresse the Tenses of the French tongue; but I will be carefull so to dispose and or<strong>de</strong>r them, that they may be commodious and profitable for the English, whose good did most all moue to vn<strong>de</strong>rtake this Grammar. Know therefore that the Optative and Subiunctiue Moo<strong>de</strong> are almost alike, being onely distinguished by certaine formes and dictions annexed vnto them: all which, or al leastwise the greater part, I will here set downe with their signification, as being necessary to be knowne before wee come to the Verbes; and first those that belong to the Optatiue: as, óxa<strong>la</strong>, God Grant, or would to God. Pléga à Diós que, I pray God that. Quiéra à Diós que, God grant that. Pluguiéss à diós que, Would to God that.
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The Dream of Absolutism: Louis XIV and the Logic of Modernity 9780226803975
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The Dream of Absolutism examines the political aesthetics of power under Louis XIV. What was absolutism, and how did it...
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dokumen.pub
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https://dokumen.pub/the-dream-of-absolutism-louis-xiv-and-the-logic-of-modernity-9780226803975.html
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Citation preview
The Dream of Absolutism
The Dream of Absolutism L ou i s X I V a n d t h e L o g ic of Mode r n i t y
Hall Bjørnstad
The University of Chicago Press
Chicago and London
The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London © 2021 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission, except in the case of brief quotations in critical articles and reviews. For more information, contact the University of Chicago Press, 1427 East 60th Street, Chicago, IL 60637. Published 2021 Printed in the United States of America 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21
1 2 3 4 5
ISBN-13: 978-0-226-80366-1 (cloth) ISBN-13: 978-0-226-80383-8 (paper) ISBN-13: 978-0-226-80397-5 (e-book) DOI: https://doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226803975.001.0001 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Bjørnstad, Hall, author. Title: The dream of absolutism : Louis XIV and the logic of modernity / Hall Bjørnstad. Description: Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 2021. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2021005321 | ISBN 9780226803661 (cloth) | ISBN 9780226803838 (paperback) | ISBN 9780226803975 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715. | Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715. Mémoires pour l’instruction du Dauphin. | Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715—Portraits. | Le Brun, Charles, 1619–1690. Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661. | Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715—In literature. | Despotism—France—History—17th century. | Monarchy— France—History—17th century. | Power (Social sciences)—France— History—17th century. | France—Politics and government—1643–1715. Classification: LCC DC125 .B56 2021 | DDC 944/.033092 [B]—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021005321 This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper).
Contents List of Illustrations * vii On Translations and Spelling * ix Preface * xi
Introduction * 1 1. The Problem with Absolutism * 3 2. Beyond Mere Propaganda * 10 3. Approaching Absolutism Differently: Royal Glory and Royal Exemplarity * 21 4. The Dream of Absolutism * 34 Chapter 1
The Grammar of Absolutism * 41 1. Introduction: The Dream of a Book Like No Other * 41 2. Taking Louis XIV’s Mémoires Seriously * 45 3. Absolutism, Explained to a Child: “The first and most important part of our entire politics” * 55 4. The Utility of “These Mémoires” * 66 5. The Paradoxes of Absolutist Exemplarity * 75 6. Conclusion: “So many ghastly examples” * 88 Chapter 2
Mirrors of Absolutism * 93 1. Introduction: Our Body in This Space * 93 2. An Age of Mirrors * 96 3. A Gallery Celebrating Greatness * 107 4. Making the King See What He Felt * 115 5. A Mirror for One * 133 6. In Lieu of Conclusion: Mirrors for a Future without a Past * 149
Chapter 3
Absolutist Absurdities * 151 Exhibit A: The Royal Historiographer and the Unparalleled Greatness of Louis XIV * 154 Exhibit B: Absolutism from the Cabinet of Fairies to the Cabinet of the King * 177
Conclusion: Seven Theses on the Dream of Absolutism * 205 Acknowledgments * 209 Bibliography * 213 Index * 223
Illustrations
Color Plates (following page 124) Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 Le Brun, Résolution prise de faire la guerre aux Hollandais, 1671 Le Brun, L’amour simple and Le désir Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 (detail) Le Brun, La tranquillité Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 (extreme detail) Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661, and Faste des puissances voisines de la France Figures 1. Thackeray, The Paris Sketch Book: “Rex. Ludovicus. Ludovicus Rex: An Historical Study” 6 2. Rigaud, Louis XIV 7 3. Merian (after Chastillon), The Cordouan Lighthouse 20 4. Carreño de Miranda, Charles II of Spain 102 5. Le Brun et al., Entrevue de Louis XIV et de Philippe IV d’Espagne . . . 1660 104 6. Le Brun, Project for vault of the Hall of Mirrors, with scenes from the original Apollo design 110 7. Le Brun, Project for the vault of the Hall of Mirrors, with scenes from the life of Hercules 111 8. Le Brun, L’Entrée d’Alexandre le Grand dans Babylone 112 9. Le Brun, Le Ravissement 126 10. Le Brun, Study for Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 148 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.
11. 12. 13. 14.
Vertron, Parallèle de Louis le Grand avec les princes . . . (title page) 155 Préchac, “Sans Parangon” (1717) (opening page and detail) 178 Rigaud, Vue de la cascade de Marly 182 Baudoin, Iconologie: “Gloire” and “Gloire des princes” 189
On Translations and Spelling
Throughout this book, all translations from the French are mine, unless the name of a translator is indicated. In the interest of consistency, I have modernized the orthography of early modern texts throughout, whether they are quoted from original or modern editions.
Preface
This is not a book about Louis XIV. Although I invite the reader to join me in close scrutiny of texts and paintings that focus intently on portraying the king, and whose production is often commissioned and supervised— sometimes even in part effectuated—by the king himself, my goal in doing so is not to offer yet another study of the man monumentalized at Versailles. The inquiry will certainly take us to Versailles, to its symbolic core in Charles Le Brun’s paintings on the ceiling of the Hall of Mirrors celebrating the exploits of the king. It will also lead us to the inner secrets of the workings of absolutism as laid out by the king and his team of secretaries in the radically understudied Mémoires written for his oldest son, the Dauphin. Furthermore, we will look closely at some written portraits of the king that may seem so excessive, so outlandish, so absurd to modern readers that it has proved next to impossible for scholars not to take them as subversive mockery. They are not. It is in fact a central claim of this book that these seeming absolutist absurdities are driven by the same logic that we find at the heart of absolutism, both in the king’s secret Mémoires and in its public self-expression in the Hall of Mirrors. Their absurdity, rather than a deviation or failure of the logic of absolutism, is constitutive of political absolutism itself. However, instead of measuring them anachronistically against modern standards of political rationality, I argue that we as modern readers can see them much more meaningfully as different expressions of the same dream. A dream propelled by its own logic, shot through with ideals about glory, exemplarity, and excess. A dream of absolutism that the king, his image-makers, the court, if not the whole nation, dreamt together collectively and that perhaps remains latent in the collective political imaginary today to a larger extent than we would like to think. Rather than about Louis XIV, this book is about that dream.
xii
Preface
On the face of it, the project of this book is thus quite straightforward: an exploration of three very different yet complementary windows into the dream and logic of absolutism—namely, the king’s Mémoires (chapter 1), Le Brun’s paintings in the vault of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles (chapter 2), and two particularly exuberant written portrayals of the king (chapter 3). In this sense, the proof is in the pudding: the import and impact of the project depends mainly on the execution of these analyses and on the pertinence of what they yield. However, as an intervention in the scholarship on the culture of French absolutism widely construed, my enterprise is more controversial, more provocative than this description makes it seem. The book asks us, as modern readers, to suspend for a moment what we think we know not only about absolutism but also about these artifacts and their way of communicating. My premise is that in order to discern the logic of absolutism, we need to analyze closely those cultural expressions that might sit uncomfortably with our modern democratic sensibility. These are cultural artifacts that inevitably strike a post-Romantic observer as lacking in originality and serving as mere propaganda. To our cognitive categories, they register, as if by default, either as expressions of unapologetic subservience or, conversely, as subversive vehicles. But they are neither. Instead, they are witnesses to a still-premodern way of figuring the authority of the monarchical ruler, a figuring that needs to be approached as expression and manifestation— what I call here the dream of absolutism—rather than as the more familiar representation, construction, or fabrication.
•
Introduction
•
The first plate of this book takes us directly to the heart of its argument.1 Seemingly, the inscription under this famous painting by Charles Le Brun captures the essence of absolutism: “Le Roi gouverne par luimême, 1661” (The King governs on his own, 1661). The image condenses this essence in the gesture of the king’s right hand, firmly holding the rudder of the ship of state after the death of Cardinal Mazarin in 1661. It showcases the foundational moment of French absolutism, while itself being a monument of this very moment displayed at the heart of absolutist France: the central detail of the central painting in the vault of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles. However, as I argue in chapter 2, the simplicity in the message is itself a retroactive projection. It is so, first of all, in the sense that the king’s 1661 decision only became decisive in retrospect, while the contemporary sources tell a much more complex story. Designed in the late 1670s and completed in the early 1680s, this painting’s imposition of 1661 as an absolute beginning is therefore itself already a dream. A dream about absolutist self-creation dreamt collectively by painter, court, king—reemerging across media in all the other sources this book explores and repeated by modern scholars. But the simplicity of the message is also complicated by the painting itself, and even by its original inscription. The pithy line is another retroactive projection from the following century, while the long-lost original tripartite Latin inscription shifts our attention to the king’s attention: his gesture, as condensed in the reach of his left arm and the direction of his gaze, is directed toward what drives him to his foundational action. As he seizes the helm of the state, the king is “burning with love for glory” (“gloriæ amore incenditur”)—entirely consumed by future glory, as figured in the painting by the Roman god of war, Mars, pointing to the female 1. See the color gallery following page 124.
2
Introduction
allegory of glory up on the cloud. That cloud itself belongs more properly to the realm of dreams, and the ex nihilo origin of absolutism emerges from this dream, is this dream. We join the dream when our retrospective gaze on the painting somehow mirrors the king’s prospective one in the painting, as he looks longingly toward the future, which is the present of the beholder at Versailles (including, as we shall soon see, the present of the king himself)—if not the past, as in our case. The dream of absolutism is, in other words, there from the beginning; it is itself the beginning, but at the same time also already ours, in our willingness to dream along. This first glimpse at the central constellation of Charles Le Brun’s iconographic project in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles is not yet an interpretation or even the beginning of an analysis, which will have to wait until chapter 2. But it already bears the promise of a layered complexity and conceptual richness to be explored. There is a peculiar logic at work here, which I call “the dream of absolutism”: a dream that is not only displayed but also enacted, a dream that the painting itself dreams. But if this is so, why haven’t the conceptual complexity and richness at the symbolic center of Versailles already been examined? Indeed, how to explain that none of the artifacts of absolutism analyzed in this book have been taken seriously by the rich scholarship on the culture of absolutism in France? This book is born from the realization that these questions have a very simple answer: The material is virtually unexplored because it is almost unthinkable that it has anything pertinent to tell us. Taken out of context, such a statement could perhaps come off as polemical, controversial, or confrontational, but as formulated here, it serves as a mere observation of fact. And yet, this unthinkability needs to be thought through and understood before turning to the exploration of absolutist artifacts in the later chapters of the book. Therefore, the first half of this introduction proposes something quite different from a traditional survey of the scholarship on absolutism and absolutist culture: rather than situating the project in a wider field, my goal is to uncover habits of thought that foreclose the possibility of submitting this corpus of absolutist artifacts to serious analysis. Less than an introduction proper, doing preliminary groundwork, the aim of the first two sections is a clearing of the ground—in this case the groundwork for a very different kind of approach, presented in the second half of the introduction. The intervention this book seeks to make is therefore not limited to the outcome of the specific explorations in its three chapters. Beyond the individual conclusions, what is at stake is the status of the artifacts, the methodology used to examine them, and ultimately the concept of abso-
Introduction
3
lutism itself. In what follows I start with the latter, making my case for the “problem” of absolutism in the way that the concept is normally deployed, arguing that its analytical application relies on an already modern—and, as I shall demonstrate, therefore contradictory—apprehension of absolute kingship. Paradoxically, this approach has led to an inability to engage seriously with the corpus discussed here and, even more importantly, to an inability to reckon with the phantasmal or dreamlike compulsion that may yet draw us in the twenty-first century toward absolutism even after absolutism. Second, I make a more technical argument about how this misconception positions the modern observer or scholar in relation to the culture of absolutism in a way that will easily lead us to reduce absolutism’s artifacts to mere propaganda. As I argue, this reduction to propaganda is so omnipresent that we do it without noticing and without weighing what we thereby exclude from our thinking about absolutist culture. For example, this reduction may take the form of a seemingly innocent application of a modern communication model (analyzing the artifact as the communication of a message), without taking proper consideration of questions of diffusion and intended recipients. This is the surprising case of the Cordouan Lighthouse discussed later in the introduction (19–20) and much of the material in the following chapters. The two incursions into the concepts of absolutism and propaganda in the first half of the introduction are necessary in order to open a space for thinking differently and non-reductively about what I call expressions of absolutism in the second half of the introduction. Importantly, the framework brought forth here is not at all of my own making. Instead, it implies a return to the period’s own thinking about kingship through the radically under-explored categories of royal glory and royal exemplarity (section 3) and, finally, the notion of the dream (section 4).
1. The Problem with Absolutism The main problem when discussing absolutism is not so much that modern scholars and observers don’t really know what it is about—or better, what it was about—but rather that we are so convinced that we do. Absolutism is something of the past, to be sure, but we relate to it as a close and recognizable past. Unlike modes of governing from an unequivocally premodern era or from a non-Western culture, we approach absolutism with the assumption that our modern political conceptual categories are applicable when we make sense of it. It is the past’s moment of becoming modern, as characterized in the specific context of absolutism in the age of Louis XIV through a long series of processual nouns, including
4
Introduction
modernization, secularization, rationalization, instrumentalization, bureaucratization, centralization—if not as a more abrupt transition, as in revolutions in communication, in the management of information, in the control of human life processes, in the waging of war, and so on. All of these processes and developments are certainly well documented and their study important; however, it is my claim that it is not obvious that they promote our understanding of absolutism as such. What if absolutism were not really the fixed, fetishized moment constructed by these processes (so familiar to us because already carried by a modern rationality)? What if these modernizing constructions in fact impede or preclude our access to what absolutism was? What if absolutism were located in the unfamiliar moment prior to the temporal block constituted by this modernization, driven by a premodern logic from whence all these processes flow? This series of questions lies at the heart of a central paradox in the scholarship on French absolutism. As modern historians have long noted, the study of the reign of Louis XIV has resulted in “the contradiction of an absolutism that we know incomparably well in its [historical] details but without a good grasp of its [conceptual] totality and coherence.”2 Yet this absent “totality and coherence” will not, cannot be found either in the political treatises of the period (there is no theory of absolutism) or through an abstraction from the details on the ground (which do not, in any meaningful way, constitute an archive of absolutism). Absolutism has no room for prehistory; it emerges, as shown in my first brief look at the central painting in the Hall of Mirrors, from a retrospectively constructed point of origin, erasing not only what came before it but also the historicity of its actual process of becoming. As I show repeatedly throughout this book, absolutism writes, paints, dreams its own origin.3 As an analytical 2. “[O]n en est arrivé à cette contradiction d’un absolutisme qu’on connaît incomparablement dans son détail, sans qu’on en saisisse bien l’ensemble et la coherence.” Cosandey and Descimon, L’absolutisme en France, 296. For three important contributions to the scholarship on French absolutism from recent years, see Drevillon, Les rois absolus; Jouanna, Le Pouvoir absolu; and Jouanna, Le Prince absolu. 3. This statement does not imply, of course, that French absolutism is not part of a larger history. There is certainly a French theorization of sovereignty in the century before Louis XIV (most importantly by jurists like Jean Bodin and Cardin Le Bret) that can be—and has indeed been—considered to prepare for the advent of absolutism. However, the realization of absolutism with Louis XIV transcends the prior theorization of sovereignty to such an extent that the “totality and coherence” of absolutism need to be sought elsewhere. In other words, the prehistory of absolutism becomes visible as such only through the reign of Louis XIV, whose absolutist “totality and coherence” are, in part, predicated upon the erasure of this prehistory.
Introduction
5
tool, therefore, absolutism is useful because it brings into focus the practices of monarchical power’s self-representation, rather than because of its indexical value, pointing to a stable definition or sparking discussion on what that definition should be. Indeed, the only place where absolutism incontestably exists is in its manifestations, in the image of itself that royal power projects both outward and inward, in the dream that absolutism is. What I call “the problem with absolutism” has its origin in a temporal disjunction in the concept of absolutism itself, between what is being observed and the point of observation. Scholars know that the term has always been used retrospectively, since a first attested use by François-René de Chateaubriand in 1797. It later came to prominence in the nineteenth century both in French and English, generally as part of an opposition to what came after it, be it enlightenment, revolution, modernity, or later forms of un-absolute (constitutional) monarchy. It is true that the use of the nominalized form “absolutism” is so close to actual seventeenthcentury French political uses of the adjective absolu (with pouvoir absolu [absolute power] and roi absolu [absolute king] attested as early as 1636) that the imposition of the noun might feel like only a very light anachronism, naming a practice of government that was incontestably there at the time. Nevertheless, the specific emergence of the term still bears the risk of reducing the phenomenon observed to a less advanced, less rational, or less modern precursor of what it is opposed to. Confined to its place in prehistory, it is defined mainly by what it is lacking, as compared to more recent modes of governing. This is still the case in the way the term is used today, starting with the nearly identical primary definitions in the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) and the French Grand Robert: “The practice of absolute government; absolute authority, despotism.”4 To our modern sensibility, there is only a comma separating “despotism” and “absolutism.” At the same time, any informed observer is of course aware of what is missing here, as spelled out in the much more historically accurate definition of absolutism in the French Trésor de la langue française (TLF): “System of government where the sovereign holds 4. OED, “absolutism.” The definition in the Grand Robert runs as follows: “Système de gouvernement, régime politique où le pouvoir du souverain est absolu, n’est soumis à aucun contrôle.” (System of government, political regime where the power of the sovereign is absolute, not subject to any control.) The proximity to despotism is highlighted by a list of cross-references including terms such as “autocracy,” “despotism,” “dictatorship,” “tyranny.” Grand Robert, “absolutisme.” The wider discussion of the conceptual history of the notion of absolutism in this paragraph relies on the sources mentioned in n. 2 above (particularly the introduction in Cosandey and Descimon, L’absolutisme en France), in addition to the dictionaries quoted in this and the following note.
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Introduction
Figur e 1. “Rex. Ludovicus. Ludovicus Rex: An Historical Study,” illustration in William Makepeace Thackeray [Mr. Titmarsh, pseud.], The Paris Sketch Book, vol. 2 (London: John Macrone, 1840). The “exact calculation” of absolutism, according to Thackeray. Photograph © The Trustees of the British Museum.
divine-right power without constitutional limits.”5 However, the historical self-evidence of the divine-right paradigm is unavailable to our retrospective gaze: invisible to us, even unthinkable to us, yet very much a lived experience for them. Or at least, unthinkable for the concept of absolutism. Indeed, it is as if the concept’s temporal disjunction itself served to obfuscate the premodern foundation of the structure it describes, as if the core of the historical phenomenon the term is meant to describe were excluded from its very concept. The result is a contradiction rendered visible in a well-known drawing by William Makepeace Thackeray (fig. 1). From the vantage point of 1840, Thackeray decomposes a representation of King Louis (“Ludovicus Rex”) in all his splendor, clearly inspired by Hyacinthe Rigaud’s 1701 iconic painting (fig. 2), into the royal adornment and finery on the one hand (“Rex”) and the unadorned old man on the other (“Ludovicus”). The drawing appears in Thackeray’s Paris Sketch Book, where he comments upon it at length in the essay “Meditations at Versailles” in the following way: 5. “Système de gouvernement où le souverain possède une puissance de droit divin et sans limites constitutionnelles.” TLF, “absolutisme”; my emphasis.
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In Louis [XIV], surely, if in any one, the majesty of kinghood is represented. But a king is not every inch a king, for all the poet may say; and it is curious to see how much precise majesty there is in that majestic figure of Ludovicus Rex. In the plate opposite [here, fig. 1], we have endeavoured to make the exact calculation. The idea of kingly dignity is equally strong
Figur e 2. Hyacinthe Rigaud, Louis XIV (ca. 1701). Oil on canvas. Musée du Louvre, Paris, France. Photograph: Wikimedia Commons.
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Introduction
in the two outer figures; and you see, at once, that majesty is made out of the wig, the high-heeled shoes, and cloak, all fleurs-de-lis bespangled. As for the little, lean, shrivelled, paunchy old man, of five feet two, in a jacket and breeches, there is no majesty in him, at any rate; and yet he has just stept out of that very suit of clothes. Put the wig and shoes on him, and he is six feet high;—the other fripperies, and he stands before you majestic, imperial, and heroic! Thus do barbers and cobblers make the gods that we worship: for do we not all worship him? Yes; though we all know him to be stupid, heartless, short, of doubtful personal courage, worship and admire him we must; and have set up, in our hearts, a grand image of him, endowed with wit, magnanimity, valour, and enormous heroical stature.6
Thackeray’s passage further develops the point made so boldly in the drawing through the emphasis placed on “equally strong.” The sense of majesty and dignity associated with the king is not only supported by “the wig, the high-heeled shoes, and cloak, all fleurs-de-lis bespangled”; the trappings and fripperies of majesty are all there is. His “majestic figure” is only figure, in the archaic sense of external form or shape, without any underlying substance. By way of decomposition and analysis, the inquiry into “how much precise majesty” there is in the king’s “majestic figure” leaves Thackeray with the conclusion that “there is no majesty in him, at any rate.” But is this really “the exact calculation” of absolutism, as Thackeray implies? It is, but only after the fact, only after absolutism. What is missing is the idea—and more than the idea, the lived experience—of the incarnation of a divinely invested dignity in the king. Thackeray’s “exact calculation” is possible only after the loss of faith in a god whose ways were not so mysterious that absolutist theologians couldn’t identify his will and decipher his hand in history all the way up to Louis XIV. Therefore, while the Rigaud painting depicts what absolutism was, within the present of its existence, Thackeray’s drawing only shows what absolutism looked like in retrospect, from an external perspective, somewhere between them and us in time. It is my contention that much of the scholarship on absolutism remains within the mode of Thackeray’s “exact calculation,” viewing its object of study with a modern demystifying gaze, as if the decomposition that it performs and that the drawing illustrates so starkly were valid in Louis XIV’s time, as if this truly were all that absolutism was.7 Such an ap6. Thackeray, The Paris Sketch Book, 2:281–82. 7. For a similar argument regarding the modern scholarly approach to the Holy Roman Empire, see Stollberg-Rilinger, The Emperor’s Old Clothes, esp. the introduction.
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9
proach is exactly that: a calculation, and more precisely a calculation that cuts down any element to fit into its model and measurement. If majesty and royal dignity were nothing more than their external trappings, scholars could analyze the whole of absolutist culture in modern terms as an instrument of manipulation, as propaganda. But not so as long as the subjects (and the king) still believed in the divine investment in their king and kingdom; not so in a world where royal dignity was still perceived as a given—or more precisely, a pregiven—truth prior to any legitimizing act or calculation. This, then, is the exact nature of the contradiction central to the enterprise given flesh and form in Thackeray’s drawing: it is an attempt at calculating the truth of a time before calculation. The result is certainly a truth, but our truth, not their truth, about absolutism. A few precisions are in place at this point. I do not claim, of course, that calculations into the communicative effect of absolutist expressions were absent from the politics of a Colbert or any skillful operator of absolutist politics. On the contrary, they were all accomplished practitioners of the art of rhetoric and persuasion. Nor do I exclude the possibility that the analysis of specific practices or artifacts could fruitfully mobilize a framework relying on concepts like manipulation, instrumentalization, or even propaganda. I do claim, however, that by resorting to such a framework by default, we risk uncritically reiterating the reduction inherent in the concept of absolutism itself, without even considering whether our modern analytical categories are appropriate when making sense of absolutism’s premodern logic. As if expressions of absolutism could be nothing but mere propaganda. Such a reduction to propaganda is somewhat of an unquestioned commonplace in much of the current scholarship on the culture of absolutism, and this default is interrogated in the next section. There is, however, another layer to my argument about the problem with absolutism. I contend that when we let Thackeray’s “exact calculation” be our only guiding approach to absolutism, we avoid confronting something that perhaps makes us uncomfortable in its unruly excess, something awkwardly close to the pleasure or joy that propels the dream of absolutism. Yet grasping the “totality and coherence” of absolutism itself requires grappling with that excess and recognizing its alterity. Interestingly, this last perspective is very much present in the passage from Thackeray, which is in reality richer and less reductive than what a first reading might indicate. There is, in the quoted passage and in the essay to which it belongs, an exuberant fascination with all things related to the king and Versailles. Even while disparaging him, the text betrays a very detailed historical knowledge. “[F]or do we not all worship him,”
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Introduction
despite having performed “the exact calculation,” despite knowing the truth that his majesty is consubstantial with its trappings and “fripperies,” produced in its entirety by “barbers and cobblers”? “Yes,” Thackeray answers, thereby attesting to a continued effectiveness of absolutism after absolutism. It is as if Thackeray were writing—and drawing—to convince himself of what his reason knows very well, but that his heart refuses to accept. Here is the dream of absolutism: “in our hearts, a grand image of him, endowed with wit, magnanimity, valour, and enormous heroical stature.” Approached this way, the passage from Thackeray invites the reader to reflect on this post-absolutist admiration and worship of absolutism, then and now, as well as on the nature of the compulsion to give in to it (“worship and admire him we must”; my emphasis). A compulsion that, despite the author’s demystifying calculation, brings us full circle from the critical “no majesty in him, at any rate” (Thackeray’s emphasis) back to the final “grand image of him” (my emphasis) “in our hearts,” an image that, importantly, we ourselves “have set up.” Although the materials analyzed here all date from the reign of Louis XIV (with one notable exception), this book aims nonetheless to extend a similar invitation to the reader to reflect on the post-absolutist afterlife of the dream of absolutism.
2. Beyond Mere Propaganda What does it mean to approach a cultural artifact celebrating the glory of Louis XIV in terms of propaganda? Propaganda certainly is glorification; so why shouldn’t glorification be considered propaganda? While circumspect scholars of an earlier generation have voiced their hesitations and qualms in regard to its applicability, the term seems to have imposed itself as a natural part of the current critical vocabulary, in no need of any provisos or reservations. Already in 2000, Pierre Zoberman observed in regards to the age of Louis XIV that “[c]onfronted with the elaboration of a positive image of the King and Monarchy, and with a program for the inscription and diffusion of such an image, the period’s historians [i.e., the present-day historians of the period]—whether they concentrate on the Monarchy itself, on mentalities, or on literature—routinely identify this process as propaganda.”8 While the adverb “routinely” is used by the author to stress this identification as something that happens “regularly” or “typically,” the routine qualification is nonetheless already marked in the more precise sense of happening “without proper thought” or “unthink-
8. Zoberman, “Eloquence and Ideology,” 303.
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9
ingly,” as the OED explains. Today, “propaganda” functions as a critical shorthand, useful because of its seeming clarity and self-evidence. The category is seldom central enough to be thematized or reflected upon. Instead it tends to appear as part of assertive qualifications and striking formulations made in passing, and even more often in blurbs, introductions, conclusions, or section titles. The term’s trenchant and pugnacious qualities make it particularly effective for programmatic statements. It is a critical shorthand that will lend a critical edge to a critical juncture. But exactly because of that, it also risks saying more and doing more than what is immediately obvious. Notice the slight unease in the following observation by Ellen Welch at a crucial point of her magisterial 2017 inquiry into the intersection of performance and diplomacy in seventeenthcentury France: “In describing the form and content of these entertainments of the height of Louis XIV’s reign, it is difficult to avoid painting them as displays of force and pieces of effective propaganda.”10 Although Welch’s subtle analysis questions the effectiveness of these performances, and at times is close to inquiring whether effectiveness was their purpose in the first place (at least in the current sense of the term), the language of propaganda seems to impose itself, malgré elle. It is as if the notion itself exerts the force that it pinpoints.11 It is against the background of this self-producing force in the concept’s routine applications that it becomes important to take a step back and interrogate the meaning of the gesture of labeling something as propaganda.12 9. All these synonyms are taken from OED, “routinely.” 10. Welch, A Theater of Diplomacy, 148; my emphasis. The example quoted above is one of at least three occasions where Welch registers unease with the “traditional characterization [of practices like these] as propaganda” (85 and 106; 106 for the quotation). 11. This sense of the category of propaganda imposing itself is confirmed by a quick consultation of a select corpus of important books exploring the culture of absolutism published during the last decade or two. In none of these books is the notion of propaganda in any way close to the central argument being made, but the survey still reveals a diffuse yet rather uniform presence of an unquestioned use of the term. Indeed, it is my contention that it is difficult today to write about cultural expressions of absolutism at any length without at some point making the appeal to propaganda. 12. This paragraph has been sharpened by the many stimulating insights in Evonne Levy’s reflection on the function of labeling something as propaganda in art history, in the introduction to Propaganda and the Jesuit Baroque, 7–10. Otherwise, the project of Levy’s book is in many ways the opposite of mine here: a valiant attempt at “mak[ing] propaganda a productive and appropriate tool of art historical analysis” (12), while I seek to demonstrate that the routinely deployed notion of propaganda is an unproductive and inappropriate tool for the material I will look at.
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Introduction
In the context of absolutism, qualifying an artifact as “propaganda” in an open, unqualified sense—which normally means as “mere propaganda,” “nothing but propaganda”—implies diverting the critical attention away from the artistic object in front of us toward the message it is carries: a message that is considered clear-cut and unambiguous, preexisting the artifact. In other words, it is a way of indicating that the signifier and the signifying gesture that brings it about can both safely be ignored in favor of the pregiven signified. Eminently expected, the message conveyed by the propagandistic object can, by definition, never surprise the modern scholar. It is always a repetition or confirmation of a predetermined meaning. Using the label of propaganda is therefore a way of, if not a cue for, closing down the inquiry. It implies the tacit permission to put the artifact safely away, discreetly indicating that it is time to move on to something more worthy of our critical energy. It is always the last word about the artifact, rarely the beginning of a further discussion, and even less the subject of a detailed analysis. As such, it is the not exactly analytical category for that which does not need analysis. Although much of the scholarship on the cultural production under Louis XIV’s personal rule in the past two decades has deployed propaganda as a ready-at-hand, unanalyzed critical term, it wasn’t always this way. In preparing the ground for moving beyond the paradigm of propaganda, it is therefore worth attending to the reservations and hesitations of an earlier generation of scholars. The two English-language classics in the field are both interesting for the way in which they betray an attraction to the potency of the concept while also marking a critical distance. Orest Ranum’s monumental study of the career of five different writers who toiled for the seventeenth-century Bourbon kings in Artisans of Glory (1980) is particularly important in this regard. Writing in the years following the publication of two more pointed examinations of French absolutist culture in terms of royal propaganda, the concept is certainly on his radar.13 The fullest formulation of his book’s project immediately follows an initial observation regarding the trivial results that an analysis guided by the notion of propaganda will often lead to when applied to a corpus like his: Very quickly we realize the impossibility of deciding what is propagandistic and what is not, unless it is possible to discern the conscious acts of a 13. See Solomon, Public Welfare, Science, and Propaganda; and Klaits, Printed Propaganda; both referred to by Ranum, Artisans of Glory, 253n61, and 294 and 315, respectively.
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writer who knew he was publishing a work intended to influence public opinion in an ideological way. Instead of taking this approach, I hope to capture the feelings and expressions of dependency among writers.14
Throughout his book, the notion of propaganda occasionally reappears in the discussion of certain aspects of the dependency of the writers in question.15 But so, too, do Ranum’s reservations as to the pertinence of the category widely construed, especially regarding the contributions by Paul Pellisson, Jean Racine, and Nicolas Boileau to the history of Louis XIV.16 There is thus a deep ambivalence running through the text, since it is not at all obvious that the instances of a more specific analytical use of the term would withstand the broader critique voiced elsewhere. Ranum’s methodological qualms and reservations only take on their full meaning when approached in light of the striking endpoint of his own inquiry, which runs as follows: The inflated claims by the men of letters may not have seemed so inflated during the long reign of Louis XIV, for they restated French family history in ways that obliged the monarch to carry out politics he could never empirically examine. There was literally no language or conception of kingship or of the state beyond those webs of myths and facts spun by writers, webs that bound the prince to the pursuit of gloire.17
What looks inflated to us may not have been perceived as such at the time. In a certain sense, this is of course just another reminder of the danger of 14. Ranum, Artisans of Glory, 22–23. 15. See, for example, Ranum, 149, 253, 260–64, 270, 294. 16. Regarding the case of Pellisson: “It is anachronistic to refer to this literature [the writing of history to the glory of the king]—when its principal subject is the head of state—as propaganda. As a descriptive term, ‘propaganda’ does not help to define the nature of either historical or other literary genres in the reign of Louis XIV; for in a sense fidélités—royal, aristocratic, and parlementaire—encompassed virtually all literary activity.” Ranum, 252. And more hard-hitting still, regarding the charges of propaganda and naïveté from modern readers of Racine: “Propaganda his history is, but only in the sense that it conformed to the dominant beliefs and aspirations of the political culture of which he was part. By standing for the principle of recording only the truth, Racine and Boileau sincerely hoped to curb the excessive praise that writers were heaping on the Sun King. Their results, with all the restraints imposed by the ars historica, would have been no more and no less propagandistic than histories written by others whose political cultures sustained ideological perspectives on the past.” Ranum, 315. 17. Ranum, 337.
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anachronism: we cannot necessarily trust the pertinence of our own precritical affective reaction to the material at hand from where the charge of propaganda first emerges.18 But it is only now, at the end of the journey, that the reader fully realizes the extent to which the title of the book, Artisans of Glory, points from the outset to something empirically more elusive than what notions such as propaganda can possibly seize. Other tools are needed in order to even start analyzing the stakes of the “webs of myths and facts” structuring the symbolic reality and aspirations of prince and writers alike. In his seminal study The Fabrication of Louis XIV (1992), Peter Burke shares with Ranum the explicit methodological ambivalence toward the concept of propaganda. The concept first occurs in a wider discussion of the dangers and benefits of anachronism, when Burke states that “[a]nother modern way of describing this book would be to call it a study of ‘propaganda’ for Louis XIV.” However, although Burke stresses that “[i]f the term propaganda is defined broadly enough, for example as ‘the attempt to transmit social and political values,’ it is difficult to object to its use about the seventeenth century,” he is quick to stress the risk that such a use can lead to reductionism by “encouraging author [Burke himself] and readers alike to interpret the poems, paintings and statues representing the king as if they were nothing but attempts to persuade.” Although Burke concludes that “ ‘[p]ropaganda’ is one useful modern concept [among] others,” he largely refrains from using it in the rest of the book, adding in his introductory discussion that “[i]t might be more exact to say that the representations of Louis were commissioned to add to his glory.”19 This last remark, reminiscent of Ranum’s work, seems to have inspired the choice of title for the 1995 French translation of Burke’s book: Louis XIV: Les stratégies de la gloire (Louis XIV: the strategies of glory).20 However, unlike Ranum, Burke in the end opts resolutely and un18. In Ranum’s stark formulation: “our own repugnance for Ludovician political culture” (24). 19. Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV, 4–6. 20. Burke, Louis XIV: Les stratégies de la gloire. In the 2010 Festschrift for Burke, Nicole Hochner criticizes the title of the French translation in the following way: “The book in French surprisingly became Louis XIV: les stratégies de la gloire, wrongly alluding to a warlike tactic of glory and pomp, concealing the fact that Peter Burke had made only a limited case for propaganda.” Hochner, “Against Propaganda,” 235. This characterization is based on a surprising conflation of glory and propaganda, which is not reflected in Burke’s book. Hochner goes on to comment on “the very different connotations of the two titles: the English suggests a process of making, while the French evokes more a propaganda device” (235n22). However, it could be argued that the change of semantic field from fabrication to glory rather brings the
Introduction
15
apologetically for an anachronistic approach. He distinguishes between two rival models in the approach to rulers and their images: on the one hand, what he calls a “cynical” view (whose demystifying gaze identifies instrumentalism and manipulation, but at the risk of reductionism), and, on the other, an “innocent” view (taking the royal image seriously at its face value, but at the risk of suppressing actual manipulation, instrumentalism, and dissent).21 Could there possibly be a third way that would resolve the tensions and oppositions between these two models toward a productive synthesis? Yes, Burke seems to imply, through an approach like the one he is adapting in his book: The king and his advisers were well aware of the methods by which people can be manipulated by symbols. After all, most of them had been trained in the art of rhetoric. However, the aims in the service of which they manipulated others were of course chosen from the repertoire offered by the culture of their time. The aims as well as the methods are part of history, and part of the story told in this book.22
Their aims and their methods were certainly part of history, but Burke’s own aims and methods were not. With the final programmatic statement of his introduction, Burke aligns himself with “the analysts of communication in our time,” marking as his goal “the attempt to discover who was saying what about Louis to whom, through what channels and codes, in what settings, with what intentions, and with what effects.”23 Therefore, it is not immediately clear how this approach is different from the “cynical” view evoked by Burke himself, except that the execution of the study of manipulation here is carefully, comprehensively, and masterfully historicized. Unlike Ranum, Burke’s choice of title firmly situates the book within the cynical paradigm. It is true that Burke tries to have it both ways in the introduction, by insisting that the word “fabrication” is meant to point to the processual character of image-making across time and media. Yet the need to disclaim other interpretations of the title before making this statement suggests that the natural way to understand it might be different: the word “fabrication” was chosen not “to deconstruct or demolish the king” nor “to imply that Louis was artificial while other people are title further away from propaganda, as suggested, for example, by Ranum’s analyses in The Artisans of Glory. 21. Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV, 11–13. 22. Burke, 13. 23. Burke, 13.
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24
natural.” However, the book tells a slightly different story, starting well before the disclaimers in the introduction. Just after the title page and dedication, on the left page opposite (hence before) the table of contents, the reader encounters Thackeray’s drawing discussed above. It appears above the following truncated quotation from Thackeray’s text, which takes on the function of a caption: “You see, at once, that majesty is made out of the wig, the high-heeled shoes, and cloak . . . Thus do barbers and cobblers make the gods that we worship.” Burke never comments upon this visual and verbal deconstruction of the king, with a function halfway between frontispiece and epigraph, in the main body of the text, despite a second full-page inclusion of the drawing halfway through the book.25 This is not exactly an omission, since in a certain sense the whole book is a comment on and a working out of what Thackeray called “the exact calculation” of absolutism. At the very least, such is the impact it has had on a generation or two of scholars for whom it has been and still is the main introduction into the making of the image of Louis XIV. Within this framework, the output from the royal image-makers is nothing but communication, nothing but persuasion, nothing but propaganda. What precedes is in no way meant to detract from the synthetic force of the exposition nor from the immense richness of the materials analyzed by Burke. The Fabrication of Louis XIV certainly is a summa and a most influential work in the field. Rather, my point here has been to bring attention to the largely unnoticed way in which this force has itself contributed in shaping the field in the following decades through its framework and approach. In many contexts, Burke’s unquestioned reliance on the communication model does not make much of a difference, while in some cases the cynical view is certainly warranted and serves to sharpen the analysis. At other points, however, it leads to a slippage, a lack of nuance, to interpretive possibilities being excluded without consideration. Here is one example of such a blind spot from the very last paragraph of the book: “Louis claimed to derive his power from God, not from the people.”26 Is Burke’s claim about this being Louis’s own claim as unproblematic as this sentence makes it seem? Indeed, doesn’t the word “claim” shift the source of Louis’s authority from the realm of self-evidence to the realm of persuasion?27 24. Burke, 10–11. 25. Namely, Burke, 124, opposite the first page of chapter 9, “The Crisis of Representation.” 26. Burke, 203. 27. For a second example of such a blind spot, see the following slippage in a programmatic paragraph from chapter 2, titled “Persuasion”: “As for the function of the image [of the king], . . . the aim was to celebrate Louis, to glorify him, in other words
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But what more, what else could there possibly be? What is it that we do not see when we only see propaganda and persuasion? What is it that may be lost by automatically characterizing the cultural expressions of absolutism as propaganda or even as modern political communication? To begin answering these questions, I make a quick detour by way of methodological discussions related to the celebration of power in imperial Rome. The prominent French historian of ancient Rome, Paul Veyne, draws attention to the way in which Trajan’s Column in Rome poses a radical challenge to the communication model: modern scholars had long interpreted its famous spiral bas-relief, commemorating Trajan’s victory in the Dacian Wars, as imperial propaganda, in spite of being for the greater part invisible from the ground. How to make sense of a message without an actual audience? The reason for this radical indifference to the legibility of the monument is simple, Veyne explains, once we liberate ourselves from the blinders of the communication model: “the column is an expression of imperial pomp and not a piece of propagandistic information communicated to the spectator.”28 The same holds for premodern mobilizations of the arts for the celebration of monarchic glory all the way to Versailles, Veyne adds in the following sweeping statement: The cult, the incense, the “flattery” that surrounded Elizabeth I or Louis XIV officiated the celebration of their glory [célébraient l’office de leur gloire] without serving to place them on the throne; the palace of Versailles may have made Louis XIV a greater king than the others, but it could not make him more of a king: if it can be said, he was king “always already.”29
Through this “always already,” the king’s dignity is never in doubt or at stake: “Pomp is an expression of self that does not seek to make an to persuade viewers, listeners and readers of his greatness.” Burke, 19; my emphasis. Does the reduction of glorification to persuasion go without saying? 28. “[L]a colonne est une expression de faste impérial et non une information de propagande communiquée au spectateur.” Veyne, “Buts de l’art, propagande et faste monarchique,” 389. Burke alludes to an early version of Veyne’s argument in The Fabrication of Louis XIV: “As the ancient historian Paul Veyne recently suggested, some works of art are created to exist rather than to be seen. The reliefs on Trajan’s Column, for example, are invisible from the ground” (5). 29. “Le culte, l’encens, la ‘flatterie’ qui entouraient Élisabeth d’Angleterre ou Louis XIV célébraient l’office de leur gloire et ne se proposaient pas de les installer sur le trône; le château de Versailles pourra faire de Louis XIV un roi plus grand que les autres, mais non pas le rendre plus roi: il l’était, si l’on peut dire, ‘toujours déjà.’ ” Veyne, “Buts de l’art, propagande et faste monarchique,” 412.
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impression and that, precisely because of this, makes one, appearing to be a product of royal nature, indifferent, like nature, to the existence of spectators.”30 Such a gesture can of course still be considered as communication, and nothing stops a modern observer from trying to nail down a message. However, the nature of what is communicated refuses to enter into the framework of the modern “analysts of communication,” as invoked by Burke. In effect, what is communicated is in part this refusal itself: a communication that doesn’t care about its immediate recipient, a message that declares loudly but without a precise audience in mind, “Because I can.” Two recent revisionary monographs confirm in unexpected ways the pertinence of Veyne’s insight for the monarchical culture of seventeenthcentury France. Both explore the notion of “visual history” but are otherwise extremely different both in approach and scope. On the one hand, Robert Wellington’s Antiquarianism and the Visual Histories of Louis XIV (2015) is itself an antiquarian inquiry without any pretension to challenge the way we think about the political dimension of absolutism.31 Nevertheless it does exactly that through the compelling case it makes for the “visual histories” produced by Louis XIV’s image-makers as being intended not for a contemporary audience but for posterity. These objects are “artifacts for a future past,” as the subtitle of the book puts it. It is not that the production of the king’s visual history was not part of a tightly supervised plan, coordinated by Jean-Baptiste Colbert and the Petite Académie; it was, but in a very different way than what our modern tools and categories allow us to seize. On the other hand, in the supremely ambitious Les rois imaginaires (2016), Yann Lignereux pursues the role of the imaginary as a constitutive dimension of monarchical French politics from the late fifteenth century through the reign of Louis XIV. In the final synthesizing chapter, the diachronic analysis brings Lignereux to a conclusion along the lines of Wellington’s: “The first and true audience of the royal imaginary is posterity.”32 Importantly, however, this is not Lignereux’s final word. Rather, it is the point where he radically 30. “Le faste est une expression de soi qui ne cherche pas à faire de l’effet et qui, précisément pour cela, en fait, parce qu’il semble être une production de la nature royale, indifférente, comme l’est la nature, à l’existence de spectateurs.” Veyne, 413. 31. “This study looks beyond a self-evident political reading of the iconography of Louis XIV to discover an artistic process deeply entrenched in a sophisticated intellectual and connoisseurial culture.” Wellington, Antiquarianism, 4. 32. “Le premier et le véritable public de l’imaginaire royal, c’est la postérité.” Lignereux, Les rois imaginaires, 293.
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expands, if not explodes, the framework by reawakening the question of audience in Veyne’s reflection while replacing the latter’s main point of reference in Trajan’s Column in second-century imperial Rome with an underestimated monument of French absolutism itself. Located at the Cordouan plateau four miles into the sea off the mouth of the Gironde estuary, just north of Bordeaux, the Cordouan Lighthouse was built in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century on the order of Henri III and Henri IV, then carefully maintained through the reigns of Louis XIII and Louis XIV (fig. 3). It is a richly ornamented edifice that in its original design stood nearly forty meters tall, with exterior circular galleries, a sculpted front, and a monumental entrance leading into a lavishly decorated interior, with an “apartment of the king” on the first floor and a vaulted chapel on the second, above which the lighthouse proper sat.33 Although no French king ever visited the lighthouse, the edifice is a celebration of royal glory, as is legible in the decorative program, from the omnipresence of royal emblems, monograms, and initials to the sculptures of Louis XIV and Louis XV. It was at once a “wonder of the world” and a “monarchical monument.”34 But—and this is the exact place of Lignereux’s intervention—for whom? Who is saying what to whom by way of this monarchical monument whose exterior is inaccessible and whose interior is entirely invisible, to say nothing of the symbolic message inscribed in its details? One could certainly try to make the case that this is a magnificent piece of royal propaganda, expertly diffused by engravings like the one reproduced in figure 3, but only to be left wondering about its rhetorical efficacy. As Lignereux points out, these images “shut the public out from the splendor of its sacrosanct.”35 Sometimes called the “Versailles of the seas,” the Cordouan Lighthouse still stands today, less out of sight and reach to us thanks to modern technology than it was back then, and so all the more present as a monumental reminder of the limitations of our modern methods for thinking about royal monuments of the past. 33. This description follows closely the one given by Lignereux (294–96). See also the references given in the next footnote. Most of the structure described here still stands today, but the part above the chapel was radically expanded in the late eighteenth century so that the edifice now measures sixty meters. The lighthouse is still in operation, fully automatized since 2006. For further information and sources, see also the official website of the lighthouse: https://www.phare-de-cordouan.fr. 34. Guillaume, “Le phare de Cordouan.” See also Grenet-Delisle, Louis de Foix; and Castaner Muñoz, “L’exhaussement du phare de Cordouan.” 35. “[. . .] taisent au public la splendeur de son sacro-saint.” Lignereux, Les rois imaginaires, 297.
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Figur e 3. Mathieu Merian (after a drawing by Claude Chastillon), The Cordouan Lighthouse (engraving). From Topographie française, ou Représentations de plusieurs villes . . . (Paris: Louys Boussevin, 1655). Photograph: Wikimedia Commons.
There is, however, one sense in which the term “propaganda” is pertinent both for this wider discussion of methodology and for my specific analysis of royal imagery under Louis XIV. In the original etymological meaning of the term as “that which should be propagated,” the emphasis remains, importantly, on the entity that is to be propagated, broadcast, diffused, expressed—and not yet on the recipient. But this
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is not to say that the modern meaning of persuasion and even manipulation is not latent, especially since the term emerged in the very precise institutional setting of the Catholic Counter-Reformation.36 This more neutral use of the term is still possible today, with an emphasis on the propagating mission as an obligation toward the entity in need of propagation: in the original use, the Christian faith; in the absolutist context, the glory of the king. However, as I have shown, the word resonates today so strongly with the instrumental focus on manipulative impact alone that such a rehabilitated notion would hardly be an adequate conceptual tool. Hence the need to move beyond the traditional framework of propaganda, which can now no longer be more than mere propaganda.
3. Approaching Absolutism Differently: Royal Glory and Royal Exemplarity How to home in on the dream of absolutism, then? How to approach the most extravagant artifacts of absolutism in a less reductive manner than what an approach in terms of propaganda or any modern communication model would entail? How might these artifacts be taken up in a way that allows us to get at the “totality and coherence” of absolutism (per Fanny Cosandey and Robert Descimon)? Indeed, how to start accounting for the force and efficacy of the dream of absolutism, not only in its time but long after it? The analyses in this book rely on the recuperation of the premodern categories of “royal glory” and “royal exemplarity.” Although both these expressions make intuitive sense at a surface level, the conceptual work they refer to may be less than obvious, even to seasoned students of early modernity, due to a systematic neglect in the scholarship. The reason for this scholarly disregard is related to the discussion above. Modern scholars have ignored them for the same reason as the corpus I am studying here, in which they feature prominently: an uncomfortable whiff (to a 36. The modern word has its faraway origin in the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, founded in 1622 by Pope Gregory XV in the context of the Catholic Counter-Reformation and often known quite simply as Propaganda Fide (from the Latin title: Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide). The term wasn’t politicized in the precise technical sense of manipulation until the French Revolution. Therefore, it should not be surprising to find the term used by Voltaire in its original meaning of “toute institution qui a pour but la propagation d’une croyance religieuse” (every institution which has as its purpose the propagation of a religious belief). Quoted here from Lignereux, Les rois imaginaires, 286n15.
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modern nose) of subservience, manipulation, and propaganda. And yet, if we modern readers look more closely, as I will in what follows, it becomes obvious as we move beyond the framework of mere propaganda that royal glory and royal exemplarity are of paramount importance in understanding the dynamics of symbolic authority at work in the wider culture. They are central categories in the cultural practices undergirding the strict verticality of the absolutist society’s symbolic hierarchy, contributing decisively in the processes that make power real in the person of the king. In short, they are the stuff of which the dream of absolutism is made. I will tease out the exact function and working of the two categories in the course of the chapters through close scrutiny of central absolutist artifacts across different media. But before turning to the analysis, it is necessary to prepare the ground by introducing the two categories in some depth. In the case of royal exemplarity, this is essential since the concept may seem somewhat abstract and technical at the outset. As for royal glory, the situation is, in a certain sense, the opposite. It seems to speak with a self-evidence fueled by the pomp and splendor of Versailles, but it is in reality a complex and multilayered concept. Although the two categories are not exactly overlapping, they converge incessantly in the material studied here in the exuberant celebration of the glorious royal exemplar. In light of the discussion above, the notion of royal glory would seem like a promising place to start looking for alternatives to propaganda when discussing artifacts of absolutism. After all, the writers and artists whose work is analyzed in what follows were all “artisans of glory” in the way examined by Orest Ranum, and they were instrumental in redeploying “those webs of myths and facts [. . .] that bound the prince to the pursuit of gloire”37—webs of examples within a culture of exemplarity, as I shall soon return to. My starting point is a privileged testimony from Louis XIV himself about the extent to which the importance of this pursuit was on his mind from the early years of his personal reign. Here is his often-quoted statement to the members of the Petite Académie in charge of overseeing the production of the royal image across media: Vous pouvez, Messieurs, juger de l’estime que je fais de vous, puisque je vous confie la chose du monde qui m’est la plus précieuse, qui est ma gloire: je suis sûr que vous ferez des merveilles; je tâcherai de ma part de 37. Ranum, Artisans of Glory, 337, as discussed above, 13–14.
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vous fournir de la matière qui mérite d’être mise en œuvre par des gens aussi habiles que vous êtes.38 (You may, Gentlemen, judge the appreciation I have for you, since I entrust you with the thing in the world which is the most precious to me, namely my glory. I am sure you will do marvels; I will try on my side to provide you with matter which deserves to be given form [mise en œuvre] by people as competent as you are.)
This assertion is important not only for its brazen expression of youthful confidence anticipating glorious exploits ahead of him, but also for the place accorded to the arts in this enterprise. In the dichotomy between form and content that the king suggests, there is an implicit promise about artistic glory to come for the academicians: by giving shape to his glorious exploits, they will achieve their own. It could therefore be tempting to read the statement as the recognition of a transactional interdependence; for all practical purposes, couldn’t the royal glory at stake here be reduced to the construction and propagation of reputation or renown? Nothing is less sure. Rather, one could wonder whether the brazenness of the royal utterance is carried by a sense of heaven-sent entitlement. “Ma gloire”: instead of reputation to be established or fabricated, this would be a preexisting glory to be made visible and given form, to be expressed, externalized, and confirmed by further glorious exploits. It is “the thing in the world which is the most precious to [him],” but that might be so precisely because it is not entirely of this world. The glorious matter to be provided by the king calls for the making of “marvels.” Although this marvel-making task—which is thus both the king’s and the artists’—is formulated in the future tense, the glory of the king exists here, now, in the promise (or the dream) of marvels to come. The scene is thus structurally similar to the one in the central painting in the Hall of Mirrors, evoked in the opening of the introduction, where the king is not looking out in the world but into himself, with a gaze that itself dreams the glorious dream of absolutism.39 The concept of royal glory needs to be front and center in any discussion of French absolutism’s self-image and processes of self-representation. It 38. The anecdote is reported by Charles Perrault in Mémoires, xxv–xxvi; my emphasis. The anecdote is quoted by Ranum, 279. 39. For a further discussion of this anecdote, see chapter 3, 184. It also occurs in passing in chapter 2, 129.
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is therefore not at all controversial to speak of the Petite Académie as a “ministry of glory,” although, importantly, this does not make it a “historical research team for political propaganda,” as Jacob Soll would have it.40 And yet, a synthetic work proposing a thorough exploration of the concept in the context of French absolutism still seems far away. Significant preparatory work has certainly already been done within more widely defined projects, most prominently by Robert Morrissey on the historical side and by Giorgio Agamben in political theology.41 Olivier Chaline also covers important ground in his landmark biography on Louis XIV (2005).42 It is a testimony to the difficulty and urgency of the task that the perspectives of Morrissey, Chaline, and Ranum, on the one hand, and of Agamben, on the other, seem incompatible, if not mutually exclusive. If analyzed at all, the early modern logic of royal glory is generally reduced to remnants of aristocratic notions of feudal honor or a nostalgic revival of a Roman culture of renown. The crucial theological impulse behind the pursuit of royal glory—which, as Agamben shows, is much more than (indeed, fully independent of) the moralist denunciation of vainglory—is still largely unaccounted for in the scholarship. My aim here is hardly one of filling this lacuna. However, the importance of the task and its first outline can be suggested already by a quick incursion into a key resource from late seventeenth-century France— namely, the rich and evocative article on the term in Antoine Furetière’s 1690 dictionary. According to Furetière, the first meaning of the word gloire is “Majesté de Dieu, la vue de sa puissance, de sa grandeur infinie” (God’s majesty, the sight of his power or infinite greatness).43 This is the theological concept of glory, from the Latin gloria, which itself is a translation of the ancient Greek doxa (and kabod in Hebrew). Notably, Furetière uses a political language here, with terms such as “majesty” and “power.” In the context of this discussion of royal glory specifically, I would like to insist on a layer of meaning in the Greek term that remains implicit in the Latin (and thus in the French and also the English) translation but is explicit in the German. The term Herrlichkeit’s root, hehr, evokes a general idea of highness but is at the same time closely linked 40. Chaline, Le règne de Louis XIV, 1:354; Soll, The Information Master, 128. 41. Morrissey, The Economy of Glory; Agamben, The Kingdom and the Glory. 42. Chaline, Le Règne de Louis XIV; the first volume of this two-volume work carries the subtitle Les rayons de la gloire (The rays of glory). See especially the sections “La gloire du roi” (The glory of the king) and “Les institutions de la gloire” (The institutions of glory) (156–77 and 354–87). See also by Chaline the important article “De la gloire” and the edited volume La gloire à l’époque moderne. 43. Furetière, Dictionaire universel, “gloire.”
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to the two substantives Herr (master, lord) and Herrscher (sovereign), in such a way that (divine) glory literally evokes the manifestation of God’s absolute lordliness and sovereignty.44 In the second definition of the term gloire, Furetière evokes man’s duty to God: “gloire, se dit aussi de l’honneur qu’on rend à Dieu, des louanges qui lui sont dues.” (glory is also said about the honor one gives to God, the praise due to him.) This is glory as rendered to God by the faithful in adoration through an act of glorification. Again, the German term Verherrlichung serves to make explicit the vertical positioning of this activity: it necessarily happens from an inferior position. It is an act of subjection, the celebration of vertical inferiority. Furetière’s third definition finally reaches the human level and, as the last of a series of examples, royal glory: gloire, se dit par emprunt et par participation, de l’honneur mondain, de la louange qu’on donne au mérite, au savoir et à la vertu des hommes. La gloire du monde n’est qu’une fumée. Ce Triomphateur est revenu comblé, tout couvert de gloire. Cet ouvrage a acquis beaucoup de gloire à son Auteur. Ce Prince a tiré beaucoup de gloire de cette action de clémence, de justice.45 (glory is said, by borrowing and participation, about worldly honor, praise of the worth, knowledge and virtue of men. Worldly glory is only smoke. The Victor returned replete with, wholly covered in glory. This work has earned much glory for its Author. The Prince garnered much glory from this act of clemency and justice.)
Here, the primary meaning of the word gloire is obviously very close to notions of honor, praise, renown, and reputation. This is certainly the case in the final example from the princely realm. The glory of this exemplary prince is attributed to his virtuous act and to the specific virtues it demonstrates (his clemency and justice). At the same time, the exact formulation of the sentence may appear perplexing in that it seems to invite a suspicion as to his motives. To a modern reader, the verbal locution “tirer gloire” already gives off a whiff of hypocrisy: there seems to be an indication of agency and intention that would risk turning a virtuous act into a mere superficial and virtuoso show of virtue. This would be Furetière’s fourth definition of gloire, which establishes the link to vain44. Schlüter, “Herrlichkeit. I,” 1079–80. 45. Furetière, Dictionaire universel, “gloire.”
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glory and boasting: “gloire, signifie quelquefois, Orgueil, présomption, bonne opinion qu’on a de soi-même. [. . .] On dit, qu’un homme fait gloire d’une chose, lorsqu’il s’en vante, qu’il s’en fait honneur.” (glory, meaning sometimes Vainglory, presumption, high self-regard. [. . .] One says that a man glorifies himself in a thing when he brags about it or honors himself with it.) However, at the time, “tirer gloire” still tended to qualify the objective outcome of an action rather than its intention. Therefore, the glorious act of the prince in the example is an objective reason for praise and even pride; it is exemplary not only in the trivial sense that it serves as an example in a dictionary, but also with the full moral weight of the term. That said, it should be added that the difference between the positive “tirer gloire de” and the negative “faire gloire de” from the fourth definition was subtle already at the time (while the reflexive form “se faire gloire de” didn’t appear until the twentieth century). Furthermore, the place of the princely example as the last element in the enumeration, and in that sense closer to the fourth definition than to the third that it serves to exemplify, seems to accentuate the slipperiness of judgment of his action. It is as if this example stages the ambiguity of worldly glory— and also, as I will soon return to, the ambiguity of princely exemplarity as such. The concept of worldly glory, as it is presented in the definition and examples from Furetière, may seem far removed from the theological sense given as the first meaning of the term. Indeed, there appears to be a rift in the French concept of gloire, harking back to a similar tension between theological and pre-Christian moralist layers of meaning in the Latin gloria, closer in meaning to the Latin notion of fama (itself closer in meaning to the Greek concept of kleos) than to the theological concept. Hence a tendency in the scholarship on early modern France in general and on absolutist culture in particular to ignore the theological layer of meaning all together and reduce the discussion of glory to a problem of heroic virtue and renown within—and more precisely, toward the peak of—a social hierarchy. This is certainly a rich and rewarding topic, as demonstrated most recently in Robert Morrissey’s magisterial exploration of the cultural and literary history of glory in the long eighteenth century, from Louis XIV to Napoleon, unearthing “the ‘economy of glory’ Napoleon sought to implement in an attempt to heal the divide between the Old Regime and the Revolution.”46 And yet, as Morrissey himself observes early in his inquiry in relation to Louis XIV, there is another conceptual layer beyond the tradition of glory as fama discussed in his 46. The quotation is from the dust jacket of Morrissey, The Economy of Glory.
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book: “An essential element of this configuration [of court society]: the glory of the king of France is the reflection of that of God.”47 Furetière’s article on gloire announces this same ontological analogy in the concept of glory itself: human glory signifies “par emprunt et par participation” (by borrowing and participation) from the primary sense of divine glory, a theological Herrlichkeit that, as I just have shown, resonates with an otherworldly majesty, lordliness, and sovereignty. Glory as such is thus closely linked at once to the essence of God and the essence of kingship, first in its theological formulation, which is already political, and then a second time in the divine right invested in the French crown. It is therefore not surprising that the most exuberant and excessive celebrations of French absolutism under Louis XIV seem to be carried by a concept of royal glory that sits uneasy with the traditional framework of human glory understood as merely renown (fama), as will be shown repeatedly in the close analyses in this book. At this point, I would like to shift attention to an overlapping concept that better catches the participatory, collective aspect of absolutism and that is of crucial importance in understanding the continued fascination with the dream of absolutism even after absolutism. Again, my starting point is a privileged testimony attributed to the king himself, this time regarding the political importance of exemplarity under absolutism. The following remarkable passage appears in the Mémoires that Louis XIV (assisted by his ghostwriters) wrote for the instruction of his oldest son, the Dauphin, in a discussion of the political importance of the royal display of religious humility. It is thus the king who says “je” (I), and the possessive pronoun “notre” (our) that opens the quotation englobes himself and his son: Notre soumission pour lui [Dieu] est la règle et l’exemple de celle qui nous est due. Les armées, les conseils, toute l’industrie humaine seraient de faibles moyens pour nous maintenir sur le trône, si chacun y croyait avoir même droit que nous, et ne révérait pas une puissance supérieure, dont la nôtre est une partie. Les respects publics que nous rendons à cette
47. Morrissey, 38. The theological perspective opened by this sentence is brought back to the ethical discussion of glory as a heroic ideal of virtue with the observation that this “vision was perfectly compatible with the ideal of the profane hero developed by the Catholic Reformation” (38). Such a delimitation makes sense within the project of Morrissey’s book, but it also leaves the question about the deeper politico-theological implications of the reflections of God’s glory on to the king’s largely unexplored.
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puissance invisible, pourraient enfin être nommés justement la première et la plus importante partie de notre politique, s’ils ne devaient avoir un motif plus noble et plus désintéressé. (Our submission to Him [God] is the rule and the example for that which is due to us. Armies, councils, all human industry would be feeble means for maintaining us on the throne if everyone believed he had as much right to it as we and did not revere a superior power, of which ours is a part. The public respects that we pay to this invisible power could indeed justly be considered the first and most important part of our entire politics if they did not require a more noble and more disinterested motive.)48
This paragraph and its context pose arguably the politically most complex yet most significant passage of the whole Mémoires and will be analyzed at length in chapter 1. The stakes of the lesson couldn’t be higher. As the royal father points out, the stability of the societal hierarchy hinges on the subjects’ belief in the king’s divine right to his position. Hence the urgency of the visible example of “submission” and “public respects” offered by the king and his son to a higher invisible power: it becomes exemplary of the submission to figures of authority in general. In this sense, exemplarity is “the first and most important part” of absolutist politics insofar as it is the principle that grounds and conserves orderly, hierarchical life in the polis. In other words, the main lesson from father to son is that the force of exemplarity is the glue that holds the ancien régime society together. The last sentence quoted betrays an unease with the seeming instrumentality in this example of religious humility. Isn’t the public royal submission recommended here itself close to propagandistic manipulation in its emphasis on royal self-interest? It is, but as will be demonstrated in the detailed analysis, the king himself here shows an acute awareness of the dangers of what modern readers would call a propagandistic approach and of anything close to Thackeray’s “exact calculation.” Somewhat surprisingly to a modern reader, according to the royal father, the crucial sincere bottom-up buy-in by the subjects seems to depend on the sincerity of the prior submission of the sovereign. Hence the necessity of
48. Louis XIV, Mémoires, suivis de Manière de montrer les jardins, 104–5; Louis XIV, Mémoires for the Instruction of the Dauphin, 57. Throughout these pages, I have sometimes modified the translation to bring it closer to the original.
Introduction
29
“a more noble and more disinterested motive,” although even this disinterest remains ambiguous, as I will show in chapter 1. It is important to stress that my emphasis on royal exemplarity in this book does not at all mean the introduction of a new concept. Rather, it is an attempt at recovering a way of thinking that was ubiquitous and unavoidable at the time but lost to us. According to John D. Lyons, the “period from the fifteenth through the early seventeenth centuries [merits] the appellation ‘the age of exemplarity.’ ”49 This is certainly true if one looks at elite culture and the ways in which ancient examples were at the heart of the humanist project as a source of political, ethical, and aesthetic models (in the mode of the Ciceronian historia magistra vitae). Lyons’s scholarship on the topic belongs to a first wave of research exploring early modern exemplarity that revealed the extent to which Renaissance texts by authors such as Montaigne, Erasmus, and Machiavelli not only belong to such a culture of exemplarity, but at the same time profoundly question it. Inside such a framework, the late Renaissance is marked by a “crisis of exemplarity,” most prominently voiced by Montaigne, and the end of the period indicated by Lyons coincides with René Descartes’s radical rejection of ancient books and examples in Discours de la méthode. This model of crisis, however, neglects to note the continued centrality of exemplarity for absolutist political culture of the late seventeenth century. Absolutist culture under Louis XIV was incontestably a culture of exemplarity in the sense that at once political, moral, and artistic choices were still largely justified through reference to the authority of concrete models from the past. Despite scholarly reports about an earlier “Renaissance crisis of exemplarity,” the example remained the crucial figure in the cultural construction of authority, the way in which the past is extended into the future through actions in the present. And within this broader culture of exemplarity, the glorious royal exemplar occupied a more central place than ever.50 In this light, it is not surprising that many of the most important cultural polemics of the age, known as Querelles, can in fact be viewed as 49. Lyons, Exemplum, 12. 50. For “the Renaissance crisis of exemplarity,” see the special issue of the Journal of History of Ideas with that title (59, no. 4), especially the introduction by Rigolot, but also important articles by Cornilliat, Hampton, Lyons, Stierle, and others. See also Hampton, Writing from History. For Descartes’s position, see Lyons’s subtle reading of the new exemplarity of the Discours in chapter 4 of Exemplum (156–70). See also the more recent collective volume Giavarini, Construire l’exemplarité. For the lack of emphasis on royal exemplarity within this rich body of scholarship, see my discussion below.
30
Introduction
battles in an ongoing cultural war about the way in which exemplarity is constructed. This is the case for the Querelles on theater, monuments, inscriptions, and even the notorious polemics opposing Jesuits and Jansenists. And most of all, it was the case for the most notable one, the “Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes” (the Battle of the Books). Here, the point of contention was precisely the status of the ancient example, not only when it came to the choice of models for artistic creation, but also in terms of authority and legitimacy more broadly construed. Indeed, chapter 3 argues that what was at stake among the learned men of the French Academy and beyond can productively be approached as a polemics about how best to celebrate the royal glory of Louis XIV. I read the Querelle as a symptom of a wider cultural unease about exemplarity and argue that for the notion of a “crisis of exemplarity” to be fruitful, it needs to be recast as a crisis of royal exemplarity and studied in the most potent self-justifications of absolutism.51 These observations are all indications that the logic of exemplarity is under a certain pressure, with a constant need to be renegotiated. They do not mean, however, that the dominant role of exemplarity is diminishing or that the absolutist “siècle de Louis XIV” breaks with an exemplary culture. In a society more and more turned toward the example of the court, behavior and desires were increasingly modeled inside a rigorous hierarchy of curial exemplarity under labels such as etiquette, politeness, and civility. This brings me back to the above quotation from Louis XIV’s Mémoires and the position of the initial royal submission as at once the linchpin and the apex of exemplarity’s hierarchy. At this point, it is interesting to observe that the logic of exemplarity itself is in fact dependent on a similar structural elevation or exception as the one conserved through the royal example here. In an important sense, all exemplarity is royal, and the logic of exemplarity itself stands in a relation of solidarity with that of kingship. This solidarity between exemplarity and kingship can first of all be observed in treatises of rhetoric and logic, where the exemplarity of examples (what turns a sample into a model) is likened to the exemplarity of kings. The figure of the great king is omnipresent in theoretical de51. For the political implications of the “Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes,” see the chapter “Modernity and Monarchy,” in Norman, The Shock of the Ancient, 89–98. For the two other related Querelles, see, for example, Vuilleumier Laurens and Laurens, L’Âge de l’inscription; and Blanchard, “Ménestrier and the ‘Querelle des Monuments.’ ”
Introduction
31
scriptions of the rhetoric of example from Aristotle’s Rhetoric through Antoine Arnauld and Pierre Nicole’s Logique de Port-Royal (1662) to Jacques Bénigne Bossuet’s Logique du Dauphin (1677). In both Aristotle and Bossuet, the king appears as the very first example of how reasoning through example works. Here is the example given by Bossuet after a short initial statement linking example to induction in moral matters, in a sentence that recalls the quotation from the Mémoires above: [A]insi, pour faire voir à quels désordres l’amour porte les hommes, on représente ce qu’il a fait faire à Samson, à David, à Salomon, comme il a pensé faire périr César dans Alexandrie, comme il a fait périr Antoine, et mille autres événements semblables.52 (Thus, in order to show the types of disorder to which love carries men, one represents what it made Samson, David, and Salomon do, how it nearly made Cesar perish in Alexandria, how it made Anthony perish, and a thousand other similar events.)
The same point could certainly have been conveyed through “mille autres événements semblables”—by a thousand other examples. And yet, the royal example still seems to stand out as more representative, not only for Bossuet, who here writes for the Dauphin, but also for ordinary people, as expressed through the use of the French impersonal subject pronoun “on”: one turns to Samson, David, and Salomon. Somehow, this series of royal examples seems to communicate more efficiently the general rule, which the reader is made to see (faire voir). Therefore, the choice of examples here undermines the conception that examples are mere induction. Rather, it would be tempting to speak of a certain solidarity between kingliness and exemplarity, both implying, as Alexander Gelley has said about the example, “the elevation of a singular to exemplary status.”53 It is as if the exemplarity of examples were most forcefully communicated by analogy with the exemplarity of the great king, just like in the political realm, where the elevation of the king above his subjects is most efficiently justified through exemplarity, as Louis XIV explained to his son. Whereas early modern exemplarity in general has given rise to an impressive body of scholarship in the last few decades,54 the question of royal exemplarity as such has remained virtually unexplored. While 52. Bossuet, Logique du Dauphin, 142. 53. Gelley, Unruly Examples, 2. See 32n55 for the relevance of this quotation. 54. By scholars such as Lyons, Hampton, Rigolot, and many others, cf. 29n50.
32
Introduction
the scholarship just mentioned has been immensely helpful for a broad understanding of the early modern culture of exemplarity, the insights most important to understanding the logic of royal exemplarity can be found in a transhistorical analysis, namely, in Gelley’s introduction to a collective volume entitled Unruly Examples from the mid-1990s. Gelley’s decisive intervention consists in his distinction between two competing impulses in the workings of exemplarity: on the one hand, an Aristotelian impulse, a descriptive, “horizontal” understanding (example as sample or induction); and, on the other hand, a Platonic movement, which elevates a normative, “vertical” dimension (example as the exemplary status of an elevated entity). Gelley’s work does not address the political value of exemplarity as such, but to me it is obvious that in an early modern context these two impulses converge in the body of the royal exemplar.55 In other words, in my reading, the symbolic relationship between kingship and exemplarity maps onto the two impulses of exemplarity studied by Gelley. The king is an individual among many, who through his exemplarity appears as chosen, elevated, fated, in a way that erases the traces of contingency, the inductive and the empirical in this selection. The absolutist king is always already exemplary through his elevation. This means that the constructed nature of this royal exemplarity is invisible, unthinkable not only for the king’s subjects but also, crucially, for himself (as least as long as the new king follows the advice of his father, as discussed above and in more detail in chapter 1)—an important point that gets lost inside a modern framework where we consider the production of the royal image as nothing but propaganda and conscious manipulation. Through the power of example, the dignity of the king appears as given by nature, or even by God: an evident royal power, the rule of one, instituted by the One. Royal exemplarity is thus the process through which the sovereign naturally appears as the temporal incarnation of the eternal sovereign principle, or, expressed through the language of another passage from Louis XIV’s Mémoires to which I will return, as the living image of the almighty, in a way that leads his subjects to spontaneously express that “Le caractère de la divinité est empreint sur son visage, etc.” (“The character of 55. The juxtaposition of kingliness and exemplarity is thus mine; in its original context, the quotation from Gelley above only refers to the workings of exemplarity. The juxtaposition could easily be extended to the two sentences following the quotation: “Is the example [or the king] merely one—a singular, a fruit of circumstance—or the One—a paradigm, a paragon? The tactic of exemplarity [or kingliness] would seem to be to mingle the singular with the normative, to mark an instance as fated.” Gelley, Unruly Examples, 2; author’s emphasis.
Introduction
33
divinity is stamped on his face, etc.”), as Blaise Pascal famously observed.56 And conversely, it is only when exemplarity is reduced to mere induction and representation, without carrying the imprint of divine choice and the aura given by fate—in other words, when the celebration of his royal glory appears as mere pomp and propaganda—that the contingency of the selection becomes visible as such. In this instance, and only in this instance, the subjects can see that the king (or the emperor) has no clothes, in the manner of Thackeray’s “exact calculation”: that he is a partly exemplary, partly non-exemplary human being like themselves. The French Revolution becomes conceivable once the king’s body loses its exemplary glory, once the character of divinity is no longer stamped on his face, and all of a sudden he is one body among many, as a sample or representative, but without the authority of his God-given elevation. Royal glory and royal exemplarity coincide in the celebration of the glorious royal exemplar and never have they coincided more perfectly than in the case of Louis XIV. But this is also the point where exemplarity threatens to break down. I already discussed how in Louis XIV’s Mémoires the example of royal submission to the divine was presented as a model for imitation. But what are we to make of depictions of the royal exemplar that are so glorious, so exemplary that he becomes inimitable and incomparable? In the corpus discussed in this book, there is a recurrent emphasis on—and a phantasmal pull toward—the point where the king takes the place of all other examples. Read in sequence, the three chapters trace a progression from center to periphery, from the sublime to the seemingly banal, in their examination of this absolutist obsession. In the first chapter, I analyze closely such a moment in the opening of the king’s own Mémoires, when he suggests to his son that his book might very well replace all other books in the Dauphin’s education. In the second chapter, I explore the choice of decorative program for the vault of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, when the plan to portray the king’s glorious exploits in the guise of Apollo or Hercules was replaced by a direct depiction of the king himself. In both cases, a direct and literal mirroring of the king in his own (textual or visual) portrait replaces the passage by the tradition of examples from the past (known as “mirrors for princes”). As I shall argue, this new pedagogical mirror structure is actually thematized 56. Pascal, Pensées, fragment 59. The italics are introduced by Pascal’s modern editor as a way of indicating the presence of a citation or quasi-citation. Pascal’s inclusion of the final “etc.” is significative, since it suggests that this specific utterance is only one of many similar examples.
34
Introduction
at the symbolic center of the Hall of Mirrors, in a surprising—and surprisingly understudied—mirror scene included in the depiction of the birth of absolutism in Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661, first mentioned in the opening of this introduction. But it is in the seeming “absolutist absurdities” discussed in chapter 3 that this coincidence is explored the most forcefully. On the one hand, in Claude-Charles Guyonnet de Vertron’s 1685 Parallèle de Louis le Grand avec les princes qui ont été surnommés grands (Parallel between Louis the Great and the other princes who have been named great), whose curious conclusion runs as follows: “Louis resembles all the Great princes, although none of these Greats resemble him, because only he is similar to himself, and the Great prince par excellence.” On the other, in Jean de Préchac’s 1698 fairy tale “Sans Parangon” (“Without equal” or “Without example”), which recounts the life of Louis XIV very thinly veiled as that of Prince Sans Parangon, whose actions are dictated by increasingly difficult challenges from an invisible Princess Belle Gloire (Beautiful Glory). These texts may seem so exuberant as to be completely over-the-top, but in their very excess they provide a window to the inner workings of absolutism.
4. The Dream of Absolutism So far in this introduction, the term “dream” has been used in a loose, intuitive, metaphorical sense. From the outset, the “dream of absolutism” points to a conception that is more capacious and supple than the modern scholarly concept of absolutism. The logic at work in the absolutist expressions analyzed here is dreamlike in that it seems to imply the dimming of certain rational exigencies and allows for the integration of contradictions. Or better, with a tiny twist on a well-known aphorism: like the heart in Pascal’s original coinage, the dream, too, has its reasons that reason doesn’t know.57 This rewriting is very much faithful to the meaning of the original, despite the rosy romantic connotations the latter may have for modern readers. Read in context, it is clear that Pascal posits the heart as the site of an extra-rational cognition operating according to a different logic and oriented by a higher principle of love, either divine love or self-love. In the present case, the dream is the site for a similarly larger extra-rational realignment; one where thought and feeling, reason and emotion square off differently; one where bodies move and are moved in a numinous setting, where strong visual manifestations impose 57. “Le cœur a ses raisons que la raison ne connaît point.” (“The heart has its reasons, which reason does not know.”) Pascal, Pensées, fragment 680.
Introduction
35
themselves as if scripted from the outside and given from above; one where a space is opened for a phantasmagoric sense of truth outside any fixed experience of time. In this sense, the dream carries an extra-rational, premodern knowledge. The dream here stands for the other of demystification and of Thackeray’s “exact calculation”; the other of the modern reduction of absolutist artifacts to mere propaganda. At the same time, it is important to emphasize that the idea of absolute power is itself dreamlike. Only a dream? Putting it that way would disregard the force of imagination and phantasmagoria at work in any conception of politics. Theoretically speaking, the reality of omnipotence is problematic already at the metaphysical level of a divine creator and a contradiction in terms for any creature through its very creatureliness. However, on the practical level of lived experience, it is not. On the contrary, as the king reminds his son in the passage from the Mémoires quoted above, there is a generally shared belief about royal participation in an invisible superior power, perceptible as royal glory and upheld through royal exemplarity; an enabling dream without which “[a]rmies, councils, all human industry would be feeble means for maintaining us on the throne.”58 Within such a framework, the two possible meanings of the genitive construction in the nominal syntagm “the dream of absolutism” come together in a third, richer sense. First of all, the locution will appear to most as an objective genitive, evoking a dream about absolutism, a dream that has absolutism as its content, its subject matter, its mental ideation, and that could be dreamt by anybody, any agent. Second, read as a subjective genitive, the construction assigns agency, ownership, belonging; it is the dream dreamt by absolutism, a phantasmagoric content that belongs to abs
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WorldStatesmen.org Home
return to France >> to Regions from 1973 >>
Provinces of France before 1791
Provinces and governments: Alsace - Anjou - Artois - Aunis - Auvergne - Béarn et Navarre - Berry - Boulonnais - Bourbonnais - Bourgogne (Burgundy) - Bretagne (Brittany) - Champagne et Brie - Corse (Corsica) - Dauphiné - Flandre et Hainaut - Foix, Donnezan, et Andorre - Franche-Comté - Guyenne et Gascogne - Ile de France - Languedoc - Le Havre - Limousin - Lorraine et Barrois - Lyonnais - Maine et Perche - Marche - Metz et Verdun - Nice - Nivernois - Normandie - Orléanais - Paris - Picardie - Poitou - Provence - Roussillon - Saintonge et Angoumois - Saumur et Saumurois - Sedan - Toul et Toulois - Touraine - Generalities: Aix-en-Provence - Alençon - Amiens - Auch - Besançon - Bordeaux - Bourges - Caen - Chȃlons - Dijon - Grenoble - La Rochelle - Lille - Limoges - Lyon - Metz - Montauban - Montpellier - Moulins - Nancy - Orléans - Paris - Perpignan - Poitiers - Rennes - Riom - Rouen - Soissons - Strasbourg - Toulouse - Tours - Valenciennes - Former governments: Bar - Belle Ile - Calais - Charolais - Dombes - Dunkerque - Éitval - Orange - Pau - Remiremont - Savoie - Trévoux -
Provinces and Governments
In 1789, there were three kinds of administrative divisions in the Kingdom of France.
The dioceses were ecclesiastic divisions, which dated back to the Roman times. Roman Catholicism was the official religion of France, which was known as La Fille Aînée de l'Eglise ("The Church's Elder Daughter"), following King Louis XIII's vow.
The provinces were military gouvernements (governments), mostly established in the 14th century. By the law of 18 Mar 1776 their number was fixed at 39 of which 32 were grands grouvernements (greater governments) and 7 were lesser ones or petits grouvernements enclaved into the greater ones. Smaller feudal divisions remained as subdivisions of the governments. They were called bailliages (bailiwicks) in the north of France, sénéchaussées in the south-west, and vigueries in Provence. These are not covered in this record.
The généralités (generalities) and the intendances (intendancies) were financial divisions, mostly established in the XVI-XVIIth centuries. An intendance was the territory administrated by an intendant, who was the direct representative of the King. In 1555, the first maîtres de requêtes, later renamed intendants, were appointed. The intendants were the most powerful people of the kingdom after the King himself, and their position was often dynastic.
The borders of the different divisions did not match each other. This lack of unity was caused by the heterogeneous historical formation of France. The kings progressively incorporated to their own domain (domaine royal) large feudal and princely states, whose institutions and privileges they promised to respect. Some provinces (Brittany, Provence, Béarn) recognized the King only as their Duke, Count, or Lord. Several of these states kept their political institutions (Etats [states]) and administrated taxes. As an example,
Provence, incorporated to France in 1481, kept its Etats in Aix-en-Provence and had a specific "Provencal Constitution". Provence was divided into vigueries, but its two main cities, Arles and Marseilles, had a specific status of terres adjacentes à régime spécial ("adjacent areas with specific regime").
As explained by Alexis de Tocqueville in "L'Ancien Régime et la Révolution" (1856), "the administrative centralization was an institution of the Ancient Regime and not a realization
of the Revolution and the Empire, as often wrongly assumed." As direct representatives of the Kings, the intendants gained more and more power, whereas the military governor's function became purely honorific as early as in the 17th century. At that time, Richelieu, one of the great reformers of the French state, believed that powerful military governors were more a threat than a protection for the royal power, and ordered the demolition of most fortresses located quite far from the borders. In parallel, Richelieu consolidated the power of the intendants, which was a convenient means to collect taxes from reluctant local lords and thereby consolidate royal power.
The tax status of the provinces was also complex, at least nominally: in the pays d'élections (most provinces), the taxes were administered in each circumscription, called élection, by local representatives, called élus; in the pays d'Etats (Bretagne, Bourgogne, Béarn, County of Foix, Languedoc, Provence and Dauphiné), the taxes were administered by a provincial assembly, or Etats (States). Some former feudal states, although no longer governments, kept their States, e.g. Gévaudan, Velay and Vivarais. Of course, the King did not enjoy those States, who often opposed to his decisions, and progressively suppressed them or diminished their power; in the pays d'imposition (Flandre, Artois, Lorraine, Alsace, Franche-Comté and Roussillon), which had been incorporated in the 17th to the 18th centuries, there were neither élections nor états, and the taxes were administered directly by the intendants.
The governments were formally abolished 1 Jan 1791. (2 or 3) denotes a second or third order government, all the others are of the first order.
Noble titles:chevalier = knight; comte/comtesse = count/countess; duc/duchesse = duke/duchess; empereur/impératrice = emperor/empress;roi/reine = king;marquis/marquise = marquess/marchioness; prince/princesse = prince/princess;seigneur/seigneuresse = lord/lady; viscomte/vicomtesse = viscount/viscountessEcclesiastical titles: abbé = abbot; archevêque = archbishop; cardinal = cardinal; evêque = bishop
Alsace
24 Oct 1648 Haute-Alsace (Upper-Alsace) annexed by France.
5 Feb 1679 Basse-Alsace (Lower-Alsace) annexed by France.
30 Sep 1681 Strasbourg (Strassburg) annexed.
Governors
1648 - Dec 1659 Henri de Lorraine, comte (b. 1601 - d. 1666)
d'Harcourt, d'Armagnac, de
Brionne et vicomte de Marsan
(lieutenant-general of the King in Haute and
Basse-Alsace and Grand bailie of Haguenau)
Dec 1659 - 9 Mar 1661 Jules Cardinal Mazarin, (b. 1602 - d. 1661)
duc de Nevers
9 Mar 1661 - 9 Feb 1713 Armand Charles de La Porte (b. 1632 - d. 1713)
de La Meilleraye, duc de
Mazarin, 2e duc de La Meilleraye,
duc de Mayenne, prince de Château-
Porcien, marquis de Montcornet,
comte de La Fère et comte de Marle
14 Feb 1713 - 10 Apr 1730 Nicolas Chalon du Blé, marquis (b. 1652 - d. 1730)
marquis d'Uxelles et de Cormatin,
chevalier du Saint-EspriHuxelles
11 Apr 1730 - 15 Jan 1739 Eléonor Marie du Maine, (b. 1655 - d. 1739)
comte Du Bourg, baron de
1'Espinasse
26 Jan 1739 - 18 Dec 1759 François de Franquetot de Coigny(b. 1670 - d. 1759)
duc de Coigny
19 Dec 1759 - 7 Feb 1762 Jean-Baptiste François (b. 1682 - d. 1762)
Deamarets, marquis de Maillebois
1 Mar 1762 - 1 Sep 1788 Emmanuel Armand de Vignerot du (b. 1720 - d. 1788)
Plessis-Richelieu, duc
d'Aiguillon
16 Nov 1788 - 2 Jun 1789 Jacques Philippe de Choiseul, (b. 1727 - d. 1789)
comte et duc de Choiseul-Stainville,
baron de Dommanges
2 Jun 1789 - 1 Jan 1791 Vacant
Angoumois: see Saintonge and Angoumois
Anjou (2)
843 Under the suzerainty of the King of France.
908 County of Anjou
1214 Part of the Royal domain (confiscated in 1202).
20 Aug 1560 - Oct 1567 Anjou part of the Government of Tourraine.
8 Feb 1566 - 30 May 1574 Duchy of Anjou an appanage for Henri de France (future
King Henri III).
May 1576 - 10 Jun 1584 Duchy of Anjou an appanage for François de France,
duc d'Alençon, brother of King Henri III.
Governors
Aug 1666 - 1712 Louis de Lorraine, comte (b. 1641 - d. 1718)
d'Armagnac, comte de
Brionne et de Charny,
(from 1692) prince de Lambesc
1712 - 1740 Louis de Lorraine, prince de (b. 1692 - d. 1743)
Lambesc, comte de Brionne
et de Braine
8 Jul 1740 - 28 Jun 1761 Charles Louis de Lorraine, (b. 1725 - d. 1761)
prince de Lambesc, comte
de Brionne
1 Aug 1761 - 1789 Charles Eugène de Lorraine, (b. 1751 - d. 1825)
prince de Lambesc, comte de
Brionne, (from 1763) duc
d'Elbeuf
Artois(2)
843 Under the suzerainty of the King of France.
932 Part of Flanders.
1180 - 1226 French rule.
1226 Part of the Royal domain.
1237 County of Artois
1382 - 16 Mar 1405 Part of Flanders.
1390 - 1688 County of Charolais a Burgundian (from 1482 Habsburg, from 1556
Spanish) possession.
16 Mar 1405 - 1482 Burgundian possession.
1482 - 1492 French rule.
1492 - 1659 Burgundian (later Habsburg) possession.
1764 Artois a separate government; detached from Picardy.
Governors
22 Sep 1764 - 20 Nov 1787 François Gaston de Lévis, (b. 1719 - d. 1787)
(from 1784 duc de Lévis)
1 Jan 1788 - 1789 Adrien Louis de Bonnières, (b. 1735 - d. 1806)
comte de Souastre, duc de Guines
Pays d'Aunis et de La Rochelle (2)
843 Under the suzerainty of the King of France.
1223 County of Anuis part of the Royal Domain.
1626 Government separated from Saintonge.
Governors
8 Jan 1688 - 1710 Charles Auguste de Goyon de (b. 1647 - d. 1729)
Matignon, comte de Gacé
10 May 1710 - 27 Aug 1747 Louis Jean-Baptiste de Goyon (b. 1682 - d. 1747)
de Matignon, comte de Gacé
19 Sep 1747 - 1761 Louis Charles César Le Tellier, (b. 1695 - d. 1771)
marquis de Courtanvaux, comte
d'Estrées
25 Apr 1761 - 23 Jan 1771 Jean Charles Saint-Nectaire, (b. 1685 - d. 1771)
marquis de Sénectère, marquis de
Saint Victour, marquis de Brinon-
sur-Sandres et de Pisani, baron
de Didonne et de Saint-Germain-
sur-Vienne dans la Marche,
seigneur de Brillac
c.Feb 1771 - Oct 1771 Jean Paul Timoléon de Cossé- (b. 1698 - d. 1784)
Brissac, duc de Brissac
21 Oct 1771 - 1 Jan 1791 Guy André Pierre de Montmorency (b. 1723 - d. 1798)
-Laval, duc de Laval, baron de
la Marche, marquis de Lezay
Auvergne (2)
843 Under the suzerainty of the King of France.
1213 County of Auvergne part of the Royal domain.
21 May 1652 - 1556/63 Abolished (from 21 Jun 1547 part of Lyonnais).
Governors
1659 - 1721 Godefroy Maurice de La Tour (b. 1636 - d. 1721)
d'Auvergne, duc d'Albret, duc
de Château-Thierry, duc de
Bouillon
1721 - 17 May 1730 Emmanuel Théodose de la Tour (b. 1668 - d. 1730)
d'Auvergne, duc d'Albret, duc
de Château-Thierry, duc de
Bouillon
17 May 1730 - 24 Oct 1771 Charles Godefroy de la Tour (b. 1706 - d. 1771)
d'Auvergne, duc d'Albret, duc
de Chäteau-Thierry, duc de
Bouillon
11 Nov 1771 - 1 Jan 1791 Godefroy Charles de la Tour, (b. 1728 - d. 1792)
d'Auvergne, duc d'Albret, duc
de Château-Thierry, duc de
Bouillon
Haute et Basse Navarre et Béarn
Flag of Béarn
Flag of Kingdom of Navarre
824 Separated from Gascogne by revolt; Kingdom of Pamplona
(see under Spain).
843 Viscounty of Béarn under the suzerainty of the King of France.
18 Oct 1035 Pamplona divided into separate Kingdom of Navarra (Regnum Navarre)
(see under Spain), Kingdom of Aragón and Kingdom of Castile.
26 Apr 1290 Counts of Foix acquire Béarn.
19 Jan 1479 Foix in union with Navarre.
25 Jul 1512 Upper Navarre (Kingdom of Navarra south of the Pyrenees)
is annexed to the Spanish monarchy, but retaining its many
fueros (privileges); oath of allegiance of Estates 23 Mar 1513.
May 1521 - 30 Jun 1521 Navarrese-Béarnese army supporting the House of Albret occupies
Spanish Navarre.
2 Aug 1589 Lower Navarre (Basse-Navarre) is inherited by the King of France.
Jul 1607 Edict on union of Béarn and Navarre (revoking the letters patent of
1590 and 1591), united to the crown all estates which were within
the Kingdom of France.
20 Oct 1620 Béarn and Basse-Navarre fully incorporated into the royal domain of
France.
12 Oct 1789 French National Assembly removes the style Roi de Navarre (king of
Navarre) from the French royal style.
28 Oct 1789 Separate privileges of Béarn abolished.
4 Mar 1790 Benapara, Lapurdi and Zuberoa merged with neighboring Béarn into
the French department of Basse-Pyrénées.
14 Sep 1791 Remaining privileges of Basse-Navarre are abolished by France.
Kings/Queens¹
- from 25 Jul 1512 in Basse-Navarre at Béarn only -
30 Jan 1483 12 Feb 1517 Catharina I (Katalina I) Queen (b. 1468 d. 1517)
- jointly with -
14 Jul 1484 14 Jun 1516 Jean III d'Albret (Joanes III) (b. 1469 d. 1516)
12 Feb 1517 25 May 1555 Henri II (Henrike II) (b. 1503 d. 1555)
25 May 1555 8 Jun 1572 Jeanne III (Joana III) Queen (b. 1528 d. 1572)
- jointly with -
25 May 1555 17 Nov 1562 Antoine I de Bourbon (Antonio I)(b. 1518 d. 1562)
9 Jun 1572 14 May 1610 Henri III (Henrike III) (b. 1553 d. 1610)
(from 2 Aug 1589, Henri IV King of France) 14 May 1610 20 Oct 1620 Louis II (Luis II) (b. 1601 d. 1643)
(Louis XIII King of France)
20 Oct 1620 - 14 Sep 1791 the kings of France
Viceroys of Béarn and Navarre
2 Jul 1678 - 25 Oct 1720 Antoine IV Charles, comte de (b. 1641 - d. 1720)
Guiche, duc de Gramont
1720 - 16 Sep 1725 Antoine V, duc de Guiche, duc (b. 1671 - d. 1725)
de Gramont
1725 - 16 May 1741 Antoine VI Louis Armand, duc de (b. 1688 - d. 1741)
Gramont
31 May 1741 - 11 May 1745 Louis, duc de Gramont (b. 1689 - d. 1745)
15 May 1745 - 1 Jan 1791 Antoine VII, duc de Gramont, (b. 1722 - d. 1801)
comte de Lescun
¹The full style 2 Aug 1589 - 14 Sep 1791: par la grâce de Dieu, Roi de France et de Navarre/Dei Gratia Francorum et Navarrae Rex ("by the grace of God, king of France and of Navarre")
Haut et Bas Berri (Berry) (2)
c.750 Counties of Berry et Bourges
843 Berry part of the Royal domain.
c.878 - 92. Part of Auuvergne.
972 County of Berry et Vicomtes de Bourges
1101 Vicomté de Bourges annexed by France.
1360 Duchy of Berry
1221 Seigneuries of Châteauroux et d'Issoudun annexed.
May 1576 - 10 Jun 1584 Berry an appanage for François de France,
duc d'Alençon, brother of King Henri III.
Governors
14 Mar 1698 - May 1715 Adrien Maurice de Noailles, (b. 1678 - d. 1766)
comte d'Ayen, duc de Noailles,
marquis de Montclar, comte de
La Motte Tilly et de Nogent-le-
Roi, vicomte de Carlux
12 Aug 1715 - 21 Aug 1736 Louis d'Arpajon, marquis (b. 1667 - d. 1736)
d'Arpajon, marquis de Châtres
1737 - 1751 Louis Jean Claude de Talleyrand (b. 1680 - d. 1757)
-Périgord, prince de Chalais
1 Jan 1752 - 1760 Gabriel Marie de Talleyrand- (b. 1726 - d. 1795)
Périgord, comte de Périgord
19 Jun 1760 - 18 Jul 1789 Louis François Joseph de (b. 1734 - d. 1814)
Bourbon, comte de La Marche,
(from 1776, prince de Conti)
Pays Boulonnais (2)
1212 - 1501 County of Boulogne
1501 Confiscated by the Royal domain.
20 Jul 1752 Government of Boulonnais disunited from the
government general of Picardy.
Governors
20 Jul 1752 - 15 Apr 1782 Louis Marie Augustin d'Aumont (b. 1709 - d. 1782)
de Rochebaron, duc d'Aumont
15 Apr 1782 - 1 Jan 1791 Louis Alexandre Céleste (b. 1736 - d. 1814)
d'Aumont, duc d'Aumont, marquis
et duc de Villequier, marquis
de Genlis
Bourbonnais (2)
843 Under the suzerainty of the King of France.c.1028 County of Bourbonnais1327 Duchy of Bourbonnais1400 Duchy of Bourbonnais an appanage of the Royal domain.1527 Confiscated by the Royal domain.c.1562 Government of Bourbonnais, detached from Lyonnais.
Governors
13 Oct 1676 - 1709? Françoise Louise de La Baume Le (b. 1644 - d. 1710)
Blanc, duchesse de La
Vallière (f)
(during minority of Charles François)
1676 - 22 Jul 1739 Charles François de La Baume (b. 1670 - d. 1739)
Le Blanc, marquis (from Feb 1723)
duc de La Vallière
1739 - Apr 1754 Louis César de la Baume Le (b. 1708 - d. 1780)
Blanc, duc de la Valière
15 Jul 1754 - 1 Jan 1791 Jean Henri de Moret, (b. 1736 - d. 1812)
seigneur de Peyre, marquis de
Montarnal, seigneur de
Marchastel et de Marvejouls
Duché de Bourgogne (Burgundy)
411 - 535 Teutonic Kingdom of the Burgundian's.
535 Part of Frankish kingdom.879 Kingdom of Burgundy882 - 884 Part of Frankish kingdom.884 - 890 Part of Germany.933 - 1033 Kingdom of Arles (Regnum Arelatens)(nominally to 1378).
982 (Free) County of Burgundy (see Franch-Comte).
1004 Duchy of Burgundy (Ducatus Burgundiae).1032 Upper Burgundy part of Holy Roman Empire.1272 - 1601 Bresse under the House of Savoy.
21 Nov 1361 King of France Jean II recovers the duchy and grants it to his son
Philippe "le Hardi" as appanage.
5 Jan 1477 Duke Charles "the Bold" dies in battle, his territories in France
including Burgundy proper, Flanders, Artois and the Picardy are
seized as reverted fiefs by the French King.
5 Jan 1477 - 1482 Possession of Duchy of Burgundy disputed between France and
Habsburgs.
23 Dec 1482 Recognized as part of France by Treaty of Arras.
17 Jan 1601 Bresse and Bugey ceded to France by Savoy in Treaty of Lyon.
Governors
1676 - 1 Apr 1709 Henri Jules de Bourbon, (b. 1643 - d. 1709)
(from 1686 prince de Condé),
duc de Bourbon, duc de Bellegarde,
duc de Châteauroux, duc de
Montmorency, duc d'Enghien, duc
de Guise, marquis de Graville,
comte de Sancerre, comte de
Charolais, seigneur de Chantilly
1 Apr 1709 - 4 Mar 1710 Louis III de Bourbon-Condé, (b. 1668 - d. 1710)
duc de Bourbon, duc de Montmorency,
duc d'Enghien, prince de Condé,
comte de Sancerre, comte de
Charolais, seigneur de Chantilly
4 Mar 1710 - 27 Jan 1740 Louis IV Henri de Bourbon-Condé,(b. 1692 - d. 1740)
prince de Condé, duc de Bourbon,
duc d'Enghien, duc de Guise,
duc de Bellegarde, comte de
Sancerre
28 Jan 1740 - 1754 Paul Hippolyte de Beauvilliers, (b. 1684 - d. 1776)
duc de Saint-Aignan
(during minority of Louis V)
19 May 1754 - 1789 Louis V Joseph de Bourbon-Condé,(b. 1736 - d. 1818)
prince de Condé
Dombes
Map of Dombes
Capital: Trévoux
Population: 32,000
(1700)
1402 Sovereign Principality of Dombes (or Dombe) (Principauté de Dombes) founded.Jan 1532 Confiscated by the French Crown.27 Sep 1560 Granted to the Bourbon-Montpensier family.24 Oct 1681 Given to the duke of Maine, a legitimized natural child of King Louis XIV.28 May 1762 Ceded to the French crown, part of Burgundy.
1771 Parliament of Dombes abolished.
27 Sep 1791 Part of département Ain.
Princes(title Prince de Dombes)
May 1682 - 14 May 1736 Louis Auguste I de Bourbon, duc (b. 1670 - d. 1736) du Maine, duc d'Aumale, comte d'Eu 14 May 1736 - 1 Oct 1755 Louis Auguste II de Bourbon (b. 1700 - d. 1755) 1 Oct 1755 - 28 May 1762 Louis Charles de Bourbon, comte (b. 1701 - d. 1775) d'Eu
Chancellors(title Chancelier de Dombes) 1682 - 1727 Nicolas de Malézieu (Malézieux) (b. 1650 - d. 1727)1727 - 6 Jan 1737 Pierre Chol de Torpanne(b. 1664 - d. 1737)1737 - 1759 Jacques Marie du Tour Vuillard de (b. 1695 - d. 1759)
Saint-Nizier3 Jan 1760 - 1 Jul 1762 Antoine Terrasson (b. 1705 - d. 1782)
Intendants of Justice, Police and Finances of Trévoux
1696 - 1699 Benoît Cachet de Montézan, comte de (b. 1665 - d. 1742)
Garnérans
1699 - 1712 Antoine Des Rioux, comte de Messimy,(b. 1667? - d. 1712)
baron d'Albigny, seigneur de Bully,
de Mizérieux and de Sainte-Euphémie
1712 - 1730 Nicolas Bellet de Tavernost (b. 1662 - d. 1730)
1730 - 1738 Pierre Cholier, comte de Cibeins (b. 1664 - d. 1738)
1738 - 1758 Louis Cachet de Montézan, comte de (b. 1690 - d. 1787?)
Garnerans
1758 - 1769 Jean-Benoît Cachet de Garnérans (d. 1787)
(1st time)
1769 - 1771 Louis Mathieu Benoît, baron de (b. 1744 - d. 1790)
Fumel de Montségur
1771 - 1782 Jean-Benoît Cachet de Garnérans (s.a.)
(2nd time)
French Governors of the Principality of Dombes 24 Mar 1630 - 1660 César Louis de Campet, comte (b. c.1605 - d. bf.1670) de Saujon (Saujeon)Dec 1660 - 1691 Claude de Damas,marquis d'Antigny,(d. 1691)comte de Ruffey,baron de Chevrault, seigneur du Breuil, d'Arbain, de Buisson et de Pravains 1691 - 1731 François Joseph de Damas, marquis (b. 1656 - d. 1731) d'Antigny, comte de Ruffey, baron de Chevreault, seigneur du Breuil, de Corberon et de Villy-Le-Brûlé1732 - 30 May 1736 JosephFrançois de Damas, marquis (b. 1699 - d. 1736) d'Antigny, comte de Ruffey, baron
de Chevreau, seigneur du Breuil
1736 - 1740 JacquesFrançois de Damas, marquis (b. 1732 - d. 1811)d'Antigny, comte de Ruffey,
seigneur du Breuil
1740 - 1771 François Joseph de Damas, comte (b. 1700 - d. 1782)
de Ruffey
Charolais (Charollais)
972 - 1237 Possession of the comté de Chalon.
1237 - 1310 Possession of Duchy of Burgundy. 1270/1316 County of Charolais (comte de Charolais)
1310 - 1364 Possession of the comte de Clermont.
1364 - 1391 Possession of the comte d'Armagnac.
1391 Sold to Philippe "le Hardi", duc de Bourgogne by Bernard VII,
comte d'Armagnac.
1391 - 5 Jan 1477 Possession of Duchy of Burgundy.5 Jan 1477 - 23 May 1493 Annexed by France.
Counts (title comte de Charolais) 23 May 1493 - 20 Aug 1684 the kings of Spain
20 Aug 1684 - 11 Dec 1686 Louis II de Condé, prince de Condé (b. 1621 - d. 1686)
"le Grand Condé"
11 Dec 1686 - 1 Apr 1709 Henri III Jules de Bourbon-Condé, (b. 1643 - d. 1709)
prince de Condé
1 Apr 1709 - 4 May 1710 Louis III de Bourbon-Condé, prince (b. 1668 - d. 1710) de Condé
4 May 1710 - 23 Jul 1760 Charles de Bourbon-Charolais (b. 1700 - d. 1760) 23 Jul 1760 - 14 Sep 1791 the kings of France
Bretagne (Brittany)
Duchy of Brittany Flag
Duchy of Brittany Banner of Arms
383 Armorica under Rei Bret's (kings of the Bretons).753 - 840 Breton March of the Frankish Kingdom.840 - 874 Kingdom of Brittany. 843 - 851 Under the suzerainty of the Kings of France. 952 Duchy of Brittany (Dukelezh Vreizh/Duché de Bretagne).1169 - 21 Oct 1221 Under Plantagenet dynasty. 1202 Under the suzerainty of the Kings of France.26 Sep 1345 - 20 Jul 1524 Under the Blois dynasty. 1485 Duke Francis II establishes a sovereign parliament at Vannes.20 Jul 1524 Duchy of Brittany in personal union with the Royal domain. 1532 Estates of Brittany proclaim the perpetual union of Brittany with the crown of France. 3 Feb 1790 Breton parliament is dissolved.
Governors
26 Mar 1695 - 2 Dec 1736 Louis Alexandre de Bourbon, (b. 1678 - d. 1737)
comte de Toulouse, duc de
Penthièvre, d'Arc, de
Châteauvillain et de Rambouille
4 May 1738 - 7 Feb 1747 Louis d'Orléans, duc d'Orléans (b. 1703 - d. 1752)
(during minority of Louis de Bourbon)
7 Feb 1747 - 1 Jan 1791 Louis Jean Marie de Bourbon, (b. 1725 - d. 1793)
duc de Rambouillet, de Gisors,
de Châteauvillain, d'Arc-en-
Barrois, d'Amboise, comte d'Eu
et seigneur du duché de Carignan,
(from 1775) duc de Penthièvre,
d'Aumale (appointed 31 Dec 1736)
Belle-Île
8 Jun 1761 - 10 May 1763 British occupation of Belle-Île (Belle-Île-en-Mer).
British Governors and Commanders-in-chief of Belleisle
8 Jun 1761 - Oct/Nov 1761 Studholme Hodgson (b. 1708 - d. 1798)
Oct/Nov 1761 - 17 Mar 1762 John Craufurd (Crawford) (b. 1720 - d. 1764)
17 Mar 1762 - 6 Jul 1762 Hamilton Lambart (Lambert) (d. 1774)
6 Jul 1762 - 10 May 1763 James Forrester (d. 1765)
Champagne et Brie
581 - 709 Frankish Duchy of Champagne.814 County of Champagne.843 Under the suzerainty of the Kings of France.1019 - 15 Mar 1335 Under Blois dynasty.1336 Part of the Royal domain.1415 - 14.. Burgundian occupation.1423 - 1427 English occupation.
English Governor
1423 - 1427 Thomas de Montagu (Montacute), (b. 1388 - d. 1428)
Earl of Salisbury, Baron Montagu,
Baron Monthermer, Count of Perche
Governors
9 Nov 1691 - 1693 François de Rohan, prince (b. 1630 - d. 1712)
de Soubise, comte de Rochefort
7 Nov 1693 - 1 Jul 1741 Hercule Mériadec de Rohan, (b. 1669 - d. 1749)
duc de Rohan-Rohan, prince
de Soubise
1 Jul 1741 - 1751 Charles de Rohan, duc de Rohan, (b. 1715 - d. 1787)
prince de Soubise, comte de
Saint-Pol
19 Sep 1751 - 1769 Louis de Bourbon-Condé, comte (b. 1709 - d. 1771)
de Clermont-en-Argonne, abbé
de Saint-Germain-des-Prés
11 Feb 1769 - 17 Jul 1789 Louis Joseph de Bourbon-Condé, (b. 1736 - d. 1818)
prince de Condé
Comtat Venaissin: see Avignon under France
Corse (Corisca): see under Regions of France
Dauphiné
855 Duchy of Viennois 870 County of Viennois 1140 County of Dauphiné 1349 Dauphiné under French suzerainty (from 1447, Montélimar and from 1450, Vienne). 1457 Dauphiné part of the Royal domain.
Governors12 Oct 1691 - 29 Jan 1725 Louis d'Aubusson de la (b. 1673 - d. 1725)Feuillade, duc de Roannais, baron de la Borne, baron de Pérusse, comte de la Feuillade, seigneur de Felletin6 Sep 1719 - 4 Feb 1752 Louis d'Orléans, duc d'Orléans (b. 1703 - d. 1752)4 Feb 1752 - 18 Nov 1785 Louis Philippe d'Orléans, (b. 1725 - d. 1785) duc d'Orléans, de Valois, de
Nemours et de Montpensier
21 Nov 1785 - 1 Jan 1791 Louis Philippe Joseph d'Orléans,(b. 1747 - d. 1793) duc d'Orléans (from 1792, "Philippe Egalité")
Flandre et Hainaut (Flandres Françaises)
843 Flanders under the suzerainty of the King of France.862 County of Flanders1668 Hainaut in southeast and Cambrésis annexed.1668 Flanders part of the Royal domain.
Governors of Flanders and Hainaut
31 Aug 1694 - 1711 Louis François de Boufflers, (b. 1644 - d. 1711)
duc de Boufflers
2 Apr 1711 - 2 Jul 1747 Joseph Marie, duce de Boufflers (b. 1706 - d. 1747)
13 Jul 1747 - 13 Sep 1751 Charles Joseph Marie, duc (b. 1731 - d. 1751)
de Boufflers
26 Sep 1751 - 2 Jul 1787 Charles, duc de Rohan-Rohan (b. 1715 - d. 1787)
4 Sep 1787 - 1 Jul 1791 Charles Eugène Gabriel de La (b. 1727 - d. 1801)
Croix, marquis de Castries
Dunkerque (Dunkirk)
12 Oct 1646 Conquered by France from Spanish Netherlands (Flanders) and made
part of government of Picardie with its own gouverneur-
particulier. 16 Sep 1652 - 24 Jun 1658 Spanish re-occupation of Dunkerque. 25 May 1658 24 Jun 1658 Anglo-French siege.
24 Jun 1658 - 29 Nov 1662 English occupation of Dunkirk (by treaty with France).
27 Oct 1662 Dunkirk sold to France by England for 5 million Livres.
c.1687 Dunkerque independent of provincial government of Picardy. 12 Nov 1728 Government-general abolished, territory part of the government of Flanders.
Governors1646 - 14 Sep 1650 Josias de Rantzau, comte de (b. 1609 - d. 1650)
Rantzau (Josias von Rantzau)
1650 - 1651 Godefroi, comte d'Estrades (b. 1607 - d. 1686)
(1st time)
1652 - 1658 Spanish occupationEnglish Governors
24 Jun 1658 - 14 Jun 1660 William Lockhart (b. 1621 - d. 1675) 14 Jun 1660 - 22 May 1661 Sir Edward Harley (b. 1624 - d. 1700)
22 May 1661 - 29 Nov 1662 Andrew Rutherford (Rutherfurd), (d. 1664)
Earl of Teviot
Governors 1662 - 26 Feb 1686 Godefroi, comte d'Estrades (s.a.)
(2nd time)
1686 - 1692 Louis Godeffroi, marquis (b. 16.. - d. 1717)
d'Estrades
1 Oct 1692 - 1714 Jacques Eléonor Rouxel, comte (b. 1655 - d. 1725) de Grancey, baron de Médavy1714 - 20 Aug 1728 Louis François Rouxel, comte (b. 1667 - d. 1728) de Grancey
Foix, Donnezan et Andorre
Adopted 13th cent. Flag of Foix
843 Under the suzerainty of the King of France.1050 County of Foix1208 Donnezan enfeoffed to the counts of Foix.
8 Sep 1287 Counts of Foix also Co-princes of Andorra.
26 Apr 1290 United with the Viscounty of Béarn.
1396 - 1396 Foix occupied by Aragón.1458 Becomes a comté-pairie.
12 Feb 1479 Foix in personal union with Navarra/Navarre. 2 Aug 1589 Navarra and Foix personal union with France.
Jul 1607 Foix, Bigorre incorporated into the French Royal domain. 20 Oct 1620 Navarra and Béarn incorporated into French Royal domain.
1666 Independent of Languedoc.
Counts/Countesses of Foix (title Dei gratia comes Fuxi)
24 Feb 1265 - 3 Mar 1302 Roger-Bernard (Bernat) III (b. 12.. - d. 1302)
3 Mar 1302 - 13 Dec 1315 Gaston I (b. 1287 - d. 1315)
13 Dec 1315 - 26 Sep 1343 Gaston II (b. 1308 - d. 1343)
13 Dec 1315 - 1319 Marguerite de Béarn (f) -Regent (b. c.1250 - d. 1319)
26 Sep 1343 - 1 Aug 1391 Gaston III (Gaston-Fébus) (b. 1331 - d. 1391)
26 Sep 1343 - 13.. Aliénor de Comminges (f)-Regent (b. 13.. - d. 1402)
1 Aug 1391 - Aug 1398 Mathieu (Matheus) (b. c.1363 - d. 1398)
Aug 1398 - 12 Feb 1412 Isabelle (Isabella) (f) (b. 1360 - d. 1428)
- jointly with -
10 May 1399 - 12 Feb 1412 Archambaud de Grailly (b. c.1329 - d. 1412)
12 Feb 1412 - 4 May 1436 Jean I (b. 1382 - d. 1436)
4 May 1436 - 21 Jul 1472 Gaston IV (b. c.1423 - d. 1472)
21 Jul 1472 - 7 Jan 1483 François I (François-Febus) (b. 1467 - d. 1483)
23 Jan 1483 - 11 Feb 1517 Catherine (f) (b. 1468 - d. 1517)
14 Jun 1484 - 26 Jun 1516 Jean II de Labrit (b. 1469 - d. 1516)
11 Feb 1517 - 29 May 1555 Henri II de Labrit (b. 1503 - d. 1555)
29 May 1555 - 9 Jun 1572 Jeanne III de Labrit (f) (b. 1528 - d. 1572)
- jointly with -
29 May 1555 - 17 Nov 1562 Antoine (b. 1518 - d. 1562)
9 Jun 1572 - 14 May 1610 Henri III (Henri IV) (b. 1553 - d. 1610)
14 May 1610 - 14 May 1643 LouisI (Louis XIII) (b. 1601 - d. 1643)
14 May 1643 - 1 Sep 1715 Louis II (Louis XIV) (b. 1638 - d. 1715)
1 Sep 1715 - 10 May 1774 Louis III (Louis XV) (b. 1710 - d. 1774)
10 May 1774 - 21 Sep 1792 Louis IV August (Louis XVI) (b. 1754 - d. 1793)
Governors
(also in charge of relations with Andorra)
1646 - 1673 Armand Jean de Peyré, comte (b. 1598 - d. 1672)
de Trois-Villes
1673 - 1678 Jean Roger de Foix-Rabat, dit
le marquis de Foix
1678 - 1687 Gaston Jean de Lévis, marquis (b. 1635 - d. 1687)
de Mirepoix
1687 - 1699 Gaston Jean-Baptiste de Lévis, (b. 1660 - d. 1699)
marquis de Mirepoix
1699 - 25 Apr 1701 Vacant
25 Apr 1701 - 1702 Camille d'Hostun de La Baume (b. 1652 - d. 1728)
Tallard, duc de Tallard
1704 - 10 Jul 1737 Henri Joseph de Ségur, comte (b. 1661 - d. 1737)
de Ségur,
1737 - 18 Jun 1751 Henri François de Ségur, comte (b. 1689 - d. 1751)
de Ségur, baron de Romainville,
seigneur de Ponchat et de
Fougueyrolles,
1751 - 1 Jan 1791 Philippe Henri de Ségur, marquis(b. 1724 - d. 1801)
de Ségur
Franche-Comté (Comté Bourgogne)
443 - 534 Part of Burgundian kingdom (Regnum Burgundiae).
534 - 561 Part of the Frankish kingdom.
561 - 616 Part of the (Merovingian) Kingdom of Burgundy.
616 - Aug 843 Part of the Frankish kingdom.
Aug 843 - Sep 855 Part of Kingdom of the Middle Franks (Francia media).
Sep 855 - Aug 870 Part of Kingdom of Lotharingia (Regnum Lotharii).
Aug 870 - Jan 888 Part of Kingdom of the East Franks (Francia orientalis).
Jan 888 - 933 Part of Kingdom of (Upper) Burgundia (Regnum Burgundiae).
933 - 6 Sep 1032 Lower and Upper Burgundy re-united as the Kingdom of Burgundy
(Regnum Burgundiae), later called Kingdom of Arles (Arelat)
(Regnum Arelatense).6 Sep 1033 Burgundia Comitatus becomes a subject to the Holy Roman Empire
when the Kingdom of Arles/Burgundy is inherited by the Emperor.
1184 - 1651 Besançon (Bisanz) a free imperial city (freie reichsstadt), it
formerly was under the Prince-Archbishop of Besançon 1034-1184.
Mar 1295 King of France Philippe IV "le Bel" obtains the County of
Burgundy and grants it to his second son Philippe "le Long" as
an apanage.
21 Jan 1330 - 21 Nov 1361 County of Burgundy and Duchy of Burgundy joined in personal union.
1366 The name Franche Comté de Bourgogne (or Freigrafschaft Burgund) appears officially for the first time.
30 Jan 1384 Philippe (III) "le Hardi", son of French King Jean II "le Bon"
(who had already been granted the Duchy of Burgundy in Jun 1364
as his apanage and married Margaret of Flanders heiress of the
Franche-Comté in Jun 1369), inherits it and reunites it with
the Duchy Burgundy.
16 Mar 1405 - 16 Jan 1556 Burgundian possession (Comté Bourgogne).5 Jan 1477 Occupied by France, Franche-Comté definitively separated from the
Duchy of Burgundy.
23 Dec 1482 Peace of Arras divides Burgundy, Archduke Maximilian I of Habsburg
obtains Franche-Comté and Louis XI of France retains most of
his other Burgundian fiefdoms except for the County of Flanders.
22 Jul 1483 Charles VIII receives Franche-Comté (Frainc-Comtou: Fraintche-Comtè;
Arpitan: Franche-Comtât) as the dowry of Margaret of Austria,
daughter of the Archduke Maximilian I of Habsburg.
23 May 1493 Charles VIII of France retro-cedes the County to the Austrian
Archduke Maximilian I of Habsburg (who had married Marie de
Bourgogne the daughter of Duke Charles "the Bold" of Burgundy),
by the Treaty of Senlis (Freigrafschaft).
14 Mar 1516 - 10 Aug 1678 Possession of the Spanish Habsburg monarchy (Franco Condado).29 May 1635 - 15 Aug 1635 French siege of the Franche-Comté capital Dole, fails to take
the city. Between 1639 to 1639 the Franche-Comté becomes a
principal battleground during the Thirty Years' War leaving the
Comtois desolated and depopulated.
8 Feb 1668 - 10 Jun 1668 Occupied by France
7 May 1669 Confirmed as Spanish by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle.
15 May 1674 - 10 Aug 1678 Re-occupied by France.
10 Aug 1678 Formally incorporated to France by the Treaty of Nijmegen;
part of French Royal domain.
3 Jan 1814 - 6 Jun 1814 Occupied by Austrian, Prussian and Allied forces (see Franche-Comté
1814 under France).
French Military Governor 8 Feb 1668 - 10 Jun 1668 François Michel Le Tellier, (b. 1641 - d. 1691)
marquis de Louvois
Spanish Governors
Aug 1668 - Jul 1671 Charles Eugène de Ligne, (b. 1633 - d. 1681)
prince d'Arenberg
Jul 1671 - 1673 Gerónimo de Benavente-Quiñones y (b. c.1611 - d. c.1680)
Hurtado1673 - 15 May 1674 Francisco González de Alvelda (b. 1595 - d. 1682)
(captain-general)
Governors
15 May 1674 - 30 Jul 1675 François Michel Le Tellier, (s.a.)
marquis de Louvois
30 Jul 1675 - 12 Oct 1704 Jacques-Henri de Durfort, (b. 1625 - d. 1704)
marquis de Duras
(from 1689, duc de Duras)
14 Oct 1704 - 30 Mar 1728 Camille d'Hostun de La Beaume, (b. 1652 - d. 1728)
duc d'Hostun
30 Mar 1728 - 6 Sep 1755 Marie Joseph d'Hostun de La Beaume,(b. 1683 - d. 1755)
duc d'Hostun, comte de Tallard
11 Sep 1755 - 8 Jul 1770 Jean-Baptiste de Durfort, (b. 1684 - d. 1770)
duc de Duras
8 Jul 1770 - 8 Sep 1789 Emmanuel Félicité de Durfort, (b. 1715 - d. 1789)
duc de Duras
8 Sep 1789 - 1 Jan 1791 Vacant
Gascony: see Guyenne
Guyenne et Gascogne
5.. Frankish Duchy of Aquitaine 732 - 732 Brief Arab occupation. 768 Duchy of Gascony 781 Kingdom of Aquitaine 843 Under the suzerainty of the Kings of France. 845 Duchy of Aquitaine 1039 - 1052 Gascony under Navarre. 1052 - 1137 Gascony under Aquitaine. 1152 - 1449 Gascony under English rule. 6 Apr 1199 - 1294 Aquitaine under English rule. 1213 Aquitaine part of French Royal domain. 1259 - 1294 Most of Guyenne under English rule. 1271 Quercy et Périgord méridional part of French Royal domain. 1303 - 1324 Aquitaine under English rule. 1360 - 12 Oct 1453 Aquitaine under English rule. 1306 Soule part of French Royal domain. 1322 Bigorre part of French Royal domain. 1325 Agenais et Bazadais part of French Royal domain. 12 Oct 1453 Bordeaux, Chalosse et Labourd part of French Royal domain. 1607 Gascony and Périgord part of French Royal domain.
English King's Lieutenants in the Duchy of Aquitaine1248 - 1254 Simon de Montfort, Earl of (b. c.1208 - d. 1265)Leicester1269 - 1270 Sir Roger de Leybourne (b. 1215 - d. 1271)1272 Thomas de Clare (b. c.1244 - d. 1287) 7 Feb 1278 - Sep 1278 Otto de Grandson (Grandison) (b. c.1238 - d. 1328) + Robert Burnell, Bishop of (b. 1239 - d. 1292) Bath and Wells Jul 1287 - 1288 William de Middleton, Bishop (d. 1288) of Norwich 9 Jun 1289 - 15 Jul 1292 Maurice IV de Craon (b. c.1255 - d. 1292) 12 Jul 1293 - 22 Mar 1294 John Saint John (d. 1302) 1 Jul 1294 - 3 Oct 1295 Jean de Bretagne II, Earl of (b. c.1266 - d. 1334) Richmond (1st time)20 Oct 1295 - 5 Jun 1296 Edmund, Earl of Lancaster (b. 1245 - d. 1296) 3 Dec 1295 - 1297 Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln (b. 1251 - d. 1311) (interim; then acting from 5 June 1296)28 Apr 1298 - 3 Dec 1299 Sir Gui Ferre (d. 1323) 1 Nov 1299 - 24 Jul 1302 Barrau de Sescas (Sescars) + Pey-Arnaut de Vic (Bic)23 Aug 1302 - 1 Aug 1304 John Hastings, Baron Hastings (b. 1262 - d. 1313) 2 Aug 1310 - 1311 Jean de Bretagne II, Earl of (b. c.1266 - d. 1334) Richmond (2nd time)24 Jan 1312-bf.12 Oct 1312 John de Ferrers, Baron (b. 1271 - d. 1313) Ferrers of Chartley28 Oct 1312 - 1313 Estèbe Ferréol, seigneur de (d. af.1322) Tonneins 20 Jul 1324 - 13.. Edmund of Woodstock, Earl of (b. 1301 - d. 1330)Kent 1 Jul 1338 - 13.. Bernat-Etz V, seigneur d'Albret,(d. 1358)vicomte de Tartas + Oliver de Ingham, Seneschal (b. c.1287 - d. 1344) of Gasconyc.20 Jan 1341 Bernat-Etz V, seigneur d'Albret,(s.a.)vicomte de Tartas + Hugues de Genève, seigneur (d. 1365) d'Anthon et de Varey24 Mar 1344 - 134. Henry of Grosmont, Earl of (b. c.1310 - d. 1361)Derby + Richard Fitz Alan, Earl of (b. c.1306 - d. 1376) Arundel 29 Aug 1349 - 135. Henry de Grosmont, Earl of (s.a.) Derby 6 Mar 1352 - 135. Ralph Stafford, Earl of Stafford(b. 1301 - d. 1372)10 Jul 1355 - 13.. Edward of Woodstock, Prince (b. 1330 - d. 1376) of Wales "the Black Prince"20 Jan 1360 - 1362 John Chandos, Viscount of (b. c.1320 - d. 1369) Saint-Sauveur 11 Oct 1370 - 21 Jul 1371John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster(b. 1340 - d. 1399) (1st time)20 Apr 1372 - 23 Jun 1372 John of Hastings, Earl of (b. 1347 - d. 1375) Pembroke (did not take office) 1373 - 1374 John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster(s.a.)(2nd time)10 Jun 1378 - Feb 1381 John de Neville, Baron Neville (b. c.1337 - d. 1388) of Raby 25 Mar 1388 - 2 Mar 1390 John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster(s.a.) (3rd time) 24 Jun 1394 - 139. Sir Henry Percy "Hotspur" (b. 1364 - d. 1403) 1 Sep 1398 - 1399 John de Beaufort, Marquis of (b. c.1371 - d. 1410)Dorset 5 Jul 1401 - May 1403 Edward, Earl of Rutland and Cork(b. c.1373 - d. 1415) 11 Jul 1412 - 14 Jul 1413 Thomas, Duke of Clarence (b. 1387 - d. 1421) 26 Jun 1413 - 14 Jul 1414 Thomas Beaufort, Earl of Dorset (b. 1377 - d. 1426) 27 Mar 1439 - 21 Dec 1440 John Holland, Earl of Huntingdon(b. 1395 - d. 1447) 2 Sep 1452 - 17 Jul 1453 John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury (b. c.1387 d. 1453) 12 Sep 1453 - 19 Oct 1453 William Bonneville, Baron (b. 1392 - d. 1461)Bonneville of Chewton(appointed, did not arrive)
Governors 27 Mar 1698 - 5 Nov 1712 Charles Honoré d'Albert, (b. 1646 - d. 1712) duc de Luynes, duc de Chevreuse 28 Dec 1712 - 4 Dec 1755 Louis Charles de Bourbon, (b. 1701 - d. 1775) duc d'Aumale, comte d'Eu 4 Dec 1755 - 8 Aug 1788 Louis François Armand de (b. 1696 - d. 1788) Vignerot, duc de Richelieu, duc de Fronsac 8 Aug 1788 - 1 Jan 1791 Vacant
Seneschals of Gascony (after 1360, of Aquitaine)1201 - 1202 Robert de Turnham (d. 1211)
1214 Geoffrey de Neville (1st time) (d. c.1225)
1214 - 1217 Renaud de Pons (b. c.1189 - d. 1228)
1218 - 1219 Geoffrey de Neville (2nd time) (s.a.)
1220 - Oct 1220 Philip de Ulcotes (Oldcoates) (d. 1220)
(did not take office)
1221 Hugh de Vivonne (1st time) (d. 1249)
1221 - 1224 Savari de Mauléon (d. 1236)
1225 Richard, Earl of Cornwall (b. 1209 - d. 1272)
1227 - 1230 Henry de Turberville (1st time) (d. 1329)
1231 Richard de Burgh (b. c.1194 - d. 1242/43)
(never took office)
1231 - 1234 Hugh de Vivonne (2nd time) (s.a.)
1234 - 1237 Henry de Turberville (2nd time) (s.a.)
1237 - 1238 Hubert Hoese
1238 Henry de Turberville (3rd time) (s.a.)
1241 - 1242 Rustan de Solers
1242 - 1243 Sir John Maunsell (b. c.1190 - d. 1265)
1243 - 1245 Sir Nicholas de Moels (b. c.1195 - d. 1268/69)
1245 - 1247 William de Boell
1247 - 1248 Drogo de Barentyn (1st time) (d. 1264/65)
1248 Simon de Montfort, Earl of (s.a.)
Leicester
1248 Richard de Grey (d. 1271)
1250 Drogo de Barentyn (2nd time) (s.a.)
+ Peter de Bordeaux
1253 - 1254 Sir John de Grey (d. 1266)
1254 - 1255 Sir Stephen Bauzan (b. af.1210 - d. 1257)
1255 Stephen Longespée (b. c.1216 - d. 1260)
1259 - 1260 Sir Bertrand III de Cardaillac (b. c.1233 - d. c.1282)
1260 Drogo de Barentyn (3rd time) (s.a.)
1266 - 1268 Jean I de Grailly (1st time) (d. c.1301)1268 - 1269 Thomas d'Ippegrave (d. c.1278)1269 Fortaner de Cazeneuve c.Jun 1271 - 1272 Hugh de Turberville (d. 1293)c.18May 1272 - c.Jul 1278 Sir Luke de Tany (d. 1282)c.Aug 1278 - 18 Oct 1283 Jean I de Grailly (2nd time) (s.a.)18 Oct 1283 - Dec 1283 John de Vaux (d. 1288) (did not take office)c.23 Nov 1283 - 1287 Jean I de Grailly (3rd time) (s.a.)1287 - 1288 William de Middleton, Bishop (s.a.) of Norwichc.8 May 1288 - 22 Mar 1294 Sir John de Havering (1st time) (d. 1309) 1 Jul 1294 - 2 Feb 1297 John Saint John (s.a.) (French prisoner2 Feb 1297 - 1299) 23 Aug 1302 - 24 Mar 1305 Sir John de Hastings (1st time) (s.a.)24 Mar 1305 - 2 Aug 1308 Sir John de Havering (2nd time) (s.a.)12 Mar 1308 - Sep 1309 Sir Gui Ferre (s.a.)24 Oct 1309 - Jan 1312 Sir John de Hastings (2nd time) (s.a.) (acting from Feb 1310)Aug 1311 - Feb 1312 Assiu de Galard, dit le Jeune (d. bf.1337)(acting for Hastings)24 Jan 1312-bf.28 Oct 1312 John de Ferrers, Baron Ferrers (s.a.)of Chartley28 Oct 1312-af.3 Feb 1313 Estèbe Ferréol, seigneur de (s.a.) Tonneins 5 Jul 1313 - Aug 1316 Amaury III de Craon (Créon) (d. 1333)(1st time)18 Jul 1316 - 3 Nov 1317 Gilbert Pecche (d. 1322) 3 Nov 1317 - 20 Nov 1318 Antonio di Pessagno (b. c.1280 d. af.1334)20 Nov 1318 - 6 Nov 1319 William de Montague, Baron (b. c.1275 - d. 1319)Montague 6 Nov 1319 - 28 Feb 1320 Amanieu du Foussat, Lord of Madaillan (acting)28 Feb 1320 - 22 Jul 1320 Maurice de Berkeley, Baron (b. 1271 - d. 1326)Berkeley22 Jul 1320 - 11 Apr 1322 Amaury III de Craon (Créon) (s.a.)(2nd time)11 Apr 1322 - 7 Jul 1322 Fulk Lestrange (d. 1324)11 Jun 1323 - 15 Mar 1324 Ralph Basset, Baron Basset (d. 1343) of Drayton (1st time)15 Mar 1324 - Jul/Sep 1324 Robert de Shirland (d. 1324) 1 Apr 1324 - 21 Jul 1324 Richard de Grey, Baron Grey (d. 1335)21 Jul 1324 - 18 Nov 1324 Ralph Basset, Baron Basset (s.a.) of Drayton (2nd time)18 Nov 1324 - 14 Aug 1325 Sir John de Wisham (d. 1332)18 Nov 1324 - 13? Jul 1325 John de Segrave "the Elder" (b. 1256 - d. 1325)13 Jul 1325 - 10 Mar 1326 Henri IV de Sully (d. 1335)10 Mar 1326 - 24 Feb 1327 Sir Oliver de Ingham (1st time) (b. c.1287 - d. 1344)24 Feb 1324 - 29 Jun 1331 Sir John de Haustede (d. 1337)29 Jun 1331 - 20 Jul 1343 Sir Oliver de Ingham (2nd time) (s.a.)15 Mar 1338 - 13.. Sir John de Norwich (d. 1362)20 Jul 1343 - 24 Feb 1345 Nicholas de la Beche (d. 1345) 25 Feb 1345 - 24 Mar 1347 Ralph de Stafford, Baron (s.a.) Stafford25 Mar 1347-c.28 May 1349 Sir Thomas Coke20 Jun 1349 - 13.. Frank van Hallen (d. 1375)(Frank de la Halle, Frank de Hale) 13 Sep 1350 - 135. John de Chiverston (1st time) (d. c.1375)c.13 Feb 1354 Arnaut-Bernat III de Preissac (Soudan de Préchac or Preissac or Soudan de La Trau or La Trave) 20 Mar 1354 - 13.. John de Chiverston (2nd time) (s.a.) 1 Jul 1361 - 11 Nov 1361 Richard Stafford, Baron (d. 1380) Stafford of Clifton 12 Nov 1361 - 136. John Chandos, Viscount of (s.a.) Saint-Sauveur 8 Jun 1362 - Jul 1362 John de Chiverston (3rd time) (s.a.)1363 - 1 Sep 1377 Sir Thomas de Felton (d. 1381)12 Apr 1378 - 17 Feb 1381 John de Neville, Baron Neville (s.a.) of Raby (acting)17 Feb 1381 - 1 Mar 1385 Sir William le Scrope (1st time)(b. c.1350 - d. 1399) (provisional to 1 February 1382) 1 Mar 1385 - 25 Jun 1389 Sir John Harpsden (Harpedenne)25 Jun 1389 - 1390 John Trailly (1st time) (d. 1400)1390 - 139. Sir William le Scrope (2nd time)(s.a.)139. - 1397 John Trailly (2nd time) (s.a.)1397 - 1399 Archambaud de Grailly (b. 1330 - d. 1412)23 Dec 1399 - Jun 1415 Galhart II de Durfort, (b. c.1346 - d. 1442)seigneur de Duras et Blanquefort 8 May 1415 - 1423 John Tiptoft, Baron Tiptoft (d. 1447) 1 May 1423 - 1436 Sir John Radcliffe (d. 1441) 9 Apr 1404 - 14 Jul 1442 Sir Thomas Rempston II (d. 1458) 5 Aug 1441 - 15 Aug 1441 Sir Robert Vere (1st time) (d. 1461)15 Aug 1442 - c.1 Mar 1443 Sir Robert Roos (d. 1448)(regent and governor of office of seneschal) 1 Dec 1442 - 15 Nov 1445 Sir William Bonneville, Baron (b. 1392 - d. 1462)Bonville (1st time)15 Nov 1445 - 14.. Sir Robert Vere(2nd time) (s.a.)22 Nov 1450 - 14.. Sir William Bonneville, Baron (s.a.)Bonville (2nd time)18 Oct 1450 - 1451 Sir Richard Woodville (b. 1405 - d. 1469)(did not take office) 4 Jul 1453 - 19 Oct 1453 Roger Camoys, Lord Camoys (d. c.1473)
Île-de-France
Adopted c.1365
843 Duchy of Île de France part of Royal domain.1016 Counties of Paris et de Melun annexed to the Royal domain. 1029 County of Dreux annexed. 1055 County of Sens annexed. 1068 County of Gâtinais annexed.1074 County of Vexin annexed. 1112 County of Corbeil annexed. 1118 County of Montlhéry annexed. 1213 County of Valois annexed. 1218 County of Clermont-en-Beauvaisis annexed. 1223 Counties of Beaumont-sur-Oise et de Montfort-l'Amaury annexed. 15th cent. Coucy, Roucy, Soissons, Laon and Noyon annexed.27 May 1418 - 141. Burgundian occupation.Dec 1420 - c.1429 English occupation.11 Dec 1528 - 12 Mar 1533 Divided into two governments: Île-de-France and Paris.24 Jan 1596 Re-divided into two governments.
English Governors
Dec 1420 - 22 Mar 1421 Thomas of Lancaster, (b. 1387 - d. 1421)
Duke of Clarence
8 Jul 1421 - 1422 Jean de La Baume, comte de (b. c.1360 - d. 1435)
Montrevel, seigneur de Valtin
(from 14 Mar 1421, Prévot de Paris)
1423 - 1429 John of Lancaster, Duke of (b. 1389 - d. 1435)
Bedford
Jun/Jul 1429 - 1429 Jean de Villiers, seigneur (b. 1384 - d. 1437)
de l'Isle-Adam
Governors
12 Sep 1698 - 1719 Louis Armand d'Estrées, duc (b. 1682 - d. 1723)
d'Estrées, pair de France
22 Apr 1719 - 1741 Henri Louis de La Tour, (b. 1674 - d. 1753)
comte d'Evreux
29 Dec 1741 - 19 Sep 1757 François Joachim Bernard Potier,(b. 1692 - d. 1757)
duc de Gesvres
22 Sep 1757 - 28 Dec 1774 Louis Léon Potier, duc de (b. 1695 - d. 1774)
Tresmes
28 Dec 1774 - 1 Jan 1791 Louis Joachim Paris Potier, (b. 1713 - d. 1794)
duc de Gesvres
Governor of Saint-Germain en Laye
3 Sep 1685 - 2 Jun 1706 Henri de Mornay, marquis de (b. 1622 - d. 1706)
Montchevreuil
Languedoc
843 Count of Toulouse under the suzerainty of the King of France.1180 Vivarais part of the Royal domain.1219 Bas-Languedoc (Lower-Langedoc) part of the Royal domain.1229 Government of Languedoc1271 Haut-Languedoc (Upper-Langedoc) part of the Royal domain.
Governors
29 May 1682 - 14 May 1736 Louis Auguste de Bourbon, (b. 1670 - d. 1736)
prince de Dombes, duc de
Maine, duc d'Aumale, comte
d'Eu
14 May 1736 - 1 Oct 1755 Louis Auguste de Bourbon, (b. 1700 - d. 1755)
prince de Dombes, duc d'Aumale,
comte d'Eu
23 Oct 1755 - 13 Jul 1775 Louis Charles de Bourbon, (b. 1701 - d. 1775)
duc d'Aumale, comte d'Eu,
duc de Gisors, comte de Dreux,
prince d'Anet et baron de Sceaux
27 Jul 1775 - 29 Oct 1788 Louis Antoine de Gontaut, (b. 1701 - d. 1788)
duc de Lauzun, comte et duc
de Biron
29 Oct 1788 - 1 Jan 1791 Vacant
Le Havre-de-Grâce (2)
1518 Le Havre-de-Grâce founded under a gouverneur-particulier; part of Normandy.20 Sep 1562 - 28 Jul 1563 Occupied by England.1675 Le Havre definitively independent from Normady.
English Governors
1562 - 1563 Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick (b. c.1530 - d. 1590)
Governors
20 Jun 1687 - 31 Aug 1714 Paul de Beauvilliers, duc de (b. 1648 - d. 1714)
Saint-Aignan dit duc de
Beauvilliers
7 Sep 1714 - 1719 Louis II de Rochechouart, (b. 1681 - d. 1746)
duc de Mortemart
22 Sep 1719 - 22 Jan 1776 Paul Hippolyte de Beauvilliers, (b. 1684 - d. 1776)
duc de Saint-Aignan
22 Jan 1776 - 1 Jan 1791 Charles Paul François de (b. 1746 - d. 1828)
Beauvilliers, comte de Buzançais,
duc de Saint-Aignan
Haut et Bas Limousin (2)
843 Under the suzerainty of the King of France.877 Vicomtes Limoges1360 1374 English occupation. 1371 Eastern part of Limousin of French Royal domain.1607 Western part of Limousin of French Royal domain (Viscounty of Limoges part of Royal domain).
Governors (incomplete before 1470)1328 13.. ... Captain1333 1342 Jourdain de Loubres (seneschal, from 1341 governor and sovereign captain)31 Mar 1342 1343 Jean III de Sauvigny1243 13.. Regnault de Pons, sire (d. 1356)
de Monfortc.1350 13.. Jean de Pierre-Buffière (d. bf.1393)1360 1374 English occupation1380 138. Louis, comte de Sancerre (b. c.1342 d. 1402)1388 Guy de Naillac1389 13.. Enguerrand de Coucy, seigneur de Marle de La Fère et d'Oisy, comte de Soissons (d. 1397)13.. 1422 ....1422 14.. Geoffroy, seigneur de Mareuil, Villebois, Anglac, Vibrac et Dompierre1435/41 144. Bernard d'Armagnac, comte de Pardiac puis de La Marche et de Castres, vicomte de Carlat et de Murat (d. bf.1462)1443 14.. Charles III d'Anjou,duc du Maine (1st time) (d. 1473)1452 14.. Jean II, duc de Bourbon (d. 1488)1461 146. Charles III d'Anjou, duc du Maine (2nd time) (s.a.)21 Aug 1466 14.. Philippe, duc de Savoie (d. 1497)24 Mar 1468 14.. Jean de Foix, vicomte de Narbonne, comte de Pardiac
Seneschals and Governors
Bf.20 Sep 1470 14.. Gilbert de Chabannes, seigneur de Corton, comte de Rochefort, baron d'Aurière et de Madec, seigneur de Charlus et de Laroche dela Daille et de Cousade1490 149. Jean II, seigneur de Pompadour, de Cromières et de Chanac1494 149. Gabriel d'Albret, sieur de l'Esparre et d'Avesnes1497 Antonie de Bonneval (d. 1505) 3 Sep 1497 - .... Germain de Bonneval (d. 1523)20 Aug 1424 15.. Galiot de Lastours 4 Mar 1532 153. Marin de Montchenu, seigneur de Pierre-Buffière1537 15.. François de Vivonne de La (d. 1547) Châtaignerie, seigneur
d'Ardeley15 May 1543 1568 François de Pontbriant, seigneur de Montréal, de Chadeuil et de Verteillac (b. 1502 d. 1569)1568 Jacques de Pérusse, baron ou comte d'Escars1569 Mérigou de Béon de Massez (d. 1569)1570 157. Gilbert III de Lévis (d. 1590/91)12 Sep 1577 31 Dec 1578 Claude de Bourbon, comte de Busset27 Oct 1581 158. Edme de Hautefort, seigneur (d. 1589) de Thénonc.Jun 1591 1592 Anne de Lévis, duc de Ventadour (d. 1622)1592 1593 Jean Louis de Nogaret, duc d'Epernon (1st time) (d. 1642)
Governors
1592 21 Jul 1596 Diane de France, duchesse d'Estampes et d'Angoulème (f) (b. 1539 d. 1619)21 Jul 1596 1622 Jean Louis de Nogaret, duc d'Epernon (2nd time) (s.a.)28 Aug 1622 17 Nov 1632 Henri de Schomberg, marquis d'Epinay (b. 1575 - d. 1632)19 May 1633 1649 Charles de Lévis, duc de Ventadour (b. 1600 d. 1649)21 May 1649 1651 François Christophe de Lévis, (b. 1603 d. 1661)
duc de Damville, comte de Brion 18 Nov 1651 1656 Anne de Lévis, archevêque de Bourges (b. 1605 d. 1662)1656 27 Jul 1675 Henri de La Tour, vicomte de Turenne (b. 1611 d. 1675)Aug 1675 - 23 Nov 1707 Frédéric Murice de la Tour, (b. 1642 - d. 1707) comte d'Auvergne 24 Nov 1707 - 1 Oct 1718 Jacques Fitz-James, (b. 1670 - d. 1734) duc de Fitz-James, maréchal de Berwick 1 Oct 1718 - 13 Oct 1721 Jacques Fitz-James, duc de (b. 1700 - d. 1721) Fitz-James Oct 1721 - 1729 Henry Fitz-James, comte de (b. 1711 - d. 1731) Fitz-James 28 Dec 1729 - 22 Mar 1787 Charles Fitz-James, duc de (b. 1712 - d. 1787) Fitz-James 22 Mar 1787 - 1 Jan 1791 Jacques Charles Fitz-James, (b. 1743 - d. 1805) duc de Fitz-James
Lorraine et Barrois (Lorraine and Bar)
Flag of Duchy of Lorraine
Capital: Nancy
(Metz de facto 903-959;
Aachen 843-869, 895-900)
Population: N/A (1766)
800,00 (1600)
11 Aug 843 Kingdom of Francia Media (Middle France) founded at the
division of the original Frankish Empire by the Treaty of
Verdun (it included modern Belgium, Luxembourg, Netherlands, part
of eastern France, Switzerland, and part of northern Italy).
29 Sep 855 At the death of King Lothaire I, the kingdom is divided between his
three sons. By the Treaty of Prüm, the northern part of Francia
Media (Middle France) is established as the Lotharii Regnum
(Kingdom of Lotharingia); including modern Netherlands, Belgium,
Luxembourg, and parts of eastern France and western Germany.
8 Aug 869 At the death of Lothaire II his lands are divided between his
uncles Ludwig II King of East Francia and Karl (Charles) II King
of the West Franks (Francia Occidentalis).
9 Aug 870 Treaty of Meersen formally divides Lotharingia - the western
half goes to West Francia and the eastern half to East Francia.
880 Treaty of Ribemont settles conflict between East and West Francia,
whereupon the western part of Lotharingia is added to East
Francia.
May 895 - 13 Aug 900 Lotharingia (Lotharii Regnum (or Regnum quondam Lotharii ["kingdom
once Lothair's"] restored for Zwentibold, son of Arnulf King
of East Francia (Germany).
13 Aug 900 Lotharingia effectively integrated into the East Frankish (German)
kingdom following the death of Zwentibold, but this was contested
the West Franks.
24 Jun 903 - c.910 Gebhard (Gebehart) is appointed Dux regni quod a multis Hlotharii
dicitur ("duke of the kingdom that many call Lothair's") by King
Ludwig IV of Germany.
928 King Heinrich I of East Franks (Germany) creates Giselbert, son of
Reginar I, as dux (duke), effectively creating the Duchy of
Lotharingia, as a fief of the East Franks.
959 Duchy of Upper Lotharingia (Lorraine)(more or less modern French
Lorraine and Luxembourg) and Duchy of Lower Lotharingia
(Lorraine) created (within Lotharingia to 965).
1183 Decline of the Duchy of Lower Lotharingia (Lorraine) is hastened by
the rivalry between the counts of Limburg and Louvain. The Duke of
Lower Lorraine, Henri de Louvain, adopts the title "Duke of
Brabant" (confirmed by Emperor Heinrich VI in 1090) and drops the
title Duke of (Lower) Lotharingia (although the last recorded use
of the latter title was as late as 1222).
1301 France annexes territories east of Meuse River.
26 Jun 1430 - 1766 Duchy of Bar in personal union with Duchy of Lorraine (formally
from 10 Dec 1508).
30 Nov 1475 - 5 Jan 1477 Lorraine occupied by the Duchy of Burgundy.
5 Jan 1477 Battle of Nancy, upholding ducal sovereignty.
25 Aug 1542 Duchy is defined as under the protection of the Holy Roman Empire,
but free (liber et non incorporatus; free and not incorporated)
by the Treaty of Nuremberg (effected 1561).
1552 Lorraine cedes the bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verdun to France.
1552 - 1559 Lorraine occupied by France.
1 Apr 1634 - 2 Apr 1641 Lorraine and Bar occupied by France.
Jul 1641 - 28 Feb 1661 Lorraine and Bar occupied by France.
24 Oct 1648 Treaty of Westphalia formally cedes Metz, Toul and Verdun to France
1670 - 1697 Lorraine and Bar occupied by France.
1702 - 1714 Parts of Lorraine and Bar occupied by France.
Oct 1733 - 1736 Lorraine and Bar occupied by France.
15 Dec 1736 Duchy of Lorraine (restored) for Stanisław Leszczyński, ex-king of
Poland and father-in-law of King Louis XV of France, to be
ceded to France upon his death (effected 13 Feb 1737).
Jun 1751 Territorial reorganization.
23 Feb 1766 Lorraine annexed to France (as the grand-gouvernement de Lorraine-
et-Barrois)(see under Nancy).
King of Middle France (Francia Media)
11 Aug 843 - 29 Sep 855 Hlóthar I (b. 795 - d. 855)
(Lotharius I, Lothaire I) Kings of Lotharingia (Lotharii Regnum)
29 Sep 855 - 8 Aug 869 Hlóthar II (b. 835 - d. 869)
(Lotharius II, Lothaire II)
8 Aug 869 - May 895 Post abolished
May 895 - 13 Aug 900 Zwentibold (b. c.870 - d. 900)
(Zventibold, Swentiboldo, Sventibaldo, Sanderbald)
Dukes of Lotharingia (title dux regni quod a multis Hlotharii dicitur)
24 Jun 903 - c.910 Gebhard (Gebehart) (b. c.860 - d. 910)
911 - 915 Rainerus (Régnier, Reginar) (b. 850 - d. 915)
(count palatine of Lotharingia)
915 - c.921/22 Wigeric (Wigéric, Wéderic) (d. c.921/22)
(count palatine of Lotharingia)
c.921 - 923 Gottfried (Godefroid) (b. c.905 d. 949)
(count palatine of Lotharingia)
928 - 2 Oct 939 Giselbert (Gisleberto) (b. c.880 - d. 939)
940 Heinric I (Heinrich, Henri) (b. c.919 - d. 955)
940 - 943 Otto (Oddone) (d. 943)
945 - 953 Conrad (Konrad "der Rote") (b. c.922 - d. 955)
953 - 11 Oct 965 Bruno (Brunon) (b. 925 - d. 965)
Dukes of Lower Lorraine (title dux Lotharingiae)
959 - 964 Gottfried (Godefridi) (d. 964)
May 977 - 12 Jun 991 Karl (Karolus) (b. 953 - d. 991)
991 - 1012 Otto (Ottone) (b. c.970 - d. 1012)
1012 - 26 Sep 1023 Godefroi I (Godefrid, Godefrido)(d. 1023)
1023 - 19 Apr 1044 Gozelon I (Gothelo) (b. c.968 - d. 1044)
1044 - 1046 Gozelon II (Gothelo) (b. c.1008 d. 1046)
1046 - 28 Aug 1065 Frederic (Ferry) I (d. 1065)
1065 - 30 Dec 1069 Godefroi II "le Barbu" (b. c.1010 - d. 1069)
1069 - 26 Feb 1076 Godefroi III "le Bossu" (b. c.1030 - d. 1076)
1076 - 30 May 1087 Conrad (Conradus) (b. 1074 - d. 1101)
(Konrad [III] King of Germany 30 May 1087 - 1 Apr 1098)
1087 - 18 Jul 1100 Godefroi IV (b. c.1060 - d. 1100) 1101 - 1106 Heinrich (Henri) I (b. c.1059 - d. 1119)
1106 - 1029 Godefroi V (b. c.1060 - d. 1139)
1129 - 6 Aug 1139 Walram (Waleran) (b. c.1085 - d. 1139)
1140 - 1142 Godefroi VI (b. c.1100 - d. 1142)
1142 - 1180 Godefroi VII (b. 1142 - d. 1190)
1180 - 1222 Henri "le Guerroyeur" (b. 1165 - d. 1235)
Dukes of (Upper) Lorraine (title dux Lotharingiae; from 14th cent. Duc de Lorreigne)
959 - Jun/Jul 978 Frederic (Ferry) I (b. c.910 - d. 978)
Jun/Jul 978 - 11 Apr 1027 Thierry (Theoderic) I (b. c.962 - d. 1027)
Jun/Jul 978 - 987 Beatrix de France (f) -Regent (b. c.938 - d. 1003)
1016? - May 1026 Frederic (Ferry) II -co-ruler (b. c.995 - d. c.1026)
11 Apr 1027 - 22 May 1033 Frederic (Ferry) III (b. c.1020 - d. 1033)
1033 - 19 Apr 1044 Gozelon (Gothelo) (s.a.)
19 Apr 1044 - Sep 1044 Godefroi "le Barbu" (1st time) (b. c.1010 - d. 1069)
1046 - 1047 Godefroi "le Barbu" (2nd time) (s.a.)
1047 - 11 Nov 1048 Adalbert (Albert) (b. c.1000 - d. 1048)
1048 - 1070 Gerard (Gérard, Gerardo) (b. c.1030 - d. 1070)
1070 - 30 Dec 1115 Thierry (Theodoric) II (d. c.1040 - d. 1115)
30 Dec 1115 - 13 Jan 1139 Simon I "le Gros" (b. c.1096 - d. 1139)
13 Jan 1139 - 13 May 1176 Mathieu (Matthias) I (b. c.1110 - d. 1176)
13 May 1176 - 1 Apr 1206 Simon II (b. c.1140 - d. 1206)
1 Apr 1206 - 7 Apr 1206 Ferry (Frédéric) I (b. c.1143 - d. 1206)
7 Apr 1206 - 10 Oct 1213 Ferry (Frédéric) II (b. c.1162 - d. 1213)
10 Oct 1213 - 17 Feb 1220 Thiébaut (Thiébaud) I (b. c.1191 - d. 1220)
17 Feb 1220 - 24 Jun 1251 Mathieu (Matthias) II (b. c.1193 - d. 1251)
24 Jun 1251 - 31 Dec 1302 Ferry (Frédéric) III (b. c.1240 - d. 1302)
24 Jun 1251 - 24 Mar 1255 Catherine de Limbourg (f)-Regent(b. c.1215 - d. 1255)
31 Dec 1302 - 10 Oct 1213 Thiébaut (Thiébaud) II (b. 1263 - d. 1312)
10 Oct 1213 - 23 Aug 1328 Ferry (Frédéric) IV "le Luteur" (b. 1282 - d. 1328)
23 Aug 1328 - 26 Aug 1346 Raoul (Rodolphe) "le Vaillant" (b. 1320 - d. 1346)
23 Aug 1328 - 1334 Élisabeth d'Autriche (f)-Regent (b. 1285 - d. 1382)
26 Aug 1346 - 23 Sep 1390 Jean I (b. 1346 - d. 1390)
26 Aug 1346 - 1360 Marie de Châtillon (f) -Regent (b. 1323 - d. 1363)
27 Sep 1390 - 25 Jan 1431 Charles II "le Hardi" (b. 1364 - d. 1431)
25 Jan 1431 - 28 Feb 1453 Isabelle -Duchess (b. 1400 - d. 1453)
- jointly with -
25 Jan 1431 - 26 Mar 1453 René I (b. 1409 - d. 1480)
(also Renato I King of Naples 2 Feb 1435 - 2 Jun 1442;
duke of Bar 3 Aug 1419 - 10 Jul 1480)
26 Mar 1453 - 16 Dec 1470 Jean II (b. 1424 - d. 1470)
(administrator 1 Jul 1445-28 Feb 1453)
16 Dec 1470 - 24 Jul 1473 Nicolas I (b. 1448 - d. 1473)
(administrator 1466-16 Dec 1470)
24 Jul 1473 - 11 Aug 1473 Yolande -Duchess (b. 1428 - d. 1483)
11 Aug 1473 - 10 Dec 1508 René II (b. 1451 - d. 1508)
30 Nov 1475 - 5 Jan 1477 Charles "le Téméraire" (b. 1433 - d. 1477)
(also Charles I duke of Burgundy; in dissidence)
10 Dec 1508 - 14 Jun 1544 Antoine "le Bon" (b. 1489 - d. 1544)
14 Jun 1544 - 12 Jun 1545 François I (b. 1517 - d. 1545)
12 Jun 1545 - 14 May 1608 Charles III (b. 1543 - d. 1608)
12 Jun 1545 - 15 Apr 1552 Christine de Danemark (f)-Regent(b. 1521 - d. 1590)
12 Jun 1545 - 1559 Nicolas de Mercoeur -Regent (b. 1524 - d. 1577)
14 May 1608 - 31 Jul 1624 Henri II "le Bon" (b. 1563 - d. 1624)
31 Jul 1624 - 25 Nov 1625 Nicole -Duchess (b. 1608 - d. 1657)
25 Nov 1625 - 14 Oct 1632 François II (b. 1572 - d. 1632)
14 Oct 1632 - 18 Jan 1634 Charles IV (1st time) (b. 1604 - d. 1675)
18 Jan 1634 - 25 Jan 1670 Nicolas II François (b. 1609 - d. 1670)
25 Jan 1670 - 18 Sep 1675 Charles IV (2nd time) (s.a.)
18 Sep 1675 - 18 Apr 1690 Charles V Léopold (b. 1643 - d. 1690)
18 Apr 1690 - 27 Mar 1729 Léopold Joseph (b. 1679 - d. 1729)
27 Mar 1729 - 13 Feb 1737 François III Stephen (b. 1708 - d. 1765)
(= Franz I Holy Roman Emperor from 1745;
Francesco II Grand Duke of Tuscany from 1737)
1730 - 13 Feb 1737 Élisabeth-Charlotte d'Orléans(f)(b. 1676 - d. 1744)
(regent for absent François III)
13 Feb 1737 - 23 Feb 1766 Stanislas I Leszczynski (b. 1677 - d. 1766)
(= Stanisław I Leszczyński ex-king of Poland)
Governors
23 Feb 1766 - 13 Apr 1788 André Hercule de Rosset de (b. 1715 - d. 1788)
Rocozel, duc de Fleury
Apr 1788 - 1 Jan 1791 Louis George Érasme de Contades,(b. 1704 - d. 1793)
marquis de Contades
French Governors
30 Nov 1634 - 1635 Jean de Galard de Béarn, (b. 1579 - d. 1645)
comte de Brassac
1635 - 1636 Gabriel de la Vallée Fossés, (b. c.1570 - d. 1636)
marquis d'Everly
10 Oct 1636 - Apr 1639 Georges de Monchy, marquis (b. c.1595 - d. 1645)
d'Hocquincourt
26 Apr 1639 - Mar 1643 François de L'Hôpital, duc (b. 1583 - d. 1660)
de Rosney
Jul 1643 - 1663 Henri de Saint Senneterre, (b. 1599 - d. 1681)
marquis Pius, (from Nov 1665,
duc de La Ferré)
1663 - 1679 Vacant
3 Aug 1672 - 167. Henri Louis d'Aloigny, (b. 1636 - d. 1676)
marquis de Rochefort
(commandant general)
18 May 1679 - 1687 François de Blanchefort de (b. 1625 - d. 1687)
Crépuy, marquis des Marines
11 Aug 1687 - Aug 1694 Louis-François, duc de Boufflers(b. 1644 - d. 1711)
Aug/Sep 1694 - 1697 Guy Aldonce de Durfort-Duras, (b. 1630 - d. 1702)
duc de Lorge
1697 - 1737 Vacant
24 Oct 1737 - 23 Feb 1766 André Hercule de Rosset de (s.a.)
Rocozel, duc de Fleury
French Intendants of Justice, Police and Finances of Lorraine and of Barrois
26 Oct 1633 - Apr 1637 Louis Chantereau Le Febvre (b. 1588 - d. 1658)
Apr 1637 - Nov 1640 Anne Mangot de Villarceaux (b. 1594 - d. 1665)
Nov 1640 - Jan 1646 Nicolas Vignier de Ricey
Apr 1646 - Sep 1651 Jacques Hector de Marle de (d. 1651)
Beaubourg
1651 - 1657 Charles Lejay, baron de Tilly (d. 1674)
Oct 1657 - 1661 Jean-Baptiste Colbert de Saint- (b. 1602 - d. 1663)
Pouange
1662 - 1663 Charles Colbert de Croissy (b. 1629 - d. 1696)
Sep 1663 - 1663 Jean-Paul de Choisy de Beaumont (d. 1697)
(1st time)
Sep 1670 - Jun 1673 Jean-Paul de Choisy de Beaumont (s.a.)
(2nd time)
Jul 1673 - Nov 1691 Jacques Charuel (b. 1615? - d. 1691)
1691 - 1697 Jean-Baptiste Desmarets de (b. 1646 - d. 1740)
Vaubourg
Chancellors of Lorraine18 Jan 1737 - 1758 Antoine Martin de Chaumont de (b. 1697 - d. 1783)
La Galaizière
Dec 1758 - 23 Feb 1766 Antoine de Chaumont de La (b. 1727 - d. 1812)
Galaizière
Intendants of Justice, Police and Finances of Lorraine and of Barrois
23 Feb 1766 - Sep 1777 Antoine de Chaumont de La (s.a.)
Galaizière
Jun 1778 - 1790 Jean Baptiste François Moulins (b. 1743 - d. 1881)
de La Porte de Meslay
Bar
Flag of Duchy of Bar
c.951 County of Bar (Barrois)(Comté de Bar/Grafschaft Bar)
(under Lotharingia 959-1033).
4 Jun 1301 King Philippe IV of France makes the Count of Bar into a vassal of
France for all of Bar west of the Meuse River, which becomes
"royal Bar" or Barrois mouvant ("dependant Bar") and Bar
east of the Meuse, still in the Duchy of Lorraine, was then
"ducal Bar" or Barrois non mouvant ("non-dependant Bar")
(St-Mihiel, Pont-à-Mousson, and Longwy) by the Treaty of Bruges.
13 Mar 1354 Raised to a Duchy by Holy Roman Emperor Charles IV; Duchy of Bar
(Duché de Bar/Herzogtum Bar).
26 Jun 1430 Duchy of Bar in personal union with Duchy of Lorraine (formally
from 10 Dec 1508).
1482 Prévôté of Virton (part of Duchy of Luxembourg) annexed to Bar.
1 Apr 1634 - 2 Apr 1641 Bar and Lorraine occupied by France.
Jul 1641 - 28 Feb 1661 Bar and Lorraineoccupied by France.
1670 - 1697 Bar and Lorraine occupied by France.
1702 - 1714 Bar and Lorraine occupied by France.
23 Feb 1766 Bar annexed along with Lorraine annexed to France.
Counts
c.951 - 978 Ferry (Frédéric) I (b. c.912 - d. 978)978 - 1027 Thierry (Theodoric) I (b. c.965 - d. 1027)978 - 987 Béatrice de France (f) -Regent (b. c.938 - d. 1003)1019 - c.1026 Ferry (Frédéric) II -co-ruler (b. c.995 - d. c.1026)1027 - 1033 Ferry (Frédéric) III (b. c.1020 - d. 1033)1033 - 21 Jun 1093 Sophie -Countess (b. c.1018 d. 1093)1038 - c.1073 Louis de Montbéliard -co-ruler (b. c.1010 - d. c.1073)1093 - 2 Jan 1103 Thierry (Theodoric) II (d. c.1045 - d. 1103) 2 Jan 1103 - 10 Mar 1149 Renaud (Rainald) I "le Borgne" (b. c.1080 - d. 1149)10 Mar 1149 - 25 Jul 1170 Renaud (Rainald) II (b. c.1122 - d. 1170)25 Jul 1170 - Oct 1190 Henri I (b. 1158 - d. 1190)25 Jul 1170 - 1173 Agnès de Blois (f) -Regent (b. 1138 - d. 1207)Oct 1190 - 13 Feb 1214 Thiébaut (Theobald) I (b. 1158 - d. 1214)13 Feb 1214 - 12 Nov 1239 Henri II (b. 11.. - d. 1239)13 Nov 1239 - Oct 1291 Thiébaut (Theobald) II (b. 12.. - d. 1291)Oct 1291 - Sep 1302 Henri III (b. 1259 - d. 1320)Sep 1302 - Nov 1336 Édouard I (b. c.1295 - d. 1336)Sep 1302 - 1310 Regency - Jean, seigneur de Puisaye (b. 1262d. 1317)
- Thiébaud, évêque de Liège (b. c.1260 - d. 1312) - Renaud, évêque de Metz (d. 1316)Nov 1336 - 24 Dec 1344 Henri IV (b. c.1315 - d. 1344)24 Dec 1344 - May 1352 Édouard II (b. 1339 - d. 1352)24 Dec 1344 - 10 Oct 1349 Yolande de Flandre (f) -Regent (b. 1326 - d. 1395)May 1352 - 13 Mar 1354 Robert I (b. 1344 - d. 1411)Dukes13 Mar 1354 - 12 Apr 1411 Robert I (s.a.)12 Apr 1411 - 25 Oct 1415 Édouard III (b. 1377 - d. 1415)
25 Oct 1415 - 3 Aug 1419 Louis I Cardinal-duc de Bar (b. c.1370 - d. 1430)3 Aug 1419 - 10 Jul 1480 René I (b. 1409 - d. 1480) (also Renato I King of Naples 2 Feb 1435 - 2 Jun 1442; duke of Lorraine from 25 Jan 1431)10 Jul 1480 - 23 Feb 1766 the dukes of Lorraine
Étival
963 Diploma of the Emperor Otto for Etival.1146 Praemonstratensian Abbey of Étival (Stivagium)(Abbaye
d'Étival-en-Charnie or Abbaye Notre-Dame d'Étival-
en-Charnie)(Stift Etival)(the convent of Saint-Pierre d'Étival was subordinated to Abbess of Andlau). 1177 Diploma of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa.1308 Abbots of Étival considered Bishops by the Holy See (droits quasi-épiscopaux), abbey de facto independent. 1464 Charter of the ban d'Etival given by the Duke of Lorraine Jean II.1739 Abbey of Étival given in commendam to the Bishops of Toul (sanctioned by Bull of 5 Jun 1747).
Abbot-Provosts (titleAbbé Prévôt d'Étival) 3 Feb 1554 11 Mar 1554 Antoine Nicolas Saffroy (Saffrois) (d. 1554)
de Moyenmoutier1554 17 Mar 1581 Jean de Maizières (d. 1581)
1581 23 Mar 1609 Antoine Doridan de Ramberviller (d. 1609)
1609 24 May 1617 Didier Frouard de Ravon (d. 1617)
1619 29 Oct 1655 Jean Frouard de Baccarat (d. 1655)
1655 12 Mar 1663 Hilarion Rampant (d. 1663)
1663 23 Sep 1682 Epiphane Louis (b. 1614 - d. 1682) 1682 4 Oct 1723 Siméon Godin (d. 1723) 22 Oct 1723 2 Aug 1739 Charles Louis Hugo (b. 1667 - d. 1739) (co-adjutor 12 Aug 1710 - 22 Oct 1723; from 15 Dec 1728, Bishop of Ptolemais in partibus)Priors (Prieurs) 1739 - 1740 Jean Desboeufs 1740 - 1742 Charton 1742 - 1747 Sigisbert Journal 1747 - 1754 Pierre Bouton c.1761 J. Desmoulin 17.. - 1786 Claude Mansuet, dit le jeune 1786 - 1790 Dominique Baudot
Remiremont
c.1645 - 1790
c.620 Augustinian Abbey of Remiremont Abbey (Stift Remiremont/Romberg) 818 Transferred to its present location (later had possessions in Alsace, Franche-Comté, and Lorraine 72 lordships in all). 28 Sep 1070 Directly dependent upon the Emperor (Abbaye impériale de Remiremont/Reichskloster Romberg). 24 Apr 1088 Abbey directly responsible to the Pope. 1290 Abbesses made Princesses of the Holy Roman Empire
(Princesse d'Empire). .... Benedictine nuns were replaced by a chapter of 98 canonesses who had to prove 200 years of nobility.1556 War of the Escutcheons (French: panonceaux) the Duke of Lorraine and the Abbess ended in favor of the duke.1623 Becomes a Benedictine abbey. 1638 (month) French troops of Marshal de Turenne occupy Remiremont.1693 Seigniorial rights over town of Remiremont confirmed by king of France. 7 Dec 1790 Secularized and annexed to France.
Princess-Abbesses (title Abbesse-Princesse d'Empire de Remiremont/Fürstäbtissin zu Romberg)
20 Nov 1660 - 4 Nov 1702 Dorothée-Marie de Salm (b. 1651 - d. 1702)
(Dorothea Maria zu Salm)
1660 - 1662 Hélène d'Anglure (d. 1662)
(joint Administratrice)
1660 - 1677 Bernarde de Cléron de Saffre (b. 1594 - d. 16..)
(joint Administratrice)
1702 - 1710 Christine de Salm-Salm (b. 1663 - d. 17..)
(administratrice)
1703 - 1711 Elisabeth Charlotte Gabrielle de (b. 1700 - d. 1711)
Lorraine
1705 - 9 Feb 1738 Béatrix Hiéronyme de Lorraine- (b. 1662 - d. 1738)
Lillebonne
(co-adjutrice to 4 Aug 1710) 7 May 1738 - 7 Nov 1773 Anne Charlotte I de Lorraine- (b. 1714 - d. 1773)
Brionne
1744 - 1758 Hélène de Cléron (administratrice) (d. 1758)
1760 - 1789 Hyacinthe Céleste de Briey de (b. 1713 - d. 1789)
Landres (administratrice)
1764 - 19 Nov 1782 Anne Christine de Saxe (b. 1735 - d. 1782)
(Marie Christine von Sachsen)
(co-adjutrice to 7 Nov 1773)
1775 - 22 May 1786 Anne Charlotte II de Lorraine- (b. 1756 - d. 1786)
Brionne (co-adjutrice to 22 May 1782)15 Sep 1786 - 7 Dec 1790 Louise Adélaïde de Bourbon-Condé (b. 1758 - d. 1824)
Lyonnais, Forez et Beaujolais
1137 Forez under French suzerainty.1307 Lyon under French suzerainty.1532 Beaujolais under French suzerainty.1532 County of Lyonnais part of the Royal domain.
Governors
28 Nov 1685 - 18 Jul 1730 François de Neufville de Villeroy(b. 1644 - d. 1730)
marquis et duc de Villeroy et
pair de France
29 Jul 1730 - 22 Apr 1734 Louis Nicolas de Neufville de (b. 1663 - d. 1734)
Villeroy, duc de Retz, marquis
d'Alincourt puis, duc de Villeroy,
et duc de Beaupréau
6 May 1734 - Nov 1763 Louis François Anne de Neufville(b. 1695 - d. 1766)
de Villeroy, duc de Retz,
duc de Villeroy
29 Nov 1763 - 31 Dec 1790 Gabriel Louis François de (b. 1731 - d. 1794)
Neufville de Villeroy, duc
d'Alincourt, duc de Villeroy,
marquis de Neufville, comte de
Sault, duc de Retz
Maine, Perche et Comté de Laval
749 Frankish Duchy of Maine.c.830 County of Maine843 Under the suzerainty of the Kings of France.1110 - 1122 Part of Anjou.1129 - 12 Dec 1481 Part of Anjou.1214 County of Maine part of the Royal domain (confiscated 1202).1227/1326 County of Perche part of the Royal domain (county since 11..)17 Jul 1429 County of Laval created.
20 Aug 1560 - Oct 1567 Part of the government of Touraine.Oct 1567 - 1587/89 Part of the government of Anjou.
Governors
1698 - Oct 1715 Charles Denis de Bullion, (b. 1651 - d. 1721)
marquis de Gallardon, seigneur
de Bonnelles, comte d'Esclimont
1715 - 23 Apr 1745 Anne Jacques de Bullion, (b. 1679 - d. 1745)
marquis de Fervaques et de
Bonnelles, seigneur de Longchêne,
de Montlouet, de Bonnelles et
d'Esclimont
5 May 1745 - 1749 Charles Paul Sigismond de (b. 1697 - d. 1769)
Montmorency, duc de Châtillon
et Bouteville, marquis de Royan,
comte de Hallot et d'Olonne
15 Oct 1749 - 1765 Philippe Antoine Gabriel Victor (b. 1723 - d. 1794)
Charles de La Tour Du Pin,
marquis de La Charce
23 Nov 1765 - 1785 Raphaël Lucien de Fayolle, (b. 1727 - d. 1804)
comte de Mellet
14 Aug 1785 - 1 Jan 1791 Pierre Charles Étienne Maignard,(b. 1730 - d. 1816)
marquis de La Vaupalière
Haute et Basse Marche (2)
843 Under the suzerainty of the Kings of France.1249 - 1301 Part of Angouleme1308 Part of the Royal domain. 1327 Marquisate of Marche an appanage of the Royal domain.1527 Part of the Royal domain.
Governors
Apr 1674 - 1719 Louis Foucault, marquis de (b. 1643 - d. 1719)
Saint-Germain-Beaupré
1719 - 9 May 1752 Armand Louis François, marquis (b. 1679 - d. 1752)
de Saint-German-Beaupré
27 May 1752 - 1 Jan 1791 Marie Louis Caillebot, seigneur (b. 1716 - d. 1796)
de Montpinçon, marquis de La
Salle
Metz et Pays Messin, Verdun et Verdunois (Trois-Évêchés)
1189 - 1648 Metz an Imperial free city of Metz (Reichsstadt Metz).12.. - 1648 Toul an Imperial free city (Reichsstadt Tull). 1374 - 1648 Verdun an Imperial free city (Reichsstadt Wirten). 15 Jan 1552 Trois-Évêchés (Three Bishoprics)- Metz, Toul and Verdun - are confirmed under French overlordship by Treaty of Chambord.21 Apr 1552 Metz part of the Royal domain as the Government of Metz and Pays Messin (and from c.1640 the Verdunois).
24 Oct 1648 Annexation of Metz, Toul and Verdun by France recognized by
Treaty of Westphalia.
Governors
1674 - 1 Aug 1703 Henri François de Senneterre, (b. 1657 - d. 1703)
seigneur de Saint Nectaire,
duc de La Ferté-Senneterre
12 Aug 1703 - 1 Jul 1710 Jean Armand de Joyeuse, marquis (b. 1631 - d. 1710)
de Grandpré, dit le marquis
de Joyeuse
1 Jul 1710 - 1712 Claude Louis Hector de Villars, (b. 1653 - d. 1734)
duc de Villars
18 Oct 1712 - 23 Jul 1723 Jean Philippe d'Estaing, comte (d. 1723)
de Saillant
10 Aug 1723 - 3 Mar 1733 Yves d'Alègre, marquis d'Alègre (b. 1653 - d. 1733)
et de Tourzel, seigneur de
Montaigu, de Saint-Flour-le-
Châtel, d'Aurouze, et d'Aubusson,
comte de Flageac
9 Mar 1733 - 1756 Charles Louis Auguste Fouquet, (b. 1684 - d. 1761)
duc de Gisors, dit maréchal
de Belle-Isle (1st time)
1756 - 26 Jun 1758 Louis Marie Foucquet de Belle- (b. 1732 - d. 1758)
Isle, comte de Gisors
26 Jul 1758 - 26 Jan 1761 Charles Louis Auguste Fouquet, (s.a.)
duc de Gisors, dit maréchal
de Belle-Isle (2nd time)
Feb 1761 - 2 Jan 1771 Louis Charles César Le Tellier, (b. 1695 - d. 1771)
marquis de Courtanvaux, comte
et duc d'Estrées, baron de
Montmirail, baron de Tigecourt,
chevalier de Louvois
15 Feb 1771 - 1 Jan 1791 Victor François de Broglie, duc (b. 1718 - d. 1804)
de Broglie
Navarre: see Bearn et Navarre
Nice
bf.1388 Part of Provence.28 Sep 1388 Nice places itself under the protection of the Counts of Savoy, area known as Terres Neuves de Provence (New Territories of Provence).c.1526 Style of "Count of Nice" starts to be by Dukes of Savoy. 8 Apr 1691 French occupation of the fortress of Nice.27 May 1691 King of France assumes the style of Comte de Nice.24 Aug 1696 By Peace Treaty of Torino, Nice is returned to Savoy.10 Apr 1705 French occupation of the town of Nice and some parts of the county.13 Jul 1713 By Peace Treaty of Utrecht France returns all occupied areas of Nice to Savoy. 2 Apr 1744 - Nov 1746 French-Spanish occupation of the town of Nice. In the course of the following months all of the county, except the fortress of Saorge is occupied.Nov 1746 Nice is liberated by an Austria and Sardinia.Jun 1747 - 1748 French-Spanish reconquest of the county and Saorge fortress.17 Oct 1748 By Peace Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle France and Spain return return Nice to Sardinia (completed by Feb 1749).29 Sep 1792 French invasion.14 Feb 1793 Comité de Nice annexed to France by decree (effected 24 Feb 1793).24 Feb 1793 The county becomes part of the département des Alpes Maritimes (forming its districts of Nice and of Puget-Théniers 24 Mar 1793 - 17 Feb 1800, there after Arrondissements of Nice and of Puget-Théniers) formed from the former Sardinian County of Nizza and the County of Tende.11 May 1800 - 29 May 1800 Brief Austrian occupation of Nice. May 1805 San Remo ceded by the Ligurian Republic (Genoa) and incorporated into Alpes Maritimes.30 May 1814 Counties of Nice and Tende returned by Peace Treaty of Paris the
to Sardinia-Piedmont(ratified 31 May 1814, effected 17 Jun 1814).
24 Mar 1860 Ceded to France by Sardinia-Piedmont (effective 14 Jun 1860).
23 Jun 1860 Part of the re-established département des Alpes-Maritimes.
2 Feb 1861 Monaco cedes all rights to Menton and Roquebrune to France
(effective 12 Feb 1861).
Governors
1388 - 1395 Jean de Grimaldi, baron de Beuil
1396 François de Compey
1396 - 1399 Oddon de Villars (1st time)
1399 Boniface de Challant (1st time)
1399 - 1402 André de Grolée
1402 - 1405 Jean de Conflans
1405 Boniface de Challant (2nd time)
1405 Guillaume de Grolée
1406 - 1411 Oddon de Villars (2nd time)
1411 - 1415 Jean de la Chambre
1415 Claude de Saix
1415 - 1422 Pierre Bonivard
1422 - 1427 Louis Ravoyre
1427 - 1435 Pierre de Beaufort
1435 - 1440 Nicod de Menthon
1440 - 1449 Lancelot de Layrieux
1449 - 1456 Théobald d'Avanchy
1457 - 1458 Jacques de Montbel
1459 - 1462 Janus de Savoie
1462 - 1466 Jacques de Grimaldi, seigneur
de Massoins
1466 - 1473 Jacques de Montbel
10 Apr 1473 - 1476 Antoine de Orly, seigneur de
Saint-Innocent
14 Nov 1476 - 1477 Philippe de Savoie, comte de
Bourg-en-Bresse
21 Apr 1477 - 1478 Ludovic, seigneur d'Aranchieri
27 Jul 1478 - 1480 Philippe de Camperio
1480 - 1482 Ludovic, comte de Challant
20 May 1482 - 28 May 1482 Jean-Ludovic de Savoie,
évêque de Genève
28 May 1482 - 1483 Hugues de la Forêt
13 Oct 1483 - 1488 Antoine de la Forêt,
seigneur de Riant
14 Nov 1488 - 1490 Pierre de Pesines,
seigneur de Brondy
10 Apr 1490 - 1496 Richard, comte de Frissonnus
14 Mar 1496 - 1501 Jacques de Bussy,
seigneur de Mériac
1501 - 1502 René, grand bâtard de Savoie,
comte de Villars et Beaufort
31 Aug 1502 - 1507 Claude de Cordone
5 Jan 1507 - 1514 Claude de Pallude
14 Aug 1514 - 1516 Alexandre, seigneur d'Altavilla
26 Nov 1516 - 13 Oct 1519 Ludovic de Bellegarde
13 Oct 1519 - 1521 Ludovic Malingri, seigneur
de Bagerolo (1st time)
5 Oct 1521 - 1524 Alexandre, seigneur d'Aula Nova
(de Sallenoves)
9 Aug 1524 - 1526 François de Belletranchiis,
seigneur de Chenay
22 Jan 1526 - 1527 Ludovic Malingri, seigneur
de Bagerolo (2nd time)
9 Aug 1527 - 1529 Claude de Belletranchiis (Belletruch)
23 Mar 1529 - 1530 Nicodus de Beaufort,
seigneur de Salegrine
29 Dec 1530 - 1537 Alexandre, baron de Sales
1537 - 1529 Antoine de Belletranchiis
19 Apr 1539 - 1556 Andreas, comte de Montfort
(1st time)
1556 - 1557 Etienne Doria, seigneur de
Dolceacqua, comte de la Roquette
8 Oct 1557 - 1562 Andreas, comte de Montfort
(2nd time)
21 Jan 1562 - 1580 Honoré de Grimaldi,
comte de Beuil (1st time)
1580 - 1581 Claude, comte de Challant
25 May 1581 - 1591 Honoré de Grimaldi,
comte de Beuil (2nd time)
15 Dec 1591 - 1615 Annibal de Grimaldi,
comte de Beuil
1615 - 1625 Ludovic Solaro,
marquis de Dogliani
20 Jul 1625 - 1630 Félix de Savoie
1630 - 1632 comte de Cartignano (acting)
1632 - 1638 Philibert del Carretto,
marquis del Carretto
3 Jun 1638 - 1642 Jérôme, comte de Roussillon
15 Jun 1642 - 1660 Prince Maurice de Savoie
12 Feb 1660 - 1688 Antoine de Savoie, Abbé de
Saint-Michel della Chiesa
15 Jun 1688 - 1691 Victor-Amédée Maillard,
marquis d'Alby
27 Mar 1691 - 29 Sep 1696 chevalier de la Fare
(French governor)
29 Sep 1696 - 1705 Guido Biandrate, marquis de
Saint-Georges
11 Apr 1705 - 16 Nov 1707 marquis d'Usson (French governor)
16 Nov 1707 - 29 May 1713 marquis de Mont-Georges
(French governor)
29 May 1713 - 1714 Paul-Dominique Doria,
comte de Prelà
30 Aug 1714 - 1720 Joseph Cauda, comte de
Caseletti
16 Dec 1720 - 1733 Charles Foschieri,
marquis de Reveredo
1733 - 1736 Charles André Baptiste
Saint-Martin d'Aglié,
marquis de Rivarolo
1736 - 1741 Luigi Poccone, comte de la Perosa
1741 - 1743 François Ludovic Emmanuel
d'Alinges, comte d'Aspremont
24 Nov 1743 - 1744 Victor-Amédée François de
Savoie, marquis de Suse
5 Apr 1744 - 3 Jun 1744 Joseph, comte de Aramburo
3 Jun 1744 - 18 Feb 1746 Juan Felipe de Castanos y (b. 1715 - d. 1778)
Urioste -Spanish Intendant
18 Feb 1746 - 2 Jun 1747 Charles-Emmanuel III
2 Jun 1747 - 26 Feb 1749 marquis de Mirepoix
26 Feb 1749 - 9 Jul 1749 Victor Amédée Joseph Philibert
Costa, comte de la Trinité
9 Jul 1749 - 16 Feb 1752 Joseph Marie del Carretto,
marquis de Santa Giulia
Vice governors
16 Feb 1752 - 17 Jun 1752 Jean-Baptiste de Bellegarde,
comte de Naugy (1st time)
17 Jun 1752 - 16 Apr 1763 Jacques de Patterson
18 Apr 1763 - 13 Mar 1771 Jean-Baptiste de Bellegarde,
comte de Naugy (2nd time)
13 Mar 1771 - 1778 Philippe Antoine de Blonay (d. 1778)
1778 Gavino Pagliacciu de la
Planargia (1st time)(acting)
30 Jan 1778 - 9 Sep 1789 Philippe-Valentin Asinari de
Saint-Marsan
1789 - 28 Aug 1792 Gavino Pagliacciu de la
Planargia (2nd time)(acting)
28 Aug 1792 - 28 Sep 1792 Pierre Obrenant
Intendants
25 Jun 1688 - Apr 1697 Luigi Francesco, cavaliere
Morozzo
26 Apr 1697 - Jun 1697 François-Hyacinthe, comte
de Galinati
17 Jun 1697 - May 1699 Francesco Nicola, conte di
Robilant e Sant'Albano
22 May 1699 - May 1702 Pierre Mellarède (or Mellaredo)
25 May 1702 - 1705 Gian Giacomo, conde Fontana
1709 - 1713? Gayot -French governor
1713 Giulio Luigi Torrini
26 May 1713 - Oct 1715 conde Ruschis
27 Oct 1715 - Dec 1717 Gian Carlo Fecia di Cossato
15 Dec 1717 - Sep 1722 Carlo Pavia
1722 - 1723 cavaliere Luigi Lovera
1724 - Jun 1724 Marc Antoine Gondona (acting)
3 Jun 1724 - Feb 1733 Giovanni Stefano Sapellani
(or Zappeloni)
3 Feb 1733 - Mar 1742 Carlo Alfonso Dalmazzone
13 Mar 1742 - Jan 1750 Secundo Domenico Bolla
17 Jan 1750 - Aug 1759 Gaspard Joanini
25 Aug 1759 - Nov 1772 Giuseppe Mattone di Benevello
10 Nov 1772 - Apr 1775 Giuseppe Felix Angiono
29 Apr 1775 - Oct 1779 Felix Vacca
12 Oct 1779 - Dec 1785 Domenico Benedetto, conte Cortina
di Malgrà di Castellamonte
19 Dec 1785 - Nov 1792 Lorenzo Perpetuo Cristiani
6 Nov 1792 - Apr 1794 Giovanni-Battista Mattone di
Benevello
French Commander
29 Sep 1792 - 31 Jan 1793 Jacques Bernard Modeste (b. 1740 - d. 1814)
d'Anselme
Commissioners of the Directory to the Army of Italy
Oct 1792 - 13 Nov 1792 Paul Barras (1st time) (b. 1755 - d. 1829)
(to ... 1792)
- François Aubry (from ... 1792)(b. 1747 - d. 1802)
- Maximin Isnard (from ... 1792)(b. 1758 - d. 1830)
- Antoine-Joseph-Marie (b. 1757 - d. 1829)
Despinassy (from ... 1792)18 Nov 1792 - 1 Mar 1793 Jean-François Goupilleau de (b. 1754 - d. 1823)
Fontenay
- Jean-Marie Collot d'Herbois (b. 1750 - d. 1796)
- Marie-David-Albin Lasource (b. 1762 - d. 1793)
- Abbé Henri-Jean-Baptiste (b. 1750 - d. 1831)
Grégoire
- Grégoire Jagot (b. 1750 - d. 1838)
May 1793 - Aug 1793 Paul Barras (2nd time) (s.a.)
- Louis-Stanislas Fréron (b. 1755 - d. 1822)
Sep 1793 - Jun 1794 Augustin-Bon-Joseph de (b. 1763 - d. 1794)
Robespierre
(on leave 26 Dec 1793 - Feb 1794)
- Jean-François Ricord (b. 1760 - d. 1818)
- Cristoforo Saliceti (b. 1757 - d. 1809)
(1st time)(25 Feb 1794 - Apr 1794)
Jun 1794 - 5 Aug 1794 Jean-François Ricord (s.a.)
- François-Sébastien-Christophe (b. 1760 - d. 1823)
Laporte
Aug 1794 - Sep 1794 François-Sébastien-Christophe (s.a.)
Laporte
- Cristoforo Saliceti (s.a.)
(2nd time)
- Antoine-Louis Albitte (b. 1761 - d. 1812)
(to 21 Aug 1794)
- Louis Turreau (b. 1761 - d. 1797)
(from 21 Aug 1794)
6 Sep 1794 - Jun 1795 François-Joseph Ritter (b. 1758 - d. 1809)
(1st time)
- Louis Turreau (to Jan 1795) (s.a.)
- Louis-Etienne Beffroy de (b. 1754 - d. 1826)
Beauvoir
8 Jan 1795 - 22 Jun 1795 Ange Chiappe (b. 1766 - d. 1826)
- Jacques-Marie Dumaz (or Dumas)
(from ... 1795) (b. 1762 - d. 1839)
- André Réal (b. 1752 - d. 1832)
Jun 1795 - Sep? 1795 François-Joseph Ritter (s.a.)
(2nd time)
- Pétré
- Jacques-Henri-Marie Maisse (b. 1756 - d. 1806)
Commissioners of the Executive Directory
Sep 1795 - Apr 1798 André Gastaud (b. 1755 - d. 1821)
Apr 1798 - 1799 Rufin Massa (b. 1743 - d. 1831)
Austrian commanders
11 May 1800 - 18 May 1800 Melas
18 May 1800 - 29 May 1800 Freiherr Elnitz
Prefects of Alpes-Maritimes département31 May 1800 - Nov 1801 Joseph Antoine Florens (b. 1762 - d. 1842)
3 Nov 1801 - 1803 Alexandre Paul Guérin (b. 1757 - d. 1816)
de Châteauneuf-Randon
1803 Capelle (acting)
1803 - 18 May 1814 François Joseph de Gratet du (b. 1746 - d. 1829)
Bouchage
18 May 1814 - 27 May 1814 Sauvaigue (acting)
Governors
1814 - 1820 Polycarpe Cacherano, comte (b. 1744 - d. 1824)
d'Osasco
1820 - 1822 Annibal di Saluzzo (b. 1775 - d. 1852)
1822 - 1827 Emilio Roero di San Severino
1827 - 1830 Henri Milliet de Faverges et de
Challes, maquis de Faverges (b. 1775 - d. 1839)
1830 - 1831 Louis Bongioanni de Castelborgo (b. 1756 - d. 1834)
1831 - 1834 Bernardino, conte Morra de (b. 1769 - d. 1851)
Lavriano
1834 - 1837 Étienne de Candia
1837 - May 1848 Rodolphe de Maistre, comte de (b. 1789 - d. 1866)
Maistre
May 1848 - 1849 Hippolyte Gerbaix de Sonnaz (b. 1783 - d. 1871)
Intendants
27 May 1814 - 1816 Jean-François Fighiera (b. 1754 - d. 1826)
1816 - 1819 cavaliere di Guidici
12 Aug 1819 - 1827 Alessandro Crotti di Castiglioni
1827 - 1828 Pullino (acting)
1828 - 1831 Pierre Bianchi
1831 - 1837 Joseph Fernex
1837 - 1841 Pantaleone Gandolfo
2 Oct 1841 - Aug 1844 Luigi Des Ambrois de Nevache (b. 1807 - d. 1874)
Aug 1844 - 1848/49 Felice, barone de Boccard (b. 1799 - d. 1876)
Intendants general
1849 - 1850 Teodoro de Rossi di Santa Rosa (d. 1890)
1850 - 1851 Alessandro Radicati di Marmorito
1851 - 1856 Ottavio Ferrero Della Marmora (b. 1806 - d. 1868)
(1st time)
1856 - 1858 Pietro Boschi
1858 - 1859 Ottavio Ferrero Della Marmora (s.a.)
(2nd time)
Governors
23 Oct 1859 - 1860 Enrico Cordero di Montezemolo (b. 1811 - d. 1887)
2 Apr 1860 - 23 Jun 1860? Louis Lubonis (provisional) (b. 1815 - d. 1893)
Nivernois (Nivernais) (2)
8.. County of Nivernais
843 Under the suzerainty of the King of France.
887 - 918 Part of Burgundy.
966 - 987 Part of Burgundy.
6 May 1545 - 1566 Government abolished?
1659 County of Nivernais part of the Royal domain.
Governors
30 Jul 1661 - 8 May 1707 Philippe Julien Mancini, (b. 1641 - d. 1707)
duc de Nevers
May 1707 - 1717 Jacques Léonor Rouxel, (b. 1655 - d. 1725)
comte de Médavy
1717 - 14 Sep 1768 Philippe Jules François Mancini,(b. 1676 - d. 1768)
duc de Nevers
12 Oct 1768 - 1 Jan 1791 Louis Jules Barbon Mancini, (b. 1716 - d. 1798)
duc de Nevers dit Duc du
Nivernais
Normandie (Normandy)
Adopted c.1160
843 Under the suzerainty of the Kings of France. 845 Lordship of Normandy 911 County of Normandy 987 Duchy of Normandy 1066 - 1202 English rule. 1214 Part of the French Royal domain (confiscated in 1202). 1346 - 1360 English rule. 1415 - 1453 English rule.
English Governors 1066 - 1202 .... 1346 - 1360 .... Lieutenant of France
Dec 1420 - 1421 Thomas of Lancaster,(b. 1388 - d. 1421)
Duke of Clarence 1422 - 14 Sep 1435 John of Lancaster, (b. 1389 - d. 1435) Duke of Bedford 1435 - 1436 John, seigneur de Talbot (b. c.1387 - d. 1453)8 May 1436 - Dec 1447 Richard, Duke of York (b. 1411 - d. 1460) Dec 1447 - 1449 Edmund Beaufort, Duke of (b. 1406 d. 1455) Somerset Governors 9 May 1691 - 1726 Charles François Frédéric de (b. 1662 - d. 1726) Montmorency, duc de Piney 1726 - 18 May 1764 Charles François Frédéric II (b. 1702 - d. 1764) de Montmorency, duc de Piney 15 Jun 1764 - 1775 Anne-Pierre, duc d'Harcourt (b. 1701 - d. 1783) 17 Sep 1775 - 1 Jan 1791 François Henri, duc d'Harcourt (b. 1726 - d. 1800)
Orange: see under Provence
Orléannais (2)
8.. County of Orléans843 Under the suzerainty of the King of France.1199 County of Gien part of the Royal domain.1286 County of Chartres part of the Royal domain.1300 Seigneury of Beaugency part of the Royal domain.1344 Duchy of Orléanais 1 Sep 1375 First royal governor appointed.1391 County of Blois part of the Royal domain. 7 Apr 1498 Part of the Royal domain.
1589 Duchy of Vendôme part of the Royal domain.
Governors
8 Jan 1680 - 21 Sep 1707 François d'Escoubleau, comte (b. 16.. - d. 1707)
de Sourdis, seigneur de
Gaujac, d'Estillac et de
Chabanais
28 Sep 1707 - 2 Nov 1736 Louis Antoine de Pardaillan de (b. 1665 - d. 1736)
Gondrin, marquis d'Antin et
de Montespan, duc d'Antin
2 Nov 1736 - 9 Dec 1743 Louis de Pardaillan de Gondrin, (b. 1707 - d. 1743)
duc d'Antin
11 Dec 1743 - 13 Sep 1757 Louis de Pardaillan de Gondrin, (b. 1727 - d. 1757)
duc d'Antin
2 Nov 1757 - 25 Aug 1784 François Charles, comte de (b. 1703 - d. 1784)
Rochechouart-Faudoas
7 Nov 1784 - 1 Jan 1791 Aymery Louis Roger, comte de (b. 1744 - d. 1791)
Rochechouart-Faudoas
Ville, Prévoté et Vicomté de Paris
27 May 1418 - 141. Burgundian occupation.
Dec 1420 - c.1429 English occupation.
11 Dec 1528 - 12 Mar 1533 Paris separated from Île-de-France.
24 Jan 1596 Paris again separated from Île-de-France.
18 Mar 1776 Paris becomes a minor government of the 3rd rank.
Governors
13 Feb 1687 - 9 Dec 1704 Léon Potier, duc de Tresmes (b. 1620 - d. 1704)
10 Dec 1704 - 12 Apr 1739 François Bernard Potier, (b. 1635 - d. 1739)
duc de Tresmes
12 Apr 1739 - 19 Sep 1757 François Joachim Bernard Potier,(b. 1692 - d. 1757)
duc de Gesvres
22 Sep 1757 - 8 Oct 1771 Marie Charles Louis d'Albret, (b. 1717 - d. 1771)
duc de Luynes
21 Oct 1771 - 177. Jean-Paul Timoléon de Cossé, (b. 1698 - d. 1780)
duc de Brissac
12 Feb 1775 - 10 Oct 1789 Louis Hercule Timoléon de Cossé,(b. 1734 - d. 1792)
duc de Brissac
Picardie (Picardy)
Adopted c.1640
843 Under the suzerainty of the King of France. 1185 Amiénois part of the Royal domain.1191 County of Vermandois part of the Royal domain.1212 County of Boulogne part of the Royal domain. 1279 - 1369 Ponthieu occupied by England.1299 Picardy constituted of the Bailiwick of Amiens.4/8 Oct 1347 - 20 Jan 1558 Calais under English rule. 1369 County of Ponthieu part of the Royal domain. 1372 - 1435 Ponthieu occupied by England.1435 - 1477 Picardy (incl. Ponthieu) ceded to the Duchy of Burgundy.1486 Government of Picardie 16th cent. Picardy increased by the pays reconquis ("reconquered lands")
surrounding the towns of Calais and Boulogne (Artois-Boulonnais).
Governors
4 May 1692 - 12 May 1748 Henri de Lorraine, duc d'Elbeuf (b. 1661 - d. 1748)
12 May 1748 - 29 Dec 1751 Charles de Lorraine, comte (b. 1684 - d. 1751)
d'Armagnac
1 Jan 1752 - 23 Sep 1769 Michel Ferdinand d'Albert, duc (b. 1714 - d. 1769)
de Chaulnes
24 Sep 1769 - 1 Jan 1791 Gabriel-Marie de Talleyrand- (b. 1726 - d. 1795)
Périgord, comte de Périgord
Calais
4/8 Oct 1347 - 20 Jan 1558 Calais under English rule.
Governors and Captains-General
4 Oct 1347 - 8 Oct 1347 Gautier de Manny (Walter de Maney)
8 Oct 1347 - 1 Dec 1347 John Montgomery
1 Dec 1347 - 1349 John Chivereston
Jan 1349 - 1350 John Beauchamp (1st time)
Mar 1350 - 1350/51 Robert de Herle (1st time)
1350/51 - Jun 1361 John Beauchamp (2nd time)
20 Jun 1351 - 1353 Robert de Herle (2nd time)
29 Jun 1353 - 1355 Reginald de Cobham (b. c.1295 - d. 1361)
1355 - 1356 Roger Beauchamp (1st time)
1353 - 1358 John Beauchamp (3rd time)
1358 - 1361 Ralph de Ferrers
1361 - 1365 Henry le Scrope (1st time) (b. c.1312 - d. 1392)
1365 - 1366 Bartholomew de Burghersh (d. 1369)
1366 - 1370 Henry le Scrope (2nd time) (s.a.)
1370 - 1372 Nicholas de Tamworth
1372 - 1373 Roger Beauchamp (2nd time)
1373 - 1375 John de Burley (d. c.1416)
1375 - 1377 Sir Hugh de Calverley (d. 1394)
1377 Thomas Fogg
1377 - 1378 Sir Bernard Brocas (b. 1330 d. 1395)
1378/1379 - Jan 1380 William de Montague, (b. 1328 - d. 1397)
Earl of Salisbury
1380 - 1381 William, Baron Latimer (b. c.1330 - d. 1381)
1381 - 1383 John Devereux (b. c.1337 - d. 1393)
+ John de Burley (to 1382?)
1383 - 1391 William de Beauchamp, Baron (b. c.1343 - d. 1411)
Bergavenny,
1391 - 1398 Thomas de Mowbray, Duke of (b. 1366 - d. 1399)
Norfolk, Earl of Norfolk
Jan 1398 - 1398 Thomas Percy, Earl of Worcester (b. 1343 - d. 1403)
1398 - 1401 Peter Courtenay (b. 1349 - d. 1409)
1401 - 1407 John Beaufort, Earl of Somerset (b. 1373 - d. 1410)
1407 - 1410 Thomas Beaufort, Duke of Exeter (b.c.1377 - d. 1426)
18 Mar 1410 - Apr 1413 Henry, Prince of Wales (b. 1387 - d. 1422)
(from 20 Mar 1413, King Henry V)
May 1413 - 1414? William de la Zouche, Baron (b. c. 1373 d. 1415)
Zouche
Jul 1414 - 1432 Richard Woodville, Earl Rivers (b. 1405 - d. 1469)
(1st time)
1432 - 1435 John Lancaster, Duke of Bedford (b. 1389 - d. 1435)
Jan 1435 - Oct 1435 Richard Woodville, Earl Rivers (s.a.)
(2nd time)
1 Nov 1435 - 1439 Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester (b. 1390 - d. 1447)
1439 - 1442 Sir Thomas Kyriell (b. 1396 d. 1461)
1442 - 1450 Humphrey Stafford, Duke of (b. 1402 - d. 1460)
Buckingham
Sep 1451 - 1454 Edmund Beaufort,earl of Somerset (b. 1406 - d. 1455)
(1st time)
1454 Anthony Woodville, Earl Rivers (b. c.1440 - d. 1483)
(acting)
28 Jul 1454 - 6 Mar 1455 Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York(b. 1411 - d. 1460)
1455 - Aug 1456 Edmund Beaufort,earl of Somerset (s.a.)
(2nd time)
Aug 1456 - Apr 1471 Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick (b. 1428 - d. 1471)
17 Jul 1471 - Jun 1488 William Hastings, Baron Hastings (b. c.1431 - d. 1483)
28 Jun 1483 - 16 Jul 1483 John Blount, Baron Mountjoy (b. c.1450 - d. 1485)
16 Jul 1483 - Mar 1484 John Dynham, Baron Dynham (b. c.1433 d. 1501)
Mar 1484 - 1485? Sir Ralph Hastings (d. 1495)
11 Mar 1485 - 1486 John Plantagenet, Duke of (d. 1499?)
Gloucester
7 Mar 1486 - 1493? Giles, Baron Daubeney (b. 1451 - d. 1508)
1493 - 1494 Edward Poynings (b. 1459 d. 1521)
1494/96 - 1503? Gilbert, Lord Talbot (1st time) (b. 1452 - d. 1517)
1503 - 15.. Anthony Browne (b. 1443 - d. 1506)
1504? - 1507 Richard Nanfant (d. 1507)
Sep 1509 - 151. Gilbert, Lord Talbot (2nd time) (s.a.)
1514 - 15.. Maurice de Berkeley
1513 - 1520 Richard Carew
- jointly with -
Aug 1514 - 1519 Richard Wingfield (b. c.1469 - d. 1525)
1519 - Nov 1520 John Peeche
28 Nov 1520 - Mar 1532 John Bourchier, Baron Berners (b. 1467 - d. 1533)
Jun 1533 - 1540 Arthur Plantagenet, Viscount (d. 1542)
Lisle
- jointly with -
1537 - 1539 Robert Wingfield (d. 1554)
(acting for Lisle)
24 Sep 1538 - 1540 John Dudley, Duke of (b. 1504 - d. 1553)
Northumberland
Jul 1540 - Feb 1544 Henry Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel (b. 1512 - d. 1580)
1544 - 1550 George Brooke, Baron Cobham (b. c.1497 - d. 1558)
Aug 1550 - Oct 1552 Christopher Willoughby
29 Oct 1552 - Dec 1553 William Howard, Baron Howard of (b. 1510 - d. 1573)
Effingham
Dec 1553 - 7 Jan 1558 Thomas Wentworth, Baron Wentworth(b. 1525 - d. 1584)
Poitou (2)
... County of Poitou
843 Under the suzerainty of the King of France.
1152 - 1204 English rule.
1223 County of Poitou part of the Royal domain.
1356 - 1373 English rule.
Jul 1560 Separate government of Poitou was created
(previously part of government of Guyenne).
Governors
Jan 1676 - 9 Jun 1719 René-François, marquis de la (b. 1652 - d. 1719)
Vieuville
9 Jun 1719 - 4 May 1727 Louis Armand de Bourbon, (b. 1695 - d. 1727)
prince de Condé
7 Jun 1727 - 2 Aug 1776 Louis-François de Bourbon, (b. 1717 - d. 1776)
prince de Condé
5 Aug 1776 - 18 Nov 1785 Louis-Philippe Joseph, duc de (b. 1747 - d. 1793)
Chartres (from 18 Jan 1785,
duc d'Orléans)
5 Dec 1785 - 1 Jan 1791 Louis-Philippe, duc de Chartres (b. 1773 - d. 17850)
(later, duc d'Orléans)
Pays et Comté de Provence
855 Kingdom of Provence
863 Divided between Italy (south) and Lothringia (Lorraine)(north).
869 - 877 French rule.
879 County of Provence
933 Part of Kingdom of Arles (Upper Burgundy).
1032 - 1246 Within the Holy Roman Empire.
1246 French fief.
11 Dec 1481 In personal union with the French Royal domain.
1643 - 1706 Quercy a separate province.
1643 - 1680 Périgord a separate province.
Governors
9 Aug 1669 - 11 Jun 1712 Louis Joseph de Bourbon, duc (b. 1654 - d. 1712)
de Vendôme, duc d'Étampes,
comte de Penthièvre
"le Grand Vendôme"
20 Oct 1712 - 17 Jun 1734 Claude Louis Hector, duc de (b. 1653 - d. 1734)
Villars
17 Jun 1734 - 27 Apr 1770 Honoré Armand, duc de Villars, (b. 1702 - d. 1770)
duc et pair de France, prince
de Martigues, vicomte de Melun,
comte de Rochemiley, marquis
de la Melle
6 May 1770 - 12 Apr 1782 Camille Louis de Lorraine, (b. 1725 - d. 1782)
comte de Marsan, "prince Camille"
26 Apr 1782 - 1790 Charles Juste de Beauvau, (b. 1720 - d. 1793)
prince de Beauvau et prince
de Craon
Seneschals and Governors of Quercy
1655 - 1679 Emmanuel Galiot de Lostanges (d. 1679)
de Saint-Alvère, marquis de
Saint-Alvère
1679 - 1706 Louis de Lostanges (b. 1654 - d. 1706)
Seneschals and Governors of Périgord
26 May 1672 - 1679 Philibert Hélie de Pompadour, (b. c.1612 - d. 1683)
marquis de Laurière, baron
de Nontron, seigneur du
Bourdeix and de Puyagut
1679 - 1680 Léonard Élie de Pompadour,
marquis de Laurière
Orange
Map of Orange
Capital: Orange
Population: 7,000
(1700)
10.. County of Orange1150 Ruling line splits into two lines ("Line A" which consists of Guillaume II, Guillaume III, Tiburge II, and Raimbaud IV
and "Line B" which is the "princely" line and consists of
Raimbaud III, Tiburge III, Bertrand I de Baux,and Guillaume IV). 1163 Principality of Orange (Principauté d'Orange), a sovereign
principality within the Holy Roman Empire.
1180 Tiburge II bequeaths his portion to the Order of the Knights Hospitaller (later named Knights of Malta). 1190 Raimbaud IV also bequeaths his portion to the Knights Hospitaller. 1218 The princely line ("Line B") splits into "Line B1" and "Line B2." (Line B1 consists of Guillaume V, Guillaume VI, Raymond II, and Bertrand II; Line B2 consists of Raymond I andBertrand III).1289 Bertrand III reunites the principality.1307 Count of Provence acquires the portion ceded to the Knights
Hospitaller and in 1308 cede it to Bertrand III.1376 Princes also Princes of the Holy Roman Empire.Oct 1417 - 15 Jul 1544 Under the Châlons-Arlay (from 1530, Châlon-Orange) dynasty.1431 The Count of Provence waived taxation duties for Orange's rulers
(Mary of Baux-Orange and Jean de Châlons of Burgundy) in exchange
for liquid assets to be used for a ransom.
15 Jul 1544-8/19 Mar 1702 Under Orange-Nassau dynasty (from 1586, stadholders of Netherlands).1660 - 1665 Occupied by France.1672 - 8/19 Mar 1702 Occupied by France.8/19 Mar 1702 At the death of Guillaume X, Prince of Orange (from 23 Feb 1689,
King William III of England), his closest heir is Friedrich I King
of Prussia, but his will grants Orange to Johan Willem Friso van
Nassau-Dietz;the succession is disputed by Prussia and France and
France annexes Orange incorporating it into Province of Dauphiné.11 Apr 1713 By the Treaty of Utrecht, Friedrich I of Prussia cedes the
principality to France (without surrendering the princely title),
in which cession the Holy Roman Empire as suzerain concurred,
though Johan Willem Friso van Nassau-Dietz, the other claimant to
the principality, did not concur.14 May 1732 By the Treaty of Partage, William IV, Prince of Orange (successor to
Johan Willem Friso) renounces his claims to the territory but,
like Friedrich I, he does not renounce his claim to the title.
In the same treaty an agreement was made between both claimants,
stipulating both houses to be allowed to use the title of "Prince
of Orange" (prince d'Orange/prins van Oranje/fürst von Oranien). 4 Mar 1790 Part of département Drôme.25 Jun 1793 Part of département Vaucluse.
Princes (title Prince d'Orange/Reichsfürst zu Oranien)
23 Apr 1625 - 14 Mar 1647 Frédéric Henri (Frederik Hendrik) (b. 1584 - d. 1647)
14 Mar 1647 - 6 Nov 1650 Guillaume IX (Willem) (b. 1626 - d. 1650)
6 Nov 1650 - 19 Mar 1702 Guillaume X Henri (Willem Hendrik) (b. 1650 - d. 1702)
(from 23 Feb 1689, also King
William III of England)
1697 - 22 Feb 1709 François Louis de Bourbon, comte (b. 1664 - d. 1709)
de La Marche, prince du Conti
(in opposition)
19 Mar 1702 - 11 Apr 1713 Claims of France, Prussia and Nassau
Governors
1 Jul 1637 - 1649 Ursula Gräfin zu Solms-Braunfels(f)(b. 1594 - d. 1657)
1649 - 1660 Friedrich Burggraf zu Dohna (b. 1621 - d. 1688)
1660 - 1665 Vacant
1665 - 18 Jul 1665 (Huygens?) de Zulichem
166. - Nov 1673 de Berckoffer (Berghofer?)
1673 - 16.. d'Alauzier
1697 - 11 Apr 1713 François de Castellane, comte de (b. 1632 - d. 1714)
Grignan (lieutenant-governor of Provence)
Comté de Roussillon
843 Under the suzerainty of France.
1180 Under the suzerainty of Catalonia/Aragón (accepted by
France 1258).
9 Jan 1463 Annexed by France.
19 Jan 1493 Retro-ceded to Aragón by France.
16 Jan 1556 Possession of the Spanish Habsburg monarchy.
23 Mar 1642 County of Roussillon is annexed by France.
19 Sep 1642 - 17 Nov 1659 French occupation.
17 Nov 1659 Ceded to France by Treaty of the Pyrénées.
1660 County of Roussillon part of French Royal domain.
Lieutenant-generals
14 Jun 1463 - 1463 Jean de Foix, comte de Candale, (d. 1485)
de Benauges et de Castres
(also Viceroy and governor)
31 Aug 1463 - 146. Bernard d'Oms, seigneur de (d. 1474)
Corbère -Senechal
(also governor and captain-general of Perpignan)
20 Sep 1467 - 146. Jean d'Anjou, duc de Calabre et (b. 1427 - d. 1470)
de Lorraine
1468 - 14.. Tanneguy III du Châtel (Chastel)(d. 1477)
21 Dec 1471 - 147. Antoine de Châteauneuf, (d. 1484)
se
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5212
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https://www.academia.edu/543074/The_Science_of_Words_or_Philology_Music_in_The_Birth_of_Tragedy_and_the_Alchemy_of_Love_in_The_Gay_Science_
|
en
|
The Science of Words or Philology : Music in «The Birth of Tragedy» and the Alchemy of Love in «The Gay Science»
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[
"Babette Babich",
"fordham.academia.edu"
] |
2011-04-24T00:00:00
|
The role of music in «The Birth of Tragedy» presupposes the question of the relation Nietzsche had uncovered between 'music and words' in his theory of meter and rhythm in ancient Greek. This question reflects Nietzsche’s architectonically
|
https://www.academia.edu/543074/The_Science_of_Words_or_Philology_Music_in_The_Birth_of_Tragedy_and_the_Alchemy_of_Love_in_The_Gay_Science_
|
The stylistic role of music in The Birth of Tragedy presupposes the relation Nietzsche had uncovered between “music and words” in his theory of meter and rhythm in ancient Greek. This is Nietzsche’s architectonically quantitative, measured and timed, theory of words and music for his courses on rhythm and meter as well as his discussion of tragedy and music in his first book. A recollection of the meaning of the spirit of music also reviews the logical questions of metaphor and truth and invites a parallel with The Gay Science with regard to language and the alchemical art of love, likewise in terms of both music and science. This inquiry entails the purely philosophical questions of knowledge and truth yet the discussion to follow takes its point of departure from classical philology, reviewing what Nietzsche himself held to have been his most scientific “discovery” on the terms of his own discipline. Although we have become accustomed to view Nietzsche as the perfect embodiment of the academic outsider, his discovery concerning Greek prosody is standard in his field (so standard as to be received without fanfare or indeed, although it is not disputed, routine acknowledgment as such).
as early as 1869, in his notes from Basel, Nietzsche had paralleled the musical culture of ancient Greece and the song culture of medieval Europe precisely for the sake of an understanding of Greek lyric poetry and tragedy. Thus Nietzsche declared that “for the Greeks, text and music were so intimately joined that without exception one and the same artist created both of them.” Nietzsche further observed that the marriage of text and music was “in no way a rarity: think of the troubadours, the Minnesänger, and even the guild of Meistersingers” (Fruehe Schriften Vol 5, p. 308; cf. p. 367).
I dive into Nietzsche's first book and try to understand his view on Greek dramatic tragedy and the role of music in the ancient art form. I also contrast his view with a Hegelian view of music. The role of the ancient Chorus is also discussed. I also address the destablizing and positive aspects of Socrates on Nietzsche's philosophy of music. The influence of Schopenhauer is also addressed. I also sketch the history of Ancient Tragedy and how it evolved out of the east and dating back to the time of Homer and other famous Greek poets noted by the author. In my view "Birth of Tragedy" is a highly underrated book by Nietzsche.
Since the first appearance of The Hirth ofTragedy Ollt ofthe Spirit of Music, Nietzsche has arguably proved to he amongst the most influential intellectuals upon European artistic practice. Indeed, four musicians with strong Nietzschean traces who immediately come to mind are Richard Strauss (Also Sprach Zarathustra, 1895) and Gustav Mahler (Symphony NO.3 in D Minor, 189511896), Frederick Delius (A Mass of Life, 19°4119°5) and Arnold Schoenberg (Der Wanderer in E~'tht Songs, Opus 6, 19°3119°5). Yet this paper is not concerned with the vicissitudes of Nietzsche's influence upon musicians over the last four or five generations, let alone with the influence of a Richard Wagner or a Georges Bizet upon him, nor, for that matter, with his own attempts at composition. The Birth ofTragedy, in common with Nietzsche's other publications, verges upon the potentially intimidating. Even on a cursory reading, it presents its readers with significant problems of how they are to orient ...
Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) was not only a philosopher who loved and wrote about music; he was also a musician, pianist, and composer. In this ground-breaking volume, philosophers, historians, musicians, and musicologists come together to explore Nietzsche’s thought and music in all its complexity. Starting from the role that music played in the formation and articulation of Nietzsche’s thought, as well as the influence that contemporary composers had on him, the essays provide an in-depth analysis of the structural and stylistic aspects of his compositions. The volume highlights the significance of music in Nietzsche’s life and looks deeply at his musical experiments which led to a new and radically different style of composition in relation with his philosophical thought. It also traces the influence that Nietzsche had on many other musicians and musical genres, from Russian composers to current rock music and heavy metal.
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https://borrowing.stir.ac.uk/library/glasgow-university/registers/28/2884/image-and-text
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Books and Borrowing 1750-1830
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APA Style:
Glasgow University Library: Register MS Lib 5: Professors Receipt Book, page 97r (image and text view). 2024. In Books and Borrowing: An Analysis of Scottish Borrowers’ Registers, 1750-1830. University of Stirling. Retrieved 15 August 2024, from https://borrowing.stir.ac.uk/library/glasgow-university/registers/28/2884/image-and-text
MLA Style:
"Glasgow University Library: Register MS Lib 5: Professors Receipt Book, page 97r (image and text view)." Books and Borrowing: An Analysis of Scottish Borrowers’ Registers, 1750-1830, University of Stirling, 2024. Web. 15 August 2024. https://borrowing.stir.ac.uk/library/glasgow-university/registers/28/2884/image-and-text
Chicago Style
Books and Borrowing: An Analysis of Scottish Borrowers’ Registers, 1750-1830, s.v., "Glasgow University Library: Register MS Lib 5: Professors Receipt Book, page 97r (image and text view)," accessed 15 August 2024, https://borrowing.stir.ac.uk/library/glasgow-university/registers/28/2884/image-and-text
If your style guide prefers a single bibliography entry for this resource, we recommend:
Books and Borrowing: An Analysis of Scottish Borrowers’ Registers, 1750-1830. 2024. University of Stirling. https://borrowing.stir.ac.uk
Barrettis' Italian Dictionary 2 Vols
Borrowed: 1775/12/13 (Wednesday). Returned: 1776/1/20 (Saturday). Original Borrowed Date: 13 Dec 1775. Original Returned Date: 20 Jan 1776.
Borrower
William Richardson
Gender: Male.
Occupation (original): Professor.
Original Full Name: M.r Richardson. Life dates: 1743-1814. Academic dates: 1757-1763; MA 1763.
Occupation (normalised): Education > University Professor.
Book Holding
Giuseppe Marco Antonio Baretti (Male, born 1719, died 1789)
Genre: Reference Works
Dictionary of the English and Italian languages. Improved and augmented with above ten thousand words, omitted in the last edition of Altieri. To which is added, an Italian and English grammar.
Press: C. Shelf: 1. Number: 7. Original Author: Baretti, Giuseppe, 1719-1789..
Volumes borrowed: Volume 1, Volume 2
Book Edition
Confidence level: Certain
Giuseppe Marco Antonio Baretti (Male, born 1719, died 1789)
Genre: Reference Works
Dictionary of the English and Italian languages. Improved and augmented with above ten thousand words, omitted in the last edition of Altieri. To which is added, an Italian and English grammar.
Language: English | Italian . Published: London. Date of publication: 1760. Format: 4to.
Number of borrowings: Volumes associated with this edition were borrowed 25 times in 13 borrowing records
ESTC: N8657
ESTC record
Book Work
Giuseppe Marco Antonio Baretti (Male, born 1719, died 1789)
Genre: Reference Works
Dictionary of the English and Italian Languages
Goldsmith's History of the earth & animated Nature 8 Vols J. Bogle
Borrowed: 1776/2/7 (Wednesday). Returned: 1776/8/7 (Wednesday). Original Borrowed Date: 7 Feb 1776. Original Returned Date: 7 Aug 1776.
Borrowers
William Richardson
Gender: Male.
Occupation (original): Professor.
Original Full Name: M.r Richardson. Life dates: 1743-1814. Academic dates: 1757-1763; MA 1763.
Occupation (normalised): Education > University Professor.
Mr Bogle
Gender: Male. Borrower type: Other.
Book HoldingLibrary record
Oliver Goldsmith (Male, born c.1730, died 1774)
Genre: Natural Philosophy
History of the earth, and animated nature.
Press: AM. Shelf: 7. Number: 6, 14. Possible modern shelfmark: Sp Coll Bn3-k.1-8. Original Author: Goldsmith, Oliver, 1730?-1774..
Volumes borrowed: Volume 1, Volume 2, Volume 3, Volume 4, Volume 5, Volume 6, Volume 7, Volume 8
Book Edition
Confidence level: Certain
Oliver Goldsmith (Male, born c.1730, died 1774)
Genre: Natural Philosophy
An history of the earth, and animated nature: by Oliver Goldsmith. In eight volumes. ...
Language: English . Published: London. Date of publication: 1774. Format: 8vo. Pagination: 8 vols.
Number of borrowings: Volumes associated with this edition were borrowed 705 times in 454 borrowing records
ESTC: T146096
ESTC record
Book Work
Oliver Goldsmith (Male, born c.1730, died 1774)
Genre: Natural Philosophy
History of the Earth, and Animated Nature
|
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https://relatedwords.io/hispanism
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400+ Words Related to Hispanism
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[] |
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[
""
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[] | null |
A big list of 'hispanism' words. We've compiled all the words related to hispanism and organised them in terms of their relevance and association with hispanism.
|
en
| null |
Below is a massive list of hispanism words - that is, words related to hispanism. The top 4 are: romancero, don quixote, pedro calderón de la barca and miguel de cervantes. You can get the definition(s) of a word in the list below by tapping the question-mark icon next to it. The words at the top of the list are the ones most associated with hispanism, and as you go down the relatedness becomes more slight. By default, the words are sorted by relevance/relatedness, but you can also get the most common hispanism terms by using the menu below, and there's also the option to sort the words alphabetically so you can get hispanism words starting with a particular letter. You can also filter the word list so it only shows words that are also related to another word of your choosing. So for example, you could enter "romancero" and click "filter", and it'd give you words that are related to hispanism and romancero.
You can highlight the terms by the frequency with which they occur in the written English language using the menu below. The frequency data is extracted from the English Wikipedia corpus, and updated regularly. If you just care about the words' direct semantic similarity to hispanism, then there's probably no need for this.
There are already a bunch of websites on the net that help you find synonyms for various words, but only a handful that help you find related, or even loosely associated words. So although you might see some synonyms of hispanism in the list below, many of the words below will have other relationships with hispanism - you could see a word with the exact opposite meaning in the word list, for example. So it's the sort of list that would be useful for helping you build a hispanism vocabulary list, or just a general hispanism word list for whatever purpose, but it's not necessarily going to be useful if you're looking for words that mean the same thing as hispanism (though it still might be handy for that).
If you're looking for names related to hispanism (e.g. business names, or pet names), this page might help you come up with ideas. The results below obviously aren't all going to be applicable for the actual name of your pet/blog/startup/etc., but hopefully they get your mind working and help you see the links between various concepts. If your pet/blog/etc. has something to do with hispanism, then it's obviously a good idea to use concepts or words to do with hispanism.
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https://www.famousfix.com/list/french-grammarians
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en
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List of French grammarians
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Abel Hermant French writer
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rank #1 ·
Abel Hermant (3 February 1862 – 29 September 1950) was a French novelist, playwright, essayist and writer, and member of the Académie française.
French male non-fiction writers · 2,066T
19th-century French male writers · 615T
20th-century French male writers · 1,582T
Nicolas Beauzée French linguist and author
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rank #2 ·
Nicolas Beauzée (9 May 1717 in Verdun, Meuse – 23 January 1789 in Paris) was a French linguist, author of Grammaire générale (published 1767) and one of the main contributors to the Encyclopédie of Denis Diderot and Jean-Baptiste le Rond d'Alembert on the topic of grammar. In 1772 he was named as the successor to Charles Pinot Duclos in the Académie française.
18th-century French male writers · 392T
French male non-fiction writers · 2,066T
18th-century male writers · 1,354T
Anne Abeillé French linguist
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rank #3 ·
Anne Abeillé (born 13 September 1962 in Paris) is a French linguist specialising in French grammar and syntactic theory, in particular constraint-based grammar, as well as natural language processing. She led the creation of the French Treebank, the first syntactically-annotated corpus of French.
Nicolas Janny Person
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rank #7 ·
Nicolas Janny (19 March 1749 – 6 February 1822) was an 18th–19th-century French priest, pedagogue and grammarian. He was first principal of the college of Remiremont.
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Military occupation in French frontier strategy
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2016-05-16T00:00:00
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This chapter deals with the way the military occupations developed, from conquest to ideas of possible annexation. It explores how they relate to French strategy for the north-eastern and south-eastern frontiers during Louis XIV's personal reign. If in the second half of Louis XIV's personal rule France maintained some control over Lorraine without too much difficulty, the picture was far messier when it came to the lands of the duke of Savoy. After Nijmegen, French frontier strategy, as directed by Louvois and Vauban, centred on the creation of the pre carre, a more defensible geometric frontier marked by a more linear fortress barrier. The great defences created by Louvois and Vauban on the Lorraine frontier comprised Phalsbourg, Longwy and Sarrelouis, strengthened by the acquisition of Strasbourg in 1681 and Luxembourg in 1684.
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Leader de la généalogie en France et en Europe : publiez votre arbre généalogique et recherchez vos ancêtres dans la première base de données généalogique.
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https://issuu.com/aguttes/docs/cat_aristophil_prestige_20221116_issu
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55 • ORIGINE(S) • DEUX MILLE ANS D'ÉCRITS DU PAPYRUS AU LIVRE IMPRIMÉ
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hispanism
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Hispanism
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hispanism
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The study of the literature and culture of the Spanish-speaking world
For advocacy of Hispanic nationalism, see Panhispanism.
Hispanism (sometimes referred to as Hispanic studies or Spanish studies) is the study of the literature and culture of the Spanish-speaking world, principally that of Spain and Hispanic America. It may also entail studying Spanish language and cultural history in the United States and in other presently or formerly Spanish-speaking countries in Africa, Asia, and the Pacific, such as Equatorial Guinea and the former Spanish East Indies.
A hispanist is a scholar specializing in Hispanicism.[1] It was used in an article by Miguel de Unamuno in 1908[2] referring to 'el hispanista italiano Farinelli', and was discussed at length for the U.S. by Hispanist Richard L. Kagan of Johns Hopkins University.[3] The work carried out by Hispanists includes translations of literature and they may specialize in certain genres, authors or historical periods of the Iberian Peninsula and Hispanic America, etc.
Origins
[edit]
During the 16th century, Spain was a motor of innovation in Europe, given its links to new lands, subjects, literary sorts and personages, dances, and fashions. This hegemonic status, also advanced by commercial and economic interests, generated interest in learning the Spanish language, as Spain was the dominant political power and was the first to develop an overseas empire in post-Renaissance Europe. In order to respond to that interest, some Spanish writers developed a new focus on the Spanish language as subject matter. In 1492 Antonio de Nebrija published his Gramática castellana, the first published grammar of a modern European language. Juan de Valdés composed his Diálogo de la lengua (1533) for his Italian friends, who were eager to learn Castilian. And the lawyer Cristóbal de Villalón wrote in his Gramática castellana (Antwerp, 1558) that Castilian was spoken by Flemish, Italian, English, and French persons.
For many years, especially between 1550 and 1670, European presses published a large number of Spanish grammars and dictionaries that linked Spanish to one or more other languages. Two of the oldest grammars were published anonymously in Louvain: Útil y breve institución para aprender los Principios y fundamentos de la lengua Hespañola (1555) and Gramática de la lengua vulgar de España (1559).
Among the more outstanding foreign authors of Spanish grammars were the Italians Giovanni Mario Alessandri (1560) and Giovanni Miranda (1566);[4] the English Richard Percivale (1591),[5] John Minsheu[5] (1599) and Lewis Owen[6] (1605); the French Jean Saulnier (1608) and Jean Doujat (1644); the German Heinrich Doergangk (1614);[7] and the Dutch Carolus Mulerius (1630).[8]
Dictionaries were composed by the Italian Girolamo Vittori (1602), the Englishman John Torius (1590) and the Frenchmen Jacques Ledel (1565), [1] Jean Palet (1604) and [2] François Huillery (1661). The lexicographical contribution of the German Heinrich Hornkens (1599) and of the Franco-Spanish author Pere Lacavallería (1642) were also important to French Hispanism.
Others combined grammars and dictionaries. The works of the Englishman Richard Percivale (1591), Frenchman César Oudin (1597, 1607), Italians Lorenzo Franciosini (1620, 1624) and Arnaldo de la Porte[9] (1659, 1669) and Austrian Nicholas Mez von Braidenbach[10] (1666, 1670) were especially relevant. Franciosini and Oudin also translated Don Quixote. This list is far from complete and the grammars and dictionaries in general had a great number of versions, adaptations, reprintings and even translations (Oudin's Grammaire et observations de langue espagnolle, for example, was translated into Latin and English). This is why it is not possible to exaggerate the great impact that the Spanish language had in the Europe of the 16th and 17th centuries.
In the 19th century, coinciding with the loss of the Spanish colonial empire and the birth of new Latin American republics, Europe and the United States showed a renewed interest in Hispanic history, literature and culture of the declining great power and its now independent former colonies. Inside Spain, after the country lost definitely its empire in the Spanish defeat in 1898, calls for cultural regeneration and a new conception of identity based in language and humanities began to emerge.[11]
During the Romantic period, the image of a Moorish and exotic medieval Spain, a picturesque country with a mixed cultural heritage, captured the imagination of many writers. This led many to become interested in Spanish literature, legends, and traditions. Travel books written at that time maintained and intensified that interest, and led to a more serious and scientific approach to the study of Spanish and Hispanic American culture. This field did not have a word coined to name it until the early 20th century, when it ended up being called Hispanism.
Hispanism has traditionally been defined[by whom?] as the study of the Spanish and Spanish-American cultures, and particularly of their language by foreigners or people generally not educated in Spain. The Instituto Cervantes has promoted the study of Spanish and Hispanic culture around the world, similar to the way in which institutions such as the British Council, the Alliance Française or the Goethe Institute have done for their own countries.
Criticism
[edit]
Hispanism as an organizing rubric has been criticized by scholars in Spain and in Latin America. The term "attempts to appropriate Latin-American topics and subordinate them to a Spanish centre,” observes Jeffrey Herlihy-Mera. “The nomenclatures have a radial implication which both initiates and sanctions the flawed concept that all cultural materials under this heading emanate from a singular source: the Peninsula.”[12] The rise of “Hispanism” as a term, notes Joan Ramon Resina, “in Spain as in Latin America, was accomplished for the purpose of political administration and obedience to Castilian rule through methods of domination that eventually led to independence and the birth (rather than fragmentation) of a constellation of republics.”[13] He goes on to say that “it is incumbent on us to face up to the possibility that Hispanism no longer has a future in the university.”[14] While Nicolas Shumway believes Hispanism “is an outmoded idea based on an essentialist, ideologically driven, and Spain-centric, notions,”[15] Carlos Alonso maintains the field of Hispanism “must be rethought and exploded.”[16]
In the Philippines
[edit]
In the Philippines, the Hispanists (or hispanista in Tagalog) are a term that has become associated with white washing, colonial mentality and cultural cringe for the past years. In particular, it has surfaced in social media as a bias on Philippine history that regards the colonizers and conquistadors as heroes and "civilizers", and the Philippine national heroes like Andres Bonifacio and Lapulapu as the "villains".
Issues and reactions had stirred on the so-called hispanista movement of Spanish restoration for their radicalism. Claims and historical narratives in the social media have included proposing to “replace” the current Filipino as the country's official language, alluding to the country's status as a former Spanish Empire colony.[17] The anti-Tagalog bias and the demand to credit cultural achievements in the Filipino culture to the Spanish colonizers have resulted in backlash and a negative reputation for online supporters of these ideas in the Philippines.[17]
World influence
[edit]
Hispanic America
[edit]
In the late 19th century Uruguayan José Enrique Rodó and Cuban José Martí were writers stressing the value of Spanish language and cultural heritage as part of the construction of an identity for the new Hispanic American independent nations.[18]
Great Britain and Ireland
[edit]
The first Spanish book translated into English was the Celestina, as an adaptation in verse published in London between 1525 and 1530 by John Rastell. It includes only the first four acts and is based on the Italian version of Alfonso de Ordóñez; it is often referred to as an Interlude, and its original title is A New Comedy in English in Manner of an Interlude Right Elegant and Full of Craft of Rhetoric: Wherein is Shewed and Described as well the Beauty and Good Properties of Women, as Their Vices and Evil Conditions with a Moral Conclusion and Exhortation to Virtue.. The Scottish poet William Drummond (1585–1649) translated Garcilaso de la Vega and Juan Boscán. The English knew the masterpieces of Castilian literature, from early translations of Amadís de Gaula by Garci Rodriguez de Montalvo and the Cárcel de amor by Diego de San Pedro. Sir Philip Sidney had read Los siete libros de la Diana by the Hispano-Portuguese Jorge de Montemayor, whose poetry influenced him greatly. John Bourchier translated Libro de Marco Aurelio by Antonio de Guevara. David Rowland translated Lazarillo de Tormes in 1586, which may have inspired the first English picaresque novel, The Unfortunate Traveller (1594), by Thomas Nashe. By the end of the 16th century, the Celestina had been translated fully (in London, J. Wolf, 1591; Adam Islip, 1596; William Apsley, 1598; and others). Some of the translators of that time traveled or lived for some time in Spain, such as Lord Berners, Bartholomew Yong, Thomas Shelton, Leonard Digges and James Mabbe. William Cecil (Lord Burghley; 1520–1598) owned the largest Spanish library in the United Kingdom.
Elizabethan theater also felt the powerful influence of the Spanish Golden Age. John Fletcher, a frequent collaborator of Shakespeare, borrowed from Miguel de Cervantes's Don Quixote for his Cardenio, possibly written in collaboration with Shakespeare, who is thought to have read Juan Luis Vives. Fletcher's frequent collaborator Francis Beaumont also imitated Don Quixote in the more well-known The Knight of the Burning Pestle. Fletcher also borrowed from other works by Cervantes, including Los trabajos de Persiles y Segismunda for his The Custom of the Country and La ilustre fregona for his beautiful young saleswoman. Cervantes also inspired Thomas Middleton and William Rowley, with his La gitanilla (one of the Novelas ejemplares) influencing their The Spanish Gipsy (1623).
The first translation of Don Quixote into a foreign language was the English version by Thomas Shelton (first part, 1612; second, 1620). And Don Quixote was imitated in the satirical poem Hudibras (1663–78), composed by Samuel Butler. In addition, the works of some great Golden Age poets were translated into English by Richard Fanshawe, who died in Madrid. As early as 1738, a luxurious London edition of Don Quixote in Spanish was published, prepared by the Sephardic Cervantist Pedro Pineda, with an introduction by Gregorio Mayans and ornate engravings. Also in the 18th century two new translations of Don Quixote were published, one by the painter Charles Jervas (1742) and one by Tobias Smollett, a writer of picaresque novels (1755). Smollet appears as an avid reader of Spanish narrative, and that influence is always present in his works. Meanwhile, the best work of the 17th-century writer Charlotte Lennox is The Female Quixote (1752), which was inspired by Cervantes. Cervantes also was the inspiration for The Spiritual Quixote, by Richard Graves. Thwe first critical and annotated edition of Don Quixote was that of the English clergyman John Bowle (1781). The novelists Henry Fielding and Lawrence Sterne also were familiar with the works of Cervantes.
Among the British travellers in Spain in the 18th century who left written testimony of their travels are (chronologically) John Durant Breval, Thomas James, Wyndham Beawes, James Harris, Richard Twiss, Francis Carter, William Dalrymple, Philip Thicknesse, Henry Swinburne, John Talbot Dillon, Alexander Jardine, Richard Croker, Richard Cumberland, Joseph Townsend, Arthur Young, William Beckford, John Macdonald (Memoirs of an Eighteenth-Century Footman), Robert Southey and Neville Wyndham.
Other English travel writers who straddled the 18th and 19th centuries include John Hookham Frere, Henry Richard Vassall-Fox, better known as Lord Holland (1773–1840), a great friend of Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos and Manuel José Quintana, and benefactor of José María Blanco White. Lord Holland visited Spain on numerous occasions and wrote his impressions about those trips. He also collected books and manuscripts and wrote a biography of Lope de Vega. His home was open to all Spaniards, but especially to the liberal émigrés who arrived in the London district of Somers Town in the 19th century, fleeing the absolutist repression of King Ferdinand VII and the religious and ideological dogmatism of the country. Many of them subsisted by translating or teaching their language to English people, most of whom were interested in conducting business with Spanish America, although others wished to learn about Spanish medieval literature, much in vogue among the Romantics. One of the émigrés, Antonio Alcalá Galiano, taught Spanish literature as a professor at the University of London in 1828 and published his notes. The publisher Rudolph Ackerman established a great business publishing Catecismos (text books) on different matters in Spanish, many of them written by Spanish émigrés, for the new Spanish-American republics. Matthew G. Lewis set some of his works in Spain. And the protagonist of Jane Austen's Abbey of Northanger is deranged by her excessive reading of Gothic novels, much as was Don Quixote with his books of chivalry.
Sir Walter Scott was an enthusiastic reader of Cervantes and tried his hand at translation. He dedicated his narrative poem The Vision of Roderick (1811) to Spain and its history. Thomas Rodd translated some Spanish folk ballads. Lord Byron also was greatly interested in Spain and was a reader of Don Quixote. He translated the ballad Ay de mi Alhama in part of his Childe Harold and Don Juan. Richard Trench translated Pedro Calderón de la Barca and was friends with some of the emigrated Spaniards, some of whom wrote in both English and Spanish, such as José María Blanco White and Telesforo de Trueba y Cossío, and many of whom (including Juan Calderón, who held a chair of Spanish at King's College), spread knowledge of the Spanish language and its literature. John Hookham Frere was a friend of the Duke of Rivas when the latter was in Malta, and Hookham translated some medieval and classical poetry into English. The brothers Jeremiah Holmes Wiffen and Benjamin B. Wiffen were both scholars of Spanish culture. The "Lake Poet" Robert Southey, translated Amadís de Gaula and Palmerín de Inglaterra into English, among others works. English novelists were strongly influenced by Cervantes. Especially so was Charles Dickens, who created a quixotic pair in Mr. Pickwick and Sam Weller of Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club. John Ormsby translated the Cantar de Mio Cid and Don Quixote. Percy Bysshe Shelley left traces of his devotion to Calderón de la Barca in his work. The polyglot John Bowring traveled to Spain in 1819 and published the observations of his trip. Other accounts of travel in Spain include those of Richard Ford, whose Handbook for Travellers in Spain (1845) was republished in many editions, and George Borrow, author of the travelogue The Bible in Spain, which was translated into Castilian by Manuel Azaña, the poet and translator Edward Fitzgerald, and the literary historian James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, who was mentor to a whole British generation of Spanish scholars such as Edgar Allison Peers and Alexander A. Parker. Other outstanding Hispanists include the following:
Francis William Pierce, Irish student of the epic poetry of the Golden Age;
John Brande Trend, a historian of Spanish music;
Edward Meryon Wilson, who translated the Soledades of Luis de Góngora (1931);
Norman David Shergold, student of the Spanish auto sacramental;
John E. Varey, who documented the evolution of the paratheatrical forms in the Golden Age;
as well as Geoffrey Ribbans; William James Entwistle; Peter Edward Russell; Nigel Glendinning; Brian Dutton; Gerald Brenan; John H. Elliott; Raymond Carr; Henry Kamen; John H. R. Polt; Hugh Thomas; Colin Smith; Edward C. Riley; Keith Whinnom; Paul Preston; Alan Deyermond; Ian Michael; and Ian Gibson.
The Association of Hispanists of Great Britain and Ireland (AHGBI) was founded in 1955 by a group of university professors at St. Andrews, and since then it has held congresses annually. The AHGBI played a decisive role in the creation of the Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas[19] (AIH), whose first congress was held at Oxford in 1962.
Germany, Austria and Switzerland
[edit]
Aside from the imitation of the picaresque novel by Hans Jakob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen, Hispanism bloomed in Germany around the enthusiasm that German Romantics had for Miguel de Cervantes, Calderón de la Barca, and Gracián. Friedrich Diez (1794–1876) can be considered the first German philologist to give prominence to Spanish, in his Grammatik der romanischen Sprachen (1836–1843) and his Etymologisches Wörterbuch der romanischen Sprachen (1854). His first Spanish-related work, Altspanische Romanzen, was published in 1819.
Important to the promotion of Hispanism in Germany was a group of Romantic writers that included Ludwig Tieck, an orientalist and poet who translated Don Quixote into German (1799–1801); Friedrich Bouterwek, author of the unorthodox Geschichte der Poesie und Beredsamkeit seit dem Ende des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts and translator of the Cervantes short farce El juez de los divorcios [es]; and August Wilhelm Schlegel (1767–1845), who translated works of Calderón de la Barca (Spanisches Theater, 1803–1809) and Spanish classical poetry into German. The philologist and folklorist Jakob Grimm published Silva de romances viejos (Vienna, 1816) with a prologue in Spanish. Juan Nicolás Böhl de Faber, German consul in Spain, was a devoted student of Calderón de la Barca, of Spanish classical theater generally, and of traditional popular literature. The philologist Wilhelm von Humboldt traveled through Spain taking notes and was interested especially in the Basque language, and the philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer was an avid reader and translator of Gracián. Count Adolf Friedrich von Schack (1815–1894) made a trip to Spain in 1852 to study the remnants of the Moorish civilization and became a devoted scholar of things Spanish.
Hispanists of German, Austrian, and Swiss origins include Franz Grillparzer, Wendelin Förster, Karl Vollmöller, Adolf Tobler, Heinrich Morf, Gustav Gröber, Gottfried Baist, and Wilhelm Meyer-Lübke. Among them are two emigrants to Chile, Rodolfo Lenz (1863–1938), whose works include his Diccionario etimolójico de las voces chilenas derivadas de lenguas indíjenas americanas (1904) and Chilenische Studien (1891), as well as other works on grammar and the Spanish of the Americas; and Friedrich Hanssen (1857–1919), author of Spanische Grammatik auf historischer Grundlage (1910; revised ed. in Spanish, Gramática histórica de la lengua castellana, 1913), as well as other works on Old Spanish philology, Aragonese dialectology, and the Spanish of the Americas. The Handbuch der romanischen Philologie (1896) by Wilhelm Meyer-Lübke was a classic in Spain, as were his Grammatik der romanischen Sprachen (1890–1902), Einführung in das Studium der romanischen Sprachwissenschaft (1901) (translated into Spanish), and Romanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch (1935). Johannes Fastenrath, through his translations and other works, spread the Spanish culture among his contemporaries; in addition, he created the prize that bears his name in the Spanish Royal Academy, to reward the best works in Spanish poetry, fiction, and essays. The Austrian Romance scholar Ferdinand Wolf, a friend of Agustín Durán, was particularly interested in the romancero, in the lyric poetry of the medieval Spanish cancioneros, and in other medieval folk poetry; he also studied Spanish authors who had resided in Vienna, such as Cristóbal de Castillejo. The Swiss scholar Heinrich Morf edited the medieval Poema de José (Leipzig, 1883). The works of Karl Vossler and Ludwig Pfandl on linguistic idealism and literary stylistics were widely read in Spain. Calderón studies in Germany were advanced by the editions of Max Krenkel. Other important authors were Emil Gessner, who wrote Das Altleonesische (Old Leonese) (Berlin 1867); Gottfried Baist, who produced an edition of Don Juan Manuel's Libro de la caza (1880), as well as the outline of a historical grammar of Spanish, Die spanische Sprache, in the encyclopedia of Romance philology published by Gustav Gröber in 1888; Hugo Schuchardt, known for his study of Spanish flamenco music, Die cantes flamencos; and Armin Gassner, who wrote Das altspanische Verbum (the Old Spanish verb) (1897), as well as a work on Spanish syntax (1890) and several articles on Spanish pronouns between 1893 and 1895. And Moritz Goldschmidt [de] wrote Zur Kritik der altgermanischen Elemente im Spanischen (Bonn 1887), the first work on the influences of the Germanic languages on Spanish.
Authors who made more specialized contributions to Hispanic philology include the following:
Werner Beinhauer (colloquial Spanish, phraseology, idioms);
Joseph Brüch (Germanic influences, historical phonetics);
Emil Gamillscheg (Germanic influences on the languages of the Iberian Peninsula, toponymy, Basques, and Romans);
Wilhelm Giese (etymology, dialectology and popular culture, Guanche loanwords in Spanish, the pre-Roman substrate, Judeo-Spanish);
Rudolf Grossmann (loanwords in the Spanish of the River Plate region, Spanish and Spanish-American literature, Latin American culture);
Helmut Hatzfeld (stylistics, language of Don Quixote);
Heinrich Kuen [ca; de] (linguistic situation of the Iberian Peninsula, typology of Spanish);
Alwin Kuhn [an; ca; de; oc] (Aragonese dialectology, formation of the Romance languages);
Fritz Krüger (dialectology, ethnography);
Harri Meier [de; ro] (historical linguistics, etymology, formation of the Romance languages, dialectology, linguistic typology);
Joseph M. Piel (toponymy and anthroponymy of the Ibero-Romance languages);
Gerhard Rohlfs (historical linguistics, etymology, toponymy, dialectology, language and culture);
Hugo Schuchardt (Spanish etymologies, pre-Roman languages, dialectology, creole languages, Basque studies);
Friedrich Schürr (historical phonetics, lexicology);
Leo Spitzer (etymology, syntax, stylistics, and lexicology of Spanish);
Günther Haensch and Arnald Steiger (Arabic influences on Spanish, Mozarabic language);
Karl Vossler (stylistics, characterization of the Spanish language, studies of Spanish literature and culture);
Edmund Schramm [de] (author of a biography of Juan Donoso Cortés and an Unamuno scholar);
Max Leopold Wagner (Spanish of the Americas, studies on Gypsy dialect and slang, dialectology);
Adolf Zauner [de] (author of Altspanisches Elementarbuch (manual of Old Spanish, 1907).
Fritz Krüger created the famous Hamburg School (not to be confused with the pop music genre of the 1980s, of the same name), which applied the principles of the Wörter und Sachen movement, founded earlier by Swiss and German philologists such as Hugo Schuchardt, Ruduolf Meringer, and Wilhelm Meyer-Lübke, aptly combining dialectology and ethnography. Between 1926 and 1944 Krüger directed the journal Volkstum und Kultur der Romane and its supplements (1930–1945). It totaled 37 volumes, in which many of his students published their works. Krüger wrote mainly on Hispanic dialectology, especially on that of western Spain (Extremadura and Leon) and the Pyrenees, and he traveled on foot to gather the materials for his monumental work Die Hochpyrenäen, in which he meticulously described the landscape, flora, fauna, material culture, popular traditions and dialects of the Central Pyrenees. The versatile Romance scholar Gerhard Rohlfs investigated the languages and the dialects of both sides of the Pyrenees and their elements in common, as well as pre-Roman substrate languages of the Iberian Peninsula and Guanche loanwords.
The works of Karl Vossler, founder of the linguistic school of idealism, include interpretations of Spanish literature and reflections on the Spanish culture. Vossler, along with Helmut Hatzfeld and Leo Spitzer, began a new school of stylistics based on aesthetics, which focused on the means of expression of various authors.
The early twentieth century marked the founding of two German institutions dedicated to Hispanic Studies (including Catalan, Galician and the Portuguese), in Hamburg and Berlin respectively. The University of Hamburg's Iberoamerikanisches Forschungsinstitut (Ibero-American Research Institute) was, from its founding in 1919 until the 1960s, almost the only German university institution dedicated to Spanish and other languages of the Iberian Peninsula. The Institute published the journal Volkstum und Kultur der Romanen (1926–1944), devoted specifically to works on dialectology and popular culture, following, in general, patterns of the Wörter und Sachen school. Meanwhile, Berlin's Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut was founded in 1930. Today, the Berlin institute houses Europe's largest library dedicated to studies of Spain, Portugal, and Latin America, and to the languages of these countries (including Catalan, Galician, Portuguese, Basque, and the indigenous languages of the Americas). The Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut in Berlin is engaged in research in the fields of literature, linguistics, ethnology, history, and art history.
Under the Nazi regime (1933–1945), German philology went through a difficult time. Some Romanists, through their work, praised and propagated the Nazi ideology. Meanwhile, others lost their professorships or underwent anti-Jewish persecution (such as Yakov Malkiel and Leo Spitzer, both of whom emigrated), by falling into disfavor with the regime or actively opposing it (for example Helmut Hatzfeld, who fled from Germany, and Werner Krauss (not to be confused with the actor of the same name), who lost his academic position in 1935).
Laboriously reconstructed after World War II, the Hispanic philology of the German-speaking countries contributed the works of Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos and Ernst Robert Curtius. Also:
Rudolph Grossmann produced a Spanish-German dictionary and an anthology of Spanish lyric poetry.
Hans Juretschke contributed studies on Spanish Romanticism and on German culture in Spain.
Werner Beinhauer wrote several books on colloquial Spanish.
Torsten Rox studied Mariano José de Larra and the Spanish nineteenth-century media.
Hans Magnus Enzensberger published a new translation of Federico García Lorca.
The Deutscher Hispanistenverband (German Association of Hispanists) was established in 1977 and since then has held a congress biennially. Currently in Germany, Spanish often surpasses French in number of students. About forty university departments of Romance philology exist in Germany, and there are more than ten thousand students of Spanish.
Today in Germany there are publishers specialized in Hispanic Studies, such as Edition Reichenberger, in Kassel, which is devoted to the Golden Age, and Klaus Dieter Vervuert's Iberoamericana Vervuert Verlag, which has branches in Frankfurt and Madrid and facilitates collaboration among Hispanists.
In Austria, Franz Grillparzer was the first scholar of Spanish and a reader of the theater of the Golden Age. Anton Rothbauer also distinguished himself, as a translator of modern lyric poetry and scholar of the Black Legend. Rudolf Palgen and Alfred Wolfgang Wurzbach (for example with his study of Lope de Vega) also contributed to Hispanism in Austria.
France and Belgium
[edit]
Hispanism in France dates back to the powerful influence of Spanish Golden Age literature on authors such as Pierre Corneille and Paul Scarron. Spanish influence was also brought to France by Spanish Protestants who fled the Inquisition, many of whom took up teaching of the Spanish language. These included Juan de Luna, author of a sequel to Lazarillo de Tormes. N. Charpentier's Parfaicte méthode pour entendre, écrire et parler la langue espagnole (Paris: Lucas Breyel, 1597) was supplemented by the grammar of César Oudin (also from 1597) that served as a model to those that were later written in French. Michel de Montaigne read the chroniclers of the Spanish Conquest and had as one of his models Antonio de Guevara. Molière, Alain-René Lesage, and Jean-Pierre Claris de Florian borrowed plots and characters from Spanish literature.
French travelers to Spain in the 19th century who left written and artistic testimony include painters such as Eugène Delacroix and Henri Regnault; well-known authors such as Alexandre Dumas, Théophile Gautier, George Sand, Stendhal, Hippolyte Taine and Prosper Mérimée; and other writers, including Jean-François de Bourgoing, Jean Charles Davillier, Louis Viardot, Isidore Justin Séverin, Charles Didier, Alexandre de Laborde, Antoine de Latour, Joseph Bonaventure Laurens, Édouard Magnien, Pierre Louis de Crusy and Antoine Frédéric Ozanam.
Victor Hugo was in Spain accompanying his father in 1811 and 1813. He was proud to call himself a "grandee of Spain", and he knew the language well. In his works there are numerous allusions to El Cid and the works of Miguel de Cervantes.
Prosper Mérimée, even before his repeated trips to Spain, had shaped his intuitive vision of the country in his Théatre de Clara Gazul (1825) and in La Famille de Carvajal (1828). Mérimée made many trips between 1830 and 1846, making numerous friends, among them the Duke of Rivas and Antonio Alcalá Galiano. He wrote Lettres addressées d'Espagne au directeur de la Revue de Paris, which are costumbrista sketches that feature the description of a bullfight. Mérimée's short novels Les âmes du purgatoire [de; fr; pl] (1834) and Carmen (1845) are classic works on Spain.
Honoré de Balzac was a friend of Francisco Martínez de la Rosa and dedicated his novel El Verdugo (1829) to him. (And Martínez de la Rosa's play Abén Humeya was produced in Paris in 1831.)
The Spanish romancero is represented in the French Bibliothèque universelle des romans, which was published in 1774. Auguste Creuzé de Lesser published folk ballads about El Cid in 1814, comparing them (as Johann Gottfried Herder had done before him) with the Greek epic tradition, and these were reprinted in 1823 and 1836, providing much raw material to the French Romantic movement. The journalist and publisher Abel Hugo, brother of Victor Hugo, emphasized the literary value of the romancero, translating and publishing a collection of romances and a history of King Rodrigo in 1821, and Romances historiques traduits de l'espagnol in 1822. He also composed a stage review, Les français en Espagne (1823), inspired by the time he spent with his brother at the Seminario de Nobles in Madrid during the reign of Joseph Bonaparte.
Madame de Stäel contributed to the knowledge of Spanish Literature in France (as she did also for German literature), which helped introduce Romanticism to the country. To this end she translated volume IV of Friedrich Bouterwek's Geschichte der Poesie und Beredsamkeit seit dem Ende des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts in 1812 and gave it the title of Histoire de la littérature espagnole.
Spanish literature was also promoted to readers of French by the Swiss author Simonde de Sismondi with his study De la littérature du midi de l'Europe (1813).
Also important for French access to Spanish poetry was the two-volume Espagne poétique (1826–27), an anthology of post-15th-century Castilian poetry translated by Juan María Maury. In Paris, the publishing house Baudry published many works by Spanish Romantics and even maintained a collection of "best" Spanish authors, edited by Eugenio de Ochoa.
Images of Spain were offered by the travel books of Madame d'Aulnoy and Saint-Simon, as well as the poet Théophile Gautier, who travelled in Spain in 1840 and published Voyage en Espagne (1845) and Espagne (1845). These works are so full of color and the sense of the picturesque that they even served as inspirations to Spanish writers themselves (poets such as José Zorrilla and narrators such as those of the Generation of '98), as well as to Alexandre Dumas, who attended the production of Zorrilla's Don Juan Tenorio in Madrid. Dumas wrote his somewhat negative views of his experience in his Impressions de voyage (1847–1848). In his play Don Juan de Marana, Dumas revived the legend of Don Juan, changing the ending after having seen Zorrilla's version in the edition of 1864.
François-René de Chateaubriand traveled through Iberia in 1807 on his return trip from Jerusalem, and later took part in the French intervention in Spain in 1823, which he describes in his Mémoires d'Outre-tombe (1849–1850). It may have been at that time that he began to write Les aventures du dernier Abencerraje (1826), which exalted Hispano-Arabic chivalry. Another work that was widely read was the Lettres d'un espagnol (1826), by Louis Viardot, who visited Spain in 1823.
Stendhal included a chapter "De l'Espagne" in his essay De l'amour (1822). Later (1834) he visited the country.
George Sand spent the winter of 1837–1838 with Chopin in Majorca, installed in the Valldemossa Charterhouse. Their impressions are captured in Sand's Un hiver au midi de l'Europe (1842) and in Chopin's Memoirs.
Spanish classical painting exerted a strong influence on Manet, and more recently, painters such as Picasso and Dalí have influenced modern painting generally.
Spanish music has influenced composers such as Georges Bizet, Emmanuel Chabrier, Édouard Lalo, Maurice Ravel, and Claude Debussy.
At present the most important centers for Hispanism in France are at the Universities of Bordeaux and Toulouse, and in Paris, with the Institut des Études Hispaniques, founded in 1912. Journals include Bulletin Hispanique.
Prominent Hispanists in Belgium include Pierre Groult and Lucien-Paul Thomas. Groult studied Castilian mysticism in relation to its Flemish counterpart. A Comprehensive Spanish Grammar (1995)—an English translation of the original Dutch Spaanse Spraakkunst (1979)—was written by Jacques de Bruyne, a professor at Ghent University.
United States and Canada
[edit]
Hispanism in the United States has a long tradition and is highly developed. To a certain extent this is a result of the United States's own history, which is tied closely to the Spanish empire and its former colonies, especially Mexico, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Cuba. Historically, many Americans have romanticized the Spanish legacy and given a privileged position to the Castilian language and culture, while simultaneously downplaying or rejecting the Latin American and Caribbean dialects and cultures of the Spanish-speaking areas of U.S. influence. There are now more than thirty-five million Spanish-speakers in the United States, making Spanish the second most spoken language in the country and Latinos the largest national minority. Spanish is used actively in some of the most populous states, including California, Florida, New Mexico, and Texas, and in large cities such as New York, Los Angeles, Miami, San Antonio and San Francisco. The American Association of Teachers of Spanish was founded in 1917 and holds a biennial congress outside the United States; Hispania is the association's official publication. (Since 1944, it is the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese.) The North American Academy of the Spanish Language brings together Spanish speakers in North America.
The first academic professorships of Spanish at United States universities were established at Harvard (1819), Virginia (1825), and Yale (1826). The U.S. consul in Valencia, Obadiah Rich, imported numerous books and valuable manuscripts that became the Obadiah Rich Collection at the New York Public Library, and numerous magazines, especially the North American Review, published translations. Many travelers published their impressions on Spain, such as Alexander Slidell Mackenzie (A Year in Spain [1836] and Spain Revisited [1836]). These were read by Washington Irving, Edgar Allan Poe, and other travelers like the Sephardic journalist Mordecai M. Noah and the diplomat Caleb Cushing and his wife. Poe studied Spanish at the University of Virginia and some of his stories have Spanish settings. He also wrote scholarly articles on Spanish literature.
The beginnings of Hispanism itself are found in the works of Washington Irving, who met Leandro Fernández de Moratín in Bordeaux in 1825 and was in Spain in 1826 (when he frequented the social gatherings of another American, Sarah Maria Theresa McKean (1780–1841), the marquise widow of Casa Irujo), as well as in 1829. He went on to become ambassador between 1842 and 1846. Irving studied in Spanish libraries and met Martín Fernández de Navarrete in Madrid, using one of the latter's works as a source for his A History of the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus (1828), and made friends and corresponded with Cecilia Böhl de Faber, from where a mutual influence was born. His Romantic interest in Arab topics shaped his Chronicle of the Conquest of Granada (1829) and Alhambra (1832). McKean's social gatherings were also attended by the children of the Bostonian of Irish origin John Montgomery, who was the consul of the United States in Alicante, and particularly by the Spanish-born writer George Washington Montgomery.
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's translations of Spanish classics also form part of the history of North American Hispanism; he went through Madrid in 1829 expressing his impressions in his letters, a diary and in Outre-Mer (1833–1834). A good connoisseur of the classics, Longfellow translated Jorge Manrique's couplets. In order to fulfill his duties as a Spanish professor, he composed his Spanish Novels (1830), which are story adaptations of Irving and published several essays on Spanish literature and a drama, including The Spanish Student (1842), where he imitates those of the Spanish Golden Age. In his anthology The Poets and Poetry of Europe (1845) he includes the works of many Spanish poets. William Cullen Bryant translated Morisco romances and composed the poems "The Spanish Revolution" (1808) and "Cervantes" (1878). He was linked in New York to Spaniards and, as director of the Evening Post, included many articles on Iberian subjects in the magazine. He was in Spain in 1847, and narrated his impressions in Letters of a traveller (1850–1857). In Madrid he met Carolina Coronado, translating into English her poem "The Lost Bird" and novel Jarilla, both of which were published in the Evening Post. But the most important group of Spanish scholars was one from Boston. The work of George Ticknor, a professor of Spanish at Harvard who wrote History of Spanish Literature, and William H. Prescott, who wrote historical works on the conquest of America, are without doubt contributions of the first order. Ticknor was a friend of Pascual de Gayangos y Arce, whom he met in London, and visited Spain in 1818, describing his impressions in Life, letters and journals (1876). In spite of significant difficulties with his vision, Prescott composed histories of the conquest of Mexico and Peru, as well as a history of the reign of the Catholic Monarchs.
In the United States there are important societies that are dedicated to the study, conservation and spread of Spanish culture, of which the Hispanic Society of America is the best known. There are also libraries specialized in Hispanic matter, including ones at Tulane University, New Orleans. Important journals include Hispanic Review, Revista de las Españas [es], Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica, Hispania, Dieciocho, Revista Hispánica Moderna and Cervantes.
Russia
[edit]
The history of Hispanism in Russia—before, during, and after the Soviet period—is long and deep, and it even survived the rupture of relations between Russia and Spain caused by the Spanish Civil War. This history started in the 18th century, and in the 19th century the influence of Miguel de Cervantes on realist novelists (such as Dostoyevsky, Turgenev, and Tolstoy) was profound.
Romantic travellers, such as Sergei Sobolevski, accumulated great libraries of books in Spanish and helped Spanish writers who visited Russia, such as Juan Valera. The Russian realist dramatist Alexander Ostrovsky translated the theater of Calderón and wrote texts on Spanish Golden Age theater. Yevgeni Salias de Tournemir visited Spain and published Apuntes de viaje por España (1874), shortly before Emilio Castelar published his La Rusia contemporánea (1881).
The Russian Association of Hispanists, founded in 1994, is currently supported by the Russian Academy of Sciences. The field of Spanish-American studies has undergone a great increase recently. A survey in 2003 revealed that there are at least four thousand students of Spanish in Russian universities.
Twentieth-century Spanish scholars include Sergei Goncharenko (mentor of a whole generation of Spanish scholars), Victor Andreyev, Vladimir Vasiliev, Natalia Miod, Svetlana Piskunova, and Vsevolod Bagno (El Quijote vivido por los rusos). Recently, a Russian Hernandian Circle was founded, devoted to studying the work of Miguel Hernández, who visited the USSR in September 1937.
Poland
[edit]
Records of visits to Spain by Poles begin in the Middle Ages, with pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostela. According to one estimate, more than 100 Poles made the pilgrimage during that era.[20]
In the 16th century, the humanist Jan Dantyszek (1485–1548), ambassador of King Sigismund I the Old to Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, traveled to the Iberian Peninsula three times and remained there for nearly ten years, becoming friends with outstanding figures such as Hernán Cortés and leaving letters of his travels. The bishop Piotr Dunin-Wolski took 300 Spanish books to Poland, and these were added to the Jagiellonian Library of Kraków under the name of Bibliotheca Volsciana. Several professors from Spain worked in the Academy of Kraków (today known as the Jagiellonian University), including the Sevillian Garsías Cuadras and the Aragonese jurist Pedro Ruiz de Moros (1506–1571), known in Poland as Roizjusz, who mainly wrote in Latin and was adviser to the king. The Society of Jesus was active in Poland, promoting not only Spanish ideas of theology, but also Spanish theater, which they considered a teaching tool.[21] In the 16th century, the travelers Stanisław Łaski, Andrzej Tęczyński, Jan Tarnowski, Stanisław Radziwiłł, and Szymon Babiogórski visited Spain, among others. An anonymous traveler who arrived in Barcelona in August 1595 left an account of his impressions in a manuscript called Diariusz z peregrynacji włoskiej, hiszpańskiej, portugalskiej (Diary of the Italian, Spanish and Portuguese Pilgrimages).[22]
In the 17th century, the Polish nobleman Jakub Sobieski made the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela and wrote an account of his journey. In the years 1674–1675, Canon Andrzej Chryzostom Załuski, Jerzy Radziwiłł, and Stanisław Radziwiłł visited Spain, and all left written testimony of their travels.
Modern Polish Hispanic Studies begin with the Romantic poet Adam Mickiewicz. He was followed in the 19th century by Joachim Lelewel, Wojciech Dzieduszycki, Leonard Rettel, and Julian Adolf Swiecicki. Karol Dembowski wrote, in French, a book on his travels in Spain and Portugal during First Carlist War.
Felix Rozanski, Edward Porebowicz and Zygmunt Czerny were enthusiastic translators who taught in Poland at that time. Maria Strzałkowa wrote the first outline of history of Spanish literature in Polish. Other important translators include Kazimierz Zawanowski, Zofia Szleyen, Kalina Wojciechowska, and Zofia Chądzyńska.
The poet and Hispanist Florian Śmieja taught Spanish and Spanish American literature in London, Ontario. In 1971 the first professorship of Hispanic Studies not subordinate to a department of Romance literature was created at the University of Warsaw, and in the following year a degree program in Hispanic Studies was instituted there. Today it is called the Institute of Iberian and Latin American Studies. Those who have taught in it include Urszula Aszyk-Bangs, M.-Pierrette Malcuzynski (1948–2004), Robert Mansberger Amorós, Víctor Manuel Ferreras, and Carlos Marrodán Casas. In Kraków the first National Symposium of Spanish Scholars was held in 1985. The historians Janusz Tazbir and Jan Kienewicz wrote on Spanish themes, as did the literary scholars Gabriela Makowiecka, Henryk Ziomek, Beata Baczynska, Florian Śmieja, Piotr Sawicki, and Kazimierz Sabik. Grzegorz Bak studied the image of Spain in 19th-century Polish literature.[23]
Brazil
[edit]
The integration of Brazil into Mercosur in 1991 created a need for closer relations between Brazil and the Hispanic world, as well as better knowledge of the Spanish language within Brazil. For this reason, Brazil has promoted the inclusion of Spanish as a required subject in the country's education system. A large core of Spanish scholars formed at the University of São Paulo, including Fidelino de Figueiredo, Luis Sánchez y Fernández, and José Lodeiro. The year 1991 also marks the creation of the Anuario Brasileño de Estudios Hispánicos, whose Suplemento: El hispanismo en Brasil (2000), traces the history of Hispanic Studies in the country. In 2000 the first Congresso Brasileiro de Hispanistas took place, and its proceedings were published under the title Hispanismo 2000. At that meeting, the Associação Brasileira de Hispanistas was established. The organization's second congress took place in 2002, and since then it has been held every two years.
Portugal
[edit]
Compared to Brazil, Portugal has shown less interest in Hispanism; it was not until 2005 that a national association for it was founded. Portuguese activities in this field are mostly of a comparatist nature and focus on Luso-Spanish topics, partly because of academic and administrative reasons. The journal Península Archived 10 June 2012 at the Wayback Machine is one of the most important Hispanist journals in the country. Portuguese Hispanism appears somewhat limited, and to an extent there is a mutual distrust between the two cultures, motivated by a history of conflicts and rivalry. Nevertheless, Portuguese writers of the Renaissance—such as the dramatist Gil Vicente, Jorge de Montemayor, Francisco Sá de Miranda, and the historian Francisco Manuel de Mello—wrote in both Spanish and Portuguese.
Italy
[edit]
The cultural relationship between Spain and Italy developed early in the Middle Ages, especially centered in Naples through the relation that it had with the Crown of Aragon and Sicily, and intensified during the Spanish Pre-Renaissance and Renaissance through Castile. Garcilaso de la Vega engaged members of the Accademia Pontaniana and introduced the Petrarchian metrical style and themes to Spanish lyric poetry. This close relation extended throughout the periods of Mannerism and the Baroque in the 16th and 17th centuries. In the 18th century the poet Giambattista Conti (1741–1820) was perhaps the foremost Spanish scholar, translator and anthologist of Europe. Dramatist, critic, and theater historiographer Pietro Napoli Signorelli (1731–1815) defended Spanish literature against critics such as Girolamo Tiraboschi and Saverio Bettinelli, who accused it of "bad taste", "corruption", and "barbarism". Giacomo Casanova and Giuseppe Baretti traveled throughout Spain, leaving interesting descriptions of their experiences: Baretti was fluent in Spanish. The critic Guido Bellico was in the Reales Estudios de San Isidro with the eminent Arabist Mariano Pizzi. Among other prominent Italian Hispanists were Leonardo Capitanacci, Ignazio Gajone, Placido Bordoni, Giacinto Ceruti, Francesco Pesaro, Giuseppe Olivieri, Giovanni Querini and Marco Zeno.[24]
In the 19th century, Italian Romanticism took great interest in the Spanish romancero, with translations by Giovanni Berchet[25] in 1837 and Pietro Monti in 1855. Edmondo de Amicis traveled throughout Spain and wrote a book of his impressions. Antonio Restori (1859–1928), a professor at the Universities of Messina and of Genoa, published some works of Lope de Vega and dedicated his Saggi di bibliografia teatrale spagnuola (1927) to the bibliography of the Spanish theater; he also wrote Il Cid, studio storico-critico (1881) and Le gesta del Cid (1890). Bernardo Sanvisenti, a professor of Spanish language and literature at the University of Milan, wrote Manuale di letteratura spagnuola (1907), as well as a study (1902) on the influence of Boccaccio, Dante and Petrarch in Spanish literature.
Italian Hispanism arose from three sources, already identifiable in the 19th century. The first of these was the Spanish hegemonic presence in the Italian peninsula, which sparked interest in the study of Spain and in the creation of works about Spain. Secondly, Italian Hispanism was encouraged by a comparatist approach, and in fact the first Italian studies on literature in Spanish were of a comparative nature, such as Benedetto Croce's La Spagna nella vita italiana durante la Rinascenza (1907) and the works of Arturo Farinelli and Bernardino Sanvisenti, which were dedicated to the relationships between Spain and Italy, Italy and Germany, and Spain and Germany. Thirdly, the development of Italian Hispanism was supported by Romance philology, especially through the works of Mario Casella (author of Cervantes: Il Chisciotte [1938]), Ezio Levi, Salvatore Battaglia, and Giovanni Maria Bertini (translator of Spanish modern poetry, especially the poems of Lorca). Cesare de Lollis also made important contributions to Cervantes studies.
The field of modern Hispanic Studies originated in 1945, with the trio of Oreste Macrì (editor of works of Antonio Machado and of Fray Luis de León), Guido Mancini, and Franco Meregalli. Eventually Spanish-American studies emerged as an area of independent of the literature of Spain. Between 1960 and 1970 the first professorships of Spanish-American language and literature were created, pioneered by Giovanni Meo Zilio, who occupied the first chair of that sort created at the University of Florence in 1968. He was followed by Giuseppe Bellini (historian of Spanish-American literature, translator of Pablo Neruda, and student of Miguel Ángel Asturias); Roberto Paoli (Peruvianist and translator of César Vallejo); and Dario Puccini (student of the lyric poetry of Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, as well as that of the 20th century).
The Association of Italian Hispanists (AISPI) was created in May 1973 and has held numerous congresses almost annually since then. Italian Hispanists include Silvio Pellegrini, Pio Rajna, Antonio Viscardi, Luigi Sorrento, Guido Tammi, Francesco Vian, Juana Granados de Bagnasco, Gabriele Ranzato, Lucio Ambruzzi, Eugenio Mele, Manlio Castello, Francesco Ugolini, Lorenzo Giussi, Elena Milazzo, Luigi de Filippo, Carmelo Samonà, Giuseppe Carlo Rossi, the poets Giuseppe Ungaretti (who translated Góngora) and Pier Paolo Pasolini, Margherita Morreale, Giovanni Maria Bertini, Giuliano Bonfante, Carlo Bo (who worked with the poetry of Juan Ramón Jiménez), Ermanno Caldera, Rinaldo Froldi, and Guido Mancini (author of a Storia della letteratura spagnola.
Israel
[edit]
At the time of its founding in 1948, the modern state of Israel already included a substantial Spanish-speaking community. Their language, Judeo-Spanish, was derived from Old Spanish along a path of development that diverged from that of the Spanish of Spain and its empire, beginning in 1492, when the Jews were expelled from Spain. Between the 16th and 20th centuries many of them lived in the old Ottoman Empire and North Africa. There are some 100,000 speakers of Judeo-Spanish in Israel today.
At present there are several Israeli media outlets in (standard Castilian) Spanish, some of which have a long history. The newsweekly Aurora, for example, was founded in the late 1960s, and today it also has an online edition. Israel has at least three radio stations that broadcast in Spanish.
Modern Israeli Hispanists include Samuel Miklos Stern (the discoverer of the Spanish kharjas and a student of the Spanish Inquisition), professor Benzion Netanyahu, and Haim Beinart. Other Israeli scholars have studied the literature and history of Spain, frequently influenced by the theses of Américo Castro. Don Quixote has been translated into Hebrew twice, first by Natan Bistritzky and Nahman Bialik (Jerusalem, Sifriat Poalim, 1958), and later (Tel Aviv: Hakibutz Hameuchad, 1994) by Beatriz Skroisky-Landau and Luis Landau, the latter a professor in the Department of Hebrew Literature at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev and author of Cervantes and the Jews (Beer Sheva: Ben-Gurion University Press, 2002). The historian Yosef Kaplan has written numerous works and has translated Isaac Cardoso's Las excelencias y calumnias de los hebreos into Hebrew. The Asociación de Hispanistas de Israel was created on 21 June 2007 at the Instituto Cervantes de Tel Aviv, consisting of over thirty professors, researchers and intellectuals linked to the languages, literatures, history and cultures of Spain, Portugal, Latin America and the Judeo-Spanish Sephardic world. Its first meeting was convened by professors Ruth Fine (Hebrew University of Jerusalem), who was appointed the first president of the association; Raanán Rein (Tel Aviv University); Aviva Dorón (University of Haifa); and Tamar Alexander (Ben-Gurion University of the Negev).
Arab world
[edit]
Spain's links with the Arab world began in the Middle Ages with the Moorish conquest of the Iberian Peninsula. Arabic-speaking Moorish kingdoms were present in Spain until 1492, when the Reconquista defeated the Emirate of Granada. Many Moors remained in Spain until their final expulsion in 1609. The Spanish Empire, at its height, included a number of Arabic-speaking enclaves in the Maghreb, such as Spanish Sahara and Spanish Morocco.
The Moroccan historian Ahmed Mohammed al-Maqqari (c. 1591 – 1632) wrote about the Muslim dynasties in Spain. The Egyptian poet Ahmed Shawqi (1869–1932) spent six years of exile in Andalusia. Perhaps the first "scientific" Arab Hispanist was the Lebanese writer Shakib Arslan (1869–1946), who wrote a book about his trips to Spain in three volumes. The Egyptian writer Taha Husayn (1889–1973) promoted the renewal of relations with Spain, among other European countries of the Mediterranean, and led the creation of an edition of the great 12th-century Andalusian literary encyclopedia Al-Dakhira, of Ibn Bassam. Other important figures were 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Ahwani, 'Abd Allah 'Inan, Husayn Mu'nis, Salih al-Astar, Mahmud Mekki, and Hamid Abu Ahmad. Linked to the Egyptian Institute of Madrid are Ahmad Mukhtar al-'Abbadi (who specialized in the history of Moorish Granada), Ahmad Haykal, Salah Fadl, As'ad Sharif 'Umar, and Nagwa Gamal Mehrez. The Asociación de Hispanistas de Egipto was formed in 1968. The First Colloquium of Arab Hispanism took place in Madrid in 1975.[26]
Netherlands
[edit]
In spite of a bitter war between Spain and the United Provinces in the late 16th century, Hispanism has deep roots in the Netherlands. The influence of Spanish Golden Age literature can be seen in the work of the Dutch poet and playwright Gerbrand Bredero and in the translations of Guilliam de Bay in the 17th century. Nineteenth-century Romanticism aroused Dutch curiosity about the exoticism of things Spanish. The Arabist Reinhart Dozy (1820–1883) made important contributions to the study of the Moorish domination in Spain, including Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne (1861) and the continuation Recherches sur l'Histoire et littérature de l'Espagne, which was published in its definitive form in 1881. A few years later, the Dutch scholar Fonger de Haan (1859–1930) held the chair of Spanish literature at Boston University. Two of his publications, Pícaros y ganapanes (1899) and An Outline of the History of the Novela Picaresca in Spain (1903) still serve as starting points for research today. In 1918 he tried in vain to spark the interest of the State University of Groningen in Hispanic Studies, but nevertheless donated his library of Hispanic Studies to it a few years later.
Serious studies of literature gained new impetus thanks to the work of Jan te Winkel of the University of Amsterdam who, with his seven-volume De Ontwikkelingsgang der Nederlandsche Letterkunde (1908–1921), drew attention to the influence that Spanish literature exerted on Dutch literature in the 17th century. Other researchers, such as William Davids (1918), Joseph Vles (1926) and Simon Vosters (1955), continued in the same direction as te Winkel. Two Romanists who were of great importance to Dutch Hispanism were Salverda de Grave and Sneyders de Vogel. Jean Jacques Salverda de Grave (1863–1947) became a professor of Romance philology at the University of Groningen in 1907, and he was succeeded by Kornelis Sneyders de Vogel (1876–1958) in 1921. In 1906, for the first time since 1659, a Spanish/Dutch dictionary was published, followed in 1912 by a Dutch/Spanish dictionary, both composed by A. A. Fokker. Since then many such dictionaries have been published, including one by C. F. A. van Dam and H. C. Barrau and another by S. A. Vosters. Many Spanish grammars in Dutch also have been published, including a grammar by Gerardus Johannes Geers (1924), one by Jonas Andries van Praag (1957) and one by Jos Hallebeek, Antoon van Bommel, and Kees van Esch (2004). Doctor W. J. van Baalen was an important popularizer of the history, customs, and wealth of Spanish America, producing ten books in those areas. Along with C. F. A. Van Dam, he founded the Nederlandsch Zuid-Amerikaansch Instituut in order to promote commercial and cultural contact between both worlds. The Groningen poet Hendrik de Vries (1896–1989) travelled twelve times to Spain between 1924 and 1936 and—although his father, an eminent philologist and polyglot, always refused to study Spanish because of the Eighty Years' War—the poet dedicated his book of poems Iberia (1964) to Spain.
In the Netherlands, the Institute of Hispanic Studies at the University of Utrecht was founded in 1951 by Cornelis Frans Adolf van Dam (who was a student of Ramón Menéndez Pidal) and has since been an important center for Spanish scholars. The Mexican Training Center at the University of Groningen was established in 1993.
Johan Brouwer, who wrote his thesis on Spanish mysticism, produced twenty-two books on Spanish subjects, as well as numerous translations. Jonas Andries van Prague, a professor at Groningen, studied Spanish Golden Age theater in the Netherlands and the Generation of '98, as well as the Sephardic refugee writers in the Netherlands. Cees Nooteboom has written books about travel to Spain, including Roads to Santiago.Barber van de Pol produced a Dutch translation of Don Quixote in 1994, and Hispanism continues to be promoted by Dutch writers such as Rik Zaal (Alles over Spanje), Gerrit Jan Zwier, Arjen Duinker, Jean Pierre Rawie, Els Pelgrom (The Acorn Eaters), Chris van der Heijden (The Splendour of Spain from Cervantes to Velázquez), "Albert Helman", Maarten Steenmeijer, and Jean Arnoldus Schalekamp (This is Majorca: The Balearic Islands : Minorca, Ibiza, Formentera).
Scandinavia
[edit]
Denmark
[edit]
Miguel de Cervantes had an impact in Denmark, where his Don Quixote was translated into Danish (1776–1777) by Charlotte Dorothea Biehl, who also translated his Novelas ejemplares (1780–1781). Hans Christian Andersen made a trip to Spain and kept a diary about his experiences. Other prominent Danish Hispanists include Knud Togeby; Carl Bratli (Spansk-dansk Ordbog [Spanish/Danish dictionary], 1947); Johann Ludwig Heiberg (1791–1860, Calderón studies); Kristoffer Nyrop (1858–1931, Spansk grammatik); and Valdemar Beadle (Middle Ages and the Spanish and Italian Baroque).
Sweden
[edit]
In Sweden, prominent Hispanists include Erik Staaf; Edvard Lidforss (translator of Don Quixote into Swedish); Gunnar Tilander (publisher of medieval Spanish fueros); Alf Lombard; Karl Michaëlson; Emanuel Walberg; Bertil Maler (who edited Tratado de las enfermedades de las aves de caza); Magnus Mörner; Bengt Hasselrot; and Nils Hedberg. Inger Enkvist researched Latin American novels and Juan Goytisolo. Mateo López Pastor, author of Modern spansk litteratur (1960), taught and published in Sweden.
Norway
[edit]
Hispanism was founded in Norway by professor Magnus Gronvold, who translated Don Quixote into Norwegian in collaboration with Nils Kjær. Leif Sletsjoe (author of Sancho Panza, hombre de bien) and Kurt E. Sparre (a Calderón scholar) were both professors at the University of Oslo. Currently there is a strong and renewed interest in Hispanism among Norwegian youth, and the 21st century has seen the publication of at least three Spanish grammars for Norwegians—one by Cathrine Grimseid (2005); another by Johan Falk, Luis Lerate, and Kerstin Sjölin (2008); and one by Ana Beatriz Chiquito (2008). There is an Association of Norwegian Hispanism, a National Association of Professors of Spanish, and several journals, including La Corriente del Golfo (Revista Noruega de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Tribune, and Romansk forum.
Finland
[edit]
In Finland, at the beginning of the 20th century there was an important group of Hispanists in Helsinki, including Oiva J. Tallgren (1878–1941; he adopted the surname Tuulio in 1933); his wife Tyyni Tuulio (1892–1991); Eero K. Neuvonen [de] (1904–1981), who studied Arabisms in Old Spanish; and Sinikka Kallio-Visapää (translator of Ortega y Gasset).
Romania
[edit]
In Romania, the initiator of Hispanism was Ștefan Vârgolici, who translated a great part of the early 17th-century Miguel de Cervantes novel Don Quixote into Romanian and published—under the title Studies on Spanish Literature (Jasi, 1868–1870)—works on Calderón, Cervantes, and Lope de Vega, which had appeared in the journal Convorbiri literare (Literary Conversations). Alexandru Popescu-Telega (1889–1970) wrote a book on Unamuno (1924), a comparison between Romanian and Spanish folklore (1927), a biography of Cervantes (1944), a translation from the romancero (1947), a book on Hispanic Studies in Romania (1964), and an anthology in Romanian. Ileana Georgescu, George Călinescu (Iscusitul hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha), and Tudor Vianu (Cervantes) have published books on Cervantes.
Asia and the Pacific
[edit]
There is an Asian Association of Spanish Scholars (Asociación Asiática de Hispanistas ), which was founded in 1985 and meets every three years.
Former East Indies
[edit]
Hispanism in Asia and the Pacific is mostly related to the literature and languages of the Spanish/Novohispanic administration’s legacy in the Philippines, Mariana Islands, Guam and Palau, where Spanish has a history as a colonial language. In 1900, less than a million Filipinos spoke Spanish; estimates of the number of Filipinos whose first language is Spanish today vary widely, ranging from 2,660 to 400,000. Spanish remains perceivable in some creole languages, such as Chabacano. In Manila, the Instituto Cervantes has given Spanish classes for years, and the Philippine Academy of the Spanish Language is involved in the teaching and standard use of Spanish in the Philippines. But there is no institution or association that brings together and defends the interests of Hispanicity. The most important Spanish scholars—aside from the national hero, poet and novelist José Rizal (who wrote in Spanish)—are Antonio M. Molina (not the composer Antonio J. Molina), José María Castañer, Edmundo Farolan, Guillermo Gómez, Miguel Fernández Passion, Alfonso Felix, and Lourdes Castrillo de Brillantes. The weekly Nueva Era, edited by Guillermo Gómez Rivera, is the only newspaper in Spanish still published in the Philippines, although the quarterly journal Revista Filipina, edited by Edmundo Farolán, also exists, in print and online.
Japan
[edit]
The first Japanese institution to offer Spanish language classes, in 1897, was the Language School of Tokyo, known today as the Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. There, Gonzalo Jiménez de la Espada mentored the first Japanese Hispanists, including Hirosada Nagata (1885–1973, now considered a "patriarch" of Hispanism in Japan) and Shizuo Kasai. Meanwhile, the Osaka University of Foreign Studies established Hispanic Studies in its curriculum in 1921, but most university Hispanic Studies departments were founded in the 1970s and '80s. Translations of Don Quixote into Japanese are at first incomplete and by way of an English version (e.g. one by Shujiro Watanabe in 1887, and others in 1893, 1901, 1902, and 1914). Japanese versions of Don Quixote in its entirety—although still based on an English translation—were published in 1915 (by Hogetsu Shimamura and Noburu Katakami) and in 1927–28 (by Morita). In 1948, Hirosada Nagata published a nearly-complete direct (from the Spanish) Japanese translation. It fell to Nagata's student, Masatake Takahashi (1908–1984), to complete that translation (published in 1977). Meanwhile, an entire, direct Japanese translation of Don Quixote was also produced (the two parts in 1958 and 1962) by Yu Aida[27] (1903–1971).[28]
The Asociación Japonesa de Hispanistas was founded in Tokyo in 1955, consisting mostly of university professors. The association publishes the journal Hispánica. The journal Lingüística Hispánica is published by the Círculo de Lingüística Hispánica de Kansai.
Japanese Hispanism was surveyed by Ryohei Uritani in the article "Historia del hispanismo en el Japón", which was published in the journal Español actual: Revista de español vivo (48 [1987], 69–92).
Korea
[edit]
The relations between Spain and Korea began with Gregorio Céspedes in the 16th century, who was studied by Chul Park. Spanish education in Korea has continued for the past fifty years, and there is currently a strong demand for it. Since 2001, Spanish has been an optional language in secondary education. The Asociación Coreana de Hispanistas was founded in 1981 and holds two annual congresses, one in June and another in December. It also publishes the journal Hispanic Studies.
Associations of Hispanists
[edit]
The Spanish-language portal[29] run by the Instituto Cervantes lists over 60 associations of Hispanists around the world, including the following:
Asociación Hispánica de Literatura Medieval (Hispanic Association of Medieval Literature)
Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas (International Association of Hispanists)
Association of Hispanists of Great Britain and Ireland (AHGBI)[30]
Women in Spanish, Portuguese, and Latin-American Studies (WiSPS)[31]
Asociación de Hispanismo Filosófico (AHF) (Philosophical Hispanism Association)
Asociación Canadiense de Hispanistas (ACH) (Canadian Association of Hispanists)
Leading Hispanists
[edit]
Ida Altman (born 1950)
Gerald Brenan (1894–1987)
Raymond Carr (1919–2005)[32]
Alan Deyermond (1932–2009[33])
J.H. Elliott (born 1930)
Ian Gibson (born 1939)
Guillermo Gómez (born 1936)[34]
Archer M. Huntington (1870–1955), founder of the Hispanic Society of America
Gabriel Jackson (1921–2019)
Juan López-Morillas [es] (1913–1997), (Brown University)[35]
Angus Mackay (born 1939)
Edward Malefakis (1932–2016)
Erwin Kempton Mapes (1884–1961), (University of Iowa)[35]
Eric Woodfin Naylor (1936–2019), (University of the South)
Geoffrey Parker (historian) (born 1943)
Stanley G. Payne (born 1943)
Edgar Allison Peers (1891–1952)
Paul Preston (born 1946)
John D. Rutherford (born 1941)
Dorothy Severin (born 1942)
Alison Sinclair
Robert Southey (1774–1843)
Walter Starkie (1894–1976)
Hugh Thomas (1931–2017)
George Ticknor (1791–1871)
John Brande Trend (1887–1958)
Leslie Walton (c.1894–1960)
See also
[edit]
Instituto Cervantes
Hispanist
Hispagnolisme
Hispania quarterly published by the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese (AATSP).
References
[edit]
Bibliography
[edit]
Bak, Grzegorz (2002), La imagen de España en la literatura polaca del siglo XIX (PDF), Madrid: doctoral thesis, Universidad Complutense
Quinziano, Franco (2003), " 'Caro Soggiorno': Pietro Napoli Signorelli: Un hispanista en la España del XVIII", in González Martín, Vicente (ed.), La filología italiana ante el nuevo milenio, Universidad de Salamanca, pp. 551–574
Serrano Vélez, Manuel (2005), Locos por el Quijote, Caja de Ahorros y Monte de Piedad de Zaragoza, Aragon y Rioja, ISBN 9788483241981
Utray Sardá, Francisco (n.d.), Un enlace de culturas: Relaciones de España con los países árabes (PDF), archived from the original (PDF) on 26 March 2012
Further reading
[edit]
Richard L. Kagan has edited a volume on Hispanism in the United States
Hispanist historian J.H. Elliot has discussed it in his volume History in the Making.
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Hispanism
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hispanism
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The study of the literature and culture of the Spanish-speaking world
For advocacy of Hispanic nationalism, see Panhispanism.
Hispanism (sometimes referred to as Hispanic studies or Spanish studies) is the study of the literature and culture of the Spanish-speaking world, principally that of Spain and Hispanic America. It may also entail studying Spanish language and cultural history in the United States and in other presently or formerly Spanish-speaking countries in Africa, Asia, and the Pacific, such as Equatorial Guinea and the former Spanish East Indies.
A hispanist is a scholar specializing in Hispanicism.[1] It was used in an article by Miguel de Unamuno in 1908[2] referring to 'el hispanista italiano Farinelli', and was discussed at length for the U.S. by Hispanist Richard L. Kagan of Johns Hopkins University.[3] The work carried out by Hispanists includes translations of literature and they may specialize in certain genres, authors or historical periods of the Iberian Peninsula and Hispanic America, etc.
Origins
[edit]
During the 16th century, Spain was a motor of innovation in Europe, given its links to new lands, subjects, literary sorts and personages, dances, and fashions. This hegemonic status, also advanced by commercial and economic interests, generated interest in learning the Spanish language, as Spain was the dominant political power and was the first to develop an overseas empire in post-Renaissance Europe. In order to respond to that interest, some Spanish writers developed a new focus on the Spanish language as subject matter. In 1492 Antonio de Nebrija published his Gramática castellana, the first published grammar of a modern European language. Juan de Valdés composed his Diálogo de la lengua (1533) for his Italian friends, who were eager to learn Castilian. And the lawyer Cristóbal de Villalón wrote in his Gramática castellana (Antwerp, 1558) that Castilian was spoken by Flemish, Italian, English, and French persons.
For many years, especially between 1550 and 1670, European presses published a large number of Spanish grammars and dictionaries that linked Spanish to one or more other languages. Two of the oldest grammars were published anonymously in Louvain: Útil y breve institución para aprender los Principios y fundamentos de la lengua Hespañola (1555) and Gramática de la lengua vulgar de España (1559).
Among the more outstanding foreign authors of Spanish grammars were the Italians Giovanni Mario Alessandri (1560) and Giovanni Miranda (1566);[4] the English Richard Percivale (1591),[5] John Minsheu[5] (1599) and Lewis Owen[6] (1605); the French Jean Saulnier (1608) and Jean Doujat (1644); the German Heinrich Doergangk (1614);[7] and the Dutch Carolus Mulerius (1630).[8]
Dictionaries were composed by the Italian Girolamo Vittori (1602), the Englishman John Torius (1590) and the Frenchmen Jacques Ledel (1565), [1] Jean Palet (1604) and [2] François Huillery (1661). The lexicographical contribution of the German Heinrich Hornkens (1599) and of the Franco-Spanish author Pere Lacavallería (1642) were also important to French Hispanism.
Others combined grammars and dictionaries. The works of the Englishman Richard Percivale (1591), Frenchman César Oudin (1597, 1607), Italians Lorenzo Franciosini (1620, 1624) and Arnaldo de la Porte[9] (1659, 1669) and Austrian Nicholas Mez von Braidenbach[10] (1666, 1670) were especially relevant. Franciosini and Oudin also translated Don Quixote. This list is far from complete and the grammars and dictionaries in general had a great number of versions, adaptations, reprintings and even translations (Oudin's Grammaire et observations de langue espagnolle, for example, was translated into Latin and English). This is why it is not possible to exaggerate the great impact that the Spanish language had in the Europe of the 16th and 17th centuries.
In the 19th century, coinciding with the loss of the Spanish colonial empire and the birth of new Latin American republics, Europe and the United States showed a renewed interest in Hispanic history, literature and culture of the declining great power and its now independent former colonies. Inside Spain, after the country lost definitely its empire in the Spanish defeat in 1898, calls for cultural regeneration and a new conception of identity based in language and humanities began to emerge.[11]
During the Romantic period, the image of a Moorish and exotic medieval Spain, a picturesque country with a mixed cultural heritage, captured the imagination of many writers. This led many to become interested in Spanish literature, legends, and traditions. Travel books written at that time maintained and intensified that interest, and led to a more serious and scientific approach to the study of Spanish and Hispanic American culture. This field did not have a word coined to name it until the early 20th century, when it ended up being called Hispanism.
Hispanism has traditionally been defined[by whom?] as the study of the Spanish and Spanish-American cultures, and particularly of their language by foreigners or people generally not educated in Spain. The Instituto Cervantes has promoted the study of Spanish and Hispanic culture around the world, similar to the way in which institutions such as the British Council, the Alliance Française or the Goethe Institute have done for their own countries.
Criticism
[edit]
Hispanism as an organizing rubric has been criticized by scholars in Spain and in Latin America. The term "attempts to appropriate Latin-American topics and subordinate them to a Spanish centre,” observes Jeffrey Herlihy-Mera. “The nomenclatures have a radial implication which both initiates and sanctions the flawed concept that all cultural materials under this heading emanate from a singular source: the Peninsula.”[12] The rise of “Hispanism” as a term, notes Joan Ramon Resina, “in Spain as in Latin America, was accomplished for the purpose of political administration and obedience to Castilian rule through methods of domination that eventually led to independence and the birth (rather than fragmentation) of a constellation of republics.”[13] He goes on to say that “it is incumbent on us to face up to the possibility that Hispanism no longer has a future in the university.”[14] While Nicolas Shumway believes Hispanism “is an outmoded idea based on an essentialist, ideologically driven, and Spain-centric, notions,”[15] Carlos Alonso maintains the field of Hispanism “must be rethought and exploded.”[16]
In the Philippines
[edit]
In the Philippines, the Hispanists (or hispanista in Tagalog) are a term that has become associated with white washing, colonial mentality and cultural cringe for the past years. In particular, it has surfaced in social media as a bias on Philippine history that regards the colonizers and conquistadors as heroes and "civilizers", and the Philippine national heroes like Andres Bonifacio and Lapulapu as the "villains".
Issues and reactions had stirred on the so-called hispanista movement of Spanish restoration for their radicalism. Claims and historical narratives in the social media have included proposing to “replace” the current Filipino as the country's official language, alluding to the country's status as a former Spanish Empire colony.[17] The anti-Tagalog bias and the demand to credit cultural achievements in the Filipino culture to the Spanish colonizers have resulted in backlash and a negative reputation for online supporters of these ideas in the Philippines.[17]
World influence
[edit]
Hispanic America
[edit]
In the late 19th century Uruguayan José Enrique Rodó and Cuban José Martí were writers stressing the value of Spanish language and cultural heritage as part of the construction of an identity for the new Hispanic American independent nations.[18]
Great Britain and Ireland
[edit]
The first Spanish book translated into English was the Celestina, as an adaptation in verse published in London between 1525 and 1530 by John Rastell. It includes only the first four acts and is based on the Italian version of Alfonso de Ordóñez; it is often referred to as an Interlude, and its original title is A New Comedy in English in Manner of an Interlude Right Elegant and Full of Craft of Rhetoric: Wherein is Shewed and Described as well the Beauty and Good Properties of Women, as Their Vices and Evil Conditions with a Moral Conclusion and Exhortation to Virtue.. The Scottish poet William Drummond (1585–1649) translated Garcilaso de la Vega and Juan Boscán. The English knew the masterpieces of Castilian literature, from early translations of Amadís de Gaula by Garci Rodriguez de Montalvo and the Cárcel de amor by Diego de San Pedro. Sir Philip Sidney had read Los siete libros de la Diana by the Hispano-Portuguese Jorge de Montemayor, whose poetry influenced him greatly. John Bourchier translated Libro de Marco Aurelio by Antonio de Guevara. David Rowland translated Lazarillo de Tormes in 1586, which may have inspired the first English picaresque novel, The Unfortunate Traveller (1594), by Thomas Nashe. By the end of the 16th century, the Celestina had been translated fully (in London, J. Wolf, 1591; Adam Islip, 1596; William Apsley, 1598; and others). Some of the translators of that time traveled or lived for some time in Spain, such as Lord Berners, Bartholomew Yong, Thomas Shelton, Leonard Digges and James Mabbe. William Cecil (Lord Burghley; 1520–1598) owned the largest Spanish library in the United Kingdom.
Elizabethan theater also felt the powerful influence of the Spanish Golden Age. John Fletcher, a frequent collaborator of Shakespeare, borrowed from Miguel de Cervantes's Don Quixote for his Cardenio, possibly written in collaboration with Shakespeare, who is thought to have read Juan Luis Vives. Fletcher's frequent collaborator Francis Beaumont also imitated Don Quixote in the more well-known The Knight of the Burning Pestle. Fletcher also borrowed from other works by Cervantes, including Los trabajos de Persiles y Segismunda for his The Custom of the Country and La ilustre fregona for his beautiful young saleswoman. Cervantes also inspired Thomas Middleton and William Rowley, with his La gitanilla (one of the Novelas ejemplares) influencing their The Spanish Gipsy (1623).
The first translation of Don Quixote into a foreign language was the English version by Thomas Shelton (first part, 1612; second, 1620). And Don Quixote was imitated in the satirical poem Hudibras (1663–78), composed by Samuel Butler. In addition, the works of some great Golden Age poets were translated into English by Richard Fanshawe, who died in Madrid. As early as 1738, a luxurious London edition of Don Quixote in Spanish was published, prepared by the Sephardic Cervantist Pedro Pineda, with an introduction by Gregorio Mayans and ornate engravings. Also in the 18th century two new translations of Don Quixote were published, one by the painter Charles Jervas (1742) and one by Tobias Smollett, a writer of picaresque novels (1755). Smollet appears as an avid reader of Spanish narrative, and that influence is always present in his works. Meanwhile, the best work of the 17th-century writer Charlotte Lennox is The Female Quixote (1752), which was inspired by Cervantes. Cervantes also was the inspiration for The Spiritual Quixote, by Richard Graves. Thwe first critical and annotated edition of Don Quixote was that of the English clergyman John Bowle (1781). The novelists Henry Fielding and Lawrence Sterne also were familiar with the works of Cervantes.
Among the British travellers in Spain in the 18th century who left written testimony of their travels are (chronologically) John Durant Breval, Thomas James, Wyndham Beawes, James Harris, Richard Twiss, Francis Carter, William Dalrymple, Philip Thicknesse, Henry Swinburne, John Talbot Dillon, Alexander Jardine, Richard Croker, Richard Cumberland, Joseph Townsend, Arthur Young, William Beckford, John Macdonald (Memoirs of an Eighteenth-Century Footman), Robert Southey and Neville Wyndham.
Other English travel writers who straddled the 18th and 19th centuries include John Hookham Frere, Henry Richard Vassall-Fox, better known as Lord Holland (1773–1840), a great friend of Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos and Manuel José Quintana, and benefactor of José María Blanco White. Lord Holland visited Spain on numerous occasions and wrote his impressions about those trips. He also collected books and manuscripts and wrote a biography of Lope de Vega. His home was open to all Spaniards, but especially to the liberal émigrés who arrived in the London district of Somers Town in the 19th century, fleeing the absolutist repression of King Ferdinand VII and the religious and ideological dogmatism of the country. Many of them subsisted by translating or teaching their language to English people, most of whom were interested in conducting business with Spanish America, although others wished to learn about Spanish medieval literature, much in vogue among the Romantics. One of the émigrés, Antonio Alcalá Galiano, taught Spanish literature as a professor at the University of London in 1828 and published his notes. The publisher Rudolph Ackerman established a great business publishing Catecismos (text books) on different matters in Spanish, many of them written by Spanish émigrés, for the new Spanish-American republics. Matthew G. Lewis set some of his works in Spain. And the protagonist of Jane Austen's Abbey of Northanger is deranged by her excessive reading of Gothic novels, much as was Don Quixote with his books of chivalry.
Sir Walter Scott was an enthusiastic reader of Cervantes and tried his hand at translation. He dedicated his narrative poem The Vision of Roderick (1811) to Spain and its history. Thomas Rodd translated some Spanish folk ballads. Lord Byron also was greatly interested in Spain and was a reader of Don Quixote. He translated the ballad Ay de mi Alhama in part of his Childe Harold and Don Juan. Richard Trench translated Pedro Calderón de la Barca and was friends with some of the emigrated Spaniards, some of whom wrote in both English and Spanish, such as José María Blanco White and Telesforo de Trueba y Cossío, and many of whom (including Juan Calderón, who held a chair of Spanish at King's College), spread knowledge of the Spanish language and its literature. John Hookham Frere was a friend of the Duke of Rivas when the latter was in Malta, and Hookham translated some medieval and classical poetry into English. The brothers Jeremiah Holmes Wiffen and Benjamin B. Wiffen were both scholars of Spanish culture. The "Lake Poet" Robert Southey, translated Amadís de Gaula and Palmerín de Inglaterra into English, among others works. English novelists were strongly influenced by Cervantes. Especially so was Charles Dickens, who created a quixotic pair in Mr. Pickwick and Sam Weller of Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club. John Ormsby translated the Cantar de Mio Cid and Don Quixote. Percy Bysshe Shelley left traces of his devotion to Calderón de la Barca in his work. The polyglot John Bowring traveled to Spain in 1819 and published the observations of his trip. Other accounts of travel in Spain include those of Richard Ford, whose Handbook for Travellers in Spain (1845) was republished in many editions, and George Borrow, author of the travelogue The Bible in Spain, which was translated into Castilian by Manuel Azaña, the poet and translator Edward Fitzgerald, and the literary historian James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, who was mentor to a whole British generation of Spanish scholars such as Edgar Allison Peers and Alexander A. Parker. Other outstanding Hispanists include the following:
Francis William Pierce, Irish student of the epic poetry of the Golden Age;
John Brande Trend, a historian of Spanish music;
Edward Meryon Wilson, who translated the Soledades of Luis de Góngora (1931);
Norman David Shergold, student of the Spanish auto sacramental;
John E. Varey, who documented the evolution of the paratheatrical forms in the Golden Age;
as well as Geoffrey Ribbans; William James Entwistle; Peter Edward Russell; Nigel Glendinning; Brian Dutton; Gerald Brenan; John H. Elliott; Raymond Carr; Henry Kamen; John H. R. Polt; Hugh Thomas; Colin Smith; Edward C. Riley; Keith Whinnom; Paul Preston; Alan Deyermond; Ian Michael; and Ian Gibson.
The Association of Hispanists of Great Britain and Ireland (AHGBI) was founded in 1955 by a group of university professors at St. Andrews, and since then it has held congresses annually. The AHGBI played a decisive role in the creation of the Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas[19] (AIH), whose first congress was held at Oxford in 1962.
Germany, Austria and Switzerland
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Aside from the imitation of the picaresque novel by Hans Jakob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen, Hispanism bloomed in Germany around the enthusiasm that German Romantics had for Miguel de Cervantes, Calderón de la Barca, and Gracián. Friedrich Diez (1794–1876) can be considered the first German philologist to give prominence to Spanish, in his Grammatik der romanischen Sprachen (1836–1843) and his Etymologisches Wörterbuch der romanischen Sprachen (1854). His first Spanish-related work, Altspanische Romanzen, was published in 1819.
Important to the promotion of Hispanism in Germany was a group of Romantic writers that included Ludwig Tieck, an orientalist and poet who translated Don Quixote into German (1799–1801); Friedrich Bouterwek, author of the unorthodox Geschichte der Poesie und Beredsamkeit seit dem Ende des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts and translator of the Cervantes short farce El juez de los divorcios [es]; and August Wilhelm Schlegel (1767–1845), who translated works of Calderón de la Barca (Spanisches Theater, 1803–1809) and Spanish classical poetry into German. The philologist and folklorist Jakob Grimm published Silva de romances viejos (Vienna, 1816) with a prologue in Spanish. Juan Nicolás Böhl de Faber, German consul in Spain, was a devoted student of Calderón de la Barca, of Spanish classical theater generally, and of traditional popular literature. The philologist Wilhelm von Humboldt traveled through Spain taking notes and was interested especially in the Basque language, and the philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer was an avid reader and translator of Gracián. Count Adolf Friedrich von Schack (1815–1894) made a trip to Spain in 1852 to study the remnants of the Moorish civilization and became a devoted scholar of things Spanish.
Hispanists of German, Austrian, and Swiss origins include Franz Grillparzer, Wendelin Förster, Karl Vollmöller, Adolf Tobler, Heinrich Morf, Gustav Gröber, Gottfried Baist, and Wilhelm Meyer-Lübke. Among them are two emigrants to Chile, Rodolfo Lenz (1863–1938), whose works include his Diccionario etimolójico de las voces chilenas derivadas de lenguas indíjenas americanas (1904) and Chilenische Studien (1891), as well as other works on grammar and the Spanish of the Americas; and Friedrich Hanssen (1857–1919), author of Spanische Grammatik auf historischer Grundlage (1910; revised ed. in Spanish, Gramática histórica de la lengua castellana, 1913), as well as other works on Old Spanish philology, Aragonese dialectology, and the Spanish of the Americas. The Handbuch der romanischen Philologie (1896) by Wilhelm Meyer-Lübke was a classic in Spain, as were his Grammatik der romanischen Sprachen (1890–1902), Einführung in das Studium der romanischen Sprachwissenschaft (1901) (translated into Spanish), and Romanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch (1935). Johannes Fastenrath, through his translations and other works, spread the Spanish culture among his contemporaries; in addition, he created the prize that bears his name in the Spanish Royal Academy, to reward the best works in Spanish poetry, fiction, and essays. The Austrian Romance scholar Ferdinand Wolf, a friend of Agustín Durán, was particularly interested in the romancero, in the lyric poetry of the medieval Spanish cancioneros, and in other medieval folk poetry; he also studied Spanish authors who had resided in Vienna, such as Cristóbal de Castillejo. The Swiss scholar Heinrich Morf edited the medieval Poema de José (Leipzig, 1883). The works of Karl Vossler and Ludwig Pfandl on linguistic idealism and literary stylistics were widely read in Spain. Calderón studies in Germany were advanced by the editions of Max Krenkel. Other important authors were Emil Gessner, who wrote Das Altleonesische (Old Leonese) (Berlin 1867); Gottfried Baist, who produced an edition of Don Juan Manuel's Libro de la caza (1880), as well as the outline of a historical grammar of Spanish, Die spanische Sprache, in the encyclopedia of Romance philology published by Gustav Gröber in 1888; Hugo Schuchardt, known for his study of Spanish flamenco music, Die cantes flamencos; and Armin Gassner, who wrote Das altspanische Verbum (the Old Spanish verb) (1897), as well as a work on Spanish syntax (1890) and several articles on Spanish pronouns between 1893 and 1895. And Moritz Goldschmidt [de] wrote Zur Kritik der altgermanischen Elemente im Spanischen (Bonn 1887), the first work on the influences of the Germanic languages on Spanish.
Authors who made more specialized contributions to Hispanic philology include the following:
Werner Beinhauer (colloquial Spanish, phraseology, idioms);
Joseph Brüch (Germanic influences, historical phonetics);
Emil Gamillscheg (Germanic influences on the languages of the Iberian Peninsula, toponymy, Basques, and Romans);
Wilhelm Giese (etymology, dialectology and popular culture, Guanche loanwords in Spanish, the pre-Roman substrate, Judeo-Spanish);
Rudolf Grossmann (loanwords in the Spanish of the River Plate region, Spanish and Spanish-American literature, Latin American culture);
Helmut Hatzfeld (stylistics, language of Don Quixote);
Heinrich Kuen [ca; de] (linguistic situation of the Iberian Peninsula, typology of Spanish);
Alwin Kuhn [an; ca; de; oc] (Aragonese dialectology, formation of the Romance languages);
Fritz Krüger (dialectology, ethnography);
Harri Meier [de; ro] (historical linguistics, etymology, formation of the Romance languages, dialectology, linguistic typology);
Joseph M. Piel (toponymy and anthroponymy of the Ibero-Romance languages);
Gerhard Rohlfs (historical linguistics, etymology, toponymy, dialectology, language and culture);
Hugo Schuchardt (Spanish etymologies, pre-Roman languages, dialectology, creole languages, Basque studies);
Friedrich Schürr (historical phonetics, lexicology);
Leo Spitzer (etymology, syntax, stylistics, and lexicology of Spanish);
Günther Haensch and Arnald Steiger (Arabic influences on Spanish, Mozarabic language);
Karl Vossler (stylistics, characterization of the Spanish language, studies of Spanish literature and culture);
Edmund Schramm [de] (author of a biography of Juan Donoso Cortés and an Unamuno scholar);
Max Leopold Wagner (Spanish of the Americas, studies on Gypsy dialect and slang, dialectology);
Adolf Zauner [de] (author of Altspanisches Elementarbuch (manual of Old Spanish, 1907).
Fritz Krüger created the famous Hamburg School (not to be confused with the pop music genre of the 1980s, of the same name), which applied the principles of the Wörter und Sachen movement, founded earlier by Swiss and German philologists such as Hugo Schuchardt, Ruduolf Meringer, and Wilhelm Meyer-Lübke, aptly combining dialectology and ethnography. Between 1926 and 1944 Krüger directed the journal Volkstum und Kultur der Romane and its supplements (1930–1945). It totaled 37 volumes, in which many of his students published their works. Krüger wrote mainly on Hispanic dialectology, especially on that of western Spain (Extremadura and Leon) and the Pyrenees, and he traveled on foot to gather the materials for his monumental work Die Hochpyrenäen, in which he meticulously described the landscape, flora, fauna, material culture, popular traditions and dialects of the Central Pyrenees. The versatile Romance scholar Gerhard Rohlfs investigated the languages and the dialects of both sides of the Pyrenees and their elements in common, as well as pre-Roman substrate languages of the Iberian Peninsula and Guanche loanwords.
The works of Karl Vossler, founder of the linguistic school of idealism, include interpretations of Spanish literature and reflections on the Spanish culture. Vossler, along with Helmut Hatzfeld and Leo Spitzer, began a new school of stylistics based on aesthetics, which focused on the means of expression of various authors.
The early twentieth century marked the founding of two German institutions dedicated to Hispanic Studies (including Catalan, Galician and the Portuguese), in Hamburg and Berlin respectively. The University of Hamburg's Iberoamerikanisches Forschungsinstitut (Ibero-American Research Institute) was, from its founding in 1919 until the 1960s, almost the only German university institution dedicated to Spanish and other languages of the Iberian Peninsula. The Institute published the journal Volkstum und Kultur der Romanen (1926–1944), devoted specifically to works on dialectology and popular culture, following, in general, patterns of the Wörter und Sachen school. Meanwhile, Berlin's Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut was founded in 1930. Today, the Berlin institute houses Europe's largest library dedicated to studies of Spain, Portugal, and Latin America, and to the languages of these countries (including Catalan, Galician, Portuguese, Basque, and the indigenous languages of the Americas). The Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut in Berlin is engaged in research in the fields of literature, linguistics, ethnology, history, and art history.
Under the Nazi regime (1933–1945), German philology went through a difficult time. Some Romanists, through their work, praised and propagated the Nazi ideology. Meanwhile, others lost their professorships or underwent anti-Jewish persecution (such as Yakov Malkiel and Leo Spitzer, both of whom emigrated), by falling into disfavor with the regime or actively opposing it (for example Helmut Hatzfeld, who fled from Germany, and Werner Krauss (not to be confused with the actor of the same name), who lost his academic position in 1935).
Laboriously reconstructed after World War II, the Hispanic philology of the German-speaking countries contributed the works of Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos and Ernst Robert Curtius. Also:
Rudolph Grossmann produced a Spanish-German dictionary and an anthology of Spanish lyric poetry.
Hans Juretschke contributed studies on Spanish Romanticism and on German culture in Spain.
Werner Beinhauer wrote several books on colloquial Spanish.
Torsten Rox studied Mariano José de Larra and the Spanish nineteenth-century media.
Hans Magnus Enzensberger published a new translation of Federico García Lorca.
The Deutscher Hispanistenverband (German Association of Hispanists) was established in 1977 and since then has held a congress biennially. Currently in Germany, Spanish often surpasses French in number of students. About forty university departments of Romance philology exist in Germany, and there are more than ten thousand students of Spanish.
Today in Germany there are publishers specialized in Hispanic Studies, such as Edition Reichenberger, in Kassel, which is devoted to the Golden Age, and Klaus Dieter Vervuert's Iberoamericana Vervuert Verlag, which has branches in Frankfurt and Madrid and facilitates collaboration among Hispanists.
In Austria, Franz Grillparzer was the first scholar of Spanish and a reader of the theater of the Golden Age. Anton Rothbauer also distinguished himself, as a translator of modern lyric poetry and scholar of the Black Legend. Rudolf Palgen and Alfred Wolfgang Wurzbach (for example with his study of Lope de Vega) also contributed to Hispanism in Austria.
France and Belgium
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Hispanism in France dates back to the powerful influence of Spanish Golden Age literature on authors such as Pierre Corneille and Paul Scarron. Spanish influence was also brought to France by Spanish Protestants who fled the Inquisition, many of whom took up teaching of the Spanish language. These included Juan de Luna, author of a sequel to Lazarillo de Tormes. N. Charpentier's Parfaicte méthode pour entendre, écrire et parler la langue espagnole (Paris: Lucas Breyel, 1597) was supplemented by the grammar of César Oudin (also from 1597) that served as a model to those that were later written in French. Michel de Montaigne read the chroniclers of the Spanish Conquest and had as one of his models Antonio de Guevara. Molière, Alain-René Lesage, and Jean-Pierre Claris de Florian borrowed plots and characters from Spanish literature.
French travelers to Spain in the 19th century who left written and artistic testimony include painters such as Eugène Delacroix and Henri Regnault; well-known authors such as Alexandre Dumas, Théophile Gautier, George Sand, Stendhal, Hippolyte Taine and Prosper Mérimée; and other writers, including Jean-François de Bourgoing, Jean Charles Davillier, Louis Viardot, Isidore Justin Séverin, Charles Didier, Alexandre de Laborde, Antoine de Latour, Joseph Bonaventure Laurens, Édouard Magnien, Pierre Louis de Crusy and Antoine Frédéric Ozanam.
Victor Hugo was in Spain accompanying his father in 1811 and 1813. He was proud to call himself a "grandee of Spain", and he knew the language well. In his works there are numerous allusions to El Cid and the works of Miguel de Cervantes.
Prosper Mérimée, even before his repeated trips to Spain, had shaped his intuitive vision of the country in his Théatre de Clara Gazul (1825) and in La Famille de Carvajal (1828). Mérimée made many trips between 1830 and 1846, making numerous friends, among them the Duke of Rivas and Antonio Alcalá Galiano. He wrote Lettres addressées d'Espagne au directeur de la Revue de Paris, which are costumbrista sketches that feature the description of a bullfight. Mérimée's short novels Les âmes du purgatoire [de; fr; pl] (1834) and Carmen (1845) are classic works on Spain.
Honoré de Balzac was a friend of Francisco Martínez de la Rosa and dedicated his novel El Verdugo (1829) to him. (And Martínez de la Rosa's play Abén Humeya was produced in Paris in 1831.)
The Spanish romancero is represented in the French Bibliothèque universelle des romans, which was published in 1774. Auguste Creuzé de Lesser published folk ballads about El Cid in 1814, comparing them (as Johann Gottfried Herder had done before him) with the Greek epic tradition, and these were reprinted in 1823 and 1836, providing much raw material to the French Romantic movement. The journalist and publisher Abel Hugo, brother of Victor Hugo, emphasized the literary value of the romancero, translating and publishing a collection of romances and a history of King Rodrigo in 1821, and Romances historiques traduits de l'espagnol in 1822. He also composed a stage review, Les français en Espagne (1823), inspired by the time he spent with his brother at the Seminario de Nobles in Madrid during the reign of Joseph Bonaparte.
Madame de Stäel contributed to the knowledge of Spanish Literature in France (as she did also for German literature), which helped introduce Romanticism to the country. To this end she translated volume IV of Friedrich Bouterwek's Geschichte der Poesie und Beredsamkeit seit dem Ende des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts in 1812 and gave it the title of Histoire de la littérature espagnole.
Spanish literature was also promoted to readers of French by the Swiss author Simonde de Sismondi with his study De la littérature du midi de l'Europe (1813).
Also important for French access to Spanish poetry was the two-volume Espagne poétique (1826–27), an anthology of post-15th-century Castilian poetry translated by Juan María Maury. In Paris, the publishing house Baudry published many works by Spanish Romantics and even maintained a collection of "best" Spanish authors, edited by Eugenio de Ochoa.
Images of Spain were offered by the travel books of Madame d'Aulnoy and Saint-Simon, as well as the poet Théophile Gautier, who travelled in Spain in 1840 and published Voyage en Espagne (1845) and Espagne (1845). These works are so full of color and the sense of the picturesque that they even served as inspirations to Spanish writers themselves (poets such as José Zorrilla and narrators such as those of the Generation of '98), as well as to Alexandre Dumas, who attended the production of Zorrilla's Don Juan Tenorio in Madrid. Dumas wrote his somewhat negative views of his experience in his Impressions de voyage (1847–1848). In his play Don Juan de Marana, Dumas revived the legend of Don Juan, changing the ending after having seen Zorrilla's version in the edition of 1864.
François-René de Chateaubriand traveled through Iberia in 1807 on his return trip from Jerusalem, and later took part in the French intervention in Spain in 1823, which he describes in his Mémoires d'Outre-tombe (1849–1850). It may have been at that time that he began to write Les aventures du dernier Abencerraje (1826), which exalted Hispano-Arabic chivalry. Another work that was widely read was the Lettres d'un espagnol (1826), by Louis Viardot, who visited Spain in 1823.
Stendhal included a chapter "De l'Espagne" in his essay De l'amour (1822). Later (1834) he visited the country.
George Sand spent the winter of 1837–1838 with Chopin in Majorca, installed in the Valldemossa Charterhouse. Their impressions are captured in Sand's Un hiver au midi de l'Europe (1842) and in Chopin's Memoirs.
Spanish classical painting exerted a strong influence on Manet, and more recently, painters such as Picasso and Dalí have influenced modern painting generally.
Spanish music has influenced composers such as Georges Bizet, Emmanuel Chabrier, Édouard Lalo, Maurice Ravel, and Claude Debussy.
At present the most important centers for Hispanism in France are at the Universities of Bordeaux and Toulouse, and in Paris, with the Institut des Études Hispaniques, founded in 1912. Journals include Bulletin Hispanique.
Prominent Hispanists in Belgium include Pierre Groult and Lucien-Paul Thomas. Groult studied Castilian mysticism in relation to its Flemish counterpart. A Comprehensive Spanish Grammar (1995)—an English translation of the original Dutch Spaanse Spraakkunst (1979)—was written by Jacques de Bruyne, a professor at Ghent University.
United States and Canada
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Hispanism in the United States has a long tradition and is highly developed. To a certain extent this is a result of the United States's own history, which is tied closely to the Spanish empire and its former colonies, especially Mexico, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Cuba. Historically, many Americans have romanticized the Spanish legacy and given a privileged position to the Castilian language and culture, while simultaneously downplaying or rejecting the Latin American and Caribbean dialects and cultures of the Spanish-speaking areas of U.S. influence. There are now more than thirty-five million Spanish-speakers in the United States, making Spanish the second most spoken language in the country and Latinos the largest national minority. Spanish is used actively in some of the most populous states, including California, Florida, New Mexico, and Texas, and in large cities such as New York, Los Angeles, Miami, San Antonio and San Francisco. The American Association of Teachers of Spanish was founded in 1917 and holds a biennial congress outside the United States; Hispania is the association's official publication. (Since 1944, it is the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese.) The North American Academy of the Spanish Language brings together Spanish speakers in North America.
The first academic professorships of Spanish at United States universities were established at Harvard (1819), Virginia (1825), and Yale (1826). The U.S. consul in Valencia, Obadiah Rich, imported numerous books and valuable manuscripts that became the Obadiah Rich Collection at the New York Public Library, and numerous magazines, especially the North American Review, published translations. Many travelers published their impressions on Spain, such as Alexander Slidell Mackenzie (A Year in Spain [1836] and Spain Revisited [1836]). These were read by Washington Irving, Edgar Allan Poe, and other travelers like the Sephardic journalist Mordecai M. Noah and the diplomat Caleb Cushing and his wife. Poe studied Spanish at the University of Virginia and some of his stories have Spanish settings. He also wrote scholarly articles on Spanish literature.
The beginnings of Hispanism itself are found in the works of Washington Irving, who met Leandro Fernández de Moratín in Bordeaux in 1825 and was in Spain in 1826 (when he frequented the social gatherings of another American, Sarah Maria Theresa McKean (1780–1841), the marquise widow of Casa Irujo), as well as in 1829. He went on to become ambassador between 1842 and 1846. Irving studied in Spanish libraries and met Martín Fernández de Navarrete in Madrid, using one of the latter's works as a source for his A History of the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus (1828), and made friends and corresponded with Cecilia Böhl de Faber, from where a mutual influence was born. His Romantic interest in Arab topics shaped his Chronicle of the Conquest of Granada (1829) and Alhambra (1832). McKean's social gatherings were also attended by the children of the Bostonian of Irish origin John Montgomery, who was the consul of the United States in Alicante, and particularly by the Spanish-born writer George Washington Montgomery.
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's translations of Spanish classics also form part of the history of North American Hispanism; he went through Madrid in 1829 expressing his impressions in his letters, a diary and in Outre-Mer (1833–1834). A good connoisseur of the classics, Longfellow translated Jorge Manrique's couplets. In order to fulfill his duties as a Spanish professor, he composed his Spanish Novels (1830), which are story adaptations of Irving and published several essays on Spanish literature and a drama, including The Spanish Student (1842), where he imitates those of the Spanish Golden Age. In his anthology The Poets and Poetry of Europe (1845) he includes the works of many Spanish poets. William Cullen Bryant translated Morisco romances and composed the poems "The Spanish Revolution" (1808) and "Cervantes" (1878). He was linked in New York to Spaniards and, as director of the Evening Post, included many articles on Iberian subjects in the magazine. He was in Spain in 1847, and narrated his impressions in Letters of a traveller (1850–1857). In Madrid he met Carolina Coronado, translating into English her poem "The Lost Bird" and novel Jarilla, both of which were published in the Evening Post. But the most important group of Spanish scholars was one from Boston. The work of George Ticknor, a professor of Spanish at Harvard who wrote History of Spanish Literature, and William H. Prescott, who wrote historical works on the conquest of America, are without doubt contributions of the first order. Ticknor was a friend of Pascual de Gayangos y Arce, whom he met in London, and visited Spain in 1818, describing his impressions in Life, letters and journals (1876). In spite of significant difficulties with his vision, Prescott composed histories of the conquest of Mexico and Peru, as well as a history of the reign of the Catholic Monarchs.
In the United States there are important societies that are dedicated to the study, conservation and spread of Spanish culture, of which the Hispanic Society of America is the best known. There are also libraries specialized in Hispanic matter, including ones at Tulane University, New Orleans. Important journals include Hispanic Review, Revista de las Españas [es], Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica, Hispania, Dieciocho, Revista Hispánica Moderna and Cervantes.
Russia
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The history of Hispanism in Russia—before, during, and after the Soviet period—is long and deep, and it even survived the rupture of relations between Russia and Spain caused by the Spanish Civil War. This history started in the 18th century, and in the 19th century the influence of Miguel de Cervantes on realist novelists (such as Dostoyevsky, Turgenev, and Tolstoy) was profound.
Romantic travellers, such as Sergei Sobolevski, accumulated great libraries of books in Spanish and helped Spanish writers who visited Russia, such as Juan Valera. The Russian realist dramatist Alexander Ostrovsky translated the theater of Calderón and wrote texts on Spanish Golden Age theater. Yevgeni Salias de Tournemir visited Spain and published Apuntes de viaje por España (1874), shortly before Emilio Castelar published his La Rusia contemporánea (1881).
The Russian Association of Hispanists, founded in 1994, is currently supported by the Russian Academy of Sciences. The field of Spanish-American studies has undergone a great increase recently. A survey in 2003 revealed that there are at least four thousand students of Spanish in Russian universities.
Twentieth-century Spanish scholars include Sergei Goncharenko (mentor of a whole generation of Spanish scholars), Victor Andreyev, Vladimir Vasiliev, Natalia Miod, Svetlana Piskunova, and Vsevolod Bagno (El Quijote vivido por los rusos). Recently, a Russian Hernandian Circle was founded, devoted to studying the work of Miguel Hernández, who visited the USSR in September 1937.
Poland
[edit]
Records of visits to Spain by Poles begin in the Middle Ages, with pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostela. According to one estimate, more than 100 Poles made the pilgrimage during that era.[20]
In the 16th century, the humanist Jan Dantyszek (1485–1548), ambassador of King Sigismund I the Old to Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, traveled to the Iberian Peninsula three times and remained there for nearly ten years, becoming friends with outstanding figures such as Hernán Cortés and leaving letters of his travels. The bishop Piotr Dunin-Wolski took 300 Spanish books to Poland, and these were added to the Jagiellonian Library of Kraków under the name of Bibliotheca Volsciana. Several professors from Spain worked in the Academy of Kraków (today known as the Jagiellonian University), including the Sevillian Garsías Cuadras and the Aragonese jurist Pedro Ruiz de Moros (1506–1571), known in Poland as Roizjusz, who mainly wrote in Latin and was adviser to the king. The Society of Jesus was active in Poland, promoting not only Spanish ideas of theology, but also Spanish theater, which they considered a teaching tool.[21] In the 16th century, the travelers Stanisław Łaski, Andrzej Tęczyński, Jan Tarnowski, Stanisław Radziwiłł, and Szymon Babiogórski visited Spain, among others. An anonymous traveler who arrived in Barcelona in August 1595 left an account of his impressions in a manuscript called Diariusz z peregrynacji włoskiej, hiszpańskiej, portugalskiej (Diary of the Italian, Spanish and Portuguese Pilgrimages).[22]
In the 17th century, the Polish nobleman Jakub Sobieski made the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela and wrote an account of his journey. In the years 1674–1675, Canon Andrzej Chryzostom Załuski, Jerzy Radziwiłł, and Stanisław Radziwiłł visited Spain, and all left written testimony of their travels.
Modern Polish Hispanic Studies begin with the Romantic poet Adam Mickiewicz. He was followed in the 19th century by Joachim Lelewel, Wojciech Dzieduszycki, Leonard Rettel, and Julian Adolf Swiecicki. Karol Dembowski wrote, in French, a book on his travels in Spain and Portugal during First Carlist War.
Felix Rozanski, Edward Porebowicz and Zygmunt Czerny were enthusiastic translators who taught in Poland at that time. Maria Strzałkowa wrote the first outline of history of Spanish literature in Polish. Other important translators include Kazimierz Zawanowski, Zofia Szleyen, Kalina Wojciechowska, and Zofia Chądzyńska.
The poet and Hispanist Florian Śmieja taught Spanish and Spanish American literature in London, Ontario. In 1971 the first professorship of Hispanic Studies not subordinate to a department of Romance literature was created at the University of Warsaw, and in the following year a degree program in Hispanic Studies was instituted there. Today it is called the Institute of Iberian and Latin American Studies. Those who have taught in it include Urszula Aszyk-Bangs, M.-Pierrette Malcuzynski (1948–2004), Robert Mansberger Amorós, Víctor Manuel Ferreras, and Carlos Marrodán Casas. In Kraków the first National Symposium of Spanish Scholars was held in 1985. The historians Janusz Tazbir and Jan Kienewicz wrote on Spanish themes, as did the literary scholars Gabriela Makowiecka, Henryk Ziomek, Beata Baczynska, Florian Śmieja, Piotr Sawicki, and Kazimierz Sabik. Grzegorz Bak studied the image of Spain in 19th-century Polish literature.[23]
Brazil
[edit]
The integration of Brazil into Mercosur in 1991 created a need for closer relations between Brazil and the Hispanic world, as well as better knowledge of the Spanish language within Brazil. For this reason, Brazil has promoted the inclusion of Spanish as a required subject in the country's education system. A large core of Spanish scholars formed at the University of São Paulo, including Fidelino de Figueiredo, Luis Sánchez y Fernández, and José Lodeiro. The year 1991 also marks the creation of the Anuario Brasileño de Estudios Hispánicos, whose Suplemento: El hispanismo en Brasil (2000), traces the history of Hispanic Studies in the country. In 2000 the first Congresso Brasileiro de Hispanistas took place, and its proceedings were published under the title Hispanismo 2000. At that meeting, the Associação Brasileira de Hispanistas was established. The organization's second congress took place in 2002, and since then it has been held every two years.
Portugal
[edit]
Compared to Brazil, Portugal has shown less interest in Hispanism; it was not until 2005 that a national association for it was founded. Portuguese activities in this field are mostly of a comparatist nature and focus on Luso-Spanish topics, partly because of academic and administrative reasons. The journal Península Archived 10 June 2012 at the Wayback Machine is one of the most important Hispanist journals in the country. Portuguese Hispanism appears somewhat limited, and to an extent there is a mutual distrust between the two cultures, motivated by a history of conflicts and rivalry. Nevertheless, Portuguese writers of the Renaissance—such as the dramatist Gil Vicente, Jorge de Montemayor, Francisco Sá de Miranda, and the historian Francisco Manuel de Mello—wrote in both Spanish and Portuguese.
Italy
[edit]
The cultural relationship between Spain and Italy developed early in the Middle Ages, especially centered in Naples through the relation that it had with the Crown of Aragon and Sicily, and intensified during the Spanish Pre-Renaissance and Renaissance through Castile. Garcilaso de la Vega engaged members of the Accademia Pontaniana and introduced the Petrarchian metrical style and themes to Spanish lyric poetry. This close relation extended throughout the periods of Mannerism and the Baroque in the 16th and 17th centuries. In the 18th century the poet Giambattista Conti (1741–1820) was perhaps the foremost Spanish scholar, translator and anthologist of Europe. Dramatist, critic, and theater historiographer Pietro Napoli Signorelli (1731–1815) defended Spanish literature against critics such as Girolamo Tiraboschi and Saverio Bettinelli, who accused it of "bad taste", "corruption", and "barbarism". Giacomo Casanova and Giuseppe Baretti traveled throughout Spain, leaving interesting descriptions of their experiences: Baretti was fluent in Spanish. The critic Guido Bellico was in the Reales Estudios de San Isidro with the eminent Arabist Mariano Pizzi. Among other prominent Italian Hispanists were Leonardo Capitanacci, Ignazio Gajone, Placido Bordoni, Giacinto Ceruti, Francesco Pesaro, Giuseppe Olivieri, Giovanni Querini and Marco Zeno.[24]
In the 19th century, Italian Romanticism took great interest in the Spanish romancero, with translations by Giovanni Berchet[25] in 1837 and Pietro Monti in 1855. Edmondo de Amicis traveled throughout Spain and wrote a book of his impressions. Antonio Restori (1859–1928), a professor at the Universities of Messina and of Genoa, published some works of Lope de Vega and dedicated his Saggi di bibliografia teatrale spagnuola (1927) to the bibliography of the Spanish theater; he also wrote Il Cid, studio storico-critico (1881) and Le gesta del Cid (1890). Bernardo Sanvisenti, a professor of Spanish language and literature at the University of Milan, wrote Manuale di letteratura spagnuola (1907), as well as a study (1902) on the influence of Boccaccio, Dante and Petrarch in Spanish literature.
Italian Hispanism arose from three sources, already identifiable in the 19th century. The first of these was the Spanish hegemonic presence in the Italian peninsula, which sparked interest in the study of Spain and in the creation of works about Spain. Secondly, Italian Hispanism was encouraged by a comparatist approach, and in fact the first Italian studies on literature in Spanish were of a comparative nature, such as Benedetto Croce's La Spagna nella vita italiana durante la Rinascenza (1907) and the works of Arturo Farinelli and Bernardino Sanvisenti, which were dedicated to the relationships between Spain and Italy, Italy and Germany, and Spain and Germany. Thirdly, the development of Italian Hispanism was supported by Romance philology, especially through the works of Mario Casella (author of Cervantes: Il Chisciotte [1938]), Ezio Levi, Salvatore Battaglia, and Giovanni Maria Bertini (translator of Spanish modern poetry, especially the poems of Lorca). Cesare de Lollis also made important contributions to Cervantes studies.
The field of modern Hispanic Studies originated in 1945, with the trio of Oreste Macrì (editor of works of Antonio Machado and of Fray Luis de León), Guido Mancini, and Franco Meregalli. Eventually Spanish-American studies emerged as an area of independent of the literature of Spain. Between 1960 and 1970 the first professorships of Spanish-American language and literature were created, pioneered by Giovanni Meo Zilio, who occupied the first chair of that sort created at the University of Florence in 1968. He was followed by Giuseppe Bellini (historian of Spanish-American literature, translator of Pablo Neruda, and student of Miguel Ángel Asturias); Roberto Paoli (Peruvianist and translator of César Vallejo); and Dario Puccini (student of the lyric poetry of Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, as well as that of the 20th century).
The Association of Italian Hispanists (AISPI) was created in May 1973 and has held numerous congresses almost annually since then. Italian Hispanists include Silvio Pellegrini, Pio Rajna, Antonio Viscardi, Luigi Sorrento, Guido Tammi, Francesco Vian, Juana Granados de Bagnasco, Gabriele Ranzato, Lucio Ambruzzi, Eugenio Mele, Manlio Castello, Francesco Ugolini, Lorenzo Giussi, Elena Milazzo, Luigi de Filippo, Carmelo Samonà, Giuseppe Carlo Rossi, the poets Giuseppe Ungaretti (who translated Góngora) and Pier Paolo Pasolini, Margherita Morreale, Giovanni Maria Bertini, Giuliano Bonfante, Carlo Bo (who worked with the poetry of Juan Ramón Jiménez), Ermanno Caldera, Rinaldo Froldi, and Guido Mancini (author of a Storia della letteratura spagnola.
Israel
[edit]
At the time of its founding in 1948, the modern state of Israel already included a substantial Spanish-speaking community. Their language, Judeo-Spanish, was derived from Old Spanish along a path of development that diverged from that of the Spanish of Spain and its empire, beginning in 1492, when the Jews were expelled from Spain. Between the 16th and 20th centuries many of them lived in the old Ottoman Empire and North Africa. There are some 100,000 speakers of Judeo-Spanish in Israel today.
At present there are several Israeli media outlets in (standard Castilian) Spanish, some of which have a long history. The newsweekly Aurora, for example, was founded in the late 1960s, and today it also has an online edition. Israel has at least three radio stations that broadcast in Spanish.
Modern Israeli Hispanists include Samuel Miklos Stern (the discoverer of the Spanish kharjas and a student of the Spanish Inquisition), professor Benzion Netanyahu, and Haim Beinart. Other Israeli scholars have studied the literature and history of Spain, frequently influenced by the theses of Américo Castro. Don Quixote has been translated into Hebrew twice, first by Natan Bistritzky and Nahman Bialik (Jerusalem, Sifriat Poalim, 1958), and later (Tel Aviv: Hakibutz Hameuchad, 1994) by Beatriz Skroisky-Landau and Luis Landau, the latter a professor in the Department of Hebrew Literature at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev and author of Cervantes and the Jews (Beer Sheva: Ben-Gurion University Press, 2002). The historian Yosef Kaplan has written numerous works and has translated Isaac Cardoso's Las excelencias y calumnias de los hebreos into Hebrew. The Asociación de Hispanistas de Israel was created on 21 June 2007 at the Instituto Cervantes de Tel Aviv, consisting of over thirty professors, researchers and intellectuals linked to the languages, literatures, history and cultures of Spain, Portugal, Latin America and the Judeo-Spanish Sephardic world. Its first meeting was convened by professors Ruth Fine (Hebrew University of Jerusalem), who was appointed the first president of the association; Raanán Rein (Tel Aviv University); Aviva Dorón (University of Haifa); and Tamar Alexander (Ben-Gurion University of the Negev).
Arab world
[edit]
Spain's links with the Arab world began in the Middle Ages with the Moorish conquest of the Iberian Peninsula. Arabic-speaking Moorish kingdoms were present in Spain until 1492, when the Reconquista defeated the Emirate of Granada. Many Moors remained in Spain until their final expulsion in 1609. The Spanish Empire, at its height, included a number of Arabic-speaking enclaves in the Maghreb, such as Spanish Sahara and Spanish Morocco.
The Moroccan historian Ahmed Mohammed al-Maqqari (c. 1591 – 1632) wrote about the Muslim dynasties in Spain. The Egyptian poet Ahmed Shawqi (1869–1932) spent six years of exile in Andalusia. Perhaps the first "scientific" Arab Hispanist was the Lebanese writer Shakib Arslan (1869–1946), who wrote a book about his trips to Spain in three volumes. The Egyptian writer Taha Husayn (1889–1973) promoted the renewal of relations with Spain, among other European countries of the Mediterranean, and led the creation of an edition of the great 12th-century Andalusian literary encyclopedia Al-Dakhira, of Ibn Bassam. Other important figures were 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Ahwani, 'Abd Allah 'Inan, Husayn Mu'nis, Salih al-Astar, Mahmud Mekki, and Hamid Abu Ahmad. Linked to the Egyptian Institute of Madrid are Ahmad Mukhtar al-'Abbadi (who specialized in the history of Moorish Granada), Ahmad Haykal, Salah Fadl, As'ad Sharif 'Umar, and Nagwa Gamal Mehrez. The Asociación de Hispanistas de Egipto was formed in 1968. The First Colloquium of Arab Hispanism took place in Madrid in 1975.[26]
Netherlands
[edit]
In spite of a bitter war between Spain and the United Provinces in the late 16th century, Hispanism has deep roots in the Netherlands. The influence of Spanish Golden Age literature can be seen in the work of the Dutch poet and playwright Gerbrand Bredero and in the translations of Guilliam de Bay in the 17th century. Nineteenth-century Romanticism aroused Dutch curiosity about the exoticism of things Spanish. The Arabist Reinhart Dozy (1820–1883) made important contributions to the study of the Moorish domination in Spain, including Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne (1861) and the continuation Recherches sur l'Histoire et littérature de l'Espagne, which was published in its definitive form in 1881. A few years later, the Dutch scholar Fonger de Haan (1859–1930) held the chair of Spanish literature at Boston University. Two of his publications, Pícaros y ganapanes (1899) and An Outline of the History of the Novela Picaresca in Spain (1903) still serve as starting points for research today. In 1918 he tried in vain to spark the interest of the State University of Groningen in Hispanic Studies, but nevertheless donated his library of Hispanic Studies to it a few years later.
Serious studies of literature gained new impetus thanks to the work of Jan te Winkel of the University of Amsterdam who, with his seven-volume De Ontwikkelingsgang der Nederlandsche Letterkunde (1908–1921), drew attention to the influence that Spanish literature exerted on Dutch literature in the 17th century. Other researchers, such as William Davids (1918), Joseph Vles (1926) and Simon Vosters (1955), continued in the same direction as te Winkel. Two Romanists who were of great importance to Dutch Hispanism were Salverda de Grave and Sneyders de Vogel. Jean Jacques Salverda de Grave (1863–1947) became a professor of Romance philology at the University of Groningen in 1907, and he was succeeded by Kornelis Sneyders de Vogel (1876–1958) in 1921. In 1906, for the first time since 1659, a Spanish/Dutch dictionary was published, followed in 1912 by a Dutch/Spanish dictionary, both composed by A. A. Fokker. Since then many such dictionaries have been published, including one by C. F. A. van Dam and H. C. Barrau and another by S. A. Vosters. Many Spanish grammars in Dutch also have been published, including a grammar by Gerardus Johannes Geers (1924), one by Jonas Andries van Praag (1957) and one by Jos Hallebeek, Antoon van Bommel, and Kees van Esch (2004). Doctor W. J. van Baalen was an important popularizer of the history, customs, and wealth of Spanish America, producing ten books in those areas. Along with C. F. A. Van Dam, he founded the Nederlandsch Zuid-Amerikaansch Instituut in order to promote commercial and cultural contact between both worlds. The Groningen poet Hendrik de Vries (1896–1989) travelled twelve times to Spain between 1924 and 1936 and—although his father, an eminent philologist and polyglot, always refused to study Spanish because of the Eighty Years' War—the poet dedicated his book of poems Iberia (1964) to Spain.
In the Netherlands, the Institute of Hispanic Studies at the University of Utrecht was founded in 1951 by Cornelis Frans Adolf van Dam (who was a student of Ramón Menéndez Pidal) and has since been an important center for Spanish scholars. The Mexican Training Center at the University of Groningen was established in 1993.
Johan Brouwer, who wrote his thesis on Spanish mysticism, produced twenty-two books on Spanish subjects, as well as numerous translations. Jonas Andries van Prague, a professor at Groningen, studied Spanish Golden Age theater in the Netherlands and the Generation of '98, as well as the Sephardic refugee writers in the Netherlands. Cees Nooteboom has written books about travel to Spain, including Roads to Santiago.Barber van de Pol produced a Dutch translation of Don Quixote in 1994, and Hispanism continues to be promoted by Dutch writers such as Rik Zaal (Alles over Spanje), Gerrit Jan Zwier, Arjen Duinker, Jean Pierre Rawie, Els Pelgrom (The Acorn Eaters), Chris van der Heijden (The Splendour of Spain from Cervantes to Velázquez), "Albert Helman", Maarten Steenmeijer, and Jean Arnoldus Schalekamp (This is Majorca: The Balearic Islands : Minorca, Ibiza, Formentera).
Scandinavia
[edit]
Denmark
[edit]
Miguel de Cervantes had an impact in Denmark, where his Don Quixote was translated into Danish (1776–1777) by Charlotte Dorothea Biehl, who also translated his Novelas ejemplares (1780–1781). Hans Christian Andersen made a trip to Spain and kept a diary about his experiences. Other prominent Danish Hispanists include Knud Togeby; Carl Bratli (Spansk-dansk Ordbog [Spanish/Danish dictionary], 1947); Johann Ludwig Heiberg (1791–1860, Calderón studies); Kristoffer Nyrop (1858–1931, Spansk grammatik); and Valdemar Beadle (Middle Ages and the Spanish and Italian Baroque).
Sweden
[edit]
In Sweden, prominent Hispanists include Erik Staaf; Edvard Lidforss (translator of Don Quixote into Swedish); Gunnar Tilander (publisher of medieval Spanish fueros); Alf Lombard; Karl Michaëlson; Emanuel Walberg; Bertil Maler (who edited Tratado de las enfermedades de las aves de caza); Magnus Mörner; Bengt Hasselrot; and Nils Hedberg. Inger Enkvist researched Latin American novels and Juan Goytisolo. Mateo López Pastor, author of Modern spansk litteratur (1960), taught and published in Sweden.
Norway
[edit]
Hispanism was founded in Norway by professor Magnus Gronvold, who translated Don Quixote into Norwegian in collaboration with Nils Kjær. Leif Sletsjoe (author of Sancho Panza, hombre de bien) and Kurt E. Sparre (a Calderón scholar) were both professors at the University of Oslo. Currently there is a strong and renewed interest in Hispanism among Norwegian youth, and the 21st century has seen the publication of at least three Spanish grammars for Norwegians—one by Cathrine Grimseid (2005); another by Johan Falk, Luis Lerate, and Kerstin Sjölin (2008); and one by Ana Beatriz Chiquito (2008). There is an Association of Norwegian Hispanism, a National Association of Professors of Spanish, and several journals, including La Corriente del Golfo (Revista Noruega de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Tribune, and Romansk forum.
Finland
[edit]
In Finland, at the beginning of the 20th century there was an important group of Hispanists in Helsinki, including Oiva J. Tallgren (1878–1941; he adopted the surname Tuulio in 1933); his wife Tyyni Tuulio (1892–1991); Eero K. Neuvonen [de] (1904–1981), who studied Arabisms in Old Spanish; and Sinikka Kallio-Visapää (translator of Ortega y Gasset).
Romania
[edit]
In Romania, the initiator of Hispanism was Ștefan Vârgolici, who translated a great part of the early 17th-century Miguel de Cervantes novel Don Quixote into Romanian and published—under the title Studies on Spanish Literature (Jasi, 1868–1870)—works on Calderón, Cervantes, and Lope de Vega, which had appeared in the journal Convorbiri literare (Literary Conversations). Alexandru Popescu-Telega (1889–1970) wrote a book on Unamuno (1924), a comparison between Romanian and Spanish folklore (1927), a biography of Cervantes (1944), a translation from the romancero (1947), a book on Hispanic Studies in Romania (1964), and an anthology in Romanian. Ileana Georgescu, George Călinescu (Iscusitul hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha), and Tudor Vianu (Cervantes) have published books on Cervantes.
Asia and the Pacific
[edit]
There is an Asian Association of Spanish Scholars (Asociación Asiática de Hispanistas ), which was founded in 1985 and meets every three years.
Former East Indies
[edit]
Hispanism in Asia and the Pacific is mostly related to the literature and languages of the Spanish/Novohispanic administration’s legacy in the Philippines, Mariana Islands, Guam and Palau, where Spanish has a history as a colonial language. In 1900, less than a million Filipinos spoke Spanish; estimates of the number of Filipinos whose first language is Spanish today vary widely, ranging from 2,660 to 400,000. Spanish remains perceivable in some creole languages, such as Chabacano. In Manila, the Instituto Cervantes has given Spanish classes for years, and the Philippine Academy of the Spanish Language is involved in the teaching and standard use of Spanish in the Philippines. But there is no institution or association that brings together and defends the interests of Hispanicity. The most important Spanish scholars—aside from the national hero, poet and novelist José Rizal (who wrote in Spanish)—are Antonio M. Molina (not the composer Antonio J. Molina), José María Castañer, Edmundo Farolan, Guillermo Gómez, Miguel Fernández Passion, Alfonso Felix, and Lourdes Castrillo de Brillantes. The weekly Nueva Era, edited by Guillermo Gómez Rivera, is the only newspaper in Spanish still published in the Philippines, although the quarterly journal Revista Filipina, edited by Edmundo Farolán, also exists, in print and online.
Japan
[edit]
The first Japanese institution to offer Spanish language classes, in 1897, was the Language School of Tokyo, known today as the Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. There, Gonzalo Jiménez de la Espada mentored the first Japanese Hispanists, including Hirosada Nagata (1885–1973, now considered a "patriarch" of Hispanism in Japan) and Shizuo Kasai. Meanwhile, the Osaka University of Foreign Studies established Hispanic Studies in its curriculum in 1921, but most university Hispanic Studies departments were founded in the 1970s and '80s. Translations of Don Quixote into Japanese are at first incomplete and by way of an English version (e.g. one by Shujiro Watanabe in 1887, and others in 1893, 1901, 1902, and 1914). Japanese versions of Don Quixote in its entirety—although still based on an English translation—were published in 1915 (by Hogetsu Shimamura and Noburu Katakami) and in 1927–28 (by Morita). In 1948, Hirosada Nagata published a nearly-complete direct (from the Spanish) Japanese translation. It fell to Nagata's student, Masatake Takahashi (1908–1984), to complete that translation (published in 1977). Meanwhile, an entire, direct Japanese translation of Don Quixote was also produced (the two parts in 1958 and 1962) by Yu Aida[27] (1903–1971).[28]
The Asociación Japonesa de Hispanistas was founded in Tokyo in 1955, consisting mostly of university professors. The association publishes the journal Hispánica. The journal Lingüística Hispánica is published by the Círculo de Lingüística Hispánica de Kansai.
Japanese Hispanism was surveyed by Ryohei Uritani in the article "Historia del hispanismo en el Japón", which was published in the journal Español actual: Revista de español vivo (48 [1987], 69–92).
Korea
[edit]
The relations between Spain and Korea began with Gregorio Céspedes in the 16th century, who was studied by Chul Park. Spanish education in Korea has continued for the past fifty years, and there is currently a strong demand for it. Since 2001, Spanish has been an optional language in secondary education. The Asociación Coreana de Hispanistas was founded in 1981 and holds two annual congresses, one in June and another in December. It also publishes the journal Hispanic Studies.
Associations of Hispanists
[edit]
The Spanish-language portal[29] run by the Instituto Cervantes lists over 60 associations of Hispanists around the world, including the following:
Asociación Hispánica de Literatura Medieval (Hispanic Association of Medieval Literature)
Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas (International Association of Hispanists)
Association of Hispanists of Great Britain and Ireland (AHGBI)[30]
Women in Spanish, Portuguese, and Latin-American Studies (WiSPS)[31]
Asociación de Hispanismo Filosófico (AHF) (Philosophical Hispanism Association)
Asociación Canadiense de Hispanistas (ACH) (Canadian Association of Hispanists)
Leading Hispanists
[edit]
Ida Altman (born 1950)
Gerald Brenan (1894–1987)
Raymond Carr (1919–2005)[32]
Alan Deyermond (1932–2009[33])
J.H. Elliott (born 1930)
Ian Gibson (born 1939)
Guillermo Gómez (born 1936)[34]
Archer M. Huntington (1870–1955), founder of the Hispanic Society of America
Gabriel Jackson (1921–2019)
Juan López-Morillas [es] (1913–1997), (Brown University)[35]
Angus Mackay (born 1939)
Edward Malefakis (1932–2016)
Erwin Kempton Mapes (1884–1961), (University of Iowa)[35]
Eric Woodfin Naylor (1936–2019), (University of the South)
Geoffrey Parker (historian) (born 1943)
Stanley G. Payne (born 1943)
Edgar Allison Peers (1891–1952)
Paul Preston (born 1946)
John D. Rutherford (born 1941)
Dorothy Severin (born 1942)
Alison Sinclair
Robert Southey (1774–1843)
Walter Starkie (1894–1976)
Hugh Thomas (1931–2017)
George Ticknor (1791–1871)
John Brande Trend (1887–1958)
Leslie Walton (c.1894–1960)
See also
[edit]
Instituto Cervantes
Hispanist
Hispagnolisme
Hispania quarterly published by the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese (AATSP).
References
[edit]
Bibliography
[edit]
Bak, Grzegorz (2002), La imagen de España en la literatura polaca del siglo XIX (PDF), Madrid: doctoral thesis, Universidad Complutense
Quinziano, Franco (2003), " 'Caro Soggiorno': Pietro Napoli Signorelli: Un hispanista en la España del XVIII", in González Martín, Vicente (ed.), La filología italiana ante el nuevo milenio, Universidad de Salamanca, pp. 551–574
Serrano Vélez, Manuel (2005), Locos por el Quijote, Caja de Ahorros y Monte de Piedad de Zaragoza, Aragon y Rioja, ISBN 9788483241981
Utray Sardá, Francisco (n.d.), Un enlace de culturas: Relaciones de España con los países árabes (PDF), archived from the original (PDF) on 26 March 2012
Further reading
[edit]
Richard L. Kagan has edited a volume on Hispanism in the United States
Hispanist historian J.H. Elliot has discussed it in his volume History in the Making.
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