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FactBench
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2
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https://www.nodepression.com/chet-atkins-1924-to-2001/
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en
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Chet Atkins: 1924 to 2001
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2001-09-01T00:00:00+00:00
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It’s hard to believe that Chet Atkins, a name synonymous with Nashville, ever had a problem with the place, but in 1950 he did. He was in Springfield, Missouri, at the time, working on KWTO with Maybelle and the Carter […]
|
en
|
No Depression
|
https://www.nodepression.com/chet-atkins-1924-to-2001/
|
It’s hard to believe that Chet Atkins, a name synonymous with Nashville, ever had a problem with the place, but in 1950 he did. He was in Springfield, Missouri, at the time, working on KWTO with Maybelle and the Carter Sisters, when WSM offered them a job in Nashville with one caveat: no Atkins. Local guitarists, they explained, didn’t want the competition. Ezra Carter, Maybelle’s husband, stood firm: no Chet, no Carters. When WSM gave in a few months later, Atkins, after years of moving between radio stations, finally found a home.
When he died June 30 after a long struggle with cancer, media obits covered the salient points: guitar virtuoso, recipient of multiple Grammys and CMA Instrumentalist of the Year Awards, architect of the Nashville Sound and of Nashville’s overall development as a recording center. In truth, that legacy was as complex as Chester Burton Atkins himself. A lifetime of achievement notwithstanding, the poor, shy, asthmatic kid from Tennessee’s rural Smoky Mountains was never far away. Charming one time, self-depreciating the next, one of the great masterminds of modern Nashville was also one of its greatest enigmas.
No individual did more to shatter the longtime stereotype that country instrumentalists could barely tune, much less play with flair and finesse. It was no small irony that he accomplished this by infusing broader guitar influences into the bedrock fingerpicking style he adapted from Merle Travis. The playing of Les Paul, Django Reinhardt and the woefully underappreciated George Barnes all echoed through Atkins’ wild, raffish early records. The Travis-like fury of “Canned Heat” and the aggressive, Djangoesque swing of “Main Street Breakdown” epitomize the fire; “Country Gentleman” reflected a stately dignity. Like Les Paul, Atkins freely used electronic effects in pre-transistor days. The proto wah-wah “Boo Boo Stick Beat” may sound tame today; it was revolutionary at the time.
He certainly inspired generations of guitarists — Eddie Cochran, Duane Eddy, Leo Kottke, George Harrison, Brian Setzer, Scotty Moore, Jerry Reed and Mark Knopfler being the most obvious. It’s no secret the Ventures adapted guitarist Johnny Smith’s jazz instrumental “Walk! Don’t Run” from a 1957 Atkins recording, or that Harrison slipped Atkins-like licks into Beatles tunes such as “I’m A Loser”. There were two Chet Atkins guitar lines, the first marketed by Gretsch, the second by Gibson. The original candy-apple red Gretsch CA 6120 is now a rockabilly icon.
One of Nashville’s most in-demand studio guitarists in the 1950s, Atkins left his mark on dozens of records by, among others, Hank Williams, the Carlisles and the Everly Brothers. Some of his most inspired moments, however, appeared on obscure records, such as his roaring break on Ray Batts’ 1952 Bullet recording of “Bear Cat Daddy”. Atkins also used his guitar to “sign” some of his most memorable Nashville Sound productions. His keening, eloquent intro to Jim Reeves’ “Four Walls”, an incisive solo on Don Gibson’s “Oh Lonesome Me”, and the glassine curtains of notes behind Gibson on “Didn’t Work Out, Did It” are as vital to his legacy as his own records.
The scores of LPs he recorded became his primary platform. Collections of country and pop tunes, folk ditties, light classical fare, Latin music, film soundtracks and current hits often reflected a relentless quest for precision that some fans viewed as bland, oppressive perfection. He made no apologies for it. Referring to his early work in 1993, he told me that early on, he “played with a lot of fire because I didn’t know any better.”
The old fire, however, was merely repressed. Recording with other formidable guitarists — Knopfler, Jerry Reed, Les Paul, Doc Watson, Liona Boyd — unleashed the hungry, eager-to-dazzle picker of old. When he chose to rip loose on a solo track such as the charging 1976 “Cascade”, only the stereo mix separated it from 1947. His final album, The Day The Fingerpickers Took Over The World with Australian guitarist Tommy Emmanuel in 1997, was one of his finest.
Atkins’ legacy as a producer is every bit as monumental and complex. He hadn’t planned to become a producer, but his close relationship with his RCA A&R man Steve Sholes led him into it. When New York-based Sholes couldn’t make it to Nashville, he had Atkins supervise sessions. Early on, Sholes saw Chet’s gift for working with musicians in the studio, made the guitarist his protege, and in 1954 appointed him manager of RCA’s Nashville recording facility. As Atkins’ stature grew, Sholes remained his top ally at corporate headquarters. His support was pivotal to Atkins’ role in developing the Nashville Sound of the late 1950’s.
Everyone knows the Nashville Sound was a defensive move, a response to the whipping that country record sales took as rock ‘n’ roll surged in the wake of Elvis (who, ironically, Sholes had signed to RCA). The goal was simple: to create records that appealed to pop record buyers disillusioned by rock, without losing the core country audience.
In the right place at the right time, Atkins also had a qualification that few noticed. His friend, fellow Nashville Sound architect Owen Bradley, was a capable arranger who led local big bands for years; and, country roots notwithstanding, Atkins was also a child of the Big Band Era. Its songs and arrangements heavily influenced his recorded repertoire and left an equally profound impact on his production style. He substituted the Jordanaires or Anita Kerr Singers for fiddles and steel guitars, and worked with session musicians to create unique arrangements on the spot.
From then on, producers, for better or worse, took control of repertoire and arrangements. The paradigm broadened country’s reach beyond anyone’s expectations, cementing Nashville’s place as a worldwide recording center and Atkins’ role as a starmaker with exquisite taste. Generations later, his best work with Jim Reeves, Don Gibson, Bobby Bare, Connie Smith, Eddy Arnold, and Skeeter Davis remains timeless and fresh.
As he made stars, a flair for reinvention emerged. He transformed Reeves from successful Texas honky-tonker to smooth balladeer. Don Gibson went through three recording contracts as a raw country singer before Atkins streamlined him into a powerhouse with “Oh Lonesome Me”. Atkins reinvented Eddy Arnold, a star of the ’40s and ’50s, as a countrypolitan icon in the mid-’60s with “What’s He Doing In My World” and “Make The World Go Away”. Jerry Reed rode the cusp of obscurity until Atkins brought his fellow fingerpicker to RCA and merged his piquant songwriting and bombastic vocals into a tough, Presleyesque sound. That particular relationship was symbiotic; many of Reed’s witty guitar instrumentals showed up on Atkins albums.
The Nashville Sound did its job too well in the end. What was once fresh gradually became formulaic and dull. Some pilloried Atkins as an Iago, betraying country’s roots in favor of safe, watery fluff. While no producer has a flawless track record, some of the worst, sappiest excesses came from lesser lights at various labels who lacked the musicality of Atkins or Bradley. As the controversy turned white-hot in the mid-1970s, Atkins himself mea culpaed for taking things too far “uptown.”
Not that he always played it safe. While it’s a given he put RCA’s ass on the line signing Charley Pride, few recall his 1960 signing of Gary Burton — a jazz vibraphone legend today, a 17-year-old unknown at the time. He did likewise with doomed jazz guitar virtuoso Lenny Breau and the decidedly offbeat John Hartford.
His relationship with Waylon Jennings and Willie Nelson also spawned misunderstandings. Painting Atkins as the Nashville Establishment figure thwarting the outlaws’ quest for creative freedom doesn’t capture the entire picture. They, too, were offbeat longshots when Atkins signed them. He tried them in various settings, but for once, the Atkins magic failed. It’s true he opposed them recording with their touring sidemen, but many of their worst conflicts were with other RCA Nashville producers and the company’s corporate culture. Neither ever blamed Chet, by then an RCA vice president.
By the 1970s, that corporate culture was getting to Atkins as well. The leash from New York shortened considerably after his mentor Steve Sholes’ sudden death in 1968. Administrative demands took their toll, as did a 1973 cancer scare. Both of these things bolstered his resolve to cast all that aside and get back to picking. When he cut all ties with RCA in the early ’80s, he left aware of what he’d accomplished. From then on, he did what he chose, producing on rare occasions, recording what suited him, and doing more live performing in the last two decades of his life than he had since taking the RCA job.
Chet Atkins set out to make his living with his guitar, and he did, becoming a musical fountainhead for several generations. He never intended to become a producer, but he did, creating music for the ages and solidifying a genre threatened at the time with irrelevancy if not extinction. No doubt a monument will soon adorn his gravesite. His statue and Chet Atkins Place in downtown Nashville are nice touches. But Atkins’ greatest legacies are Music Row itself, his own music, the epochal records he produced, and the inspiration he leaves behind.
|
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wrong_mix_range_death_00074
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FactBench
|
2
| 73
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https://www.musictherapy.org/about/artists/
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en
|
American Music Therapy Association (AMTA)
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These artists are the face and spokespersons for the AMTA, bringing their musical talents to the table in order to help those in need.
|
en
|
https://www.musictherapy.org/
|
Renée Fleming
Renée Fleming’s accomplishments reflect her artistry as well as her passion for making a difference in the lives of people through her work. Among her many accomplishments, Ms. Fleming is a four-time Grammy Award winner. In 2013, President Obama awarded her the National Medal of Arts, America's highest honor for an individual artist. And in 2016 she instigated a partnership between NIH and the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts focusing on the intersections of music and the mind. As one of the most highly acclaimed singers of our time, Ms. Fleming not only captivates audiences, but is also passionate about the importance and potential of music for health and well-being, especially in the form of music therapy. AMTA welcomes Ms. Fleming’s commitment to exploring the science and benefits of music therapy interventions for wellness and rehabilitation.
Ms. Fleming notes, “The transformative power of music, including its therapeutic uses for individuals with autism, Parkinson’s disease, Alzheimer’s disease, stroke, traumatic brain injury, chronic pain, and PTSD, inspires me tremendously. I'm excited by the opportunity to amplify the incredible work done by AMTA and music therapists around the country.”
Ben Folds
Multi-platinum selling singer/songwriter/producer Ben Folds first found mainstream success as the leader of the critically acclaimed Ben Folds Five. He has gone on to have a very successful solo career, recording multiple studio albums, a pair of records documenting his renowned live performances, a remix record, music for film and TV, as well as numerous collaborations with artists from Sara Bareilles to William Shatner. Folds has also achieved critical acclaim for his insight as a judge on NBC's a cappella competition "The Sing-Off,” which aired for five seasons. A Nashville resident, Folds owns and operates the historic RCA Studio A, once managed by Chet Atkins, and the home to thousands of legendary recording sessions in all genres of music. He also serves as a member of the Board of Directors of the Nashville Symphony, and has composed a highly acclaimed 25-minute, three movement concerto for piano and orchestra which premiered in Nashville, and has been performed around the world.
A member of the distinguished Artist Committee for Americans for The Arts as well as Artistic Advisor to the National Symphony Orchestra, Folds is a leading outspoken advocate for music therapy and music education and participated in a special conference at Sundance Resort hosted by Robert Redford that explored how music and art therapy can help our nation’s military veterans.
Robin Spielberg
Robin Spielberg was classically trained as a pianist and began composing as a young girl. With an impressive tour schedule and hundreds of thousands of recordings sold, this Steinway Artist has been winning the hearts of listeners around the world with her compelling melodies and sensitive piano techniques. A prolific composer, Spielberg has seventeen recordings to her credit and appears on over 40 compilations around the world. Her discography includes albums of original piano solos, arrangements of American standards, original pieces for piano/ensemble, recordings for the holidays, a CD of American melodies, and a CD of lullabies. Throughout her solo career, listeners have returned time and time again to her Robin's unique style and compositions. Her gift for creating enchanting melodies has won her a place among the nation's most respected contemporary pianists.
In 1998, Robin's interest in music and healing grew when she witnessed first-hand, the positive effect music had on her own baby daughter during her four-month stay in the neo-natal intensive care unit. A CD entitled Beautiful Dreamer was the musical result of this experience, a recording of lullabies and songs for parent and child.
Maureen McGovern
Maureen McGovern is one of the great singers and performers of our time. Her career spans recordings, concerts, theater, films, television and radio. Ms. McGovern has a voice that defies categorization - from a jazzy pop register to a pure coloratura. It is no wonder she has been called "The Stradivarius Voice." In addition to her artistic achievements, Maureen has a lifelong commitment to giving back to her community and the people around her.
This internationally renowned performer is the recipient of the 2001 Songs From The Heart Presidential Award presented by the American Music Therapy Association (AMTA) and The Recording Academy. The Songs From The Heart Award recognizes artists whose music and career captures the soul and spirit of music therapy, and the poignancy of music in our lives. The Award pays tribute to Maureen McGovern’s commitment to and belief in the transforming power of music.
Stanley Jordan
In a career that took flight in 1985 with commercial and critical acclaim, guitar virtuoso Stanley Jordan has consistently displayed a chameleonic musical persona of openness, imagination, versatility and maverick daring. Be it bold reinventions of classical masterpieces or soulful explorations through pop-rock hits, to blazing straight ahead jazz forays and ultramodern improvisational works—solo or with a group—Jordan can always be counted on to take listeners on breathless journeys into the unexpected.
In addition to Stanley's incredible guitar skills, he also has a keen interest in the healing power of music and has been a friend to music therapy for many years. He has supported music therapy by playing at national conferences, observing music therapists in action, and has even dedicated a section of his own web page to music therapy.
Craig Chaquico
Grammy-nominated and platinum-selling lead guitarist and songwriter with Jefferson Starship as well as chart-topping smooth jazz solo artist, Craig Chaquico is one of music therapy's avid supporters. Craig was raised in Sacramento, California and by the time he was 14, he was playing in his own band and playing professionally in nightclubs. Paul Kantner and Grace Slick of Jefferson Airplane auditioned Craig on his 16th birthday and invited him to join them in his recording debut on their Sunfighter album.
Craig's personal belief in the power of music, as well as his deep respect for, and understanding of, the work that music therapists do have led him to become one of music therapy's dedicated advocates. Craig has visited and performed at music therapy programs in schools and health care facilities across the country. He has donated guitars, given by him to Washburn Guitar Co., to the music therapy programs he visited while on tour. Craig has increased public awareness of the benefits of music therapy services by educating audiences in his concerts and at other public appearances.
Russ Freeman
Russ Freeman is a Grammy-nominated guitarist and composer, and also founder and leader of the popular contemporary jazz group, the Rippingtons. Russ began playing guitar at age 10, and by the time he was 16, was playing on record dates regularly. In 1985 he released his debut album "Nocturnal Playground". The next year he founded the Rippingtons, wrote and produced the much-acclaimed "Moonlighting" CD, which Jazziz magazine has called "the number one most influential contemporary jazz album of all time." Since then Russ has written, produced and performed on 21 additional Rippingtons albums, all of which have charted in the Billboard Top 5, with 5 of them reaching number 1.
In 1995, Russ read with interest Craig Chaquico's April 8, 1995 Billboard magazine commentary regarding music therapy. Russ had received letters from his fans about how his music helped them and their loved ones get through some difficult times. Russ was fascinated by these stories and wanted to visit music therapy programs like those that Craig had mentioned. Russ and The Rippingtons have visited and performed at children's hospitals, schools, and cancer and hospice centers for clients of music therapy services. He and other band members of The Rippingtons support the work that music therapists do.
David Lanz
Some musicians have the ability to transform your very being with the gifts of their artistry. Master pianist and composer, David Lanz, is that kind of force. A wizard at painting a lush tapestry of cascading melodies that simmer into graceful refrains, and meld rhythmically fueled dancing harmonies that climax into wistful variations, Lanz has made a career of permeating the hearts, minds and souls of audiences around the globe for over three decades. Ahead of his time, the visionary Grammy-nominated and chart-topping pianist has remained a pioneer in the genre of New Age music. For over thirty years, David's visionary recordings and live performances have served to heal, to inspire, to provide spiritual nourishment to diverse audiences around the globe.
David became an artist spokesperson for AMTA when he performed a benefit concert during the 1997 music therapy conference. Playing the piano, he says, is his greatest form of self-expression.
Pat Martino
One of the greatest guitarists in jazz, Pat Martino suffered a severe brain aneurysm and underwent surgery after being told that his condition could be terminal. After his operations, he could remember almost nothing. He barely recognized his parents and had no memory of his guitar or his career. He remembers feeling as if he had been "dropped cold, empty, neutral, cleansed, ... naked." In the following months, Martino made a remarkable recovery. Through intensive study of his own historic recordings, and with the help of computer technology, Pat managed to reverse his memory loss and return to form on his instrument. His past recordings eventually became "an old friend, a spiritual experience which remained beautiful and honest." This recovery fits in perfectly with Pat's illustrious personal history. Since playing his first notes while still in his pre-teenage years, Martino has been recognized as one of the most exciting and virtuosic guitarists in jazz. With a distinctive, fat sound and gut-wrenching performances, he represents the best not just in jazz, but in music. He embodies thoughtful energy and soul.
Pat was the recipient of the 1997 "Songs from the Heart" Presidential Award presented by the former National Association for Music Therapy and the National Academy of Recording Arts and Sciences. Pat's music captures the soul and spirit of music therapy.
Diane Ponzio
Native New Yorker and Singer-Songwriter Diane Ponzio shares her authentic passion for Martin Guitars in her clinics. Weaving the riveting Martin Story with an in-depth explanation of Martin's renowned construction methods, she tops off the evening with a soulful performance on her signature JDP or JDP II model, and a Q&A session that rarely finds her stumped. Diane's longstanding relationship with C.F. Martin & Co. and her participation in scores of Trade Shows and inspiring presentations worldwide, have made her Martin's well recognized global ambassador.
Diane has demonstrated her support for music therapy through performing at music therapy conferences and events.
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New Georgia Encyclopedia
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2005-12-20T19:46:21+00:00
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One of the finest guitar players of his generation, Chet Atkins helped to originate the “Nashville Sound” and played a vital role in turning Nashville, Tennessee, into the home of country music. In addition to his own performing, Atkins discovered and produced some of country music’s greatest artists. Early Career Chester Burton Atkins was born […]
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en
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/apple-touch-icon.png
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New Georgia Encyclopedia
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https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/arts-culture/chet-atkins-1924-2001/
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wrong_mix_range_death_00074
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FactBench
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1
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https://celebritygraveland.com/2021/02/15/chet-atkins/
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en
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Chet Atkins
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2021-02-15T00:00:00
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June 20, 1924 – June 30, 2001 Iconic guitarist, instrumentalist and producer, Chester "Chet" Atkins rarely basked in the limelight during his 50+ year career. He was more than happy to play on a friend's record, or churn out hit after hit from the helm of the now-legendary RCA Victor studio in Nashville, Tennessee. That is…
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en
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https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
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Celebrity Graveland
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https://celebritygraveland.com/2021/02/15/chet-atkins/
|
June 20, 1924 – June 30, 2001
Iconic guitarist, instrumentalist and producer, Chester “Chet” Atkins rarely basked in the limelight during his 50+ year career. He was more than happy to play on a friend’s record, or churn out hit after hit from the helm of the now-legendary RCA Victor studio in Nashville, Tennessee. That is not to say he wasn’t gifted in his own right. You don’t win 14 Grammys, 9 CMA awards or earn the nickname “Mr. Guitar” by being a slouch. But his biggest contribution to the music industry was undoubtedly his time spent cultivating the “Nashville Sound” that allowed Country music to successfully cross over to Pop audiences throughout the 1950s and ’60s.
A lifelong lover of music, Atkins used his passion for Jazz and Blues to broaden the landscape for Country music. As the head of RCA Victor’s Nashville division, he brought countless artists to the forefront including Willie Nelson, Waylon Jennings, Dolly Parton, Charley Pride and Jerry Reed…who would become a close friend and recording partner with Atkins. Throughout his entire career as a producer and executive, he always remained most closely associated with his guitar playing. He had signature guitars created by both Gretsch and Gibson and collaborated on recordings with guitar pioneer, Les Paul later in his career. He is routinely included on lists of the greatest guitar players of all time and is a member of both the Country Music Hall of Fame and the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame.
Atkins battled recurrences of colon cancer throughout the later years of his life. The disease took hold in 1996 and he lost his battle 5 years later at the age of 77.
Burial
Harpeth Hills Memory Gardens – Nashville, TN
Specific Location
Fountain section; Enter the cemetery and locate the fountain in the middle of the section to your left to the north. To the east of this fountain is a series memorial benches. Find the one marked ATKINS and Chet and his wife are buried 3 spaces south of this bench.
|
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wrong_mix_range_death_00074
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FactBench
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https://www.historicunioncounty.com/article/next-best-thing-interview-about-chet-atkins
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en
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Next Best Thing: An Interview about Chet Atkins
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2018-07-10T01:16:11-04:00
|
For me, my cousin Sharon DeVault Roach was the next best thing for an interview on Chester Atkins. Her father, who was also my great uncle Buster DeVault, was Chester Atkins’ best friend. They grew up together as neighbors in a Luttrell holler and stayed best friends the rest of their lives. Sharon said they talked every Tuesday on their ham radios. No cellphones or emails in
|
Historic Union County
|
https://www.historicunioncounty.com/article/next-best-thing-interview-about-chet-atkins
|
For me, my cousin Sharon DeVault Roach was the next best thing for an interview on Chester Atkins. Her father, who was also my great uncle Buster DeVault, was Chester Atkins’ best friend. They grew up together as neighbors in a Luttrell holler and stayed best friends the rest of their lives. Sharon said they talked every Tuesday on their ham radios. No cellphones or emails in those days.
Growing up, I heard my family talk about Chet and Buster’s relationship. Being a kid at the time, I just didn’t get it. I didn’t understand what the big deal was until my mom said, “Chet has a picture of him and Buster together on one of his albums.” That’s when my young ears perked up. I replied, “Album? Chet has an album?”
Chet didn’t have just “an album.” His name is on the cover of over a hundred albums. Most are studio and live albums. Some of the others are compilations with other recording artists. Let me tell you, that list is impressive. To name a few: Floyd Cramer, Les Paul, Merle Travis, the Boston Pops Orchestra, Jerry Reed, and Hank Snow. And some of these recordings were nominated for a Grammy award.
And did you know Chet was also a manager and producer for RCA? The list of musicians he produced is just as impressive. Again, here are a few: Elvis Presley, Jim Reeves, Perry Como, Waylon Jennings, and Don Gibson. He also produced Charlie Pride and helped to get his career started.
Let’s say it together: “Wow!” Talk about a local boy doing good!!
Before we go any further, I want to clarify why I use both the names Chet and Chester. Sharon said he only wanted to be called Chester by family and close friends. Chet was his professional name. I will respect his tradition.
I asked Sharon if she had ever spoken to Chester, and if so, what was her impression of him. She said he was very down to earth, quiet and unassuming. Chester’s success didn’t go to his head. It was very obvious to me that Sharon still admires him.
She also said every time Chester came to visit his momma, he would also spend time with Buster. Her mother Lorena always fixed Chester biscuits and gravy. Guess he couldn’t get biscuits and gravy like Lorena’s in Nashville.
When I first contacted Sharon about doing an interview on Chester, she suggested I read his book first: “Country Gentleman.” She lent me the paperback version, but she has a signed copy. I have to say, it was not at all what I expected.
I had no idea how hard Chet’s life was a young boy. His father walked off and left the family destitute. At times he developed sores which he blamed on malnutrition. And he suffered from bouts of asthma.
Eventually, he was able to get a radio. In those days, most homes had them. You listened to them in the evening instead of watching TV as we do today. Chet listened to the musicians and tried to copy their “licks.” He wanted to learn from them so he could create his own unique sound, which he accomplished.
Sharon said when a young Chester heard the guitars being played on the radio, he thought it was one person playing to sound like two people playing guitars. In actuality, it really was two people playing two different guitars. That is another reason for some of his unique sound.
I was surprised at how Chet lived from paycheck to paycheck early in his career. He went on several tours with other musicians. He even toured with Archie Campbell who performed comedy skits. And he also worked at several radio stations. Radio stations used to have bands that played for their various live programs.
One time he wanted to try out for a job at WNOX in Knoxville, but he didn’t have decent clothes to wear to the audition. Sharon said Buster gave him some of his clothes to wear, but Chester was taller than him. So, Lorena let out the cuffs in the pants for Chester. And yes, he was hired.
One thing that struck me was the lack of confidence Chet had in himself. He lost several jobs at various radio stations, including a stint at the Grand Ole Opry in 1946 where he first met Minnie Pearl. Obviously, the problem wasn’t his skill as much as it was it was the type of music he played. The stations wanted country and hillbilly music. Chet likes to incorporate some pop and jazz into his playing.
At one point, Chet decided to give up on his career. He thought he would try his luck at piano-tuning since his father had done that for a living. His father also gave music lessons. Chet bought the instruments to tune pianos, but he just couldn’t do it.
Chet’s fate changed when the Carter Family came to Knoxville to play on WNOX. They noticed his talent and asked him to join their group. As Sharon said, that put him on the map. After successful tours with the Carters, the Grand Ole Opry took notice. As the old saying goes, “The rest is history.” Better yet; “The rest is country music history.”
There was so much that I learned about Chet (professional) and Chester (personal), that I could not do it justice in one article. If you really want to learn more about him, I would recommend reading his book co-written by Bill Neely, “County Gentleman.” There is also a website: www.misterguitar.com.
Or you could join the Chet Atkins Appreciation Society. They hold a convention mid-July at the Music City Sheraton Hotel and Convention Center in Nashville. Sharon and her husband Wayne go as guests every year. Like me, Chet’s fans feel that Sharon is the next best thing to Chester Atkins.
Chet really was, is, and always will be a treasure from Union County.
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AKA Chester Burton Atkins
Born: 20-Jun-1924
Birthplace: Luttrell, TN
Died: 30-Jun-2001
Location of death: Nashville, TN
Cause of death: Cancer - unspecified
Remains: Buried, Harpeth Hills Memory Gardens, Nashville, TN
Gender: Male
Race or Ethnicity: White
Sexual orientation: Straight
Occupation: Guitarist, Country Musician, Business
Nationality: United States
Executive summary: Prominent country picker
One of the main architects shaping the direction of modern country music, Chet Atkins maintained a reputation as a leading producer, performer and talent-spotter throughout the course of his career. Initially a fiddle player, Atkins had switched over to guitar by the time he had completed high school; his earliest work was for Tennessee radio and as a member of The Dixie Swingers. By 1946 he had moved to Cincinnati for another in a series of radio jobs, and it was this same year that he made both his first recordings and his first appearance at the Grand Ole Opry. Over the next few years he moved regularly to follow new work opportunities: first to Springfield for more radio, and then to Denver to perform with Shorty Thompson and His Rangers. Meanwhile, RCA had taken an interest in his recordings and was trying to track him down; while he was working in Denver they finally did, and Atkins immediately moved to Nashville to record.
His first records with RCA were not particularly well-received, but the label's executives held firm in their belief of Atkin's potential; by 1949 he was the studio guitarist used for all of RCA's Nashville sessions. Also during this time he began working as a regular at the Opry, backing different members of The Carter Family. At the onset of the 50s Atkins focused his attention on his session work, becoming a consultant for RCA in 1953 and developing his reputation as a recording artist. His own records had been steadily growing in popularity, and by 1955 he had his first hit in the form of a version of Mr. Sandman. In 1957 the manager of RCA Nashville moved on to New York, and the guitarist was appointed to take his place.
Through his production work during the late 1950s and the entirety of the 1960s, Chet Atkins played a major role in creating what came to be known as the 'Nashville sound', as well as being largely responsible for establishing the Nashville area as a major music center. He produced sessions for significant artists such as Elvis Presley, Waylon Jennings, and Charley Pride, in addition to arranging the first contract for the The Everly Brothers and overseeing the production of many of their hit songs. With the country music scene now beset by the onslaught of rock & roll, Atkins introduced high production values and lush string arrangements into the mix to broaden the music's pop appeal and lose the 'hick' association of the past.
By 1968 Atkins had become vice-president of RCA's country division. Still working as a recording artist, he released his final hit single, Country Gentleman the following year. The guitarist's subsequent recording output during the early years of the 1970s was primarily done as a member of The Nashville String Band, a collaboration with his old radio partners Homer and Jethro. Another collaboration later in the decade would result in some of the most interesting music of his career: the 1975 album Chester and Lester, recorded with fellow guitar celebrity Les Paul. In 1973 he became the youngest musician to be inducted into the Country Music Hall of Fame.
After more than four decades at RCA, Atkins finally jumped ship in 1982 and signed with Columbia: he had been pushing to record a jazz album, but his old label was not supportive of the idea. At Columbia, Atkins once again resumed his prolific recording career, but with the emphasis now on jazz rather than the country music that had established his reputation. He died in Nashville in 2001 following a protracted struggle with cancer.
Father: James Arly Atkins
Mother: Ida Sharp
Brother: James Atkins (musician)
Brother: Lowell Atkins (musician)
Sister: Billie Rose Shockley
Wife: Leona Pearl Johnson (m. 3-Jul-1946, until his death, d. 21-Oct-2009, one daughter)
Daughter: Merle Russell (b. 1947)
Grammy (fourteen times)
Country Music Hall of Fame 1973
Rock and Roll Hall of Fame 2002 as sideman
Stroke
Risk Factors: Asthma, Brain Cancer
FILMOGRAPHY AS ACTOR
Big Dreams & Broken Hearts: The Dottie West Story (22-Jan-1995)
The Secret Policeman's Third Ball (1987) · Himself
Official Website:
http://www.misterguitar.com/
Author of books:
Country Gentleman (1974)
Do you know something we don't?
Submit a correction or make a comment about this profile
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https://www.cbsnews.com/news/guitarist-chet-atkins-dead-at-77/
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Guitarist Chet Atkins Dead At 77
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2001-06-30T18:37:34-04:00
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Country Music Legend Had Cancer
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https://www.cbsnews.com/news/guitarist-chet-atkins-dead-at-77/
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Chet Atkins, whose guitar style influenced a generation of rock musicians even as he helped develop an easygoing country style to compete with it, died Saturday. He was 77.
Atkins died at home, a funeral director said.
Atkins had battled cancer several years. He underwent surgery to remove a brain tumor in June 1997, and had a bout with colon cancer in the 1970s.
Atkins recorded more than 75 albums of guitar instrumentals and sold more than 75 million albums. He played on hundreds of hit records, including those of Elvis Presley (Heartbreak Hotel), Hank Williams Sr. (Your Cheatin' Heart, Jambalaya) and The Everly Brothers (Wake Up Little Susie).
As an executive with RCA Records for nearly two decades beginning in 1957, Atkins played a part in the careers of Roy Orbison, Jim Reeves, Charley Pride, Dolly Parton, Jerry Reed, Waylon Jennings, Eddy Arnold and many others.
Atkins helped craft the lush Nashville Sound, using string sections and lots of echo to make records that appealed to older listeners not interested in rock music. Among his notable productions are The End of the World by Skeeter Davis and He'll Have to Go by Reeves.
I realized that what I liked, the public would like, too, Atkins said in a 1996 interview with The Associated Press. 'Cause I'm kind of square.
Chester Burton Atkins was born June 20, 1924, on a farm near Luttrell, Tenn., about 20 miles northeast of Knoxville. His elder brother Jim Atkins also played guitar, and went on to perform with Les Paul. Chet Atkins' first professional job was as a fiddler on WNOX in Knoxville, where his boss was singer Bill Carlisle.
He was horrible, Carlisle said at a tribute concert to Atkins in 1997. But I heard him during a break playing guitar and decided to feature him on that.
Atkins' unusual fingerpicking style, a pseudoclassical variation influenced by such diverse talents as Merle Travis and Django Reinhardt, got him hired and fired from jobs at radio stations all over the country. Atkins sometimes joked that early on his playing sounded like two guitarists playing badly.
During the 1940s he toured with many acts, including Red Foley, The Carter Family and Kitty Wells. RCA executive Steve Sholes took Atkins on as a protege in the 1950s, using him as the house guitarist on recording sessions.
RCA began issuing instrumental albums by Atkins in 1953. George Harrison, whose guitar work on early Beatles records is heavily influenced by Atkins, wrote the liner notes for Chet Atkins Picks on the Beatles.
Sholes put Atkins in charge of RCA Nashville when he was promoted in 1957. There, he helped Nashville survive the challenge of rock 'n' roll with the Nashville Sound. The lavish sound has been criticized by purists who prefer their country music raw and unadorned.
Atkins was unrepentant, saying that at the time is goal was simply to keep my job.
And the way you do that is you make a hit record once in a while, he said in 1993. And the way you do that is you give the audience something different.
Atkins quit his job as an executive in the 1970s and concentrated on playing his guitar. He's collaborated with a wide range of artists on solo albums, including Mark Knopfler, Paul McCartney, Eric Johnson, George Benson, Susie Bogguss and Earl Klugh.
At the time he became ill, Atkins had just released a CD, The Day Finger Pickers took over the World. He also had begun regular Monday night performances at a Nashville club.
If I know I've got to go do a show, I practice quite a bit, because you can't get out there and embarrass yourself. Atkins said in 1996.
So I thought, if I play every week I won't be so rusty and I'll play a lot better.
Survivors include his wife of more than 50 years, Leona Johnson Atkins, and a daughter, Merle Atkins.
The funeral is Tuesday morning at Nashville's Ryman Auditorium, the former home of the Grand Ole Opry.
©MMI, The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed
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https://www.thecurrent.org/feature/2018/06/15/today-in-music-history-remembering-chet-atkins
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Today in Music History: Remembering Chet Atkins
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Chet Atkins was born; David Bowie recorded "Space Oddity"; Neil Diamond appeared on the 20th anniversary show of American Bandstand; Brian Wilson and Lionel Richie were born; and Neil Young's "Cinnamon Girl" went Gold, Today in Music History.
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| null |
History Highlight:
Guitarist Chet Atkins, one of the primary architects of 'The Nashville Sound', was born today in 1924. Among many honors, Atkins received 14 Grammy Awards as well as the Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award, nine Country Music Association Instrumentalist of the Year awards, and was inducted into the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame, Country Music Hall of Fame and Museum and the Musicians Hall of Fame and Museum. He passed away in 2001 from complications of cancer.
Also, Today In:
1948 - Toast Of The Town, which would later be called The Ed Sullivan Show, premiered on CBS. The first show was produced on a budget of $1,375. Only $375 was allocated for talent and $200 of that was shared by the young stars of that night's program, Dean Martin and Jerry Lewis.
1966 - It was reported that both George Harrison and Brian Jones had taken up the Indian instrument, the sitar. Brian and the Stones would be the first to use it on "Paint It Black."
1969 - David Bowie recorded "Space Oddity" at Trident Studios London.
1970 - Neil Young picked up a Gold record for "Cinnamon Girl" from Everybody Knows This Is Nowhere. Young wrote the song while he was suffering from the flu with a high fever at his home at Topanga. A love ode to a mysterious woman, Young has said that the song "was hard to explain to my wife."
1973 - Neil Diamond appeared on the 20th anniversary show of American Bandstand. The show also featured Little Richard, Cheech and Chong, Paul Revere and the Raiders and Three Dog Night.
1992 - Mariah Carey scored her sixth U.S. No. 1 single with "I'll Be There". The song was also a U.S. No. 1 for The Jackson Five in 1970.
2000 - The Ronettes were awarded $2.6 million in back earnings from Phil Spector. New York judge Paula Omansky ruled that the producer had cheated them out of royalties.
2004 - Organizers at a Paul McCartney gig hired three jets to spray dry ice into the clouds so it wouldn't rain during the concert. The gig in Petersburg, Russia, was McCartney's 3,000th concert appearance. He had performed 2,535 gigs with the Quarrymen and the Beatles, 140 gigs with Wings and 325 solo shows.
2006 - Claydes Charles Smith, co-founder and lead guitarist of Kool & the Gang, died at age 57 after a long illness. They had the 1981 U.S. No. 1 single "Celebration" and 15 other Top 40 hits.
2016 - Lawyers for Led Zeppelin asked a judge to throw out a case accusing the band of stealing the riff for "Stairway To Heaven". Singer Robert Plant, guitarist Jimmy Page and Warner Music argued that the claimants had failed to make their case after three days of testimony. The band was accused of basing "Stairway" on the 1968 Spirit song "Taurus".
Birthdays:
Brian Wilson, an original member of Beach Boys, is 76.
Lionel Richie is 69.
John Taylor, bass and co-founder of Duran Duran, is 58.
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http://www.martystuart.com/Zart-Countrycom-7-3-01.htm
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Chet Atkins Remembered as "A Great Giant"
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Through their grief, Chet Atkins' friends, colleagues and fellow musicians found eloquent ways to express their profound affection and respect for "Mr. Guitar" during a 50-minute service in his honor Tuesday (July 3).
Atkins died Saturday (June 30) at 77, at his home in Nashville. His funeral took place at historic Ryman Auditorium in Nashville, where he appeared frequently on the Grand Ole Opry during its tenure there from 1943-1974. A semi-circle of about 50 floral arrangements, an orange electric guitar on a stand and a trademark white fedora graced the Ryman stage. Atkins' closed silver casket arrived around 9:15 a.m.
When the many members of the general public had filed into their seats in the Ryman balcony -- floor seats were reserved for family and friends -- the service began with the traditional gospel song, "Farther Along," sung by Connie Smith, accompanied by her husband, mandolinist Marty Stuart, guitarist Mark Casstevens, bassist David Hungate and fiddler Stuart Duncan.
Eddy Arnold, who recorded for RCA during Atkins' tenure as producer and executive, said, "I've lost a friend, a cohort and a fellow artist in Chet Atkins. We won't ever see the like, the talent, in one man. If you ever heard of any man, anywhere, who had it all, it was this man."
In an emotional tribute, Arnold talked about Atkins' 56-year marriage to his wife, Leona, who was seated in the third row with the couple's daughter, Merle, other family members and close friends. Arnold also talked about Atkins' talents as a record producer and musician. He quoted a poem by Walt Whitman, ending with "So long, and I hope we shall meet again. Goodbye, Chet."
Guitarists Steve Wariner, Paul Yandell and Vince Gill followed Arnold, playing a medley of tunes in the thumb-and-finger picking style perfected and made famous the world over by Atkins.
Prairie Home Companion host Garrison Keillor, a longtime friend and admirer, began his eloquent eulogy with a riotously funny letter from Atkins about returning to East Tennessee, aging and playing concerts.
As guitarist Pat Donahue played behind him, Keillor went on to recall the night in 1946 when Atkins made his debut with Red Foley on the Ryman stage. Atkins' style of play was different, Keillor said. "This one hunched down over the guitar and made it sing and made a melody line that was beautiful and legato."
He reviewed the circumstances of Atkins' life, from his early, unhappy childhood and his early exposure to music in his home and on the radio, to his ascendancy to a stature as the premier guitar player in the world. Keillor also reminisced about Atkins' many wonderful personal qualities and quirks.
"He was an artist and there was not a bit of pretense in him," Keillor added. "He never waved the flag, he never held up the cross, he never traded on his own sorrows. He was the guitarist. His humor was self-deprecating. He was always his own best critic. And he inspired all sorts of players who never played anything like him."
One of Keillor's best lines drew laughter from the mourners. "He knew stories about a lot of people in this room that are not in your press packets," Keillor said.
Near the end of his eulogy, Keillor recalled that Atkins once speculated about the spiritual realm and eternity. "I believe that when I die I'll probably go to Minnesota," Atkins said in one of the letters Keillor read. "The last time I was up there it was freezing, and I remember smiling and my upper lip went up and didn't come back down."
Keillor also praised Atkins' musical mastery.
"He was a great giant and maybe the greatest," Keillor said, calling Atkins "the guitar player of the 20th century, the model of who you should be and what you should look like."
Stuart invited the audience of more than a thousand to applaud for Atkins and Keillor, and they responded with an extended ovation. "It's just incredible what he saw in people early on in their lives," Stuart said. On mandolin, he played the Skeeter Davis hit, "End of the World," produced originally by Atkins. Guitarist Casstevens and a small string section accompanied Stuart.
To close, Kevin King read a chapter from a new Atkins book, Just Me and My Guitars, in which Atkins seemed to offer a final word on his career. "The players come and go," he wrote, "but the music lives on and eternity will take care of the rest."
Following the service, a number of artists and friends filed by Atkins' casket, among them the Browns, Ralph Emery, Porter Wagoner, Jack Greene, Bill Ivey, Harold Bradley, Charley Pride, Gill, Wariner, and Yandell, his guitar playing partner for 24 years. Then the silver casket was wheeled out the double doors at the rear of the Ryman.
Active pallbearers included Gary Atkins, Ray Stevens, Gill, David Conrad, Wariner, Jonathan Russell, Dr. Will Russell, Chad Sawyer, Yandell and Harry Warner. Interment followed the service at Harpeth Hills Cemetery on Highway 100 in Nashville.
I thought it was very dignified and really lovely," Keillor said after the service. "It was very fitting for him. It didnt go too long, and he would have been pleased with that. He didnt believe in long shows. He certainly was the star of it. All of the laughs were his laughs. I think he would have been pleased by that."
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Von Braun Center
The name “Von Braun Center” (originally “Von Braun Civic Center”) originated from German-born American rocket engineer, Wernher von Braun. Dr. von Braun (1912–1977) is widely known as one of the most important rocket developers and champions of space exploration in the twentieth century. [1] He and his team of rocket engineers transformed Huntsville, Alabama (known in the 1950s as the “Watercress Capital of the World”) into a technology center that today is home to the second largest research park in the United States and to the U.S. Space & Rocket Center (USSRC) with its world-class educational program, Space Camp®. [3]
After moving to Huntsville, Alabama, in 1950, Dr. von Braun became technical director (later chief) of the U.S. Army ballistic-weapon program. Under his leadership, the Redstone, Jupiter-C, Juno, and Pershing missiles were developed. In 1955, he and German members of his team became U.S. citizens. After the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) was formed to carry out the U.S. space program, Dr. von Braun and his organization were transferred from the U.S. Army to NASA. As the first director of NASA’s Marshall Space Flight Center (MSFC) in Huntsville, he led the development of the large space launch vehicles: Saturn I, IB, and V. The engineering success of each rocket in the Saturn class of space boosters remains unparalleled in rocket history. Each was launched successfully, on time and met safe-performance requirements. [2]
During the final months that Dr. von Braun and his team of scientists were refining the giant Saturn V rocket that would send Apollo astronauts to the moon, he was also preparing to launch another important project: A permanent exhibit to showcase the hardware of the American space program. Dr. von Braun was director of MSFC when he approached the Alabama Legislature with the idea of creating a museum jointly with the U.S. Army Missile Command and NASA. The U.S. Army donated land, and the U.S. Space & Rocket Center® opened its doors in 1970. [3]
It was a short five years later, in 1975, that Von Braun Civic Center opened in downtown Huntsville.
Additional impacts from Dr. von Braun’s team in Huntsville include:
Development of rockets that put the first U.S. satellite into orbit and sent men to the moon;
Development of propulsion for the space shuttle;
Development of modules for the International Space Station (ISS);
Development of America’s next great ship – the Space Launch System (SLS);
Continual 24/7 monitoring of science payloads on the ISS;
Development of the Von Braun Astronomical Society (originally named Rocket City Astronomical Association) – a facility that played an integral role in the Apollo moon landing as Dr. von Braun and his team used the Association’s telescope to search for possible landing sites for the Apollo program;
Development of the University of Alabama in Huntsville (UAH) and positioning it as a world-renowned research institute that continues to provide advanced engineering and science curricula including astrophysics, atmospheric science, aerospace engineering, cyber security, digital animation; and
Development of the Huntsville Symphony Orchestra – Alabama’s oldest continuously-operating professional orchestra.
[3] [4] [5] [6]
Any discussion of Dr. von Braun requires an honest reckoning of his work in Germany, where he served as the technical director of the Third Reich’s V-2 missile project. His involvement with this program raises fundamental questions about his legacy. [7]
In the spring of 1930, while enrolled in the Berlin Institute of Technology, von Braun joined the German Society for Space Travel (Verein fur Raumschiffahrt). By the fall of 1932, the rocket society was experiencing grave financial difficulties and membership dropped dramatically as German police began objecting to rocket tests within the Berlin city limits. At that time, Captain Walter R. Dornberger (later major general) was in charge of solid-fuel rocket research and development in the Ordnance Department of Germany’s 100,000-man armed forces, the Reichswehr. He recognized the military potential of liquid-fueled rockets and the ability of von Braun so he arranged a research grant that enabled von Braun to perform research at a small development station set up adjacent to Dornberger’s existing solid-fuel rocket test facility at the Kummersdorf Army Proving Grounds near Berlin. Two years later, von Braun received a Ph.D. in physics from the University of Berlin. [1]
By December 1934 (when Germany was ruled by dictator Adolf Hitler), Dr. von Braun’s group, which then included one additional engineer and three mechanics, had successfully launched two rockets that rose vertically to more than 1.5 miles. However, by this time there was no longer a German rocket society after the group dissolved themselves following an inability to find funding coupled with a fear of Adolph Hitler, who began restricting the activities of organizations like the rocket society which had significant ties to the international community. Upon the disbanding, all private rocket testing in Germany ceased and the only way open to such research was through the military forces. [8]
A large military development facility was erected, with Dornberger as the military commander and Dr. von Braun as the technical director. Liquid-fueled rocket aircraft and jet-assisted takeoffs were successfully demonstrated, and the long-range ballistic missile A-4 and the supersonic anti-aircraft missile Wasserfall were developed. The A-4 was designated by the Propaganda Ministry as V-2, meaning “Vengeance Weapon 2.” By 1944, the rocket and missile technology being tested at Peenemünde was many years ahead of that available in any other country. [1]
The V–2 ballistic missile, the antecedent of U.S. and Soviet intercontinental ballistic missiles and space launch vehicles, was the primary brainchild of Dr. von Braun’s rocket team. The V-2 assembly plant at the Mittelwerk, near the Mittelbau-Dora concentration camp, used slave labor, as did a number of other production sites. Dr. von Braun was a member of the Nazi Party and an SS officer, yet he was also arrested by the Gestapo in 1944 for remarks he made about Germany’s likely defeat in the war and the rockets future use as peaceful travel to the moon. His responsibility for the war crimes connected to rocket production is a subject of debate. [2]
By late 1944, it was obvious to Dr. von Braun that Germany would be defeated and occupied, and he began planning for the postwar era. Before the Allied capture of the V–2 rocket complex, he was sent south, eventually to Bavaria and surrendered to the Americans there, along with other key team leaders. For fifteen years after World War II, he worked with the U.S. Army in the development of ballistic missiles where his knowledge and expertise gave the United States a strategic advantage over the Soviet Union during the Cold War. As part of a military operation called Project Paperclip, he and an initial group of about 125 were sent to America where they were installed at Fort Bliss, Texas. There they worked on rockets for the U.S. Army, and assisted in V-2 launches at White Sands Proving Ground, New Mexico. [2]
Dr. von Braun and his team of both Germans and Americans changed the trajectory of Huntsville, Alabama, and ensured its future as The Rocket City. After securing funding from the Alabama legislature for the founding of UAH, specifically the Research Institute, the university has maintained a tradition of producing capable and highly educated individuals in the fields of rocketry and aerospace sciences to meet the needs of Huntsville’s aerospace industry. NASA’s Artemis program, poised to put new generations of explorers on the moon by 2026 and establish a long-term human presence there by 2028, relies heavily on the expertise and capabilities of NASA’s Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville.
Additionally, Huntsville is home to Cummings Research Park – the second largest research park in the country and the fourth largest in the world. Huntsville is continuously recognized as a top location to live and was recently named the ‘Best Place to Live in the U.S.’ by U.S. news & World Report. The Von Braun Center is proud to play a role in improving the quality of life for the Huntsville community and surrounding areas, as well as adding another reason for companies and individuals from all over the world to visit or relocate to Huntsville and continue growing the community’s rich tapestry of backgrounds.
REFERENCE LIST
The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica (2023) Wernher von Braun. Available at:
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Wernher-von-Braun (Accessed: 13 March 2023).
Jennifer Harbaugh, National Aeronautics and Space Administration (2017) Biography of Wernher von Braun. Available at:
https://www.nasa.gov/centers/marshall/history/vonbraun/bio.html (Accessed: 13 March 2023).
U.S. Space & Rocket Center (2023) History and Overview. Available at:
https://www.rocketcenter.com/overview#hometo (Accessed: 13 March 2023).
Wikipedia Contributors (2021) Von Braun Astronomical Society. Available at:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Von_Braun_Astronomical_Society (Accessed: 15 March 2023).
Wikipedia Contributors (2023) University of Alabama in Huntsville. Available at:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University_of_Alabama_in_Huntsville (Accessed: 15 March 2023).
Wikipedia Contributors (2023) Huntsville Symphony Orchestra. Available at:
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Huntsville_Symphony_Orchestra&action=history (Accessed: 15 March 2023).
Neufeld, Michael. (2007). Von Braun: Dreamer of Space, Engineer of War. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Random House, Inc.
Cliff Lethbridge, Spaceline.org. History of Rocketry. Available at: https://www.spaceline.org/history-cape-canaveral/history-of-rocketry/history-rocketry-chapter-3/ (Accessed: 1 May 2023).
OPENING DAY & ICONIC PERFORMANCES
Tickets for opening weekend attractions went on sale February 24, 1975. Opening day was highlighted by the Beaux Arts Ball sponsored by the Arts Council on March 14. March 15 was the premier performance of “Galileo Galilei” conducted by Dr. Marx Pales which had been commissioned by the Huntsville Symphony Association for the grand opening of the Concert Hall. Notable Huntsvillians that performed that night were Ken Turvey, Albert Lane, Lady Shivers Tucker and Mike Sheehy.
Rounding out the first month of operation were Holiday on Ice, Huntsville Little Theatre’s “Barefoot in the Park” and Johnny Cash. Also appearing the first year of operation were Truman Capote, Linda Ronstad, Merle Haggard and Van Cliburn. The iconic Elvis Presley appeared May 30 through June 1 for an unprecedented five performances. It was the first time Elvis had played that many consecutive performances in a venue outside of Las Vegas. The Arena’s first rock show featured the Electric Light Orchestra with Sugarloaf and Jo Jo Gunne. Other rock groups appearing that year were the Doobie Brothers, the Jackson Five, Jimmy Buffett, the Allman Brothers and Jethro Tull. Country fans also enjoyed such acts as Dolly Parton, Loretta Lynn, Charlie Pride and Chet Atkins. In its first six months of operation, the Civic Center drew over a half million attendees. Later that year Fantasy Playhouse, a local theatre, began its 1975-76 season with a production of “Puss ‘N Boots” in the new VBC Playhouse. Other locally bred performances included Community Chorus with “Brigadoon” and Broadway Theatre League with “Gene Kelly’s Salute to Broadway,” starring Ken Berry and Mimi Hines.
Iconic artists continue to perform here and is why people return to the Von Braun center time and time again. Recent performers include Harry Connick Jr, Miranda Lambert, Rascal Flatts, Jason Aldean, Weird Al Yankovic, Willie Nelson, The Beach Boys, Little Big Town, Elton John, Kid Rock and much much more!
40th ANNIVERSARY
In 2015 the Von Braun Center celebrated their 40th anniversary. In light of the celebration the VBC hosted the Von Braun Music Run & Open House. It took place on March 21st, 2015 at 9am and had over 2,500 people in attendance. The 5K included live music and entertainment throughout the route. Once participants reached the finish line they we able to enjoy a live band and other family friendly activities at the Von Braun Center in similar fashion to other great family friendly events the VBC hosts. It was at this event when Mayor Tommy Battle proclaimed March 2015 as Von Braun Center month in honor of the 40th anniversary.
CHANGES AND RENOVATIONS
The demand for space in the Civic Center quickly overwhelmed supply. To meet the demand in late 1980 additional exhibition and meeting room space was added with the addition of the West Exhibit Hall. Under the direction of Chef Tommy Armstrong, the center became “the” place to hold banquets. A much larger and more modern kitchen was added shortly thereafter. During the Tupperware Convention the civic center’s catering staff fed one thousand people a splendid prime rib dinner.
The ever-increasing popularity of the Center for banquets, conferences and receptions necessitated yet another expansion. The new North Hall was to be a stylish, well-appointed place of public assembly. Highlighted by oak trim and 18 chandeliers, the North Hall opened with fanfare in 1987. Due to budgetary constraints, the landscaping of the North Hall was done by the Civic Center staff. The final touches were completed only moments before guests arrived.
The demand for space escalated, and larger exhibitions and tradeshows gradually outgrew the available space. For instance to accommodate the Intergraph Graphic Users Group, meals were first served in a large tent which quickly became inadequate. Food service then moved to a makeshift dining hall created in the Monroe Street parking garage. During the typical five-day conference, over twelve thousand lunches alone were served. The logistics of food service in the City parking garage brought home the need for larger convention space. With the opening the South Hall, the Center could now accommodate these conventions as well as draw others of national significance. The new South Hall opened in January 1997, ahead of schedule and under budget, and was to have been inaugurated by the American Bowling Congress, a six-month event drawing bowlers from all across America. However, the early completion date enabled the Boat show to open first. To establish the center as a regional site for convention trade, the name was changed from Von Braun Civic Center to Von Braun Center.
Originally constructed in 1975, renovations were completed in 2010 transforming the VBC’s Arena into a dynamic modern venue. A $5 million donation from Bill Propst helped make renovations to the VBC Arena possible. The renovation changed the facade of the Arena to a modern glass frontage overlooking Big Spring Park and expanded the lobby adding more pre-function space and a pub. The project added over 1,000 seats to concert setups, VIP suites, and additional restrooms. The Arena was renamed the Propst Arena in honor of this considerable donation made by Huntsville businessman Bill Propst. Propst is well known in Huntsville for the success of Propst Drugstores and his entrepreneurial ventures in the marketing and manufacturing of generic pharmaceuticals.
Thanks to a generous $3 million donation from the Linda and Mark Smith Family Foundation the VBC Concert Hall underwent a major renovation completed in 2010. The gift given by the family of late prominent businessman, Mark C. Smith brought the Concert Hall up to date with the 21st century Propst Arena.
THE DEVLOPMENT OF THE VBC
Time and time again talented Huntsville citizens have stepped forward to share their expertise in leadership roles of great responsibility. They serve for no personal gain and motivated by a sense of community service and the desire to enhance the quality of life in the Huntsville community. The airport, public library, Huntsville Hospital and the botanical gardens are results of this kind of leadership and The Von Braun Center is no exception.
In the early 1960’s certain members of the community felt that Huntsville could do better than the meager arts facilities available at the time. Martha Rambo affiliated with the Symphony, Elvira Glover of the Art League, Martha Hamm with Community Chorus, Dexter Nilsson of Little Theatre and others began to voice the need for housing and performance space for the arts. City Attorney Charles Younger and Councilman Joe Peters embraced the cause. Charles Younger got the idea to fund the arts by way of a liquor tax. Huntsvillians traveled to Winston-Salem to observe, and Art Hanes, a member of the Hanes family of Winston-Salem where a successful Arts Council had been created, was invited to Huntsville to advise. As a result the Arts Council was born.
The Public Building Authority was able to make the old West Huntsville School available for an Arts Center. However, Arts Council members were careful to refer to it as the “temporary” Arts Center in fear of opposition to the proposed building project.
Today it is hard to imagine the city of Huntsville without the VBC but only a few decades ago to enjoy your favorite entertainment you had to travel to various venues around Madison County. Local theatre productions were presented in the auditorium of the old West Clinton School at the corner of Church and Clinton Street. Broadway Theatre League and the Huntsville Symphony Orchestra played at the Huntsville High School Auditorium. For rock and country music, one could enjoy the ambiance of the Madison County Coliseum which could only seat approximately 2,000 people. For elegant banquets the Russell Erskine Hotel and the Dunnavant’s Mall (now Medical Mall) were often the premier choices.
The want for a cultural center continued to increase and finally gained momentum in 1965 when The Public Building Authority, under the direction of Nathan Porter, contracted with Booz-Allen-Hamilton to make plans for a civic arts center. The original concept was for a large and small theatre along with an exhibition space and an art museum. In 1969 the Civic Center Advisory Board (CCAB) was chartered by the Huntsville City Council. Their mission was to advise the council on all aspects concerning the design, financing, construction and operation of a new facility to be called the Huntsville Civic Center. They were further charged with developing a master plan that included an auditorium that would seat 10,000. The council confirmed the belief that a large arena would be necessary to support the other facilities. One of the final recommendations of the CCAB was that a permanent Civic Center Board be established to oversee all aspects of the new facility. Original plans allowed for the building to be built in five increments but The Board insisted on all or none, as they deemed any negotiation for incremental development would jeopardize the overall project. As the building neared completion, famous Huntsville artist Ed Monroe offered to donate a portrait of Wernher Von Braun to the center. Dr. and Mrs. Von Braun were visibly moved at his stunning work.
THANK YOU
The arts in Huntsville has never faced easy times. Its success in Huntsville is due primarily to the efforts of individuals who have inspired, challenged and motivated all of us to contribute our time and devotion to this great endeavor. The arts have not flourished because of the Von Braun Center; rather the VBC has succeeded and will continue to succeed because of those who firmly believe in the importance of the arts. Thank you for continuing to support the arts and Von Braun Center.
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And he did it by winning over millions of country music fans. Until the early 1990s, when Cleve Francis came along, Pride was the only Black country singer signed to a major label. “Then it was ‘first Negro country singer;’ then ‘first Black country singer.’ Now I’m the `first African-American country singer.′ That’s about the only thing that’s changed. Throughout his career, he sang positive songs instead of sad ones often associated with country music. Even a country singer,” said country singer Rissi Palmer on Twitter.
FILE - In this Feb. 23, 2018, file photo, Garrison Keillor poses for a photo in Minneapolis. Keillor has two books coming out this fall, his first releases since sexual harassment allegations were made against the author and humorist three years ago. (AP Photo/Jeff Baenen, File)NEW YORK Garrison Keillor will have two books out this fall a novel and a memoir marking his first releases since sexual harassment allegations were made against the author and humorist three years ago. Arcade Publishing announced Thursday that Keillor's The Lake Wobegon Virus, which continues his popular Lake Wobegon series and ties it to the current pandemic, is coming Sept. 8. "The people of Lake Wobegon were waiting for the chance to go wild and so the book wrote itself.
The Tri-County Drug and Task Force, which led this investigation, is composed of law enforcement members at the state and local levels. The task force concluded its investigation and is still searching for seven more people who were indicted, according to Virginia State Police. Those with information about the seven individuals still wanted are encouraged to contact the Tri-County Drug and Gang Task Force through the Charlotte County Sheriffs Office non-emergency number at 434-542-5141 or the Lunenburg County Sheriffs Office at 434-696-4452. The Tri-County Drug and Gang Task Force is made up of narcotics investigators with the Charlotte County Sheriffs Office, Lunenburg County Sheriffs Office, and the Virginia State Police Bureau of Criminal Investigation Appomattox Field Office. The Lunenburg County Sheriffs Office, Charlotte County Sheriffs Office, Southside Drug and Gang Task Force, and the Halifax/South Boston Drug and Gang Task Force assisted with Thursdays arrest.
2001: Guitarist, singer-songwriter and producer Chet Atkins, who helped create the smoother country music style known as the Nashville sound, dies of cancer at age 77 in Nashville, Tennessee. A 14-time Grammy winner and an inductee of both the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and the Country Music Hall of Fame, Atkins (seen here in 1965) was known for his trademark guitar picking style. He produced records for acts such as Porter Wagoner, Dolly Parton, Dottie West, Elvis Presley, The Everly Brothers, Jerry Reed, Waylon Jennings and many others. Hide Caption
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Bei Facebook anmelden
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Melde dich bei Facebook an, um dich mit deinen Freunden, deiner Familie und Personen, die du kennst, zu verbinden und Inhalte zu teilen.
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FactBench
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30 Best Chet Atkins Quotes With Image
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1.Country music is honest, sincere music that comes from the heart. It's music that tells a story and connects with people.2.To me, guitar playing is about expressing your emotions and feelings through the instrument. It
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Chet Atkins talks about Elvis Presley
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Could Elvis actually play guitar? He played pretty good, yeah. And he played piano and drums. The first sessions he'd come in and work. After that, when he got more confident, he'd come in and play drums a while, then guitar, then piano. Then he'd practice his karate and then send out for 85 White Cottage burgers and then he'd go to work around 11 o'clock at night. But he loved gospel music. Jake Hess had influenced him and Bill Monroe and Big Boy Crudup. | Elvis Presley
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Did you have any sense of how big Elvis was going to be when he first came to RCA?
Oh yeah, we knew. Back in those days, if a guy got hot in one area you could spread it around the country, maybe the world. He was already so big in East Texas and Louisiana you couldn't get him off stage with a firehose. We knew. When he came in to do 'Heartbreak Hotel' I called up my wife and told her to come over. I said, 'You might not get a chance to see him again, he's gonna get so damn big'. She came and she wasn't too impressed, I guess (laughs). But we knew. And Mr. (Steve) Sholes (who signed Elvis to RCA in 1955), he really stuck out his neck when he bought out Elvis' contract. Because if he'd flopped, he'd have been fired in a minute.
Chet Atkins, Elvis Presley, Gordon Stoker, Ben and Brock Spear: April 14, 1956.
Could Elvis actually play guitar?
He played pretty good, yeah. And he played piano and drums. The first sessions he'd come in and work. After that, when he got more confident, he'd come in and play drums a while, then guitar, then piano. Then he'd practice his karate and then send out for 85 White Cottage burgers and then he'd go to work around 11 o'clock at night. But he loved gospel music. Jake Hess had influenced him and Bill Monroe and Big Boy Crudup. The first time I ever heard him I thought, 'What in the hell is this?' I couldn't tell if he was black or bluegrass or gospel or what. Of course, that was what made him what he was. He was so damn versatile he could sing anything. I talked to (Elvis' guitarist) Scotty Moore about it once. Scotty said, 'Y'know, instead of patting his foot while he sang he'd shake his hip. It turned the girls on so he just exaggerated it a bit'.
(...) From an interview by Larry Katz (thekatztapes.com)
Chet Atkins
Chester Burton 'Chet' Atkins (June 20, 1924 â June 30, 2001) was an American guitarist and record producer who, along with Owen Bradley, created the smoother country music style known as the Nashville sound, which expanded country's appeal to adult pop music fans as well.
Without Chet Atkins, country music may never have crossed over into the pop charts in the '50s and '60s. Although he has recorded hundreds of solo records, Chet Atkins' largest influence came as a session musician and a record producer. During the '50s and '60s, he helped create the Nashville sound, a style of country music that owed nearly as much to pop as it did to honky tonks.
Chet Atkins.
And as a guitarist, he is without parallel. Atkins' style grew out of his admiration for Merle Travis, expanding Travis' signature syncopated thumb and fingers roll into new territory. Atkins produced records for The Browns, Porter Wagoner, Norma Jean, Dolly Parton, Dottie West, Perry Como, Elvis Presley, the Everly Brothers, Eddy Arnold, Don Gibson, Jim Reeves, Jerry Reed, Skeeter Davis, Waylon Jennings and many others.
Among many honors, Atkins received 14 Grammy Awards as well as the Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award, nine Country Music Association Instrumentalist of the Year awards, was inducted into both the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame and the Country Music Hall of Fame and Museum.
Interestingly, Chet Atkins didn't begin his musical career by playing guitar.
On the recommendation of his older brother, Lowell, he began playing the fiddle at a child. However, Chet was still attracted to the guitar and at the age of nine, he traded a pistol for a guitar. Atkins learned his instrument rapidly, becoming an accomplished player by the time he left high school in 1941.
Using a variety of contacts, he wound up performing on the Bill Carlisle Show on WNOX in Knoxville, TN, as well as becoming part of the Dixie Swingers. Atkins worked with Homer and Jethro while he was at the radio station. After three years, he moved to a radio station in Cincinnati.
Supporting Red Foley, Atkins made his first appearance at the Grand Ole Opry in 1946. That same year, he made his first records, recording for Bullet. Atkins also began making regular performances on the WRVA radio station in Richmond, VA, but he was repeatedly fired because his musical arrangements differed from the expectations of the station's executives. He eventually moved to Springfield, MO, working for the KWTO station. A tape of one of Atkins' performances was sent to RCA Victor's office in Chicago. Eventually, it worked its way to Steve Sholes, the head of country music at RCA. Sholes had heard Atkins previously and had been trying to find him for several years. By the time Sholes heard the tape, Atkins had moved to Denver, CO and was playing with Shorty Thompson and His Rangers. Upon receiving the call from RCA, he moved to Nashville to record.
Once he arrived in Nashville, Chet recorded eight tracks for the label, five of which featured the guitarist singing. Impressed by his playing, Sholes made Atkins the studio guitarist for all of RCA studio's Nashville sessions in 1949. The following year, Mother Maybelle and the Carter Sisters hired him as a regular on the Grand Ole Opry, making his place in Nashville's musical community secure. While he worked for RCA, he played on many hit records and helped fashion the Nashville sound. RCA appreciated his work and made him a consultant to the company's Nashville division in 1953. That year, the label began to issue a number of instrumental albums that showcased Atkins' considerable talents. Two years later, he scored his first hit with a version of 'Mr. Sandman', it was followed by 'Silver Bell', a duet with Hank Snow. By the late '50s, Chet Atkins was known throughout the music industry as a first-rate player. Not only did his records sell well, he designed guitars for Gibson and Gretsch; models of these instruments continued to sell in the '90s.
Steve Sholes left for New York in 1957 to act as head of pop A&R, leaving Atkins as the manager of RCA's Nashville division. However, the guitarist didn't abandon performing, and throughout the early '60s, his star continued to rise. He played the Newport Jazz Festival in 1960; in 1961, he performed at the White House. Atkins had his first Top 5 hit in 1965 with a reworking of Boots Randolph's 'Yakety Sax', retitled 'Yakety Axe', in addition to being a sizable country hit, the song crossed over to the pop charts.
Atkins' role behind the scene was thriving as well. He produced hits for the majority of RCA's Nashville acts, including Elvis Presley and Eddy Arnold, and discovered a wealth of talent, including Don Gibson, Waylon Jennings, Floyd Cramer, Charley Pride, Bobby Bare, and Connie Smith. Because of his consistent track record, Atkins was promoted to vice-president of RCA's country division when Steve Sholes died in 1968.
The following year, Atkins had his last major hit single, 'Country Gentleman', In the late '60s and early '70s, several minor hits followed, but only one song, 'Prissy' (1968), made it into the Top 40. Instead, the guitarist's major musical contribution in the early part of the '70s was with Homer and Jethro. Under the name the Nashville String Band, the trio released five albums between 1970 and 1972. Following Homer's death, Atkins continued to work with Jethro. Atkins continued to record for RCA throughout the '70s, although he was creatively stifled by the label by the end of the decade. The guitarist wanted to record a jazz album, but he was met with resistance by the label. In 1982, he left the label and signed with Columbia, releasing his first album for the label, Work It Out With Chet Atkins, in 1983. During his time at Columbia, Atkins departed from his traditional country roots, demonstrating that he was a bold and tasteful jazz guitarist as well. He did return to country on occasion, particularly on duet albums with Mark Knopfler and Jerry Reed, but by and large, Atkins' Columbia records demonstrated a more adventurous guitarist than was previously captured on his RCA albums.
Throughout his career, Chet Atkins earned numerous awards, including 11 Grammy awards and nine CMA 'Instrumentalist of the Year' honors, as well as 'Lifetime Achievement Award' from NARAS. Although his award list is impressive, they only begin to convey his contribution to country music.
Performer and Producer
When Sholes took over pop production in 1957 - a result of his success with Elvis Presley - he put Atkins in charge of RCA Victor's Nashville division. With country music record sales declining as rock and roll took over, Atkins and Bob Ferguson took their cue from Owen Bradley and eliminated fiddles and steel guitar as a means of making country singers appeal to pop fans. This became known as the Nashville sound which Atkins said was a label created by the media attached to a style of recording done during that period to keep country (and their jobs) viable. Atkins used the Jordanaires and a rhythm section on hits like Jim Reeves' 'Four Walls' and 'He'll Have to Go' and Don Gibson's 'Oh Lonesome Me' and 'Blue Blue Day'. The once rare phenomenon of having a country hit cross over to pop success became more common. He and Bradley had essentially put the producer in the driver's seat, guiding an artist's choice of material and the musical background.
Atkins made his own records, which usually visited pop standards and jazz, in a sophisticated home studio, often recording the rhythm tracks at RCA but adding his solo parts at home, refining the tracks until the results satisfied him. Guitarists of all styles came to admire various Atkins albums for their unique musical ideas and in some cases experimental electronic ideas. In this period he became known internationally as 'Mister Guitar', inspiring an album named Mister Guitar, engineered by both Bob Ferris and Bill Porter, Ferris's replacement.
At the end of March 1959, Porter took over as chief engineer at RCA's Nashville studio, in the space now known as 'Studio B'. (At the time there was only one RCA studio in Nashville, with no letter designation.) Porter soon helped Atkins get a better reverberation sound from the studio's German effects device, an EMT plate reverb. With his golden ear, Porter found the studio's acoustics to be problematic, and he devised a set of acoustic baffles to hang from the ceiling, then selected positions for microphones based on resonant room modes. The sound of the recordings improved significantly, and the studio achieved a string of successes.
The Nashville sound became more dynamic. In later years, when Bradley asked how he achieved his sound, Atkins told him 'it was Porter', Porter described Atkins as respectful of musicians when recording - if someone was out of tune he would not single that person out by name. Instead, he would say something like, 'we got a little tuning problem ... Everybody check and see what's going on', If that didn't work, Atkins would instruct Porter to turn the offending player down in the mix.
When Porter left RCA in late 1964, Atkins said, 'the sound was never the same, never as great'.
Atkins's trademark 'Atkins Style' of playing uses the thumb and first two - sometimes three - fingers of the right hand. He developed this style from listening to Merle Travis occasionally on a primitive radio. He was sure no one could play that articulately with just the thumb and index finger (which was exactly how Travis played) and he assumed it required the thumb and two fingers - and that was the style he pioneered and mastered.
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http://www.cnn.com/2001/SHOWBIZ/Music/07/02/obit.chet.atkins/index.html
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Chet Atkins: The gentleman guitar player
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(CNN) -- There is a guitar, manufactured now by Gibson, called the Country Gentleman. It is a stately instrument, with a rich, slightly echoey tone, a guitar content to stay in the background but capable of producing quicksilver runs of harmonic beauty.
It was a guitar made for Chet Atkins, and it reflected him perfectly.
Atkins, a guitarist, producer and RCA Records executive who played a key role in the careers of musicians ranging from Elvis Presley to Dolly Parton, died Saturday. He was 77 and had battled cancer for several years. He is survived by his wife of more than 50 years, singer Leona Johnson, whom he had said was the only woman he ever dated. They named their daughter, Merle, after Merle Travis.
Atkins was one of the most powerful people in Nashville during the 1960s, when he worked at RCA, producing such stars as Eddy Arnold, Don Gibson and Jim Reeves. He was dubbed "the King of Music Row," a reference to the Nashville strip where the labels were headquartered. To his death, he maintained an unassuming office on Music Row. He also owned prime real estate in the area.
His creation of the "Nashville Sound," with string sections and echo, helped popularize country music among mainstream listeners.
"I realized that what I liked, the public would like, too," Atkins told The Associated Press in 1996, "'cause I'm kind of square."
A gun for a guitar
Chester Burton Atkins was born June 20, 1924, on a farm near Luttrell, Tennessee, about 20 miles northeast of Knoxville. Though his first instrument was a violin, at the age of 9 -- so the story goes -- he traded a pistol for a guitar. By the time he left high school, he was a player in demand, and quickly lined up jobs at various radio stations. In 1946 he made his first appearance at the Grand Ole Opry.
In 1949, he was signed by legendary RCA country music executive Steve Sholes, who quickly made him the label's house guitarist. Atkins' finger-picking style proved influential to a generation of axemen, including George Harrison, who wrote the liner notes for Atkins' 1966 record "Chet Atkins Picks on the Beatles."
As performer, Atkins' licks can be heard on countless hit records. He was a regular sideman on Elvis Presley's sessions, and gave a number of Everly Brothers' hits a distinctive twang. He also worked with a variety of country musicians, including Jim Reeves, Jerry Reed, Charley Pride, Waylon Jennings and Don Gibson -- the last three Atkins discoveries.
When Sholes was promoted to head of pop A&R by RCA in 1957, Atkins filled his shoes in Nashville. There, he helped country music survive the challenge of rock 'n' roll with the Nashville Sound, which he created with Patsy Cline producer Owen Bradley.
"We took the twang out of it, Owen and I," Atkins told author Nicholas Dawidoff in the 1997 book "In The Country of Country." "In my case it went more uptown. I'd take out the steel guitar and the fiddle, which branded a song as strictly country. I tried to make songs for both markets."
While the strategy helped country get back on its feet after being laid waste by the resurgence of rock 'n' roll, it also softened the genre for mass consumption, providing careers for the well-coifed, telegenic artists who dominate country music today.
Atkins acknowledged that country risked losing its identity at times, but was always heartened by neo-traditional performers such as Ricky Skaggs, Randy Travis or Suzy Bogguss.
He also never apologized for the new style. At the time, his goal was simply "to keep my job," he told The AP.
Picking out notes
Atkins remained an RCA executive until 1982, when he signed with Columbia Records. But even while pushing paper in a Nashville office, he spent plenty of time playing and performing.
Other guitarists revered him, and many played with him on record. His duet partners included Reed, Les Paul, Mark Knopfler (on the Grammy-winning "Neck and Neck") and Australian prodigy Tommy Emmanuel.
His mark was all over Nashville, and not just in the city's trademark music. In January 2000, he was honored with a statue at a Bank of America branch downtown. In the rendering, he's sitting on a stool, one knee balancing a Country Gentleman, picking out a note or two. When the statue was dedicated, an overflow crowd showed up, including Tennessee governor Don Sundquist.
The modest Atkins told the group that he hoped many of his friends would be honored in the same way, "so that we can have a series of these things all the way down to the Opry."
That comment was typical of Atkins. At the time he became ill, in 1996, he had begun Monday night performances at a Nashville club.
"If I know I've got to go do a show, I practice quite a bit, because you can't get out there and embarrass yourself," Atkins told The AP.
Chet Atkins, a gentleman to the last, never did.
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https://gypsyjazzuk.wordpress.com/django-in-the-usa-canada-1946/django-cafe-society-dec-46/django-and-chet-atkins/
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Django and Chet Atkins
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Django and Chet Atkins - Finger Pickin' Good! Chet Atkins - The first time I ever heard Django was after I got a job professionally in Knoxville, Tennessee. I was working as staff guitarist with a group called The Dixieland Swingsters, and the trumpet player in the group started telling me about Django Reinhardt and also…
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https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
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Gypsy Jazz UK
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https://gypsyjazzuk.wordpress.com/django-in-the-usa-canada-1946/django-cafe-society-dec-46/django-and-chet-atkins/
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Django and Chet Atkins –
Finger Pickin’ Good!
Chet Atkins – The first time I ever heard Django was after I got a job professionally in Knoxville, Tennessee. I was working as staff guitarist with a group called The Dixieland Swingsters, and the trumpet player in the group started telling me about Django Reinhardt and also at the same time about Charlie Christian, who I had never heard. He got some old 78 records of Django out of the library and played them, and I was impressed, but at that time I wasn’t far enough along, I guess, to really appreciate it. I was just learning to play myself; I was about 17 or 18 years old. Later on when I had a little more knowledge of the guitar, I went out and bought a lot of his albums and started copying some of the things he did. At the same time I was hearing Les Paul who was one of Django‘s “students”. After a while I got so I really admired his technique. Then there were all the stories, of course, of his problem with having only 2 fret fingers. In 1946, I was up in Chicago without a job, and he played there with Duke Ellington, at the Civic Opera House. Well, I got a ticket and went down. I was in the back seats, so I couldn’t see very well. But he played with Duke and played a great concert. I went backstage and hung around; and he finally came out, and I stuck a piece of paper up in front of him. He felt around and said, “You have penceel?” I said, “Sure,” so I gave him a pencil, and he wrote “D. Reinhardt.” He smiled, and I smiled back, and there was a soldier there that kept asking, “Django, you remember me? I was in that joint one night in Paris, and we played guitar together.” He said, “Yes, yes” he seemed like a really nice guy. Anyway, I wanted to play some for him, because I didn’t think that he would have ever heard any finger guitar like I play because me and Merle Travis at that time, were the only ones doing it. But I didn’t get a chance to do that in the melee
Merle Travis on Chet Atkins
Civic Opera House Chicago – The world-renowned Lyric Opera of Chicago performs in one of North America’s most beautiful opera houses, the Civic Opera House, at 20 North Wacker Drive. The opera house was the vision of utility magnate Samuel Insull who wanted to erect a new opera house as the home of the Chicago Civic Opera – one that would be democratic in scope, and would be housed in and supported by a commercial office building. He mandated 5 requisites for the new opera house: safety, excellent sight lines, comfortable seating, gracious surroundings, and premium acoustics.
From its opening on Nov. 4, 1929 (just 6 days after the stock-market crash) until Lyric Opera of Chicago was founded in 1954 (as Lyric Theatre), the Civic Opera House was home to the Chicago Civic Opera, Chicago Grand Opera Company, Chicago City Opera Company and Chicago Opera Company. Over the years the Civic Opera House has also hosted visiting opera and dance companies, as well as touring operettas, musical shows, and a great number of orchestral, dance, and vocal concerts. The adjoining Civic Theatre, at the north end of the block-long building, was used to present plays (including the premiere of Tennessee Williams’ The Glass Menagerie), dance performances, and films. For a considerable time it also served as a television studio. The Civic Opera Building is a majestic limestone skyscraper with a 45-story office tower and two 22-story wings. Shaped like a gigantic throne facing the Chicago River between Washington and Madison streets, it was completed after just 22 months of planning and construction. The Civic Opera House seats 3,563.
The Civic Opera House, conveniently situated in the heart of downtown Chicago, and has been the home of the Lyric Opera of Chicago. A visit to the downtown area puts this splendid venue right at your disposal and is a must-visit house for taking in a show. Many Broadway shows have played at the Civic Opera House. A delightful combination of art deco and art nouveau, many visitors regard the Civic Opera House as one of the most beautiful houses in the United States. Musical talents such as Duke and Django have graced audiences with their talents and delighted attendees thanks to the Civic Opera House’s premium acoustics, luxurious seating and surroundings and top notch sight lines to the stage from all areas of the Auditorium. Duke Ellington, and His Orchestra; and (in what may be the best surprise) the appearance of then visiting celebrated guitarist Django Reinhardt on 3 numbers. Including Improvisation 3, Honeysuckle Rose. – all secretly recorded by Dr John Steiner it includes Django’s 4 bar solo. Recorded at the Civic Opera House, Chicago, Nov. 10, 1946.
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https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Chet_Atkins
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Chester Burton "Chet" Atkins (June 20, 1924 – June 30, 2001) was an influential guitarist and Nashville record producer. His picking style, inspired by Merle Travis, Django Reinhardt, and Les Paul, brought him admirers both within and outside the country scene, both in the U.S.A. and internationally.
As RCA's top Nashville executive, Atkins produced records for Eddy Arnold, Don Gibson, Jim Reeves, Skeeter Davis, Connie Smith, and Waylon Jennings. He created, along with Owen Bradley, the smoother country music style known as the Nashville Sound, which expanded country music's appeal to include adult pop music fans as well. This slick brand of country music in turn stimulated a reaction among purists, resulting the Outlaw country movement centered in Austin, Texas.
Atkins' style of finger-picking opened new creative possibilities and remains highly influential among guitarists today. His willingness to branch into jazz, classical guitar, and flamenco created an inter-cultural bridge that brought his music to a wide audience and increased his influence. Atkins recorded more than 100 albums and was the recipient of numerous awards, including the Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award.
Biography
Chet Atkins was born on June 20, 1924, in Luttrell, Tennessee, near the Clinch Mountains, youngest of three boys and a girl. His parents divorced when he was six and he was raised by his mother. His first instrument was a ukulele and then a fiddle, and then when he was nine he acquired a guitar from his brother Lowell in exchange for an old pistol and some of his brother's chores. Due to a near-fatal asthma condition, Atkins was a sensitive youth who made music his main focus. A self-taught musician, he became an accomplished guitarist while he was in high school.
While living with his father in Georgia, Atkins heard Merle Travis playing over WLW radio. This early influence dramatically shaped Atkins' finger-picking style. Both used the right thumb to play the bass notes and the index finger to play melodies. However, Atkins used two other fingers of the right hand as well, resulting in a greater degree of complexity and flexibility of style.
Career
Early career
After dropping out of high school in 1942, Atkins landed a job at WNOX radio in Knoxville. There he played fiddle and guitar with singer Bill Carlisle and comic Archie Campbell as well as becoming a member of the station's "Dixieland Swingsters," a swing instrumental combo.
After three years, he moved to WLW in Cincinnati, Ohio, where Merle Travis had formerly worked. Six months later, he moved to Raleigh, North Carolina and worked with singing duo Johnnie and Jack before heading for Richmond, Virginia, where he performed with Sunshine Sue Workman. Atkins' shy personality worked against him, as did the fact that his sophisticated style led many to doubt he was truly "country." He was fired several times, but with his unique playing ability soon found other work.
Traveling to Chicago, Atkins auditioned and joined the band of Red Foley, who was leaving his star position at the WLS National Barn Dance to join the Grand Ole Opry. Atkins made his first appearance at the Opry in 1946 as a member of Foley's band. He also recorded an instrumental single for Nashville-based Bullet Records that year. That single, "Guitar Blues," was progressive by country standards, including a clarinet solo by Nashville dance band musician Dutch McMillan. Atkins landed a solo spot on the Opry for a while, but when that was cut he moved on to KWTO in Springfield, Missouri, where once again he was fired for not sounding country enough.
RCA Victor
While working with a Western band in Denver, Colorado, Atkins came to the attention of RCA Victor. He made his first RCA solo recordings in Chicago in 1947, but they did not sell well. He also did some studio work for RCA and relocated to Knoxville again, where he worked with Homer and Jethro on WNOX's new Saturday night radio show the Tennessee Barn Dance. In 1949, he joined Mother Maybelle and the Carter Sisters back at KWTO. The group soon moved to Nashville in mid-1950, where Atkins began working on recording sessions and performed again on WSM and the Grand Ole Opry.
While he had not yet had a hit record, Atkins' stature was growing, and he began organizing RCA Nashville sessions. Atkins' first hit single was an instrumental version of "Mr. Sandman," followed by the Christmas song "Silver Bell"(s) which he did as a duet with Hank Snow. His albums also became more popular. In addition to recording, Atkins became a design consultant for Gretsch, who manufactured a popular Chet Atkins line of electric guitars from 1955-1980. Atkins also became manager of RCA's Nashville studio, eventually inspiring the creation of the legendary Studio B. This was the first studio built specifically for the purpose of recording on the now famous Music Row.
The Nashville Sound
Atkins took charge of RCA's Nashville division in 1957. With country music record sales suffering as a result of the success of rock and roll, Atkins and Bob Ferguson took their cue from Patsy Cline's producer, Owen Bradley, and eliminated fiddles and steel guitar as a way of making country singers appeal to pop fans. This became known as the Nashville Sound. Atkins used Elvis Presley's vocal backing group, the Jordanaires, and a pop-oriented rhythm section on hits like Jim Reeves' "Four Walls" and "He'll Have to Go;" and Don Gibson's "Oh Lonesome Me" and "Blue Blue Day." As a result, the once rare phenomenon of having a country hit "cross over" to the pop charts became more common.
Atkins also made his own records, which usually visited pop standards and jazz, in a sophisticated home studio, often recording the rhythm tracks at RCA but adding his solo parts at home. Guitarists of all styles came to admire various Atkins albums for their unique musical ideas and in some cases experimental electronic ideas. In this period he became known internationally as "Mister Guitar," also the name of one of Atkins's albums. Atkins performed by invitation at the White House for presidents Kennedy through George H. W. Bush.
Atkins's own biggest hit single came in 1965, with "Yakety Axe," an adaptation of his friend saxophonist Boots Randolph's "Yakety Sax."
Now vice president of RCA's country division, Atkins brought Waylon Jennings, Willie Nelson, Connie Smith, Bobby Bare, Dolly Parton, Jerry Reed, and John Hartford to the label in the 1960s. He took a considerable risk during the mid-1960s by signing country music's first African-American singer Charley Pride. Ironically, some of Pride's biggest fans were among the most conservative country fans, many of whom did not care for the pop stylings Atkins had added.
Meanwhile, Atkins' slick Nashville Sound and his corporate management style—insisting that performers adhere to his vision of what would work commercially whether they liked it or not—did not sit well with talents like Nelson and Jennings. In the late 1960s, they would relocate to Austin, Texas and form their brand of "Outlaw country," proving that there was still a major market for "authentic" country music devoid of compromise with the pop market.
In 1969, Atkins had his last major hit single, "Country Gentleman."
Later career
In the 1970s, Atkins became increasingly stressed by his executive duties. He produced fewer records but could still turn out hits such as Perry Como's pop hit "And I Love You So." He recorded extensively with close friend and fellow picker Jerry Reed. A 1973 bout of colon cancer, however, led Atkins to redefine his role at RCA, to allow others to handle administration while he went back to his first love, the guitar, often recording with Reed or even Homer & Jethro's Jethro Burns (Atkins's brother-in-law) after Homer died in 1971. However, he continued to want to express himself outside of the country genre. In 1972, he recorded an album with the Boston Pops orchestra and continued to experiment with other forms of guitar music.
By the end of the 1970s, Atkins's time had passed as a producer, and RCA sensed that its country division needed to move closer to its country roots. He first retired from his position as an RCA executive, and then began to feel stifled as an artist because RCA objected to his branching out into jazz. At the same time he grew dissatisfied and began designing guitars with Gibson. He left RCA in 1982 and signed with Columbia Records, for whom he produced a debut album in 1983.
While he was with Columbia, he showed his creativity and taste in jazz guitar, and in various other contexts. He was a masterful improviser but could also read music well, and even performed some classical guitar pieces with taste and distinction. Asked to name the ten most influential guitarists of the twentieth century, he named Django Reinhardt to the first position on the list, and placed himself at fifth position.
In later years, he sometimes went back to performing on radio, appearing on Garrison Keillor's Prairie Home Companion, and even picking up a fiddle from time to time. While he did more performing in the 1990s, his health grew frail from worsening colon cancer. He died on June 30, 2001 at his home in Nashville.
Legacy
Atkins received numerous awards, including eleven Grammy Awards (including a Lifetime Achievement Award in 1993), and nine Country Music Association Instrumentalist of the Year awards. Billboard Magazine awarded him their Century Award, their "highest honor for distinguished creative achievement," in December 1997.
A virtuoso instrumentalist, Atkins expanded the universe for guitarists—and lovers of guitar music—in a way no one did before. For better or worse, he was the driving force behind the creation of the Nashville Sound, which helped revive the fortunes of country music even as it removed some of the authentic southern folk qualities which many fans and artists craved.
Of his own legacy he once said, "Years from now, after I'm gone, someone will listen to what I've done and know I was here. They may not know or care who I was, but they'll hear my guitars speaking for me."
In 2002, Atkins was posthumously inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall Fame. The following year, Atkins ranked #28 in CMT's 40 Greatest Men of Country Music. A stretch of Interstate 185 in southwest Georgia (between LaGrange and Columbus) is named "Chet Atkins Parkway."
Discography
1952 - Chet Atkins' Gallopin' Guitar
1953 - Stringin' Along
1953 - String Dustin'*1954 - A Session with Chet Atkins
1955 - Stringin' Along with Chet Atkins
1955 - Chet Atkins in Three Dimensions
1955 - The Amazing Chet Atkins
1956 - Finger Style Guitar
1957 - Hi Fi in Focus
1958 - Chet Atkins at Home
1959 - Mister Guitar
1959 - Hum & Strum Along with Chet Atkins
1959 - Chet Atkins in Hollywood
1960 - The Other Chet Atkins
1960 - After the Riot at Newport
1961 - Teensville
1961 - Chet Atkins' Workshop
1961 - The Most Popular Guitar
1961 - Chet Atkins Plays Great Movie Themes
1961 - Christmas with Chet Atkins
1962 - Down Home
1962 - Plays Back Home Hymns
1962 - Caribbean Guitar
1963 - Our Man in Nashville
1963 - Teen Scene
1963 - Travelin'
1963 - The Guitar Genius
1964 - Guitar Country
1964 - Progressive Pickin'
1964 - Reminiscing
1964 - The Best of Chet Atkins
1964 - The Early Years of Chet Atkins & His Guitar
1965 - My Favorite Guitars
1965 - More of That Guitar Country
1966 - Chet Atkins Picks on the Beatles
1966 - From Nashville with Love
1966 - The Pops Goes Country
1966 - The Best of Chet Atkins Vol. 2
1966 - Music from Nashville, My Hometown
1967 - It's A Guitar World
1967 - Chet Atkins Picks the Best
1967 - Class Guitar
1967 - Chet
1968 - Solo Flights
1968 - Solid Gold 68
1968 - Play Guitar with Chet Atkins
1968 - Chet All The Way
1968 - Hometown Guitar
1969 - Relaxin' with Chet
1969 - Lovers Guitar
1969 - Solid Gold 69
1969 - The Nashville String Band
1969 - Chet Atkins Picks on the Pops
1970 - C.B. Atkins & C.E. Snow by Special Request
1970 - Yestergroovin'
1970 - Solid Gold 70
1970 - Me & Jerry (w/Jerry Reed)
1970 - Down Home (with the Nashville String Band)
1970 - Pickin' My Way
1970 - This Is Chet Atkins
1971 - Mr. Atkins, Guitar Picker
1971 - Chet Atkins Guitar Method Volume 1 & 2
1971 - For the Good Times
1971 - Strung Up (with the Nashville String Band)
1971 - Country Pickin'
1971 - Identified! (Nashville String Band)
1971 - Chet Floyd & Boots
1972 - Me & Chet
1972 - World's Greatest Melodies
1972 - Now & Then
1972 - American Salute (Boston Pops w/Chet Atkins)
1972 - The Bandit
1972 - Nashville Gold
1972 - Picks on the Hits
1972 - Finger Pickin' Good
1973 - Greatest Hits of the 50's w/Arthur Fiedler
1973 - Discover Japan
1973 - Superpickers
1973 - Alone
1974 - Chet Atkins Picks on Jerry Reed
1974 - The Atkins - Travis Traveling Show
1975 - The Night Atlanta Burned
1975 - Famous Country Music Makers
1975 - In Concert
1975 - The Golden Guitar of Chet Atkins
1975 - Chet Atkins Goes to the Movies
1975 - Teen Scene (reissue)
1976 - Chester & Lester
1976 - The Best of Chet Atkins and Friends
1977 - Love Letters
1977 - Me and My Guitar
1977 - Chet Floyd & Danny
1977 - A Legendary Performer
1978 - Guitar Monsters
1979 - And Then Came Chet
1979 - First Nashville Guitar Quartet
1980 - The Best of Chet on the Road - Live
1980 - Reflections
1981 - Country After All These Years
1981 - Standard Brands
1981 - Country Music
1982 - Solid Gold Guitar
1983 - Guitar Pickin' Man
1983 - Great Hits of the Past
1983 - Work It out with Chet Atkins C.G.P.
1983 - East Tennessee Christmas
1984 - Tennessee Guitar Man
1984 - A Man & His Guitar
1985 - Collectors Series
1985 - Guitar for all Seasons
1985 - Stay Tuned
1986 - 20 of the Best
1986 - Street Dreams
1987 - Sails
1988 - Chet Atkins, C.G.P.
1988 - Pickin' on Country
1989 - Masters of the Guitar: Together
1989 - Pickin' the Hits
1990 - Neck & Neck (with Mark Knopfler)
1990 - The Magic of Chet Atkins
1990 - Country Gems
1991 - The Romantic Guitar
1992 - Sneakin' Around
1992 - The RCA Years
1993 - The Gingham Dog and the Calico Cat
1993 - Gallopin' Guitar
1993 - Jazz From The Hills
1994 - Simpatico (with Suzy Bogguss)
1994 - Read My Licks
1996 - The Essential Chet Atkins
1996 - Almost Alone
1997 - The Day Finger Pickers Took Over the World
1998 - Super Hits
1998 - Masters
2000 - Guitar Legend: The RCA Years
2000 - Guitar Man
2001 - RCA Country Legends
2001 - The Master and His Music
2002 - Chet Atkins Picks on the Grammys
2002 - Tribute to Bluegrass
2003 - The Best of Chet Atkins
2003 - Solo Sessions
References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees
Cochran, Russ. Chet Atkins: Me and My Guitars. Hal Leonard; 1st edition, 2003. ISBN 9780634055652
Jensen, Joli. The Nashville Sound: Authenticity, Commercialization, and Country Music. Vanderbilt University Press, 1998. ISBN 9780826513144
Russell, Rusty. Chet Atkins. Backbeat, 2002. ISBN 9780879307196
All links retrieved December 8, 2023.
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The 1988 Jethro Burns Interview
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An interview with jazz mandolin great Jethro Burns from 1988.
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Author Ted Heinonen with Jethro Burns
NOTE: this interview was recorded in the studios of KUMD-FM of Duluth, Minnesota, July 1, 1988 for the Saturday Folk Migrations show, and later published in print in the Minnesota Bluegrass & Old-Time Music Association (MBOTMA) magazine after Jethro passed. It is reprinted here with the authors' permission.
Jethro Burns was in Duluth performing for the 1988 Lake Superior Fiddle Contest. That same Friday evening Jethro conducted a Mandolin Workshop I had arranged. It was an entertaining and instructive evening for the thirteen students, one that will be long remembered by all those who were there.
It's not often that one gets the chance to learn and jam with a performer so open and warm. My last class session with my mandolin students, whom I teach through community schools, was the Monday following Jethro's passing, one student remarked, "We should all be wearing black." I said that I didn't think Jethro would have liked that... no tears; just remember him as who he was, "A pretty funny guy who played a darn good mandolin."
— Ted Heinonen & Jeannie Anderson
Duluth, Minnesota based musicians and artists
Introduction by Jeannie Anderson
March 10, 1989: I turned the calendar over and there was Jethro Burns' birthday. He said he liked to get lots of cards, so this year I was going to be sure to send one. I can still remember his story about one birthday when he was playing on stage, kind of sad because he didn't get many cards. He finished with the song, and who should come out of the audience but John Duffey with a big cake. He came on stage, handed Jethro the cake, and kissed him. "Well, what could I do?" Jethro said. "I couldn't let go of the mandolin and I didn't want to drop the cake!"
Jethro Burns came to Duluth last summer to be the featured performer at the Lake Superior Fiddle Contest. It was a weekend where mandolins and fiddles reigned. I went to the airport to pick him up along with the organizers of the contest. After the formal introductions he asked who I was. Just a banjo player there to chauffeur him and carry his luggage, I said.
We were going to whisk him off to the radio station for his interview first, but I could see how tired he was. "Oh, you need a home first," I said, and drove him to his hotel. I'd settled on a cassette, Bela Fleck's Deviation to play for him during our drive. He gave a lively talk about his friend Bela and how much he liked Newgrass Revival's music.
I wish I could remember every word he said when he was in that truck. But sometimes what a memory or a tape doesn't hold your heart does. His sense of humor was even keener than when he was on stage. He'd wave at a pretty girl on the first street and I'd tease him back not to do that and he'd say "Well, they might think I don't like them."
He was a charming and gentle man. When he was home he spent his time taking care of his wife. His fondest memories seemed to be of Chet Atkins and the old days when they'd each be running out of money, helping each other out, and his worry that Chet Atkins worked too hard.
I'll never forget the private concert I got for hours backstage at the fiddle contest. He played variations of "Laura's Song" for me. He played all kinds of tunes he thought I might never have heard before. The music was punctuated with stories of how he got started in music, all he knew of the Grand Ole Opry, and all the people that were too good to him. I just sat at his feet and called him, not "Jedi-Master" but "Jethro-Master." I was privileged to hear the very best of mandolin men. I know that God blesses banjo players, and dear Jethro, may he bless you.
Jethro Burns Interview - July 1988
— by Ted Heinonen
When did you start playing the mandolin?
OK, I started playing the mandolin when I was six years old and I became a pro when I was twelve years old; that was in 1932 and right now people start saying "How old is he ... ?" so I always tell 'em I'm 68, but l was a ... I became a professional musician at the age of twelve in Knoxville, Tennessee.
Why the mandolin? It seems to be an unusual choice of instruments.
Well, I had three older brothers, and one of them brought a mandolin home. I don't know where he got it or why he got it, but he brought it home and one of the first things he said was to leave it alone and keep my hands off it, so it was just a matter of waiting till he went to work and getting it out and playing and trying to get some sounds out of it, which I was able to do and finally figured out a few basic chords and as soon as he heard me a-playin' he said "Well, go ahead and play it."
Did you play as a family group?
Yeah, all my brothers played and we had a little family band, mandolin, tenor banjo, couple of guitars.
You played tunes of the day, like the Hit Parade and what have you?
Yeah, just the old standards, pop tunes, square dance stuff, just anything that came along.
Who were your early influences, your heroes back then?
Oh, in the beginning when I really got old enough to appreciate the music I got my early influences like the Hot Club of France with Django Reinhardt and Stephane Grappelli, Joe Venuti, Eddie Lang, and of course big band... always liked big band music... then it was Ellington, Basie, Benny Goodman, people like that, and I learned chords, how to hear chords from listening to the big bands and there weren't any mandolin players to look up to 'cept a fella named Dave Apollon who at that time was playing Vaudeville and he had a few records out and later after a gig I got to see him play in Vaudeville, that was probably the thrill of my life was to see this mandolin band up there. I didn't realize that people could play that good.
I've heard he was quite a showman.
Oh yeah,
Did you ever get a chance to meet and sit in with Dave Apollon?
I didn't get a chance to sit in with him but I did get to meet him in Hollywood. He came into a music store; I was there browsing around, and he walked in and I went over and one of the guys in the store introduced me to him, and Dave asked if there was any records here that he could hear me play, and they had a record of Homer and Jethro's Playing it Straight, and he put that on the turntable and listened to a couple of tunes, and he turns around to me and says "You're influenced by Django Reinhardt," and I said, "That's right, I was," and then he says to me "Tell me this, when is the best time to practice?" and I said "In the morning." "All right," he says, "I'll ask one more question. Your left hand and your right hand, which is the more important?" I said, "The right hand," and he says "Stick with that, and you'll be a great player." And he walked out, but I did get to see him in Las Vegas at the Desert Inn with his strolling band and it was the thrill of a lifetime.
You mentioned the album Playing it Straight. Has RCA ever considered re-releasing it along with Ain't Necessarily Square?
It has been released in Japan.
I heard some rumors to that effect. I wasn't sure if they were legit or not.
Yeah, there's an outfit in Germany, I'm not sure what the name of it is; they are reissuing a whole bunch of Homer and Jethro things, and from that they will eventually get around to re-issuing Playing it Straight and also Ain't Necessarily Square.
I've tried myself to borrow even a copy of a copy, to no avail.
I wish I had about fifty thousand of them. I'd get rich.
Could we talk about Homer and how you guys met?
Oh, certainly. OK. I met Homer at the age of twelve, and we were contestants on a talent show WLNX that Nashville sponsored, and I was working in a guitar/ mandolin duo with my brother and Homer was working with two other guys, and the thing was, we were all playing the same style of music, which was standard things like "Sweet Georgia Brown," "Sweet Sue," all the old things like that, and the program director that was putting this thing together heard us play, and he came around: "Well, you guys are too good to be in an amateur contest, so I'm going to hire you outright," he said, "and put you on staff as musicians."
We got a salary of... I think we were paid something like $3.50 a week, each guy got that - for that we'd go in and play six days a week in between going to school. It was a happy childhood you might say, but that's where I met Homer. Homer and me and my brother Aitchie- he was the guitar player that was in the duo - and we found this other guy named Charlie Hagaman who was a great lead guitar player. So what we did was get my brother to switch over to the acoustic bass so we'd have the mandolin, bass, and the two guitars.
Homer of course played the greatest rhythm guitar of just about anybody. We formed this little group called the String Dusters, and we were together for many years down in Knoxville, in that area of Chattanooga, Bristol... and out of that the Homer and Jethro thing was something we put together in there to break up the monotony of just nuthin' but music, you know, for a whole concert and we got the idea of doing the Homer and Jethro thing - little dreaming at the time - but that was later, because our big thing then was the String Dusters.
What started the idea of "Fracturing Tunes?"
There was a couple of guys in the south, they were the best duet I ever heard, called the Blue Sky Boys, and they did traditional folk/country music with a mandolin and guitar and their harmony was so beautiful - I mean, they wasn't to be believed, there was nobody like' em, and we used to listen to them and we got to thinking how funny it would be if you could get a band like that and sing popular music and get that hillbilly twang to it. And we finally one time did a tune, "Deep Purple," and we did the most hoked-up version I think you ever heard, and it was just a sensation. It got to where every time there'd be a popular tune come out and it would be a hit, well, we would immediately put our brand on it. We'd use the lyrics but we'd pick a hillbilly tune that would fit so we could play it, and when I say "hillbilly," I mean it respectfully, because "we hillbillies" don't take offense at the name; only the Johnny come-lately guys are offended by it. But that's what happened to Homer and Jethro: we just got to be bigger than the other thing, so we finally just broke up the band and started being Homer and Jethro full time.
So you were together for a little over thirty years.
About 39 years.
How many albums did the two of you put out?
I think Homer and me put out 35 albums with RCA and a number of singles with King, which they put together as an album later, but I guess about 35-36 albums with RCA.
Did you ever get any flak from musicians about the songs you would parody? Any feedback, songwriters.
Not from the artists, because the artists never had nothing to do or say about it. It was our business arrangement with the songwriters, and we would work out a deal with them, and it wouldn't matter who had the hit record; it was the writers and the publishers that gave us permission. We did an album of Frank Loesser songs. Now Frank Loesser was one of the big Broadway writers who wrote things like "Most Happy Fella," "Baby It's Cold Outside," stuff like that. And Frank Loesser gave us permission to butcher some of his songs, in fact, his greatest: "Baby It's Cold Outside" - when we read him the lyrics he said "OK, you can do it, but would you put 'with apologies to Frank Loesser' on the label?" Well, we did that, you know, and all the other big writers said if Frank Loesser let these guys do his music it must be all right, so then they just all sorta fell in line, and when we'd ask other people they'd say "Sure!"
Now the other side was the country people. A disc jockey on an interview said, "It must really bum Hank Williams when you do his music," and I said "Well, Hank was kinda forward; he said 'It ain't a hit till Homer and Jethro butcher it!'" (chuckle). And to make things funnier, why, Chet Atkins and me and Jerry Rivers (who was a fiddle player with Hank), we was fishing in Kentucky Lake in Tennessee, and we were out on the lake, and we passed Hank out there, and he had himself a stringer of fish so big he couldn't lift it out of the water. We had to help him lift the fish out of the end of the boat, and I don't know how many beers he had, but the boat was full of beer cans. Well, we made our way back to the dock and we sat around having a few cool ones, and I said, "Hank, could we use some of your tunes," and he said, "It's a good idea, a great idea, and I'll tell you what I'll go back and I'll tell Fred Rose and Roy Acuff (who owned the publishing company) that when you guys do one of my songs, that they're supposed to give you a cut on the royalties." Well, you know when a guy says something like that when he's out having a good time sitting in the hot sun, you think this will never happen. It wasn't more than a week later I got a letter from Hank Williams, and I still got it hanging on my wall where he said the same thing in print, and signed it, and Acuff and Rose just said we had a blanket deal to do any Hank Williams music we wanted to, which I think was very complimentary.
When I listen to your earlier albums, your fractured tunes make me think of you guys as the Spike Jones of Country Music!
Exactly! We were associated with Spike for three years. He was our manager, and we did a couple of records with the band: we called it Paulyatsi; it was a take off on Palatsi, the opera; and we did another called Fiddle Faddle which was never released. It's floating around somewhere at RCA. I wish they would release it.
Who recorded with you through the fifties and sixties, and what were those sessions like?
They were just about the must fun that could ever be had. RCA, they had a bunch of "pets," guys they thought the world of. Other people sold more records, but they loved Homer & Jethro, Chet Atkins and Jerry Bird, and a guy named Dale Potter (a fiddle player), and what they would do is schedule a Homer & Jethro session in either New York or Chicago, or Atlanta, and they would book these same musicians as sidemen on our sessions, and when we were all together we would do these things
Oh yeah, and that's another thing I do that is the most fun, and there's a strong possibility that's coming out on record.
What about your association with Chet Atkins. Besides professional, you are family?
Chet and I married identical twin sisters (Jethro married Lois; Chet is married to Leona). And so besides the professional side, our personal lives are deeply entwined. We see a lot of each other. The sisters were professional singers too! They were on WOW in Cincinnati, and that's where we met 'em. And that was after WWII, that's where Homer and me went to work first, was WOW, after the war. Chet Atkins was there already, along with Merle Travis, Rosemary Clooney...
Is that where you first met Chet?
I met Chet before in Knoxville, but we started working together on the same stage and station in Cincinnati. That was when things really got into high gear, but I met Chet in Nashville when he was just starting to play, and it sure has been some fun to watch the man develop like he has as a musician and businessman.
Any future projects coming up?
No, not right now; we're just sweating out the Million Dollar Band thing ... it's all done and the records are already made from the Hee Haw soundtracks, and the rest is being done by lawyers and people like that, but I don't have any recording projects scheduled at this time. I guess mostly that I can't think of anything that I haven't already done, but that changes overnight, you know. I might get an idea to do something.
To wrap things up: thinking of the mandolin, it's kinda come back now a bit, more an instrument up front now than an instrument of second choice.
Yeah, all the fiddle players, they all doubled up on the mandolin, and most guitar players did too, and guys like David Grisman did a lot to bring the mandolin back to where it is now, but there were other people involved in that.
Sam Bush is another guy that was responsible for making the mandolin popular all over again. A guy that died just recently, Tiny Moore, I got to do an album with Tiny, but he did a lot, too. He played the 5-string electric, jazz style.
There's a lot of young guys that are pioneering this new movement. There just isn't any reason the mandolin shouldn't be up front. One of the reasons is the players aren't aggressive enough as I'd like to see 'em. Myself, I'm probably overly aggressive when it comes to the mandolin, but I earned the right to do that, and I just hate to see guys come along and say, "well, I'll just play a little mandolin," and to me guys say "What do I play? I play the mandolin." You play good? I say, "I play great!" What am I going to say, "No, I don't?" This is what the mandolin industry needs is guys out there putting the mandolin out there where the banjo players are now.
I agree with you there.
Yeah, it seems like all your life, trying to get heard above the banjo. I don't know, I just wish more people would take up the mandolin, and more than that, I wish they would stick with it, as opposed to where they just learn a half dozen fiddle tunes and say that's it! You don't hear from them any more.
Any final words of advice for mandolin players or would-be mandolin players?
Yeah, Ted: learn to play more than one style of music. Bluegrass is fine, but once you learn bluegrass, go on to something else - jazz, pop, or classical - get out there and explore and find out what else there is out there and play it. Thing is, you get to where you think you're sounding good to yourself and you quit. You think, "Boy, I'm good," and maybe you are, but you're not good enough! The competition is tough, and it's never going to get easier, and the way these kids are playing now! Like Marty Stuart. He started out real young playing with Lester Flatt, just a school kid, and now he's just one step away from being a superstar! So it's there; all you got to do is go out and get it!
OK. Thanks for dropping by the studio.
It's been my pleasure, Ted.
Participants in Jethro Burns' mandolin workshop.
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Mark Knopfler And Chet Atkins
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Though a little off center from the main downtown tourist center, this work draws in the tourists who want their picture taken with the great Chet Atkins, if only in bronze. This lost wax sculpture…
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nashville public art
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https://nashvillepublicart.com/2018/03/30/chet-atkins-c-p-g/
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Though a little off center from the main downtown tourist center, this work draws in the tourists who want their picture taken with the great Chet Atkins, if only in bronze. This lost wax sculpture titled “Chet Atkins, c.g.p.” is the work of Nashville artist Russell Faxon, and went in in January 2000, a year and a half before Atkins’ death. Various music luminaries paid tribute at the unveiling, including Eddy Arnold, who said, “I’m delighted to be here because I met Chet back in 1896.” Atkins himself promised everyone that, “I’ll come to your outing if you have one.” The statue was paid for by Bank of America, the major tenant in the building that looms over the Atkins tribute. So what’s that “C.G.P” about? Certified Guitar Player, a designation Atkins gave out to those players he thought “excelled far beyond the normal line of playing.” Only five men, plus Atkins himself, got the title. There is of course that empty stool, placed there so you could have your picture taken with the man. Many tourists do, and local folks who just need a place to sit can also be found on the stool. I’m sure Atkins would be happy to play for any of them.
Side note: I was so astonished to find the statue devoid of humans, I parked in a hurry and raced to take pictures. You can see my little red car in the header above, and there’s a better shot below in the photo of the back side of the sculpture.
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Located at 414 Union Street. The sculpture sits in a small triangular plaza at 5th and Union, in front of the Bank of America Building. This is downtown, so plenty of parking, virtually none of it free.
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AKA Chester Burton Atkins
Born: 20-Jun-1924
Birthplace: Luttrell, TN
Died: 30-Jun-2001
Location of death: Nashville, TN
Cause of death: Cancer - unspecified
Remains: Buried, Harpeth Hills Memory Gardens, Nashville, TN
Gender: Male
Race or Ethnicity: White
Sexual orientation: Straight
Occupation: Guitarist, Country Musician, Business
Nationality: United States
Executive summary: Prominent country picker
One of the main architects shaping the direction of modern country music, Chet Atkins maintained a reputation as a leading producer, performer and talent-spotter throughout the course of his career. Initially a fiddle player, Atkins had switched over to guitar by the time he had completed high school; his earliest work was for Tennessee radio and as a member of The Dixie Swingers. By 1946 he had moved to Cincinnati for another in a series of radio jobs, and it was this same year that he made both his first recordings and his first appearance at the Grand Ole Opry. Over the next few years he moved regularly to follow new work opportunities: first to Springfield for more radio, and then to Denver to perform with Shorty Thompson and His Rangers. Meanwhile, RCA had taken an interest in his recordings and was trying to track him down; while he was working in Denver they finally did, and Atkins immediately moved to Nashville to record.
His first records with RCA were not particularly well-received, but the label's executives held firm in their belief of Atkin's potential; by 1949 he was the studio guitarist used for all of RCA's Nashville sessions. Also during this time he began working as a regular at the Opry, backing different members of The Carter Family. At the onset of the 50s Atkins focused his attention on his session work, becoming a consultant for RCA in 1953 and developing his reputation as a recording artist. His own records had been steadily growing in popularity, and by 1955 he had his first hit in the form of a version of Mr. Sandman. In 1957 the manager of RCA Nashville moved on to New York, and the guitarist was appointed to take his place.
Through his production work during the late 1950s and the entirety of the 1960s, Chet Atkins played a major role in creating what came to be known as the 'Nashville sound', as well as being largely responsible for establishing the Nashville area as a major music center. He produced sessions for significant artists such as Elvis Presley, Waylon Jennings, and Charley Pride, in addition to arranging the first contract for the The Everly Brothers and overseeing the production of many of their hit songs. With the country music scene now beset by the onslaught of rock & roll, Atkins introduced high production values and lush string arrangements into the mix to broaden the music's pop appeal and lose the 'hick' association of the past.
By 1968 Atkins had become vice-president of RCA's country division. Still working as a recording artist, he released his final hit single, Country Gentleman the following year. The guitarist's subsequent recording output during the early years of the 1970s was primarily done as a member of The Nashville String Band, a collaboration with his old radio partners Homer and Jethro. Another collaboration later in the decade would result in some of the most interesting music of his career: the 1975 album Chester and Lester, recorded with fellow guitar celebrity Les Paul. In 1973 he became the youngest musician to be inducted into the Country Music Hall of Fame.
After more than four decades at RCA, Atkins finally jumped ship in 1982 and signed with Columbia: he had been pushing to record a jazz album, but his old label was not supportive of the idea. At Columbia, Atkins once again resumed his prolific recording career, but with the emphasis now on jazz rather than the country music that had established his reputation. He died in Nashville in 2001 following a protracted struggle with cancer.
Father: James Arly Atkins
Mother: Ida Sharp
Brother: James Atkins (musician)
Brother: Lowell Atkins (musician)
Sister: Billie Rose Shockley
Wife: Leona Pearl Johnson (m. 3-Jul-1946, until his death, d. 21-Oct-2009, one daughter)
Daughter: Merle Russell (b. 1947)
Grammy (fourteen times)
Country Music Hall of Fame 1973
Rock and Roll Hall of Fame 2002 as sideman
Stroke
Risk Factors: Asthma, Brain Cancer
FILMOGRAPHY AS ACTOR
Big Dreams & Broken Hearts: The Dottie West Story (22-Jan-1995)
The Secret Policeman's Third Ball (1987) · Himself
Official Website:
http://www.misterguitar.com/
Author of books:
Country Gentleman (1974)
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Submit a correction or make a comment about this profile
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22 Years Ago: Chet Atkins Dies
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2023-06-30T09:00:40+00:00
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On June 30, 2001, Chet Atkins passed away in his home, after a lengthy battle with cancer.
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https://townsquare.media/site/623/files/2013/06/theboot-favicon.ico
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The Boot
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https://theboot.com/chet-atkins-death/
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Twenty-two years ago today (June 30, 2001) was a sad day for country music: It was on that date that guitarist, singer, producer and music industry executive Chet Atkins passed away. He was 77 years old at the time of his death.
Atkins grew up with a love of music and, due to his chronic asthma, spent much of his time indoors honing his craft. The Tennessee native dropped out of high school in 1942 and landed a job at WNOX-AM in Knoxville, playing guitar and fiddle; he also became a member of the station's Dixieland Swingsters.
Atkins went through a series of jobs in various states, impressing people with his unprecedented guitar skills but frequently getting fired for not sounding country enough. But while working in Denver, Colo., he caught the ear of Steve Sholes, then the head of RCA Victor's country division, who convinced Atkins to record for them.
Atkins' first project, recorded in Chicago and released in 1947, did not sell, and he returned to Knoxville, working with June Carter and Mother Maybelle & the Carter Sisters. Together, they moved to Nashville in the mid-1950s, and Atkins found work as a session player and performing on WSM-AM and at the Grand Ole Opry. (He later became a member of the Opry as part of the Carter Family.)
Atkins' debut album, Chet Atkins' Gallopin' Guitar, was released in 1953, but RCA Victor's Sholes recognized his talent in other areas as well, and soon, Atkins was doing session work for other RCA artists in addition to recording his own records. He became known for his own unique style -- a fusion of country, pop and rock -- later dubbed the "Nashville Sound."
As Atkins' albums gained in popularity, so did his reputation as a producer and session player, and he became first the manager of RCA Victor's Nashville studio, then the head of the label's Nashville division in the late 1950s. He remained at RCA throughout the next few decades and is credited with helping discover several legendary artists, including Dolly Parton, Waylon Jennings, Willie Nelson, Roy Orbison and Charley Pride, among others.
Atkins officially left RCA in 1982, although he continued playing and making records. He was a frequent guest at the White House, performing for every president from John F. Kennedy through George H.W. Bush, and collaborated with numerous artists from multiple genres.
In 1996, Atkins was diagnosed with cancer; he had a brain tumor removed in 1997, but his health saw a marked decline throughout his remaining years. He died at his home in Nashville, survived by his wife Leona, who passed away in 2009, and son Merle. Atkins' funeral service was held at the Ryman Auditorium, with stars and fans filling the pews to pay homage to the musical icon.
“I’ve lost a friend, a cohort and a fellow artist in Chet Atkins," Eddy Arnold said. "We won’t ever see the like, the talent, in one man. If you ever heard of any man, anywhere, who had it all, it was this man.”
''He changed my life,'' Pride added. ''Everything that ever happened to me started with him.''
Throughout his illustrious career, Atkins won dozens of awards, including numerous Grammy Awards, a Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award and a Lifetime Achievement Award from the National Academy of Recording Arts and Sciences. He is a member of the Country Music Hall of Fame and was posthumously inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in 2002.
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https://travsd.wordpress.com/2024/06/20/the-chet-atkins-centennial/
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The Chet Atkins Centennial
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Born 100 years ago today, influential guitarist, producer and A & R man Chester "Chet" Atkins (1924-2001). Atkins' bright, cheery electric fingerpicking style is both instantly identifiable and eclectic, mixing elements of country, jazz, pop and Tin Pan Alley, drawing from traditional folk forms as well as then-contemporary styles like rock and roll. His influences…
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https://travsd.wordpress.com/2024/06/20/the-chet-atkins-centennial/
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Born 100 years ago today, influential guitarist, producer and A & R man Chester “Chet” Atkins (1924-2001).
Atkins’ bright, cheery electric fingerpicking style is both instantly identifiable and eclectic, mixing elements of country, jazz, pop and Tin Pan Alley, drawing from traditional folk forms as well as then-contemporary styles like rock and roll. His influences included Merle Travis, Les Paul, and Django Reinhardt, and he is credited with devising a sound so appealing he blurred distinctions between country and mainstream popular music. He was known for adapting music of almost any genre into his own country style. For example, he recorded familiar big band hits like “In the Mood” and “Mr. Sandman”, but he also gave his own spin to polka tunes, calypso, ragtime, hymns, Christmas songs, and even popular songs by the Beatles.
Atkins’ career as a recording artist began in 1946. Almost all of his over 90 LP albums, recorded from 1953 until the mid ’90s, consist entirely of instrumentals. Thus, while his albums sold well and often charted, his singles were seldom major hits. It was the kind of music ideal for social gatherings, or as mood music underneath a radio announcer’s narration, or as incidental music in films. A lot of the scene-transition music in The Beverly Hillbillies, for example, reminds me of Atkins, though he was not among the many session musicians who performed it.
Atkins was a frequent sight (and sound) on tv variety shows throughout his early years, starting with country shows like the Grand Ole Opry, The Jimmy Dean Show and The Eddy Arnold Show, then moving on to programs with a wider reach such as The Ed Sullivan Show, Kraft Music Hall, This is Tom Jones, and The Joey Bishop Show.
Atkins is also widely credited with revitalizing country music after being put in charge of the Nashville division of RCA Victor in 1957. At the time, rock and roll had siphoned off a lot of talent, and a lot of the audience, for country music. New artists he developed in his stable included Willie Nelson, Dolly Parton, Charley Pride, Jerry Reed, and Waylon Jennings. He moved to Columbia Records in 1983.
Born in Luttrell, Tennessee, Atkins moved to the outskirts of Columbus, Georgia as a boy for health reasons. He was a serious asthmatic; playing music helped him deal with long hours of sleeplessness and confinement. Starting out on ukulele, he also taught himself fiddle, mandolin, and banjo in addition to guitar. Early in his career he worked with acts like The Carter Family, Archie Campbell, and Red Foley. Later he would work with artists as diverse as Arthur Fiedler and the Boston Pops, Garrison Keillor, and Mark Knopfler.
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Chet Atkins playing “Mister Sandman” Live As a country rock guitarist and a producer for RCA Victor, Chet was 1/3 people responsible for...
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1,792 likes, 6 comments - thelegendsofmusic on November 9, 2023: "Chet Atkins playing “Mister Sandman” Live
As a country rock guitarist and a producer for RCA Victor, Chet was 1/3 people responsible for crafting the iconic “Nashville sound”. This legendary sound originally surfaced in the mid-1950s a niche of the classic Country Music style of music. It consisted of replacing the rough honky-tonk music with “smooth strings and choruses”, “sophisticated background vocals” and “smooth tempos”. It was created in an attempt to revive country sales, which had been ruined by the rise of rock ‘n’ roll.
As a guitarist, he created his signature “fingerpicking” sound, which was a combination of thumb pick and fingers. It’s interesting to view the way in, which Atkins plays scales. According to GuitarWorld.com, he approaches it with the fretting hand near the fourth position, while ascending/descending the A Mixolydian (A B C# D E F# G), grabbing each successive scale tone on a neighboring string and mixing in all available open notes. While influence can be heard almost everywhere on an entire generation of guitarists, perhaps the most famous example would be The Beatles “All My Loving”. George Harrison himself has confirmed this saying that he was heavily influenced by Chet Atkins while playing the lead guitar parts for the song.
What do you think of Chet Atkins as a guitarist? Leave a comment, I’d love to hear your thoughts!
#Music #RockNRoll #ChetAtkins #CountryRock".
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History of Information
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An interactive, illustrated timeline of historic moments
in humankind's quest for information. With annotations by Jeremy Norman.
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Jeremy Norman’s
HistoryofInformation.com Exploring the History of Information and Media through Timelines Search Site
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Hi everyone, it's Pete from the UK. I have been a Chet Atkins fan for many years. As a guitarist I can play some of his music but I'm stuck on one tune...
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S For Rhythm Guitar
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Chet Atkins facts for kids
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"Chester Atkins" redirects here. For the former U.S. congressman, see Chester G. Atkins.
"Mr. Guitar" redirects here. For the album by Charlie Byrd, see Mr. Guitar (album).
Chester Burton Atkins (June 20, 1924 – June 30, 2001), known as "Mr. Guitar" and "The Country Gentleman", was an American musician who, along with Owen Bradley and Bob Ferguson, helped create the Nashville sound, the country music style which expanded its appeal to adult pop music fans. He was primarily a guitarist, but he also played the mandolin, fiddle, banjo, and ukulele, and occasionally sang.
Atkins's signature picking style was inspired by Merle Travis. Other major guitar influences were Django Reinhardt, George Barnes, Les Paul, and, later, Jerry Reed. His distinctive picking style and musicianship brought him admirers inside and outside the country scene, both in the United States and abroad. Atkins spent most of his career at RCA Victor and produced records for the Browns, Hank Snow, Porter Wagoner, Norma Jean, Dolly Parton, Dottie West, Perry Como, Floyd Cramer, Elvis Presley, the Everly Brothers, Eddy Arnold, Don Gibson, Jim Reeves, Jerry Reed, Skeeter Davis, Waylon Jennings, Roger Whittaker, and many others.
Rolling Stone credited Atkins with inventing the "popwise 'Nashville sound' that rescued country music from a commercial slump" and ranked him number 21 on their list of "The 100 Greatest Guitarists of All Time". Among many other honors, Atkins received 14 Grammy Awards and the Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award. He also received nine Country Music Association awards for Instrumentalist of the Year. He was inducted into the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame, the Country Music Hall of Fame and Museum, and the Musicians Hall of Fame and Museum. George Harrison was also inspired by Chet Atkins; early Beatles songs such as "All My Loving" show the influence.
Biography
Childhood and early life
Atkins was born on June 20, 1924, in Luttrell, Tennessee, near Clinch Mountain. His parents divorced when he was six years old, after which he was raised by his mother. He was the youngest of three boys and a girl. He started out on the ukulele, later moving on to the fiddle, but he made a swap with his brother Lowell when he was nine: an old pistol and some chores for a guitar. He stated in his 1974 autobiography, "We were so poor and everybody around us was so poor that it was the forties before anyone even knew there had been a depression." Forced to relocate to Fortson, Georgia, outside of Columbus to live with his father because of a critical asthma condition, Atkins was a sensitive youth who became obsessed with music. Because of his illness, he was forced to sleep in a straight-back chair to breathe comfortably. On those nights, he played his guitar until he fell asleep holding it, a habit that lasted his whole life. While living in Fortson, Atkins attended the historic Mountain Hill School. He returned in the 1990s to play a series of charity concerts to save the school from demolition. Stories have been told about the very young Chet who, when a friend or relative would come to visit and play guitar, crowded the musician and put his ear so close to the instrument that it became difficult for the visitor to play.
Atkins became an accomplished guitarist while he was in high school. He used the restroom in the school to practice because it had good acoustics. His first guitar had a nail for a nut and was so bowed that only the first few frets could be used. He later purchased a semi-acoustic electric guitar and amp, but he had to travel many miles to find an electrical outlet, since his home didn't have electricity.
Later in life, he lightheartedly gave himself (along with John Knowles, Tommy Emmanuel, Steve Wariner, and Jerry Reed) the honorary degree CGP ("Certified Guitar Player"). In 2011, his daughter Merle Atkins Russell bestowed the CGP degree on his longtime sideman Paul Yandell. She then declared no more CGPs would be allowed by the Atkins estate.
His half-brother Jim was a successful guitarist who worked with the Les Paul Trio in New York.
Atkins did not have a strong style of his own until 1939 when (while still living in Georgia) he heard Merle Travis picking over WLW radio. This early influence dramatically shaped his unique playing style. Whereas Travis used his index finger on his right hand for the melody and his thumb for the bass notes, Atkins expanded his right-hand style to include picking with his first three fingers, with the thumb on bass.
Chet Atkins was an amateur radio general class licensee. Formerly using the call sign WA4CZD, he obtained the vanity call sign W4CGP in 1998 to include the CGP designation, which supposedly stood for "Certified Guitar Picker". He was a member of the American Radio Relay League.
Early musical career
After dropping out of high school in 1942, Atkins landed a job at WNOX (AM) (now WNML) radio in Knoxville, where he played fiddle and guitar with the singer Bill Carlisle and the comic Archie Campbell and became a member of the station's Dixieland Swingsters, a small swing instrumental combo. After three years, he moved to WLW-AM in Cincinnati, Ohio, where Merle Travis had formerly worked.
After six months, he moved to Raleigh and worked with Johnnie and Jack before heading for Richmond, Virginia, where he performed with Sunshine Sue Workman. Atkins's shy personality worked against him, as did the fact that his sophisticated style led many to doubt he was truly "country". He was fired often but was soon able to land another job at another radio station on account of his unique playing ability.
Atkins and Jethro Burns (of Homer and Jethro) married twin sisters Leona and Lois Johnson, who sang as Laverne and Fern Johnson, the Johnson Sisters. Leona Atkins outlived her husband by eight years, dying in 2009 at the age of 85.
Travelling to Chicago, Atkins auditioned for Red Foley, who was leaving his star position on WLS-AM's National Barn Dance to join the Grand Ole Opry. Atkins made his first appearance at the Opry in 1946 as a member of Foley's band. He also recorded a single for Nashville-based Bullet Records that year. That single, "Guitar Blues", was fairly progressive, including a clarinet solo by the Nashville dance band musician Dutch McMillan, with Owen Bradley on piano. He had a solo spot on the Opry, but when that was cut, Atkins moved on to KWTO in Springfield, Missouri. Despite the support of executive Si Siman, however, he soon was fired for not sounding "country enough".
Signing with RCA Victor
While working with a Western band in Denver, Colorado, Atkins came to the attention of RCA Victor. Siman had been encouraging Steve Sholes to sign Atkins, as his style (with the success of Merle Travis as a hit recording artist) was suddenly in vogue. Sholes, A&R director of country music at RCA, tracked Atkins down in Denver.
He made his first RCA Victor recordings in Chicago in 1947, but they did not sell. He did some studio work for RCA that year, but had relocated to Knoxville again where he worked with Homer and Jethro on WNOX's new Saturday night radio show The Tennessee Barn Dance and the popular Midday Merry Go Round.
In 1949, he left WNOX to join June Carter with Mother Maybelle and the Carter Sisters on KWTO. This incarnation of the Carter Family featured Maybelle Carter and daughters June, Helen, and Anita. Their work soon attracted attention from the Grand Ole Opry. The group relocated to Nashville in the mid-1950s. Atkins began working on recording sessions and performing on WSM-AM and the Opry. Atkins became a member of the Opry in the 1950s.
While he had not yet had a hit record for RCA Victor, his stature was growing. He began assisting Sholes as a session leader when the New York–based producer needed help organizing Nashville sessions for RCA Victor artists. Atkins's first hit single was "Mr. Sandman", followed by "Silver Bell", which he recorded as a duet with Hank Snow. His albums also became more popular. He was featured on ABC-TV's The Eddy Arnold Show in the summer of 1956 and on Country Music Jubilee in 1957 and 1958 (by then renamed Jubilee USA).
In addition to recording, Atkins was a design consultant for Gretsch, which manufactured a popular Chet Atkins line of electric guitars from 1955 to 1980. He became manager of RCA Victor's Nashville studios, eventually inspiring and seeing the completion of the legendary RCA Studio B, the first studio built specifically for the purpose of recording on the now-famous Music Row. Also later on, Chet and Owen Bradley would become instrumental in the creation of studio B's adjacent building RCA Studio A as well.
Performer and producer
When Sholes took over pop production in 1957—a result of his success with Elvis Presley—he put Atkins in charge of RCA Victor's Nashville division. With country music record sales declining as rock and roll became more popular, Atkins and Bob Ferguson took their cue from Owen Bradley and eliminated fiddles and steel guitar as a means of making country singers appeal to pop fans. This became known as the Nashville sound, which Atkins said was a label created by the media for a style of recording during that period intended to keep country (and their jobs) viable.
Atkins used the Jordanaires and a rhythm section on hits such as Jim Reeves's "Four Walls" and "He'll Have to Go" and Don Gibson's "Oh Lonesome Me" and "Blue Blue Day". The once-rare phenomenon of having a country hit cross over to pop success became more common. He and Bradley had essentially put the producer in the driver's seat, guiding an artist's choice of material and the musical background.
Atkins made his own records, which usually visited pop standards and jazz, in a sophisticated home studio, often recording the rhythm tracks at RCA and adding his solo parts at home, refining the tracks until the results satisfied him. Guitarists of all styles came to admire various Atkins albums for their unique musical ideas and in some cases experimental electronic ideas. In this period, he became known internationally as "Mister Guitar", inspiring an album, Mister Guitar, engineered by both Bob Ferris and Bill Porter, Ferris's replacement.
At the end of March 1959, Porter took over as chief engineer at RCA's Nashville studio, in the space eventually known as Studio B after the facility expanded with a second studio in 1960. (At the time, RCA's sole Nashville studio had no letter designation.) Porter soon helped Atkins get a better reverberation sound from the studio's German effects device, an EMT plate reverb. With his golden ear, Porter found the studio's acoustics to be problematic, and he devised a set of acoustic baffles to hang from the ceiling, then selected positions for microphones based on resonant room modes. The sound of the recordings improved significantly, and the studio achieved a string of successes. The Nashville sound became more dynamic. In later years, when Bradley asked how he achieved his sound, Atkins told him "it was Porter." Porter described Atkins as respectful of musicians when recording—if someone was out of tune, he would not single that person out by name. Instead, he would say something like, "we got a little tuning problem ... Everybody check and see what's going on." If that did not work, Atkins would instruct Porter to turn the offending player down in the mix. When Porter left RCA in late-1964, Atkins said, "the sound was never the same, never as great."
Atkins's trademark "Atkins style" of playing uses the thumb and first two or sometimes three fingers of the right hand. He developed this style from listening to Merle Travis, occasionally on a primitive radio. He was sure no one could play that articulately with just the thumb and index finger (which was exactly how Travis played), and he assumed it required the thumb and two fingers—and that was the style he pioneered and mastered.
He enjoyed jamming with fellow studio musicians, and they were asked to perform at the Newport Jazz Festival in 1960. That performance was cancelled because of rioting, but a live recording of the group (After the Riot at Newport) was released. Atkins performed by invitation at the White House for every U.S. president from John F. Kennedy through to George H. W. Bush. Atkins was a member of the Million Dollar Band during the 1980s. He is also well known for his song "Yankee Doodle Dixie", in which he played "Yankee Doodle" and "Dixie" simultaneously, on the same guitar.
Before his mentor Sholes died in 1968, Atkins had become vice president of RCA's country division. In 1987, he told Nine-O-One Network magazine that he was "ashamed" of his promotion: "I wanted to be known as a guitarist and I know, too, that they give you titles like that in lieu of money. So beware when they want to make you vice president." He had brought Waylon Jennings, Willie Nelson, Connie Smith, Bobby Bare, Dolly Parton, Jerry Reed, and John Hartford to the label in the 1960s and inspired and helped countless others. He took a considerable risk during the mid-1960s, when the civil rights movement sparked violence throughout the South, by signing country music's first African-American singer, Charley Pride, who sang rawer country than the smoother music Atkins had pioneered.
Atkins's biggest hit single came in 1965, with "Yakety Axe", an adaptation of "Yakety Sax", by his friend, the saxophonist Boots Randolph. He rarely performed in those days and eventually hired other RCA producers, such as Bob Ferguson and Felton Jarvis, to lessen his workload.
Later career
In the 1970s, Atkins became increasingly stressed by his executive duties. He produced fewer records, but could still turn out hits such as Perry Como's 1973 pop hit "And I Love You So". He recorded extensively with close friend and fellow picker Jerry Reed, who had become a hit artist in his own right. A 1973 diagnosis of colon cancer, however, led Atkins to redefine his role at RCA Records, to allow others to handle administration while he went back to his first love, the guitar, often recording with Reed or even Jethro Burns from Homer and Jethro (his brother-in-law) after Homer died in 1971. Atkins would turn over his administrative duties to Jerry Bradley, son of Owen, in 1973 at RCA.
Atkins did little production work at RCA after stepping down and in fact, had hired producers at the label in the 1960s, among them Bob Ferguson and Felton Jarvis. As a recording artist, Atkins grew disillusioned with RCA in the late 1970s. He felt stifled because the record company would not let him branch into jazz. He had also produced late '60s jazz recordings by Canadian guitarist Lenny Breau, a friend and protege. His mid-1970s collaborations with one of his influences, Les Paul, Chester & Lester and Guitar Monsters, had already reflected that interest; Chester & Lester was one of the best-selling recordings of Atkins's career. At the same time, he grew dissatisfied with the direction Gretsch (no longer family-owned) was going and withdrew his authorization for them to use his name and began designing guitars with Gibson. Atkins ended his 35-year association with RCA Records in 1982 and signed with Columbia Records, for whom he produced a debut album in 1983.
Jazz had always been a strong love of his, and often in his career he was criticized by "pure" country musicians for his jazz influences. He also said on many occasions that he did not like being called a "country guitarist", insisting that he was "a guitarist, period." Although he played by ear and was a masterful improviser, he was able to read music and even performed some classical guitar pieces. When Roger C. Field, a friend, suggested to him in 1991 that he record and perform with a female singer, he did so with Suzy Bogguss.
He returned to his country roots for albums he recorded with Mark Knopfler and Jerry Reed. Knopfler had long mentioned Atkins as one of his earliest influences. Atkins also collaborated with Australian guitar legend Tommy Emmanuel. On being asked to name the ten most influential guitarists of the twentieth century, he named Django Reinhardt to the first position, and also placed himself on the list.
In later years, he even went back to radio, appearing on Garrison Keillor's Prairie Home Companion radio program, on American Public Media radio, even picking up a fiddle from time to time, and performing songs such as Bob Wills's "Corrina, Corrina" and Willie Nelson's "Seven Spanish Angels" with Nelson on a 1985 broadcast of the show at the Bridges Auditorium on the campus of Pomona College.
Death and legacy
Atkins received numerous awards, including 14 Grammy awards and nine Country Music Association awards for Instrumentalist of the Year. In 1993, he was honored with the Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award. Billboard magazine awarded him its Century Award, its "highest honor for distinguished creative achievement", in December 1997.
Atkins is notable for his broad influence. His love for numerous styles of music can be traced from his early recording of the stride pianist James P. Johnson's "Johnson Rag", all the way to the rock stylings of Eric Johnson, an invited guest on Atkins's recording sessions, who, when Atkins attempted to copy his influential rocker "Cliffs of Dover", led to Atkins's creation of a unique arrangement of "Londonderry Air (Danny Boy)".
The classical guitar selections included on almost all his albums were, for many American artists working in the field today, the first classical guitar they ever heard. He recorded smooth jazz guitar still played on American airwaves today.
Atkins continued performing in the 1990s, but his health declined after he was diagnosed again with colon cancer in 1996. He died on June 30, 2001, at his home in Nashville, Tennessee, at the age of 77. His memorial service was held at Ryman Auditorium in Nashville. He was buried at Harpeth Hills Memory Gardens in Nashville.
A stretch of Interstate 185 in southwest Georgia (between LaGrange and Columbus) is named "Chet Atkins Parkway". This stretch of interstate runs through Fortson, where Atkins spent much of his childhood.
In 2002, Atkins was posthumously inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. His award was presented by Marty Stuart and Brian Setzer and accepted by Atkins's grandson, Jonathan Russell. The following year, Atkins ranked number 28 in Country Music Television's "40 Greatest Men of Country Music".
At the age of 13, the future jazz guitarist Earl Klugh was captivated watching Atkins's guitar playing on The Perry Como Show. Similarly, he was a big influence on Doyle Dykes. Atkins also inspired Drexl Jonez and Tommy Emmanuel.
Johnny Winter's thumb-picking style came from Atkin's playing.
Clint Black's album Nothin' but the Taillights includes the song "Ode to Chet", which includes the lyrics "'Cause I can win her over like Romeo did Juliet, if I can only show her I can almost pick that legato lick like Chet" and "It'll take more than Mel Bay 1, 2, & 3 if I'm ever gonna play like CGP." Atkins played guitar on the track. At the end of the song, Black and Atkins had a brief conversation.
Atkins' song "Jam Man" is currently used in commercials for Esurance.
In 1967, a tribute song, "Chet's Tune", was produced for Atkins' birthday, with contributions by a long list of RCA Victor artists, including Eddy Arnold, Connie Smith, Jerry Reed, Willie Nelson, Hank Snow, and others. The song was written by the Nashville songwriter Cy Coben, a friend of Atkins. The single reached number 38 on the country charts.
In 2009, Steve Wariner released an album titled My Tribute to Chet Atkins. One song from that record, "Producer's Medley", featured Wariner's recreation of several famous songs that Atkins both produced and performed. "Producer's Medley" won the Grammy for Best Country Instrumental Performance in 2010.
In November 2011, Rolling Stone ranked Atkins number 21 on their list of the "100 Greatest Guitarists of All Time".
Discography
For more details, see Chet Atkins discography
Industry awards
Country Music Association
1967 Instrumentalist of the Year
1968 Instrumentalist of the Year
1969 Instrumentalist of the Year
1981 Instrumentalist of the Year
1982 Instrumentalist of the Year
1983 Instrumentalist of the Year
1984 Instrumentalist of the Year
1985 Instrumentalist of the Year
1988 Musician of the Year
Country Music Hall of Fame and Museum
Inducted in 1973
Grammy Awards
Award Year Work/s Won 1971 Best Country Instrumental Performance with Jerry Reed – 1972 Me and Jerry Won Best Country Instrumental Performance 1972 "Snowbird" Won Best Country Instrumental Performance with Merle Travis – 1973 The Atkins-Travis Traveling Show Won Best Country Instrumental Performance 1976 "The Entertainer" Won Best Country Instrumental Performance with Les Paul 1977 Chester and Lester Won Best Country Instrumental Performance 1982 Country After All These Years Won Best Country Instrumental Performance with Mark Knopfler 1986 "Cosmic Square Dance" Won Best Country Instrumental Performance with Mark Knopfler 1991 "So Soft, Your Goodbye" Won 1991 Best Country Vocal Collaboration with Mark Knopfler 1991 "Poor Boy Blues" Won Best Country Instrumental Performance with Jerry Reed 1993 Sneakin' Around Won 1993 Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award' 1993 Honoured Best Country Instrumental Performance with Asleep at the Wheel, Eldon Shamblin, Johnny Gimble, Marty Stuart, Reuben "Lucky Oceans" Gosfield & Vince Gill 1994 "Red Wing" Won Best Country Instrumental Performance 1995 "Young Thing" Won Best Country Instrumental Performance 1996 "Jam Man" Won
Rock and Roll Hall of Fame
Inductees of the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame
See also
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wrong_mix_range_death_00074
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FactBench
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2
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https://tennesseeencyclopedia.net/entries/chester-burton-atkins/
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en
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Atkins, Chester Burton 'Chet'
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2017-10-08T12:43:27+00:00
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Chet Atkins, one of country music’s greatest instrumentalists, producers, and […]
|
en
|
Tennessee Encyclopedia
|
https://tennesseeencyclopedia.net/entries/chester-burton-atkins/
|
Chet Atkins, one of country music’s greatest instrumentalists, producers, and promoters of the Nashville Sound, was born the son of a fiddler in Luttrell, Union County in 1924. He took up guitar at an early age but first performed on Knoxville’s WNOX as a fiddler, a sideman for Johnnie Wright and Jack Anglin, and Kitty Wells. Atkins moved on to Cincinnati’s WLW, Nashville’s WSM, and Springfield, Missouri’s KWTO, backing artists such as the Carter Sisters and Red Foley during the 1940s.
In 1950 Steve Sholes of RCA offered the guitarist his first contract. Atkins returned to Nashville and immediately became a prominent studio artist. His musical talents and friendship with Sholes led to his appointment as Sholes’s Nashville assistant in 1952. When RCA built its own studio in 1957, Atkins managed it. Before long, Sholes turned over RCA’s country operations to his protégé, and by 1968 Atkins was a vice-president at RCA.
Atkins supervised other producers, produced many of his own recordings, and signed such artists as Waylon Jennings, Willie Nelson, Dolly Parton, Jerry Reed, and Charley Pride. As an instrumentalist and producer, Atkins broadened the country music sound to compete with the growing popularity of rock music. By shaping the Nashville Sound, he strengthened the city’s position as a recording center and helped establish its fame as Music City.
Known by many as “Mr. Guitar,” Atkins legitimized the role of the country guitar soloist throughout his career with dozens of albums showcasing his unique “galloping guitar” picking style. The Gretsch and Gibson guitar companies even brought out guitar models built to Atkins’s specifications.
As of 1997 Atkins had received fourteen Grammy awards and in 1973 became a member of the Country Music Hall of Fame, at that time the youngest individual to be so honored. He retired from RCA in 1981 but continued to perform and record until his death on June 29, 2001.
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wrong_mix_range_death_00074
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FactBench
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https://mykindofcountry.wordpress.com/2011/09/13/country-heritage-redux-dick-feller/
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Country Heritage Redux: Dick Feller
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2011-09-13T00:00:00
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An expanded and updated version of an article originally published by The 9513. About eight years ago I was attending a performance by the late great Vermont singer/songwriter Bernie Whittle when he launched into “I Just Don’t Look Good Naked Anymore.” I wasn’t familiar with the song but it seemed to me that it could…
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en
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/e1af95b5db9540915e55b2cbbe1b979172f6d03a5676233912b7ea3970865671?s=32
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My Kind of Country
|
https://mykindofcountry.wordpress.com/2011/09/13/country-heritage-redux-dick-feller/
|
An expanded and updated version of an article originally published by The 9513.
About eight years ago I was attending a performance by the late great Vermont singer/songwriter Bernie Whittle when he launched into “I Just Don’t Look Good Naked Anymore.” I wasn’t familiar with the song but it seemed to me that it could have come from the pen of only one writer – Dick Feller. A little research confirmed my assumption.
Dick Feller was never a big recording star, but during the 1970s he provided numerous hits for other people. Possessed of rare wit and sensitivity (a product of his rural Missouri upbringing), Feller could write poignant ballads and novelties with equal facility. For a period of time, he was a staff writer for Johnny Cash. Prior to that, he was the touring band leader/lead guitarist for Warner Mack. He even played lead guitar on most of his own recordings and appeared as guitarist on sessions by a number of other artists, including Mel Tillis and Mike Auldridge. From my exposure to Dick’s guitar playing, I rate him just barely below the Chet Atkins class as a fingerpicker guitarist.
Among Feller’s serious songs, John Denver hit with “Some Days Are Diamonds (Some Days Are Stone)” (#10 Country / #36 Pop), Johnny Cash had success with “Any Old Wind That Blows” (#3 Country) and “Orleans Parish Prison” (#52 Country), and Ferlin Husky recorded “A Room For A Boy – Never Used,” (#60 Country) a song that should have been a much bigger hit than it was.
I’m not sure whether to classify Dick’s biggest copyright as serious or humorous, but there are few songs more familiar than “East Bound and Down,” a huge country hit (#1 Cashbox /#2 Billboard) for co-writer Jerry Reed that was featured in the 1977 film Smokey and the Bandit, and received continuous play by country bands everywhere for at least the next 25 years. I know of at least 33 cover versions, most recently by the Road Hammers.
Despite his facility with the serious songs, Dick Feller seemed to prefer looking at the humorous side of life with his music. Songs such as “Lord, Mr. Ford” (a #1 Country hit for Jerry Reed) and “The Night Miss Nancy Ann’s Hotel For Single Girls Burned Down” (a minor hit for Tex Williams) seemed more in keeping with that outlook.
He issued three albums during the 1970s with four songs charting on Billboards Country charts : “The Credit Card Song” (#10), “Makin’ The Best of A Bad Situation” (#11), “Biff, The Friendly Purple Bear” (#22 – a song that appeals to all ages), and “Uncle Hiram and the Homemade Beer” (#49). The first three saw some action on Billboards Pop charts, as well.
Feller mostly wrote on his own, but when he did co-write, it was usually with writers who shared his humorous outlook on life, such as Sheb Wooley (a/k/a Ben Colder), Jerry Reed and most notably the late, Atlanta humorist Lewis Grizzard. Dick toured with Grizzard and was the opening act for the “Evening With Lewis Grizzard” stage show. Their most notable musical collaboration was “Alimony,” a subject Grizzard knew well.
In addition to the aforementioned artists, Dick Feller’s songs have been recorded by a diverse group of artists that include Bobby Bare, The Kingston Trio, Ray Stevens, Earl Scruggs, Mac Davis, Lee Greenwood, Ed Bruce, Burt Reynolds, Julie Andrews, Arthur Godfrey, Hank Snow, Hank Thompson, The Nitty Gritty Dirt Band, Aaron Tippin, June Carter Cash and countless others.
Wouldn’t you love to hear Trace Adkins, Brad Paisley or George Strait tackle these lyrics:
I stepped out of the shower and I got a good look at myself
Pot bellied, bald-headed, I thought I was somebody else
I caught my reflection in the mirror of the bathroom door
I just don’t look good naked anymore!
So… I’m goin upstairs and turn my bedroom mirror to the wall
I hung it there back when I was trim and tall
I’d stand there and smile and flex and strut until my arms go sore
But I just don’t look good naked anymore!
From “I Just Don’t Look Good Naked Anymore”, available on Centaur Of Attention.
Discography
The Dick Feller discography is pretty slim but each album is filled with wry (and sometimes silly) humor, clever lyrics and songs full of profound thoughts, sometimes disguised as humor
VINYL
All vinyl, of course, is out of print but worth hunting down. To the best of my knowledge Dick Feller issued only four vinyl albums
Dick Feller Wrote… (United Artists, 1973)
No Word On Me (Elektra, 1974)
Some Days Are Diamonds (Elektra/Asylum, 1975)
Audiograph Alive (Audiograph, 1982)
DIGITAL
Centaur Of Attention (Cyberphonic, 2001)
Although originally released as a CD, it currently is available only as a digital download from http://www.cdbaby.com. The album contains versions of all four of Dick’s charted hits, plus some other humorous songs
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http://www.rickfosterguitar.com/chetmem.html
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My recollections of Chet Atkins by Rick Foster
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My recollections of Chet Atkins began with his Back Home Hymns album and continued throuout our friendship centered on the guitar
| null |
Memories of Chet Atkins
by Rick Foster
My recollections of Chet Atkins begin in 1962 with the hearing of his album, Chet Atkins Plays Back Home Hymns. To this day I remember wondering how anything that beautiful could come from a guitar. I was playing electric guitar in a high school rock band at the time, but after hearing Chet I decided to trade my flat pick for a thumb pick and learn to play fingerstyle guitar. That first LP was the beginning of a Chet Atkins record collection that reached well over 100 albums and became my tutor, teaching me most of what I know about arranging for and playing the guitar. Chet's tone, like that of Andres Segovia, was magical.
During the early 70's I was playing dinner music at Dante's Down the Hatch (a restaurant designed like a ship in Underground Atlanta) and also at The Abbey restaurant, which was doing business in an old brick church turned dinner house. The waiters, garbed in monks robes, doled out expensive cuisine while I sat up on the altar playing classical music and occasionally sneaking in a Chet Atkins arrangement of "Amazing Grace" or "Just As I Am," which I thought appropriate for the church setting but which brought warnings from the maitre'd to "stick with the classical."
After returning to my apartment at about 11:00 P.M. I often stayed up until the traffic noise subsided around 1:00 A.M. and then used the quiet time to do some recording. I would set up a little Sony reel to reel recorder and attempt to capture on tape enough of my solo guitar arrangements to put together an album to sell at the restaurants. During the summer of 1973 my first album, That's All Right, entered the world with little fanfare. One good thing came out of it howeverit served as a passport to meet my long time heroChet Atkins.
I bundled up the album, addressed it to Chet Atkins, c/o RCA Victor, Nashville, Tennessee, and sent it off, little expecting a reply. Much to my surprise a handwritten letter from Chet arrived a few days later informing me that he would soon be appearing at Stone Mountain, Georgia, a stone's throw from Atlanta, and that he wanted to meet me. On the day of his concert the phone rang and when a voice said, "Hi Rick, This is Chet." I could scarcely believe my ears. I remember my hand shaking as I hung up the phone and being in a dream state all the way to the hotel where he was staying. When I found his room, knocked on the door, and found myself face to face with the man who, along with Segovia, had been my main inspiration for years, I wasn't sure what to say. A few minutes later, however, I began to realize that I was in the presence of one of the greatest and yet most humble and kind men I'd ever met.
We had supper together, were picked up by a long black limousine and taken to the concert, and then taken back to the hotel where we swapped tunes and arrangements until late evening. Even though Chet was the greatest fingerstyle guitarist and arranger in the world, he listened with genuine interest to my music and even wanted to learn parts of my arrangements of "Mr. Bojangles" and "Sheep My Safely Graze." That was the beginning of a friendship that lasted from August 25, 1973, until Chet's passing on the morning of June 30, 2001.
As we said goodbye that night Chet invited me to come see him anytime I was near Tennessee, so the next time I was in Nashville I called and was invited out to the house for a visit. After stopping at an IHOP for supper, I headed off for Chet's place only to be pulled over for going the wrong way on a one way street. I was ordered to park my car, and then hauled to night court in a squad car. To make a long story short, after watching several unfortunates being tried for peeing on the sidewalk, etc., I stood before the judge to plead my case. After informing him that I was on my way to the home of Chet and Leona Atkins, he immediately dismissed the case and ordered the patrolman to get me back to my car. When I finally arrived at Chet's house 5 hours later than expected, even though it was after midnight Chet and Leona were waiting up and welcomed me with famous Southern hospitality. Leona turned out to be a great woman—gracious and a perfect hostess—and also a personal friend of the police chief. She threatened to call and let him know that was no way to treat visitors.
The next morning Chet sat at the breakfast table practicing while he watched TV and Leona cooked the eggs. It seemed like there was a guitar in his hands all the time. He kept one near the phone and did finger exercises while he talked. It's been said that Chet Atkins loved the guitar so much that if he wasn't a man he'd have to be a guitar. He was always wanting to hear me play, although to this day I've never figured out why.
Between the years of 1973 and 2001 I visited Chet several times in Nashville and met him in various places across the country as he traveled about. Each visit turned out to be a memorable adventure.
In March of 1974 I happened to be in Nashville on the opening day of the new Grand Ole Opry. Chet was scheduled to appear on the show and asked me to go along. He was into photography at the time and always had his camera ready. Before the show he'd decided to get some pictures with his famous friends and asked me to be the photographer. Each star had his or her own dressing room and invited us in. Chet always introduced me like I was important, calling me a great classical guitarist or something along those lines. By the end of the evening it seemed like I'd met every living legend in country music and then some.
On another occasion I was in Nashville when Les Paul came around to do a duet album with Chet. Before Les arrived Chet had been producing some sides for Jerry Reed and other artists and hadn't practiced much. During the two days of recording that culminated in the Grammy winning Chester and Lester album, I witnessed some of the greatest guitar playing the world has ever seen. The genius of both men was unveiled before my eyes as they went flawlessly from song to song, joking with each other and acting like two young kids just having fun making music. Having played the guitar for over 40 years now and after recording a dozen albums of my own, I understand the difficulty of achieving that perfect take—and yet those two were laying down one perfect track after another with no edits or overdubs. It took me back to the early days of recording when pioneers like Louis Armstrong and Duke Ellington went into the first studios and recorded straight to disk those great masterpieces of jazz. The music of Chet Atkins and Les Paul will undoubtedly rank as some of the greatest music of all time.
Another time I happened to be in town when Christopher Parkening was there to perform with the Nashville Symphony at Ryman Auditorium. Chris and I had been friends for many years, so when he arrived in Nashville, we went out to visit Chet before the concert. Chris had some recording equipment at his home in Montana, but since he hadn't learned to use it yet Chet decided to teach him how to get rid of mistakes by splicing two pieces of tape together. After going down to Chet's basement studio he asked me to play something, probably because he knew I wouldn't get far without a mistake. Sure enough, after a few bars of "Yellow Bird" I goofed up and started over. At the spot where the mistake occurred, Chet skillfully cut the tape with a razor blade and spliced the two takes together, creating the illusion that I had played the section perfectly. After a few more tries I managed to get through enough good parts for Chet to put together the entire piece without any hint of an edit. Chris told Chet that he was glad to watch the splicing process, but it would be easier to just play through the piece perfectly from beginning to end.
I recall accompanying Chet to several TV appearances including the Jimmy Dean and Johnny Cash shows. As usual he was completely relaxed. The Cash show was being televised from Opryland. As we sat backstage passing time playing "Sugarfoot Rag," Chet seemed to forget he was about to appear on national TV. I noticed many times that whenever or wherever a guitar was in his hands Chet seemed to forget everything but the music of the moment.
Looking back on 27 years of priceless memories of Chet, one stands out as a reminder of what a great man he really was. I can't recall the year or the place, but I vividly remember our visit in his hotel room after a concert he'd given that night. I'd been playing solo guitar dinner music in restaurants and country clubs, and after living and traveling alone for several years was feeling very lonely. He welcomed me as usual and wanted to hear me play. Then as we were saying goodbye he must have sensed my loneliness because as I opened the door to leave he told me that he loved me and offered some encouraging words. Those words and his unfailing kindness gave me the courage to keep going. Just knowing that a great guitarist and friend like Chet believed in me increased my faith in myself. In later years after our family settled in Oregon, Chet kept in touch. He sent us tickets to his concert at the Britt festival in Jacksonville, Oregon, and invited me to play a tune at his concert at the Hult Center in Eugene, Oregon.
The last time we saw Chet in Nashville was in the spring of 1996. We were there to play a concert at a Baptist church near his home, so he invited our family out to his house before the concert. Our kids sang some hymns for him and Leona and then we played a few songs for each other. He also played the fiddle for us that day. As we were leaving, he asked if he could help set up our sound system or do anything else to help out. That evening he arrived at the concert about 45 minutes early and came back to the Sunday School room where we were eating supper. He picked up my guitar and played some tunes he had written for his Almost Alone album which was soon to be released. As we were about to enter the sanctuary he pulled out a $100. bill, gave it to me, and said, "I'll put some more in when the plate comes by so they won't think I'm cheap." We then walked into the church and sat down side by side in the front row as the pastor introduced me. I'll never forget looking down and seeing my great inspiration and friend sitting there by himself on the front row of that church in Tennessee, listening to me play the guitar.
When we last talked about a year ago, Chet was suffering from the effects of treatments for lung and brain cancer. We had a long phone conversation during which he told jokes and said he was watching too much TV but would soon be playing again—no complaints or self pity. I told him that there were three people in the music business who were so far above their competition that they really didn't have any competition—Segovia, Elvis, and Chet Atkins. He was silent for a while and then said, "You know, you're right."
Chet was one of the greatest music producers and hit makers in Nashville, but left a broad legacy of more than just music. He was the funniest, kindest, and most big hearted man I've ever met. He moved through high pressure situations with apparent ease. I still marvel at being in the presence of a truly great man. There are so many wonderful memories—like having the opportunity to open a concert for him at the Lobero theater in Santa Barbara, California, and receiving the Gibson electric classical guitar he gave me as a gift. But greater than all of the memories of his music and accomplishments is the memory of Chet himself. One of the recording engineers that worked with Chet at RCA summed up Chet's life when I asked him what it was like working day by day with Chet Atkins. He said, "Chet Atkins is a great legend, but the man himself is greater than the legend."
Since his passing from this life two days ago, I've had several people ask if Chet believed in God. I recall an incident that had happened at Opryland on opening day. As Chet and I walked past a beautiful bed of flowers I repeated the words of Jesus who said that "Solomon in all of his glory was not arrayed like the lilies." Chet didn't say much but later told me, "I believe in something but don't know what it is." There's one thing for sure and that is that many people were praying for Chet.
Those of us fortunate enough to have been around Chet will never forget his sense of humor. Perhaps some excerpts from letters written to me by Chet from 1973 through 1997, will give some insight into the man himself.
Rick's Thoughts
Most people my age (55) have experienced the death of a close friend or relative. Each time someone close to me passes away I re-evaluate what's important in my life and why I do what I do. When Chet died three days ago many vivid memories flooded over me. I thought about how God used Chet's playing to lead me into my life long work of arranging, recording and playing sacred music. If I had never heard Chet's Chet Atkins Plays Back Home Hymns album I may never have realized that hymns could sound so good on the guitar. After hearing Chet I thought, "Well, if he can create beautiful hymn arrangements maybe I can too." One thing is certainthe work we do for the Lord is never done in vain.
The older I get the more I come to realize that unneeded material possessions do not bring me joy. We come into this world with nothing and we leave with nothing. The only things that bring true joy to me are the love and companionship of my family, knowing that I've used my musical talents to honor God, and knowing that I have a Savior who is guiding my life and who conquered death on my behalf. Faith in Christ gives me the wonderful assurance that death is no more than a transition into a beautiful and better life. Each day I pray something like this: "Our Father in heaven, we acknowledge you as the giver of life and the source of love and truth and all of the many blessings that we enjoy. We ask that you would bless us as we serve you, that your hand would be with us in all that we do, that you would keep us from evil and harm, and that your spirit would be upon us, guiding us with wisdom and filling us with more love each day."
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https://musiccitymike.net/2013/05/27/music-city-landmarks-1-chet-atkins-statue/
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Music City Landmarks #1—Chet Atkins Statue
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Location: Corner of Fifth Avenue North and Union Street Before legendary guitarist and music producer Chet Atkins passed away in June 2001, every serious guitar picker wanted the chance to play alongside him. Over the years, the list of greats who got that opportunity included Les Paul, Paul McCartney, Mark Knopfler, Merle Travis, Doc Watson,…
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Music City Mike
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https://musiccitymike.net/2013/05/27/music-city-landmarks-1-chet-atkins-statue/
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Location: Corner of Fifth Avenue North and Union Street
Before legendary guitarist and music producer Chet Atkins passed away in June 2001, every serious guitar picker wanted the chance to play alongside him. Over the years, the list of greats who got that opportunity included Les Paul, Paul McCartney, Mark Knopfler, Merle Travis, Doc Watson, Jerry Reed, Steve Wariner, Suzzy Bogguss and Tommy Emmanuel.
In January 2000, Bank of America unveiled a life-sized bronze sculpture of Atkins (commissioned to Tennessee-based sculptor Russell Faxon) that sits outside its downtown Nashville headquarters. The work features Chet seated on a stool playing his guitar next to an empty stool on his left just waiting for you to join him. So bring your guitar, sit down, and get a photo of yourself picking with the man who light-heartedly gave himself the honorary degree of CGP (Certified Guitar Player).
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Atkins
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And he did it by winning over millions of country music fans. Until the early 1990s, when Cleve Francis came along, Pride was the only Black country singer signed to a major label. “Then it was ‘first Negro country singer;’ then ‘first Black country singer.’ Now I’m the `first African-American country singer.′ That’s about the only thing that’s changed. Throughout his career, he sang positive songs instead of sad ones often associated with country music. Even a country singer,” said country singer Rissi Palmer on Twitter.
FILE - In this Feb. 23, 2018, file photo, Garrison Keillor poses for a photo in Minneapolis. Keillor has two books coming out this fall, his first releases since sexual harassment allegations were made against the author and humorist three years ago. (AP Photo/Jeff Baenen, File)NEW YORK Garrison Keillor will have two books out this fall a novel and a memoir marking his first releases since sexual harassment allegations were made against the author and humorist three years ago. Arcade Publishing announced Thursday that Keillor's The Lake Wobegon Virus, which continues his popular Lake Wobegon series and ties it to the current pandemic, is coming Sept. 8. "The people of Lake Wobegon were waiting for the chance to go wild and so the book wrote itself.
The Tri-County Drug and Task Force, which led this investigation, is composed of law enforcement members at the state and local levels. The task force concluded its investigation and is still searching for seven more people who were indicted, according to Virginia State Police. Those with information about the seven individuals still wanted are encouraged to contact the Tri-County Drug and Gang Task Force through the Charlotte County Sheriffs Office non-emergency number at 434-542-5141 or the Lunenburg County Sheriffs Office at 434-696-4452. The Tri-County Drug and Gang Task Force is made up of narcotics investigators with the Charlotte County Sheriffs Office, Lunenburg County Sheriffs Office, and the Virginia State Police Bureau of Criminal Investigation Appomattox Field Office. The Lunenburg County Sheriffs Office, Charlotte County Sheriffs Office, Southside Drug and Gang Task Force, and the Halifax/South Boston Drug and Gang Task Force assisted with Thursdays arrest.
2001: Guitarist, singer-songwriter and producer Chet Atkins, who helped create the smoother country music style known as the Nashville sound, dies of cancer at age 77 in Nashville, Tennessee. A 14-time Grammy winner and an inductee of both the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and the Country Music Hall of Fame, Atkins (seen here in 1965) was known for his trademark guitar picking style. He produced records for acts such as Porter Wagoner, Dolly Parton, Dottie West, Elvis Presley, The Everly Brothers, Jerry Reed, Waylon Jennings and many others. Hide Caption
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https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q72096
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Chet Atkins
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9 April 2014
9 April 2014
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https://view.genially.com/607d90cad6512b1026c59298/interactive-content-republic-of-the-philippines-infograpgic
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Republic of the Philippines Infograpgic
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Republic of the Philippines Presidents
Infographics
Emilio AguinaldoJanuary 23, 1899–March 23, 1901
He was the first Filipino to head a government of the entire Philippines (as opposed to the government of previous Philippine states), and is considered to have been the second president of the Philippines, after Emilio Aguinaldo (1899–1901).
Manuel L. QuezonNovember 15, 1935–August 1, 1944
Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy is the First and the youngest president of the Philippines. He led Philippine forces first against Spain in the latter part of the Philippine Revolution (1896–1898), then in the Spanish–American War (1898), and finally against the United States during the Philippine–American War (1899–1901). In 1935, Aguinaldo ran unsuccessfully for president of the Philippine Commonwealth against Manuel Quezon.
Sergio OsmeñaAugst 1, 1944 - May 28, 1946
He was the president of the Second Philippine Republic, a Japanese puppet state when occupied during World War II, from 1943 to 1945. Since the administration of President Diosdado Macapagal (1961–1965), Laurel has been officially recognized by later administrations as a former president of the Philippines.
Jose P. LaurelOctober 14, 1943 - August 17, 1945
Filipino politician who served as the fourth President of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. He was Vice President under Manuel L. Quezon. Upon Quezon's sudden death in 1944, Osmeña succeeded him at age 65, becoming the oldest person to assume the Philippine presidency. A founder of the Nacionalista Party, Osmeña was also the first Visayan to become president.
Manuel RoxasMay 28, 1946 – April 15, 194
The fifth President of the Philippines who served from 1946 until his death in 1948. He briefly served as the third and last President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines from May 28, 1946 to July 4, 1946 and then became the first President of the independent Third Philippine Republic after the United States ceded its sovereignty over the Philippines.
Republic of the Philippines Presidents
Infographics
Elpidio QuirinoApril 17, 1948 – December 30, 1953
Filipino lawyer and politician who served as the sixth President of the Philippines from 1948 to 1953. A lawyer by profession, Quirino entered politics when he became a representative of Ilocos Sur from 1919 to 1925. He was then elected as senator from 1925 to 1931. In 1934, he became a member of the Philippine independence commission that was sent to Washington, D.C., which secured the passage of Tydings–McDuffie Act to American Congress. In 1935, he was also elected to the convention that drafted the 1935 constitution for the newly established Commonwealth. In the new government, he served as secretary of the interior and finance under President Manuel Quezon's cabinet.
Ramon MagsaysayDecember 30, 1953 – March 17, 1957
Filipino statesman who served as the seventh president of the Philippines, from December 30, 1953 until his death in an aircraft disaster. An automobile mechanic by profession, Magsaysay was appointed military governor of Zambales after his outstanding service as a guerrilla leader during the Pacific War. He then served two terms as Liberal Party congressman for Zambales's at-large district before being appointed Secretary of National Defense by President Elpidio Quirino. He was elected president under the banner of the Nacionalista Party. He was the first Philippine president born in the 20th century and the first to be born after the Spanish colonial era.
Diosdado MacapagalDecember 30, 1961 – December 30, 1965
Filipino teacher, poet, orator, lawyer, public official, political economist, guerrilla, and Commonwealth military leader who was the eighth President of the Philippines.García exercised the Filipino First Policy, for which he was known. This policy heavily favored Filipino businessmen over foreign investors. He was also responsible for changes in retail trade which greatly affected the Chinese businessmen in the country. In a speech during a joint session of Congress on September 18, 1946, García said the following:
Carlos P. GarciaMarch 18, 1957 – December 30, 1961
the ninth President of the Philippines, serving from 1961 to 1965, and the sixth Vice-President, serving from 1957 to 1961. He also served as a member of the House of Representatives, and headed the Constitutional Convention of 1970. He was the father of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, who followed his path as President of the Philippines from 2001 to 2010. As President, Macapagal worked to suppress graft and corruption and to stimulate the Philippine economy. He introduced the country's first land reform law, placed the peso on the free currency exchange market, and liberalized foreign exchange and import controls.
Filipino politician, lawyer and kleptocrat who served as the 10th President of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986. Espousing an ideology of "constitutional authoritarianism" under the New Society Movement, he ruled as a dictator under martial law from 1972 until 1981, and kept most of his martial law powers until he was deposed in 1986. One of the most controversial leaders of the 20th century, Marcos' rule was infamous for its corruption, extravagance,and brutality. Throughout his political career, Marcos claimed to have been the "most decorated war hero in the Philippines". A number of his claims have been found to be false, with United States Army documents describing his wartime claims as "fraudulent" and "absurd."
Ferdinand MarcosDecember 30, 1965 – February 25, 1986
Republic of the Philippines Presidents
Infographics
Fidel V. RamosJune 30, 1992 – June 30, 1998
Filipino politician who served as the 11th President of the Philippines, the first woman to hold that office. Corazon Aquino was the most prominent figure of the 1986 People Power Revolution, which ended the 20-year rule of President Ferdinand Marcos and led to the establishment of the current democratic Fifth Philippine Republic. After the assassination of her husband on 21 August 1983, she emerged as leader of the opposition against the President. In late 1985, Marcos called for a snap election, and Aquino ran for president with former senator Salvador Laurel as her running mate for vice president. After the election held on 7 February 1986, the Batasang Pambansa proclaimed Marcos and his running mate Arturo Tolentino as the winners, which prompted allegations of electoral fraud and Aquino's call for massive civil disobedience actions.
Corazon AquinoFebruary 25, 1986 – June 30, 1992
Retired Filipino general and politician who served as the 12th president of the Philippines from 1992 to 1998. He is the only career military officer who reached the rank of five-star general/admiral de jure who rose from second lieutenant up to commander-in-chief of the armed forces. During his six years in office, Ramos was widely credited and admired by many for revitalizing and renewing international confidence in the Philippine economy. At age 93, he is currently the oldest living former Philippine president.
Joseph EstradaJune 30, 1998 – January 20, 2001
Filipino politician and former actor who served as the 13th president of the Philippines from 1998 to 2001, 9th vice president of the Philippines from 1992 to 1998, and the 26th mayor of the City of Manila, the country's capital, from 2013 to 2019. In 2001, he became the first president in Asia to be impeached from an executive role and resigned from power.Estrada was elected president in 1998 with a wide margin of votes separating him from the other challengers, and was sworn into the presidency on June 30, 1998. In 2000 he declared an "all-out-war" against the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and captured its headquarters and other camps.
Gloria Macapagal ArroyoJanuary 20, 2001 – June 30, 2010
Filipino academic and politician who served as the 14th president of the Philippines from 2001 until 2010. Before her accession to the presidency, she served as the 10th vice president of the Philippines from 1998 to 2001, and was a senator from 1992 to 1998. After her presidency, she was elected as the representative of Pampanga's 2nd district in 2010 and later became the Speaker of the House of Representatives from 2018 until her retirement in 2019. She is the first woman to hold two of the highest offices in the country: Vice President and Speaker of the House.
Rodrigo DuterteJune 30, 2016 - Present
Filipino politician who served as the 15th president of the Philippines from 2010 until 2016. Aquino is a fourth-generation politician and was the chairman of the Liberal Party from 2010 to 2016. On September 9, 2009, shortly after the death of his mother, Aquino officially announced that he would be a candidate in the 2010 presidential election. He was elected and on June 30, 2010 was sworn into office as the fifteenth President of the Philippines at the Quirino Grandstand in Rizal Park, Manila, succeeding Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. He ended his term on June 30, 2016, succeeded by Rodrigo Duterte. In 2013, Time named him one of the 100 Most Influential People in the World.
Benigno Aquino IIIJune 30, 2010 – June 30, 2016
Filipino politician who is the current president of the Philippines and the first from Mindanao to hold the office. He is the chairperson of PDP–Laban, the ruling political party in the Philippines. Duterte took office at age 71 on June 30, 2016, making him the oldest person to assume the Philippine presidency; the record was previously held by Sergio Osmeña at the age of 65.[12] Born in Maasin, Southern Leyte, Duterte studied political science at the Lyceum of the Philippines University, graduating in 1968, before obtaining a law degree from San Beda College of Law in 1972. He then worked as a lawyer and was a prosecutor for Davao City, before becoming vice mayor and, subsequently, mayor of the city in the wake of the 1986 People Power Revolution. Duterte won seven terms and served as mayor of Davao for over 22 years.
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President Sergio Osmeña
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Leaders of Filipino Independence Party on way to U.S. Manual [i.e. Manuel] Quezon (left), President of the Philippine Senate and chairman of the second Philippine Indepence Commission, and Senator Ser
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The Library of Congress
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https://www.loc.gov/item/2011647827/
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More about Copyright and other Restrictions
For guidance about compiling full citations consult Citing Primary Sources.
Rights Advisory: No known restrictions on publication.
Reproduction Number: LC-USZ62-139487 (b&w film copy neg.)
Call Number: BIOG FILE - Quezon y Molina, Manuel Luis [item] [P&P]
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Citations are generated automatically from bibliographic data as a convenience, and may not be complete or accurate.
Chicago citation style:
Underwood & Underwood, photographer. Leaders of Filipino Independence Party on way to U.S. Manual i.e. Manuel Quezon left, President of the Philippine Senate and chairman of the second Philippine Indepence Commission, and Senator Sergio Osmena, his chief lieutenant, en route to Washington to assist the present delegation headed by Manuael i.e. Manuel Roxas, Speaker of the Philippine House. United States Political Activity Philippines, ca. 1924. May 26. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2011647827/.
APA citation style:
Underwood & Underwood, photographer. (ca. 1924) Leaders of Filipino Independence Party on way to U.S. Manual i.e. Manuel Quezon left, President of the Philippine Senate and chairman of the second Philippine Indepence Commission, and Senator Sergio Osmena, his chief lieutenant, en route to Washington to assist the present delegation headed by Manuael i.e. Manuel Roxas, Speaker of the Philippine House. United States Political Activity Philippines, ca. 1924. May 26. [Photograph] Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/2011647827/.
MLA citation style:
Underwood & Underwood, photographer. Leaders of Filipino Independence Party on way to U.S. Manual i.e. Manuel Quezon left, President of the Philippine Senate and chairman of the second Philippine Indepence Commission, and Senator Sergio Osmena, his chief lieutenant, en route to Washington to assist the present delegation headed by Manuael i.e. Manuel Roxas, Speaker of the Philippine House. May 26. Photograph. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, <www.loc.gov/item/2011647827/>.
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The 1969 election: A critical turning point
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"Manolo A. Villareal"
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2022-02-13T05:02:00
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I keep wondering if our country would have been better off today had the 1969 presidential election been fairly contested
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https://opinion.inquirer.net/icon/images/favicon.ico
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INQUIRER.net
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https://opinion.inquirer.net/149777/the-1969-election-a-critical-turning-point
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I was 16 during the 1969 Philippine presidential election and, like many who are still around, personally witnessed this critical poll exercise that helped shape today’s political, social, and economic landscape.
Ferdinand Marcos won over Sergio Osmeña Jr. There were just two political parties then, the Nacionalista Party with Marcos seeking reelection for another four-year term, and Osmeña’s Liberal Party. There were independent candidates as well, but they had negligible support.
Thanks to Google, we can revisit some facts, refresh our memory, and even speculate a bit.
What if Osmeña had won over Marcos? Would there have been a New People’s Army? Would we have remained frontrunner in Southeast Asia’s economy? Would our peso be this devalued? Would our national debt be this huge? Would corruption be this rampant? So many questions.
The Philippine election of 1969 was described by Newsweek and Time magazines as the dirtiest, most violent, and most corrupt election, that gave rise to the term “Three Gs,” for guns, goons, and gold. My research (Google/1969 Presidential Elections/Ferdinand Marcos Presidential Campaign) reveals that $50 million was spent during that time, most of which were unloaded in Cebu. Today, that amount is huge, considering inflation and the exchange rate then of P3.79 per US dollar.
I was an eye witness to terrorism and vote-buying. My late father worked for the national government, in the Bureau of Public Highways. Our neighbor, who was a political leader for Marcos then, knocked on our door two days before election, carrying a bag of money for distribution in the neighborhood. My father was told that if he was found to have voted for Osmeña, his job would be compromised. My parents were given P2 (in paper bills) each and their names written on a sheet of paper.
Osmeña was defeated by a large margin even in his home province of Cebu. Our dream to have a Cebuano elected president did not come true. The Marcos win defied two near-axiomatic facts: that no president was ever reelected in the post-Commonwealth era, and that no one can beat Osmeña in Cebu, much less with an Ilocano opponent.
In a fairly contested election, where there were no guns, goons, and gold, Marcos would have lost.
The Osmeñas are known for land development. The late Sergio Jr. or Serging initiated the Cebu North reclamation project where now stands SM City, while his son Tomas initiated the Cebu South reclamation project where SM Seaside and several world-class land developments including that of Filinvest, Robinsons (JG Summit), and the Ayala group are located. The late Lito Osmeña initiated the Ayala Center and IT Park, converting idle lots into world-class economic hubs when he was Cebu governor.
Comparatively, the business legacy left by Marcos were government takeovers. The Iligan Integrated Steel Mills of the Jacinto group was renamed National Steel Corp. and was managed by military officers, while the power industry was ruled by the National Power Corp., a government entity. Several cronies feasted on big industries and the country lost big on the mothballed nuclear power plant. Other industries like broadcast media and banking were also taken over by Marcos cronies. It’s laissez-faire in reverse.
Now Marcos’ son, Bongbong, is running for president. The junior is not as intellectual as the father and has already shown himself a dishonest person as evidenced by his lying about his Oxford college diploma and his tax evasion cases. Ironically, he leads surveys by a big margin over the second placer. But he is a carbon copy of his authoritarian father, and his win would mean handing over President Duterte’s dictatorial rule to another dictator.
I keep wondering if our country would have been better off today had the 1969 presidential election been fairly contested. I just hope that Filipinos won’t take that Marcos Jr. bait that if he wins, our country would become like Singapore—which, by the way, is ruled by an authoritarian type of government. Compared to the Philippines, Singapore is so small in terms of population and land area: only 700 square kilometers against the Philippines’ 300,000 sq. km in land area, and a 5 million population compared to our country’s 110 million. The other big difference is that its long-term prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew, was an exceptionally sincere leader untainted by corruption, a glaring contrast to the Marcoses.
* * *
Manolo A. Villareal, 68, used to work as operations supervisor in a private corporation.
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https://philippinehistoryincolor.wordpress.com/tag/philippine-history/
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philippine history – #PHIC
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/21418203107cd1bd62052b7566a82b1cac3f21126f4789dece1cb1f1a59aea3c?s=200&ts=1723408955
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2015-05-15T06:36:06+00:00
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Posts about philippine history written by bilogbilugan
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/21418203107cd1bd62052b7566a82b1cac3f21126f4789dece1cb1f1a59aea3c?s=32
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#PHIC
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https://philippinehistoryincolor.wordpress.com/tag/philippine-history/
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In the 1904 American World Fair – Louisiana Purchase Exposition in Saint Louis, Missouri — Martina de la Cruz (also known as “Jeanne” in the States) and her brother Juan (also known as “John”) was quoted by the Pittsburgh Gazette as “the most interesting anthropological types” among others in the Philippine display, published in March 1, 1904.They were also dubbed as “the smallest living adults alive in the world” at the time of the Exposition.
Born in a village in Panay, Capiz, The two were raised by their average size parents among three other siblings. They were smart and talented; spoke 3 local dialects such as Visayan, Tagalog, Kapampangan and two foreign languages such as Spanish and English. After the World Fair, the pair stayed in the U.S. and performed in a series of road show known as the Filipino Midgets.
In this photo, Martina was 36 years old and 32 inches in height, while Juan was 32 years old and 24 inches in height. Juan married Gregoria Gabriel -de la Cruz, a 21 year old lady and they had a very pretty baby girl, Maria. The baby was of normal size but unfortunately died at the age of three in the town of Daytona, Florida, March 15, 1907.
In June 3, 1932 in Washington D. C, the pair was appearing in a street carnival when a fire occurred. They were eventually saved in their tent by a German shepherd named “Kink/King”. Martina was 60 years old, 21 inches in height and weighs 34 pounds. Her brother, Juan was 58 years old, 24 inches in height and weighs 32 pounds.
Colored by: Bilog Bilugan
Luneta, was earlier called Bagumbayan (new town) located 1.5 kilometer south of Manila. The word “Luneta” was derived from the word “Luna” since the area was a moon like shape before. The place was notorious for the public death penalty during the Spanish era of criminals and public enemies, one of which was the famous execution of Dr. Jose Rizal.
At present, Luneta park is highlighted by the famous Rizal monument which is guarded 24 hours a day, 7 days a week by ceremonial soldiers. More so, there are playgrounds, beautiful gardens, restaurants and open concert hall around the area.
Photograph from: University of Michigan Library Special Collections, 1900-1902
Colored by: Bilog Bilugan
From 1904 to 1911, Dreamland was a famous and ambitious amusement park in Coney Island, Brooklyn, New York City. Opened on May 15, 1904, this 15-acre lot was a park featured relatively high-class entertainment and dramatic spectacles based on morality themes, elegant architecture, pristine white towers, and some educational exhibits along with the rides and thrills.
By 1909, a group of Igorot tribe (among were women and children), garbed with only a few folds of vibrant-colored cloth, completed the park and featured as “human display”. The park was destroyed by fire in 1911.
Collection by: George Grantham Bain
Colored by: Bilog Bilugan
In June 24, 1924, a group of Filipino representatives attended the Democratic National Convention held at the Madison Square Garden in New York City. The mission was headed by the Hon. Manuel L. Quezon, President of the Philippine Senate. Along with him was Hon. Isauro Babaldon, Philippine President Commissioner to the U.S.; Hon. Sergio Osmeña, member of the Philippine Senate; Hon. Claro M. Recto, Member and Minority Leader in the Philippine House of Representatives; Hon. Pedro Guevara, Philippine President Commissioner to the U.S.; Dean Jorge Bocobo, Technical Adviser to the Mission.
Colored by: Bilog Bilugan
This fine lad was once called “Bright but lazy” during his schoolboy years, which was ironic since both of his parents were elementary teachers. Manuel L. Quezon however, had to work at various odd jobs when he resumed his study of law after the Philippine Revolution ended. In 1935, he became President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines.
Publisher: Bain News Service (between 1915 and 1920)
Colored by: Bilog Bilugan
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Secretary of Trade and Industry (Philippines)
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"Contributors to Philippine Media Wiki"
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2024-07-29T22:27:06+00:00
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Page Module:Infobox/styles.css must have content model "Sanitized CSS" for TemplateStyles (current model is "wikitext"). The secretary of trade and industry (Filipino: Kalihim ng Kalakalan at Industriya) is the head of the Department of Trade and Industry and is a member of the president’s...
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Philippine Media Wiki
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https://philippine-media.fandom.com/wiki/Secretary_of_Trade_and_Industry_(Philippines)
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The head of the department for trade and industry of PhilippinesTemplate:SHORTDESC:The head of the department for trade and industry of Philippines
Page Module:Infobox/styles.css must have content model "Sanitized CSS" for TemplateStyles (current model is "wikitext").
Secretary of Trade and IndustryKalihim ng Kalakalan at Industriya
Incumbent
Alfredo E. Pascual
since June 30, 2022
StyleThe HonorableMember ofCabinetAppointerThe President
with the consent of the Commission on AppointmentsTerm lengthNo fixed termInaugural holderLeón María GuerreroFormation 6, 1901
(122 years ago) ( )Websitewww .dti .gov .ph
The secretary of trade and industry (Filipino: Kalihim ng Kalakalan at Industriya) is the head of the Department of Trade and Industry and is a member of the president’s Cabinet.[1]
The current secretary is Alfredo E. Pascual, who assumed office on June 30, 2022.
List of secretaries of trade and industry[]
# Name Term Began Term Ended President Minister of Agriculture, Industry and Commerce 1 León María Guerrero May 7, 1899 November 13, 1899 Emilio Aguinaldo Secretary of Commerce and Police 2 William Cameron Forbes June 5, 1904 November 10, 1909 Luke Edward Wright
(Governor General) Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce 3 Rafael Alunan Sr. 1932 1932 Insular Government 4 Vicente Singson Encarnacion 1933 1934 5 Eulogio Rodriguez July 26, 1934 November 15, 1935 November 15, 1935 1938 Manuel Quezon 6 Benigno Aquino Sr. 1938 1940 7 Rafael Alunan Sr. 1940 1941 Secretary of Finance, Agriculture, and Commerce 8 Andrés Soriano Sr. March 26, 1942 July 31, 1944 Manuel Quezon Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce 9 Manuel Nieto 1944 1945 Sergio Osmeña Secretary of Justice, Agriculture and Commerce 10 Delfín Jaranilla February 27, 1945 July 12, 1945 Sergio Osmeña Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce 11 Vicente Singson Encarnacion July 12, 1945 1946 Sergio Osmeña Secretary of Commerce and Industry 12 Cornelio Balmaceda 1947 1953 Manuel Roxas Elpidio Quirino 13 Oscar Ledesma 1953 1957 Ramon Magsaysay 14 Pedro Hernaez 1957 1960 Carlos P. Garcia 15 Manuel Lim 1960 1962 Diosdado Macapagal 16 Rufino Hechanova 1962 1963 (12) Cornelio Balmaceda 1963 1965 17 Marcelo Balatbat 1966 1968 Ferdinand Marcos 18 Leonides Sarao Virata 1969 1970 19 Ernesto Maceda 1970 1971 20 Troadio Quiazon 1971 1974 Secretary of Industry 21 Vicente Paterno 1974 1978 Ferdinand Marcos Minister of Industry (21) Vicente Paterno 1978 1979 Ferdinand Marcos 22 Roberto Ongpin July 23, 1979 June 30, 1981 Minister of Commerce 23 Luis Villafuerte Sr. July 23, 1979 June 30, 1981 Ferdinand Marcos Minister of Commerce and Industry (22) Roberto Ongpin June 30, 1981 February 25, 1986 Ferdinand Marcos Secretary of Trade and Industry 24 Jose Concepcion Jr. February 25, 1986 January 8, 1991 Corazon C. Aquino 25 Peter Garrucho January 9, 1991 February 1992 26 Lilia Bautista February 1992 June 30, 1992 27 Rizalino Navarro July 1, 1992 July 30, 1996 Fidel V. Ramos 28 Cesar B. Bautista August 1, 1996 June 30, 1998 29 Jose Pardo June 30, 1998 January 2, 2000 Joseph Ejercito Estrada 30 Mar Roxas January 2, 2000 December 10, 2003 Gloria Macapagal Arroyo 31 Cesar Purisima December 10, 2003 February 15, 2005 32 Juan Santos February 15, 2005 July 8, 2005 33 Peter B. Favila July 8, 2005 March 15, 2010 34 Jesli Lapus March 15, 2010 June 30, 2010 35 Gregory Domingo June 30, 2010 December 30, 2015 Benigno S. Aquino III 36 Adrian Cristobal Jr.[2] December 31, 2015 June 30, 2016 37 Ramon Lopez June 30, 2016 June 30, 2022 Rodrigo Duterte 38 Alfredo E. Pascual[3][4] June 30, 2022 (reappointed October 4, 2022) Incumbent Bongbong Marcos
References[]
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DTI official website
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Sergio Osmeña House
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2012-05-07T00:00:00
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by: CEMANDU (Cebu-Mandaue-Dumaguete) GROUP Writer/Editor : LUDELIZA C. LOPEZ Caption : JOU ANN S. BAGUIO/ LUCRESIA A. LOPEZ Photographer : ETHIL LEPANGLEPANG-CARBO Cameraman/Model : DAN P. ALAR Bought by College Assurance Plan (CAP) on 1984, the old house of former President Sergio Osmeña Sr. was transformed into an adaptive re-use. The lower part of the…
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This slideshow requires JavaScript.
by: CEMANDU (Cebu-Mandaue-Dumaguete) GROUP
Writer/Editor : LUDELIZA C. LOPEZ
Caption : JOU ANN S. BAGUIO/ LUCRESIA A. LOPEZ
Photographer : ETHIL LEPANGLEPANG-CARBO
Cameraman/Model : DAN P. ALAR
Bought by College Assurance Plan (CAP) on 1984, the old house of former President Sergio Osmeña Sr. was transformed into an adaptive re-use. The lower part of the house is used as offices while the upper part is used to keep the memorabilia and some personal belongings of the former president.
“This house was bought by CAP from Ramon Osmeña, his son from his second wife Esperanza. Iya man ning share. (This is his share.) The preservation of this old house was initiated by former senator Manuel Manahan.” said Mrs. Joy Toledo, wife of the caretaker of Osmeña Museum.
The original house was built on August 20, 1947. The permit was granted to Mrs. Esperanza Osmeña to construct a building of strong materials with the area of 228 square meters on the first floor and 229 square meters on the second floor. “If you want to see the building permit, you can see that one at the left side of Osmeña Room”, Mrs. Toledo added. The room now is used by the caretaker as his office where he also stores his antique collections.
Beside the Osmeña Room is McArthur Room. Inside this, one can see the different antiques, memorabilia, the two flags of America and Philippines, his old clothings which are left to deteriorate in the corner and most of all his prized Cadillac. “Gitawag na sya nga McArthur Room kay bestfriend baya na sila ni General Douglas McArthur. Kung moabot si General McArthur gikan sa America, anhi man na sya mo-stay kung naa pud sya dinhi. (It is called McArthur Room because he and General Douglas McArthur were bestfriends. If General McArthur arrived from America, he would stay here.)” said Mr. Roslin M. Carian, guard on duty, a native of Bago City, Negros Occidental who served here for 10 years already.
The Art Gallery is not really part of the old house. This is just added by CAP. The University of the Philippines Fine Arts students have displayed their paintings here. If the visitors like the painting and they want to buy, they will sell it. “Some of the memorabilia are just donated by people when they know that the house is opened and is made into a museum,” Mrs. Toledo informed us.
“Kining balay, ma’am, gamiton man pud ni sa laing functions. Anhi sila magreception kung naay kasal, bunyag ug uban pa. naa man gu’y ubang mga guest nga gusto sila dinhi aron ang ilang mga guest nga Amerikano ug ang taga-layo makabisita ug makakita pud sa museum. Amo raman pud ning ipang-iswag diri dapit sa bintana ang mga butang kay aron dako ug lugar. Igkahuman ra pud nila, amo nasad ning ipamalik. (This house, ma’am, is used also for other functions. Others would hold their reception for the wedding, christening and etc. They chose it here because there are American guests and others from outside Cebu who want to see and visit the museum. We are just going to move these things here near the window to have ample space for the activity and we will just return them after the event.),” the guard added.
“Do you know that the former President had his elevator here? It was perhaps the first of its kind in Cebu. It’s over there near the stairway. He used it during the time when he was in wheelchair. The two doors at your side are going to the balcony of the Auditorium and to the stock room. Most of the original furniture of the house are tied in nylon, the rest are just added by CAP,” Mrs. Toledo added.
The museum is open from Monday to Saturday. No entrance fee.
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President Sergio Osmeña
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life and political background
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https://prezi.com/os2berc3wrmk/president-sergio-osmena/
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https://newleftreview.org/issues/i78/articles/jonathan-fast-imperialism-and-bourgeois-dictatorship-in-the-philippines
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Jonathan Fast, Imperialism and Bourgeois Dictatorship in the Philippines, NLR I
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1973-04-01T00:00:00
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On 23 September 1972, President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law throughout the Philippines. Appearing on television, Marcos claimed that ‘Maoist subversive elements’ were plotting the overthrow of the Philippine Government and that this threat necessitated the introduction of extraordinary measures. The martial law proclamation, hardly a unique event . . .
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New Left Review
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https://newleftreview.org/issues/i78/articles/jonathan-fast-imperialism-and-bourgeois-dictatorship-in-the-philippines
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On 23 September 1972, President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law throughout the Philippines. Appearing on television, Marcos claimed that ‘Maoist subversive elements’ were plotting the overthrow of the Philippine Government and that this threat necessitated the introduction of extraordinary measures. The martial law proclamation, hardly a unique event in the recent experience of many ex-colonial countries, was nevertheless of special significance for the Philippines. The declaration must be viewed as a bench-mark in the growing political and economic crisis in the islands: it represents the first time in this century that the façade of democratic government (rather expertly fashioned by us colonial officials) has been ripped away. Marcos’ action plunged the Philippines into a political crisis of a type never before experienced in the islands. Previously, a remarkably stable two party system had operated without serious challenge for decades, masking an inherently unstable social environment which was marked by extremes of flaunted wealth and grinding poverty. To understand the causes of the current crisis is no easy task, the more so because the Philippines represents a curious configuration of social and historical forces.
The Philippines contains over seven thousand islands to the north of Indonesia and east of Vietnam and southern China with an area of 116,000 square miles. The northern island of Luzon is the largest and Manila, by far the largest and most important city in the Philippines, is located there. Mindanao, the second largest island lies to the south, and in between these two major land masses there are a dozen or so important though smaller islands known collectively as the Visayas. The Philippine population is now approaching 40 million, the result of a spectacular post-war rise in population. The current rate of population increase is well over 3 per cent, and had been so for more than two decades, making the Philippines one of the fastest growing countries in the world.footnote1 Hence, although gnp has risen at rates varying from 4·4 per cent (1956–1960) to 9·2 per cent (1948–1952) the net increase has been far lower. Per capita income in 1969 was estimated at £44 per annum.
The Philippines does not readily fit into the shared pattern of South-east Asian experience due mainly to differences in its historical development. This has guaranteed Philippine dissimilarity both from the region and, to some degree, from the experience of ex-colonial countries generally. As a consequence of over 300 hundred years of Spanish colonial rule, the Philippines became and now remains the only South-east Asian country where Christianity, or, more specifically Catholicism, is the dominant religion. Except for the Moslem minority in Mindanao and Sulu, the religion of the conquerors has taken firm root. In this respect the Philippine experience is more akin to that of Latin America than to the experience of other countries in South-east Asia (e.g. Vietnam), where Western religion usually gained the adherence of only a minority of comprador elements.
The Philippines is specific also in the sense that it is one of the few countries in the modern world to have suffered long stretches of colonial rule under two imperial masters. Spain conquered and ruled for over three centuries, giving up the colony to the us in 1898 as part of the settlement terms of the Spanish-American War. For another 48 years the Filipinos were ruled by the usa, almost the only ‘official’ colony Washington ever had. What this double dose of colonialism has done to Filipino consciousness is difficult to gauge with precision, but it has created a ‘western’ orientation to a degree not to be found elsewhere in South-east Asia.
A third distinguishing factor defining the Philippine experience stems from the second. American colonial tactics were advanced for their time, comparable in several respects to post-war neo-colonialist techniques. Collaboration and subtlety replaced physical force; autonomy and a large measure of self-rule replaced a colonial civil service. American neglect and a willingness to allow the emerging indigenous ruling class to share in the exercise of power permitted the Philippine colony to develop in a way almost diametrically opposed to the experience, say, of the Vietnamese under the French. It has often been remarked by defenders of the us role in the Philippines that the Americans were ‘reluctant’ colonizers and much attention has been given to us moves to divest itself of the Philippines, beginning in the late 1920s and culminating in 1934. What has been overlooked is America’s precocious understanding of collaborationist principles which made it unnecessary—in certain circumstances—to retain overt political control. In a number of important respects therefore, the 20th century colonial experience of the Filipinos was qualitatively different from the experience shared by almost all other colonies. This form of colonialism had major demobilizing effects upon Filipino culture, and created a form of ideological confusion that facilitated continued us imperialist control. A direct expression of this lay in the prevalence of English as a spoken language: there exists no one predominant Filipino language, and over ninety dialects of a Malay-Polynesian origin are found in the islands. Since 1937 one such dialect, the Tagalog tongue of Central Luzon, has been proclaimed an official language and today it is the first language of 20 per cent of the population and is understood by another 20 per cent. But the colonial language, English, was spoken throughout the islands. In more general terms, there remains a fixation with the usa within the ruling class which has certain effects even on the urban masses. The prevalence of us cultural forms and the recently seen movement to make the Philippines a us state are manifestations of this deleterious ideological inheritance of the imperialist period.
The Americans were the last in a line of powers that have shaped the Philippines. By the 9th century ad Arab traders had become a pervasive presence in South-east Asia, and as they gradually expanded their trade to Borneo, Sulu, and the Southern coast of Mindanao so too did Islam gain a foothold in those regions. By the 16th century the Islamic tide had reached as far north as Manila, where the Moslem kings and datus first met the Spanish conquistadores in the 1560s and 1570s. Spanish conquest of the Philippines halted the spread of Islam and aggressive Spanish proselytizing introduced Catholicism to Luzon and the Visayas. But South-eastern Mindanao and Sulu were never successfully subjugated and the Spanish managed to establish garrisons in the larger towns only as late as the 1850s. Filipino Moslems, who today number about 4 million, have traditionally referred to Luzon and the Visayas as ‘the conquered North’.
Early Spanish adventurers came to the Philippines looking for gold and other precious metals. Finding none, they were content with missionary work, and the use of Manila as an entrepôt for trade between China and Mexico. Commercial agriculture was not introduced until the late 18th century, when a tobacco monopoly was established. Manila was not opened to the trade of other nations until 1835. By the mid-19th century the older forms of colonial exploitation based on mercantilist principles began to give way to newer capitalist economic patterns based on agricultural commodity production for developing world markets. American and British traders began to take advantage of Spanish commercial weakness in the Philippines and the establishment of Western merchant houses after 1835 facilitated the growth of a capitalist agricultural sector. Sugar, hemp, tobacco and coffee became important export crops in the second half of the 19th century.
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Soon after the reconstitution of the Commonwealth Government in 1945 Senators Manuel Roxas, Elpidio Quirino and their allies called for the holding on an early national election to choose the president and vice president of the Philippines and members of the Congress. In December, 1945 the House Insular Affairs of the United States Congress approved the joint resolution setting the election date at not later than April 30, 1946. Prompted by this congressional action, President Sergio Osmeña called the Philippine Congress to a three-day special session. Congress enacted Commonwealth Act No. 725, setting the election on April 23, 1946, and was approved by President Osmeña on January 5, 1946.
Three parties presented their respective candidates for the different national elective positions. These were the Nacionalista Party - Conservative (Osmeña) Wing, the Liberal Wing of the Nacionalista Party, and the Partido Modernista. The Nacionalistas had Osmeña and Senator Eulogio Rodriguez as their candidates for president and vice president, respectively. The Modernistas chose Hilario Camino Moncado and Luis Salvador for the same positions. On the other hand, the standard bearers of the Liberals were Senators Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino. On January 3, 1946 President Osmeña announced his candidacy for President. On January 22, 1946 Eulogio Rodriguez was nominated as Osmeña's running mate for Vice President, in a convention held at Ciro's Club in Manila. On January 19, 1946, Senator Roxas announced his candidacy for President in a convention held in Santa Ana Cabaret in Manila. President Osmeña tried to prevent the split in the Nacionalista Party by offering Senator Roxas the position of Philippine Regent Commissioner to the United States but the latter turned down the offer. As a result of the split among the members of the Nacionalista Party, owing to marked differences of opinion on certain vital issues of which no settlement had been reached, a new political organization was born and named the Liberal Wing of the Nacionalista Party, which would later become the Liberal Party.
The election was generally peaceful and orderly except in some places where passions ran high, especially in the province of Pampanga. According to the controversial decision of the Electoral Tribunal of the House of Representatives on Meliton Soliman vs. Luis Taruc, Pampanga was under the terroristic clutches and control of theHukbalahaps. So terrorized were the people ofArayat, at one time, 200 persons abandoned their homes, their work, and their food, all their belongings in a mass evacuation to the poblacion due to fear and terror. A total of 2,218,847 voters went to the polls to elect their President and Vice President who was to be the Commonwealth's last and the Republic's first. Four days after election day, the Liberal party candidates were proclaimed victors. Roxas registered an overwhelming majority of votes in 34 provinces and 9 cities. Likewise, the Liberal Party won nine out of 16 contested senatorial seats. In the House of Representatives, the Liberals won an overwhelming majority with 50 seats while the Nacionalistas and the Democratic Alliance only got 33 and 6 seats, respectively.
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sergio-Osmena
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Sergio Osmeña | Commonwealth leader, independence advocate
|
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1998-07-20T00:00:00+00:00
|
Sergio Osmeña was a Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. Osmeña received a law degree from the University of Santo Tomás, Manila, in 1903. He was also editor of a Spanish newspaper, El Nuevo Día, in Cebu
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/favicon.png
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sergio-Osmena
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Sergio Osmeña (born Sept. 9, 1878, Cebu City, Phil.—died Oct. 19, 1961, Manila) was a Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946.
Osmeña received a law degree from the University of Santo Tomás, Manila, in 1903. He was also editor of a Spanish newspaper, El Nuevo Día, in Cebu City. In 1904 the U.S. colonial administration appointed him governor of the province of Cebu and fiscal (district attorney) for the provinces of Cebu and Negros Oriental. Two years later he was elected governor of Cebu. In 1907 he was elected delegate to the Philippine National Assembly and founded the Nationalist Party, which came to dominate Philippine political life.
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https://philippinesfreepress.wordpress.com/tag/william-howard-taft/
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William Howard Taft « The Philippines Free Press Online
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Posts about William Howard Taft written by mlq3
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/41b989c586b5aeba08d98cae73bb76b5cafba791a1a9dca8fe90b65a587ad6fb?s=32
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The Philippines Free Press Online
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https://philippinesfreepress.wordpress.com/tag/william-howard-taft/
|
Rizal in the American Congress
By Vicente Albano Pacis
December 27, 1952–IN the semi darkness of the ground floor of the US Capitol in Washington, I entered an office by mistake—and stumbled upon the author of the Philippine Bill of 1902—and an interesting episode in Rizalian lore.
It was 1926. Though perhaps not as critical as that of 1902, the American congressional situation with respect to the Philippines was serious. In Manila, General Leonard Wood, the Governor-General, and Manuel L. Quezon, the Senate President, were in the midst of a knock-down-and-dug-out fight. And friends of the general on Capitol Hill were active. One of them, tough and determined Congressman Robert Bacon of New York, had introduced a bill separating Mindanao and Jolo from the Philippines and retaining them under US sovereignty, should Luzon and the Visayas become independent, Senator Sergio Osmeña has rushed to Washington in alarm to try and block the shocking proposal.
A young Associated Press correspondent, I was closely watching the developments on the measure and was that day on my way to the office of Congressman Kiess of Pennsylvania, chairman of the House Committee on Insular Affairs, when I entered the wrong door. I was about to withdraw, having started to offer my excuses, but what the elderly female secretary said rang a bell in my head.
She said. “This is the office of Congressman Henry A. Cooper; can I help you?”
“Cooper of Wisconsin?” I inquired.
I had been in and out of the Capitol for five or six months and had not heard any mention of his name now seen him in the house session hall. I had no idea that he was still a member of Congress. But feeling sure now that the man into whose office I had gotten by mistake was none other than the man for whom the Cooper Act—the first Philippine Organic Law—was named, I decided to see him. I asked the secretary if I could do so.
She slipped into the dim inner office and almost right away came back to usher me in. Seated beside an ancient roll-top desk, the completely white-haired, short, thin old man trembled visibly as he rose slowly and offered me his hand.
“I’m Cooper,” he stated simply.
I explained who I was and added for its possible psychological effect that I had just left the University of Wisconsin the previous summer. But it was not necessary. The mere fact that I was a Filipino seemed to have had a tonic effect on both his strength and memory.
“Well, sir, so you’re from the Philippines?” he said in a reedy voice as he motioned me to a seat.
Having himself sunk back into his swivel chair, he continued, “I’m always glad to meet Filipinos. In all modesty, one of the highlights—one of the most thrilling moments—of my long congressional service was my participation in the drafting and enactment of the first enabling act for the Philippines. And, sir, President McKinley, Governor Taft, and the rest of us met obstacles on every side. But do you know who came to our rescue, sir? None other than you great martyr and hero, Jose Rizal.”
I had gone in, glad of the opportunity to meet a history-book name. His reference to Rizal left me in a state of trembling expectation. What he did next heightened the suspense.
He leaned back in his chair, pressed interlaced fingers on his breast and closed his eyes. He remained thus for some time. I began to wonder if he had gone to sleep as old people often do at the oddest moments. I was about to call his secretary when he suddenly opened his eyes, sat erect, gripped the arms of his chair with each hand as if he had just remembered something very important. His mind had evidently traveled some two decades back, and now he resumed talking.
“Philippine-American relations started very badly, sir!” he recalled. “Those of us who were trying to formulate what might be a just and wise Philippine policy were harassed on every side. Do you know, sir, that President McKinley finally had to resort to nightly prayer?”
With a faraway look in his eyes, he related how the president, criticized on all sides and offered conflicting advice, had finally decided to go on his knees every night in the White House. And one night there had come to him what appeared to be the ultimate solution of the situation. Give back the Philippines to Spain? Leave them to another power in the Orient—Germany, Great Britain, Japan? Abandon the Filipinos? Each of these questions had brought an unsatisfactory answer. So the president had inescapably reached the decision that the only honorable course left to America was to take over the Philippines “to civilize, to educate and to train in self-government.”
The old congressman talked of the Anti-imperialist League, headed by powerful men like Ex-President Grover Cleveland, Andrew Carnegie, and Justice Joseph Story, which was “spreading fear and indignation by alleging that the Republican Administration, in taking over the Philippines, was embarking on a career of imperialism and wrecking America’s constitutional principles.” The Democratic Party, having promised independence to the Filipinos as early as in the presidential campaign of 1900, announced itself in favor of giving that independence immediately.
“But sir,” Congressman Cooper pointed out, “the Democrats were less interested in the Filipinos than in their own skins. Do you know that their official platform declared, ‘The Filipinos cannot be citizens without endangering our civilization. . . .'”?
Although by 1902 General Aguinaldo had already been captured in Palana, Isabela, by Colonel Funston, and the backbone of the insurrection had been broken, Filipino guerrillas were still active. Americans and Filipinos were still killing each other and the American press continued to carry lurid and gory tales of alleged Filipino brutalities and atrocities. As a consequence American public opinion was bitterly anti-Filipino.
“Most Americans, including prominent Republicans and Democrats, believed that your people were unfit for self-government,” Congressman Cooper went on. “In fact, many of them, including our leading newspapers and responsible statesmen, were convinced the Filipinos were barbarians, pirates, and savages.”
Then he recalled the day when, as chairman of the house Committee on Insular Affairs, which handled Philippine legislation, and as principal author of the Bill of 1902, he made his sponsorship speech. The date was June 19.
“Soon after I’d started speaking,” he recounted, “gentlemen on both sides of the House stood up and demanded to be heard. They badgered and interrupted me often. Finally I refused to yield the floor. I made a long speech; I covered every phase of the Philippine problem—economic, social, political, and Philanthropic. But the strongest argument which I had to demolish was the claim that the Filipinos were savages unfit for self-government. Therefore, I had to address myself especially to this particular point; and, just as President McKinley looked upon God for guidance, so I called upon your Rizal for support. He didn’t fail me.”
The Congressional record for that day chronicles that Congressman Cooper opened his argument against the detractors of the Philippines as follows:
“Everyday we hear men declare that the people of the Philippines are ‘pirate,’ ‘barbarians,’ ‘savages,’ ‘incapable of civilization’. . . newspapers of prominence have repeatedly endorsed this view.
“Mr. Chairman, I am not here to join in this cry so often hear. . . . Before we say that the Filipino people are barbarians and savages whose future is hopeless, we should remember the past and not forget how largely human beings are the products of environment. . . . Think of their history! For three hundred hopeless years they had seen Spanish officials treat office merely as a means by which to rob the helpless people. For three hundred years they lived under a government which deliberately kept the mass of the people in ignorance, which deliberately sought to close to them every avenue of social and political advancement; a government under which it was well-nigh useless for a man even to attempt to acquire property, because his accumulations furnished only so much more of temptation and opportunity for the rapacity of government officials; a government which punished even the most respectful protest against its infamous executions with banishment or death. . . .
“What the Filipinos think, what they feel what they do, are only the natural results of what they have undergone. Yet, sir, despite this environment, this deprivation, this wrong and contumely and outrage, this unfortunate race has given to the world not a few examples of intellectual and moral worth—men in the height of mind and power of character.”
Then the talked of Rizal:
“It has been said that if American institutions had done nothing else than furnish to the world the character of George Washington, ‘that alone would entitle them to the respect of mankind.’ So, sir, I say to all those who denounce the Filipinos indiscriminately as barbarians and savages, without possibility of a civilized future, that this despised race proved itself entitled to their respect and to the respect of mankind when it furnished to the world and character of Jose Rizal.”
Briefly, he narrated the life of the hero from his birth in Calamba to his sentence to death by a Spanish court-martial in Manila.
“On the night before his death, he wrote a poem,” Cooper continued. “I will read it, that the house may know what were the last thoughts of this ‘pirate,’ this ‘barbarian,’ this ‘savage,’ of a race ‘incapable of civilization’!”
With eloquence and feeling, Cooper recited Mi Ultimo Adios as translated into English by Derbyshire. When the last line, “Farewell, dear ones, farewell! To die is to rest from our labors,” had faded away, there was a long, deep silence. Then the entire House broke into prolonged applause.
“Encouraged by the demonstration,” Congressman Cooper continued his narration to me, “I plunged into my climax. Even now I can remember the words; I fairly thundered them:
“Pirates! Barbarians! Savages! Incapable of civilization. How many of the civilized, Caucasian slanderers of his race could ever be capable of thoughts like these, which on the awful night, as he sat alone amidst silence unbroken save by the rustling of the black plumes of the death angel at his side, poured from the soul of the martyred Filipino? Search the long and bloody roll of the world’s martyred dead, and where—on what soil, under what sky—did Tyranny ever claim a nobler victim?
“Sir, the future is not without hope for a people which, from the midst of such an environment, has furnished to the world a character so lofty and so pure as that of Jose Rizal.”
Now visibly tired from his memory and oratorical exertions, he rested. Yet, though faintly panting, his seamy face wore more than the suggestion of a smile. He was reliving his years of power and triumph, and he was happy. His next words confirmed what his countenance had already proclaimed.
“The result was a complete triumph for Rizal, the Filipinos and justice,” he said, “and, I think I should add in all candor, myself.”
He stopped to savor the thought with relish.
“The story and poetry of Rizal did something to the House akin to a miracle,” he continued. “Your great patriot made congressmen — as well as senators — forget the Philippine insurrection and remember only your people’s travails. Rizal kindled a light by which, for the first time, Americans had done in 1776. Out of Rizal’s life and labors there was born an American-Philippine kinship that he has endured.” Almost as an after-thought, he added, “In the voting on the bill which followed shortly, American statesmen gave Rizal a sizeable majority: the measure was soon ready for the signature of the President. Theodore Roosevelt for, alas, the gentle McKinley had been assassinated the previous years.
I could not help asking him a question. For even as we were talking the Quezon-Wood quarrel raged in Manila and produced serious repercussions in Washington. “A kinship that has endured, Mr. Congressman?” I inquired rhetorically.
“Don’t ever worry for a moment.” he replied, raising a thin hand in a reassuring gesture. “The basic American policy in the Philippines is embodied in law and honored in practice. It is gradual self-government inevitably leading to independence. Having gathered the momentum of time, there’s no turning it back. Men are mere incidents; America’s policy is a matter of national honor.
“The law of 1902 gave your people their first adequate opportunity to show their political capacity. And your statesmen — Osmeña, Quezon and others — have vindicated your people and justified the faith of those of us who, in 1898-1902, saw in the Filipino with his bolo, not a brute savage, but a man defending his motherland and his freedom. You’ve made good. No American can alter that record — ever.
“And when you’re free at last — and I hope it’ll be before I die — you’ll honor Rizal even more. For he not only awakened the Filipinos and wrote finis to Spanish imperialism but also lighted the way for America.”
The interview was over. Nothing more needed to be said. We shook hands. He sank back in his chair and I turned and left.
July 23, 1938
Is Quezon courting Japan?
by James G. Wingo
Free Press Correspondent in Washington
REPORTS about President Quezon’s dealing directly although unofficially with high Japanese officials on various international matters are harming the Philippines as far as the United States is concerned. Local observers of U.S.-Philippine affairs see eventual manifestations of U.S. resentment to Manuel Quezon’s activities in Japan, which will hurt Philippine interests.
Especially at a time when U.S.-Japanese relations are strained, President Quezon’s hobnobbing with Japanese officials is considered indiscreet, to put it mildly. Secretary of state Cordell Hull refused to comment on Mr. Quezon’s visit to Japan. He said the only thing he knew about it was that the commonwealth president was in Japan. Ordinarily he would have praised the visit of a high official of one country to another country as a splendid “good neighbor” gesture.
Purpose of Quezon’s visit
During Mr. Quezon’s last visit here after receiving flattering honors from the Chinese and Japanese, Franklin D. Roosevelt, who did not like the commonwealth president’s dealing with high foreign officials, let President Quezon know how he felt.
No territorial ambitions
“This correspondent has learned on high authority that Japanese officials are prepared to go to great lengths in assuring President Quezon that he need have no fear as far as Japan’s aim toward the Philippines is concerned. He will be told emphatically that Japan has no territorial ambitions in the Philippines, and Japanese officials may go as far as to propose the conclusion of a pact guaranteeing the independence of the Philippines-Japanese officials realize that Quezon has no jurisdiction over the foreign affairs of the Philippines as yet, but they may suggest that he propose such a pact to the United States.”
“Incognito” visit
Flattering were the honors awaiting Mr. Quezon in Tokyo, according to Correspondent Fleisher, whose story was front-paged by the Herald Tribune together with Mr. Quezon’s photograph. High Japanese officials would meet him at the railroad station. He would have a conference with Foreign Minister General Kazushige Ugaki, who later would give a dinner in his honor to be attended by Premier Prince Fuminaro Konoye himself.
And had members of Mr. Quezon’s entourage not called his visit “incognito” he would have been received by Emperor Hirohito also. That makes President Quezon the first non-member of royalty or nobility to travel incognito. When Republican officials want to forego state honors due them, they travel unofficially or in disguise—never incognito.
Correspondent Fleisher reported further: Quezon’s present visit to Japan seems to have been arranged directly with his Japanese friends, without passing through the intermediary of American officialdom.
Puzzles U.S. observers
The report from Manila that President Quezon has submitted a proposal to buy some ships from the U.S. Shipping Board to haul iron from Mindanao to Japan and coal from Japan to Manila puzzled U.S. observers still more. They could not say for sure whether or not Mr. Quezon was beginning to tie up Philippine economy with Japan.
• • •
Current Washington interest in the proposed purchase of Church estates by the Commonwealth government has been aroused by constant news dribbles about Philippine tenant troubles and by Manuel Quezon’s letter last year to Chairman Francis B. Sayre of the Inter-departmental Committee on Philippine Affairs, in which the President of the Philippines stated that he would use part of the coconut oil excise tax refunds to buy Church lands.
The socialistic labor uprisings in recent months have caused concern among people here interested in Philippine affairs. Early in the U.S. regime Washington officialdom was made familiar with the unrest within the Church estates.
Gov. Gen. William H. Taft believed that the purchase of these estates and their reselling in subdivisions to the tenants would end the serious and oftentimes bloody agrarian controversies. To raise the money to buy some of the church estates the Philippine government in 1904 issued bonds worth P14,000,000.
Eventually the so-called friar lands did not go to worthy tenants but to politicos, many of whom, according to an authority, have not paid yet for their purchases. The tillers of the soil were not helped at all by the change of masters.
However, when Frank Murphy was governor general, the Philippine Legislature passed a resolution calling the Friar Land Purchase of 1904 a complete success and stating that purchase of additional church lands was the only practical means of terminating serious agrarian controversies. Governor Murphy was authorized to negotiate for the purchase of 15 more Church estates. Then the Coalition party which kept Sergio Osmeña from opposing Mr. Quezon for the presidency, included the purchase of these lands in its platform.
Just a few weeks before the Commonwealth inauguration Governor Murphy submitted a tentative report not too favorable to the purchase, in as much as the Church authorities were asking approximately twice the value placed on the estates by his secretary of agriculture and natural resources, Eulogio Rodriguez. Soon after Mr. Quezon became president, he told the National Assembly that further negotiations should be undertaken to determine the price and other conditions of purchase.
Pres. Quezon’s message
But as early as June, 1936, President Quezon stated: “After a careful study of this question, I have reached the conclusion that such a step would not remedy the situation, nor could it be carried out without exposing the country to great financial losses…. It is now my earnest conviction that the purchase of these haciendas by the government will not solve the agrarian and social problems existing therein, but will only transfer to the government the difficulties which the tenants now have with the present land owners….
“The investment, therefore, of several millions of pesos by the government in the purchase of the friar lands has only been, with a few exceptions, for the benefit of people not contemplated by the government…I, for one, despite the commitment in the Coalition platform do not wish to impose upon our people the burden of a national debt which our children will have to bear merely to give a few individuals the opportunity to acquire these particular areas at the expense of the people when there is so much available fertile and untouched public lands in many regions of the country, particularly in Mindanao.”
In connection with this message Mr. Quezon concluded by recommending the purchase of those portions of the estates which are urban in character and occupied by the tenants’ homes. A few months ago he signed a bill appropriating P2,000,000 for the purchase of barrios within Church lands. Another million was appropriated in 1937 for this same purpose.
The developments in recent years raise the question of why President Quezon, who had favored the plan to purchase Church estates, never did anything to carry it out when able to do so. He has already given the Assembly quoted above.
Long-range game
But to keen observes here a pertinent reason is that Mr. Quezon does not want to see the Church receive a large cash payment—not at this time anyway. The President of the Philippines is currently in an excellent position to tell the Roman Catholic Church a few things. And he will need all this advantage when the Church in its relentless fight for compulsory religious instruction in the public schools, attempts to apply punitive measures upon Mr. Quezon for his courageous and democratic veto of a bill which is a throwback to the time when church and state were one in the Philippines.
Mr. Quezon knows that the church is in difficulty with respect to its bonded indebtedness and that a cash payment would enable it to retire the bonds now due and probably leave it with a cash surplus. He also knows that the difficulty the church is having with its tenants is hurting the church’s prestige and the hierarchs’ popularity.
It is apparent Mr. Quezon is playing a long-range game with the Church. The scoreboard indicates that he is ahead.
Saturday, April 2, 1910
Our reply to La Vanguardia
A SHORT time ago one of our American colleagues, the Times, undertook to disqualify us on the ground that we were so pro-Filipino as to be un-American and so un-American as to be non-American. Now one of our Filipino colleagues, La Vanguardia, tells us we are so pro-American or rather so pro-imperialistic that we are anti-Filipino, and an enemy to Filipino aspirations to nationality and self-government.
The arraignment by our Filipino colleague we reproduce elsewhere in this issue. With regret we say that we think it unfair and so disappointing. Starting with a purely academic discussion our contemporary in its first reply at once abandoned the academic platform and resorted to the old argumentum ad hominem and proceeded to call the FREE PRESS names on the basis of imputed and unjustifiably imputed motives. We were told that we are mercenary, ambitious, imperialistic, and hypocritical and in fine that under the cloak of alleged political incapacity on the part of the Filipino people we seek to see them exploited and enslaved and held in permanent subjection and oppression.
Possibly we might present argument in our own defense, but we prefer to leave our record to speak for itself and trust to the fairer judgment of our Filipino readers and friends to do us justice.
We think we can trust them, also, to do us justice to the government or the people of the United States and their attitude toward the Filipino people and their aspirations toward self-government and independence. It may be as La Vanguardia implies, that the policy of the government of the United States in these islands is harsh, iniquitous and oppressive. When one turns the pages of past and present day history and sees the wonderfully benevolent policy of Russia toward Poland and Finland, the mildly beneficent reign of Germany in New Guinea, the merciful enlightenment of the Dutch policy in Java, the altruistic abnegation of the British in Ireland and India, the gentle persuasion of the French in Morocco, the unheard of magnanimity of Japan in Korea—when one contemplates these heroic examples of self-sacrifice and disinterested benevolence in behalf of alien peoples one is struck by the cruel, tyrannous, and monstrous policy of the United States toward the people of the Philippine islands—a policy that for lusting greed, savage and ruthless oppression, fierce and intolerable despotism, pitiless despoliation and barbarous inhumanity stands unparalleled in the annals of mankind.
Just listen to this grasping, sordid, and heartless recommendation of Secretary of war Taft in his “Special Report to the President on the Philippines: “—Should congress be anxious to facilitate and hurry on the work of redeeming the Philippine Islands and making the Filipino people a self-governing community, it could take no more effective step than a permanent appropriation of two or three millions of dollars for ten or fifteen years to the primary and industrial education of the Filipino people….” That good friend of even the most radically disposed Filipinos, William Jennings Bryan, said when he was out here a few years ago that you could not educate a people and at the same time hope to keep that people in subjection. But of course in recommending to congress that it appropriate some sixty millions pesos for education so that it might expedite the time when the Filipino people would assume entire control of the government Mr. Taft was inspired only by base, cunning, hypocritical and machiavellian motives.
The whole question really resolves itself into one of faith or unfaith in the American government and its promises.
In this connection we recall the words of then Governor General Wright in a farewell address. We may not quote his exact words but they ran like this: “To my Filipino friends I would say, put your trust in the American people. Have faith in them. Put them on their honor—and they will not fail you.”
In the same connection we recall the experience of District Attorney Jerome of New York in his dealing with criminals or persons arrested were brought to him at night and they could not put up bail for their appearance the next day, which meant spending the night in a cell, to have them pledge him their word of honor to be on hand. He explained to them that he had no authority to let them go and that he and he alone would be held responsible should they betray him. Well, out of scores and even hundreds of cases, not one, he said, had ever failed him and gone back on the pledged word.
The United States, through President McKinley, President Roosevelt, and President Taft is pledged to give self-government, autonomy, independence or what you will to the Filipino people. To quote Mr. Taft in his last declaration: “When the Filipino people as a whole show themselves reasonably fit to conduct a popular self-government, maintaining law order and offering equal protection of the laws and civil right, to rich and poor, and desire complete independence of the United States, they shall be given it.”
If even crooks and criminals could respond to an appeal made to their honor, is it unreasonable to suppose that the people of the United States will ignobly fail to respond?
And what precedent, we ask, shall be cited to prove that the United States will not keep faith with the Filipino people? The best and most recent is the case of Cuba. There are ninety million dollars of American capital invested there, but did that keep the United States from fulfilling its promise? Was not the American flag lowered in honor in the redemption of a solemn pledge? Was not Cuba evacuated?
We contend that it is not fair to seize upon and exaggerate the little shortcomings here and there—to center one’s gaze upon the little side currents of the broad stream setting towards the fulfillment of America’s pledge to the Filipino people. We contend that in the face of its hypocrisy, deceit, and double dealing, with no sense of honor, with base perfidy and unpardonable duplicity.
To La Vanguardia and to the Filipino people we would say: “Have faith in the American people.”
PHILIPPINES FREE PRESS
October 19, 1907, Saturday
The first session in the Marble Hall
Marked by an Admirable Degree of Conservatism Unexpected by Public and Officials
Sergio Osmeña Elected Speaker
The fact that Wednesday had been proclaimed a legal holiday by the commission did not hinder the enthusiastic newly made assemblymen from holding their first marble hall session at 5 o’clock in the afternoon. Surprised, to say the least, were those who had gathered to watch the beginning of the first legislative body ever constituted for an Oriental people under a republican government. They had expected the secretary of war to be on hand to lend them a guiding hand, but having started them on their way at the inaugural ceremonies in the morning and having proclaimed the Philippine assembly as duly constituted by authority of the President of the United States he left to recover a moment from his previous labors.
There was nothing to do but to get to business and Member Quezon forthwith rose to name Nicolas Jalandoni as interim secretary.
The next question was the appointment of a speaker and it was suggested that this section from the act of congress be read. Upon Member de Veyra’s suggestion only the more important parts of this section were read. Some discussion followed as to just what the law was and whether, as the assembly was a ruling body, it was necessary to have it read. The language in which it should be read then came up and a lengthy discussion followed in which it was finally decided that the law carried with it no real method.
The name of Sergio Osmeña, member from Cebu, was then mentioned and loud and prolonged applause followed. For want of a second Member Pineda’s motion that a vote be secret went to the ground and when Member Juan Villamor stated that the very applause was certainly the sense of the members’ wishes Osmeña was literally cheered into his new position.
Member Dominador Gomez, silent up to now, even to taking a nap during the proceedings at the opera house, rose to the occasion and in all of his oratorical eloquence eulogized Osmeña to the very pinnacle of all that could be desired in a model speaker and legislator. We said that the unanimous vote and the circumstances surrounding it were an event in the history of the Filipino people; that Osmeña was the choice of the Nationalists and of the Progresistas and that the action of Member Paterno’s in retiring from his position as candidate for the speaker’s chair was worthy of note in the records of the Assembly.
• • •
Secretary Taft’s Speech At Opening Of Assembly
At eight o’clock Wednesday morning the doors of the Grand Opera House were thrown open and many of the seats were soon filled by those who had been anxiously waiting to get inside and avoid the jam that seemed sure to follow. The auditorium rapidly filled and by 9 o’clock the ground floor seats and all of the boxes were all filled. The first officials to arrive were the provincial governors who marched in shortly after 9 o’clock and took their seats at the rear of the stage. They were followed by Bishop Barlin, who was to pronounce the prayer at the opening of the Assembly.
Next came the consular corps who took their seats in the front row of orchestra chairs, immediately behind the Assembly seats. The assemblymen-elect then entered and took possession of the special chairs which had been arranged in two sections facing each other.
In the meantime the photographers of the great event were busy arranging their instruments. Foremost among these was Robert Lee Dunn, representative of Collier’s Weekly, who is traveling with the Taft party. Mr. Dunn uses a small instrument, an Eastman 7 x 5 film kodak, but it is fitted with a special lens and Mr. Dunn’s ability in this line secures excellent pictures for his illustrated articles.
The last to enter the crowded building was the Secretary of War and his party who took their places on the stage as noted above.
The Governor General opened the ceremonies by reading the past act of the government leading up to the great day and closed his address by introducing Secretary Taft.
The secretary consumed fifty minutes in the reading of a long but comprehensive speech and after he had finished Executive Secretary Fergusson read it in Spanish.
Then followed the reading of the roll call in which it was found that there were only 79 members present. Francisco Alvarez, of the third district, Camarines, was the absent one. Secretary Taft then duly opened the assembly and at the conclusion of the act Bishop Barlin pronounced the invocation on the new body and upon the nation which made its being possible.
Secretary Taft then took the floor, as there was yet not organization of the body, and asked for any motions which the members might care to make. Sergio Osmeña moved for the adjournment until 5 o’clock that afternoon, when they should meet in the marble hall.
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July 4, 1946: The Philippines Gained Independence from the United States
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2021-07-01T19:00:00
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In WWII’s aftermath, July 4 also became Independence Day for the Philippines in 1946.
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en
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/themes/nwwiim/favicon.ico
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The National WWII Museum | New Orleans
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https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/july-4-1946-philippines-independence
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Top Image: Commemorative stamps celebrating Independence Day from the collection of Dr. Ricardo T. Jose.
The 4th of July used to be considered an important national holiday in the Philippines. Not because it was the United States’ birthday, but because it was Philippine Independence Day in 1946. Seventy five years ago, the Philippines was recognized as an independent, sovereign country by the United States, which withdrew its authority over the archipelago as colonizer.
Pre-Independence History of the Philippines
The road to July 4, 1946 was long and tenuous. The Philippines had been a Spanish colony since 1565, and since that time numerous revolts broke out challenging Spanish rule. These revolts were disunited, however, until the nineteenth century when nationalism brought forth a more united anti-colonial movement. This culminated in a revolution that broke out in 1896. After much fighting, a stalemate ensued, leading to a ceasefire agreement between Filipino and Spanish leaders.
The outbreak of the Spanish-American War in 1898 brought Commodore George Dewey and the US Asiatic Squadron to Manila Bay, where they defeated the Spanish Asiatic fleet. The Philippine Revolution resumed in earnest, led by General Emilio Aguinaldo who established a revolutionary government. At the height of its military successes against Spain, the revolutionary government proclaimed independence on June 12, 1898. Aguinaldo became president and the Philippine Republic was formally inaugurated in Malolos, Bulacan, in January 1899.
The Spanish-American war was concluded by the Treaty of Paris which decreed that Spain would give up the Philippines, but in turn the archipelago would become a colony of the United States. Filipinos had not been consulted, and as a result the war for independence turned against the United States.
After over two years of fighting, Aguinaldo was captured and President Theodore Roosevelt declared the end of the Philippine-American War. The campaign for independence continued on the political front, even as sporadic violent resistance against American rule continued to break out.
In August 1916, the Jones Law, more formally known as the Philippine Autonomy Act of 1916, was passed, promising independence to the Philippines once Filipinos were able to prove that they could govern themselves. No timetable was set, but once the United States declared war on Germany in World War I, Philippine political leaders offered a division of Filipinos to fight on the side of the United States. Filipinos were given great leeway in running the government at that time, but once the Great War ended, the US government reexamined Philippine conditions and strengthened American control of the insular government. Filipinos sent regular independence missions to Washington to call for concrete steps towards independence, which were rebuffed by the prevailing Republican administrations.
The advent of the Great Depression made Congress rethink US-Philippine relations, and passed the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act in 1933, over President Herbert Hoover’s veto. The Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act (HHC) envisaged a 10 year transitory period during which time the Philippines would establish a semi-autonomous government under an elected Filipino president. The act was rejected by the Philippine Legislature later that year, after much debate and political wrangling. Manuel L. Quezon, President of the Philippine Senate, proceeded to Washington immediately after to negotiate a more advantageous law, citing among others issues relating to the continuance of US bases in the Philippines after independence, the limits of authority of the Philippine president in the transitory government, and the abrupt end of Philippine preferential trade relations with the United States.
1934 Philippine Independence Act
Quezon, the dominant political leader in the Philippines at that time, believed he could influence the new American president, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and the Democratic congress to rectify his main objections in a new Philippine independence bill. Roosevelt and the congress were busy with New Deal policies and were only willing to resuscitate the HHC with very minor changes. Quezon accepted these and returned to Manila. The ensuing act, the Tydings-McDuffie Law, was accepted by the Philippine legislature in May 1934, thus setting the stage for Philippine independence in 1946.
Under the Tydings-McDuffie Law, the Philippines would establish a government to be known as the Philippine Commonwealth, which would steer the Philippines through a 10-year transition period. After completing 10 years of nearly autonomous governance, the United States would withdraw its sovereignty over the islands on July 4 of the succeeding year, and would recognize the Philippines as an independent republic.
Prior to the establishment of the Philippine Commonwealth, a constitution had to be drafted. A constitutional convention was thus elected, and finished its draft in February 1935. Roosevelt approved this document, which was to become the legal framework not only of the Philippine Commonwealth, but also of the future Philippine Republic. It was approved in a nationwide plebiscite, and national elections for the new government were held in September 1935. The Philippine Commonwealth was formally inaugurated on November 15, 1935, an unprecedented world event in which the United States, a colonial power, was preparing to let go of its colony. The ramifications were keenly felt among other colonial governments and colonized people. Quezon was predictably elected as president.
The Philippine Commonwealth government had to resolve major problems during the 10-year transition period, among them national defense, social justice, economic development, national integration, and cultural identity. During the over three decades of American colonial rule, the Philippines had become dependent on the US economically, and had no armed forces of its own. These and major agrarian and labor problems had to be resolved. A Philippine Army was formed, and government enterprises in business were launched.
The Philippine Commonwealth was an untried experiment, and the Tydings-McDuffie Law appointed a representative of the US president in the form of a High Commissioner. Gone was the Governor General of earlier years. The High Commissioner would report on the progress of the Philippine experiment, and the US government had oversight functions over legislative, executive, and judicial actions of the Commonwealth. Furthermore, the US government held on to foreign affairs and currency matters. In case the experiment failed, the transition could be scrapped and it would be back to square one. Neither Quezon nor Roosevelt wanted this, so despite much power granted him, Quezon held back where he could.
World War II and the Filipino Guerrilla Movement
Halfway through the experiment, World War II broke out in Europe. Trade was disrupted, and the reality of war reaching the Philippines loomed. The gravity of some problems delayed enforcement of various plans, and some began to ask whether 10 years were enough. Quezon, however, attempted to advance independence at least privately, although this did not bear fruit.
The outbreak of war between Japan and China in 1937 also brought forth the specter of war, through refugees and news of defenseless cities being bombed. But it was the war in Europe that seemed closer: The European capitals were better known to most Filipinos, and the Blitzkrieg and the Battle of Britain became household words.
War did reach the Philippines in December 1941, although strenuous last-minute preparations were made. The US Army Forces in the Far East was created, placing under one command the US Army forces in the Philippines and the mobilized Philippine Army forces. Gen. Douglas MacArthur was placed in command, and modern aircraft and weapons were rushed to the Philippines. It was too late.
The Japanese struck before the defense preparations were completed, decimating the US air forces and naval facilities in the first days of the war. Beach defenses were unable to hold against the Japanese juggernaut, but a fighting withdrawal to Bataan and Corregidor was successful and held against all odds. Realizing the hopelessness of the situation, Roosevelt ordered MacArthur to Australia; the Philippine Commonwealth government, which had moved to Corregidor to save Manila from bombing, was itself also removed. Quezon would establish the Commonwealth government in exile in Washington as Bataan and Corregidor were forced to surrender. Roosevelt had, in the meantime, promised to redeem Philippine freedom and to pay for war damages,
For three years the Philippines was in the hands of the Japanese, who set up a military administration. Wanting to win Filipino loyalty, the Japanese declared the Philippines independent in 1943, ahead of the US promise. A government was set up, but most Filipinos saw through the Japanese aims and instead supported the guerrilla resistance movement. The guerrillas remained loyal to the Philippine Commonwealth and the United States, and were a major threat to the Japanese occupation forces.
Liberation of the Philippines from the Japanese
Gen. MacArthur, who had promised to return, landed in Leyte in October 1944, thus commencing the military campaign to liberate the Philippines from the Japanese. In the ensuing struggle, Manila and most of the major Philippine cities suffered grievous damage. MacArthur declared the military campaign on Luzon closed on July 4, 1945, but the bulk of the Japanese ground forces were still intact in the mountains. Fighting continued in Mindanao. And Japan had not yet surrendered.
The Philippine Commonwealth government returned with Gen. MacArthur. Quezon had died while in the United States, and Sergio Osmeña, the vice president, automatically took over. Osmeña landed with MacArthur on Leyte, and as the Battle of Manila neared its end, restored the government to Malacañang Palace in Manila. While in Washington, the Commonwealth government did all it could to hasten the return of American forces to the Philippines. It also sought to ensure that war damage would be rehabilitated by the US government. The Philippines actively participated in the early meetings that would result in the United Nations.
Upon his return to Manila, Osmeña pledged a Philippine Army division to participate in the assault landings on Japan. Guerrillas, now part of the army, trained accordingly. The atomic bombs negated the need for such action, and Japan accepted the Allied terms on August 15, 1945.
Post-war Rehabilitation
As the war ended, the Philippines counted the cost. Over a million Filipinos had died or were killed, out of a population of 18 million. Manila and most of the major cities were in ruins. Severe inflation had set in as a result of the Japanese occupation, and farms were fallow; farm animals too had died because of the war. Industries, transportation, and communication facilities were destroyed.
Should the original timetable for independence be kept? The tasks facing Osmeña and the Commonwealth government were daunting; none of this had been foreseen when the Tydings-McDuffie Act had become law.
Apart from the physical destruction and the loss of lives, the Philippines was divided: there had been those who had collaborated with the Japanese, while most had resisted either directly or indirectly. The country was split on whether the collaborators were to be dealt with harshly or not. Many key government officials from before the war had—willingly or not—served in the Japanese-controlled administration.
There was an immediate need for relief. People had to be fed, clothed, and given shelter. All the basic necessities were initially provided by the US Army—water, clothing, food, power, communications, and jobs. Other assistance came in from the United States and the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration as the piers were restored, and ships arrived.
Peace and order problems were serious—some stemming from the pre-war social and agrarian issues, others because of loose firearms. Guerrilla units were plenty, but not all were legitimate, and there was an upsurge of crimes. Morality was in tatters, as people had to survive in whatever ways they could. Inflation was rampant, even as the government strove to bring prices down with newly printed currency and price controls. Besides, after having been away for three years, it was a difficult task to win back the people’s confidence in the government.
The Philippine Congress was convened in June 1945—the first time it sat since the elections of November 1941. Some of its members had died during the war; others were tainted by charges of collaboration. It began its work of legislating, but was hampered by the unstable postwar conditions.
Osmeña travelled to the United States three times in 1945—a last meeting with FDR in April and two meetings with President Harry S. Truman, to negotiate aid and assistance for the Philippines—as well as assurances that independence would come as scheduled.
For a while an earlier independence date was broached, but this would have required legislation which was not a priority. There were mutterings that Philippine independence be delayed, owing to the unsettled conditions after the war, but this would mean political suicide to those seeking office. And so independence would take place as planned, on July 4, 1946.
The post-war Philippine Commonwealth faced severe problems not anticipated before the war. Land reform, reopening of schools, reconstruction, trials of suspected collaborators with the Japanese, recognizing and compensating veterans, restarting the economy, restoring trade, attracting investment—these and more had to be dealt with in the last months of the Philippine Commonwealth government.
The government was now more strongly reliant on the United States, more so than before the war. The Philippine Army was totally dependent on the US Army for equipment and weapons, and relief only coming from the United States. External defense would now be too costly for the cash-strapped government. Thus the presence of US bases could be seen as mutually beneficial.
The last American High Commissioner was Paul V. McNutt, who had served in that position in the late 1930s. He advised Osmeña on various matters. Secretary of State Harold Ickes insisted that the Philippines take a hard line on alleged collaborators—something that would be difficult to do due to the many issues involved. Ickes threatened to withhold assistance if the government did not punish those who had reneged on their oaths of loyalty to the United States.
Paul McNutt, High Commissioner to the Philippines, reads a proclamation at the ceremony. US Signal Corps photograph from the collection of Dr. Ricardo T. Jose.
An ally of the Philippines in Washington was Senator Millard Tydings, co-author of the pre-war Philippine Independence Act. He sponsored a bill granting what he felt were sufficient funds for rehabilitation. On a personal visit to the Philippines, however, he found out that earlier estimates had been underestimated, and that more funds were needed. His bill did allot a generous $620 million—later raised to $800 million—to the Philippines.
The Rehabilitation Bill was, however, tied to a trade bill, authored by Representative Jasper Bell. The Bell Trade bill sought to extend the free trade relations between the United States and the Philippines for another eight years, after which tariffs would be gradually imposed for 20 years. Bell insisted that to convince Americans to invest in the Philippines they had to be given the same rights as Filipinos. This necessitated amending the 1935 Philippine constitution, which limited land ownership, access to natural resources, among others, to Filipino citizens and majority Filipino-owned corporations. The parity amendment would thus become a requisite for receiving the bulk of the rehabilitation aid in the Tydings bill. The Bell Trade Bill also tied the Philippine peso to the US dollar and could not be independently revalued.
Other issues that emerged on the eve of independence. In February 1946, President Truman signed the Rescission Law, which denied most Filipino veterans of benefits due them, voiding their service in the US armed forces.
A strong US military presence remained in early 1946, with the 86th Infantry Division in full strength, prepared to protect American interests. With World War II over, many of its members felt their duty was done and rallied to be sent home. But there was discontent brewing in the provinces, with long agrarian issues remaining unsolved. Many military bases were still in US hands, and negotiations as to which would be kept after Philippine independence were begun. As set in the Tydings-McDuffie Act, the United States would maintain bases even after Philippine independence to protect American interests in the region.
Philippine Commonwealth Election of 1946
As the date of independence approached, a multitude of problems had to be solved. Amidst the disunity, tension, and uncertainty of the immediate post-war Philippines, there had to be a final election for the Commonwealth. Osmeña chose to run for reelection; Manuel Roxas, ambitious contender and also Quezon’s own choice as successor, ran against him. While Roxas had participated in the defense of the Philippines, he had also served in the Japanese-sponsored government under Jose P. Laurel. To some he was tainted with collaboration and might bring other collaborators back to power. Osmeña was the guerrillas’ choice, and also the peasants; Osmeña leaned left of center. But Roxas was backed by McNutt and General MacArthur.
Roxas won the election of April 1946, but by only a slim margin, garnering some 54 percent of the votes cast. He took his oath of office on May 28, 1946, in a temporary stage built in front of the ruins of the Legislative Building, as the third and last president of the Philippine Commonwealth.
Prior to his assumption of office, Roxas went to the United States via Tokyo, where he paid a visit to MacArthur. Roxas’ Washington visit was a frenzied week-long one, meeting with President Truman and ranking American officials to discuss Philippine affairs and concretize plans for US assistance to the Philippines.
As Roxas took office, conservative congressmen ousted more liberal legislators on unfounded charges. It marked a split between peasant leaders who were open to pursuing change in the government and conservatives who felt threatened by them. On the eve of Philippine independence, left-leaning peasant and labor groups threatened to secede and launch a rebellion, reacting to the blatant politicization of the congress.
Philippine Independence Day 1946
This was a big international event, but the Philippines did not yet have a Department of Foreign Affairs. It had to rely on the US government for much of the preparations.
May 1946 saw the start of a flurry of events to plan out the final days of the Commonwealth and prepare for Independence Day. A joint Filipino-American committee was formed to iron out details. The Manila Hotel, which had been gutted during the Battle of Manila, was cleaned up and prepared for gala events. Invitations were issued to distinguished guests from the United States and various countries. President Truman was invited, but he declined, owing to pressure of work. Independence related contests were launched—for an appropriate poster, essay, poem, and hymn. A US flag was to be hand-sewn by past and present Philippine first ladies, to be presented to President Truman. Commemorative postage stamps, medals, and other souvenirs were issued.
The venue for the independence rites was chosen and a stage shaped in the form of a ship’s prow (symbolizing the ship of state) was built with towering pillars behind it. The stage and grandstand were built in front of the iconic memorial of the Philippine national hero, Jose Rizal, in Luneta Park. A large arch was erected near it, in front of the Manila Hotel, to welcome visitors.
As the month of July 1946 began, so did the numerous events and preparations to climax in Philippine Independence on July 4. Private homes and government buildings were decorated. Bands paraded and gave concerts. The University of the Philippines’ Conservatory of Music held a gala concert at the Rizal Coliseum, where numerous international sports matches were held. Distinguished visitors from the US and other countries arrived. The US Navy’s Task Force 77 anchored in Manila Bay to salute the birth of the republic. It consisted of the flagship USS Bremerton, two aircraft carriers, two cruisers, and seven destroyers.
Among the Very-Important-Persons who arrived in the first days of July was General MacArthur, who flew from Tokyo. Representing the US government was High Commissioner McNutt, now destined to be the first US Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines. From the United States were Senator Tydings, Representative Bell, US Postmaster General Robert E. Hannegan, former Governor General Francis B. Harrison, and others. Representatives from 27 nations arrived, among them the French WWI hero Lt. Gen. Zinovi Peckoff (at that time serving with the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers in Tokyo) and Lt. Gen. Sook Chatinakrob, Thailand’s Chief of Staff. In Manila Bay were Australian, Portuguese and Thai warships.
All these activities were taking place as the Cold War began: the United States tested an atomic bomb in Bikini Atoll on July 1. Communist-linked movements were beginning to threaten the post-war order.
On July 3, the Philippine Congress accepted the Bell Trade Act and authorized President Roxas to sign an executive agreement with the US laying the groundwork for formal negotiations and mutual recognition. That same day, Roxas and McNutt visited the commander of Task Force 77 on his flagship; later they recorded messages to be broadcast nationwide and to the United States. McNutt hosted a reception at his official residence and capped the day with a formal dinner in honor of Roxas at the Manila Hotel.
Thursday, July 4 1946, was a cloudy, sunless day. It was the rainy season in the Philippines, but this did not dampen the excitement building up towards the Philippine independence ceremony. Religious services were held in the various churches of Manila and provincial capitals, cities, and towns. Guests began arriving at the venue shortly before 7:00 in the morning. Dignitaries arrived from 7:20; the crowd craned their necks to get a glimpse of Gen. MacArthur. A bugle sounded, and the audience rose to welcome President Roxas and his wife at 7:55. He was followed by Vice President Elpidio Quirino and finally High Commissioner McNutt, accompanied by their respective wives.
With McNutt serving as emcee, the program began at precisely 8:00 am. The Rt. Rev. Robert F. Wilmer, ranking Protestant in the Philippines, gave the invocation. McNutt then introduced the speakers; there were wild cheers for Senator Tydings and Gen. MacArthur. Tydings reviewed the events which led to this day, and then wished the new republic “Godspeed.” MacArthur reviewed the “special relationship” between the Philippines and the United States.
The highlight of the program was McNutt’s reading of President Truman’s Proclamation of Independence. As he began speaking, a heavy downpour drenched the audience, but they braved the rain. The downpour lifted in time for McNutt to read the proclamation, which first laid out the legal basis for the United States’ acquisition of the Philippines, the United States’ desire to grant the Philippines independence, and the provisions of the Tydings McDuffie Act. Truman, as president of the United States, then withdrew all “rights of possession, supervision, jurisdiction, control or sovereignty” exercised by the United States over the territory and people of the Philippines, and recognized the independence of the Philippines.
McNutt ended with his own words:
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Sergio Osmeña « The Philippines Free Press Online
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Posts about Sergio Osmeña written by mlq3
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The Philippines Free Press Online
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https://philippinesfreepress.wordpress.com/tag/sergio-osmena/
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Remembering Teodoro M. Locsin
by Manuel L. Quezon III
January 26,2002—ANECDOTES told by those who knew him in his prime assure me that Teodoro M. Locsin was a man who possessed a sense of humor, indeed a sense of fun, even what could be said to be an impish wit. He liked good drink and song; we all know he wrote well. But it is the elusiveness of this characteristic that has always intrigued me. If the sons of a man are any reflection of the father, then the assurances given me by my elders that Teddy Locsin, Sr. had a sense of humor must be true; one only has to see his two elder sons to know they have a sense of humor in spades. Yet Teddy Locsin, Sr., if one depends on his writings, comes across as a man of manic anger, of near-hysterical indignation. That was the public man, the crusading journalist.
He described himself, many years ago, reminiscing right after the death of a close friend and recalling the days of Liberation then merely a few years back:
“We had,” he wrote in 1949, recalling the time before the FREE PRESS reopened after being shut down by the Japanese, “with Jose Diokno, the son of Senator Diokno, put out a new paper, the Philippines Press. Diokno was at the desk and more or less kept the paper from going to pieces as it threatened to do every day. I thundered and shrilled; that is, I wrote the editorials. Philip was the objective reporter, the impartial journalist, who gave the paper many a scoop. That was Philip’s particular pride: to give every man, even the devil, his due. While I jumped on a man, Philip would patiently listen to his side.”
Teddy Locsin, Sr. was famous –or infamous, depending on who was reading his editorials and articles and who was being attacked in them– for “jumping on people.” His was the the anger of the man who had fought for his country as a guerrilla; his was the highly-developed moral conscience inculcated by his love of books and the mentorship of Robert McCullough Dick; his was the mind of a poet turned to penning the philippics and jeremiads of a reformist, a man who would give and take no quarter as he was proxy for Juan de la Cruz in fighting corruption, stupidity, cupidity and avarice in and out of government.
Yet there is one instance of his writing reflecting a wit, though, since written as a journalist, the merciless kind of wit. One of my favorite pieces is one he wrote on then Senatorial Candidate Pacita M. Warns on October 22, 1955.
He began the piece self-deprecatingly, writing, that when it came to tackling controversies involving women leaders, “It is difficult to write critically about a woman. Whether you are right or wrong makes no difference; you are being hard, it will be said, on the weaker sex. At the same time, it isn’t fair that just because a woman occupies an office, it should be above reproach. Where does chivalry end and civic duty begin? One cannot always tell. A gentleman has been defined as one who never inflicts pain; a newspaperman sometimes seems to do nothing else but inflict it. It is no use arguing, with people and with oneself, that it is a job that must be done. ‘How can you be so cruel to a lady!’ is the first and last reaction. And when the official, upon meeting you, instead of scratching your eyes out, speaks of the high standard of your paper and how, in only this case, it has fallen from that high standard, how she has admired your writing and thought you a man of principles, fair and objective in your reporting, and how disappointing that you have been less than fair and objective in dealing with her, what a gentleman she always thought you were, and look at you now—as she goes on heaping compliments and reproaches on your head, what can you do but say, ‘I am a dog?’”
In the process of the interview, the self-deprecation remained even as he let his subject pillory herself:
“. . . .Last Wednesday, we had an interview with Mrs. Warns. It was arranged by an officer of the SWA, Victor Baltazar, who came to the office and asked us if we would talk things over with the former SWA head. Certainly, we said.
“We met Mrs. Warns at the Jai Alai Keg Room. With her were Baltazar and two women connected with SWA. With us was Melecio Castaños of the FREE PRESS….”
Locsin asked a question concerning the controversy of the day: “How about those pictures of yours which we saw in the SWA? They were glamour shots and were autographed. Is the SWA supposed to distribute them?”
And Mrs. Warns replied, “Oh, they are my personal property, left there when I resigned. People kept asking for my pictures while I was administrator. The poor pasted them on the wall of their huts alongside the picture of the Virgin Mary. . . .”
Locsin writes that he responded,”No.” And the interview goes on to its –to this writer, anyway– hilarious conclusion:
“Yes.” [replied Mrs. Warns] “ If you could only see how the poor greet me wherever I go! They kiss my hand and tell their children to kiss the hem of my dress.”
“’Do they really paste your picture along that of the Virgin Mary?’
“’You may find it hard to believe, but they do. If you could come with me, I would show you. . . . Ah, you do not know what it is like to be poor! If you had lived with them, eaten with them, seen how wretched they are, you would understand how they feel toward me, why they would paste my picture beside that of the Virgin Mary and kiss my hand and tell their children to kiss the hem of my dress.’
“Speechless, we listened. She went on.
“’I have always admired the FREE PRESS for its crusading spirit and I have read your articles and thought you to be fair, just, principled newspaperman and when you do not even give me a chance to explain. . . .’
“’But I did give you a chance. I called you up, you will remember, and you told me you did not know how much the SWA spent for photographic materials but you gave your salary to the poor. . . .’
“’Not only my salary, I gave my own money daily to the poor. I only wish I could go on helping the poor. . .’
“’I am sure you can afford to do that immediately.’
“She looked at us with eyes full of pity.
“’Do you know what they are saying about the FREE PRESS now? In the provinces, in the barrios, wherever I go, the people are saying, having read your story about me and the SWA, ‘The FREE PRESS has become just like of the tabloids. It has attacked our Virgin Mary.’ That is what some would say. Others would correct them: ‘Not our Virgin Mary but our goddess.’ That is what the people of this country are saying about the FREE PRESS after your article.’
“’Will you please repeat that.’
“She did.
“’Well, to show you how objective the FREE PRESS is, I am going to report what people are saying about it and about you in my next article.’
“’But do not say that I said I am the Virgin Mary and a goddess. It is the people who are saying that.’
“’I shall say that the people are saying that the FREE PRESS has become just like one of the tabloids because it has attacked their Virgin Mary or goddess. Is that correct?’
“’Yes.’”
Magnificent. And one of the few examples I’ve found of Locsin letting his sense of humor shine through any of his articles.
He was always a shrewd observer; his journalism is replete with telling details and observations that endure. A short piece he wrote on August 10, 1946, titled “The Big Scramble,” could have been written yesterday, and can be written tomorrow. Just change the names, and the scramble is still there –the only thing different is the uncompromising morality of Locsin, then and always anti-collaborator.
“The young men of Capiz,” Locsin wrote, (referring to the new administration of Manuel Roxas), “according to reports reaching the FREE PRESS, are flocking to Manila, to shake the hand of their province mate, the President of the Philippines, to congratulate him on his election—and to ask for a job.
“Thus it was in Quezon’s time, and it was no different during the Osmeña administration. When Malacañan corridors still echoed with the oaths and curses of the High-Strung One [Quezon] as some cabinet member was called to account for some act of omission or commission, as the Church puts it, the Chosen People came from Tayabas. During the brief reign of Sergio the First and probably the Last, the Lucky Ones spoke English with a thick Cebuano accent. In the 2604th year of the reign of Showa, when Laurel was ‘President,’ Malacañan was a home away from home for Batangueños. Now, in the first year of Roxas, the Palace by the Pasig is being stormed by determined Capiceños, all animated by one single thought—a government job.
“In the palace itself, according to intelligence reports received by the Minority Camp, there are intra-mural hostilities between the De Leon side and the Acuña side of the Presidential family. The Acuñas are said to be increasingly bitter at the way the Bulakeños are getting the best jobs, and there are many dark references to blood, how it should be thicker than water.
“Meanwhile press communiqués indicate that while the Bulakeños and the Capiceños were arguing with each other who should have this job and who should have that, the Ilocanos—Quirinos—boys—have quietly infiltrated the lines and taken over the choicest offices. Determined to hold their positions at all cost, the Ilocanos were last reported to be forming suicide squadrons and building road blocks against future counter-attack by the boys from Bulacan and Capiz. In the face of a common enemy, they may even join forces and as one united army attack the Ilocano positions.
“From Capiz itself comes a report—the author keeps himself anonymous, and wisely, too, probably—that school teachers who made the simply unforgivable error of voting for Osmeña are finding themselves either dropped or assigned to distant barrios where nothing more is heard of them. Osmeña himself was given an honorary elder statesman’s job, but those who voted for him the last time are being slowly—and not so slowly — frozen out of the government, the report concludes.
“In Manila, things are not so bad. Many government employees took the precaution of voting for Roxas during the last election. If Osmeña won, they would still have their jobs, but if Roxas won—well they voted for him, didn’t they?”
And Locsin concluded with an observation that still speaks to us, today:
“Most government jobs are low paid, and one wonders why there is such scramble for them. Then one recalls the story of the pre-war Bureau of Customs employee who had a two story house, a car, and who sent his two daughters to an expensive private school—all on a salary of less than P100 a month. Who knows, once you are in the government, when such an opportunity will strike? The thing is, be prepared—and enter the government.”
Teddy Locsin, Sr. was not a prophet; he was a journalist, but the best kind; from his early post-war writing one is moved to jump to one of his last pre-martial law interviews, this one of his close friend Ninoy Aquino. The same Ninoy he advised, in 1983, not to return to the Philippines because, as Locsin’s middle son once recalled, “bravery achieves nothing, my father told him [Aquino], especially in a country of cowards. Yet that putdown of courage may have tipped the scale for Ninoy’s return. The worse the odds, the more inviting the challenge.”
This is only part of an interview, titled “Mission Impossible?” Locsin wrote on March 21, 1971. The issue of the day was the Jabidah massacre; there was an officer whose wife was looking for her husband. Locsin wrote,
“Captain Titong’s wife wonders, not only where her family’s next meal will come from, but where the hell her husband is.
“What happened to Captain Titong?
“’Five possibilities,’ said Aquino:
“’First, he could be absent without leave. The law demands that if he is AWOL, he should be court-martialed. But, thus far, no charge has been filed against him.’
“’Second, he could have been killed in action.’
“’Third, he could be missing in action.’
“’If the second or the third, then his dependents must receive a decent compensation, but this has been denied them.’
“Fourth, he could have deserted. But before one can prove desertion, one must first prove that the accused has no intention of returning or that he has joined the enemy. If he has deserted, then the officer who sent him on this last mission, even while he was facing charges before a General Court-Martial, has a lot to answer for.’
“’The fifth possibility is that he could be on a mission. This is the army position. But who would be so stupid as to send an exposed agent on a mission? Even the foreign press knew of Captain Titong.’”
Having allowed his readers to see Ninoy’s mind at work, now came Locsin’s turn to reach his own sinister conclusions:
“To send an exposed agent into the field of espionage,” Locsin continued, surely speaking from experience during the War, “again is like leading a sheep to slaughter. In October 1970 a Filipino secret agent identified as Capt. Solferiano Titong was reported to have been apprehended by Malaysian security forces. Some sources say that he has already been executed; others that he is still a prisoner in Kota Kinabalu.
“Where is Captain Titong and what is his fate? If he has been killed while on a mission his dependents should be supported. It is not only the humane, but also the legal thing to do. But if he is on a mission—or was, if he has been captured or killed—why was he sent on a mission while he still faced charges before a General Court-Martial? If he is a deserter or AWOL it could only be because he was given more freedom of movement than he was entitled to. He should have been closely watched. Why was he not?”
Locsin steps back to let Ninoy pose a question that Locsin then answers:
“’I will continue blocking General Ramos’s appointment until he satisfactorily explains what happened to Captain Titong,’ Aquino told the press. It is not true that he is blocking it because General Ramos is President Marcos’s second cousin or because he is ‘an anti-Huk fighter,’ as Malacañang has alleged…
“’Who is more responsible,’ Aquino retorted, ‘I or the man who put the lives of our young men in danger and most probably pushed this country to the brink of conflict?’
“Suddenly Senator Aquino realized that there was something odd about Malacañang’s reaction to his questions about Captain Titong’s fate. Why its deep concern? At the same time he heard from Moslem leaders about a certain individual who stood to profit greatly if the Sabah claim was pressed.
“Malacañang called Aquino, ‘unpatriotic.’
“Unpatriotic?
“Against whom? Aquino asked. President Marcos is not the Filipino nation. Or is he? …” Locsin goes on to go into the details on the claim on Sabah and the claim by Ferdinand Marcos that he had a power of attorney from the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu –a complicated question, but which, in the end, boils down to a question pregnant with foreboding:
“Either President Marcos does not envision anyone ever succeeding him as President or it is legal for a private individual to deal with himself as the highest official of the government.”
And so it came to pass. Locsin could see it coming. When the knock came on September 23 he was ready; he went into capitivity willingly. A country unwilling to resist tyranny might as well have examples of those willing to suffer imprisonment for principles upheld. Released, he kept silent –he would not dignify the dictatorship with his journalism. He took up his pen and wrote poetry, his true love; he wrote short stories, he brooded in his library and advised his friend Ninoy that a nation of cowards deserved what it was getting.
But when Ninoy died –the time had come for Locsin’s last crusade. In a sense, it was his Indian Summer, the last hoorah of a mind rejuvenated; he would praise Ninoy and exalt his widow; he would nod at the way a nation redeemed itself –only to keep pounding away at his typewriter as his country degenerated into the same sort of scrambling he had so trenchantly written about as a young man.
The mind of Teodoro M. Locsin, Sr. is best understood as the mind of a romantic; and like any lover of romance, he had his paramour –his country. He had the heart of a minstrel poet yet set it aside in order to be the guardian of the country he loved, betray her though she might, dissapoint her as often she may have done; still –to the end, the would be the man of the days of Liberation who would jump on anyone should they try to take advantage of the country he loved.
There is no other way to make sense of a man who seemed to be so violent in his prose and so forbiddingly distant when it came to his public persona, and yet who was the doting father and loving husband who would sing and drink his scotch and later, wine. The man who, in the twilight of his life said so little, even as he decided to write no more, is the man we see all over. The man who loved, and loved true; and yet refused all recognition for his long arduous hours of guardianship.
Free Press cover story
January 13, 2002 issue
Too early the birds of prey
by Manuel L. Quezon III
MAKING an ass of one’s self should be a basic human right, if only politicians could be denied this right because of the problems it causes other politicians and most of all, the public. To put matters in historical perspective, of the past presidents of this country, two were reelected to office (Manuel L. Quezon and Ferdinand E. Marcos), and only two former presidents ran for the position of president after having served as head of state: Emilio Aguinaldo, who went down in grumpy defeat in 1935, and Jose P. Laurel in 1949, though Laurel was the nobler in at least telling his supporters, who were as angry as Aguinaldo’s had been, not to mount a revolution.
Yet in the case of Aguinaldo and Laurel, there were extenuating circumstances in the cases of their candidacies. Aguinaldo was a political enemy of Quezon from 1922 to 1941, and was pushed by his supporters to run as a symbol of the aspirations of the Revolution; Laurel ran as much to vindicate his name as to achieve a mandate, never having been directly elected by the people to a position he served as a well-meaning head of a puppet government -indeed, it is interesting to note that both Aguinaldo, who ran in the first national presidential elections in 1935, and Laurel, who ran in the elections of 1949, were haunted by a desire to achieve what they never had when they were president: a genuine national mandate at the polls.
But one must consider, on the other hand, the cases of the only two presidents reelected: Quezon in 1935 and 1941, and Marcos in 1965 and 1969. Both tarnished their reputations by clinging to power beyond the terms allowed them by the Constitution under which they were elected. To this must be added the inevitability in the minds of many that had Quezon lived, he would have stepped down for a brief 2 years in order to run again in 1946 to be the first president of the independent Republic, and that Ramon Magsaysay would have run —and won— again, after his first term (and there are even those who suspect that Magsaysay, who imitated Quezon in so many ways, would have found a way to stay in office as long as possible as well). But fate decreed Quezon’s death in large part because of the strain of his final battle with Sergio Osmeña to cling to power, and fate had it in the cards that Ramon Magsaysay, like Manuel Roxas, would die before his first term ended, leaving Ferdinand Marcos to make every liberty-loving and democratic Filipinos’ nightmare come true: scrapping the Constitution, ignoring the laws, setting up a dictatorship that only fell when a country regained its dignity and courage and threw the man out of Malacañang.
Now to these negative examples add the examples of past presidents who could have run for office after the Constitutional limitations passed, and yet did not: the list is long. Sergio Osmena; Elpidio Quirino; Carlos P. Garcia; Diosdado Macapagal; Corazon Aquino. Except for Aquino, all the rest suffered defeat in their quest for reelection to a second term, yet had an opportunity (at least in the cases of Osmena, Garcia and Macapagal) to run for president again if they wished. But they never wished to. None of them ever fully retired from politics; they preferred to be consulted as elder statesmen; two of them, Garcia and Macapagal, chose to run for, be elected delegates to, and then presidents of, the 1971-73 Constitutional Convention. But the presidency, having been denied them in the past, was something they never sought again as a political prize.
The fact is that it should be enough for a former president to have had the honor and privilege of serving the country once, or in the old days twice, and end it at that. The exemplar of how a former president should conduct himself after leaving office is of course, Sergio Osmena, who represented many of the political virtues of the country, anyway; to a lesser extent, there are the examples of Aguinaldo and Laurel, the former reconciling himself to playing elder statesman, the latter choosing to serve in the senate as long as he could and even serve other presidents. There are the examples, too, of Garcia and Macapagal: the former went into quiet retirement until the ConCon and then died 24 hours after being sworn in as president of the convention; Macapagal, after a checkered experience with presiding and eventually losing control over the ConCon at least followed Aguinaldo’s path and quietly learned to enjoy the role of elder statesman; poor Elpidio Quirino lived too briefly after leaving office to accomplish much more than begin his memoirs and reach a touching reconciliation with his erstwhile protégé, Magsaysay.
Enter Fidel V. Ramos, former and, to the minds of too many, including quite possibly the mind of Mr. Ramos himself, future President of the Republic of the Philippines. Enter Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, present president and, almost indubitably, candidate for the position in 2004. What of them?
Of Fidel Ramos, one should note immediately what has been whispered about town almost from the moment he left office -the man has never grown accustomed to not wielding the reins of power. He wanted to amend the Constitution to allow himself either two more years in the manner of Quezon, or transform the country to a parliamentary system which was the original Marcos plan to perpetuate himself in power. This grand design failed in the face of the intransigence of Corazon Aquino (former president who seems not to miss being president at all), Cardinal Sin, a multitude of Filipinos, and one Joseph Ejercito Estrada who would be damned if his sure election to the presidency would be postponed even for a minute by a man he loathed.
Result? A lost kibbitzer, which Mr. Ramos is of the first order, as proven by his most unpresidential behavior during Joseph Estrada’s inauguration at Barasoain. The man tried to steal the limelight every moment he could, and then loftily proclaimed that under Estrada, he would be pleased to play the role of Elder Statesman in an official capacity, much to the amusement of everyone who head Ramos say these things. However, neither public derision, or skepticism, or outright hostility has ever deterred Mr. Ramos from doing what he pleases, and it has pleased him to use the time in between his never-ending globetrotting to keep himself in the limelight, including first, playing a lecturing uncle to Estrada, and then supposed pillar of the opposition when Estrada grew impatient with his “advice,” and now, gadfly and thorn in the side of Mrs. Arroyo. Perhaps Mr. Ramos feels that if Cory Aquino can bring down one government after stopping the attempts at charter change of two other presidents dead in their tracks, he has similar powers.
Perhaps. Although if this is the case, then it only proves that the man has an axe to grind against the woman who broke tradition to attend his inauguration (for perfectly legitimate symbolic reasons, the inauguration of Ramos was the first democratic handover of power since 1965) and put country ahead of her having given him her previous blessings in firmly saying “no” to his obvious desire to prolong his stay in office. One is forced to wonder if Fidel Ramos is not only ungrateful when it comes to Cory Aquino, but whether he actively dislikes her now -which would make him a petty, mean, and small-minded man.
Or could it be Fidel Ramos simply is getting old and too dense to realize the reason Cory Aquino can be an influential ex-president and Fidel Ramos may be influential, but not popular, and lacks what he seems to crave: a nation, on bended knee, begging him to return to Malacanang? Were this the case, then at least one can conclude Fidel Ramos is not petty, mean and small-minded but suffering from well-intentioned delusions: of being an irreplaceable man, of believing as gospel truth the insincere flattery of the sycophants that surround any politician, and the quite human refusal to recognize his own mortality and accept being put out to political pasture, since he is by no means, ancient. The reason Cory Aquino has the influence and respect she has, and Ramos does not, is that she is the only president in our history to say one term is enough, I’ve had it, and left Malacanang without looking back and probably murmuring “good riddance” the whole time. In short, she has what Fidel Ramos has never, ever, had in his life or career: moral ascendancy.
Fidel Ramos is too fidgety, too eager the attention-seeker, too enthusiastic the opiner, too happy the meddler, to be respected or have moral ascendancy of any sort. This is not to say he does not have influence, for he does; this is not to say he does not have political supporters, for he does; but it is to say that as far as the public is concerned, Fidel Ramos is history and had better accept the fact that he belongs to the past and not the future. One need only listen to the verbal abuse he was subjected to by the great unwashed at Edsa III to recognize this; and aside from the usual businessmen who value the illusion of Fidel Ramos being “Steady Eddie,” and who crave a man who will be content to go on junkets and turn a blind eye to anything so long as he gets the perks (a bad executive habit he shared with Joseph Estrada except in comparison to Estrada’s being uncouth about corruption, even Ramos’s most vicious detractors give him credit for being suave when it came to the corruption they are convinced he was a party to during his term).
To be a president or past president is, of course, not to be divine; which means Fidel Ramos is as likely to fall prey to illusions as much as the next man. He probably thinks the can still do good for the country, that the country needs him, and if the country were only given a chance it would fall to the ground in gratitude and kiss his feet were he to have the chance to be president again. This explains the never-ending and, really, tiring controversy of the day, which is the alleged rift between President Arroyo and former president Ramos over an election two years away. Fidel Ramos already suffers from the perception too widely held that he at one point pulled all the strings in the new Arroyo administration, or tried to, which made him as much the object of the poor’s equally deluded wrath in May 2001, as President Arroyo herself. And as for President Arroyo, she suffers from two insecurities: the fact that she was elevated to the presidency by succession and not election, and under the most confused of circumstances at that; and that she is the first child of a president who seems to have a chance to break the long curse, it seems, that has afflicted the children of past presidents -none of them ever make it to Malacanang although the senate and Vice-Presidency have been proven to not be beyond their reach.
For a politician and a businessman and even a soldier, and even for certain members of our uncivilized civil society, Fidel Ramos has the virtue of exuding an aura of dynamism, of calm, of precise, methodical working habits and discipline. How close perceptions are to the truth only those truly close to him can answer; but the fact is that there are those with influence and money who believe there exists a Steady Eddie and wouldn’t mind Ramos back. For the same politicians and businessmen, the problem with President Arroyo is that even if she is equally hard working, she happens to be frugal, as hot-tempered as Ramos but far from being his peer in hiding the fact, and she is a woman who suffers from the idea she has nothing to lose by actually giving the country as honest an administration as is possible given our society’s limitations. That, and the fact there is that onus on presidential children and that they might get stuck with her for nine uninterrupted years. The ramifications of a fairly clean, competent, and hard-working government are simply too frightening for these people to contemplate.
And thus the need to at least obtain leverage on Mrs. Arroyo by way of using Fidel Ramos as a threat. After all, Mr. Ramos is willing and able to be used as such a tool, indeed he may have thought up the idea of using the bogey of a Ramos for President campaign in 2004 as a potential spoiler to exact concessions from the administration, which has enough of a problem on its hands with fulfilling its promises, neutralizing its enemies, and keeping the country together during tough times.
Fidel Ramos would never win another presidential election even if Mrs. Arroyo dropped dead and a way was found to make monkeys run against Ramos the way Marcos engineered his farcical martial law presidential elections. What can happen is Fidel Ramos could ensure that if he can’t win, neither can Mrs. Arroyo, but it wouldn’t be in the interest of either to give away the election in 2004 to the opposition, which is indeed vicious, ruthless, has many axes to grind, and much dirt to dish out against the two.
Hence the view of this writer than Mr. Ramos is either extremely delusional or out to keep himself in the political loop and be a powerbroker of sorts, if not an actual shadow president (the best of both worlds). The fact that Joe de Venecia, who has the biggest chance of being Prime Minister for life were we to go parliamentary, is as usual going out of his way to get into trouble trying to patch things up between former president Ramos and President Macapagal, is no surprise or mystery. De Venecia is simply too nice, too compleat the politician, to give the opposition ammunition when things could all be quietly smoothed out to his party’s advantage.
The spoiler of course is Mrs. Arroyo’s determination not to be anyone’s patsy; she may have, as all presidents have done, tried to pay her dues in the early part of her administration, but she can clearly see, if she has half a brain (and no one doubts she has not just half but quite a complete one), that she needs a mandate, a real mandate, and that her political destiny must be played out as her father’s was -either to a happier conclusion by way of election in 2004, or defeat, as her father endured in 1965. But she has no other option but to stay the course and fight.
That having been said, this is all, then, a testing of the waters. The West Pointer in Ramos is probing the defenses of the administration, looking for its weaknesses. His archskeptics are under the impression his real aim is to simply be done with a Constitution that he could not amend to satisfy his ambitions, and be called upon to trot out on a white horse and restore the lost era of Philippines 2000. No one with any intellectual honesty can deny that Mr. Ramos’s actions to date, down to calling a radio station to muse on the need to file a test case to figure out if he’s entitled to run legitimately in the next election, only serve to reinforce the worst perceptions that exist of the man. Nor can anyone deny the political and even personal imperatives that would drive Mrs. Arroyo to seek election in 2004 come hell or high water, if only to prove her critics wrong, and be remembered not as a woman who inherited the presidential mantle, but who earned it in her own right.
So Fidel Ramos says he is not running —period, period, period. Though the country is used to his three periods being the ellipse that leads to a pregnant pause that leads others to begin to have paranoid attacks (which Ramos surely enjoys). The President, on the other hand, truthfully says she is too busy worrying about the here and now to fuss over 2004, though even in that she is being disingenuous -but then which president entitled to reelection, with the exception of Cory Aquino- ever was anything but disingenuous about the possibility of their running again? Even Cory Aquino, who was not bound by the term limitations of the Charter approved during her term, kept her options open if only to keep from becoming a lame duck. The only president in our history who ever committed political suicide was Joseph Estrada and neither Ramos nor Arroyo are Estrada. There is no surer way to commit political hara-kiri than to say you have no intention of running for reelection when you can -and be believed.
The whole non-issue then boils down to a rift between the Lakas-NUCD people who grew fat and soft under Ramos, and who aren’t pleased that they are expected to stay relatively lean during the Arroyo New Era Part 2. The whole issue is that having abandoned the Liberals, and never having established a cohesive hard-core party of loyalists of her own, Mrs. Arroyo is not in full control of the party she is putatively the chief of, but which recalls its salad days as having been under Fidel Ramos. Ramos may be circulating offering them a chance of reliving the good old days when boys could be boys, businessmen could do business under a regime that was all light and sound, and not hard work as it is at present.
Pie in the sky, Ramos-style, versus the drudgery of the dirty kitchen, Arroyo-style. Were you a politician you would at least give pause to the thought that life would be tough under another six years of Arroyo, and positively miserable if not dangerous to life and limb under a Ping Lacson regime: so why not, indeed, a return to steady Eddie.
We shall have to see who has the last wink. Or who raises her eyebrow last in satisfaction as her opponent folds.
Escape from Corregidor
by Manuel L. Quezon Jr.
(Fom the late author’s unpublished memoirs.
December 8, 2001–THE last public occasion I attended with my father (I was then 15) was when my father told the UP audience on Taft Avenue that if bombs started to drop and people was killed because there were no shelters, it would be because of the Civil Liberties Union. My father had planned to build air raid shelters all over for the safety of the people but Roosevelt had asked him not to use the special powers given him by the National Assembly because of the Civil Liberties Union. I have never liked the CLU since. If widespread bombing had occured in Manila, people would have died because of the CLU. In their self-righteous so-called defense of rights, they sometimes block higher rights —and those people should have been hanged from the lamp posts.
During the speech, my father was shouting. I never remembered any of the subject matter of my father’s speeches — what 15 years old wants to sit through hour-long public speeches — at least they seemed hours long — but that speech I do recall. The smart-alec UP students laughed.
In 1941 — December 8— the war came. The day World War II started in the Philippines, my mother, my sister Baby, Jovita Fuentes and I were at our (then) hacienda in Arayat, Pampanga, just about half an hour from the Buencamino hacienda in Cabiao, Nueva Ecija. As it was the Feast of the Immaculate Concepcion, Patroness of the Philippines and also of Cabiao, we went to Cabiao; we had the usual enormous breakfast of adobo, tinapa, eggs and God knows what else. I suppose Jovita Fuentes had to sing at Mass. Then we went back to Arayat, where we soon saw the smoke rising above Fort Stotsenberg, as the Japanese that had bombed it flew right over us. Jovita Fuentes fell into a ditch from fright. My mother signalled me to join her under a shrub or trees lower than her (she was only five feet tall). My sister Baby did not join us in hiding. She was one of those enviable individuals who was inmune of from fear, and bent over double with laughter at my mother and myself, hiding under the little shrub. My father was in Baguio resting at the outbreak of war — apparently he was having a resurgence of his TB, although I did not know.
That evening my father picked us all up and we we moved back to our country house in Marikina for safety. Marikina had a very well designed air raid shelter.
Government people kept coming and going. There were lots of meetings, and finally what turned out to be my father’s last cabinet meeting before evacuating to Corregidor. It was held under the shade of a large mango tree in our Marikina house, where PSBA is now.
What I was doing in the open-air Cabinet meeting I do not know but I do recall that my father got telephone reconfirmation of MacArthur’s approval of my father’s instructions — the cabinet members were to do everything to protect the Filipino people, short of swearing allegiance to Japan and the rule was followed by the Filipinos. It did them little good, as they were all tried for collaboration. Only Pres. Roxas’s amnesty saved them.
Except for our departure for Corregidor — perhaps not that — I was never told what my father intended — I was just told to move whenever we were to move.
On December 24, 1941, when we were brought to the Presidential landing to board the Mayon, the largest interisland steamer at the time, painted all white — it was obvious we were going to Corregidor. We were given life jackets. An air raid started and the ship could not move — I think the ship’s engineer was missing. But the Japanese did not know who were on board — the Philippine government. Perhaps they did not care. It was especially frightening for a terrible scary-cat like me — a terrible experience, being marooned in the bay not far from the Manila Hotel. Fortunately, no bombs were dropped on the ships. Perhaps the Japanese intended to use the ships later.
Finally, the all clear was sounded and finally we got underway. As I recall it, we reached Corregidor towards evening. The previous time my father had brought me to Corregidor, months or a year before, we were received with a 19 gun salute, in broad daylight. Now it was a humble arrival. We were brought to the hospital side-tunnel of the Malinta tunnel. At midnight Father Pacifico Ortiz, S.J., our Chaplain, said mass for us and the soldiers, in Latin of course. It was either at that mass or the New Year’s Mass that he preached to comfort us, speaking in our Lord’s words “Put your hand in mine,” referring to the darkness of the war.
Corregidor became our home from Dec. 24, 1941 to Feb. 20, 1942. If the war had not come, we should have been hearing Midnight Mass in the richly carved wooden chapel in our home in Pasay. Noche Buena was meant to be the re-inauguration of our own house in Pasay, where we were to live instead of in Malacañan. We never saw our home again, except in ruins, as was the case with our Marikina house — the Japanese or the Makapilis, or in the case of Pasay, perhaps the Americans had destroyed them.
As our Corregidor stay was prolonged, things became worse. At first we had some minutes’ air raid warning, then Cavite fell and there was no warning — shells from Maragondon would just come over, my eldest sister, Baby with her mission in life (as Nini said) of perpetually making puns, punned — May Aragon doon. The lovely presidential yacht, the Casiana had been sunk of Corregidor and US soldiers used to dive underwater to bring up bottles of liquor, champagne, etc.
I recall one air-raid that was terrifying. We were sitting outside the hospital tunnel on the small platform under a tent, where my father used to spend the day. Suddenly, siren! How we got my father inside, I don’t remember, but obviously he could still walk. But I recall my mother starting to run but with just a half-step she stopped dead and looked around for her children. Baby who was one of those irritating people who literally never experienced fear, was bent over in laughter. She had spotted Carlos P. Romulo running down the hills towards the tunnel as fast as he could, which anyone in his right mind would do. But when he saw Baby laughing, bent over, he suddenly stopped and walked. His rather foolish male pride came into operation, even though he and Baby could both have been killed. My mother shouted “Baby!” I still remember her voice and we all made it safely to the tunnel. Then the bombs started to drop closer and closer until an absolutely deafening explosion came. I thought a bomb had entered the tunnel and the lights went out. We were already in the sub-lateral we occupied, with the only light being the sanctuary lamp of the curtained-off little chapel. How long we continued sitting in the dark I do not recall.
During the raids, my father made no sound at all that I recall. He used to say that the brave man was not the one who had no fear — but the one who felt fear and still did his duty.
In the tunnel my mother prayed of course and we were comforted by the presence of our Lord in the Blessed Sacrament. I imagine my father prayed too, but he must have prayed in silence.
As the days went on, the shelling became more and more frequent, though I think never at night.
When my father and Don Sergio Osmeña were reinaugurated, on December 30, 1941, the ceremony was held outside one main entrance of the Malinta Tunnel. All I remember is that High Commissioner Sayre addressed Vice-President Osmeña as “Don Serjoe Osmanyo.”
On the 19th of February, 1942, Fr. Francisco Avendaño came to Corregidor to say mass on my mother’s birthday and complained to my father about the lack of food on Bataan. He also complained of the American treatment of the Filipino soldiers. One Filipino who I think was too sick to stand, was kicked by an American.
At midnight that night we boarded the submarine Swordfish. During the night we traveled on the surface, where the sub could make better speed, above 20 knots per hour. Underwater it could make only about 8 knots per hour. After a good night’s sleep, there was an alarming sound of a siren, the signal that we were submerging. On the surface the sub had moved with the waves like any other ship. The moment we submerged the sub became almost completely motionless, as there were no waves underwater. We spent the whole day submerged until we landed at San Jose de Antique. I must be one of the very people who ever received Communion under water. We were given tongue sandwiches and I threw up. The reason was the heat. Commander Smith had decided to attack Japanese troopships in Subic before picking us up (most irresponsible really) and naturally the Japanese dropped depth charges. As a result, half the air-conditioning system did not work and it was hot as hell. There were a lot of red lights meaning no smoking but the sailors were merrily smoking away.
As we were passing Mindoro, we were allowed to peep through the periscope. The sky looked a non descript color. At one time also there seemed to be sound of propellers which was alarming —possibly an enemy war ship — but it turned out to be the movement of fish tails. We remained submerged all day and surfaced after dark when the sea was quite rough. Then we approached the shore, I seem to recall there was some problem with identifying the people signaling from a boat to pick us up. If only the people on the boat had realized how close they came to being sunk, but finally we were put ashore to drive to Iloilo. I recall distinctly leaning my head and shoulders against my father’s dark brown leather jacket in relaxation, feeling safe. Fortunately during reminder of our stay in the Philippines I did not realize we were in danger all the time.
When we arrived in Iloilo later that night, we went to sleep in comfortable beds and awoke to the sound of the thin horns of Iloilo streetcars the following day. I am under the impression that we stayed at the Cacho mansion, but it may have been one of the Lopez Mansions. We spent the day there — I do not know whether my father saw any government officials. Of course, Iloilo at that time had not yet been occupied by the Japanese. Our nighttime ride from Antique to Iloilo was the first of a series of night time drives in the Philippines until we escaped.
That night we boarded the Princess of Negros, which must have been a slow ship. We went to Guimaras on the way to Negros, but spent the day there, taking a lunch, up to the river to a house where Father Ortiz baptized an infant with me as sponsor. I never saw the baby again and do not even recall his name. We disembarked from the Princess because we might be spotted by Japanese planes. We reembarked at night and went on to Bacolod where we arrived the following morning.
Humor is always involved with our family. My chronology is shaky so I am not sure whether the following funny episode happened when we landed in Bacolod or later at some other part. My father covered his face with his usual large white handkerchief and told the rest of us to do the same, which we did or did not, depending on whether or not we had suitable handkerchiefs. Some local officials approached and greeted my father, “Good morning, Mr. President”. He got quite angry at us for not covering our faces, which he blamed for his being recognized. He did not realize that his get-up, with his jodhpurs and large handkerchief and, I think, a soft white hat, and riding whip were instantly recognizable all over the Philippines, whereas our faces were not. We (the rest of the family) had a good secret laugh over it, not openly because he would have been even angrier.
I do not know who provided the cars, but we drove to the Lizares hacienda where Sonia and Lety Lizares were staying. I do not recall whether their respective husbands Peping Coroninias and Manuel del Rosario were there, but definitely Letty’s daughters and Minnie were, and became my playmates while we luxuriated there. Luxuriated is the word, after our stay in Corrigidor and our brief stop-over in Iloilo. Sonia and Lety had known me since I was a little boy. I do not remember how long we stayed, but my father took advantage of our stay to confer with government officials, among them Gov. Alfredo Montelibano, who was the uncle and later apparently guerrilla commander of Teddy Locsin. I suppose our stay there was supposed to be a secret, though how any kind of secret can be kept among Filipinos with their wagging tongues is beyond me.
One evening we drove up a zigzag to a lovely but not large house in an hacienda owned by the Aranetas. It was called Buenos Aires a very appropriate name because it was so nice and cool. I do not recall whether we went back to the Lizares hacienda or went on to our next stop on the trip which ended up in a rest house in Canlaon Volcano. We stayed there for some time, how long I don’t recall. It seems I felt quite safe there. The rest of our party must have been there too. I remember that at some time Don Andres Soriano went on a reconnaissance flight. I suppose the plane belonged to our Army Air Corps but I can’t be sure. I think they spotted a Japanese destroyer, probably the one which finally towed away the Princess of Negros, and which ended up with the Japanese announcing on the air that my father was dead. How we learned of the broadcast I don’t know; it was very brave of Don Andres and his pilot to be scouting because they could have been shot down by the destroyer. I do not think there were many, or any, Japanese Air Force planes in the area as yet.
After sometime, for purposes of security I suppose, or perhaps my father received a message from MacArthur that we should join him in Australia, we set off again. The move was supposed to be a secret but somehow my sister Baby knew where we were going and with her predilection for punning , she said “A donde Bais.” According to my sister Nini, Baby felt her mission in life was punning. I believe Bais was in Negros Oriental and belonged then to Tabacalera or some other Spanish company.
Later —how much later escapes me– we went on our usual long caravan at night. I was in the back seat of the car with Dr. Trepp my father’s Swiss TB expert and Director of Quezon Institute. It seems my mother’s driver Pedro Payumo (“Pedro Taba”) was driving — how he managed to come along I don’t know — but I distinctly remember his asking us to keep talking as he was sleepy and it was dark but we — at least I — paid no attention and went back to sleep even though we could easily have fallen into a ditch.
It turned out that our destination was Dumaguete , which was pitch dark. There were a lot of people on the side of the road with bundles or cardboard boxes on their heads and also the church bells were ringing. It turned out that the people were alarmed by the sound of the PT boat’s engines which sounded like airplane engines. The PT boat had been sent to pick us up. We drove to the wharf and boarded the PT – boat. How we all fitted in the PT-boat, I don’t know. My mother and I entered the cabin where I put my head on her lap. I suppose the rest of the family were in the cabin but I remember only my mother and the cabin was pitch dark.
After sometime there was a loud conversation on the deck and sparks could be seen. I was scared to death as usual but after a short time the sparks and the commotion stopped and everything went back to normal and we continued the high speed trip. Later on I learned that, with the rough pitching of the PT-boat a torpedo had slipped about half way out of the deck torpedo tube, the sparks being the result of the torpedo’s motor having been started. Someone had the presence of mind to fire off the torpedo. If the torpedo’s fuse had struck the deck, the torpedo would have exploded and that would have been the end of us.
In the early morning light, we were put ashore in Misamis Oriental in Oroquieta. That silly episode of my father’s being recognized the moment we went ashore may have been then.
We went to two places, one of them being Oroquieta, where we met the Ozamis sisters and, I think , Senator Jose Ozamis also, then Governor of Misamis Oriental. Perhaps it was then that my father talked to Commissioner Teofisto Guingona, whom somehow I understood was in charge of Mindanao. I turned over to him for safekeeping the case that contained my two .22 cal rifles and my .25 cal automatic pistol. For some reason I remember the encounter as being at night and I usually have a pictorial memory.
After spending the day with the Ozamis family —very mestizo looking— we set off by car for Bukidnon and the Del Monte plantation where we arrived at night. We were put in very comfortable company houses. I was put in a room with Dr. Trepp and fell sound asleep.
The following morning I was shaken awake by Dr. Trepp saying in a loud voice, “ Nonong wake up, wake up, it is air raid.” There were twin engine Japanese planes which flew over the area and went on, but no air raid.
I had been to the Del Monte plantation once before with my father and it was so beautiful. This time it was still beautiful but there was an overpowering smell of rotting pineapples, because no one was picking the fruit. Many years later, someone wrote that, during the days we spent waiting for the Flying Fortresses to take us to Australia, we spent every day in the hills surrounding Del Monte. I have no such recollection and when I checked with my sister Nini, she had no such recollection either. She recalled something else, Americans in Del Monte, which I do not recall.
We knew we were waiting for Flying Fortresses to take us to Australia and after a few days we were roused in the dead of night and drive to the airfield where there were two Fortresses waiting for us. As we drove to the Fortresses, I started to talk and my mother told me to keep quiet —I suppose my father was very pensive and my talk was out of place.
The fortresses were new models (I knew all about practically every airplane and its various models). This model had tail turrets, the latest version. Some of us — my family and others, but I do not remember who, climbed into one Fortress and the others climbed into the other. It turned out that we were in one plane and Vice-President Osmeña in the other, I suppose to increase the chance of either my father or Osmeña surviving if anything went wrong — the planes being shot down or crashing, I suppose.
My father and mother sat on a mattress on the floor. I think my father was given oxygen during the night —the cabin was not pressurized. I do not know where my sisters sat. I sat at the radio-operator’s seat, at a table. I suppose the radio transmitter could not be used or the Japanese would have spotted us.
I had always wanted to be a pilot, but as the plane picked up speed I was not excited, I was scared. I started asking God not to allow the plane to take off, but of course it did. As the plane climbed I fell asleep with my head on the table. All through the night we were bouncing up and down –it was a very rough flight. We could not really fly very high, among other reasons because of my father’s condition I suppose. Also, perhaps there were not enough oxygen masks to go around. Through the night I slept on and off. At one point of I noticed it was raining, then I saw clouds over the ocean. My nervousness at take off was gone. As day dawned the sky cleared and finally we landed at Bachelor’s Field in Northern Australia. I did not realize from my aviation reading that touch down was a little rough, not perfectly smooth.
I remember getting off the plane and being taken to a mess-hall for breakfast, together with the rest of the party, then were set to prepare to take off for Alice Springs.
Anyway, we were transferred at Bachelor’s Field to another plane, a Douglas DC-5, a bit smaller than a DC-3 and intended to replace the DC-3, but war broke out in Europe and Douglas changed to producing twin engine bombers. KLM was always up to date and the DC-5 had been delivered to KLM. The Dutch Airline had a very reliable service from Holland to the Dutch East Indies and the DC-5 had escaped to Australia, having an auxiliary gas tank in the cabin. Aside from the Dutch pilot and co-pilot, there was a young American US Air Forces man on board, whose presence I do not understand because I think he was a machine-gunner and there was not machine gun on the DC-5.
As we walked out to the DC-5, a smartly dressed Dutchman in a KLM uniform saluted. My father asked him “how do we fly?” and the Dutchman answered — “About 3,000 meters” (about 10,000 feet ) which apparently disturbed my father. He asked the next smartly dressed Dutchman the same question and the man, apparently the Captain, answered “We fly as Your Excellency wishes.” which pleased my father. Apparently some agreement was arrived at and we took off. This was in the morning and as the air started to warm up unevenly, I had one of the bumpiest flight have ever had.
My mother sat beside me and I tied a white hanky over my eyes. Every time the plane bounced my mother called out — “Sagrado Corazon de Jesus,” or “Corazon Sagrado de mi Jesus!”— I would lift the blindfold from my eyes to see if we were about to crash. We were flying over the Australian desert, with rocks all over the place. I finally started to sing hymns to my mother to calm her down. All through the flight, there would be a slight increase and then decrease in the vibration of the engines and I could see that the propellers would be rotating smoothly and then slightly roughly and smoothly again. I turned out that there was a slight nick in the propeller, how acquired I can’t guess. This went on until we landed at Alice Springs five hours later. We made a slightly rough landing in Alice Springs. When we got out of the plane, it turned out that the men were wearing sun helmets with long veils over their faces because there were large horse flies all over the place, a phenomenon I had never seen before and have never seen again. They were what we call bangaos and would not be driven away. If you tried to drive them away, you might squash them with your hand.
Vice-President Osmeña’s Fortress did not land after us. As it took longer to arrive, someone —I forget who— urged my father to continue our flight but he flatly announced that we would not continue until the Vice-President arrived. Our original Fortress had continued the flight with us and looked for the Vice-President’s Fortresses, but to no avail. Night fell and we stayed at a small inn. My mother and I saw a cat catch a small mouse, which disgusted us. All through the night we could hear drunks throwing up.
The following morning we had breakfast and our Dutch plane took off to search for the Vice-President’s plane. In a very short time the DC-5 returned followed by the missing Fortress. It seems the Dutchmen were better pilots than the Americans. While our original Fortress had no trouble finding Alice Springs — possibly by following our little twin-engine DC-5, the Vice-President’s place was lost. At least the pilot had enough sense to land in the desert before running out of fuel. Then the Americans spent the night firing off flares and rockets. When the Dutchman found the Fortress, it took off for Alice Springs. Finally Don Sergio was able to continue with us, to Adelaide this time. It was another five hours’ flight. This time, I sat beside my sister Nini, to get away from mother’s exclamations. I did not overcome the fear of flying then instilled by my mother for years.
When we landed in Adelaide towards evening we spent the night. The following morning we went to a church to give thanks for our safe flight. As we came out, my father had his first encounter with Australian English. Perhaps we were the first non-Caucasians those Australians had ever met and they were very friendly and also curious. They asked “Did you come today?” which they pronounced “to-die.” I am sure he was able to figure the question out right there but later on he embellished the exchange by saying that he had answered, “I came to live, not to die!”
We took an overnight train to Melbourne. During the day, I saw a plane overhead, and for the first time since Dec. 8, I was not afraid. The following morning we arrived in Melbourne where we were met by Gen. MacArthur.
We heard of the fall of Bataan on April 9, my sister Nini’s birthday, in Australia
However, discussions started in our government over going to the States. I do not know whose idea it was originally, but my father wanted to stay in Australia, I suppose to return more quickly to the Philippines after liberation. Don Sergio Osmeña wanted to go to Washington and when my father disagreed he said: “Send me.” I don’t know why it was decided that our whole group should go to the States — perhaps MacArthur urged it, to pressure Roosevelt to send more aid quickly to the Philippines. We sailed for the States on the President Coolidge. The Coolidge had been converted into a troopship but some twin cabin had been left in their original condition and the dining room and lounge had been left untouched. It seems there was some kind of band because there was dancing in the evenings.
At the beginning of the voyage — I had no map and thus did not realize what a long voyage it was to be — we were escorted by a New Zealand warship. Sometime later, the escort duty was taken by a US navy ship which accompanied us until we reached San Francisco. As usual my roommate was Dr. Trepp. We were a large number. From the Philippines we had lost one member of the party, Chief Justice Jose Abad Santos who had insisted on remaining in Mindanao — he was finally executed by the Japanese for refusing to swear allegiance to the Japanese and for maintaining his loyalty to the United States.
However, while we were sailing to the United States, I still thought we would be going home anytime. During our voyage, we had one little exciting episode. We started to zig-zag violently; probably they had detected a submarine. But after a while, the zig-zagging stopped. It was probably a false alarm or, the submarine being under water and therefore very slow, we outran it. The rest of the voyage to the States was uneventful. Finally, we passed beneath the Golden Gate Bridge, which was still undergoing its finishing touches of paint when we went to the States in 1937. We were safely in port.
We were taken to the Mark Hopkins Hotel, considered one of the best at the time, where we stayed for about a week. This time my roommate was Col. Jaime Velasquez. There were newsmen swarming outside my father’s suite and when they knew who I was, they started to interview me but one of our group stopped me.
After some days in San Francisco, to give us a rest from the voyage I suppose, President Roosevelt’s special railroad carriage (called the Ferdinand Magellan) was sent for us and attached to a transcontinental train. It was a four or four and a half day train ride to Washington.
The start of a journey has always excited me. We had to drive to Oakland, CA, to catch the eastward train there. When we arrived at Union Station in Washington, DC, at the exit to the Station there was FDR standing beside his car and we were photographed in memorable poses. I was so moved my lips were trembling. We were driven to the White House where we had lunch and dinner. We were entertained by President Roosevelt who was a great raconteur. Mrs. Roosevelt kept walking in and out and when I met her in a corridor, she smiled “The mail, always the mail.” She seemed terribly tall, as did every one else, which is no wonder since I was only 5’2”. We spent that night at the White House, where I was put in an enormous (to me) bedroom alone. I had the impression it was the Lincoln Bedroom but I may very well be wrong.
The following morning we were taken to the eighth floor suite of the Shell Oil Company at the Shoreham Hotel, where we stayed for a time. Then we moved to the Pat Hurley estate in Leesburg, Virginia, about forty minutes from Washington, where we stayed for the summer, until our permanent quarters at the Shoreham, were ready.
Before deciding to stay at the Shoreham, we took a look at a Waldorf Towers suite way up — the Waldorf is about 34 stories high. Since my father was terribly acrophobic, the project was dropped and thereafter whenever we went to New York we stayed at an 8th floor suite at the Waldorf.
On Corregidor my father was always outdoors in a tent, away from the dust in the tunnels, but of course he had to be active when we went to the Visayas then Australia via Mindanao; and then in the United States, having settling down in Washington, he resumed a normal life, which was a mistake. His condition worsened. Dr. Edward Hayes, the doctor who had treated him in the Monrovia Sanitarium in the thirties, came to Washington and the plan was for us to go out to California. Unfortunately, my father changed the plans.
When I graduated from high school in June of 1944, my father was already bedridden in Saranac Lake, New York.
By the first of August, 1944, a month and a half after my eighteenth birthday, my father was dead.
Special to the Century Book
Re-constructing Colonial Philippines: 1900-1910
Patricio N. Abinales
THE birth of the Philippines in 1896 was one thing; consolidating the territory was another matter. While most Filipinos would attribute the unification of the Philippines to the 1896 Revolution, in reality it was a series of local revolts against the Spanish, and later against the Americans. It remains debatable as to whether these revolts either identified wholly with Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo’s Malolos Republic, or whether, had they all succeeded, whether would unite under one contiguous territory. Already when the first American troops landed in Negros Island, Negrenses were threatening to create their own republic.
The Americans were actually responsible for giving territorial reality to Las Islas Filipinas, the basis of the future Republic. They did this first by employing force against those who opposed American rule. They waged brutal military campaigns against forces loyal to the Malolos Revolutionary Government of Pres. Emilio Aguinaldo, pushing the latter as far back as the mountain fastness of northern Luzon and scattering his troops in southern Luzon, the Visayas and Mindanao. The American use of armed might was so brutish that in Samar Island, for example, hundreds of women and children were killed when Gen. Jacob Smith ordered to turn the island into a “howling wilderness.” After Aguinaldo’s capture at Palanan, Isabela, there were attempts to re-establish a new revolutionary center, but all this was quashed by the Americans.
In the towns and in Manila, American suppression of Filipino revolutionary nationalism took the form of proscribing the publication of “seditious” materials that could be disseminated through the emergent print media and the ever-popular plays. Public display of pro-revolutionary sentiments were also prohibited, with the most notable ban being the Flag Law that disallowed any showing of flags associated with the Katipunan and the Malolos Republic. The Americans also sped up the organization of police forces to oversee “peace and order” and this successor of the hated Spanish Guardia Civil proved up to the task of suppressing urban dissent.
Once sure that their control would not be seriously challenged anymore, the Americans turned their attention to governing “the new possessions.” The foremost problem that immediately confronted them was the generating money for the colony and then developing the personnel necessary to run the government.
The U.S. Congress approved the colonization of the Philippines but refused to provide sustained financial support for the undertaking. In fact, the Congress allotted only $3 million for the Philippines in the entire period from 1903 to the formation of the Philippine Commonwealth. One economist called it colonial administration “accomplished ‘on the cheap.’” Financial constraints were also complicated by the difficulty of attracting Americans to govern the colony. The solution to these problems was found in generating revenues from the colony’s own resources, particularly the existing crops that the colony was exporting abroad later years of Spanish rule. Enhancing this export economy, however, was not easy. American legislators, especially those coming from the agricultural regions of the U.S., vigorously opposed proposals that Philippine products enter the country tariff-free. As a consequence, the so-called “free trade” that introduced under American rule was not so free. The U.S. was very selective in the choice of Philippine products that could be exported to the American mainland. Only sugar, hemp and coconut were allowed open access to the U.S. market; and even these products would later be taxed in American ports. Selective entry of these goods however was enough to resurrect the export economy, and by the end of the decade much of it was re-energized because of the American market.
The second issue—putting people into the administrative and political structure—proved more successful because the Americans early on opened up the structure to Filipino participation. It is general knowledge that even as the war against Aguinaldo was raging, the Americans were already able to recruit prominent Filipinos to their side. These collaborators became the backbone of the Federalista Party, a party committed to full American control as well as the medium for introducing the party system to the Philippines. The Federalistas were also supposed to become the dominant Filipino party in the soon-to-be formed Philippine Assembly and American backing initially helped them to mobilize Filipino support.
The Americans transformed the Philippine Commission from its original function as a fact-finding and policy-recommending body created by Pres. McKinley, to the highest policy-making body of the colony. Through the Commission, the Americans were also able to bring in Filipinos into the leadership (although they had limited powers) and further legitimize their rule. With the Federalistas supporting them and the pacification campaigns winding down, especially after Gen. Macario Sakay, the last of the revolutionaries fighting for a Tagalog Republic in 1905, the Americans proceeded to prepare the grounds for eventual self-rule.
The Commission ordered a colony-wide census to ascertain the exact population of the Philippines. The census was followed by provincial elections in 1906 where a new group of Filipinos emerged to challenge the Federalistas. The former consisted of local elites who saw the value of the nationalism of 1896 and how it made many Filipinos suspicious of the pro-American Federalistas. Using their provincial positions, this group began to present themselves as the real alternative to the Federalistas. Americans increasingly recognized the strength of this sentiment, especially at the provincial and municipal levels, and began to turn their attention to these new elites. The result of this new collaboration was the creation of the Nacionalista Party, a coalition of provincial elites who promised to fight for the cause of nationalism but within the framework of the American policy of eventual self-rule.
On July 30, 1907, the first elections to the Philippine Assembly—the legislative body which would act as the “lower house” to the more “senatorial” Philippine Commission—was held and the Nacionalista won a majority. From their ranks emerged Manuel L. Quezon (from Tayabas province) and Sergio Osmeña (from Cebu), who would lead the fight to expand Filipino power inside the government and eventually become the dominant leaders of the American period. Under Quezon and Osmeña, a colony-wide party system began to take shape, its power derived from a combination of clan-based alliances, patronage and a commitment to Filipinization. As more Americans chose to return to the mainland instead of staying to serve the colonial government, Filipinos increasingly took over their position.
By the end of the first decade, “regular provinces” comprised half of the Philippines. These provinces had elected and appointive Filipino officials, many of whom owed their positions to Quezon, Osmeña and the Nacionalistas. Combining their local political experiences learned from the last years of Spanish rule, with the “political education” they were getting from the Americans, the Filipinos proved within a short period of time that they had the ability to be equally adept at governing the colony. In its first year at work, the Philippine Assembly had already shown a marked adeptness in introducing additional provisions or new amendments to existing colonial laws, and in negotiating with the Philippine Commission and the Governor General over matters of policy formulation, funding and government personnel changes. Quezon and Osmeña were at the top of all these processes. They were fast becoming astute leaders of the political party they helped build, of the Assembly that they presided over, and of the colonial regime they co-governed with the Americans. If Rizal was credited for having conceived of the “Filipino,” and if Bonifacio and Aguinaldo were the leaders who gave this imagination a reality with the Revolution, to Quezon and Osmeña must be given the distinction of helping construct the political and administrative structure that would be associated with the term “Filipino.” The Americans may have created the colonial state, but it was these two leaders who gave flesh to it and putting the foundations that the future Republic would stand on.
This type of political and administrative consolidation however was only happening in one part of the colony—the “Christian” Filipino dominated “lowlands” in Luzon, the Visayas and northern Mindanao. In the other half of the colony, the U.S. army administered the “special provinces” on the grounds that their population—the so-called “non-Christian tribes”—were more backward than the Filipinos and were prone to more “warfare.” The Americans saw their “civilizing mission” as special given that the underdeveloped character of the Cordillerans and Muslims required a longer time for them to become familiar with self-government. They also had to be thoroughly “pacified.”
Surprisingly, the pacification process was fast and relatively easy. There was hardly any resistance from the various indigenous communities in the Cordilleras, while Muslim resistance was scattered and unsustained. At the middle of the first decade, the Cordilleras and “Moro Mindanao” had become very stable and peaceful areas.
A major reason for the American success was the cooperation extended by Muslim and Cordilleran leaders to the Americans. They regarded colonial rule as a means of protecting themselves against Christians and “lowlanders.” American military officials reciprocated this cooperation by resisting the efforts of Filipinos to extend their power to the “special provinces.” A working relationship eventually developed between these community leaders and the Americans whereby the former were given minor posts in the provincial government (“tribal wards” in the case of the Muslims) in exchange for agreeing to recognize American sovereignty. U.S. army officers who administered these areas also became their protectors against Filipino leaders, doing everything they can to limit the presence of Manila and the Nacionalista party in the Cordilleras and “Moro Mindanao.”
The only major resistance came from the Muslims at the hills of Bud Dajo and Bud Bagsak, when the army declared a ban on weapons and raised head taxes. American military superiority prevailed and over a hundred Muslim men, women and children were killed. Politically, however, these actions eroded the army’s standing and opened up an opportunity for Quezon to attack military rule in Mindanao. After the massacres, the army was forced slowly to concede authority to Manila and the Filipinos. The army’s powers were also clipped once the U.S. Congress authorized its partial demobilization, and once the American president ordered its withdrawal from the special provinces and its replacement by Philippine Constabulary units. Many American officers also preferred to continue their military careers in the U.S. mainland, seeing very little prospects in just limiting themselves to the Philippines. All these problems emboldened the Filipinos to assert their political presence in these special provinces. This was something that a weakened military government could not repulse anymore. In 1913, the army conceded its power to the Department of Mindanao and Sulu, a body controlled from Manila and by Filipinos. The Cordilleras’ status as a special province was also terminated and the Nacionalista Party began recruiting its first “Cordillerans” to join the organization.
Two major features therefore characterized the first decade of colonial rule. First was the full and effective unification of Las Islas Filipinas under American rule, and second was the division of colony into two major zones of administration reflecting the histories of their respective populations. These two zones were eventually unified under the Filipinization policy, but the distinctiveness upon which they were based continued to affect overall colonial development. Muslims and Cordillerans remained staunchly pro-American and anti-Filipino, while Christian “lowlanders” continued to mistrust and maintain a low regard for these “wild tribes.”
About half a century later, a separatist movement threatened to disengage “Moro Mindanao” from the Philippines, while in the Cordilleras, the quest for autonomy remained strong.
End
Technorati Tags: Philippines, Philippines Free Press, politics
The First Gentleman of Cebu
By Manuel L. Quezon III
IN many respects, he was a modern-day Jose Yulo. A gentle, self-effacing and accomplished man, privileged to have served in all three branches of government, and in two of them with distinction. For like Jose Yulo, Marcelo Fernan had the distinction of not only heading a chamber of the legislature, but of becoming the Chief Justice of the land. Yulo became Speaker of the National Assembly after serving in the cabinet, and then became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; Mercelo Fernan, after being in the puppet Assembly of the Marcos regime, became Chief Justice and then ended his career as a senator who had become Senate President.
Marcelo Fernan, too, was compared to the man Free Press readers used to call the “Private Citizen No. 1″ during his long retirement from active politics: Sergio Osmeña. Indeed, in his many years as the most prominent politician from Cebu, Marcelo Fernan did all he could do keep the memory of that exemplar of the gentleman-politico alive. Fernan would help establish the Sergio Osmeña memorial lectures. And like Osmeña, Fernan, while being considered an accomplished politician in his own right, was primarily considered by his peers to be something much more special: a kind, considerate gentlemen who was not too obsessed with power and privilege. And while he did not obsessively seek honors, honors sought him out. At the time of his death his walls were covered with plaques and citations and awards, both for his political achievements and for what he did as a private lawyer, educator, and loyal son of the Church.
Born in 1927, he belonged to the generation that found its childhood cut short by the war; he was even detained by the Japanese. Returning to school after peace was restored, he would tell his friends he wanted to follow in the footsteps of his uncle, Manuel Briones, one time senator, failed candidate for vice-president, and then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. In one sense the ambition he confessed to his friends would find fruition: he would be all that his uncle was, and more. He became Senate President.
Fernan succesfully took the bar (he graduated from the University of the Philippines and yet bring more honor to his alma mater than that other famous Upean, Ferdinand Marcos),and became a succesful lawyer, making himself an honest and comfortable living. He began to teach; he married; he became a father and life was prosperous.
In 1959, Fernan’s political career began with his succesful candidacy for for membership in the Cebu City Planning Board. In 1962 he would run succesfully for membership in the Cebu Provincial Board. In 1971, he declared his candidacy for the position of delegate to the Constitutional Convention and won.
It was as a member of the ill-fated Con-Con that he would achieve greatness.
When, in 1973, cowed, bribed or deluded delegates meekly voted to approve the Marcos charter, Marcelo Fernan became one of only 16 delegates who did not succumb to the temptation to sell out, in the hope of preferment from the dictator or the pious hope that having voted for the charter, they would be in a position to convert Marcos back to the ways of democracy. Fernan voted “no” to the Charter; so many others voted yes. Years later, when delegates led by Diosdado Macapagal would try to undo what they had gamely acceded to previously by reconvening a rump Convention and declaring the 1973 Constitution null and void, Fernan could repeat what he said of the Marcos charter: “I did not sire it; it’s not even my bastard.” That dubious distinction would haunt the other delegates to their graves. He was not greedy, and so he could not be bribed; he was not that ambitious, and so he did not sell his vote for the chimerical expectation of a seat in the Interim National Assembly. He was not so short-sighted as to think that his countrymen would forget which way he voted when the roll call was called.
The greatness Fernan achieved in the moment he voted against the Marcos Constitution was never sullied by his eventually joining the ranks of the dictator’s party machine. He participated in the elections of 1982 and became a member of the rubber-stamp Batasang Pambansa €“but as a member of the opposition, becoming minority floor leader. His good friends the Osmenas reduced to political impotence, he alone at time represented the old guard of the anti-Marcos opposition in Cebu. And when the time came for him to do his part to add to the final push that toppled the dictatorship, he did so. It was as a member of that dubious assembly that Fernan participated in the efforts to expose Marcos’s attempts to rig the 1986 snap elections. And unlike so many members of the Batasan, when it was quietly dissolved, Fernan went quietly. He was never one to hold on to a position at the expense of his dignity.
A grateful President Aquino elevated him to the Supreme Court. In three short years he found himself the 19th Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines. And under his watch the Supreme Court maintained its newly-restored independence. He did not leave elective office in order to become a toady. Indeed, the Fernan Court handed down decisions that irked the Aquino administration; and yet it gained the respect of that administration precisely because of the Fernan Court refusing to succumb to any political pressure, real or imagined. And when, in 1989, Fernan was offered the titular leadership of a Junta to be established by the putschists, Fernan turned them down just as he had turned down an offer by Ferdinand Marcos to put him in the Supreme Court. Fernan would be loyal to his Republic: he did not fight Marcos, he declared on national television, only to be a party to the destruction of consitutional government by the military.
As Chief Justice, Fernan was proud of having established the system of having continuous trials which, if it did not radically improve the quality of justice that was dispensed, at least caused the wheels of justice to grind less slowly.
But in 1991 Fernan relinquished the supreme magistracy of the land in order to porsue an altogether different ambition: to be president, or, if he would not be president, to be vice-president. He would, in the end, become neither. He had agonized too long over the question of resigning from the Supreme Court; he had been too slow to answer the call of ambition. And when he did, he found himself outspent and outfoxed, even when he decided to accept the nomination for the vice-presidency instead. There he found himself pitted against the unbeatable Joseph Estrada. He lost.
Like Sergio Osmena, he accepted the will of the people and returned to the practice of law, focusing on giving legal assistance to those who needed it most: the poor.
1995 and the senatorial election in that year found him given a new breath of political life, this time as a member of the Philippine Senate. He was elected on the Lakas-Laban ticket. It would turn out to be the last position of public trust to be given him by an admiring people. In the Senate, he became Assistant Majority Leader and sponsored his share of legislation. Three years later, on July 27, 1998, he was elected Senate President, succeeding Neptali Gonzalez.
As senator and Senate President, Marcelo Fernan would again achieve greatness, but not because of any particular political act on his part, but because of who he was. While his very elevation to the position of Senate President had less to do with his clout as a senator and more to do with his seniority and lack of ambition making him a soothing paterfamilias for the fractuous Senate- as Senate President he demonstrated what his life was all about: courage, dignity, duty.
Shortly after becoming Senate President, Fernan was diagnosed as having a lesion in the lung; he went to the United States to have it removed. But the cancer was metastizing too fast. This was one battle he could not win; but like other battles he fought, Fernan decided that it was not winning that mattered; it was how one fought. He decided he would stick to his post as long as he was able, and do the job the people had elected him to do. But he would do little to disguise the toll the cancer was taking on his health and appearance.
Always a dapper man, he caused a stir when he acknowledged in public what his nemesis Marcos had so earnestly tried to hide from his people: Marcelo Fernan admitted he was ill and showed the signs of his ailment, although he and his family would remain mum on the subject of what his illness actually was.
But the public knew, and the public sympathized with the sight of a chemotherapy-ravaged Senate President being wheeled to the podium to preside over tedious sessions.
Under his watch, the Senate found its debates reach a low point during the deliberations on the Visiting Forces Agreement; but what would be of consequence was not the actual vote on the VFA, but the quiet courage of the man who almost single-handedly tried to maintain the dignity of the chamber he presided over. Indeed the Senate passed no distinguished legislation while Fernan was Senate President, save for the VFA and one law that will go down in history as significant: the decision, by the Senate, to relinquish its pork barrel, a bold move that the lower house did not approve of.
And then it was time to go. And Marcelo Fernan did go, not stubbornly holding on to the position he had achieved to the bitter end as others might have done and so many expected. His battle with cancer lost, the time had come to make peace with his maker, and this he did. He resigned the Senate presidency, though not his position as senator, and the next thing the public knew, he was gone.
With his passing the country paused to take stock of the career of a man who represented something that will not be seen again: the seasoned politician who never forgot what it meant to be a gentleman. He was good, kind, studious and refined; most of all, he had principles.
He was like Sergio Osmeña, he was like Jose Yulo; and like the peers of those two men, his contemporaries were found by the public to be wanting in the characteristics that evoke the gratitude of a people. Even as Fernan faced death, his fellow senators began the bruising and humiliating battle for the Senate that resulted in a Solomonic solution that made no one happy, and which necessitated the intervention of the President: something against the most cherished traditions of the chamber Fernan once headed. Fernan did not bow to Marcos when in the Con-con, he did not bow to Marcos when he was in the Batasan, he did not bow to Aquino in the Supreme Court and he did not bow to Ramos and Estrada when he was in the Senate. But as he lay dying, it was not to his fellow senators that those fighting over his mantle as Senate chief ran to; it was to the President. And it was the President, as the Free Press suggested, who weighed in and decreed the new leadership in contravention of conventional wisdom: Old Marcos hand Blas Ople got the Senate presidency, while Franklin Drilon, who did so much to foster the impression he was Fernan’s anointed, was told to cool his heels until his time would come. And all the while, as Fernan lay dying, the Senate too was giving up the ghost on whatever pretentions to independence it still had. When Blas Ople and Franklin Drilon took turns orating before Fernan’s bier, paying him the unprecedented honor of holding his necrological service during the session, they were bidding farewell not only to a rare individual, but to one of the most cherished —and most often lost, if not often regained— pretentions of the chamber they belonged to: its independence from the Palace.
How quickly can the meaning of a life be forgotten by those who claim to have admired it.
Marcelo Fernan, near the end of his life, mused to a writer that his final illness had taught him that political power and official positions were as nothing in the larger scheme of things. He saw what too few of his fellow politicians have come to realize; the pity is that with his death there will be no more like him, capable of realizing such humbling truths.
The Conscience of the Filipino
The Exemplar
by Teodoro M. Locsin
February 2, 1986–DEFEAT is usually termed ignominious unless one fights to the end, against overwhelming odds, then it is called honorable. Thus, Spartan mothers told their sons setting forth to war to return with their shields or on them. But there is another kind of defeat, and it’s a rare one. Rare in history, and most rare in political history, for politics seems to bring out the worst, the meanest in men. It’s more than just honorable, it’s glorious, and that is defeat from self-denial: to lose when one might have won, out of a sense of high purpose. Such was the defeat of Pres. Sergio Osmeña in the 1946 presidential election. He lost in his presidential reelection bid because he would make no promise he was not certain of fulfilling. He would not stretch the meaning of the word “promise” to cover mere attempt. Surely, one may not be expected to do more than one can, but he would not equate mere attempt with performance and what he was not sure he could do, he would not promise. Presidential candidates promise to balance the budget and get elected only to unbalance the budget even more, and people do not hold it too much against them. Failure to fulfill a political promise is taken as just one of those things, like death and taxes. One learns to live with it. Not to promise what one is not sure one can do is, surely, naive. After all, one might be able to do it. Things might improve. To hold promise under so strict a definition is not, well, not common. But Sergio Osmeña was not a common man.
He might have been President earlier if he had not yielded his right to a sick man who would cling on to the office. Too long had he played a secondary role to the flamboyant Quezon, now he would be first at last! Quezon’s term as President of the Philippine Commonwealth expired in 1943 and Osmeña was to succeed him in the office under the Constitution. But Quezon argued that the war had suspended the Constitution and he should be allowed to serve as President indefinitely. For life, if the war went on. Well, he did, remaining President until death took him. Though convinced that he should be President, with every legal reason supporting his position, Osmeña acceded to Quezon’s plea. The Filipino people had come to think of him, Quezon, as the symbol of the Philippine government-in-exile and Osmeña’s taking over might create confusion, the ailing man argued. Osmeña listened and gave way. Let his old political rival have his way since he wanted the office so much! He himself suffered from no such obsession. And if it was good for the Filipino people that he should step aside, that is the way it should be. Told after Quezon’s death that he was now President, all Osmeña said was: “Am I?”
Asked when he would take the oath of office, Osmeña said he would first attend to the funeral arrangements, then asked to be left alone so he could compose a tribute to his dead associate. Later, he offered Quezon’s widow and children the continued use of their elegant quarters at the Shoreham Hotel and a pension, the law being silent then on such provision for the widows of past presidents.
When the U.S. government ordered the prosecution of Filipinos who had collaborated with the Japanese during the war, Osmeña asked General MacArthur to release them on his personal guarantee. He thought they had served in the Japanese puppet government to act as buffers between the people and the brute force of the invaders. But MacArthur could not go against Washington and so herded them all in the Iwahig penal colony.
But while understanding toward collaborators — the political ones like Roxas, who would afterward take the Presidency away from him, Laurel and Recto — Osmeña would show no favor to two of his sons who were charged with collaboration with the Japanese for money, and when one of them tried to see him in Leyte, wearing a guerrilla outfit, he refused to see him. The son stayed under a tree all morning waiting for his father to change his mind, but the old man was unrelenting. The other son, whom we visited in prison, cursed him. But the law, as Osmeña held it to be, is impersonal, whatever heartbreak that might mean to the enforcer. When, during the trial of that son, he had to be confined at the Quezon Institute for the tubercular, and asked for “better facilities,” the father said his son should be given the same facilities the others had, not more, not less.
When Roxas split from the Nacionalista Party and created the Liberal Party to run for president, Osmeña, in the interest of national unity, prepared to retire and let Roxas have the field to himself. But those who wanted to hold on to their government positions argued with Osmeña that he should run to demonstrate that the Philippines was capable of holding a true election, a democratic electoral contest even amidst the ruins of war, that an orderly succession was possible — the ultimate test of political maturity. National unity would be served and Americans who held that Filipinos were incapable of self-rule and therefore unworthy of independence would be confounded.
So, Osmeña decided to run. But run in his own fashion.
Under the law then, the Nacionalista Party, as the majority party, was entitled to two election inspectors and the Commission on Elections to one, with none for the splinter party. Osmeña had the law amended so that the Roxas party would be entitled to one inspector in each precinct and would not be cheated without detection.
An act of political madness, the usual practitioners of politics would say. Well, Osmeña was mad — mad for fairness. Before the election, Osmeña was scheduled to leave for Washington with Roxas and Jose Zulueta, then Speaker of the House. When their names were forwarded to Washington for the necessary clearance, Roxas was not “cleared” for the trip. A newspaperman heard of the Washington message and asked for a copy so it could be published, demoralizing the Roxas camp. Osmeña would have nothing to do with it.
“Let me keep that in my safe,” said the President then of the Philippines (How such a President made a Filipino feel clean!) He would not hit the man who sought to remove him from his position “below the belt.”
When it was suggested that he use the Philippine Air Force for an island-hopping election campaign, he ordered all units grounded. Then, when told that Eulogio Rodriguez — “Mr. Nacionalista” — had used an Air Force plane in campaigning for the party’s ticket outside Luzon, to deliver campaign material, Osmeña ordered his secretary of defense, Alfredo Montelibano, to call up Roxas and offer the use of an Air Force plane to equalize advantages. The offer was made twice.
“The fight is over,” said Rodriguez. “Roxas is really fortunate. His campaign manager is Osmeña.”
When an appointment of a Roxas supporter to provincial fiscal was up for approval by Osmeña, he was advised to turn it down because of the man’s political affiliation. That was one of the few times Osmeña showed anger.
“Tell them,” he said, “a man is appointed to an office because his qualifications call for it, not because of his political sympathies.”
Government employees held a rally before Malacañan demanding backpay for services to the government under the Japanese and Osmeña was urged to promise them backpay if elected, even though Washington had not yet set aside the money as it had promised.
“I can’t do that.”
“You need their votes.”
“No, I have to tell them the truth.”
So, he told the rallyists who represented a multitude of government employees all over the country that he would not fool them, he would make no promise he was not certain of fulfilling. And they shouted, “Long live Roxas!”
He would not campaign for election as he would not lie. He had the duties of his office to do, work to do for a ruined country.
“I will just stand before the electorate on the basis of my record and what I have done for the country all these years.”
He did make an election-eve speech — on the state of the nation.
He had served the Filipino people well. If they were not satisfied with his service, if they believed another would serve them better, he was happy to go. He lost by 200,000 votes. If he had lied to that howling mob before Malacañan, he might have gained their votes and those of their families and friends, and won. But he would not lie.
He lost — and felt no rancor toward the winner. Not one word could be extracted from him by a journalist in derogation of Roxas. He was a gentleman to the end.
Why did he refuse to campaign?
“Those were abnormal times,” he said later, “those days after the liberation. There were tens of thousands of loose firearms in the hands of private citizens. The peace and order situation was uncertain. If I had gone out to denounce my political opponents and urged my leaders in the provinces to win the election at all costs, perhaps I could have won, but there would have been bloodshed. Political wrangles might have aggravated the prevailing situation. So, I told my leaders to allow the opposition to say anything its spokesmen wanted to say in their meetings and in the newspapers. I believed then as I do now, that as President it was my highest duty to set an example to the rest of the candidates, to avoid trouble that might endanger the nation and cause our people to lose faith in the government and its officials.”
His old rival and beneficiary, Quezon, said, after defeating him—yet not defeating him in the disgraceful sense of the word:
“It is useless to try to defeat him; he is in alliance with God.”
He set an example for his people and those who led them after him — in vain. The motivation behind the degradation of democracy that came after was best expressed in the words of a high government official:
“What are we in power for?”
Osmeña set an example. He set a standard for those who would govern a people, and it was not enough. He had done his best. I visited him in retirement and found a man—a gentleman—at rest.
November 29, 1969
How Lopez Won
by Edward R. Kiunisala
A YEAR AGO, he was probably the most underrated among the administration’s high elective officials. Not a few considered him a political jalopy, if not electoral junk. ready to be mothballed or fit only to be jettisoned. Some well-meaningPalace advisers thought that he was too old, too weak and colorless for the rough-and-tumble, no-holds-barred political game.
Earlier, rumors had it tha President Marcos was casting about for a younger and charismatic running mate. There was Rafael Salas, the new darling of Western Visayas, and Senator Emmanuel Pelaez, the political charmer from Minadanao. Either of the two, it was argued, would make a good Vice-President and would bolster the administration’s chances for another mandate.
It seemed then that Fernando Lopez’s political stock was at its lowest ebb. A possible reason was his lackluster performance in the 1965 elections when he beat his opponent, Gerardo Roxas, by an uncomfortably slim margin of only 26,500 votes. Added to this was his celebrated friction with the President on forestry matters, which almost led to an open break.
One thing about Lopez — he is no yes man. He may not have the eloquence of a Jovito Salonga, but he has the t
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We have just received the Free Philippines of August 23. It is reported therein that the Chinese troops will occupy various areas, among which is Hongkong. In the same paper there is an item to the effect that Premier Attlee of Great Britain stated before the House of Commons that plans for reestablishment of British Administration in Hongkong “are fully prepared”. Do the British mean to return Hongkong to the Chinese or not? Apparently, there is no such intention. Japan is being ordered to return all the lands she had acquired by force. Hongkong was occupied by the British against the will of the Chinese. Why should not it be restored to the Chinese? Such inconsistency has absolutely no justification.
Domei reports by radio the following statement by Laurel:
“In view of the reoccupation of the Philippine Islands by the United States and the reestablishment therein of the government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines, the acceptance by Japan of the terms of the Potsdam Declaration of July 26, 1945 and the consequent termination of the Greater East Asia War, the Republic of the Philippines has ceased to exist.”
Gen. MacArthur on August 24, 1945 issued the following statement:
“On the 29th of December 1944, when I ordered the interment by the Army of the United States of citizens of the Philippines who voluntarily gave aid, comfort and sustenance to the enemy, I stated that the military would relinquish control of such persons to civil authorities at the conclusion of hostilities. On V. J. Day, or shortly thereafter, in keeping with that statement I have directed this transfer of jurisdiction from military to civil authority.”
“This step is taken in the firm conviction that the Philippine Commonwealth Government is prepared to deal justly with those persons accused of collaboration, the crime of treason. I am sure that the democratic principles of which the Philippine Commonwealth Government is based will guarantee swift punishment for the guilty and equally swift exoneration for the innocent.”
General MacArthur also pointed out that the Army’s prompt relinquishment of jurisdiction over persons accused of collaboration is “in conformity with my previously expressed view that civil authority should be completely restored as quickly as practicable after the cessation of hostilities.”
Acting on Gen. MacArthur’s announcement, Pres. Osmeña, in a special message to Philippine Congress on August 24, 1945, recommended the creation of a Special Collegiate Court to try all collaborators.
The President stressed that the Court should be composed of judges of First Instance “who did not work under the Japanese or engage, directly or indirectly, in the buy-and-sell business with the enemy.”
Osmeña also proposed the appointment of a staff of special prosecutors, headed by the Solicitor General.
Decisions of the Special Collegiate Court would be appealable to the Supreme Court. He added:
“In view of the fact that some members of the high tribunal may be disqualified under the requirements specified, the President recommends that judges of the Court of First Instance be authorized to sit in the tribunal in lieu of the justices who may be disqualified.”
The above news came like a bombshell in this prison. Everybody was dumbfounded. Everybody was disappointed. Everyone of us of course would prefer to be accused and duly tried so that when our vindication comes, it will be accompanied by a formal declaration of our innocence. But in view of the special circumstances, we thought that another course would be taken. As America won the war with hardly any loss of time, we thought that America would be more magnanimous and just forget everything. Also, all the Filipinos seem to wish unity and we thought they would want to finish at once the collaboration issue as this is dividing our people. But it seems that Osmeña wishes to go ahead with our cases. We welcome such a decision and we will fight to the last ditch. Our faith in him is waivering and I am afraid that we will not be able to be with him. What a difference in attitude between Osmeña and General Tito of Yugoslavia and General de Gaulle of France.
What could be his motive? Some believe that he is ill-advised by those who hate the “collaborationists”. Some think that he feels that we will prejudice his candidacy as he assumes that the great majority of the “collaborationists” would be against him. Others are of the opinion that there is imposition on the part of the Americans in which case we will have to conclude that he is a weakling. Few others assert that Osmeña’s mind is already far from what it used to be and his judgment is not as accurate as it used to be. For my part, I am willing to give him the benefit of a doubt by preferring to believe that it is his duty to push our cases to the end after passing through certain proceedings.
So there is no amnesty.
Why did he have to recommend to Congress the creation of a Special Collegiate Court? Has he no confidence in the regular courts? Why did he have to provide that judges who served during the Japanese regime cannot sit in this Court? If he has no confidence in their impartiality and honesty, why did he reappoint them? This requirement leads us to think that he is interested in our conviction and he does not want to take any chances by allowing men who served in the former regime to take part in the proceedings. At any rate, his plan would delay our cases. I am sure that such a bill cannot immediately be approved in Congress, or may be disapproved. What happens then?
From the beginning, I feared that we might become victims of politics. This is the reason why I had been saying that we would not be released until after the elections of November. Now it may be the plan to hold us until after the elections to eliminate us from the elections.
We demand that we be given an immediate trial and that in the meanwhile we be allowed to be out on bail so that we can prepare our defense. Now we see the necessity of getting together, of organizing our own party so as to protect ourselves and fight those who caused us this martyrdom.
* * * * * *
Autograph hunting continues. People asking for our autographs are not only our companions, but many ladies in this community whom we had not met. It shows their sympathy towards us.
I cannot keep track of all of them. I shall only copy one or two.
To Miss Pino: “Although I have not had the pleasure of meeting you, I have heard so much about you that I feel as if I had known you for a long time. We are here bereft of the warmth of the hearts of our families, relatives and friends. If our suffering had not been as intense as it could have been, it is because we found persons whose kindness and sympathy toward us make us forget our pains and worries. To you more than anybody else we owe this consolation.”
In the afternoons, we are allowed to play games at the plaza or Colony Square. There is a school along the way and we usually stop to look at the girls and the teachers. Evidently, they know who we are. Whenever the opportunity arises, we engage them in lively and friendly conversation. I recall a Miss Pino, a very pretty girl. She sent us many gifts.
Col. Torillo: “My greatest satisfaction during our forced stay in Iwahig is that it gave me the pleasure and opportunity of knowing persons who can be a credit to any country. Among them is you, Col. Torillo, whom I have learned to like and to admire. The work assigned to you here is a most difficult and delicate one. You certainly acquitted yourself admirably.”
This morning, I modified my opinion as to when we will leave. I believe now that it will not be before the end of this month. It will be sometime in September or October. The reason for my change of view now is that I think Laurel, Aquino and Vargas, who are still in Japan, will be brought to the Philippines and I think their cases as well as the Ministers’ will be tried or investigated at the same time. Since the cases of those three or more serious, they may not be considered until after some time and, therefore, our cases will also be delayed.
It is reported by radio that Emperor Hirohito will fly to Manila, in a Japanese plane from Tokyo to Okinawa and in an American plane from Okinawa to Manila. MacArthur has been designated as Commander-in-Chief to receive the surrender of Japan. The representatives of the vanquished always come to the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander or to the place indicated by the latter. MacArthur’s headquarters is in Manila; therefore, the Japanese Representative should go there. But why Hirohito precisely. I can’t understand why it cannot be Premier Suzuki. I do not believe the United Nations will deal with the Premier, however; he will probably be one of those to be arrested and accused as a war criminal. But his cabinet can fall and a Pacifist Cabinet could be created under the Premiership of Konoye, Konoye can then sign the peace terms. But it seems it has to be Hirohito. What a humiliation! Before, he was a proud ruler, considered as god himself. His words were law and divine order at the same time. Now he is under the orders of MacArthur.
I suggested to Compadre Serging Osmeña that he write a letter to his father. I so suggested because it seems that they are already in good terms. I explained to him that his father is an experienced and shrewd politician. Serging ought to know that just now his father is at a disadvantage as regards the collaborationists inasmuch as Roxas has openly thrown himself on their side. I told Serging that he write his father that there is discontent here on account of his passive attitude. He should suggest to his father to do something; to make a “golpe” (sensational and radical act) which will boost his stock among the “collaborationists” and such “golpe” should be a general amnesty proclamation freeing everybody accused of collaboration. This may incline the collaborationists to his side or at least put him in a better position to approach them later. I found Serging rather reluctant for reasons which he explained. The reasons involved family relations among the father, mother-in-law and Serging.
* * * * *
Excerpts from a letter of Roy W. Howard, the principal owner of Scripps-Howard newspapers, dated at Manila, July 30, 1945 to Arsenio Luz:
My chief purpose in coming here, aside from a desire to confer with Gen. MacArthur and get a picture of the general situation, was to see if I could be of any help to you. I wish that it were possible for me to report success, but after pursuing every line that is open, and discussing your case with everyone I know who might be in a position to help, I am afraid that as far as your immediate release is concerned, my effort has been a failure.
It is my sincere belief, Arsenio, that in spite of any action that can be taken, including even legal action, the group held in Palawan now will be kept there until the conclusion of the war with Japan. I realize that this is going to be very tough, and I doubt whether were I in your place it would be possible for me to reconcile myself to the belief that remaining there is the best course. But in my efforts I have run into a few facts which, without in any sense justifying the action taken against you, throw a light on the situation which I want to pass along to you.
In my efforts I have talked to Gen. MacArthur, Gen. Thorpe, head of the C.I.C., Pres. Osmeña, Manuel Roxas, Phil Buencamino, Salvador Araneta, Manolo Elizalde, Chick Parsons, Paul McNutt, and others. They have all been very sympathetic and have helped me to the best of their ability. But we have all run into a stone wall in that Gen. MacArthur is embarked on a course which I am convinced he believes to be in the best interest of the Filipinos, and from which I do not believe it is going to be possible to dissuade him. As I see it, the situation boils down to about this:
MacArthur is fighting a war and doing a most magnificent job of it. However, the job is one calling for the most intense concentration, and despite what I am sure is his keen realization of a pot of political and purely domestic needs, he is having a straight line and giving no consideration to any proposition except killing Japs.
I have no doubt that he suspects there are men at Palawan who are entirely innocent, and many who have been guilty of nothing more serious than indiscretion or bad judgment. To attempt to sort those men out, however, would, if justice were to be done, be equivalent to bringing about trials at this time. I can see many reasons why this would be inadvisable, the chief one being that at the rate of which feeling is dying down, it is obvious that there will be much less emotionalism attaching to collaboration trials later on, than would be the case today.
If trials were to be held today, they would of necessity be trials before an American military tribunal. I suspect Gen. MacArthur feels that not only will Filipino courts be more competent to judge Filipino psychology, but that Filipinos, knowing the conditions existing in Manila and the pressure that put to bear on people like yourself, will be infinitely more lenient than would be the case with a hard-boiled, wholly impersonal military court. In any event, Arsenio, at the end of the week’s effort, in which I have thrown in everything I have without obtaining any redress in your case, I am forced to say that I think that is the way the thing stands, and while Gen. MacArthur has promised to have prepared for his own personal consideration a review of your case, I do not honestly advise you to count on much of anything happening in consequence.
The real purpose in writing this letter is this: I do not need to tell you, I am sure, that my own faith in your innocence of any action prejudicial to the United States has never waned. That will not be either news or a surprise to you. What is more important, however, to you… something which I am not sure you fully appreciate is that no one from Gen, MacArthur down has expressed to me the slightest belief that any action which you took under the stress of occupation conditions was in any sense an action aimed against the interests of the United States, and no one to whom I have talked has expressed the slightest doubt of your loyalty to the United States and to your American friends. That goes straight, Arsenio, and without any discount.
To give you a complete picture, however, I must add that some of your friends, even though they are understanding and tolerant, feel that you may have on occasion been a bit indiscreet and not used your head as effectively as might have been the case. Everyone realizes, however, that hindsight is sometimes better than foresight, and I haven’t the slightest doubt that aside from the discomfit and inconvenience of being held in custody for the very few months during which this war is going to continue, you will ultimately be restored to complete standing in this community and given a complete bill of health.
If your old sense of humor is still working, and I have no doubt that you still possess it even though it may have been scuffed up a bit, you may smile at a line of reasoning which I have given Carmen, and which I put forward in all seriousness. I realize the ridiculousness of a man on the outside arguing to the man who is detained, on the virtues of being in jail, and yet I think in your case there is some virtue in the situation.
Let me explain: If it were possible to exercise any influence to get you sprung at the present time, and I had an opportunity to do so, I would advise you to turn your back on such an opportunity. My reasoning is this: if you were to come out under such circumstances and without a trial, there would always be hovering over you a suspicion that may be you were at liberty not because of innocence, but because of some pull you were able to exercise. Such a situation would be a handicap to you and your family for the rest of your life. On the basis of what I have been told, and I am not going to attempt to state here which man or men most influenced my judgment (although I assure you they were among your best friends and American well wishers), I believe that the hearing which you will certainly get immediately upon the conclusion of the war and the turning of this whole problem over to the Philippines, will give you a clean bill of health and completely establish your innocence of any action that would prejudice your standing either with Filipinos or Americans. For whatever my judgment is worth, the value of this bill of health and official establishment of your innocence will over the long haul more than compensate for the few additonal weeks or months that you may be denied your liberty.
As I said, this argument, sound though I am convinced it is, may be one easier for me to make on the outside than for you to accept on the inside. I know, however, that you will not doubt my honesty, even though you should doubt my judgment, when I tell you my opinion of the tremendous value which I believe will attach to your exoneration, as distinct from the situation which might result if you were released in consequence of political pressure, even though there was the possibility of exerting political pressure, a possibility which I am sure does not exist.
I would of course have come to Palawan to see you, had it been possible to do so. I even made some efforts in that direction, but became convinced that not only could I have been of no value to you down there, but to have made the trip might have in some degree prejudiced your case.
Now for one more point, and then I’ll wind up this interminably long letter. In April, before his death on August 1st, I visited President Quezon at Miami, Florida. At that time he was on his death bed and I think fully realized that his number was up. He talked with extreme difficulty and only in a whisper, because the tuberculosis had reached his throat. I won’t attempt to quote all of his conversation, but merely that which has a bearing on your situation, and on his unshakeable faith in you and confidence in your loyalty and integrity. There had at that time come back to the United States varied stories of collaborative action being taken by Filipinos. Cases discussed with a number of these people, some of whom I knew and others whose names had slipped me, but whom he insisted I had met and who knew me. Finally, he turned to me and said:
Roy, I do not know about all of these people. I am worried about Jorge Vargas. The reports on what Jorge is doing are not good, though I find it very difficult to believe that any one so long associated with me would turn out to be disloyal to me, to the Filipino people, and to the United States. I must admit that I am having to reserve judgment. About some of your friends, however, I would advise you to have faith, just as I have. There are some of them to whom disloyalty would be impossible and I include in this list Alunan, Joe Yulo, Arsenio Luz, Phil Buencamino…’
In addition he named those several others — people whom probably I would recognize if I saw them, but whose names at the time did not mean much to me.
Quezon told me at that time the instructions that he had left with his friends, and added that he was now in touch with those men by clandestine short wave radio. He also told me that within a week he had received a call from one of his men, a Filipino doctor, who had returned to the States from Manila within the preceding forthnight.
At home I have a diary memorandum which I wrote that night, in which I have Quezon’s exact words. The foregoing quotation, however, is to all intents and purposes correct and accurate.
…I am no seventh son of a seventh son, but I venture the prophecy that this war will be over before the end of the year and that your complete restoration to your family and to the position which you have so well earned in this community, will have been effected before the New Year is many days old.
Mr. Howard is one of the two or three great newspapermen in the United States now living. The news above is the most authoritative we have received inasmuch as it is the result of his personal conferences with MacArthur in whose hands our destiny lies. Therein it is clear that we will not be released while the war lasts. He believes that even if we can go now we should not accept it as there will always be the suspicion that we got out as a result of influence. Whereas if we are acquitted after due trial, we will be given a clean bill of health, and, therefore, be restored to our old position in the community. Such was my opinion from the beginning. We do not positively know what we are charged of. But under the circumstances, we presume that it must be treason to our country and disloyalty to the United States. As to the latter, I have never been disloyal to the United States but if they insist, I would not mind it because after all deep in my heart I do not recognize loyalty to any country other than my own. But the charge of treason to my country is very serious. From all indications at the present time, only prejudiced Filipinos believe that we have been traitors and they constitute a very small portion of our population. But how about future generations who do not know the facts personally? If our declaration of innocence now is not recorded, they may get the idea that we have done something against our country. So it is preferable that we be submitted to a trial in order that our formal vindication may be decreed if we are found not guilty.
No effort is being spared to prevent a break between Osmeña and Roxas and to preserve unity. It is said that a great majority of the Senators and Representatives signed a petition which they presented to Osmeña and Roxas urging reconciliation and unity. In this campaign, they were backed by other influential people outside the government.
Speaker Zulueta declared that a fight between Osmeña and Roxas is a remote possibility. Both are Nacionalistas and Roxas has not resigned from the party. He said that a Party Convention should be held. Both must submit to the convention and abide by the result of the convention. In theory, this is very good. But I fear that this is not what will happen. If passions run high, no convention will be able to prevent a fight.
What has been the reaction? The people are decidedly behind the movement. Osmeña, to the surprise of everybody, expressed conformity, but at the same time announced his candidacy. I could hardly believe this. It shows thoughtful political strategy. I wonder who are advising him on political affairs. He gave up and did certain things, however, which might have paved the way to reconciliation.
For instance, instead of making an issue of his appointment of the three notorious Cabinet secretaries by raising the argument that the positions are more or less confidential and a matter of confidence, knowing that members of Congress were strongly against it, he withdrew the appointments, an action which had no precedent. There was no mental reservation that he would reappoint them after adjournment, as other executives have done in the past. No kind of effort at all was made toward face-saving. In the past, the appointments are confirmed and after a little while, some apparently good or plausible reasons are invented for the withdrawal from office of the appointee.
And what was the attitude of the appointees? To say the least, it was shameful. They were not man and courageous enough to face the truth. Do they think that there was even a handful of men who believed that they could do much in the Rehabilitation Committee? It is believed that they would spoil the whole effort in America. In the case of Kalaw, what a shame — from Cabinet member to book-collector, a ₱100.00 clerk work! And there was no sign of indignation on the part of these men. It also is not a credit to the appointing official. And all these are at the expense of prostrated Juan de la Cruz. Getting ₱1000 a month for “vacation work”. And these are the patriots who will give their lives for Juan de la Cruz? Poor Philippines!
Oh, I almost forgot the other good action of Osmeña. Showing a spirit of revenge, Confesor announced that while in the U.S. he would expose Roxas who he had been attacking violently. He especially ridiculed the claim that Roxas was the head of the underground resistance in the Philippines. Osmeña was forced to admonish Confesor publicly. He enjoined Confesor to devote his time to the work of the Committee. As to Roxas, a ray of hope arose when it was published that he had ordered the cessation of the campiagn for his candidacy. There was jubilation as it was interpreted to mean that an understanding had been reached. Almost immediately thereafter, however, the papers reported a speech made by Roxas before a guerrilla group attacking the administration of Osmeña. In substance, Roxas said that the administration has not done anything, has absolutely no idea of what should be done to rehabilitate the wrecked finances of the government and to solve the food shortage and other grave problems of the country. It was a bitter denunciation.
Such is the present situation. The fight is not a remote possibility as claimed by Speaker Zulueta, but it is now a reality. Only a miracle can save our country from what all consider a national cataclysm.
I forgot something else also in this connection. It was reported that Roxas told the Senators and Representatives that he would be for unity if the following conditions are accepted: (1) reinstatement of all officials elected in 1940; (2) reinstatement of all employees in the civil service; (3) reistatement of justices and all judicial officers; (4) reinstatement of officers in the Army; (5) more effective rehabilitation measures; and (6) redemption of all Philippine National Bank notes. At first Roxas denied the news; it seems, however, that the report is absolutely true. It is also reported that Osmeña is inclined to accept Roxas’ conditions. This is humiliating since it is an admission of the failure of his administration. But he had sacrificed his personal ambition more than once before, even what others would call dignity, for the sake of his country.
As a matter of fact, unity is not impossible to attain, but the root cause of disunity must be eliminated. To me, it all arises out of this foolish “collaboration issue”. If there were no such issue, there would been no reinstatement problem of employees, judicial officers, elective officials, and Army officers because all these people are being deprived of their respective offices due to this meaningless collaboration issue. As to rehabilitation, there could be no issue about it, and as to bank notes, there should not be much disagreement. Now that the Japanese have been driven away, all were agreed that 99-1/2 percent of the Filipinos were against them. There is practically no Filipino today who does not mourn the death of a near relative or who has not been the victim of Japanese cruelty and brutality. I would say even the most pro-Japanese changed. Everyone we talked to wanted a crack at the Japanese. My own son was insisting in joining the Army because he imagined hearing always the pitiful cries of his dear sister Neny. Some people in government have made it appear there were countless “pro-Japanese Filipinos”. We thought they could be counted with the fingers of our hands. But it turns out, to our surprise, that we were all wrong because they ran to several thousands. It is driving us to desperation. It is root cause of this destructive evil of disunity. A revelation was opened to us.
Even MacArthur was alarmed with what was happening, and he earnestly counseled unity for the sake of the independence of our country and welfare of our people. I know be loves our country and I have no doubt that his only purpose is to help our country. But I fear that for reasons on which many theories have been advanced, he is not aware of the fact that, more than anybody else, he is responsible for this situation. What a disappointment!
The Americans themselves are becoming aware of our anomalous situation. They do not seem to know what to call us. At first, they said that they merely took us under protective custody to protect us from infuriated people. If so, are all measures being taken necessary for the purpose? Was it necessary to leave us exposed to the sun for 2 days in a place (Pier 4 in North Harbor) where there were no persons, except soldiers and Army employees, that could harm us? Was it necessary to herd us like cattle in a dark and hot hold of a ship with a small exit door securely guarded? Was it necessary not to allow us on deck except for only an hour everyday? Do they mean to say that our lives were in danger while sailing in the deep China Sea with only American crewmen? Was it necessary to confine us in a small well-guarded place within a colony in a government reservation? They confined us with those who were real spies of the Japanese and who had been responsible for the death of Filipinos. These are the people whose lives are in danger and are in need of protection. Instead of getting justice and liberty, we landed in jail here in Iwahig wihout knowing what it was all about, there to be treated worse than the worst criminals — the convicted criminals could roam around the Colony, talk to the people, and eat what is good for them; whereas we are detained in a stockade of less than one hectare in size surrounded by barbed wires. Here we are held incommunicado, compelled to eat food that we detest, ordered to be neat but not allowed to send clothes outside to be laundered nor given facilities for laundering inside the stockade; humiliated by marching us like ordinary prisoners to the mess near the plaza with guards carrying sub-machines guns; prohibited to smoke on the way and to talk to each other; deprived of our liberty without the semblance of a trial which we thought is guaranteed to free people by the Constitution and the tradition of America.
We have not injured anybody; one the contrary; we did our best to save and protect the people. Even the guerrillas can have no motive for complaint. All we did was to advise them to lie low while the Americans were not yet here since we were absolutely defenseless. For each Japanese killed, houses were burned, hundreds of Filipinos killed, and we just could do nothing about it.
There seems to be a movement in Manila to postpone the election. Speaker Zulueta seems to be decidedly for postponement, giving his reason that peace and order throughout the Philippines is such that it is not yet possible to hold elections. Of course postponement of an election is really undemocratic, but if elections are not advisable under the circumstances, there should be no hesitation to postpone. Personally, I believe it should be postponed. It will facilitate the efforts for understanding and unity.
It is reported that there are two blocs in the Senate: one pro-Osmeña and the other pro-Roxas. The pro-Osmeña senators are reported to be Rodriguez, Rama, Garcia, Torres, Sa Ramain, Martinez and Bondoc. It is very regrettable to have such blocs in the Senate.
* * * * *
The war in the Philippines has just been declared officially terminated. This, of course, does not mean that there will be no more fighting in the Philippines. Many Japanese soldiers have retreated to the mountains. I suppose the Filipino guerrillas will take care of cleaning them up. I believe over half a million Filipinos have died on account of the war. I am afraid Filipinos will continue dying. Mutual congratulations were passed around. Osmeña made the statement that now we can return to constitutional civil administration. Undoubtedly, this is an answer to the charge launched by Roxas that constitutional guarantees are being disregarded. It was thought that because of the termination of the war in the Philippines, we can now be released. Evidently though, “during the duration” is being interpreted to mean while the war in the whole Orient has not been declared terminated.
Many speculations have been made as to when the war will end. Some say that because of the reconquest of the Philippines it will terminate soon. My opinion is that it will all depend upon the circumstances. In case peace negotiations are started, war will end tomorrow. Japan knows that she is licked. It is all a question of time. If she persists, she knows that all her cities will be wiped out and millions of her people will die. She is only interested in face saving. Even if the words “unconditional surrender” are not used, she would be willing to give up all that she would lose under an “unconditional surrender”.
Continuation of the war will also mean, of course, the sacrifice of lives of Americans and the expenditure of huge amounts of money although these would be very small in comparison to what the Japanese stand to lose. Some Americans, like Sen. Capeheart, are inclined to favor a negotiated peace. They are willing to consider peace overtures which he assures have already been made. But it seems that Pres. Truman and other Allied high officials insist in an unconditional surrender. Nobody of course knows, but Japan may be able to hold out for some time yet. More than a year ago, they knew that the Americans and the British will be able to attack her by air, land and sea. She must have been preparing for it. Furthermore, Japan is very mountainous, the type of terrain appropriate for their way of fighting. The strategy of the United Nations seems to be to break the morale of the Japanese and to destroy the Japanese faith in the divinity of their Emperor. It will not be so easy to destroy a system which has been observed for many centuries. This may take some time and in the meanwhile, the Japanese may continue fighting. I hope Japan’s surrender will be very soon.
Pessimism again reigns in the stockade. Our feeling has never been as low as it is today. Our impression is that we are being forgotten. What must be happening? It looks like the war may drag on for some time and, in the meantime, we have to make the most of our confinement.
I am naturally very interested in the former employees of the government. It seems that the administration has considered all former employees as collaborators and as such they were all dropped from the service. Osmeña has somewhat qualified this policy and a few, like the teachers, have been reinstated. But the great majority are still out of public service. Many of them are now suffering, the victims of the injustices of politics. I say injustice because they have been replaced by henchmen of the government moguls. I hope they will be reinstated immediately. My reasons may be seen below.
When the Commission organized the government on Jan. 21, 1942, there was practically no government employee that wanted to reenter the service. But the government had to run and we did our best to persuage them to accept employment. They told us that they preferred to wait because the Americans would be back in less than a year. Anyhow, they said they had already received their three months’ salary. At the beginning, I was rather doubtful myself as rumors were very strong that an American Army and Navy Convoy were already on the way. But days passed, weeks and months passed, and no help was in sight, and in the meanwhile resistance in Corregidor and Bataan was weakening.
The fall of Corregidor and Bataan was imminent — there was no indication that the Americans were coming soon. The employees held out as long as they could. But after they had spent their three months’ salary, most of them could not longer continue without employment. They were now drawing from the little savings they had. As everybody knows, unless a government employee is dishonest, he cannot possibly provide for the morrow. This the reason why I am now convinced that the insurance system of protection for the employees must be converted into a regular pension system. The insurance is just a temporary help; the pension is permanent and provides for the employee when he loses his job, or for his family after his death. With the pension plan we can retire old employees, and the employees will do their best to maintain an efficient record during the period necessary to entitle them to receive the pension. They will be honest as they know that if they become incapacitated or die, they can rest assured that their families will not live in misery.
Going back to the government employees, a few of them engaged in business; but a great majority of them had to work and they were not fit to do anything else. They had to choose between employment or starvation. It is easy to say that for patriotic reasons, he should have preferred to starve and to suffer. But when his innocent little children began to clamor for food, they had to be fed — no explanation could sooth them. What was the poor father supposed to do? He could go around borrowing money or asking help from his friends. His friends may be very accommodating, but this could not continue for a long time because they also are not enjoying abundance. He looks for a job outside the government or any work which had nothing to do with the Japanese. The only pair of shoes that he still has wears out and he has spent his last money. What could he do? He could not go to the mountains leaving his family to starve under the mercy of the Japanese. He did not want to steal for he is a religious and perfectly honest man. What did he do? He went to the office where he had spent the best years of his life. He went there out of necessity; to live, to save his beloved wife and children. He served without the least intention of helping the Japanese since, having been reared in an atmosphere of justice and freedom, he could not possibly ally himself with men for whom such justice and freedom were a mockery. His whole thought, his sole aim was to save his family. Even then, there were many who resisted.
I remember vividly one case and fortunately he is here with us because if I am wrong, he could correct me. I am referring to Mr. Pimentel, our Secretary. I met him one day (during the war) and asked him what he was doing. He said he was not doing anything and, although he was already in dire straits, he would prefer not to work with or under the Japanese. His information was that in six months, the Americans would be back. He said that he had sons in the USAFFE and he did not care to be in any way connected with the Japanese. I knew Mr. Pimentel as a man who was as poor as myself and that he had to work all the time to support his big family. When we parted, I saw the determination in his eyes to continue fighting the Japanese in his own way.
But Bataan and Corregidor were crumbling; they fell shortly. He became convinced that the Americans could not come back in one year. He could not hold out that long so he decided to accept employment. Pimentel’s experience is the same as that of thousands and thousands of government employees — by necessity they accepted employment. In their hearts they did not for a moment waiver in their ardent desire to see the Americans back in the Philippines. They could not give any outward manifestation of their sentiments, as the offices were full of spies and the movements of officials and employees were watched closely. But inside their homes, among their immediate family, they prayed fervently for the victory of America. But many did not stop there. When the guerrillas became numerous and active, most of them joined the guerrillas in one form or another. I say in one form or another because, although there were many who were given official ranks, there were also many who did not want any appointment or sign anything for fear that they would be discovered. After all, they said, the important thing was to render service to the cause of America and the Philippines. No official papers or signatures could be more valuable than that. Like true heroes, real patriots, the material gain never entered their minds.
How did they serve the cause of America and the Philippines? They served by furnishing valuable information, helping in every way those active in the guerrilla warfare, bolstering up the morale of our people, creating difficulties for the Japanese Army and Navy and the Japanese in general. These employees were the anonymous forces that helped. Their services were equally meritorious.
To cite an instance of how they served. Ironically, this involved Mr. Confesor who seems to have had something to do with the formation of the present government’s policy involving former employees. Sometime in 1943, evidently as an answer to the appeal of Gov. Caram of Iloilo, Mr. Confesor wrote him a letter giving his reasons why he did not care to come down from the mountains and surrender to the Japanese. I was able to get a copy of the letter. It was a well written letter and his arguments were very weighty. It impressed me very deeply so much so that as I had always considered him a close friend of mine, I wanted to discuss the matter with him. Unfortunately I was not able to see him. I said that it was a good letter, but it contained an insinuation against which I must protest. I lost my two copies during the fire in my house and in my office. But I distinctly remember that there was a paragraph or some sentences referring to some speeches we delivered in Iloilo (in March or April of 1943), which in substance say the following: “You better prepare new speeches which you can deliver next July when the Americans will be here.” The insinuations were that (a) we were mere job-seekers; and (b) we were so insincere that we only say what would be pleasing to the ears of our hearers. This is not the proper place to answer such scurrilous accusations. For the present, I must make it of record that I have never been a job-seeker, and that I have always considered insincerity as one of the worst traits a man can possess.
Well, I brought Mr. Confesor’s letter to Manila and placed it in my desk drawer at the office, together with many other important documents. Many employees had heard about the famous letter announcing the coming of the Americans and they were all anxious to get a copy. One day, a clerk of mine entered my office gasping. “What’s the matter,” I asked him. “Sir, they are distributing copies of Mr. Confesor’s letter,” he stammered. I was alarmed; everybody knew what was coming if the Japanese ever found out that a prescripted document like that letter was being copied and distributed in our office. It would have meant Fort Santiago for all of us and at that time the mere mention of that historic fort made everybody shudder. I investigated the matter and I discovered that, as I had just come from Iloilo and suspecting that I had a copy of the letter, my employees went through my drawers and found the copy. They made numerous copies using the typewriter in our office. Each and every one of them became a distributor of the letter and a propagandist of the coming of the Americans. I had to take unusual precautions to cover up that happening in my office. I understand similar incidents occurred in the other offices.
Another evidence of the employees’ pro-American feelings. About 20 employees of an important bureau of the government were arrested by the “Kempetai” (Japanese Military Police). They were charged with being guerrillas and according to the Kempetai, the evidence consisted of a list of “guerrilleros” which they found. The matter was brought up to Malacañan. Naturally a promise was made to the Japanese that the matter would be investigated and proper criminal and administrative action would be taken against the guilty parties. All except the three supposed leaders, were released. I do not know what happened to those leaders, but they were probably released after the usual torture meted out to almost all those arrested.
During the investigation it was discovered that if the guerrilla elements in all the bureaus were to be eliminated, there would have been almost complete paralization of the government. The whole matter was hushed and covered up. I do not recall anyone prosecuted or dismissed from the service for guerrilla activities or connections.
More evidence of the attitude of the employees. Everytime there was a meeting or a parade, attendance had to be obligatory under heavy administrative penalty, otherwise very few attended. The employees offered all kinds of excuses to avoid going to the parade or meeting.
In this connection, I would like to say something about the ex-officers and servicemen of the USAFFE. At the beginning, we were not sure what the attitude of the Japanese to their employment would be. Already we could observe that a good many of them were suffering for lack of means. We were able to convince the Japanese to allow us to employ these men. The argument we used, which we knew could never be true, was that these men sincerely wanted to be with the Japanese because they were beginning to understand that Orientals ought to be together. We devoted much attention to them. We issued orders reinstating them to their old positions and, as to the others who were not former government employees, we ordered that preference in hiring be given to them. I can certify that inspite of all the hardships these men were going through, very few took advantage of our orders. Only those who would otherwise starve unless they earned something accepted positions in the government.
Another fact that should be considered. In the last months of the Japanese regime, in view of the dangers in Manila, the food shortage, the financial condition of the government and the paralization of government activities, orders were issued for the release of the employees with payment of a certain amount of bonus. Everybody wanted to take advantage of it. If we had not rescinded our orders there would have been practically nobody left.
There are the men that are now being punished. They are patriots in their own way. Perhaps their services were even more effective than those who now wish to monopolize patriotism. The only thing they were guilty of was that they wished to live, and managed to live. And because they survived the war, they are now branded as traitors; because they were unable and could not possibly go to the mountains, they are being placed on a worst ration than bread and water.
It is said that something is being done — but the process is entirely wrong. A board of inquiry has been appointed to determine whether those seeking reinstatement could be allowed to return. My opinion is that they should all be reinstated and then the Board can determine whether they could or should continue or not. The difference is that in the first case, the employees are being presumed guilty and the burden of proving the contrary is thrown upon them. In the latter case, they are presumed innocent and they could remain in the service as long as nothing has been proven against them.
Justice is all that I demand for them.
Yulo continued to be very bitter against everybody. He has lost confidence in Osmeña and in Roxas in so far as our situation is concerned. As to MacArthur, he says MacArthur will do only what would be for his own convenience. He thinks Osmeña is useless. As to Roxas, he resented the fact that both of them journeyed from Baguio to La Union together, and then to Manila together, and afterwards, Roxas left him. Since then, they have not seen each other.
It is reported that Osmeña at one time planned to prevent the election of Roxas as President of the Senate. He wanted Yulo to return to make him his candidate for the position. This was never carried out.
It was also reported that Roxas had said that Congress had nothing to do and could do nothing in our case, and that it is only the military that could decide our case. This report depressed us. But the news was clarified by the letter of my wife. She said that she, accompanied by Mrs. Recto and Sen. Rodriguez, went to see Pres. Osmeña in his office. The President received them amiably. My wife went there to intervene in my behalf. The President told them that he cannot do anything now as we are still under the military, that he had already requested that we be transferred to the Commonwealth, and that once transferred he would be able to do something. According to her, Roxas paid her a call at our house. He said practically the same thing — that nothing can be done now, but that he has already asked Gen. MacArthur to turn us over to the Commonwealth. He would do his best for us, and if necessary he will go to America.
Today, news came that the military campaign in the Philippines had been declared closed. This may accelerate our transfer to the Commonwealth.
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It seems almost definite that the elections will be held next November and that the opposing candidates will be Pres. Osmeña and Roxas. There is quite a difference of opinion as to whether it will benefit us or prejudice us. The general opinion seems to be that it will favor us. Recto upholds this view. They say that both will try to do everything for us with the expectation that we would help whoever could get us released. They are aware that we here hold the balance of power and that whoever we support will come out.
My opinion is different. I believe the effect will be just the reverse. Each would not be a candidate unless he is reasonably sure that he can win. They would be thinking: Why allow a new element to come in which may deprive him of his chance to win? Better eliminate any disturbing element. On the other hand, there are many candidates for senator who will try to use their influence not to allow us to be released for fear that we may present our candidacies and therefore lessen their chances to get elected. Furthermore, each candidate will want to be sure of our support. Those will not get our support will surely work against us.
Both Osmeña and Roxas can do very much for us either way. Osmeña will be the one to decide what to do with us once we are turned over to the Commonwealth. On the other hand, Roxas is an intimate friend of MacArthur and just now our fate is in the hands of MacArthur. If, on the other hand, because of our prudence and because we do not want our attitude known just yet, both may lose interest or may want us to remain where we are until they find out how we stand.
We have been informed that the most serious charge against former Ministers of the Philippine Republic is that we left Manila and this resulted in the killing of so many residents of the city. In other words, they say that if we had not left Manila, the massacre of residents would not have occurred. I am sure that our presence in Manila would not have made any difference. This is what the Japanese did throughout China before the establishment of the Pro-Japanese government. The Japanese were aware that the majority of Filipinos were against them. To protect our people and ourselves, we of course denied this. But as a matter of fact, we knew positively that 95% of the Filipino people were anti-Japanese. We knew that even the government employees serving in the Japanese regime were “guerrilleros”. We knew the feeling of the Filipinos because we were in continuous close contact with them. They hated the Japanese. This feeling was prompted by the abuses committed by the Japanese. They also resented the intervention of the military police and Japanese civilians in strictly private affairs.
What the Filipinos resented most was the air of superiority assumed by the Japanese. Even those holding the lowliest jobs acted no more, no less than kings. All branches of government had Japanese advisers, some of them very ignorant. They would give orders to Filipino officials who by education and experience were far ahead of them.
I remember the case of Dr. Sison, Director of the Philippine General Hospital and Dean of the College of Medicine, reputed as one of the best doctors in the Philippines. A young doctor in the Japanese Army with the rank of Lieutenant, a Dr. Ono, tried to boss him around. We had a Japanese friend, Mr. Yamamoto, then Manager of the Yokohama Specie Bank. We were with him almost everyday as he was a member of the Philippine Club and we used to play tennis with him. After the Japanese occupation of Manila, he would not even talk to us.
We interpreted the attitude of the Japanese as a superiority complex. This we can never accept. Just as we have been preaching that we must have no inferiority complex towards the Americans and other whites, we cannot under any circumstances admit inferiority to the Japanese. Such is the general feeling of Filipinos toward the Japanese and they knew this perfectly well. This is the reason why they tried to change the government, why they wanted Gen. Ricarte and Benigno Ramos to hold responsible positions in the government; why they organized the Makapili, which constitutes not only an army to fight with the Japanese, but a party openly and aggressively for the Japanese. They were against the Laurel government because they were convinced that all of us were not sincere. On the other hand, they knew perfectly well that in Manila and everywhere else, there were many “guerrilleros” and that the moment the Americans approached Manila the Filipinos would all rise up in arms. Under the circumstances, it was not surprising that they had decided to kill everybody they saw before retreating. We could not have done anything. All that would have happened is that they would have killed us also; they did not discriminate. Even those who were reputed to be pro-Japanese and who had done much for the Japanese were killed.
Supposing that we could have done something, why did we leave Manila. We did not want to leave Manila. Plans to evacuate Manila had been previously considered. Various places were considered for the purpose, like San Mateo and Montalban. After due consideration, however, we decided to drop the matter of the proposed evacuation. But on the 19th of December, the President called us to a special meeting and told us that we were being ordered by the Japanese Military authorities to go to Baguio. We were all surprised. Baguio was one of the evacuation places considered and there was almost a unanimous vote against it for two reasons: (1) There were only two roads leading to the City. If these were cut off, not only would it be impossible to escape but there would also be a food shortage since Baguio is far from being self-sufficient. (2) The water supply of Baguio comes from a pumping water system and if the water lines or the pumping mechanism were destroyed or ran out of fuel, we would have a big problem with our water supply.
At any rate, we had decided not to leave Manila. We asked the President whether we could stay. He answered that he had done all he could to prevent the evacuation since he felt duty was to stay in Manila. He feared that there would be a panic when the people found out that the national government had left. He desired to be in a position to protect the people, to die if necessary. Of course that was also the sentiment of each and every Minister. The President said we must go.
We were given 48 hours to leave Manila. For this reason, I was not able to clear out my desk. My family had no time to prepare for departure. I left many things that I should have taken. At home, we packed hurriedly, also leaving many valuable things behind. We were not able to make arrangements for the occupancy of our house during our absence. We had to ask my daughter Lily and her husband to stay there in the meanwhile. The newly married couple, my daughter Neny and Ramon Cojuangco, could not go to Baguio with us because the younger sister of Ramon was doing to be married in a few days. They promised to follow us as soon as possible. (They failed to do so and I suspect it was because of lack of transportation or because American planes were hovering all over Luzon and it was not safe to travel.)
Our car was not ready for the long trip; it needed to be brought to the repair shop. We were told that we would leave for Baguio at ten o’clock of the night of the 20th. Our car was finished at about 9 o’clock of the night set for our departure, but it did not run smoothly. A Malacañan mechanic, after inspecting it, told us that the car could definitely not reach Baguio. I decided to take the armored car of the Philippine National Bank where I was the one-man Board of Directors. But the armored car was hardly sufficient to accommodate our cook, laundry woman and servants, not to mention our luggage. Not including our household help, we were thirteen: my wife and I, my eight children, mother-in-law, my Japanese military police guard and my chauffeur. We tried to get other cars in Malacañan, but they were all in bad shape and the mechanic certified that they could not reach Baguio. In a way, we were glad as we thought that it would be a good excuse for us not to go.
The Japanese offered to give us a military car, but of course I did not want to use such a car because it was painted in the special khaki color of all military cars. It would have been very dangerous since American planes seem to have already mastery of the air and I was sure that we would encounter American planes. The military car would be a target. I decided to borrow the Buick 7-passenger car of my son-in-law, Ramon Cojuangco (1941 model), although it had not been used for months and we were not sure that it would run. When we tried to leave the Malacañan Palace grounds to go to the house of Speaker Benigno Aquino where the car was kept, the Japanese guards stopped us and questioned us repeatedly. When they found out who I was and where I was going, and that my sole purpose for leaving the premises was to get my son-in-law’s car to use in going to Baguio, we were allowed to leave but under guard. Speaker Aquino’s house was within hailing distance from Malacañan.
The Buick would not start. We pushed it to start the engine, and finally after two hours of pushing, the car began to function. All the while we were pushing the automobile, the soldiers followed behind us. Back in Malacañan, the mechanic certified that it could reach Baguio, so we decided to use it.
We arrived in Malacañan before ten o’clock, the time for departure set by the military, but we were not to leave for Baguio until the next morning. No one was allowed to leave Malacañan. That night we slept on divans and chairs, and some slept in the cars. We were not allowed to get food from the outside; we had to be contented with the little food furnished us by Malacañan. The palace was very heavily guarded by Japanese soldiers and officers.
The motorcade consisted of at least 30 cars belonging to the President, the Chief Justice, and all the Ministers with the exception of Minister Sison of Home Affairs. The Japanese Ambassador and his staff were also with us. Alongside the car of each Minister was a military vehicle with Japanese guards in full uniform. We noticed that they kept their eyes on us.
We boarded our automobiles at about seven o’clock in the morning. We were given instructions. The cars were camouflaged and divided into groups. Each group would leave at half-hour intervals and each car was to keep a certain distance from the next. When American planes appeared, we were told to alight and endeavor to find an air raid shelter, or go to a more protected place like under trees, and not to move. We knew that the trip was going to be a dangerous one. I was worried as I was carrying about ₱15,000,000 of military notes and about ₱1,000,000 of Commonwealth notes in the armored car owned by the Philippine National Bank which was part of our caravan.
We did not actually start until about 9 o’clock and so we were inside the car sweating for a full two hours. The Kempetai or military police assigned to me sat with the chauffeur and was fully armed. We took the regular route to Baguio. There was very little civilian traffic or Filipinos on the road. All along the way, the roads with the exception of places inside the “poblacion” were deserted. Almost all the houses were vacant. The atmosphere was very pitiful and sombre. We also saw no animals. There were stretches of miles and miles with no Filipinos in sight. They probably had fled to the mountains or to the barrios to avoid the Japanese soldiers who had been taking all their food. There were many Japanese soldiers, automobiles, trucks and other military vehicles all along the way. It convinced us that there were still many Japanese soldiers in the Philippines. What we could not understand was that the soldiers were travelling in both directions. We saw cannons, especially anti-aircraft. We saw various airplanes parked alongside the roads, very well camouflaged.
Before leaving Manila, we were told that signals would be given whenever there was an air raid or American planes above. I forgot to say that our convoy included many trucks of Japanese officers and soldiers. Generally, there was one truck in front of a group and another behind. Because of these trucks, we travelled at a very slow pace. A kilometer before reaching San Fernando, Pampanga, we were stopped. We were advised that Camp Clark, the most important Japanese air base, was being attacked. We got off to run for shelter. I selected a ditch. We saw two American planes overhead. We certainly were scared. Evidently the planes did not see our cars as they continued on their way.
We proceeded on our way. San Fernando was intact, but when we reached Angeles we saw that the town was almost completely wiped out. It is said that it was burned by Communist elements. We reached a place from where we could see Camp Clark; a few places were still burning. We learned that many Japanese planes were either shot down or destroyed on the ground. There were also some American planes hit. We learned that Pres. Laurel and his family, who were in the first group, were very near the scene of the air battle and bombing. They also had to alight and hide.
When passing Tarlac we saw many planes coming. At first we thought they were American planes, but they were flying low. Evidently, a big transport carrying some high Japanese officers, was being escorted. The rest of the way we did not stop. We tried to go as fast as possible when approaching or passing airports and other military objectives. We did not encounter any more planes.
Alcohol fuel is really far from being as good as gasoline. All along the road cars belonging to different groups stalled. Many had to be pushed or’ repaired. Some cars had to be abandoned on the roadside, the occupants transferred to the military trucks with the Japanese and Philippine Constabulary soldiers. After a few hours, the motorcade broke up as most of the cars had stopped. The cars still running went ahead. All along the way the trucks loaded with Japanese soldiers never left us. When our car stalled, they also stopped and helped push our car. No car was able to arrive in Baguio before dusk. Some arrived before midnight of the 21st and some in the early morning of the 22nd. Some even arrived on the 23rd. Many cars were left behind. The occupants of cars that broken down in Kennon Road walked all the way to Baguio.
My family and I had the most sensational experience. My car ran smoothly until we entered Pangasinan when it stopped. It had to be pushed by Army trucks quite a long way before it would start again. This had to be repeated many times. At one point, the machine would not function anymore. A Japanese mechanic alighted from a truck and repaired the machine. He must have been a good mechanic as the machine started and we continued on our trip. After about 20 kilometers we stopped again. A truck tried to pull us with the intention of doing so up to Baguio. But my car was very big and heavy and it could not be pulled up the mountain road. The mechanic was able to make it function again. After stopping in Pozorrubio for fuel, at about six o’clock in the evening, we started the sleep climb to Baguio. Before reaching Camp one, the car stopped again. It had to be pushed for kilometers by Min. Recto’s car. In places, the roads were so narrow after a landslide; the fender skirts caught a high ground and the car got stuck. We removed the fender skirts but were convinced, however, that we could not continue the trip that way. Meanwhile, many cars had accumulated behind us and the occupants were becoming impatient. I heard them hooting. I was annoyed; I thought they ought to be more helpful. I told the chauffeur to stop the car, park it on the side of the road, and allow all the cars, including the one pushing us to pass. I was determined that we would sleep right there on the road. It was certainly difficult for my mother-in-law, my wife and my children. I could see that they were suffering, especially as it was already very cold. I was not sorry to stay; I was afraid to continue. My chauffeur had been rejected by the government insurance company for poor eyesight. He was also color blind. I should not have allowed him to drive, especially on narrow and dangerous roads like the Kennon Road. But the chauffeur continued to work on the car. Finally, to our amazement, it started to function.
By this time we were the only car on Kennon Road. We went quite fast. We could not slow down because everytime the car slowed down it would stop. We continued our way in quite a fast clip. We passed all the cars that hours before had left us. We reached Baguio several hours ahead of them. My chauffeur had never been to Baguio. So I had to direct him. We intended to go straight to the house reserved for us in Cabinet Hill. The road to Cabinet Hill was closed. We went ahead to the Pines Hotel. There we learned that the houses on Cabinet Hill were not ready since the present occupants had been given only a few days to vacate the houses — accommodations in Baguio were then very difficult. But the Pines Hotel was ready for us.
My chauffeur, who had never been to Pines Hotel, did not know the correct entrance. He entered through the exit. Since the driveway was very narrow which made it difficult for a car to back out, I walked to the hotel lobby where I got permission for us to approach the front entrance passing through the wrong way. From the entrance, I hailed my chauffeur to start the automobile and proceed. The road was steep and the car began to roll down, I was right in front of it. I hardly had time to jump out of the way. It was a narrow escape.
We went into the hotel. There was no food prepared for us so we passed the night hungry. We were given two small rooms where we had to sleep four to a bed. We suffered terribly.
I relate all these facts to show that we did not want to leave Manila voluntarily and that we were carried by threat and by force to Baguio.
I would also like to relate here the circumstances connected with the ₱15,000,000 of military notes and ₱1,000,000 of Commonwealth notes that we brought to Baguio.
Sometime on December 19, 1944, the Japanese adviser of the Ministry of Finance, Mr. Haraguti, accompanied by three Japanese officers, came to see me at my office. I was surprised at the sudden arrival of my visitors for I had not been informed of their coming. Haraguti, in the name and on behalf of the Japanese Army, demanded that all Philippine and American currency deposited and in the possession of the different Filipino banks be turned over to the Southern Development Bank, a bank owned and controlled by the Japanese government. As Minister of Finance, I had the sole discretion of affecting such a transfer with the final approval of the President. The Japanese did not go to Laurel directly because, in many previous occasions, Laurel told them that where money matters were involved he executes whatever his Minister of Finance recommends.
I protested vehemently. Haraguti cited a precedent — what the American High Commissioner did with reference to bank funds upon the commencement of the Pacific war. He said that the High Commissioner took possession of all the Philippine currency belonging to the different banks. I answered that the present case is different inasmuch as the Philippine Commonwealth was really under the American government, whereas at present the Philippines is an independent Republic formally recognized by the Japanese government. Haraguti insisted and I could see that the Japanese were determined to use force if necessary. I then asked him why they wanted to get the money. He answered that the purpose was to prevent their circulation. I then proposed that the Republic get the money for safekeeping. I added, however, that I would consult Pres. Laurel before making a definite decision. I thought they had accepted my proposition as they left without saying anything further.
I immediately went to see Pres. Laurel. I told Laurel that I was convinced that the Japanese were hell bent on confiscating the money and that we had no other recourse but to do all the means necessary to save the money. Pres. Laurel and I decided to meet with the managers of the banks concerned. Whatever is agreed upon by the managers and myself, would be considered as approved and ordered by the President.
The following day, I called the bank managers concerned and met with them in the office of the President of the Philippine National Bank on the Escolta. As I recall, the only banks then having Philippine or American currency were the Philippine National Bank, the Philippine Bank of Commerce, and the Bank of the Philippine Islands. The PNB was represented by Mr. Vicente Carmona, as bank President, while PBC and BPI were represented by their respective Vice President and General Manager, Miguel Cuaderno and Rafael Moreno. Felix de la Costa, director of the Bureau of Credits and Investment, was also present.
During the meeting I gave them an account of what happened. I told them that the only possible satisfactory solution would be for them to turn over the money to the Philippine government for safekeeping. I added that the money would be returned to them as soon as conditions become normal. They all readily agreed. With respect to the Philippine National Bank, no action was necessary as we were leaving all the money with the bank. I issued corresponding receipts to the banks for the amounts received as follows: Philippine National Bank, ₱490,529.00; Philippine Bank of Commerce, ₱425.200.00; and Bank of the Philippine Islands, ₱969.00. The total amount taken by my office was left and deposited with the Philippine National Bank. After leaving the bank, I went directly to Pres. Laurel to give my report. He approved all that had been done.
About a week prior to the above-mentioned events, Malacañan had advised all the Ministers that the Japanese were ordering all of us to go with them to Baguio. On December 20, 1944, an arrangement was made with the Philippine National Bank to load all the currency in the bank’s armored car which would go with us to Baguio. The person in charge of the armored car was Mr. Amado Lagdameo, the manager of the Baguio branch of PNB. Upon arrival in Baguio, the money was taken directly to and deposited in the Philippine National Bank branch.
In the evening of January 8, 1945, I received a letter from Manager Lagdameo reporting that Maj. I. Moritani accompanied by the Managers of the Bank of Taiwan and the Nampo Kaihatsu Kinko, forced him to hand over to them all the notes deposited in trust with the branch. Also taken were all the cash in the vault. He also wrote that he was not allowed to communicate with me by phone nor see me personally.
I immediately reported the matter to Pres. Laurel. I told him that what the Japanese had done was clearly illegal and improper. I recommended that Laurel make representations to the proper Japanese authorities immediately for the return of the currency seized as it was being held in trust by the Philippine Republic for the banks. Laurel protested strongly to the Japanese Ambassador and the Japanese military authorities demanding the return of the money. Up to the time when I escaped from Baguio on April 12, 1945, the money had not yet been returned. All that we were able to get was a receipt for the money from Col. Utsonomiya. All the original documents are in my possession.
The papers report that Confesor and Cabili have been appointed as members of the Filipino Rehabilitation Commission in Washington. Both will have to go to Washington. Cabile has resigned as Secretary of National Defense. His appointment and that of Confesor as Secretary of the Interior were submitted to the Commission on Appointments of Congress. The papers said that in view of their new offices, the Commission on Appointments will no longer have to act.
I suspect that the appointments of Confesor and Cabili have been disapproved, or at least Pres. Osmeña had been told or was convinced that their appointments would be disapproved by the Commission. The attitude of the Commission was expected. Both had been attacking the “collaborationists” and it seems that public opinion in Manila is favorable to the “collaborationists”. Both talk a lot, but have accomplished very little, especially as regards the economy. Both have been using language improper for high government officials. Both have been very much criticized, and it is even reported that they have to go around with body guards as their lives are in danger. The attitude of the Commission is fully justified. Their appointment to the Rehabilitation Commission is a face-saving stunt.
On June 28th, Pres. Truman said that he hoped the meeting next month with Churchill and Stalin would result in a formula for a final treaty that “will insure peace for generations to come.”
We hope they will succeed. Such is the prayer of all the people in the world. War is so terrible that it must be avoided by all means. We do not know what the formula will be. Surely all the causes of war must be eliminated. To me colonization is one of the causes. It should be abolished as a thing of the past. All countries must be granted independence.
Jose Abad Santos was Secretary of Justice in Pres. Quezon’s Cabinet when the war broke out. Before his appointment to that office he had held many other important offices such as Justice of the Supreme Court. He was a great jurist. He accompanied Pres. Quezon in Corregidor, visited front lines in Bataan and traveled with Quezon to the South. When the presidential party left for Australia in 1942, Abad Santos remained with powers to represent the President in areas not under Japanese control. He was subsequently captured by the Japanese and reliable reports are to the effect that he had been killed by the Japanese. On June 27th, Pres. Osmeña said of him: “The late Secretary Abad Santos will go down in history as one of the most outstanding heroes of this war. Abad Santos is a real hero, a true patriot and should be held up before the youth as a model.”
According to the Free Philippines of June 29th, the President “emphasized Abad Santos chose to die rather than collaborate.”
The death of Abad Santos is still shrouded in mystery. Lt. Abad Santos, Jr. supposed to be a witness to his father’s death and, consequently, may be able to tell the whole story, was taken by the Japanese to Tokyo.
Abad Santos’ other son, Osmundo, entrusted to us in Baguio a sealed envelop containing confidential papers concerning Justice Abad Santos. They may reveal all the facts which we would like to know.
The tribute paid by Pres. Osmeña to Secretary Abad Santos is well deserved. He is truly a great man. I have already stated above what we did to try to save Secretary Abad Santos. We knew that he was an Orientalist and we thought this fact could save him so we told it to the Japanese authorities. But Abad Santos unluckily fell into the hands of a crazed and cruel man — Col. Kawakami. Col. Kawakami executed him before we could do anything for him.
The fact that Osmeña emphasized his statement that Abad Santos chose to die rather than collaborate with the Japanese is very significant. It is an attack on Roxas. Undoubtedly, it was a “hit back” on account of the bitter criticism launched by Roxas against Osmeña’s administration. It is a biting criticism of Roxas. Now the fight is on. No way to avoid it. Both Osmeña and Roxas will be candidates for President.
The statement of Osmeña, of course, also applies to us. We hope that it will not change or prejudice his attitude towards supposed collaborationists. After all, on account of our imprisonment in Iwahig we had nothing to do and could have nothing to do with the criticism of Roxas against him.
The question arose as to whether the fight between Osmeña and Roxas will favor or prejudice us. There is a difference of opinion. Recto believes it will favor us, as both would want to get our support. If not for this fight, we would be forgotten and left to rot here. In my opinion, it will prejudice us. Both may be too busy with the preparation of their respective platforms and with the campaign that we may be forgotten. At the present time, it is not known who among us are for Osmeña or Roxas. If the majority of us are in favor of Osmeña, Roxas may block our release through his friend. Gen. MacArthur, who before was not very friendly to Osmeña. If we are inclined towards Roxas, Osmeña may want us detained until after elections or after the war, and it is probably within his power as President to do so.
We had a meeting where we pledged to bind ourselves together as one. We will found a newspaper to be financed by Mr. Madrigal which shall be our organ for the propaganda of our platform, policies and aims. What these platform, policies and aims are, we have not determined. But we are agreed on two matters. First, we shall seek our exoneration and vindication from the charge of “collaborationists” with the implications of disloyalty and treason to our country and anti-Americanism. Second, we shall assist actively and wholeheartedly in the rehabilitation work of our country. As regards independence, there may be one or two dissenting voices, and the rest will be aggressively in favor. Needless to say, we will go after those who have been responsible for our imprisonment or who have been unjustly attacking us.
All these plans may lead to the formation of a party which will put up candidates for all positions, including those of president and vice president. With the men now with us who have repeatedly enjoyed the trust and confidence of our people, and who still retain this hold on their constituents, together with the thousands of persons also arrested, humiliated and imprisoned like us, the new party will be a formidable one. If we continue to be united and we all work vigorously, we may even win in the elections and thus be in power.
Pres. Osmeña has two sons imprisoned in Bilibid and later in Muntinglupa. They are being charged with being collaborationists for having engaged in the “buy and sell business” with the Japanese Army and Navy as the biggest purchasers in so far as war materials are concerned. Really, Serging Osmeña was one of the big “buy and sell” men and he made a lot of money. It is reported that he was able to pay the big indebtedness of his father. He established a company called “ESSO” and my son, Tony, was Treasurer and trusted official of the Company. Apparently, the young Osmeñas were expecting help from their father. It seems that such help was not extended. The father was indifferent. Furthermore, he made a statement to the press praising a son who worked against the Japanese and stating that he could not intervene in the cases of Serging and Nicasio. This peaked the anger of Serging. He immediately wrote a letter to his father stating among other things: “We have lost our mother, now we lose our father.” Serging complained that they had never been attended to by the father; he left them nothing. It was a very bitter and at the same time pathetic denunciation of his own father.
I do not know whether I would have done what Serging, Jr. did even if placed under the same circumstances. I do not believe I could do it. A father is a father; the children owe their existence to him. No matter how bad he may be, he must never be denounced by the children. This is especially so in the case of Pres. Osmeña. He is the President of the Republic. It is very embarrassing for him to have sons imprisoned for collaboration. Rather, Serging and Nick should have begged their father’s forgiveness for having placed him in such a situation. Furthermore, there are thousands imprisoned for the same reasons; Osmeña as President could not favor his own sons and not do the same for the others, unless he wants to be accused of favoritism and injustice.
Later reports are to the effect that Serging had retracted and he was awfully sorry for what he did. I am happy to hear this.
It is reported that President Osmeña had sent word to Serging and Nick that he will order the release of persons personally known to him with he himself as guarantor. This may be what induced Serging to change. If true, it will benefit not only his sons but many of us here who are not only known to Osmeña but are also his personal friends. This is especially so in my case. This has revived the hope of many.
Romulo is reported to have said that Roxas is no longer liked by MacArthur. If this is so, the interest that Roxas is taking in us may be prejudicial. But I seriously doubt the truth of the report of Romulo. If it is true, Roxas would not have been returned to active service as General and he probably would have been imprisoned just like us.
In turns out that the Dr. Sison reported here earlier who was snubbed by Romulo is not Agerico but Antonio. Dr. Antonio Sison is the family doctor of the Romulos and has never collected any fee from them. He saved the life of Romulo twice. When the incident happened it is reliably reported that Dr. Sison was indignant. This is the same Romulo that had been attacking the supposed “collaborationists.”
The Sunday Times of June 24, 1945 reports that new parties are being organized. Three parties will probably fight for power and control of the government in the November elections. Despite efforts to bring about a reconciliation of warring leaders of the party in power, the split up of the Nacionalista party into two factions is inevitable as a result of developments in the Philippine Congress.
A third political group is reliably reported as being formed, led by intellectuals pledged to support a program of government more liberal and more socially conscious than embraced in the platform of the ruling party. Roxas will be leader of the Nacionalista left wing and Osmeña of the administration party. There will be a fight in the convention for nominations, but the losing group will put up a ticket of its own. Independent big wigs are being invited to join the third party. Inactive political groups like the Sumulong popular front and the Abad Santos socialist party are also being courted. The new group may not be able to put up a complete ticket, but they will have candidates for the positions except President and Vice President.
Bad news. The United States civilian relief activities in the Philippines will be discontinued on Sept. 1, 1945. The Philippine government will therefore assume the activities and the full responsibility. This is a mistake and our government should have left no stone unturned to have the American aid continued. The Philippine government will not be in a condition to undertake the financing of such tremendous work.
The Associated Press dispatch of June 20, 1945, released in San Francisco, reports that, “At a press conference, the civilian Philippine delegation headed by Brig. Gen. Carlos P. Romulo, who was one of the leaders of the campaign to include an outright guarantee of independence in the charters, has accepted the self government formula.” This attitude was probably induced by the opinion of Premier Fraser of New Zealand and others, that there is no difference between self-government, self-determination and independence.
I cannot understand why such a change, proposed by the United Nations trusteeship committee, was ever accepted by Romulo and our delegation. If there is no difference as contended by Fraser, why change the text proposed by Romulo, which is very clear. The fact, however, is that there is a whale of a difference between independence and self-government. The former admits of no interpretation other than that the country concerned will be granted independence; whereas the self-government theory, besides the fact that it presupposes delay, may not ultimately lead to independence. The very explanation of Fraser bears this out. According to the news, he “pointed to the increasing importance of inter-dependence in world affairs.” Interdependence means that one or both countries have some more or less permanent” relations. If the new provision means that there shall be progressive development of self-government until independence is granted, who shall determine whether the self-government has advanced to such degree that independence may be granted? If it is the trustee who will decide whether or not a country is ready for self-government, which trustee will undoubtedly be the present corresponding colonizing country, then we may as well forget all about it. If it is the so-called Big Five, composed of England, United States, Soviet Russia, France and China, we also better forget all about it. England and France are colonizing countries and they naturally will want to defend their power and authority over the country under trusteeship now forming part of their colonies. Soviet Russia is ambitious She has expanded and will continue to expand. She has been doing this by means of some sort of plebiscite which everybody knows is just a mere formula since the results are obtained by threats, or by organizing puppet governments under the orders of Soviet Russia. This is precisely what she is trying to do now in connection with Poland. I hope the other countries of the Big Four will not be hoodwinked. China will be interested to guarantee absolute independence, as this is precisely her national policy to protect herself from the continuance of incursions in her territory. But she is too weak for the present and cannot wield any influence.
The United States should be interested in guaranteeing independence. In connection with the Philippines, she chose a course which entitled her to be justly considered as the cradle of liberty. But there are certain factors to be considered here. The United States for the present is the most highly developed in so far as economics are concerned. Her people are hardworking but at the same time they believe in amusing themselves as much as possible. Between business activities and their propensity for enjoyment, they have no time for anything else. This is the reason why at times their Congress does things that may not be to the liking of the American people. This also enables lobbyists to wield much influence in Washington. There are well organized lobbying offices in Washington which are heavily financed. They employ expert lobbyists and men who are well connected with high government executives and influential members of Congress. Practically all big interests in America are represented in Washington. The sugar interest, especially Cuban, was so powerful that to porect the Philippine sugar, the Philippine Sugar Association had to employ an influential ex-Senator (ex-Senator Hawes) with personal and intimate relations with members of Congress, as its Representative in Washington. I shall never forget our experience when I was a member of an Economic Mission to the United States in 1938-1939. To be able to get a little amendment to the provision of the Tydings-McDuffie Law involving our abaca product, we had to approach and convince one Mr. McDaniel, the representative of the Cordage Association of America. The chairman of the committee in the Senate would not even consider it unless we could have an understanding with Mr. McDaniel.
Furthermore, the United States is a representative democracy. They organize the government through parties that fight in the elections for control. Each party has a platform at times just the opposite of the platform of the other party. When a party wins, it naturally endeavors to carry out its policies and points of view as expressed in its platform. This is the reason why there is no continuity in American policies. This precisely is what happened in connection with our Jones Law passed under a Democratic regime. It promised independence when a stable government would have been established in the Philippines. Later, the Republican Party was elevated to power. It reversed the Democratic policy and paid no attention to the stable government provision. To justify its policy, it even denied that there was ever a valid promise of independence in the law. The Republican Party sent the Wood-Forbes Missions here to investigate. These missions reported so many anomalies here to show that there was no stable government.
For these reasons, we cannot be sure that the present attitude of the American government toward trusteeship will be a permanent one.
The trusteeship provision must have been proposed or at least inspired by the English. With it they meant to perpetuate their hold on their present colonies, like India. In so far as they are concerned, it will merely be a change of name — instead of colonization, it will be trusteeship. But in susbstance and in actuality, nothing will change.
The provision is also not clear as to whether the independence to be granted will be both political and economic. The modern tendency now is to grant political independence, but continue the economic control. To me, this system is just as bad if not worse than political dependence. Economic dependence is just as effective as political dependence to control a country. The country concerned will not be able to plan, develop and follow its economic policies. This is precisely what happened to the Philippines when the free trade was established — as a consequence, our whole economy became tightly intertwined with that of America. When the date for independence was fixed, we tried to extricate ourselves from American economic control. But what happened? Everytime we planned something which might affect American interests, we were stopped. We could not approve legislation which might effectuate the substitution of American business by Filipino business. We could not have diplomatic intercourse with other nations to ascertain what advantageous economic treaties we could enter into. We always had to consider American interests. This meant also that we could not negotiate reciprocity treaties with other nations, as has been done with America. How can we plan for self-sufficiency and economic independence under these circumstances? This is precisely the reason why I resigned as Chairman of the National Economic Council during the administration of Pres. Quezon. Everytime I proposed something which might affect American interests, I was stopped. When I proposed that we approach certain nations to see whether we could get some reciprocity agreements under which we could exchange products or export our excess products to those nations, I was warned not to endanger our economic relationship with America. All these support my thesis that independence must be both political and economic.
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Sergio Osmeña
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Sergio Osmeña Sr.)
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This article is about former President of the Philippines. For the municipality, see Sergio Osmeña Sr., Zamboanga del Norte. For son, see Sergio Osmeña Jr. For grandson, see Sergio Osmeña III.
In this Philippine name for natural children, there is no middle name nor paternal family name, but the surname is Osmeña.
Sergio Osmeña Sr.
PLH
4th President of the Philippines
In office 1 August 1944 – 28 May 1946
Vice President Vacant
Preceded by Manuel L. Quezon
José P. Laurel (de facto)
Succeeded by Manuel Roxas
1st Vice President of the Philippines
In office 15 November 1935 – 1 August 1944
President Manuel L. Quezon
Succeeded by Elpidio Quirino
Secretary of Public Instruction, Health, and Public Welfare
In office 1941–
President Manuel L. Quezon
Preceded by Jorge Bocobo
Succeeded by Carlos P. Romulo
Secretary of Public Instruction, Health, and Public Welfare
In office 1941–
President Manuel L. Quezon
Preceded by Juan Nolasco
Succeeded by Mariano A. Eraña
Secretary of Public Instruction, Health, and Public Welfare
1st Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives
In office 16 October 1907 – 11 February 1922 Speaker of the National Assembly (1907–1916)
Preceded by Office created
Succeeded by Manuel Roxas
Member of the Philippine House of Representatives from Cebu's 2nd District
In office 16 October 1907 – 1922 Member of the National Assembly (1907–1916)
Preceded by Office created
Succeeded by Vicente Sotto
Governor of Cebu
In office 1904 – 16 October 1907
Preceded by Juan F. Climaco
Succeeded by Dionisio A. Jakosalem
Personal details
Born Sergio Osmeña Sr.
9 September 1878 Cebu City, Cebu, Captaincy General of the Philippines
Died 19 October 1961 (aged 83)
Quezon City, Philippines
Resting place Manila North Cemetery, Santa Cruz, Manila,
Philippines
Political party Nacionalista Party
Spouse(s) Estefania Veloso
(m. 1901; died 1918)
Esperanza Limjap
(m. 1920; his death 1961)
Children 13 (including Sergio Jr.)
Education Colegio de San Carlos (grade school)
San Juan de Letran College (high school)
Alma mater San Juan de Letran College (AB)
University of Santo Tomas (LLB)
Profession Lawyer, soldier
Signature
Military service
Allegiance Philippines
Branch/service Philippine Revolutionary Army
6.1 Cabinet 1944– 6.1 and judicial appointments 1945– o 6 o 6 policies 6.3 of the Commonwealth 6.3 reorganization 6.3 of the Philippine National Bank 6.3's court o 6 policies 6.4 Nations Charter 6.4 Relations Office 6.4 banking 6.4 Trade Act o 6 presidential election 7 Post-presidency and death 8 Personal life o 8 o 8 9 Notes 10 References 11 External links
Early life and career[edit]
Osmeña was born in Cebu City to Juana Osmeña y Suico, who was reportedly only 14 years of age at the time. Owing to the circumstances of his birth, the identity of his father had been a closely guarded family secret, surnamed "Sanson". Although carrying the stigma of being an illegitimate child – Juana never married his father – he did not allow this aspect to affect his standing in society. The Osmeña family, a rich and prominent clan of Chinese Filipino heritage with vast business interests in Cebu, warmed to him as he established himself as a prominent figure in local society. Osmeña received his elementary education at the Colegio de San Carlos and graduated in 1892. Osmeña continued his education in Manila, studying in San Juan de Letran College where he first met Manuel L. Quezon, a classmate of his, as well as Juan Sumulong and Emilio Jacinto. He took up law at the University of Santo Tomas and was second place in the bar examination in 1903. He served on the war staff of General Emilio Aguinaldo as a courier and journalist. In 1900, he founded the Cebu newspaper, El Nuevo Día [English: 'The New Day'] which lasted for three years.
Public service in Cebu[edit]
When Cebu Governor Juan Climaco was sent as a member of the Board of Commissioners of the St. Louis Purchase Expedition, Osmeña was appointed acting governor. When Climaco returned, he was appointed as provincial fiscal. His stint there elevated him in politics when he was elected governor of Cebu in 1906.
Congressional career[edit]
House of Representatives[edit]
While governor, he ran for election to the first National Assembly of 1907 and was elected as the first Speaker of that body. Osmeña was 29 years old and already the highest-ranking Filipino official. He and another provincial politician, Manuel L. Quezon of Tayabas, set up the Nacionalista Party as a foil to the Partido Federalista of Manila-based politicians. In his first years as Speaker, he was plagued with organizational burdens as the National Assembly is still organizing. The Members of the Assembly sought to establish legislative procedures which were constantly rejected by the American superiors because they still perceive that Filipinos are incapable to be independent. Three important bills from the Assembly were rejected by the Philippine Commission:
the repeal of the Sedition law which imposed penalties on any Filipino who advocated independence;
the repeal of the Flag law which banned display of the Filipino flag;
the grant of more powers to the local governments.
However, it did not stop him from presiding over the important legislation the Assembly has passed. The creation of the Council of State and the Board of Control enabled the Philippine legislature to share some of the executive powers of the American Governor- General.
In 1916, the Jones Law was passed replacing the Philippine Commission with a Philippine Senate.
Quezon-Osmeña rivalry[edit]
Osmeña was friends and classmates with Manuel Quezon, who was the Majority Floor Leader under Osmeña's speakership. When the Jones Law was passed, Quezon was elected as Senate President and Osmeña remained Speaker.
Senate[edit]
In 1922 Osmeña was elected to the Senate representing the 10th Senatorial District. He went to the United States as part of the OsRox Mission in 1933, to secure passage of the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Independence Bill which was superseded by the Tydings– McDuffie Act in March 1934.
Juan Sumulong with nearly 82% of the vote. Re-elected in 1941, Osmeña remained vice president during the Japanese occupation when the government was in exile. As Vice-President, Osmeña concurrently served as Secretary of Public Instruction from 1935 to 1940, and again from 1941 to 1944.
The outbreak of World War II and the Japanese invasion resulted in periodic and drastic changes to the government structure. Executive Order 390, 22 December 1941 abolished the Department of the Interior and established a new line of succession. Executive Order 396, 24 December 1941, further reorganized and grouped the cabinet, with the functions of Secretary of Justice assigned to the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
Quezon-Osmeña Impasse[edit]
By 1943, the Philippine Government-in-exile was faced with a serious crisis.[1] According to the amendments to the 1935 Constitution, Quezon's term was to expire on 30 December 1943, and Vice-President Sergio Osmeña would automatically succeed him to serve out the remainder of term until 1945. This eventuality was brought to the attention of President Quezon by Osmeña himself, who wrote the former to this effect. Aside from replying to this letter informing Vice-President Osmeña that it would not be wise and prudent to effect any such change under the circumstances, President Quezon issued a press release along the same line. Osmeña then requested the opinion of U. Attorney General Homer Cummings, who upheld Osmeña's view as more in keeping the law. Quezon, however, remained adamant. He accordingly sought President Franklin D. Roosevelt's decision. The latter chose to remain aloof from the controversy, suggesting instead that the Philippine officials themselves solve the impasse. A cabinet meeting was then convened by President Quezon. Aside from Quezon and Osmeña, others present in this momentous meeting were Resident Commissioner Joaquin Elizalde, Brig. Gen. Carlos P. Romulo, and Cabinet Secretaries Andres Soriano and Jaime Hernandez. Following a spirited discussion, the Cabinet adopted Elizalde's opinion favoring the decision and announced his plan to retire in California.
After the meeting, however, Vice-President Osmeña approached the President and broached his plan to ask the U. Congress to suspend the constitutional provisions for presidential succession until after the Philippines should have been liberated. This legal way out was agreeable to President Quezon and the members of his Cabinet. Proper steps were taken to carry out the proposal. Sponsored by Senator Tydings and Congressman Bell, the pertinent Joint Resolution No. 95 was unanimously approved by the Senate on a voice vote and passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 181 to 107 on 12 November 1943.
Presidency[edit]
Presidential styles of Sergio Osmeña
Reference style His Excellency
Spoken style Your Excellency
Alternative style Mr. President
Osmeña became president of the Commonwealth on Quezon's death in 1944. He was sworn in by Associate Justice Robert Jackson in Washington, D. He returned to the Philippines the same year with General Douglas MacArthur and the liberation forces. After the war, Osmeña restored the Commonwealth government and the various executive departments. He continued the fight for Philippine independence. For the presidential election of 1946, Osmeña refused to campaign, saying that the Filipino people knew of his record of 40 years of honest and faithful service. He lost to Manuel Roxas, who won 54% of the vote and became president of the independent Republic of the Philippines.[citation needed]
Administration and cabinet[edit]
War Cabinet 1944–45[edit]
President Osmeña with members of his cabinet. Front row; left to right: Jaime Hernandez, Secretary of
Finance; President Osmeña; Col. Carlos P. Romulo, Resident Commissioner and Secretary of Information.
Back row, left to right: Col. Mariano A. Erana, Judge Advocate General of the Philippine Army and Secretary of
the Department of Justice, Labor, and Welfare; Dr. Arturo B. Rotor, Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce;
Ismael Mathay, Budget and Finance Commissioner; Colonel Alejandro Melchor, Undersecretary of National
Defense, representing General Basilio Valdes, Secretary of National Defense.
On 8 August 1944, President Osmeña issued Executive Order 15-W reorganizing and consolidating the Executive Departments of the Commonwealth government. The reorganization of the government after it was reestablished on Philippine soil was undertaken with Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945.[citation needed]
OFFICE NAME TERM
President Sergio Osmeña 1944–
1945
Alfredo Montelibano Sr. 12 July 1945 – 27 May 1946
Secretary of Health and Public Welfare Basilio Valdes 1945
José Locsin 1945–
Secretary of Public Instruction Maximo Kalaw 27 February 1945 – 4 May 1945
Jose Reyes 5 May 1945 – 7 January 1946
Francisco Benitez 7 January 1946 – 27 May 1946
Secretary of Public Works and Communications Sotero Cabahug 1945–
Secretary of the Budget Ismael Mathay 1944–
Secretary to the President José S. Reyes 1945–
Secretary of Labor Marcelo Aduru 1946
Resident Commissioner of the Philippines to the United States Congress Carlos P. Romulo 1945–
Liberation[edit]
Off Leyte, October 1944 Left to right: Lieutenant General George Kenney, Lieutenant General Richard K.
Sutherland, President Sergio Osmeña, General Douglas MacArthur.
President Sergio Osmeña together with General Douglas MacArthur during the historic landing at Leyte in
Osmeña accompanied U. General Douglas MacArthur during the landing of U. forces in Leyte on 20 October 1944, starting the liberation of the Philippines during the Second World War. Upon establishing the beachhead, MacArthur immediately transferred authority to Osmeña, the successor of Manuel Quezon, as Philippine Commonwealth president.
Domestic policies[edit]
Restoration of the Commonwealth[edit]
With Manila liberated,[1] General of the Army, Douglas MacArthur, on behalf of the United States, turned over the reins of government of the Philippines to Commonwealth President, Sergio Osmeña, on 27 February 1945, amidst brief, but impressive, ceremonies held at the Malacañang Palace. President Osmeña, after thanking the United States through General MacArthur, announced the restoration of the Government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines and worked out the salvation of the Philippines from the ravages of war.[1]
Government reorganization[edit]
President Osmeña proceeded with the immediate reorganization of the government and its diverse dependencies. On 8 April 1945, he formed his Cabinet, administering the oath of office to its component members. Later, President Osmeña received the Council of State to help him solve the major problems confronting the nation. Government offices and bureaus were gradually reestablished. A number of new ones were created to meet needs then current. Also restored were the Supreme Court of the Philippines and the inferior courts. The Court of Appeals was abolished and its appellate jurisdiction was transferred to the Supreme Court, the members of which were increased to eleven – one Chief Justice and ten Associate Justices – in order to attend to the new responsibilities. Slowly but steadily, as the liberating forces freed the other portions of the country, provincial and municipal governments were established by the Commonwealth to take over from the military authorities.[1]
Rehabilitation of the Philippine National Bank[edit]
Following the restoration of the Commonwealth government, Congress was reorganized. Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino were elected Senate
Commissioner, with cabinet rank. In this connection, President Osmeña also entered into an agreement with the United States Government to send five Filipino trainees to the U. State Department to prepare themselves for diplomatic service. They were sent by U. State Department to the United States embassies in Moscow and Mexico City and consulates in Saigon and Singapore.[1]
International banking[edit]
On 5 December 1945, President Osmeña appointed Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo as his representative to accept Philippine membership in the International Monetary Fund and in the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which bodies had been conceived in the Bretton Woods Agreement, in which the Philippine had also taken part. Romulo signed said membership on 27 December 1945 on behalf of the Philippines.[1]
Bell Trade Act[edit]
On 30 April 1946, the United States Congress, at last, approved the Bell Act, which as early as 20 January had been reported to the Ways and Means Committee of the lower house, having been already passed by the Senate. President Osmeña and Resident Commissioner Romulo had urged the passage of this bill, with United States High Commissioner, Paul V. McNutt, exerting similar pressure.
The Act gave the Philippines eight years of free trade with the United States, then twenty years during which tariffs would be upped gradually until they were in line with the rest of the American tariff policy. The law also fixed some quotas for certain products: sugar – 850,000 long tons; cordage – 6,000,000 pounds; coconut oil – 200,000 long tons; cigars – 200,000,000 pounds. This aid was coupled with that to be obtained from the recently passed Tydings Damage bill, which provided some nine hundred million dollars for payment of war damages, of which one million was earmarked to compensate for church losses. The sum of two hundred and forty million dollars was to be periodically allocated by the United States President as good will. Also, sixty million pieces of surplus property were transferred to the Philippines government.[1]
1946 presidential election[edit]
Main article: 1946 Philippine presidential election
Soon after the reconstitution of the Commonwealth government in 1945, Senators Manuel Roxas, Elpidio Quirino and their allies called for an early national election to choose the president and vice president of the Philippines and members of the Congress. In December 1945, the House Insular Affairs of the United States Congress approved the joint resolution setting the date of the election on no later than 30 April 1946.
Prompted by this congressional action, President Sergio Osmeña called the Philippine Congress to a three-day special session. Congress enacted Commonwealth Act No. 725, setting the date of the election on 23 April 1946. The act was signed by President Osmeña on 5 January 1946.
Three parties presented their respective candidates for the different national elective positions. These were the Nacionalista Party – Conservative (Osmeña) wing, the Liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party and the Partido Modernista. The Nacionalistas had Osmeña and Senator Eulogio Rodriguez as their candidates for president and vice president, respectively. The Modernistas chose Hilario Camino Moncado and Luis Salvador for the same positions. The standard bearers of the Liberals were Senators Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino. On 3 January 1946, President Osmeña announced his re-election bid. On 22 January 1946 Eulogio Rodriguez was nominated as Osmeña's running mate for Vice President, in a convention held at Ciro's Club in Manila. According to the Manila Chronicle:
The convention opened at 10:15 in the morning when the acting secretary of the party, Vicente Farmoso, called the confab to order. Congressman José C. Romero [sic], who delivered the keynote speech accused Senate President Manuel Roxas and his followers "of fanning the flames of discontent among the people, of capitalizing on the people's hardship, and of minimizing the accomplishment of the [Osmeña] Administration. These men with the Messiah complex have been the bane of the country and of the world. This is the mentality that produces Hitlers and the Mussolinis, and their desire to climb to power. they even want to destroy the party which placed them where they are today."
Senator Carlos P. Garcia, who delivered the nomination speech for President Sergio Osmeña, made a long recital of Osmeña's achievements, his virtues as public official and as private citizen.
A statue of President Osmeña in front of the Osmeña Museum in Cebu City.
Entering the convention hall at about 7:30 p, President Osmeña, accompanied by the committee on notification, was greeted with rounds of cheer and applause as he ascended the platform. President Osmeña delivered his speech which was a general outline of his future plans once elected. He emphasized that as far as his party is concerned, independence is a close issue. It is definitely coming on 4 July 1946[2]
Post-presidency and death[edit]
Tomb of Sergio Osmeña
After his electoral defeat, Osmeña retired to his home in Cebu. He died of pulmonary edema at age 83 on 19 October 1961 at the Veterans' Memorial Medical Center in Quezon City. He was buried at Manila North Cemetery, Manila on 26 October 1961.[4]
MacArthur and Osmeña
Personal life[edit]
Family[edit]
On 10 April 1901, he married Estefania Chiong Veloso, the couple had ten children: Nicasio Veloso Osmeña, Vicenta Veloso Osmeña, Edilderto Veloso Osmeña, Milagros Veloso Osmeña, Emilio Veloso Osmeña, Maria Paloma Veloso Osmeña, Jesus Veloso Osmeña, Teodoro Veloso Osmeña, José Veloso Osmeña, and Sergio Veloso Osmeña Jr. In 1920, two years after the death of his first wife, Osmeña married Esperanza Limjap, the couple had three more children, namely, Ramón Limjap Osmeña, Rosalina Limjap Osmeña, and Victor Limjap Osmeña. [5][circular reference]
Descendants[edit]
Several of Osmeña's descendants became prominent political figures in their own right:
Sergio Osmeña Jr. , son and former Senator Sergio Osmeña III , grandson and former Senator John Henry Osmeña , grandson and former Congressman and former Senator; former Mayor of Toledo, Cebu Tomas Osmeña , grandson and former Mayor of Cebu City; former 2nd District representative Emilio Mario Osmeña , grandson and former governor of Cebu Rogelio Veloso Osmeña , grandson and former Councilor of Cebu City Renato Veloso Osmeña , grandson and former Vice Mayor of Cebu City
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811B.00/10–1044
Memorandum by the Chief of the Division of Philippine Affairs (Lockhart) to the Director of the Office of Far Eastern Affairs (Grew) and the Deputy Director of that Office (Ballantine)
The most important recent development in Philippine affairs is the departure about a week ago of President Osmeña,16 accompanied by Colonel Romulo, Philippine Resident Commissioner to the United States,17 and other Filipinos of cabinet rank, for the Philippines via [Page 1306] New Guinea. It has been learned from Commonwealth authorities now in Washington that President Osmeña and his party arrived in Hollandia the day before yesterday. The Commonwealth authorities in Washington do not wish this information to be made public, in as much as it was the understanding with Mr. Osmeña that any publicity regarding his future plans or movements would be issued on his direct authority wherever he might be.
For background information it may be appropriate to recount, briefly, some of the events that led up to President Osmeña’s departure. General MacArthur, some weeks ago, telegraphed directly to the then President of the Commonwealth, Mr. Manuel Quezon, and requested him to formulate and submit to General MacArthur plans for civil government and relief on the return of the Commonwealth Government to the Philippines. It was desired that these plans be correlated with military requirements. Mr. Quezon was also further requested to send a member of his cabinet to Australia at once to discuss the matter with General MacArthur. Due to President Quezon’s illness, no action was taken on this message and subsequent to his death a similar telegram was sent to President Osmeña.
President Osmeña at first declined on the grounds that he was badly needed in Washington and would be more valuable here. Subsequently, General MacArthur exerted extreme pressure on President Osmeña to induce him to come to Australia immediately. General MacArthur sent a member of his staff, General Marshall,18 to Washington to exert pressure to that end and also sent General Valdes19 with letters from guerrilla leaders to the effect that they expected Osmeña to arrive in the Philippines with the first troops. It will be recalled that President Quezon had broadcast his intention to return to the Philippines with General MacArthur and this was used as a means of bringing pressure on President Osmeña, it being inferred that unless he returned to the Philippines with the American forces his prestige would suffer. President Osmeña entertained serious doubts concerning the propriety of his proceeding on the sole request of General MacArthur. He felt that the Commonwealth Government had been ordered to Washington by the President of the United States and that it should return only under orders from the President. He also entertained fears concerning his status if he complied with General MacArthur’s request, since he felt that he might find himself under the direct control of General MacArthur without any clear understanding of his (President Osmeña’s) powers and responsibilities. Accordingly, President Osmeña arranged for an interview [Page 1307] with the Secretary of the Interior,20 who in turn arranged for President Osmeña and himself to call on the President. This took place at noon October 2. The result of the interview is not known but since President Osmeña left that afternoon it is presumed the President told him that he should leave at once for the Philippines.
Other activities of General MacArthur which are believed to be highly significant include (1) the insistence by General MacArthur on a civil affairs directive which would place him in supreme control and authority not only during military operations but also during the period of civilian military administration, with the right to delegate powers to the Commonwealth Government as he saw fit. (2) General MacArthur is understood to have requested the War Department to provide a total of $75,000,000 worth of civilian relief supplies for use in the Philippines. It was stated that this enormous quantity of relief supplies would be distributed by the Army, which fact may, or may not, have political implications. It is known that the Commonwealth Government feels that it must have an important part in any and all relief plans. (3) General MacArthur has distributed by plane, submarine or other methods substantial quantities of propaganda materials consisting of matches, cigarettes, soap, et cetera, much of which bore the legend, “I will return. Douglas MacArthur”. It is stated that in some cases General MacArthur’s picture was also on the packages. It is understood that these packages contained no reference either to the United States or Commonwealth Governments. (4) General MacArthur maintains a staff said to number about 45 individuals engaged solely in publicity and propaganda work. This appears to be a highly effective organization, judging from the flood of publicity articles now appearing in newspapers and magazines.
From all of the foregoing it is obvious that General MacArthur wishes to have President Osmeña and responsible members of the Commonwealth Government close at hand prepared to accompany him into the Philippines when American forces are returned there. There have been indications in connection with the preparation in War Department conferences of the civil affairs directives for the use of General MacArthur in the Philippines that the General’s plans contemplate making extensive use of the Commonwealth Government in the administration of Philippine affairs following the return of our troops to the Islands. Although the fact is not definitely established, there are reasons to believe that General MacArthur would prefer to have Philippine civil affairs administered without the aid and assistance of an American High Commissioner. A revised directive, however, gives General MacArthur certain discretionary powers [Page 1308] in utilizing the services of officials of the United States Government in the administration of civilian affairs in the Philippines.21
Definite plans for the reopening of the American Consulate in Manila are being made by the Department and the matter has been formally brought to the attention of the Secretary of War22 with a view to obtaining his cooperation and the cooperation of General MacArthur in completing the arrangements for the reopening.
In the course of the last few weeks information from a reliable source indicated that General MacArthur wished to employ at least two divisions of Australian troops in the Philippine operations. Later information indicates that this proposal has been abandoned.
The above plans indicate that the recovery of the Philippine Islands is closer at hand than we had hoped some months ago would be the case. The activities of the puppet government authorities in the Philippines, as broadcast by the Japanese radio, leave a distinct impression that the Japanese and their puppets are now convinced that the attack may come soon. Among such signs is the fact that “President” Laurel of the puppet government, following the first bombing attack on the Philippines, issued a proclamation declaring war on the United States and Great Britain.23 This declaration of war was not submitted to the Philippine Assembly before the proclamation was issued, but it is now claimed that it later received the sanction of the Assembly. The puppet government is taking strenuous measures to persuade the people of Manila to go to the interior to avoid bombings and other direct consequences of war. It may be significant that Laurel has announced that there will be no conscription of a Philippine Army. Commonwealth authorities in Washington have expressed the view that this failure to form a Philippine Army was at the instance of the Japanese, who fear that such an army would turn against them when the fighting is renewed in the Islands. To support this view it is known that there are many instances in which members of the constabulary have been armed, after which they proceeded to the interior to join up with the guerrillas.
Mr. Jaime Hernandez, Secretary of Finance, has been placed in charge of Commonwealth affairs in Washington. This has been done by Executive Order No. 20–W,24 signed by President Osmeña on September 27, 1944.
[Page 1309]
There is a very hopeful atmosphere in Commonwealth circles in Washington.
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SergioOsmena - Download as a PDF or view online for free
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https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/sergioosmena/14462677
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1. SERGIO OSMEÑA
2. BASIC FACTS: Born: 9-Sep-1878 Birthplace: Cebu City, Philippines Died: 19-Oct-1961 Location of death: Manila, Philippines Cause of death: unspecified Remains: Buried, North Cemetery, Manila, Philippines Gender: Male Race or Ethnicity: Multiracial Sexual orientation: Straight
3. Occupation: Head of State Nationality: Philippines Executive summary: 4th President of the Philippines Co-Founder of the Nacionalista Party. Editor of El Nuevo Día newspaper, from 1903. Died at Veteran's Memorial Hospital in Quezon City, Manila. Mother: Juana Osmeña y Suico Son: Sergio Osmeña Jr. (Philippine Senator) University: University of San Carlos (1892) University: San Juan de Letran College, Manila
7. Sergio Osmeña y Suico (9 September 1878 – 19 October 1961) was a politician of Chinese Filipino who served as the 4th President of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946.
8. He was Vice President under Manuel L. Quezon, and rose to the presidency upon Quezon's death in 1944, being the oldest Philippine president to hold office at age 65. A founder of Nacionalista Party, he was the first Visayan to become President of the Philippines.
9. Prior to his succession to the Presidency in 1944, Osmeña served as Governor of Cebu from 1901–1907, Member and Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1907– 1922, and Senator from the 10th Senatorial District for thirteen years, in which capacity he served as Senate President pro tempore. In 1935, he was nominated to be the running-mate of Senate President Manuel L. Quezon for the presidential election that year. The tandem was overwhelmingly re-elected in 1941.
10. Osmeña is the patriarch of the prominent Osmeña family, which includes his son (former Senator Sergio Osmeña, Jr.) and his grandsons (senators Sergio Osmeña III and John Henry Osmeña), ex-governor Lito Osmeña and Cebu City mayor Tomas Osmeña.
11. Sergio Osmeña was born in Cebu to Juana Osmeña y Suico, who was reportedly only 14 years of age when she gave birth to him. Owing to the circumstances of his birth, the identity of his father had been a closely guarded family secret. Though an illegitimate child – Juana never married his father – he didn't allow this aspect to affect his standing in society. The Osmeña family, a rich and prominent clan of Chinese Filipino heritage
12. He took his elementary education in the Colegio de San Carlos and graduated in 1892. Osmeña continued his education in Manila, studying in San Juan de Letran College where he first metManuel L. Quezon, a classmate of his, as well as Juan Sumulong and Emilio Jacinto. He took up law at the University of Santo Tomas and was second place in the bar examination in 1903.
13. He served on the war staff of General Emilio Aguinaldo as a courier and journalist. In 1900, he founded the Cebu newspaper, El Nuevo Día which lasted for three years. In 1904, the American colonial administration appointed him governor of Cebu. Two years later he was elected governor of Cebu
15. House of Representatives While governor, he ran for election to the first Philippine Assembly of 1907 and was elected Speaker of that body. Osmeña was 29 years old and already the highest-ranking Filipino official. He and another provincial politician, Manuel L. Quezon of Tayabas, set up the Nacionalista Party as a foil to the Partido Federalista of Manila-based politicians. The two would engage in a rivalry for political dominance ever since.
17. Together with Manuel Roxas, Pres. Sergio Osmeña went on a mission to the US to ask for the Philippines' independence. The mission was called OSROX, coined from combining the first letters of their family names. The mission was successful. The Philippines was granted its independence.
18. PRESIDENCY Osmeña became president of the Commonwealth on Quezon's death in 1944. He returned to the Philippines the same year with General Douglas MacArthur and the liberation forces. After the war, Osmeña restored the Commonwealth government and the various executive departments. He continued the fight for Philippine independence. For the presidential election of 1946, Osmeña refused to campaign, saying that the Filipino people knew of his record of 40 years of honest and faithful service. He lost to Manuel Roxas, who won 54 percent of the vote and became president of the independent Republic of the Philippines.
20. WHO IS THE MOTHER OF SERGIO OSMENA?
21. WHAT DO THEY CALL TO THEIR MISSION US FOR PHIL. INDEPENDENCE.
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Only twice before had Filipinos tasted the excitement of electing a President. Never before had they enjoyed the privilege of making a choice. As he went to the polls in last week's close, tropic...
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Only twice before had Filipinos tasted the excitement of electing a President. Never before had they enjoyed the privilege of making a choice. As he went to the polls in last week’s close, tropic heat, a Filipino might reasonably feel both elated and nervous.
The national political temper portended a roisterous day of balloting. On Luzon, cub planes buzzed in the skies, looking for suspicious gatherings. Jeeps loaded with soldiers patrolled the rutted roads. Elderly, cautious President Sergio Osmena remained secluded in Manila’s sprawling white Malacafian Palace. An armed guard surrounded the hideout of the opposing candidate—flamboyant, fiery Manuel Roxas y Acuna.
The early hours of election day brought nervous rumors: of masked bands hijacking voting boxes in Santa Rosa; of ink poured over ballots in Cavite. And there were some bloody facts: Governor Ramon Imperial of Camarines Sur Province was wounded by gunfire; a 62-year-old Pampanga supporter of Osmena was hauled from a jeep and murdered by machine-gun fire in a rice field.
But in most of central Luzon, stronghold of the leftist Hukbalahap, expected violence failed to materialize. Schoolteachers showed unarmed voters how-to mark their secret ballots.
Greatest Champion. From the first, the vote swung toward 54-year-old Manuel Roxas*, who had campaigned vigorously while Sergio Osmena stood on his record and kept mum.
Filipinos had come to know Manuel Roxas well. He had once been a general with MacArthur, and was liked by the U.S. military. He was a member of Jose Laurel’s puppet government during the Japanese occupation, but resisted all efforts of the Japs to take him to Tokyo. A lawyer, Roman Catholic, and President of the Senate, he is a magnetic, articulate orator, a serious student of economics. He had the support of most Filipino conservatives.
After six days, tired, careworn Sergio Osmena conceded defeat. In self-assured tones, Manuel Roxas outlined his program to U.S. newsmen. He said that he would seek an immediate U.S. loan for rehabilitation, promised full cooperation with U.S. policy in the Far East.
Said he: “I am going to set our house in order, restore domestic tranquillity. . . . Despite charges that I have fascist tendencies, I am going to be the greatest champion of democracy in politics as well as economics that this country has.”
*When the trend pointed to Roxas, the Philippine Press, a Manila tabloid, printed a boldface column recalling that Jose Vera, Osmena’s campaign manager, had threatened suicide if his candidate lost. The paper called on Vera to make good, suggested poison, a hand grenade, or a banzai charge on Roxas headquarters. Weaseled Vera: “I said ‘I’ll bet my life Osmena will win!’ I never said I would commit suicide. . . I won’t.”
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Getty Images Deutschland. Finden Sie hochauflösende lizenzfreie Bilder, Bilder zur redaktionellen Verwendung, Vektorgrafiken, Videoclips und Musik zur Lizenzierung in der umfangreichsten Fotobibliothek online.
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PRO 7 celebrates Osmeña Day with former mayor
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THE Police Regional Office in Central Visayas (PRO 7) joined in the commemoration of the 144th birth anniversary of former President Sergio Osmeña Sr., the “Gra
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SunStar Publishing Inc.
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https://www.sunstar.com.ph/cebu/local-news/pro-7-celebrates-osmena-day-with-former-mayor
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THE Police Regional Office in Central Visayas (PRO 7) joined in the commemoration of the 144th birth anniversary of former President Sergio Osmeña Sr., the “Grand Old Man of Cebu."
The whole province of Cebu and its component cities have been declared under special non-working holiday today, September 9, to pay tribute to Osmeña Sr.
Among the highlights of the program at the PRO 7 Friday was a wreath-laying ceremony headed by former Cebu City mayor Tomas Osmeña at the Camp Sergio Osmeña Sr. on Osmeña Boulevard, Cebu City.
In his message, Osmeña admired his late grandfather as an intelligent person, as he ranked second in the 1903 bar exam and later became governor of Cebu the following year at the age of 26.
Osmeña Sr. also became a speaker of the House of Representatives at the age of 29, the youngest ever in the history of Congress during his time.
Don Sergio became the fourth president of the Republic of the Philippines at age 66 from 1944 to 1946.
“He graduated and placed second in the bar, fourth place was Manuel Quezon, then he became fiscal and was elected governor. The thing was that for the first time, the United States Government decided to let the Philippines, which was just a commonwealth, have its own governing body, so the first time the Philippines enjoyed national elections, and the elected members of what was known of the first Philippine assembly, better known today as the Philippine Congress,” Osmeña said.
The former mayor’s relationship with the Cebu City Police Office, then headed by Colonel Royina Garma, turned sour in 2018 after the foiled ambush attempt on Tejero village councilor Jessielou Cadungog that resulted in the death of Police Officer 3 Eugene Calumba.
Tomas, however, did not recall the incident in his message and instead narrated about his experience when he was tasked by the National Government to attend the funerals of soldiers and policemen who died in the service.
He witnessed the hardships of low-ranking policemen and soldiers who died in the war, while their families suffered for their loss.
Osmeña said that when a policeman and a soldier were killed in an encounter in Bohol with the members of Abu Sayaff, the city also provided financial assistance.
He also said that during his term as mayor, Cebu City Government gave P10 million to the families of soldiers and policemen who lost their lives during the war in Marawi.
But now, he could no longer hear about government leaders extending help to fallen soldiers and policemen.
"I’m so deeply ashamed to hear today that many of our leaders in the government only think about themselves and are so corrupt," Osmeña said.
PRO 7 Director Brigadier General Roque Eduardo Vega, for his part, thanked the former President of the country for his many achievements and encouraged his men to follow his example. (AYB, TPT)
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Tomas Osmeña
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Tomas dela Rama Osmeña, known as Tommy Osmeña, is a Filipino politician who served as the Mayor of Cebu City thrice: first from 1987 to 1995, again from 2001 to 2010, and lastly from 2016 to 2019. He also served as Congressman representing the second district of Cebu City from 2010 to 2013. He is a grandson of former Philippine President Sergio Osmeña.
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In this Philippine name, the middle name or maternal family name is de la Rama and the surname or paternal family name is Osmeña.
Tomas dela Rama Osmeña (Tagalog: [toˈmɐs ʔɔsˈmɛɲa]; born July 26, 1948), known as Tommy Osmeña, is a Filipino politician who served as the Mayor of Cebu City thrice: first from 1987 to 1995, again from 2001 to 2010, and lastly from 2016 to 2019. He also served as Congressman representing the second district of Cebu City from 2010 to 2013. He is a grandson of former Philippine President Sergio Osmeña.
Quick Facts The Honourable, Mayor of Cebu City ...
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https://museums.gov.ph/home/teus-mansion/
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Malacañang Heritage Mansions
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Valentin Teus was born in Navarra, Spain in 1832. At just 15 years of age, he traveled to the Philippines to try his luck in business where he purchased a distillery in Hagonoy, Bulacan.
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Malacañang Heritage Mansions
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https://museums.gov.ph/home/teus-mansion/
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Valentin Teus was born in Navarra, Spain in 1832. At just 15 years of age, he traveled to the Philippines to try his luck in business where he purchased a distillery in Hagonoy, Bulacan. He would eventually merge with Ynchausti y Compania, one the first Philippine-owned conglomerates of business tycoons, Joaquin Elizalde and Joaquin Ynchausti who dealt mostly in shipping and trade. Teus was an industrious worker who eventually founded what we know today as Tanduay Distilleries, Inc.
He married Teresa Ferrater Ponte, the niece of the Governor General, who he bought the mansion from. In just two decades, she would meet her untimely demise. Valentin Teus became the Alcalde Primero of the Ayuntamiento de Manila in 1871. At the age of 62, he would re-marry for a second time, Dolores Menendez Valdes de Cornellana, the 20 year old niece of his deceased wife. They had four children together : Valentin Jr., who died at a young age, Concepcion, Valentin III and Dolores.
The family first lived in Binondo before Don Valentin surprised his wife with a home located at the corner of General Solano street. It would eventually be known as the Teus Mansion.
Don Valentin would meet his demise in 1909. Since most of his children had migrated to Spain, his eldest daughter Concepcion, inherited the mansion. After her high school education at the Assumption Convent, she continued her studies in Spain where she married and remained. She rarely visited the house and had an old man as caretaker. Years passed and the once proud mansion eventually deteriorated. Its kitchen roof fell and the attic became home to a bat colony. In 1974 Concepcion decided to sell the house to then First Lady, Imelda Romualdez Marcos.
Mrs. Marcos turned it into a guest house. She restored and remodeled it with the help of interior decorator Ronald D. Laing and antique dealer Viring de Asis. Housed at the second floor are collections of gifts to President Ferdinand Marcos and First Lady Imelda Marcos including the ones given during their silver wedding anniversary such as silverware and porcelain.
This room features our National flag, Presidential flag and the Presidential seal.
The current seal was first used by President Manuel Roxas in 1947.
A distinct feature of the Presidential flag and seal is the “sea lion” granted by King Philip II of Spain in 1596. The sun with its eight rays represent the eight provinces that were placed under martial law during the Philippine Revolution. The three stars symbolize the three main regions of Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao.
This room features our National flag, Presidential flag and the Presidential seal.
The current seal was first used by President Manuel Roxas in 1947.
A distinct feature of the Presidential flag and seal is the “sea lion” granted by King Philip II of Spain in 1596. The sun with its eight rays represent the eight provinces that were placed under martial law during the Philippine Revolution. The three stars symbolize the three main regions of Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao.
President Emilio Aguinaldo
General Emilio Aguinaldo, a leader of the Katipunan in the province of Cavite, went on to become the undisputed head of the Philippine Revolution. On January 23, 1899, he was elected the first President of the Philippines by the Malolos Congress of the First Republic.
President Manuel L. Quezon
Famously described as the “Paladin of Philippine Freedom”, Manuel Quezon was instrumental in the passage of the Tydings-McDuffie Act of the United States Congress which, in turn, paved the way for the transition of an independent Philippine republic. During his time, and because of the Japanese occupation of the country, President Quezon was forced to go into exile in the United States.
President Emilio Aguinaldo
General Emilio Aguinaldo, a leader of the Katipunan in the province of Cavite, went on to become the undisputed head of the Philippine Revolution. On January 23, 1899, he was elected the first President of the Philippines by the Malolos Congress of the First Republic.
President Manuel L. Quezon
Famously described as the “Paladin of Philippine Freedom”, Manuel Quezon was instrumental in the passage of the Tydings-McDuffie Act of the United States Congress which, in turn, paved the way for the transition of an independent Philippine republic. During his time, and because of the Japanese occupation of the country, President Quezon was forced to go into exile in the United States.
President Jose P. Laurel
After having served the country in various elective and appointive posts before and during the Quezon administration -- including Secretary of the Interior and Justice of the Supreme Court, Laurel was instructed by Quezon to remain in the Philippines during the wartime occupation. Laurel was subsequently elected President by the National Assembly. He made use of this opportunity to ameliorate the plight of his countrymen during the Japanese occupation.
President Sergio Osmeña
A lawyer and newspaper editor, Osmena became the Governor of Cebu in 1904. He resigned in 1906 and was subsequently elected as a member of the new Philippine Assembly. He served in this capacity as founding Speaker until his election to the Senate in 1922.
While in exile with Quezon, he succeeded as President of the Commonwealth upon the latter’s death in 1944. He famously “returned” to the country with General Douglas MacArthur and worked towards the rehabilitation of our war-torn country.
President Jose P. Laurel
After having served the country in various elective and appointive posts before and during the Quezon administration -- including Secretary of the Interior and Justice of the Supreme Court, Laurel was instructed by Quezon to remain in the Philippines during the wartime occupation. Laurel was subsequently elected President by the National Assembly. He made use of this opportunity to ameliorate the plight of his countrymen during the Japanese occupation.
President Sergio Osmeña
A lawyer and newspaper editor, Osmena became the Governor of Cebu in 1904. He resigned in 1906 and was subsequently elected as a member of the new Philippine Assembly. He served in this capacity as founding Speaker until his election to the Senate in 1922.
While in exile with Quezon, he succeeded as President of the Commonwealth upon the latter’s death in 1944. He famously “returned” to the country with General Douglas MacArthur and worked towards the rehabilitation of our war-torn country.
President Manuel A. Roxas
In 1934, Roxas became a member of the Constitutional Convention that produced the 1935 Constitution. During the Pacific War, he was forced to serve under the Japanese-sponsored government. After defeating Osmena in the 1946 elections, Roxas became the last Commonwealth President and, on July 4, 1946, was elected President of the Third Republic.
President Elpidio R. Quirino
Quirino was a practicing lawyer until he was elected as a member of the House of Representatives in 1919. In 1925, he was elected to the Senate. He collaborated with President Quezon in securing the passage of the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934. After the war, wherein most of his immediate family members were massacred, Quirino was elected Vice President. He became President after Roxas’ untimely death in 1948.
President Manuel A. Roxas
In 1934, Roxas became a member of the Constitutional Convention that produced the 1935 Constitution. During the Pacific War, he was forced to serve under the Japanese-sponsored government. After defeating Osmena in the 1946 elections, Roxas became the last Commonwealth President and, on July 4, 1946, was elected President of the Third Republic.
President Elpidio R. Quirino
Quirino was a practicing lawyer until he was elected as a member of the House of Representatives in 1919. In 1925, he was elected to the Senate. He collaborated with President Quezon in securing the passage of the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934. After the war, wherein most of his immediate family members were massacred, Quirino was elected Vice President. He became President after Roxas’ untimely death in 1948.
President Ramon F. Magsaysay
An automobile mechanic, Magsaysay was appointed military governor of the province of Zambales due to his outstanding service as a guerrilla leader during the Pacific War. He then served two terms as Congressman for Zambales under the Liberal Party before being appointed as Secretary of National Defense by President Quirino. He won the Presidency under the Nacionalista Party during the elections of 1953.
President Carlos P. Garcia
Garcia was instrumental in pursuing the Philippines’ interests for war damage claims arising from the Pacific War in the United States. He succeeded Magsaysay as President after the latter’s death and was elected as President in his own right later that same year. Known for his austerity program, he popularized economic nationalism through the “Filipino First Policy.”
President Ramon F. Magsaysay
An automobile mechanic, Magsaysay was appointed military governor of the province of Zambales due to his outstanding service as a guerrilla leader during the Pacific War. He then served two terms as Congressman for Zambales under the Liberal Party before being appointed as Secretary of National Defense by President Quirino. He won the Presidency under the Nacionalista Party during the elections of 1953.
President Carlos P. Garcia
Garcia was instrumental in pursuing the Philippines’ interests for war damage claims arising from the Pacific War in the United States. He succeeded Magsaysay as President after the latter’s death and was elected as President in his own right later that same year. Known for his austerity program, he popularized economic nationalism through the “Filipino First Policy.”
President Diosdado P. Macapagal
Known as the “poor boy from Lubao”, Pampanga, Macapagal was first elected Congressman in 1949. During the 1957 elections, he was elected Vice President under the Liberal Party. During his term, he pursued comprehensive land reform. His administration focused on improving the plight of the poor.
President Ferdinand E. Marcos
Marcos served as a member of the House of Representatives for three terms. Thereafter, he was elected to the Senate as served as Senate President in 1959. He ran under the Nacionalista Party in 1965 and was elected President. His administration focused on improving the country’s infrastructure, among others. On September 21, 1972, after invoking subversion and rebellion, President Marcos placed the country under martial law on and suspended Congress.
President Diosdado P. Macapagal
Known as the “poor boy from Lubao”, Pampanga, Macapagal was first elected Congressman in 1949. During the 1957 elections, he was elected Vice President under the Liberal Party. During his term, he pursued comprehensive land reform. His administration focused on improving the plight of the poor.
President Ferdinand E. Marcos
Marcos served as a member of the House of Representatives for three terms. Thereafter, he was elected to the Senate as served as Senate President in 1959. He ran under the Nacionalista Party in 1965 and was elected President. His administration focused on improving the country’s infrastructure, among others. On September 21, 1972, after invoking subversion and rebellion, President Marcos placed the country under martial law on and suspended Congress.
President Corazon C. Aquino
Cory Aquino assumed the Presidency on February 25, 1986 -- after the dramatic events of what is now referred to as EDSA 1 -- which forced Marcos to leave the Philippines. During Aquino’s time, a new Constitution was promulgated on February 2, 1987, which established the Fifth Republic of the Philippines.
President Fidel V. Ramos
A military officer by profession, Ramos was the Chief of the Philippine Constabulary during the time of Marcos. He also served as the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces in 1986 and was later appointed by Aquino to be her Secretary of National Defense. Ramos was elected President in 1992. He was known to negotiate peace talks with Communist and Muslim rebels and introduce economic reforms to liberalize key business sectors.
President Corazon C. Aquino
Cory Aquino assumed the Presidency on February 25, 1986 -- after the dramatic events of what is now referred to as EDSA 1 -- which forced Marcos to leave the Philippines. During Aquino’s time, a new Constitution was promulgated on February 2, 1987, which established the Fifth Republic of the Philippines.
President Fidel V. Ramos
A military officer by profession, Ramos was the Chief of the Philippine Constabulary during the time of Marcos. He also served as the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces in 1986 and was later appointed by Aquino to be her Secretary of National Defense. Ramos was elected President in 1992. He was known to negotiate peace talks with Communist and Muslim rebels and introduce economic reforms to liberalize key business sectors.
President Joseph E. Estrada
Estrada entered politics in the 1960’s. He started his political career as the Mayor of San Juan and was subsequently elected Senator and Vice-President. In 1998, he was elected President. During his term, he pursued a hard line against Muslim rebels and sought to eradicate crime and poverty in the country. On January 20, 2021, after the dramatic events of what is now referred to as EDSA Dos – he resigned from his position.
President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
Inaugurated as Vice- President in 1998, President Estrada appointed Arroyo as concurrent Secretary of Social Welfare and Development. Arroyo succeeded Estrada when the latter resigned from office in 2001. After serving the remaining years of her predecessor’s term, she won the Presidential elections in 2004.
President Joseph E. Estrada
Estrada entered politics in the 1960’s. He started his political career as the Mayor of San Juan and was subsequently elected Senator and Vice-President. In 1998, he was elected President. During his term, he pursued a hard line against Muslim rebels and sought to eradicate crime and poverty in the country. On January 20, 2021, after the dramatic events of what is now referred to as EDSA Dos – he resigned from his position.
President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
Inaugurated as Vice- President in 1998, President Estrada appointed Arroyo as concurrent Secretary of Social Welfare and Development. Arroyo succeeded Estrada when the latter resigned from office in 2001. After serving the remaining years of her predecessor’s term, she won the Presidential elections in 2004.
President Benigno S. Aquino III
Aquino served as the representative of the second district of Tarlac and was subsequently elected to the Senate in 2007. After his mother passed away in August 2009, Aquino decided to run for the Presidency on a platform of government based on transformational leadership. In May 2010, he was elected as the 15th President of the country. It was during his time when the K-12 program was implemented.
President Rodrigo R. Duterte
Rodrigo Roa Duterte is the first from Mindanao to be elected to the Philippine Presidency. His administration focused on the development of public infrastructure and enforcement of law and order. Despite criticisms on his anti-drug campaign and management of the COVID-19 pandemic, Duterte continued to enjoy high trust and approval ratings until the end of his term.
President Benigno S. Aquino III
Aquino served as the representative of the second district of Tarlac and was subsequently elected to the Senate in 2007. After his mother passed away in August 2009, Aquino decided to run for the Presidency on a platform of government based on transformational leadership. In May 2010, he was elected as the 15th President of the country. It was during his time when the K-12 program was implemented.
President Rodrigo R. Duterte
Rodrigo Roa Duterte is the first from Mindanao to be elected to the Philippine Presidency. His administration focused on the development of public infrastructure and enforcement of law and order. Despite criticisms on his anti-drug campaign and management of the COVID-19 pandemic, Duterte continued to enjoy high trust and approval ratings until the end of his term.
The First Ladies are not elected nor appointed to the position, but they may have had the most profound influence on the President. They are the epitome of beauty, grace and motherly care. The First Ladies nurture and support the President and, by extension, the nation. Their role is to help the President weather the pressures of public life.
The portraits of the First Ladies were commissioned by the Cabinet Ladies Foundation in 2000 through renowned artist Lulu Coching-Rodriguez.
Teus Mansion was named after Valentin Teus Yrissari, a penniless 15 year old Basque who arrived in the Philippines in 1847. Valentin was an industrious worker who was into sugar and shipping. He founded the company we now know as Tanduay Distilleries Inc. In the 1870’s, he married the niece of the Governor General and bought the mansion where him and his family lived for many years. Don Valentin passed away in 1909 and since most of his children had already migrated to Spain, the house was inherited by his eldest daughter, Concepcion. Since none of Concepcion’s 7 children and 48 grandchildren were interested in the mansion, it was offered to former First Lady Imelda R. Marcos in the late 1970’S.
The mansion was restored by British designer Ronnie Laing and antique dealer Viring de Asis in 1975 and used as a guest house to receive visiting dignitaries of the late President Ferdinand E. Marcos Sr. After EDSA I, the mansion remained unused and inaccessible to the public.
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SERGIO OSMENA JR. IS DEAD AT 67; RAN AGAINST MARCOS IN '69 VOTE
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Sergio Osmena Jr., an exiled Filipino politician and businessman, who ran against President Ferdinand E. Marcos in his campaign for re-election in 1969, died yesterday of respiratory failure at Cedars Sinai Medical Center in Los Angeles. He was 67 years old and lived in Beverly Hills.
Mr. Osmena, a member of a wealthy and socially prominent family in Cebu Province, was a former governor of Cebu and mayor of Cebu City. His father, Sergio Osmena Sr., was the wartime Filipino President-in-exile who waded ashore with Gen. Douglas MacArthur when the Americans returned at the end of World War II.
The younger Mr. Osmena was a veteran of the often violent feuds that marked Filipino politics until President Marcos imposed martial law inSeptember 1972.
Mr. Osmena was elected Governor of Cebu in 1951, defeating a rival family's political machine. He resigned in 1953 after backing Elpidio Quirino, the losing presidential candidate against Ramon Magsaysay. Served as Representative
Known to harbor presidential ambitions, he later became a Liberal Party member of the House of Representatives but was suspended in 1960 after intimating that Mr. Magsaysay's successor, Carlos P. Garcia, had taken a large bribe and run a corrupt administration.
Mr. Osmena was a Senator in 1969 when he challenged President Marcos, who was running for a second four-year term on the Nationalist ticket. Mr. Osmena accused the Marcos Administration of being the ''most corrupt in Philippine history.''
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Sergio Osmeña « The Philippines Free Press Online
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Posts about Sergio Osmeña written by mlq3
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The Philippines Free Press Online
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Remembering Teodoro M. Locsin
by Manuel L. Quezon III
January 26,2002—ANECDOTES told by those who knew him in his prime assure me that Teodoro M. Locsin was a man who possessed a sense of humor, indeed a sense of fun, even what could be said to be an impish wit. He liked good drink and song; we all know he wrote well. But it is the elusiveness of this characteristic that has always intrigued me. If the sons of a man are any reflection of the father, then the assurances given me by my elders that Teddy Locsin, Sr. had a sense of humor must be true; one only has to see his two elder sons to know they have a sense of humor in spades. Yet Teddy Locsin, Sr., if one depends on his writings, comes across as a man of manic anger, of near-hysterical indignation. That was the public man, the crusading journalist.
He described himself, many years ago, reminiscing right after the death of a close friend and recalling the days of Liberation then merely a few years back:
“We had,” he wrote in 1949, recalling the time before the FREE PRESS reopened after being shut down by the Japanese, “with Jose Diokno, the son of Senator Diokno, put out a new paper, the Philippines Press. Diokno was at the desk and more or less kept the paper from going to pieces as it threatened to do every day. I thundered and shrilled; that is, I wrote the editorials. Philip was the objective reporter, the impartial journalist, who gave the paper many a scoop. That was Philip’s particular pride: to give every man, even the devil, his due. While I jumped on a man, Philip would patiently listen to his side.”
Teddy Locsin, Sr. was famous –or infamous, depending on who was reading his editorials and articles and who was being attacked in them– for “jumping on people.” His was the the anger of the man who had fought for his country as a guerrilla; his was the highly-developed moral conscience inculcated by his love of books and the mentorship of Robert McCullough Dick; his was the mind of a poet turned to penning the philippics and jeremiads of a reformist, a man who would give and take no quarter as he was proxy for Juan de la Cruz in fighting corruption, stupidity, cupidity and avarice in and out of government.
Yet there is one instance of his writing reflecting a wit, though, since written as a journalist, the merciless kind of wit. One of my favorite pieces is one he wrote on then Senatorial Candidate Pacita M. Warns on October 22, 1955.
He began the piece self-deprecatingly, writing, that when it came to tackling controversies involving women leaders, “It is difficult to write critically about a woman. Whether you are right or wrong makes no difference; you are being hard, it will be said, on the weaker sex. At the same time, it isn’t fair that just because a woman occupies an office, it should be above reproach. Where does chivalry end and civic duty begin? One cannot always tell. A gentleman has been defined as one who never inflicts pain; a newspaperman sometimes seems to do nothing else but inflict it. It is no use arguing, with people and with oneself, that it is a job that must be done. ‘How can you be so cruel to a lady!’ is the first and last reaction. And when the official, upon meeting you, instead of scratching your eyes out, speaks of the high standard of your paper and how, in only this case, it has fallen from that high standard, how she has admired your writing and thought you a man of principles, fair and objective in your reporting, and how disappointing that you have been less than fair and objective in dealing with her, what a gentleman she always thought you were, and look at you now—as she goes on heaping compliments and reproaches on your head, what can you do but say, ‘I am a dog?’”
In the process of the interview, the self-deprecation remained even as he let his subject pillory herself:
“. . . .Last Wednesday, we had an interview with Mrs. Warns. It was arranged by an officer of the SWA, Victor Baltazar, who came to the office and asked us if we would talk things over with the former SWA head. Certainly, we said.
“We met Mrs. Warns at the Jai Alai Keg Room. With her were Baltazar and two women connected with SWA. With us was Melecio Castaños of the FREE PRESS….”
Locsin asked a question concerning the controversy of the day: “How about those pictures of yours which we saw in the SWA? They were glamour shots and were autographed. Is the SWA supposed to distribute them?”
And Mrs. Warns replied, “Oh, they are my personal property, left there when I resigned. People kept asking for my pictures while I was administrator. The poor pasted them on the wall of their huts alongside the picture of the Virgin Mary. . . .”
Locsin writes that he responded,”No.” And the interview goes on to its –to this writer, anyway– hilarious conclusion:
“Yes.” [replied Mrs. Warns] “ If you could only see how the poor greet me wherever I go! They kiss my hand and tell their children to kiss the hem of my dress.”
“’Do they really paste your picture along that of the Virgin Mary?’
“’You may find it hard to believe, but they do. If you could come with me, I would show you. . . . Ah, you do not know what it is like to be poor! If you had lived with them, eaten with them, seen how wretched they are, you would understand how they feel toward me, why they would paste my picture beside that of the Virgin Mary and kiss my hand and tell their children to kiss the hem of my dress.’
“Speechless, we listened. She went on.
“’I have always admired the FREE PRESS for its crusading spirit and I have read your articles and thought you to be fair, just, principled newspaperman and when you do not even give me a chance to explain. . . .’
“’But I did give you a chance. I called you up, you will remember, and you told me you did not know how much the SWA spent for photographic materials but you gave your salary to the poor. . . .’
“’Not only my salary, I gave my own money daily to the poor. I only wish I could go on helping the poor. . .’
“’I am sure you can afford to do that immediately.’
“She looked at us with eyes full of pity.
“’Do you know what they are saying about the FREE PRESS now? In the provinces, in the barrios, wherever I go, the people are saying, having read your story about me and the SWA, ‘The FREE PRESS has become just like of the tabloids. It has attacked our Virgin Mary.’ That is what some would say. Others would correct them: ‘Not our Virgin Mary but our goddess.’ That is what the people of this country are saying about the FREE PRESS after your article.’
“’Will you please repeat that.’
“She did.
“’Well, to show you how objective the FREE PRESS is, I am going to report what people are saying about it and about you in my next article.’
“’But do not say that I said I am the Virgin Mary and a goddess. It is the people who are saying that.’
“’I shall say that the people are saying that the FREE PRESS has become just like one of the tabloids because it has attacked their Virgin Mary or goddess. Is that correct?’
“’Yes.’”
Magnificent. And one of the few examples I’ve found of Locsin letting his sense of humor shine through any of his articles.
He was always a shrewd observer; his journalism is replete with telling details and observations that endure. A short piece he wrote on August 10, 1946, titled “The Big Scramble,” could have been written yesterday, and can be written tomorrow. Just change the names, and the scramble is still there –the only thing different is the uncompromising morality of Locsin, then and always anti-collaborator.
“The young men of Capiz,” Locsin wrote, (referring to the new administration of Manuel Roxas), “according to reports reaching the FREE PRESS, are flocking to Manila, to shake the hand of their province mate, the President of the Philippines, to congratulate him on his election—and to ask for a job.
“Thus it was in Quezon’s time, and it was no different during the Osmeña administration. When Malacañan corridors still echoed with the oaths and curses of the High-Strung One [Quezon] as some cabinet member was called to account for some act of omission or commission, as the Church puts it, the Chosen People came from Tayabas. During the brief reign of Sergio the First and probably the Last, the Lucky Ones spoke English with a thick Cebuano accent. In the 2604th year of the reign of Showa, when Laurel was ‘President,’ Malacañan was a home away from home for Batangueños. Now, in the first year of Roxas, the Palace by the Pasig is being stormed by determined Capiceños, all animated by one single thought—a government job.
“In the palace itself, according to intelligence reports received by the Minority Camp, there are intra-mural hostilities between the De Leon side and the Acuña side of the Presidential family. The Acuñas are said to be increasingly bitter at the way the Bulakeños are getting the best jobs, and there are many dark references to blood, how it should be thicker than water.
“Meanwhile press communiqués indicate that while the Bulakeños and the Capiceños were arguing with each other who should have this job and who should have that, the Ilocanos—Quirinos—boys—have quietly infiltrated the lines and taken over the choicest offices. Determined to hold their positions at all cost, the Ilocanos were last reported to be forming suicide squadrons and building road blocks against future counter-attack by the boys from Bulacan and Capiz. In the face of a common enemy, they may even join forces and as one united army attack the Ilocano positions.
“From Capiz itself comes a report—the author keeps himself anonymous, and wisely, too, probably—that school teachers who made the simply unforgivable error of voting for Osmeña are finding themselves either dropped or assigned to distant barrios where nothing more is heard of them. Osmeña himself was given an honorary elder statesman’s job, but those who voted for him the last time are being slowly—and not so slowly — frozen out of the government, the report concludes.
“In Manila, things are not so bad. Many government employees took the precaution of voting for Roxas during the last election. If Osmeña won, they would still have their jobs, but if Roxas won—well they voted for him, didn’t they?”
And Locsin concluded with an observation that still speaks to us, today:
“Most government jobs are low paid, and one wonders why there is such scramble for them. Then one recalls the story of the pre-war Bureau of Customs employee who had a two story house, a car, and who sent his two daughters to an expensive private school—all on a salary of less than P100 a month. Who knows, once you are in the government, when such an opportunity will strike? The thing is, be prepared—and enter the government.”
Teddy Locsin, Sr. was not a prophet; he was a journalist, but the best kind; from his early post-war writing one is moved to jump to one of his last pre-martial law interviews, this one of his close friend Ninoy Aquino. The same Ninoy he advised, in 1983, not to return to the Philippines because, as Locsin’s middle son once recalled, “bravery achieves nothing, my father told him [Aquino], especially in a country of cowards. Yet that putdown of courage may have tipped the scale for Ninoy’s return. The worse the odds, the more inviting the challenge.”
This is only part of an interview, titled “Mission Impossible?” Locsin wrote on March 21, 1971. The issue of the day was the Jabidah massacre; there was an officer whose wife was looking for her husband. Locsin wrote,
“Captain Titong’s wife wonders, not only where her family’s next meal will come from, but where the hell her husband is.
“What happened to Captain Titong?
“’Five possibilities,’ said Aquino:
“’First, he could be absent without leave. The law demands that if he is AWOL, he should be court-martialed. But, thus far, no charge has been filed against him.’
“’Second, he could have been killed in action.’
“’Third, he could be missing in action.’
“’If the second or the third, then his dependents must receive a decent compensation, but this has been denied them.’
“Fourth, he could have deserted. But before one can prove desertion, one must first prove that the accused has no intention of returning or that he has joined the enemy. If he has deserted, then the officer who sent him on this last mission, even while he was facing charges before a General Court-Martial, has a lot to answer for.’
“’The fifth possibility is that he could be on a mission. This is the army position. But who would be so stupid as to send an exposed agent on a mission? Even the foreign press knew of Captain Titong.’”
Having allowed his readers to see Ninoy’s mind at work, now came Locsin’s turn to reach his own sinister conclusions:
“To send an exposed agent into the field of espionage,” Locsin continued, surely speaking from experience during the War, “again is like leading a sheep to slaughter. In October 1970 a Filipino secret agent identified as Capt. Solferiano Titong was reported to have been apprehended by Malaysian security forces. Some sources say that he has already been executed; others that he is still a prisoner in Kota Kinabalu.
“Where is Captain Titong and what is his fate? If he has been killed while on a mission his dependents should be supported. It is not only the humane, but also the legal thing to do. But if he is on a mission—or was, if he has been captured or killed—why was he sent on a mission while he still faced charges before a General Court-Martial? If he is a deserter or AWOL it could only be because he was given more freedom of movement than he was entitled to. He should have been closely watched. Why was he not?”
Locsin steps back to let Ninoy pose a question that Locsin then answers:
“’I will continue blocking General Ramos’s appointment until he satisfactorily explains what happened to Captain Titong,’ Aquino told the press. It is not true that he is blocking it because General Ramos is President Marcos’s second cousin or because he is ‘an anti-Huk fighter,’ as Malacañang has alleged…
“’Who is more responsible,’ Aquino retorted, ‘I or the man who put the lives of our young men in danger and most probably pushed this country to the brink of conflict?’
“Suddenly Senator Aquino realized that there was something odd about Malacañang’s reaction to his questions about Captain Titong’s fate. Why its deep concern? At the same time he heard from Moslem leaders about a certain individual who stood to profit greatly if the Sabah claim was pressed.
“Malacañang called Aquino, ‘unpatriotic.’
“Unpatriotic?
“Against whom? Aquino asked. President Marcos is not the Filipino nation. Or is he? …” Locsin goes on to go into the details on the claim on Sabah and the claim by Ferdinand Marcos that he had a power of attorney from the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu –a complicated question, but which, in the end, boils down to a question pregnant with foreboding:
“Either President Marcos does not envision anyone ever succeeding him as President or it is legal for a private individual to deal with himself as the highest official of the government.”
And so it came to pass. Locsin could see it coming. When the knock came on September 23 he was ready; he went into capitivity willingly. A country unwilling to resist tyranny might as well have examples of those willing to suffer imprisonment for principles upheld. Released, he kept silent –he would not dignify the dictatorship with his journalism. He took up his pen and wrote poetry, his true love; he wrote short stories, he brooded in his library and advised his friend Ninoy that a nation of cowards deserved what it was getting.
But when Ninoy died –the time had come for Locsin’s last crusade. In a sense, it was his Indian Summer, the last hoorah of a mind rejuvenated; he would praise Ninoy and exalt his widow; he would nod at the way a nation redeemed itself –only to keep pounding away at his typewriter as his country degenerated into the same sort of scrambling he had so trenchantly written about as a young man.
The mind of Teodoro M. Locsin, Sr. is best understood as the mind of a romantic; and like any lover of romance, he had his paramour –his country. He had the heart of a minstrel poet yet set it aside in order to be the guardian of the country he loved, betray her though she might, dissapoint her as often she may have done; still –to the end, the would be the man of the days of Liberation who would jump on anyone should they try to take advantage of the country he loved.
There is no other way to make sense of a man who seemed to be so violent in his prose and so forbiddingly distant when it came to his public persona, and yet who was the doting father and loving husband who would sing and drink his scotch and later, wine. The man who, in the twilight of his life said so little, even as he decided to write no more, is the man we see all over. The man who loved, and loved true; and yet refused all recognition for his long arduous hours of guardianship.
Free Press cover story
January 13, 2002 issue
Too early the birds of prey
by Manuel L. Quezon III
MAKING an ass of one’s self should be a basic human right, if only politicians could be denied this right because of the problems it causes other politicians and most of all, the public. To put matters in historical perspective, of the past presidents of this country, two were reelected to office (Manuel L. Quezon and Ferdinand E. Marcos), and only two former presidents ran for the position of president after having served as head of state: Emilio Aguinaldo, who went down in grumpy defeat in 1935, and Jose P. Laurel in 1949, though Laurel was the nobler in at least telling his supporters, who were as angry as Aguinaldo’s had been, not to mount a revolution.
Yet in the case of Aguinaldo and Laurel, there were extenuating circumstances in the cases of their candidacies. Aguinaldo was a political enemy of Quezon from 1922 to 1941, and was pushed by his supporters to run as a symbol of the aspirations of the Revolution; Laurel ran as much to vindicate his name as to achieve a mandate, never having been directly elected by the people to a position he served as a well-meaning head of a puppet government -indeed, it is interesting to note that both Aguinaldo, who ran in the first national presidential elections in 1935, and Laurel, who ran in the elections of 1949, were haunted by a desire to achieve what they never had when they were president: a genuine national mandate at the polls.
But one must consider, on the other hand, the cases of the only two presidents reelected: Quezon in 1935 and 1941, and Marcos in 1965 and 1969. Both tarnished their reputations by clinging to power beyond the terms allowed them by the Constitution under which they were elected. To this must be added the inevitability in the minds of many that had Quezon lived, he would have stepped down for a brief 2 years in order to run again in 1946 to be the first president of the independent Republic, and that Ramon Magsaysay would have run —and won— again, after his first term (and there are even those who suspect that Magsaysay, who imitated Quezon in so many ways, would have found a way to stay in office as long as possible as well). But fate decreed Quezon’s death in large part because of the strain of his final battle with Sergio Osmeña to cling to power, and fate had it in the cards that Ramon Magsaysay, like Manuel Roxas, would die before his first term ended, leaving Ferdinand Marcos to make every liberty-loving and democratic Filipinos’ nightmare come true: scrapping the Constitution, ignoring the laws, setting up a dictatorship that only fell when a country regained its dignity and courage and threw the man out of Malacañang.
Now to these negative examples add the examples of past presidents who could have run for office after the Constitutional limitations passed, and yet did not: the list is long. Sergio Osmena; Elpidio Quirino; Carlos P. Garcia; Diosdado Macapagal; Corazon Aquino. Except for Aquino, all the rest suffered defeat in their quest for reelection to a second term, yet had an opportunity (at least in the cases of Osmena, Garcia and Macapagal) to run for president again if they wished. But they never wished to. None of them ever fully retired from politics; they preferred to be consulted as elder statesmen; two of them, Garcia and Macapagal, chose to run for, be elected delegates to, and then presidents of, the 1971-73 Constitutional Convention. But the presidency, having been denied them in the past, was something they never sought again as a political prize.
The fact is that it should be enough for a former president to have had the honor and privilege of serving the country once, or in the old days twice, and end it at that. The exemplar of how a former president should conduct himself after leaving office is of course, Sergio Osmena, who represented many of the political virtues of the country, anyway; to a lesser extent, there are the examples of Aguinaldo and Laurel, the former reconciling himself to playing elder statesman, the latter choosing to serve in the senate as long as he could and even serve other presidents. There are the examples, too, of Garcia and Macapagal: the former went into quiet retirement until the ConCon and then died 24 hours after being sworn in as president of the convention; Macapagal, after a checkered experience with presiding and eventually losing control over the ConCon at least followed Aguinaldo’s path and quietly learned to enjoy the role of elder statesman; poor Elpidio Quirino lived too briefly after leaving office to accomplish much more than begin his memoirs and reach a touching reconciliation with his erstwhile protégé, Magsaysay.
Enter Fidel V. Ramos, former and, to the minds of too many, including quite possibly the mind of Mr. Ramos himself, future President of the Republic of the Philippines. Enter Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, present president and, almost indubitably, candidate for the position in 2004. What of them?
Of Fidel Ramos, one should note immediately what has been whispered about town almost from the moment he left office -the man has never grown accustomed to not wielding the reins of power. He wanted to amend the Constitution to allow himself either two more years in the manner of Quezon, or transform the country to a parliamentary system which was the original Marcos plan to perpetuate himself in power. This grand design failed in the face of the intransigence of Corazon Aquino (former president who seems not to miss being president at all), Cardinal Sin, a multitude of Filipinos, and one Joseph Ejercito Estrada who would be damned if his sure election to the presidency would be postponed even for a minute by a man he loathed.
Result? A lost kibbitzer, which Mr. Ramos is of the first order, as proven by his most unpresidential behavior during Joseph Estrada’s inauguration at Barasoain. The man tried to steal the limelight every moment he could, and then loftily proclaimed that under Estrada, he would be pleased to play the role of Elder Statesman in an official capacity, much to the amusement of everyone who head Ramos say these things. However, neither public derision, or skepticism, or outright hostility has ever deterred Mr. Ramos from doing what he pleases, and it has pleased him to use the time in between his never-ending globetrotting to keep himself in the limelight, including first, playing a lecturing uncle to Estrada, and then supposed pillar of the opposition when Estrada grew impatient with his “advice,” and now, gadfly and thorn in the side of Mrs. Arroyo. Perhaps Mr. Ramos feels that if Cory Aquino can bring down one government after stopping the attempts at charter change of two other presidents dead in their tracks, he has similar powers.
Perhaps. Although if this is the case, then it only proves that the man has an axe to grind against the woman who broke tradition to attend his inauguration (for perfectly legitimate symbolic reasons, the inauguration of Ramos was the first democratic handover of power since 1965) and put country ahead of her having given him her previous blessings in firmly saying “no” to his obvious desire to prolong his stay in office. One is forced to wonder if Fidel Ramos is not only ungrateful when it comes to Cory Aquino, but whether he actively dislikes her now -which would make him a petty, mean, and small-minded man.
Or could it be Fidel Ramos simply is getting old and too dense to realize the reason Cory Aquino can be an influential ex-president and Fidel Ramos may be influential, but not popular, and lacks what he seems to crave: a nation, on bended knee, begging him to return to Malacanang? Were this the case, then at least one can conclude Fidel Ramos is not petty, mean and small-minded but suffering from well-intentioned delusions: of being an irreplaceable man, of believing as gospel truth the insincere flattery of the sycophants that surround any politician, and the quite human refusal to recognize his own mortality and accept being put out to political pasture, since he is by no means, ancient. The reason Cory Aquino has the influence and respect she has, and Ramos does not, is that she is the only president in our history to say one term is enough, I’ve had it, and left Malacanang without looking back and probably murmuring “good riddance” the whole time. In short, she has what Fidel Ramos has never, ever, had in his life or career: moral ascendancy.
Fidel Ramos is too fidgety, too eager the attention-seeker, too enthusiastic the opiner, too happy the meddler, to be respected or have moral ascendancy of any sort. This is not to say he does not have influence, for he does; this is not to say he does not have political supporters, for he does; but it is to say that as far as the public is concerned, Fidel Ramos is history and had better accept the fact that he belongs to the past and not the future. One need only listen to the verbal abuse he was subjected to by the great unwashed at Edsa III to recognize this; and aside from the usual businessmen who value the illusion of Fidel Ramos being “Steady Eddie,” and who crave a man who will be content to go on junkets and turn a blind eye to anything so long as he gets the perks (a bad executive habit he shared with Joseph Estrada except in comparison to Estrada’s being uncouth about corruption, even Ramos’s most vicious detractors give him credit for being suave when it came to the corruption they are convinced he was a party to during his term).
To be a president or past president is, of course, not to be divine; which means Fidel Ramos is as likely to fall prey to illusions as much as the next man. He probably thinks the can still do good for the country, that the country needs him, and if the country were only given a chance it would fall to the ground in gratitude and kiss his feet were he to have the chance to be president again. This explains the never-ending and, really, tiring controversy of the day, which is the alleged rift between President Arroyo and former president Ramos over an election two years away. Fidel Ramos already suffers from the perception too widely held that he at one point pulled all the strings in the new Arroyo administration, or tried to, which made him as much the object of the poor’s equally deluded wrath in May 2001, as President Arroyo herself. And as for President Arroyo, she suffers from two insecurities: the fact that she was elevated to the presidency by succession and not election, and under the most confused of circumstances at that; and that she is the first child of a president who seems to have a chance to break the long curse, it seems, that has afflicted the children of past presidents -none of them ever make it to Malacanang although the senate and Vice-Presidency have been proven to not be beyond their reach.
For a politician and a businessman and even a soldier, and even for certain members of our uncivilized civil society, Fidel Ramos has the virtue of exuding an aura of dynamism, of calm, of precise, methodical working habits and discipline. How close perceptions are to the truth only those truly close to him can answer; but the fact is that there are those with influence and money who believe there exists a Steady Eddie and wouldn’t mind Ramos back. For the same politicians and businessmen, the problem with President Arroyo is that even if she is equally hard working, she happens to be frugal, as hot-tempered as Ramos but far from being his peer in hiding the fact, and she is a woman who suffers from the idea she has nothing to lose by actually giving the country as honest an administration as is possible given our society’s limitations. That, and the fact there is that onus on presidential children and that they might get stuck with her for nine uninterrupted years. The ramifications of a fairly clean, competent, and hard-working government are simply too frightening for these people to contemplate.
And thus the need to at least obtain leverage on Mrs. Arroyo by way of using Fidel Ramos as a threat. After all, Mr. Ramos is willing and able to be used as such a tool, indeed he may have thought up the idea of using the bogey of a Ramos for President campaign in 2004 as a potential spoiler to exact concessions from the administration, which has enough of a problem on its hands with fulfilling its promises, neutralizing its enemies, and keeping the country together during tough times.
Fidel Ramos would never win another presidential election even if Mrs. Arroyo dropped dead and a way was found to make monkeys run against Ramos the way Marcos engineered his farcical martial law presidential elections. What can happen is Fidel Ramos could ensure that if he can’t win, neither can Mrs. Arroyo, but it wouldn’t be in the interest of either to give away the election in 2004 to the opposition, which is indeed vicious, ruthless, has many axes to grind, and much dirt to dish out against the two.
Hence the view of this writer than Mr. Ramos is either extremely delusional or out to keep himself in the political loop and be a powerbroker of sorts, if not an actual shadow president (the best of both worlds). The fact that Joe de Venecia, who has the biggest chance of being Prime Minister for life were we to go parliamentary, is as usual going out of his way to get into trouble trying to patch things up between former president Ramos and President Macapagal, is no surprise or mystery. De Venecia is simply too nice, too compleat the politician, to give the opposition ammunition when things could all be quietly smoothed out to his party’s advantage.
The spoiler of course is Mrs. Arroyo’s determination not to be anyone’s patsy; she may have, as all presidents have done, tried to pay her dues in the early part of her administration, but she can clearly see, if she has half a brain (and no one doubts she has not just half but quite a complete one), that she needs a mandate, a real mandate, and that her political destiny must be played out as her father’s was -either to a happier conclusion by way of election in 2004, or defeat, as her father endured in 1965. But she has no other option but to stay the course and fight.
That having been said, this is all, then, a testing of the waters. The West Pointer in Ramos is probing the defenses of the administration, looking for its weaknesses. His archskeptics are under the impression his real aim is to simply be done with a Constitution that he could not amend to satisfy his ambitions, and be called upon to trot out on a white horse and restore the lost era of Philippines 2000. No one with any intellectual honesty can deny that Mr. Ramos’s actions to date, down to calling a radio station to muse on the need to file a test case to figure out if he’s entitled to run legitimately in the next election, only serve to reinforce the worst perceptions that exist of the man. Nor can anyone deny the political and even personal imperatives that would drive Mrs. Arroyo to seek election in 2004 come hell or high water, if only to prove her critics wrong, and be remembered not as a woman who inherited the presidential mantle, but who earned it in her own right.
So Fidel Ramos says he is not running —period, period, period. Though the country is used to his three periods being the ellipse that leads to a pregnant pause that leads others to begin to have paranoid attacks (which Ramos surely enjoys). The President, on the other hand, truthfully says she is too busy worrying about the here and now to fuss over 2004, though even in that she is being disingenuous -but then which president entitled to reelection, with the exception of Cory Aquino- ever was anything but disingenuous about the possibility of their running again? Even Cory Aquino, who was not bound by the term limitations of the Charter approved during her term, kept her options open if only to keep from becoming a lame duck. The only president in our history who ever committed political suicide was Joseph Estrada and neither Ramos nor Arroyo are Estrada. There is no surer way to commit political hara-kiri than to say you have no intention of running for reelection when you can -and be believed.
The whole non-issue then boils down to a rift between the Lakas-NUCD people who grew fat and soft under Ramos, and who aren’t pleased that they are expected to stay relatively lean during the Arroyo New Era Part 2. The whole issue is that having abandoned the Liberals, and never having established a cohesive hard-core party of loyalists of her own, Mrs. Arroyo is not in full control of the party she is putatively the chief of, but which recalls its salad days as having been under Fidel Ramos. Ramos may be circulating offering them a chance of reliving the good old days when boys could be boys, businessmen could do business under a regime that was all light and sound, and not hard work as it is at present.
Pie in the sky, Ramos-style, versus the drudgery of the dirty kitchen, Arroyo-style. Were you a politician you would at least give pause to the thought that life would be tough under another six years of Arroyo, and positively miserable if not dangerous to life and limb under a Ping Lacson regime: so why not, indeed, a return to steady Eddie.
We shall have to see who has the last wink. Or who raises her eyebrow last in satisfaction as her opponent folds.
Escape from Corregidor
by Manuel L. Quezon Jr.
(Fom the late author’s unpublished memoirs.
December 8, 2001–THE last public occasion I attended with my father (I was then 15) was when my father told the UP audience on Taft Avenue that if bombs started to drop and people was killed because there were no shelters, it would be because of the Civil Liberties Union. My father had planned to build air raid shelters all over for the safety of the people but Roosevelt had asked him not to use the special powers given him by the National Assembly because of the Civil Liberties Union. I have never liked the CLU since. If widespread bombing had occured in Manila, people would have died because of the CLU. In their self-righteous so-called defense of rights, they sometimes block higher rights —and those people should have been hanged from the lamp posts.
During the speech, my father was shouting. I never remembered any of the subject matter of my father’s speeches — what 15 years old wants to sit through hour-long public speeches — at least they seemed hours long — but that speech I do recall. The smart-alec UP students laughed.
In 1941 — December 8— the war came. The day World War II started in the Philippines, my mother, my sister Baby, Jovita Fuentes and I were at our (then) hacienda in Arayat, Pampanga, just about half an hour from the Buencamino hacienda in Cabiao, Nueva Ecija. As it was the Feast of the Immaculate Concepcion, Patroness of the Philippines and also of Cabiao, we went to Cabiao; we had the usual enormous breakfast of adobo, tinapa, eggs and God knows what else. I suppose Jovita Fuentes had to sing at Mass. Then we went back to Arayat, where we soon saw the smoke rising above Fort Stotsenberg, as the Japanese that had bombed it flew right over us. Jovita Fuentes fell into a ditch from fright. My mother signalled me to join her under a shrub or trees lower than her (she was only five feet tall). My sister Baby did not join us in hiding. She was one of those enviable individuals who was inmune of from fear, and bent over double with laughter at my mother and myself, hiding under the little shrub. My father was in Baguio resting at the outbreak of war — apparently he was having a resurgence of his TB, although I did not know.
That evening my father picked us all up and we we moved back to our country house in Marikina for safety. Marikina had a very well designed air raid shelter.
Government people kept coming and going. There were lots of meetings, and finally what turned out to be my father’s last cabinet meeting before evacuating to Corregidor. It was held under the shade of a large mango tree in our Marikina house, where PSBA is now.
What I was doing in the open-air Cabinet meeting I do not know but I do recall that my father got telephone reconfirmation of MacArthur’s approval of my father’s instructions — the cabinet members were to do everything to protect the Filipino people, short of swearing allegiance to Japan and the rule was followed by the Filipinos. It did them little good, as they were all tried for collaboration. Only Pres. Roxas’s amnesty saved them.
Except for our departure for Corregidor — perhaps not that — I was never told what my father intended — I was just told to move whenever we were to move.
On December 24, 1941, when we were brought to the Presidential landing to board the Mayon, the largest interisland steamer at the time, painted all white — it was obvious we were going to Corregidor. We were given life jackets. An air raid started and the ship could not move — I think the ship’s engineer was missing. But the Japanese did not know who were on board — the Philippine government. Perhaps they did not care. It was especially frightening for a terrible scary-cat like me — a terrible experience, being marooned in the bay not far from the Manila Hotel. Fortunately, no bombs were dropped on the ships. Perhaps the Japanese intended to use the ships later.
Finally, the all clear was sounded and finally we got underway. As I recall it, we reached Corregidor towards evening. The previous time my father had brought me to Corregidor, months or a year before, we were received with a 19 gun salute, in broad daylight. Now it was a humble arrival. We were brought to the hospital side-tunnel of the Malinta tunnel. At midnight Father Pacifico Ortiz, S.J., our Chaplain, said mass for us and the soldiers, in Latin of course. It was either at that mass or the New Year’s Mass that he preached to comfort us, speaking in our Lord’s words “Put your hand in mine,” referring to the darkness of the war.
Corregidor became our home from Dec. 24, 1941 to Feb. 20, 1942. If the war had not come, we should have been hearing Midnight Mass in the richly carved wooden chapel in our home in Pasay. Noche Buena was meant to be the re-inauguration of our own house in Pasay, where we were to live instead of in Malacañan. We never saw our home again, except in ruins, as was the case with our Marikina house — the Japanese or the Makapilis, or in the case of Pasay, perhaps the Americans had destroyed them.
As our Corregidor stay was prolonged, things became worse. At first we had some minutes’ air raid warning, then Cavite fell and there was no warning — shells from Maragondon would just come over, my eldest sister, Baby with her mission in life (as Nini said) of perpetually making puns, punned — May Aragon doon. The lovely presidential yacht, the Casiana had been sunk of Corregidor and US soldiers used to dive underwater to bring up bottles of liquor, champagne, etc.
I recall one air-raid that was terrifying. We were sitting outside the hospital tunnel on the small platform under a tent, where my father used to spend the day. Suddenly, siren! How we got my father inside, I don’t remember, but obviously he could still walk. But I recall my mother starting to run but with just a half-step she stopped dead and looked around for her children. Baby who was one of those irritating people who literally never experienced fear, was bent over in laughter. She had spotted Carlos P. Romulo running down the hills towards the tunnel as fast as he could, which anyone in his right mind would do. But when he saw Baby laughing, bent over, he suddenly stopped and walked. His rather foolish male pride came into operation, even though he and Baby could both have been killed. My mother shouted “Baby!” I still remember her voice and we all made it safely to the tunnel. Then the bombs started to drop closer and closer until an absolutely deafening explosion came. I thought a bomb had entered the tunnel and the lights went out. We were already in the sub-lateral we occupied, with the only light being the sanctuary lamp of the curtained-off little chapel. How long we continued sitting in the dark I do not recall.
During the raids, my father made no sound at all that I recall. He used to say that the brave man was not the one who had no fear — but the one who felt fear and still did his duty.
In the tunnel my mother prayed of course and we were comforted by the presence of our Lord in the Blessed Sacrament. I imagine my father prayed too, but he must have prayed in silence.
As the days went on, the shelling became more and more frequent, though I think never at night.
When my father and Don Sergio Osmeña were reinaugurated, on December 30, 1941, the ceremony was held outside one main entrance of the Malinta Tunnel. All I remember is that High Commissioner Sayre addressed Vice-President Osmeña as “Don Serjoe Osmanyo.”
On the 19th of February, 1942, Fr. Francisco Avendaño came to Corregidor to say mass on my mother’s birthday and complained to my father about the lack of food on Bataan. He also complained of the American treatment of the Filipino soldiers. One Filipino who I think was too sick to stand, was kicked by an American.
At midnight that night we boarded the submarine Swordfish. During the night we traveled on the surface, where the sub could make better speed, above 20 knots per hour. Underwater it could make only about 8 knots per hour. After a good night’s sleep, there was an alarming sound of a siren, the signal that we were submerging. On the surface the sub had moved with the waves like any other ship. The moment we submerged the sub became almost completely motionless, as there were no waves underwater. We spent the whole day submerged until we landed at San Jose de Antique. I must be one of the very people who ever received Communion under water. We were given tongue sandwiches and I threw up. The reason was the heat. Commander Smith had decided to attack Japanese troopships in Subic before picking us up (most irresponsible really) and naturally the Japanese dropped depth charges. As a result, half the air-conditioning system did not work and it was hot as hell. There were a lot of red lights meaning no smoking but the sailors were merrily smoking away.
As we were passing Mindoro, we were allowed to peep through the periscope. The sky looked a non descript color. At one time also there seemed to be sound of propellers which was alarming —possibly an enemy war ship — but it turned out to be the movement of fish tails. We remained submerged all day and surfaced after dark when the sea was quite rough. Then we approached the shore, I seem to recall there was some problem with identifying the people signaling from a boat to pick us up. If only the people on the boat had realized how close they came to being sunk, but finally we were put ashore to drive to Iloilo. I recall distinctly leaning my head and shoulders against my father’s dark brown leather jacket in relaxation, feeling safe. Fortunately during reminder of our stay in the Philippines I did not realize we were in danger all the time.
When we arrived in Iloilo later that night, we went to sleep in comfortable beds and awoke to the sound of the thin horns of Iloilo streetcars the following day. I am under the impression that we stayed at the Cacho mansion, but it may have been one of the Lopez Mansions. We spent the day there — I do not know whether my father saw any government officials. Of course, Iloilo at that time had not yet been occupied by the Japanese. Our nighttime ride from Antique to Iloilo was the first of a series of night time drives in the Philippines until we escaped.
That night we boarded the Princess of Negros, which must have been a slow ship. We went to Guimaras on the way to Negros, but spent the day there, taking a lunch, up to the river to a house where Father Ortiz baptized an infant with me as sponsor. I never saw the baby again and do not even recall his name. We disembarked from the Princess because we might be spotted by Japanese planes. We reembarked at night and went on to Bacolod where we arrived the following morning.
Humor is always involved with our family. My chronology is shaky so I am not sure whether the following funny episode happened when we landed in Bacolod or later at some other part. My father covered his face with his usual large white handkerchief and told the rest of us to do the same, which we did or did not, depending on whether or not we had suitable handkerchiefs. Some local officials approached and greeted my father, “Good morning, Mr. President”. He got quite angry at us for not covering our faces, which he blamed for his being recognized. He did not realize that his get-up, with his jodhpurs and large handkerchief and, I think, a soft white hat, and riding whip were instantly recognizable all over the Philippines, whereas our faces were not. We (the rest of the family) had a good secret laugh over it, not openly because he would have been even angrier.
I do not know who provided the cars, but we drove to the Lizares hacienda where Sonia and Lety Lizares were staying. I do not recall whether their respective husbands Peping Coroninias and Manuel del Rosario were there, but definitely Letty’s daughters and Minnie were, and became my playmates while we luxuriated there. Luxuriated is the word, after our stay in Corrigidor and our brief stop-over in Iloilo. Sonia and Lety had known me since I was a little boy. I do not remember how long we stayed, but my father took advantage of our stay to confer with government officials, among them Gov. Alfredo Montelibano, who was the uncle and later apparently guerrilla commander of Teddy Locsin. I suppose our stay there was supposed to be a secret, though how any kind of secret can be kept among Filipinos with their wagging tongues is beyond me.
One evening we drove up a zigzag to a lovely but not large house in an hacienda owned by the Aranetas. It was called Buenos Aires a very appropriate name because it was so nice and cool. I do not recall whether we went back to the Lizares hacienda or went on to our next stop on the trip which ended up in a rest house in Canlaon Volcano. We stayed there for some time, how long I don’t recall. It seems I felt quite safe there. The rest of our party must have been there too. I remember that at some time Don Andres Soriano went on a reconnaissance flight. I suppose the plane belonged to our Army Air Corps but I can’t be sure. I think they spotted a Japanese destroyer, probably the one which finally towed away the Princess of Negros, and which ended up with the Japanese announcing on the air that my father was dead. How we learned of the broadcast I don’t know; it was very brave of Don Andres and his pilot to be scouting because they could have been shot down by the destroyer. I do not think there were many, or any, Japanese Air Force planes in the area as yet.
After sometime, for purposes of security I suppose, or perhaps my father received a message from MacArthur that we should join him in Australia, we set off again. The move was supposed to be a secret but somehow my sister Baby knew where we were going and with her predilection for punning , she said “A donde Bais.” According to my sister Nini, Baby felt her mission in life was punning. I believe Bais was in Negros Oriental and belonged then to Tabacalera or some other Spanish company.
Later —how much later escapes me– we went on our usual long caravan at night. I was in the back seat of the car with Dr. Trepp my father’s Swiss TB expert and Director of Quezon Institute. It seems my mother’s driver Pedro Payumo (“Pedro Taba”) was driving — how he managed to come along I don’t know — but I distinctly remember his asking us to keep talking as he was sleepy and it was dark but we — at least I — paid no attention and went back to sleep even though we could easily have fallen into a ditch.
It turned out that our destination was Dumaguete , which was pitch dark. There were a lot of people on the side of the road with bundles or cardboard boxes on their heads and also the church bells were ringing. It turned out that the people were alarmed by the sound of the PT boat’s engines which sounded like airplane engines. The PT boat had been sent to pick us up. We drove to the wharf and boarded the PT – boat. How we all fitted in the PT-boat, I don’t know. My mother and I entered the cabin where I put my head on her lap. I suppose the rest of the family were in the cabin but I remember only my mother and the cabin was pitch dark.
After sometime there was a loud conversation on the deck and sparks could be seen. I was scared to death as usual but after a short time the sparks and the commotion stopped and everything went back to normal and we continued the high speed trip. Later on I learned that, with the rough pitching of the PT-boat a torpedo had slipped about half way out of the deck torpedo tube, the sparks being the result of the torpedo’s motor having been started. Someone had the presence of mind to fire off the torpedo. If the torpedo’s fuse had struck the deck, the torpedo would have exploded and that would have been the end of us.
In the early morning light, we were put ashore in Misamis Oriental in Oroquieta. That silly episode of my father’s being recognized the moment we went ashore may have been then.
We went to two places, one of them being Oroquieta, where we met the Ozamis sisters and, I think , Senator Jose Ozamis also, then Governor of Misamis Oriental. Perhaps it was then that my father talked to Commissioner Teofisto Guingona, whom somehow I understood was in charge of Mindanao. I turned over to him for safekeeping the case that contained my two .22 cal rifles and my .25 cal automatic pistol. For some reason I remember the encounter as being at night and I usually have a pictorial memory.
After spending the day with the Ozamis family —very mestizo looking— we set off by car for Bukidnon and the Del Monte plantation where we arrived at night. We were put in very comfortable company houses. I was put in a room with Dr. Trepp and fell sound asleep.
The following morning I was shaken awake by Dr. Trepp saying in a loud voice, “ Nonong wake up, wake up, it is air raid.” There were twin engine Japanese planes which flew over the area and went on, but no air raid.
I had been to the Del Monte plantation once before with my father and it was so beautiful. This time it was still beautiful but there was an overpowering smell of rotting pineapples, because no one was picking the fruit. Many years later, someone wrote that, during the days we spent waiting for the Flying Fortresses to take us to Australia, we spent every day in the hills surrounding Del Monte. I have no such recollection and when I checked with my sister Nini, she had no such recollection either. She recalled something else, Americans in Del Monte, which I do not recall.
We knew we were waiting for Flying Fortresses to take us to Australia and after a few days we were roused in the dead of night and drive to the airfield where there were two Fortresses waiting for us. As we drove to the Fortresses, I started to talk and my mother told me to keep quiet —I suppose my father was very pensive and my talk was out of place.
The fortresses were new models (I knew all about practically every airplane and its various models). This model had tail turrets, the latest version. Some of us — my family and others, but I do not remember who, climbed into one Fortress and the others climbed into the other. It turned out that we were in one plane and Vice-President Osmeña in the other, I suppose to increase the chance of either my father or Osmeña surviving if anything went wrong — the planes being shot down or crashing, I suppose.
My father and mother sat on a mattress on the floor. I think my father was given oxygen during the night —the cabin was not pressurized. I do not know where my sisters sat. I sat at the radio-operator’s seat, at a table. I suppose the radio transmitter could not be used or the Japanese would have spotted us.
I had always wanted to be a pilot, but as the plane picked up speed I was not excited, I was scared. I started asking God not to allow the plane to take off, but of course it did. As the plane climbed I fell asleep with my head on the table. All through the night we were bouncing up and down –it was a very rough flight. We could not really fly very high, among other reasons because of my father’s condition I suppose. Also, perhaps there were not enough oxygen masks to go around. Through the night I slept on and off. At one point of I noticed it was raining, then I saw clouds over the ocean. My nervousness at take off was gone. As day dawned the sky cleared and finally we landed at Bachelor’s Field in Northern Australia. I did not realize from my aviation reading that touch down was a little rough, not perfectly smooth.
I remember getting off the plane and being taken to a mess-hall for breakfast, together with the rest of the party, then were set to prepare to take off for Alice Springs.
Anyway, we were transferred at Bachelor’s Field to another plane, a Douglas DC-5, a bit smaller than a DC-3 and intended to replace the DC-3, but war broke out in Europe and Douglas changed to producing twin engine bombers. KLM was always up to date and the DC-5 had been delivered to KLM. The Dutch Airline had a very reliable service from Holland to the Dutch East Indies and the DC-5 had escaped to Australia, having an auxiliary gas tank in the cabin. Aside from the Dutch pilot and co-pilot, there was a young American US Air Forces man on board, whose presence I do not understand because I think he was a machine-gunner and there was not machine gun on the DC-5.
As we walked out to the DC-5, a smartly dressed Dutchman in a KLM uniform saluted. My father asked him “how do we fly?” and the Dutchman answered — “About 3,000 meters” (about 10,000 feet ) which apparently disturbed my father. He asked the next smartly dressed Dutchman the same question and the man, apparently the Captain, answered “We fly as Your Excellency wishes.” which pleased my father. Apparently some agreement was arrived at and we took off. This was in the morning and as the air started to warm up unevenly, I had one of the bumpiest flight have ever had.
My mother sat beside me and I tied a white hanky over my eyes. Every time the plane bounced my mother called out — “Sagrado Corazon de Jesus,” or “Corazon Sagrado de mi Jesus!”— I would lift the blindfold from my eyes to see if we were about to crash. We were flying over the Australian desert, with rocks all over the place. I finally started to sing hymns to my mother to calm her down. All through the flight, there would be a slight increase and then decrease in the vibration of the engines and I could see that the propellers would be rotating smoothly and then slightly roughly and smoothly again. I turned out that there was a slight nick in the propeller, how acquired I can’t guess. This went on until we landed at Alice Springs five hours later. We made a slightly rough landing in Alice Springs. When we got out of the plane, it turned out that the men were wearing sun helmets with long veils over their faces because there were large horse flies all over the place, a phenomenon I had never seen before and have never seen again. They were what we call bangaos and would not be driven away. If you tried to drive them away, you might squash them with your hand.
Vice-President Osmeña’s Fortress did not land after us. As it took longer to arrive, someone —I forget who— urged my father to continue our flight but he flatly announced that we would not continue until the Vice-President arrived. Our original Fortress had continued the flight with us and looked for the Vice-President’s Fortresses, but to no avail. Night fell and we stayed at a small inn. My mother and I saw a cat catch a small mouse, which disgusted us. All through the night we could hear drunks throwing up.
The following morning we had breakfast and our Dutch plane took off to search for the Vice-President’s plane. In a very short time the DC-5 returned followed by the missing Fortress. It seems the Dutchmen were better pilots than the Americans. While our original Fortress had no trouble finding Alice Springs — possibly by following our little twin-engine DC-5, the Vice-President’s place was lost. At least the pilot had enough sense to land in the desert before running out of fuel. Then the Americans spent the night firing off flares and rockets. When the Dutchman found the Fortress, it took off for Alice Springs. Finally Don Sergio was able to continue with us, to Adelaide this time. It was another five hours’ flight. This time, I sat beside my sister Nini, to get away from mother’s exclamations. I did not overcome the fear of flying then instilled by my mother for years.
When we landed in Adelaide towards evening we spent the night. The following morning we went to a church to give thanks for our safe flight. As we came out, my father had his first encounter with Australian English. Perhaps we were the first non-Caucasians those Australians had ever met and they were very friendly and also curious. They asked “Did you come today?” which they pronounced “to-die.” I am sure he was able to figure the question out right there but later on he embellished the exchange by saying that he had answered, “I came to live, not to die!”
We took an overnight train to Melbourne. During the day, I saw a plane overhead, and for the first time since Dec. 8, I was not afraid. The following morning we arrived in Melbourne where we were met by Gen. MacArthur.
We heard of the fall of Bataan on April 9, my sister Nini’s birthday, in Australia
However, discussions started in our government over going to the States. I do not know whose idea it was originally, but my father wanted to stay in Australia, I suppose to return more quickly to the Philippines after liberation. Don Sergio Osmeña wanted to go to Washington and when my father disagreed he said: “Send me.” I don’t know why it was decided that our whole group should go to the States — perhaps MacArthur urged it, to pressure Roosevelt to send more aid quickly to the Philippines. We sailed for the States on the President Coolidge. The Coolidge had been converted into a troopship but some twin cabin had been left in their original condition and the dining room and lounge had been left untouched. It seems there was some kind of band because there was dancing in the evenings.
At the beginning of the voyage — I had no map and thus did not realize what a long voyage it was to be — we were escorted by a New Zealand warship. Sometime later, the escort duty was taken by a US navy ship which accompanied us until we reached San Francisco. As usual my roommate was Dr. Trepp. We were a large number. From the Philippines we had lost one member of the party, Chief Justice Jose Abad Santos who had insisted on remaining in Mindanao — he was finally executed by the Japanese for refusing to swear allegiance to the Japanese and for maintaining his loyalty to the United States.
However, while we were sailing to the United States, I still thought we would be going home anytime. During our voyage, we had one little exciting episode. We started to zig-zag violently; probably they had detected a submarine. But after a while, the zig-zagging stopped. It was probably a false alarm or, the submarine being under water and therefore very slow, we outran it. The rest of the voyage to the States was uneventful. Finally, we passed beneath the Golden Gate Bridge, which was still undergoing its finishing touches of paint when we went to the States in 1937. We were safely in port.
We were taken to the Mark Hopkins Hotel, considered one of the best at the time, where we stayed for about a week. This time my roommate was Col. Jaime Velasquez. There were newsmen swarming outside my father’s suite and when they knew who I was, they started to interview me but one of our group stopped me.
After some days in San Francisco, to give us a rest from the voyage I suppose, President Roosevelt’s special railroad carriage (called the Ferdinand Magellan) was sent for us and attached to a transcontinental train. It was a four or four and a half day train ride to Washington.
The start of a journey has always excited me. We had to drive to Oakland, CA, to catch the eastward train there. When we arrived at Union Station in Washington, DC, at the exit to the Station there was FDR standing beside his car and we were photographed in memorable poses. I was so moved my lips were trembling. We were driven to the White House where we had lunch and dinner. We were entertained by President Roosevelt who was a great raconteur. Mrs. Roosevelt kept walking in and out and when I met her in a corridor, she smiled “The mail, always the mail.” She seemed terribly tall, as did every one else, which is no wonder since I was only 5’2”. We spent that night at the White House, where I was put in an enormous (to me) bedroom alone. I had the impression it was the Lincoln Bedroom but I may very well be wrong.
The following morning we were taken to the eighth floor suite of the Shell Oil Company at the Shoreham Hotel, where we stayed for a time. Then we moved to the Pat Hurley estate in Leesburg, Virginia, about forty minutes from Washington, where we stayed for the summer, until our permanent quarters at the Shoreham, were ready.
Before deciding to stay at the Shoreham, we took a look at a Waldorf Towers suite way up — the Waldorf is about 34 stories high. Since my father was terribly acrophobic, the project was dropped and thereafter whenever we went to New York we stayed at an 8th floor suite at the Waldorf.
On Corregidor my father was always outdoors in a tent, away from the dust in the tunnels, but of course he had to be active when we went to the Visayas then Australia via Mindanao; and then in the United States, having settling down in Washington, he resumed a normal life, which was a mistake. His condition worsened. Dr. Edward Hayes, the doctor who had treated him in the Monrovia Sanitarium in the thirties, came to Washington and the plan was for us to go out to California. Unfortunately, my father changed the plans.
When I graduated from high school in June of 1944, my father was already bedridden in Saranac Lake, New York.
By the first of August, 1944, a month and a half after my eighteenth birthday, my father was dead.
Special to the Century Book
Re-constructing Colonial Philippines: 1900-1910
Patricio N. Abinales
THE birth of the Philippines in 1896 was one thing; consolidating the territory was another matter. While most Filipinos would attribute the unification of the Philippines to the 1896 Revolution, in reality it was a series of local revolts against the Spanish, and later against the Americans. It remains debatable as to whether these revolts either identified wholly with Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo’s Malolos Republic, or whether, had they all succeeded, whether would unite under one contiguous territory. Already when the first American troops landed in Negros Island, Negrenses were threatening to create their own republic.
The Americans were actually responsible for giving territorial reality to Las Islas Filipinas, the basis of the future Republic. They did this first by employing force against those who opposed American rule. They waged brutal military campaigns against forces loyal to the Malolos Revolutionary Government of Pres. Emilio Aguinaldo, pushing the latter as far back as the mountain fastness of northern Luzon and scattering his troops in southern Luzon, the Visayas and Mindanao. The American use of armed might was so brutish that in Samar Island, for example, hundreds of women and children were killed when Gen. Jacob Smith ordered to turn the island into a “howling wilderness.” After Aguinaldo’s capture at Palanan, Isabela, there were attempts to re-establish a new revolutionary center, but all this was quashed by the Americans.
In the towns and in Manila, American suppression of Filipino revolutionary nationalism took the form of proscribing the publication of “seditious” materials that could be disseminated through the emergent print media and the ever-popular plays. Public display of pro-revolutionary sentiments were also prohibited, with the most notable ban being the Flag Law that disallowed any showing of flags associated with the Katipunan and the Malolos Republic. The Americans also sped up the organization of police forces to oversee “peace and order” and this successor of the hated Spanish Guardia Civil proved up to the task of suppressing urban dissent.
Once sure that their control would not be seriously challenged anymore, the Americans turned their attention to governing “the new possessions.” The foremost problem that immediately confronted them was the generating money for the colony and then developing the personnel necessary to run the government.
The U.S. Congress approved the colonization of the Philippines but refused to provide sustained financial support for the undertaking. In fact, the Congress allotted only $3 million for the Philippines in the entire period from 1903 to the formation of the Philippine Commonwealth. One economist called it colonial administration “accomplished ‘on the cheap.’” Financial constraints were also complicated by the difficulty of attracting Americans to govern the colony. The solution to these problems was found in generating revenues from the colony’s own resources, particularly the existing crops that the colony was exporting abroad later years of Spanish rule. Enhancing this export economy, however, was not easy. American legislators, especially those coming from the agricultural regions of the U.S., vigorously opposed proposals that Philippine products enter the country tariff-free. As a consequence, the so-called “free trade” that introduced under American rule was not so free. The U.S. was very selective in the choice of Philippine products that could be exported to the American mainland. Only sugar, hemp and coconut were allowed open access to the U.S. market; and even these products would later be taxed in American ports. Selective entry of these goods however was enough to resurrect the export economy, and by the end of the decade much of it was re-energized because of the American market.
The second issue—putting people into the administrative and political structure—proved more successful because the Americans early on opened up the structure to Filipino participation. It is general knowledge that even as the war against Aguinaldo was raging, the Americans were already able to recruit prominent Filipinos to their side. These collaborators became the backbone of the Federalista Party, a party committed to full American control as well as the medium for introducing the party system to the Philippines. The Federalistas were also supposed to become the dominant Filipino party in the soon-to-be formed Philippine Assembly and American backing initially helped them to mobilize Filipino support.
The Americans transformed the Philippine Commission from its original function as a fact-finding and policy-recommending body created by Pres. McKinley, to the highest policy-making body of the colony. Through the Commission, the Americans were also able to bring in Filipinos into the leadership (although they had limited powers) and further legitimize their rule. With the Federalistas supporting them and the pacification campaigns winding down, especially after Gen. Macario Sakay, the last of the revolutionaries fighting for a Tagalog Republic in 1905, the Americans proceeded to prepare the grounds for eventual self-rule.
The Commission ordered a colony-wide census to ascertain the exact population of the Philippines. The census was followed by provincial elections in 1906 where a new group of Filipinos emerged to challenge the Federalistas. The former consisted of local elites who saw the value of the nationalism of 1896 and how it made many Filipinos suspicious of the pro-American Federalistas. Using their provincial positions, this group began to present themselves as the real alternative to the Federalistas. Americans increasingly recognized the strength of this sentiment, especially at the provincial and municipal levels, and began to turn their attention to these new elites. The result of this new collaboration was the creation of the Nacionalista Party, a coalition of provincial elites who promised to fight for the cause of nationalism but within the framework of the American policy of eventual self-rule.
On July 30, 1907, the first elections to the Philippine Assembly—the legislative body which would act as the “lower house” to the more “senatorial” Philippine Commission—was held and the Nacionalista won a majority. From their ranks emerged Manuel L. Quezon (from Tayabas province) and Sergio Osmeña (from Cebu), who would lead the fight to expand Filipino power inside the government and eventually become the dominant leaders of the American period. Under Quezon and Osmeña, a colony-wide party system began to take shape, its power derived from a combination of clan-based alliances, patronage and a commitment to Filipinization. As more Americans chose to return to the mainland instead of staying to serve the colonial government, Filipinos increasingly took over their position.
By the end of the first decade, “regular provinces” comprised half of the Philippines. These provinces had elected and appointive Filipino officials, many of whom owed their positions to Quezon, Osmeña and the Nacionalistas. Combining their local political experiences learned from the last years of Spanish rule, with the “political education” they were getting from the Americans, the Filipinos proved within a short period of time that they had the ability to be equally adept at governing the colony. In its first year at work, the Philippine Assembly had already shown a marked adeptness in introducing additional provisions or new amendments to existing colonial laws, and in negotiating with the Philippine Commission and the Governor General over matters of policy formulation, funding and government personnel changes. Quezon and Osmeña were at the top of all these processes. They were fast becoming astute leaders of the political party they helped build, of the Assembly that they presided over, and of the colonial regime they co-governed with the Americans. If Rizal was credited for having conceived of the “Filipino,” and if Bonifacio and Aguinaldo were the leaders who gave this imagination a reality with the Revolution, to Quezon and Osmeña must be given the distinction of helping construct the political and administrative structure that would be associated with the term “Filipino.” The Americans may have created the colonial state, but it was these two leaders who gave flesh to it and putting the foundations that the future Republic would stand on.
This type of political and administrative consolidation however was only happening in one part of the colony—the “Christian” Filipino dominated “lowlands” in Luzon, the Visayas and northern Mindanao. In the other half of the colony, the U.S. army administered the “special provinces” on the grounds that their population—the so-called “non-Christian tribes”—were more backward than the Filipinos and were prone to more “warfare.” The Americans saw their “civilizing mission” as special given that the underdeveloped character of the Cordillerans and Muslims required a longer time for them to become familiar with self-government. They also had to be thoroughly “pacified.”
Surprisingly, the pacification process was fast and relatively easy. There was hardly any resistance from the various indigenous communities in the Cordilleras, while Muslim resistance was scattered and unsustained. At the middle of the first decade, the Cordilleras and “Moro Mindanao” had become very stable and peaceful areas.
A major reason for the American success was the cooperation extended by Muslim and Cordilleran leaders to the Americans. They regarded colonial rule as a means of protecting themselves against Christians and “lowlanders.” American military officials reciprocated this cooperation by resisting the efforts of Filipinos to extend their power to the “special provinces.” A working relationship eventually developed between these community leaders and the Americans whereby the former were given minor posts in the provincial government (“tribal wards” in the case of the Muslims) in exchange for agreeing to recognize American sovereignty. U.S. army officers who administered these areas also became their protectors against Filipino leaders, doing everything they can to limit the presence of Manila and the Nacionalista party in the Cordilleras and “Moro Mindanao.”
The only major resistance came from the Muslims at the hills of Bud Dajo and Bud Bagsak, when the army declared a ban on weapons and raised head taxes. American military superiority prevailed and over a hundred Muslim men, women and children were killed. Politically, however, these actions eroded the army’s standing and opened up an opportunity for Quezon to attack military rule in Mindanao. After the massacres, the army was forced slowly to concede authority to Manila and the Filipinos. The army’s powers were also clipped once the U.S. Congress authorized its partial demobilization, and once the American president ordered its withdrawal from the special provinces and its replacement by Philippine Constabulary units. Many American officers also preferred to continue their military careers in the U.S. mainland, seeing very little prospects in just limiting themselves to the Philippines. All these problems emboldened the Filipinos to assert their political presence in these special provinces. This was something that a weakened military government could not repulse anymore. In 1913, the army conceded its power to the Department of Mindanao and Sulu, a body controlled from Manila and by Filipinos. The Cordilleras’ status as a special province was also terminated and the Nacionalista Party began recruiting its first “Cordillerans” to join the organization.
Two major features therefore characterized the first decade of colonial rule. First was the full and effective unification of Las Islas Filipinas under American rule, and second was the division of colony into two major zones of administration reflecting the histories of their respective populations. These two zones were eventually unified under the Filipinization policy, but the distinctiveness upon which they were based continued to affect overall colonial development. Muslims and Cordillerans remained staunchly pro-American and anti-Filipino, while Christian “lowlanders” continued to mistrust and maintain a low regard for these “wild tribes.”
About half a century later, a separatist movement threatened to disengage “Moro Mindanao” from the Philippines, while in the Cordilleras, the quest for autonomy remained strong.
End
Technorati Tags: Philippines, Philippines Free Press, politics
The First Gentleman of Cebu
By Manuel L. Quezon III
IN many respects, he was a modern-day Jose Yulo. A gentle, self-effacing and accomplished man, privileged to have served in all three branches of government, and in two of them with distinction. For like Jose Yulo, Marcelo Fernan had the distinction of not only heading a chamber of the legislature, but of becoming the Chief Justice of the land. Yulo became Speaker of the National Assembly after serving in the cabinet, and then became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; Mercelo Fernan, after being in the puppet Assembly of the Marcos regime, became Chief Justice and then ended his career as a senator who had become Senate President.
Marcelo Fernan, too, was compared to the man Free Press readers used to call the “Private Citizen No. 1″ during his long retirement from active politics: Sergio Osmeña. Indeed, in his many years as the most prominent politician from Cebu, Marcelo Fernan did all he could do keep the memory of that exemplar of the gentleman-politico alive. Fernan would help establish the Sergio Osmeña memorial lectures. And like Osmeña, Fernan, while being considered an accomplished politician in his own right, was primarily considered by his peers to be something much more special: a kind, considerate gentlemen who was not too obsessed with power and privilege. And while he did not obsessively seek honors, honors sought him out. At the time of his death his walls were covered with plaques and citations and awards, both for his political achievements and for what he did as a private lawyer, educator, and loyal son of the Church.
Born in 1927, he belonged to the generation that found its childhood cut short by the war; he was even detained by the Japanese. Returning to school after peace was restored, he would tell his friends he wanted to follow in the footsteps of his uncle, Manuel Briones, one time senator, failed candidate for vice-president, and then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. In one sense the ambition he confessed to his friends would find fruition: he would be all that his uncle was, and more. He became Senate President.
Fernan succesfully took the bar (he graduated from the University of the Philippines and yet bring more honor to his alma mater than that other famous Upean, Ferdinand Marcos),and became a succesful lawyer, making himself an honest and comfortable living. He began to teach; he married; he became a father and life was prosperous.
In 1959, Fernan’s political career began with his succesful candidacy for for membership in the Cebu City Planning Board. In 1962 he would run succesfully for membership in the Cebu Provincial Board. In 1971, he declared his candidacy for the position of delegate to the Constitutional Convention and won.
It was as a member of the ill-fated Con-Con that he would achieve greatness.
When, in 1973, cowed, bribed or deluded delegates meekly voted to approve the Marcos charter, Marcelo Fernan became one of only 16 delegates who did not succumb to the temptation to sell out, in the hope of preferment from the dictator or the pious hope that having voted for the charter, they would be in a position to convert Marcos back to the ways of democracy. Fernan voted “no” to the Charter; so many others voted yes. Years later, when delegates led by Diosdado Macapagal would try to undo what they had gamely acceded to previously by reconvening a rump Convention and declaring the 1973 Constitution null and void, Fernan could repeat what he said of the Marcos charter: “I did not sire it; it’s not even my bastard.” That dubious distinction would haunt the other delegates to their graves. He was not greedy, and so he could not be bribed; he was not that ambitious, and so he did not sell his vote for the chimerical expectation of a seat in the Interim National Assembly. He was not so short-sighted as to think that his countrymen would forget which way he voted when the roll call was called.
The greatness Fernan achieved in the moment he voted against the Marcos Constitution was never sullied by his eventually joining the ranks of the dictator’s party machine. He participated in the elections of 1982 and became a member of the rubber-stamp Batasang Pambansa €“but as a member of the opposition, becoming minority floor leader. His good friends the Osmenas reduced to political impotence, he alone at time represented the old guard of the anti-Marcos opposition in Cebu. And when the time came for him to do his part to add to the final push that toppled the dictatorship, he did so. It was as a member of that dubious assembly that Fernan participated in the efforts to expose Marcos’s attempts to rig the 1986 snap elections. And unlike so many members of the Batasan, when it was quietly dissolved, Fernan went quietly. He was never one to hold on to a position at the expense of his dignity.
A grateful President Aquino elevated him to the Supreme Court. In three short years he found himself the 19th Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines. And under his watch the Supreme Court maintained its newly-restored independence. He did not leave elective office in order to become a toady. Indeed, the Fernan Court handed down decisions that irked the Aquino administration; and yet it gained the respect of that administration precisely because of the Fernan Court refusing to succumb to any political pressure, real or imagined. And when, in 1989, Fernan was offered the titular leadership of a Junta to be established by the putschists, Fernan turned them down just as he had turned down an offer by Ferdinand Marcos to put him in the Supreme Court. Fernan would be loyal to his Republic: he did not fight Marcos, he declared on national television, only to be a party to the destruction of consitutional government by the military.
As Chief Justice, Fernan was proud of having established the system of having continuous trials which, if it did not radically improve the quality of justice that was dispensed, at least caused the wheels of justice to grind less slowly.
But in 1991 Fernan relinquished the supreme magistracy of the land in order to porsue an altogether different ambition: to be president, or, if he would not be president, to be vice-president. He would, in the end, become neither. He had agonized too long over the question of resigning from the Supreme Court; he had been too slow to answer the call of ambition. And when he did, he found himself outspent and outfoxed, even when he decided to accept the nomination for the vice-presidency instead. There he found himself pitted against the unbeatable Joseph Estrada. He lost.
Like Sergio Osmena, he accepted the will of the people and returned to the practice of law, focusing on giving legal assistance to those who needed it most: the poor.
1995 and the senatorial election in that year found him given a new breath of political life, this time as a member of the Philippine Senate. He was elected on the Lakas-Laban ticket. It would turn out to be the last position of public trust to be given him by an admiring people. In the Senate, he became Assistant Majority Leader and sponsored his share of legislation. Three years later, on July 27, 1998, he was elected Senate President, succeeding Neptali Gonzalez.
As senator and Senate President, Marcelo Fernan would again achieve greatness, but not because of any particular political act on his part, but because of who he was. While his very elevation to the position of Senate President had less to do with his clout as a senator and more to do with his seniority and lack of ambition making him a soothing paterfamilias for the fractuous Senate- as Senate President he demonstrated what his life was all about: courage, dignity, duty.
Shortly after becoming Senate President, Fernan was diagnosed as having a lesion in the lung; he went to the United States to have it removed. But the cancer was metastizing too fast. This was one battle he could not win; but like other battles he fought, Fernan decided that it was not winning that mattered; it was how one fought. He decided he would stick to his post as long as he was able, and do the job the people had elected him to do. But he would do little to disguise the toll the cancer was taking on his health and appearance.
Always a dapper man, he caused a stir when he acknowledged in public what his nemesis Marcos had so earnestly tried to hide from his people: Marcelo Fernan admitted he was ill and showed the signs of his ailment, although he and his family would remain mum on the subject of what his illness actually was.
But the public knew, and the public sympathized with the sight of a chemotherapy-ravaged Senate President being wheeled to the podium to preside over tedious sessions.
Under his watch, the Senate found its debates reach a low point during the deliberations on the Visiting Forces Agreement; but what would be of consequence was not the actual vote on the VFA, but the quiet courage of the man who almost single-handedly tried to maintain the dignity of the chamber he presided over. Indeed the Senate passed no distinguished legislation while Fernan was Senate President, save for the VFA and one law that will go down in history as significant: the decision, by the Senate, to relinquish its pork barrel, a bold move that the lower house did not approve of.
And then it was time to go. And Marcelo Fernan did go, not stubbornly holding on to the position he had achieved to the bitter end as others might have done and so many expected. His battle with cancer lost, the time had come to make peace with his maker, and this he did. He resigned the Senate presidency, though not his position as senator, and the next thing the public knew, he was gone.
With his passing the country paused to take stock of the career of a man who represented something that will not be seen again: the seasoned politician who never forgot what it meant to be a gentleman. He was good, kind, studious and refined; most of all, he had principles.
He was like Sergio Osmeña, he was like Jose Yulo; and like the peers of those two men, his contemporaries were found by the public to be wanting in the characteristics that evoke the gratitude of a people. Even as Fernan faced death, his fellow senators began the bruising and humiliating battle for the Senate that resulted in a Solomonic solution that made no one happy, and which necessitated the intervention of the President: something against the most cherished traditions of the chamber Fernan once headed. Fernan did not bow to Marcos when in the Con-con, he did not bow to Marcos when he was in the Batasan, he did not bow to Aquino in the Supreme Court and he did not bow to Ramos and Estrada when he was in the Senate. But as he lay dying, it was not to his fellow senators that those fighting over his mantle as Senate chief ran to; it was to the President. And it was the President, as the Free Press suggested, who weighed in and decreed the new leadership in contravention of conventional wisdom: Old Marcos hand Blas Ople got the Senate presidency, while Franklin Drilon, who did so much to foster the impression he was Fernan’s anointed, was told to cool his heels until his time would come. And all the while, as Fernan lay dying, the Senate too was giving up the ghost on whatever pretentions to independence it still had. When Blas Ople and Franklin Drilon took turns orating before Fernan’s bier, paying him the unprecedented honor of holding his necrological service during the session, they were bidding farewell not only to a rare individual, but to one of the most cherished —and most often lost, if not often regained— pretentions of the chamber they belonged to: its independence from the Palace.
How quickly can the meaning of a life be forgotten by those who claim to have admired it.
Marcelo Fernan, near the end of his life, mused to a writer that his final illness had taught him that political power and official positions were as nothing in the larger scheme of things. He saw what too few of his fellow politicians have come to realize; the pity is that with his death there will be no more like him, capable of realizing such humbling truths.
The Conscience of the Filipino
The Exemplar
by Teodoro M. Locsin
February 2, 1986–DEFEAT is usually termed ignominious unless one fights to the end, against overwhelming odds, then it is called honorable. Thus, Spartan mothers told their sons setting forth to war to return with their shields or on them. But there is another kind of defeat, and it’s a rare one. Rare in history, and most rare in political history, for politics seems to bring out the worst, the meanest in men. It’s more than just honorable, it’s glorious, and that is defeat from self-denial: to lose when one might have won, out of a sense of high purpose. Such was the defeat of Pres. Sergio Osmeña in the 1946 presidential election. He lost in his presidential reelection bid because he would make no promise he was not certain of fulfilling. He would not stretch the meaning of the word “promise” to cover mere attempt. Surely, one may not be expected to do more than one can, but he would not equate mere attempt with performance and what he was not sure he could do, he would not promise. Presidential candidates promise to balance the budget and get elected only to unbalance the budget even more, and people do not hold it too much against them. Failure to fulfill a political promise is taken as just one of those things, like death and taxes. One learns to live with it. Not to promise what one is not sure one can do is, surely, naive. After all, one might be able to do it. Things might improve. To hold promise under so strict a definition is not, well, not common. But Sergio Osmeña was not a common man.
He might have been President earlier if he had not yielded his right to a sick man who would cling on to the office. Too long had he played a secondary role to the flamboyant Quezon, now he would be first at last! Quezon’s term as President of the Philippine Commonwealth expired in 1943 and Osmeña was to succeed him in the office under the Constitution. But Quezon argued that the war had suspended the Constitution and he should be allowed to serve as President indefinitely. For life, if the war went on. Well, he did, remaining President until death took him. Though convinced that he should be President, with every legal reason supporting his position, Osmeña acceded to Quezon’s plea. The Filipino people had come to think of him, Quezon, as the symbol of the Philippine government-in-exile and Osmeña’s taking over might create confusion, the ailing man argued. Osmeña listened and gave way. Let his old political rival have his way since he wanted the office so much! He himself suffered from no such obsession. And if it was good for the Filipino people that he should step aside, that is the way it should be. Told after Quezon’s death that he was now President, all Osmeña said was: “Am I?”
Asked when he would take the oath of office, Osmeña said he would first attend to the funeral arrangements, then asked to be left alone so he could compose a tribute to his dead associate. Later, he offered Quezon’s widow and children the continued use of their elegant quarters at the Shoreham Hotel and a pension, the law being silent then on such provision for the widows of past presidents.
When the U.S. government ordered the prosecution of Filipinos who had collaborated with the Japanese during the war, Osmeña asked General MacArthur to release them on his personal guarantee. He thought they had served in the Japanese puppet government to act as buffers between the people and the brute force of the invaders. But MacArthur could not go against Washington and so herded them all in the Iwahig penal colony.
But while understanding toward collaborators — the political ones like Roxas, who would afterward take the Presidency away from him, Laurel and Recto — Osmeña would show no favor to two of his sons who were charged with collaboration with the Japanese for money, and when one of them tried to see him in Leyte, wearing a guerrilla outfit, he refused to see him. The son stayed under a tree all morning waiting for his father to change his mind, but the old man was unrelenting. The other son, whom we visited in prison, cursed him. But the law, as Osmeña held it to be, is impersonal, whatever heartbreak that might mean to the enforcer. When, during the trial of that son, he had to be confined at the Quezon Institute for the tubercular, and asked for “better facilities,” the father said his son should be given the same facilities the others had, not more, not less.
When Roxas split from the Nacionalista Party and created the Liberal Party to run for president, Osmeña, in the interest of national unity, prepared to retire and let Roxas have the field to himself. But those who wanted to hold on to their government positions argued with Osmeña that he should run to demonstrate that the Philippines was capable of holding a true election, a democratic electoral contest even amidst the ruins of war, that an orderly succession was possible — the ultimate test of political maturity. National unity would be served and Americans who held that Filipinos were incapable of self-rule and therefore unworthy of independence would be confounded.
So, Osmeña decided to run. But run in his own fashion.
Under the law then, the Nacionalista Party, as the majority party, was entitled to two election inspectors and the Commission on Elections to one, with none for the splinter party. Osmeña had the law amended so that the Roxas party would be entitled to one inspector in each precinct and would not be cheated without detection.
An act of political madness, the usual practitioners of politics would say. Well, Osmeña was mad — mad for fairness. Before the election, Osmeña was scheduled to leave for Washington with Roxas and Jose Zulueta, then Speaker of the House. When their names were forwarded to Washington for the necessary clearance, Roxas was not “cleared” for the trip. A newspaperman heard of the Washington message and asked for a copy so it could be published, demoralizing the Roxas camp. Osmeña would have nothing to do with it.
“Let me keep that in my safe,” said the President then of the Philippines (How such a President made a Filipino feel clean!) He would not hit the man who sought to remove him from his position “below the belt.”
When it was suggested that he use the Philippine Air Force for an island-hopping election campaign, he ordered all units grounded. Then, when told that Eulogio Rodriguez — “Mr. Nacionalista” — had used an Air Force plane in campaigning for the party’s ticket outside Luzon, to deliver campaign material, Osmeña ordered his secretary of defense, Alfredo Montelibano, to call up Roxas and offer the use of an Air Force plane to equalize advantages. The offer was made twice.
“The fight is over,” said Rodriguez. “Roxas is really fortunate. His campaign manager is Osmeña.”
When an appointment of a Roxas supporter to provincial fiscal was up for approval by Osmeña, he was advised to turn it down because of the man’s political affiliation. That was one of the few times Osmeña showed anger.
“Tell them,” he said, “a man is appointed to an office because his qualifications call for it, not because of his political sympathies.”
Government employees held a rally before Malacañan demanding backpay for services to the government under the Japanese and Osmeña was urged to promise them backpay if elected, even though Washington had not yet set aside the money as it had promised.
“I can’t do that.”
“You need their votes.”
“No, I have to tell them the truth.”
So, he told the rallyists who represented a multitude of government employees all over the country that he would not fool them, he would make no promise he was not certain of fulfilling. And they shouted, “Long live Roxas!”
He would not campaign for election as he would not lie. He had the duties of his office to do, work to do for a ruined country.
“I will just stand before the electorate on the basis of my record and what I have done for the country all these years.”
He did make an election-eve speech — on the state of the nation.
He had served the Filipino people well. If they were not satisfied with his service, if they believed another would serve them better, he was happy to go. He lost by 200,000 votes. If he had lied to that howling mob before Malacañan, he might have gained their votes and those of their families and friends, and won. But he would not lie.
He lost — and felt no rancor toward the winner. Not one word could be extracted from him by a journalist in derogation of Roxas. He was a gentleman to the end.
Why did he refuse to campaign?
“Those were abnormal times,” he said later, “those days after the liberation. There were tens of thousands of loose firearms in the hands of private citizens. The peace and order situation was uncertain. If I had gone out to denounce my political opponents and urged my leaders in the provinces to win the election at all costs, perhaps I could have won, but there would have been bloodshed. Political wrangles might have aggravated the prevailing situation. So, I told my leaders to allow the opposition to say anything its spokesmen wanted to say in their meetings and in the newspapers. I believed then as I do now, that as President it was my highest duty to set an example to the rest of the candidates, to avoid trouble that might endanger the nation and cause our people to lose faith in the government and its officials.”
His old rival and beneficiary, Quezon, said, after defeating him—yet not defeating him in the disgraceful sense of the word:
“It is useless to try to defeat him; he is in alliance with God.”
He set an example for his people and those who led them after him — in vain. The motivation behind the degradation of democracy that came after was best expressed in the words of a high government official:
“What are we in power for?”
Osmeña set an example. He set a standard for those who would govern a people, and it was not enough. He had done his best. I visited him in retirement and found a man—a gentleman—at rest.
November 29, 1969
How Lopez Won
by Edward R. Kiunisala
A YEAR AGO, he was probably the most underrated among the administration’s high elective officials. Not a few considered him a political jalopy, if not electoral junk. ready to be mothballed or fit only to be jettisoned. Some well-meaningPalace advisers thought that he was too old, too weak and colorless for the rough-and-tumble, no-holds-barred political game.
Earlier, rumors had it tha President Marcos was casting about for a younger and charismatic running mate. There was Rafael Salas, the new darling of Western Visayas, and Senator Emmanuel Pelaez, the political charmer from Minadanao. Either of the two, it was argued, would make a good Vice-President and would bolster the administration’s chances for another mandate.
It seemed then that Fernando Lopez’s political stock was at its lowest ebb. A possible reason was his lackluster performance in the 1965 elections when he beat his opponent, Gerardo Roxas, by an uncomfortably slim margin of only 26,500 votes. Added to this was his celebrated friction with the President on forestry matters, which almost led to an open break.
One thing about Lopez — he is no yes man. He may not have the eloquence of a Jovito Salonga, but he has the t
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National Registry of Historic Sites and Structures in the Philippines: Sergio Osmeña House Historical Landmark*
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Location: Osmeña Boulevard cor. Lapulapu Street, Cebu City Category: Sites/Events Type: ...
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Philippine presidential spouses: From charities to a ‘conjugal dictatorship’
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On paper, presidential spouses do not have a political role, but there have been enough incidents in Philippine history that prove how much of an influence they wield
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RAPPLER
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MANILA, Philippines – For a country that puts a premium on filial bonds, it’s no wonder that becoming president inevitably means placing one’s entire family under the spotlight, and in many cases, public scrutiny.
The public has seen this too many times, but it has become more apparent in the age of social media. On TikTok, for example, stylized videos of presidential children are produced and they spread like wildfire among supporters.
Beyond propaganda, presidential families play a huge role in “stabilizing the presidency,” according to historian and university professor Xiao Chua. Given that the burden of leading the country is heavy, family can help by providing much-needed support.
“The first families of the country also had a role in the making and unmaking of the president,” Chua told Rappler in an interview.
The role of a presidential spouse can never be understated. On paper, spouses do not have a political role, but there have been enough incidents in Philippine history that prove how much of an influence they wield. (READ: Liza Araneta-Marcos, First Lady of the Philippines)
For Chua, the power of a presidential spouse depends heavily on the president’s personality, as well as the couple’s own dynamics.
“In a way, you are as good a president as your spouse is,” he said. “Puwede maging downfall or Achilles heel mo ang iyong asawa (Your spouse can be your downfall or your Achilles heel).”
What has history taught us about presidential spouses and their priorities? Rappler takes a look at their advocacies and interests through the years.
Pre-Marcos years
Most first ladies during the pre-war and early years of post-war Philippines dabbled in humanitarian activities. Many of them worked in some capacity in various iterations of the Red Cross.
Hilaria Aguinaldo
Hilaria Aguinaldo, the first wife of the country’s first president Emilio Aguinaldo, was involved in helping casualties among those who rebelled against the Spaniards and Americans in the Philippines, according to the official website of the city of Imus.
She helped organize the Hijas de la Revolucion (Daughters of the Revolution), which later transformed into the Philippine Women’s Red Cross. Hilaria was president of the organization in 1899, according to the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies website.
Aurora Quezon
Another presidential spouse known for her involvement with the Red Cross was Aurora Aragon Quezon, wife of president Manuel Quezon who served from 1935 to 1944.
While she stayed in the background during most of her husband’s political career, Aurora worked extensively with organizations focused on women’s rights. She was honorary chairperson of the National Federation of Women’s Clubs from 1931 to 1941, whose members included Josefa Llanes, and Pura Villanueva Kalaw, among others. Aurora also actively campaigned for women’s suffrage, according to her profile. It was her husband Manuel who signed the law that allowed women to vote in 1937, following a national plebiscite.
Her husband’s death in 1944 didn’t stop Aurora from her advocacies. While in California, she and her daughters volunteered with the Red Cross. She would later become the first chairperson of the Philippine National Red Cross in 1947, a post she held until her death. She was ambushed and killed in 1949 while on the way to inaugurate the Quezon Memorial Hospital in Baler.
“Very powerful siya in a way na kasi nakilala siya ng mga Filipino bilang matulungin na tao (She was very powerful in a way because Filipinos knew her as a very helpful person), so it was such a blow when she was assassinated,” Chua said.
Pacencia Laurel
Pacencia Laurel busied herself with charitable work during her husband Jose Laurel’s term as president from 1943 to 1945 while raising their nine children.
It was the height of World War II, which saw the Laurel family evacuating from Manila to different areas.
Esperanza Osmeña
Esperanza Osmeña was the first lady of Sergio Osmeña, who served as president from 1944 to 1946, mainly serving during the Japanese occupation. She remained in the Philippines during the war.
Trinidad Roxas
Trinidad Roxas, wife of ex-president Manuel Roxas, was the Philippines’ first lady from 1946 to 1948 – or the crucial post-World War II years in the country.
She mainly got involved in charitable institutions such as the White Cross, and took part in activities with the Girl Scouts of the Philippines.
Victoria Quirino
Victoria Quirino was not a presidential spouse as she was the daughter of Elpidio Quirino, the Philippine president from 1948 to 1953. She took on the role of first lady since her mother, Alicia, was killed during World War II.
Just like her predecessors, Victoria played the part of Malacañang host and was also involved in raising funds for charities. It was during Quirino’s time that the Palace was refurbished – one of the rooms was converted into an official receiving room for Victoria, according to a 2006 piece by historian and writer Manuel “Manolo” Quezon III.
Victoria was also the first presidential child to wed inside Malacañang. She married Luis Gonzales in 1950.
Luz Magsaysay
Luz Banzon Magsaysay, wife of Ramon Magsaysay, who was president from 1953 to 1957, served as honorary chairperson of the Philippine National Red Cross.
In 1957, she was appointed by her husband’s predecessor, then-president Carlos Garcia, as member of the Red Cross’ board of governors.
Leonila Garcia
Leonila Garcia, a pharmacist by profession, was first lady when her husband Carlos Garcia was president from 1957 to 1961. She was involved in several charitable activities, including Operation Puso, which was launched in 1960 to help victims of flooding.
Leonila ran for senator under the Nacionalista Party in 1971 but lost.
Eva Macapagal
Evangelina “Eva” Macapagal was the second wife of Diosdado Macapagal, who served as president from 1961 to 1965. She’s the mother of former president and now House deputy speaker Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
Eva, a physician by profession, supported and helped raise funds for health facilities and medical research in the Philippines. It was during her husband’s presidency that the Medical Research Foundation of the Philippines was allowed to conduct a “national education and fund campaign,” as authorized by Proclamation No. 197, released in 1964.
The conjugal dictatorship of the Marcoses
It’s not unusual to think of Imelda Romualdez Marcos when one talks about presidential spouses. She is, after all, one half of the conjugal dictatorship that oversaw Martial Law, one of the darkest chapters in Philippine history.
Historian Chua, who wrote his master’s thesis on the former first lady’s governance, said that Imelda was Ferdinand E. Marcos’ “secret weapon” even prior to becoming president.
“When Marcos cannot deal with difficult politicians, ang papupuntahin niya ay si Imelda, at iiyak lang siya sa harapan nila, kaya nakukuha ni Marcos ang gusto niya (He would let Imelda go and cry in front of them, then he’d get what he wanted),” he said.
Imelda’s first years as first lady – after her husband was elected in 1965 – focused mostly on charitable works and “beautification” projects, including the creation of the Cultural Center of the Philippines.
Marcos’ first term as president saw Imelda on the sidelines, talking to people and going on trips abroad to spend massive amounts on lavish items, at the expense of public funds.
The latter years of Marcos’ rule saw her take on a more powerful role, especially in the aftermath of the revelation that her husband had an affair with American actress Dovie Beams. Imelda’s influence and power eventually expanded, following the implementation of Martial Law in 1972. In fact, she was once dubbed the “de facto vice president” of the Philippines.
“Nag-bargain siya for power, lume-level na siya kay Marcos kaya siya tinawag na the other president,” Chua said. (She bargained for power, and was almost on the same level as Marcos that, she was called the other president.)
A New York Times article published in 1976 described Imelda as “being at once [Marcos’] chief supporter, a potential successor under his martial law regime and a sometime rival, with her own group of advisers and loyalists on the Cabinet.” The piece also cited information from “some knowledgeable sources” that Imelda also joined Cabinet meetings.
Imelda was appointed by her husband governor of Metro Manila in 1975, upon the creation of the Metro Manila Commission through Presidential Decree 824. A year later in 1976, she became the minister of human settlements. Imelda also became part of the Interim Batasang Pambansa, representing Manila from 1978.
Apart from her official government positions, the former first lady also took it upon herself to handle tasks akin to being a chief diplomat. In the 1976 book, The Conjugal Dictatorship, former propagandist Primitivo Mijares wrote that Imelda’s “international jaunts [were] undertaken on the excuse of opening doors for the New Society,” adding that “she enjoys most the task which gives her the illusions of a woman with vast pretensions of being a world diplomat as she goes about her royal hegira.”
Imelda’s involvement in stealing billions of taxpayers’ money was also placed under the spotlight, following their ouster from power after the People Power Revolution in 1986. She would later be convicted of graft.
Post-EDSA spouses
Imelda’s two-decade stint as one-half of the conjugal dictatorship shows how the power and influence of presidential spouses highly depend on the person taking on the role.
“It’s true that Imelda changed the way we look at first spouses, but it can always revert to low-key,” historian Chua said. “Ngayon, iniiwasan mo na maging sobrang powerful (Now you want to prevent spouses to be that much powerful).”
Amelita ‘Ming’ Ramos
Amelita “Ming” Ramos was the first presidential spouse following Martial Law since former president Corazon Aquino was a widow. According to Chua, Ming was “visible but did not appear too powerful” during the presidency of her husband Fidel from 1992 to 1998.
When Fidel was elected in 1992, Ming did not resign from her work as registrar at International School Manila, where she had worked in various capacities since 1955. She retired from ISM only in 2022, after 67 years of service.
“Why should I quit when I was earning more than Eddie even when he was President?” Ming was quoted as saying in a Philippine Star article published in 2005.
A holder of a physical education degree and an athlete, Ming also got involved in sports activities as first lady. She became president of the Philippine Badminton Association in 1994, a post she held for more than a decade. During her leadership, the group hosted various international competitions.
But Ming was also widely known as an environmentalist. Her stint as first lady marked serious efforts in the rehabilitation of the Pasig River, which was declared biologically dead in the 1990s. In 1993, together with civil society organizations, Ming spearheaded the Sagip Pasig Movement. Her husband also created the Presidential Task Force on Pasig River Rehabilitation the same year.
Luisa ‘Loi’ Ejercito
Before becoming Philippine senator, Luisa “Loi” Ejercito served as the first lady of president Joseph Estrada from 1998 until he resigned from office in 2001 after a series of corruption scandals, an impeachment trial, and protests that marked EDSA People Power II. She was also previously a second lady during Estrada’s stint as vice president.
Loi, a doctor by profession, focused a lot of her time on projects catering to the medical-related needs of Filipinos during her time as presidential spouse, among others. When her husband was sworn in as chief executive, Loi brought with her to Malacañang programs initially implemented by Masa ang Riwasa ni Erap (MARE) Foundation, which was established in 1992 in aid of an earlier Estrada program called Erap Para sa Mahirap.
“Hindi masyadong pumapel (She did not elevate herself), but she was always with Erap during events,” Chua said.
Following her husband’s resignation, Loi ran and won as senator during the 2001 elections. In 2004, she was joined in the Senate by her son Jinggoy, who was later charged with plunder and graft charges in relation to the pork barrel scandal.
Loi retired from politics after ending her Senate term in 2007.
Jose Miguel ‘Mike’ Arroyo
Jose Miguel “Mike” Arroyo is the husband of the country’s second female president, Gloria Arroyo, who assumed the presidency after Estrada’s resignation.
This makes Mike the first first gentleman, since Corazon Aquino – the first female president – was a widow. Like many of his predecessors, Mike was also involved in socioeconomic and medical programs. He once even had his own show on state television, Explore With Mike.
But Mike also undeniably played a bigger role in the political sphere and trajectory of his wife Gloria. The latter years of the Arroyo presidency, especially after the 2004 presidential elections, unraveled this further.
“[He] was not just a first gentleman in the sense that he’s just the husband of a major politician, he was a big factor in the political career of Arroyo,” Chua told Rappler.
Mike was accused of corruption and electoral sabotage, together with his wife. Gloria, the former president, was eventually placed under hospital arrest in relation to a plunder case, but was acquitted by the Supreme Court (SC) in July 2016.
In 2012, Mike was charged with graft over the sale of second-hand choppers to the Philippine National Police. The case was dismissed by the Sandiganbayan in 2022, following an SC decision that ordered the anti-graft court to remove Mike from the list of respondents.
Honeylet Avanceña
Cielito “Honeylet” Avanceña is the long-time partner of then-president Rodrigo Duterte. The marriage of Duterte to his first wife Elizabeth Zimmerman – the mother of his three children, including Vice President Sara Duterte – has been annulled.
Honeylet once said that, before Duterte was sworn into the presidency, she had a separate life from his political career. She was a nurse by profession, but has since focused on running her own businesses in Davao City, including Mister Donut franchises and meat dealerships.
“Hindi ko naman talaga kailangan nasa public eye…. Nasa likod lang ako, alalay lang ako sa personal niya,” she told Rappler in 2016. (I don’t really need to be in the public eye…. I’ll just be in the background, helping him in personal matters.)
Honeylet, however, became more felt and seen in the months following Duterte’s inauguration. She would later join him in welcoming high-ranking foreign government officials, including then-Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, and attend the 30th Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit in 2017.
Honeylet was also involved in charitable projects, like previous presidential spouses. During Duterte’s visit to Cambodia in 2017, Honeylet and daughter Veronica visited patients at the Kantha Bopha IV Children’s Hospital. In early 2020, she led a relief mission with the Filipino-Chinese community to victims of the Taal Volcano eruption.
Honeylet also helped causes related to health. In 2019, she released a video urging the Senate to pass a law increasing the price of tobacco products. In the same video, Honeylet described herself as a “health advocate.”
Marie Louise ‘Liza’ Araneta-Marcos
The election of the namesake and only son of the dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos also brought to the fore another Marcos first lady – Liza Araneta-Marcos.
Liza’s profile on the Marcos official website states that she was a “significant voice of reason” in the presidential campaign of her husband, highlighting that she and her team “helped” Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. win the 2022 elections.
She counts cultural preservation and education among her advocacies as presidential spouse. A lawyer by profession, Liza currently teaches law at the West Visayas State University in Iloilo City.
Just like her mother-in-law, Liza reportedly plays a major role in Malacañang affairs. The President has said he does not talk policy with Liza, and consults her only over “legal” matters because “she’s very good at that.”
In January 2023, Liza herself denied any involvement in military appointments, even warning that she’ll “tell [her] husband not to appoint” people who use her name. This comes after a revamp at the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), when Marcos dismissed AFP chief Lieutenant General Bartolome Bacarro and reappointed Andres Centino as AFP chief five months after appointing him ambassador to India.
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[
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2017-12-09T00:00:00
|
Sergio Osmena Sr
|
https://www.academia.edu/35389945/Sergio_Osmena_Sr
|
"A life led without achievement is worthless, and only that life is livable that is dedicated to the achievement of a noble aim. We want to die leaving something behind us so that those who may come after may think of us kindly. That life which ends with death only is a life of frustration and futility, and that is not the life of the artist nor of the public man." -Manuel L. Quezon “Achievements of Men,” 1937 "
|
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2030
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dbpedia
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0
| 19
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https://cebudailynews.inquirer.net/146482/celebrating-life-legacy-don-sergio
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en
|
Celebrating the life and legacy of Don Sergio
|
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2017-09-08T23:58:37
|
Miguel Osmeña might have no memory of Don Sergio Osmeña Sr., but he has a clear understanding of what his great-grandfather represents not just to the
|
en
|
https://cebudailynews.inquirer.net/wp-content/themes/CDN_themes/cdn2019/images/favicon-2019.ico
|
Cebu Daily News
|
https://cebudailynews.inquirer.net/146482/celebrating-life-legacy-don-sergio
|
Miguel Osmeña might have no memory of Don Sergio Osmeña Sr., but he has a clear understanding of what his great-grandfather represents not just to the Osmeña clan but to the country.
The Osmeña name, and all that it stands for, began with Don Sergio. And Miguel, while born 23 years after the death of his great-grandfather, is sure of one thing about Don Sergio: “My great-grandfather was a strong man.”
“What I know about him is basically what everyone else knows,” says the 32-year-old fourth-generation Osmeña, the only son of Cebu City Mayor Tomas Osmeña and Councilor Margot Osmeña.
“(But) I know for a fact that he is called the Great Old Man of Cebu because of all that he has achieved for Cebu and for the country being the first Cebuano president.”
And like the many Osmeñas who descended from Don Sergio, Miguel and his parents will be celebrating the legacy of a great leader today, September 9, the 139th birth anniversary of the Grand Old Man of Cebu.
The Osmeña clan will offer a morning Mass and lay flowers at the Don Sergio marker built at the corner of Lapu-Lapu and Osmeña Streets in Cebu City, where he used to live.
Don Sergio, born on Sept. 9, 1878, died at age 83 on Oct. 19, 1961 in Quezon City and was buried at the Manila North Cemetery in Sta. Cruz, Manila.
To honor the fourth president of the Philippines, September 9 has been declared as an official nonworking holiday in Cebu.
Connection
“We pay our respects to him, like we always do,” says Miguel.
He added that the family will also be eating breakfast, and probably lunch, together with the other members of the family to celebrate the life of the family’s patriarch.
Rosalina “Rosie” Osmeña-Valencia, the daughter of Don Sergio, is now based in Manila and will be coming to Cebu to join in the family celebration.
Rosie, now 93, is the best person to speak about her father, according to Miguel.
“Since most of us have not met our great-grandfather, we will be listening to Lola Rosie because she was already an adult when her father died. She has many stories to tell, which we could all learn from.”
Cebuanos are also expected to lay flowers at the marker.
For Miguel, admitting he has yet to look deeper into his great-grandfather’s life aside from his being the foundation of the Philippine government, collecting fifty-peso bills is a way to always remind him of their connection.
In fact, Miguel has more than P20,000 worth of the bank note where Don Sergio’s face is featured.
“I have old fifty-peso bills with me. They’re actually worthless now because they’re old but I’m keeping them.”
A life well lived
Don Sergio was born in Cebu to a single mother, Juana Suico Osmeña. He first studied in Cebu then transferred to Manila to continue his secondary and tertiary education. Manuel Quezon was Osmeña’s classmate.
He took up Law at the University of Santo Tomas and placed second in the Bar exam in 1903.
Sometime in 1901, Don Sergio married Estefania Chiong Veloso, with whom he had 10 children, including Sergio “Serging” Osmeña Jr., the late former senator and grandfather of Miguel.
In 1904, he was appointed by the American colonial administration as governor of Cebu province, and was elected for the gubernatorial position two years after.
In 1907, he was elected as delegate of the Philippine National Assembly and was named first Speaker of the assembly. At 29, Don Sergio was the highest-ranking Filipino official that time. He served as Speaker of the Congress until his election to the Senate in 1923.
In 1920, two years after the death of his first wife, Don Sergio married Esperanza Limjap, the mother of Rosie. They had two more children.
With the support of his wife and children, Don Sergio ran and was overwhelmingly voted as the vice president of Manuel Quezon for two consecutive terms under his self-founded Nacionalista Party.
But while the Philippine government was in exile in the US because of the Japanese occupation, President Quezon died of tuberculosis.
Quezon’s death led to Don Sergio’s rise to presidency. He served as the third president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946 during the Commonwealth period.
In 1946, Don Sergio decided to run for the highest national position. However, he opted to not hold campaign across the country, saying that he believed his countrymen had seen his honest and sincere service for the last 40 years.
Don Sergio lost to Manuel Roxas, who gained 54 percent of the vote. Roxas then became the first president of the independent Republic of the Philippines. He returned to Cebu, where he spent the remaining years of his life before his death at the Veterans Memorial Medical Center in Quezon City in 1961.
Heart to serve
Up until now, 56 years since his death, the country still remembers his great leadership.
These accomplishments, according to Miguel, all stemmed from Don Sergio’s pure heart to serve.
“My father’s lolo became a public servant not because his father used to be a politician too. He came up on his own even when he had no political background. He was a young leader but he was chosen to hold the highest position in Congress,” Miguel says.
“Why? Because he was the most educated in parliamentary matters. He was the most qualified. It doesn’t matter how old you are or how senior your colleagues are. If you’re qualified for the position, you are qualified. And he was.”
The young generations of the Osmeñas, and Cebuanos in general, who only know Don Sergio through history books and stories told by elders, should take pride that a Cebuano once stood by the genuine definition of a leader.
And with all that he had offered to his fellowmen, Don Sergio truly deserves to be called the Grand Old Man of Cebu.
|
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2030
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dbpedia
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0
| 81
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https://www.infoplease.com/countries/philippines
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en
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Philippines | Facts & Information
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2017-02-02T23:59:58-05:00
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Infoplease has everything you need to know about Philippines. Check out our country profile, full of essential information about Philippines's geography, history, government, economy, population, culture, religion and languages. If that's not enough, click over to our collection of world maps and flags.
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en
|
/themes/ip/favicon.ico
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InfoPlease
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https://www.infoplease.com/countries/philippines
|
Geography
The Philippine islands are an archipelago of over 7,000 islands lying about 500 mi (805 km) off the southeast coast of Asia. The overall land area is comparable to that of Arizona. Only about 7% of the islands are larger than one square mile, and only one-third have names. The largest are Luzon in the north (40,420 sq mi; 104,687 sq km), Mindanao in the south (36,537 sq mi; 94,631 sq km), and Visayas (23,582 sq mi; 61,077 sq km). The islands are of volcanic origin, with the larger ones crossed by mountain ranges. The highest peak is Mount Apo (9,690 ft; 2,954 m) on Mindanao.
Government
Republic.
History
The Philippines' aboriginal inhabitants arrived from the Asian mainland around 25,000 BC They were followed by waves of Indonesian and Malayan settlers from 3000 BC onward. By the 14th century AD, extensive trade was being conducted with India, Indonesia, China, and Japan.
Ferdinand Magellan, the Portuguese navigator in the service of Spain, explored the Philippines in 1521. Twenty-one years later, a Spanish exploration party named the group of islands in honor of Prince Philip, who was later to become Philip II of Spain. Spain retained possession of the islands for the next 350 years.
The Philippines were ceded to the U.S. in 1899 by the Treaty of Paris after the Spanish-American War. Meanwhile, the Filipinos, led by Emilio Aguinaldo, had declared their independence. They initiated guerrilla warfare against U.S. troops that persisted until Aguinaldo's capture in 1901. By 1902, peace was established except among the Islamic Moros on the southern island of Mindanao.
The first U.S. civilian governor-general was William Howard Taft (1901–1904). The Jones Law (1916) established a Philippine legislature composed of an elective Senate and House of Representatives. The Tydings-McDuffie Act (1934) provided for a transitional period until 1946, at which time the Philippines would become completely independent. Under a constitution approved by the people of the Philippines in 1935, the Commonwealth of the Philippines came into being with Manuel Quezon y Molina as president.
On Dec. 8, 1941, the islands were invaded by Japanese troops. Following the fall of Gen. Douglas MacArthur's forces at Bataan and Corregidor, Quezon instituted a government-in-exile that he headed until his death in 1944. He was succeeded by Vice President Sergio Osmeña. U.S. forces under MacArthur reinvaded the Philippines in Oct. 1944 and, after the liberation of Manila in Feb. 1945, Osmeña reestablished the government.
The End of U.S. Presence and Rebel Fighting Continues
The Aquino government survived coup attempts by Marcos supporters and other right-wing elements. Legislative elections on May 11, 1987, gave pro-Aquino candidates a large majority. Negotiations on renewal of leases for U.S. military bases threatened to sour relations between the two countries. Volcanic eruptions from Mount Pinatubo, however, severely damaged Clark Air Base, and in July 1991, the U.S. decided to abandon it.
In elections in May 1992, Gen. Fidel Ramos, who had the support of the outgoing Aquino, won the presidency in a seven-way race. In Sept. 1992, the U.S. Navy turned over the Subic Bay naval base to the Philippines, marking the end of U.S. military presence.
Meanwhile, the separatist Moro National Liberation Front was fighting a protracted war for an Islamic homeland on Mindanao, the southernmost of the two main islands. The Philippine army also battled another rebel group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. In Aug. 2001, both rebel groups signed unity agreements with the Philippine government. Frequent and violent clashes with these and other terrorist groups have continued, however. Abu Sayyaf, a small group of guerrillas that has been fighting since the 1970s for an independent Islamic state and reportedly has links to Osama bin Laden, gained international notoriety throughout 2000 and 2001 with its spree of kidnappings and murders. Two leaders of Abu Sayyaf were killed in late 2006 and early 2007, dealing a serious blow to the group. The Philippine military has also battled the New People's Army, a group of Communist guerrillas that have targeted Philippine security forces since 1969. International officials reported in June 2003 that Jemaah Islamiyah, an affiliate of al-Qaeda, was training recruits in Mindanao, in the southern Philippines. About 120,000 people have died in the conflicts with rebel groups, and more than 3 million have been displaced.
Government Unrest and a Military Coup
In May 1998, 61-year-old former action-film star Joseph Estrada was elected president of the Philippines. Within two years, however, the Philippine Senate began proceedings to impeach Estrada on corruption charges. Massive street demonstrations and the loss of political support eventually forced Estrada from office. Vice President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, daughter of former president Diosdado Macapagal, became president in Jan. 2001. In May 2004 presidential elections, President Arroyo narrowly defeated film star Fernando Poe.
Arroyo faced a political crisis in the summer of 2005, after admitting to calling an election official during 2004's presidential race. A taped phone conversation between Arroyo and the official seemed to suggest that she had tried to use her power to influence the outcome. She survived an impeachment motion in July.
Arroyo declared a state of emergency in February, saying the government had foiled an attempted coup by the military. She also banned rallies commemorating the 20th anniversary of the ouster of Ferdinand Marcos. Some observers dismissed the report of the coup attempt as political maneuvering to gain support and weaken the opposition. On June 24, President Arroyo met with Pope Benedict XVI at the Vatican, where she announced that the Philippines was abolishing the death penalty.
In Sept. 2007, former president Joseph Estrada was convicted of corruption and sentenced to life in prison.
The government said in Nov. 2007 that it had reached a deal with the separatist Moro National Liberation Front that set boundaries for a Muslim homeland on the southern island of Mindanao. The deal fell apart in Aug. 2008 when fighting broke out between the rebels and government troops following a ruling by the Supreme Court that blocked the agreement. More than 160,000 Filipinos fled their homes and sought refuge from the violence. Peace talks resumed in Dec. 2009.
Local Government Leader and Ally of President Accused of Organizing Massacre
The government declared a state of emergency in November 2009 in the southern province of Maguindanao on the island of Mindanao following the massacre of a group of 57 people who about to fill out election nomination forms for a local leader who was challenging rival Andal Ampatuan, Jr., in the race for provincial governor. Officials and relatives of the victims blame Ampatuan's father, Andal Ampatuan, Sr., for organizing the attack. Ampatuan, himself a a former provincial governor, is an ally of President Arroyo. In February 2010, police arrested nearly 200 people, including both Ampatuans, in connection with the attack.
In elections in May 2010, Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino, a senator and the son of former president, Corazon Aquino, was elected president. He won about 40% of the vote. Former president Joseph Estrada placed second in the race, with about 25%. Aquino campaigned on a promise to crack down on corruption, which he said would help to reduce poverty.
Sitting astride the typhoon belt, the Philippines are usually affected by 15 and struck by 5 to 6 cyclonic storms per year. The end of 2011 brought typhoon Typhoon Washi, which raged for three days with winds gusting up to 90 kmh (56 mph). The deadly storm killed more than 1,200 and left an estimated 60,000 homeless.
Tension Increases with China Over Island
In May 2012, China held up Philippine bananas at customs for prolonged inspections. The same week in May, China began a media campaign suggesting any claim on Huangyan Island was an infringement of Chinese sovereignty. Called Panatag Shoal by the Philippines, the island has been the source of a longstanding dispute between the two countries.
China's vice minister of foreign affairs, Fu Ying urged the Philippines to remove its vessels from waters near the island, adding that the Philippines were "severely damaging the atmosphere of the bilateral relations" between the two countries. The Philippines said that they had found eight Chinese fishing vessels near the island back in April. When Philippine Navy personnel boarded the Chinese vessels, they found illegal coral and fish.
Government and Muslim Rebel Group Close to Peace Deal
On May 29, 2012, the chief justice of the Philippine Supreme Court, Renato Corona, was removed from office after an impeachment trial and conviction by the Senate for failure to declare about $4.2m. The vote was a watershed moment in Philippine politics, marking the first time an upper level official has been impeached and removed through official channels.
The Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the country's largest Muslim separatist group, which seeks a homeland on the southern island of Mindanao, agreed to a framework peace agreement in October 2012. The deal will create an autonomous Muslim homeland on Mindanao, which will be called Bangsamoro, and residents will receive a large share of the region's mineral wealth. In exchange, the rebels agreed to put down their arms. The government and the rebels have been at war for about 40 years, and 120,000 people have been killed in the fighting. After protracted negotiations, the deal was finalized in March 2014.
Death Toll Rises from Typhoon Bopha
A typhoon, which was named Bopha, hit the southern Philippines in early December 2012. As of December 7, the death toll had risen to 456 with more than 500 missing, according to the government's disaster agency. The damage from the typhoon was increased by deforestation, lack of planning, and other factors.
Officials said that the final death toll would most likely exceed 500. Almost four hundred thousand people had to evacuate to temporary centers or received some form of assistance from the government. Typhoon Bopha came nearly one year after 1,200 people were killed by Typhoon Washi.
7.2 Magnitude Earthquake Kills at least 144 People
A powerful earthquake hit the Philippines on Tuesday, October 15, 2013. At least 144 people were killed and nearly 300 were injured. The quake also destroyed one of the country's oldest churches and caused widespread damage.
According to Renato Solidum, director of the Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology, the center of the earthquake was near Carmen, a small town on Bohol Island. Solidum also explained the intensity of the earthquake in a statement, "A magnitude 7 earthquake has an energy equivalent to around 32 Hiroshima atomic bombs. This one had a magnitude of 7.2." Tremors from the earthquake reached all of the islands in the central Philippines, destroying several buildings, roads and bridges.
Typhoon Haiyan Kills Thousands
On Friday, November 8, 2013, a powerful typhoon struck the Philippines. Typhoon Haiyan was one of the strongest storms to ever make landfall, hitting several islands throughout the central Philippines. Tacloban, a coastal city with a population of 220,000, was destroyed. According to the Social Welfare and Development Department, Typhoon Haiyan, called Typhoon Yolanda in the Philippines, affected 4.28 million people and at least 270 towns.
Electricity and phone service was out in many areas. Philippine Red Cross Secretary General Gwendolyn Pang was able to text this message, "The local Red Cross chapter has seen many bodies. An actual body count has to be done to determine the exact number." According to meteorologists, Typhoon Haiyan hit the Philippines with winds of up to 190 miles per hour. By Saturday, November 9, 2013, a United Nations disaster team had arrived to assess the damage. "This is destruction on a massive scale. There are cars thrown like tumbleweed. The last time I saw something of this scale was in the aftermath of the Indian Ocean tsunami," said United Nations team member Sebastian Rhodes Stampa in a statement in which he referred to the 2004 tsunami that hit Indonesia.
By November 20, 2013, according to the Philippines National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council, the death toll had reached 4,011. Rescue teams continued to search for the 1,602 people who remained missing. While electricity was still out in some areas, some stores had reopened and residents had begun rebuilding their homes.
See also Encyclopedia: The Philippines .
U.S. State Dept. Country Notes: Philippines
National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB) www.nscb.gov.ph/ .
See also Timeline: Philippines History (1521–1946) and Timeline: Philippines History (1965–Present) .
|
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2030
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dbpedia
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1
| 22
|
https://www.sunstar.com.ph/cebu/local-news/paternity-project-reveals-don-sergio-osmenas-biological-father
|
en
|
Paternity project reveals Don Sergio Osmeña's biological father
|
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[
"Ralph Martinez"
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2023-06-03T00:30:00+00:00
|
DURING his lifetime, Sergio Osmeña’s father was unknown or “padre no conocido” in Spanish.Osmeña, a lawyer and politician, served as the fourth president of the
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
SunStar Publishing Inc.
|
https://www.sunstar.com.ph/cebu/local-news/paternity-project-reveals-don-sergio-osmenas-biological-father
|
DURING his lifetime, Sergio Osmeña’s father was unknown or “padre no conocido” in Spanish.
Osmeña, a lawyer and politician, served as the fourth president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946, and he was the first Visayan to hold the presidency.
Historical documents and archives have pointed to two possible individuals as Osmeña Sr.’s father: Pedro Lee Gotiaoco, a Chinese immigrant tycoon, and Don Antonio Sanson, a merchant and businessman.
But on Friday, June 2, 2023 or nearly 145 years after Osmeña’s birth, a paternity project revealed that his biological father was really Sanson.
This was made possible through a Y-DNA test, a genetic test that analyzes the Y chromosome, which is passed down from father to son. This test can be used to trace a man’s paternal ancestry, or the line of his male ancestors.
The paternity project was initiated by Osmeña’s descendants Maria Lourdes Bernardo and Annabelle Osmeña Aboitiz.
The Y-DNA test was conducted this year with the help of forensic genealogist Todd Lucero Sales. It used DNA samples from male donors representing male lines of Osmeña, Gotiaoco and Sanson clans.
“We began discussing the project in February and started collecting the samples within a week in March. The results were provided to us by the middle of April. So, the whole process took less than a month,” Sales said.
Out of the 23 markers involved in the test, a 100 percent match was found between the Osmeña and Sanson lines, indicating a close relationship and a more recent common ancestor within three to five generations.
Former Cebu City mayor Tomas Osmeña was the donor for the Osmeña line.
“I’m grateful that so many people are interested in this level of detail, but that doesn’t diminish what Don Sergio did for his country,” he said.
Tomas’ grandfather was born on Sept. 9, 1878, when the Philippines was under Spanish rule. According to a Wikipedia entry on the elder Osmeña’s life, he was born out of wedlock. His mother, Juana Suico Osmeña, belonged to a prominent Chinese Filipino family in Cebu. She gave birth to him at the age of 14, and she did not marry his father.
Despite the stigma of being an illegitimate child, Don Sergio Osmeña became a lawyer and politician. He served as Cebu’s third governor before becoming the first House Speaker and eventually the President of the Philippine Commonwealth.
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Digital newsstand featuring 7000+ of the world’s most popular newspapers & magazines. Enjoy unlimited reading on up to 5 devices with 7-day free trial.
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Manuel Roxas was elected President April 23, 1946
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April 23, 1946, Manuel A. Roxas was elected President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines.
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4 Sergio osmena Images: LOC's Public Domain Archive Public Domain Search
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Download Images of - Free for commercial use, no attribution required. From: Filipino leaders congratulate President on naming of Governor General Stimson Filipino leaders photographed at the White House today when they called to congratulate President Coolidge on his appointment of Henry L. Stimson as Governor-General of the Islands. Left to right: Sergio Osmena, speaker of the House; Manuel Quezon, president of the Senate; and Pedro Guevara, Resident-Commissioner in Washington., to PRESIDENT SIGNS PHILIPPINE BILL. WASHINGTON, D.C. AUGUST 7. PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT TODAY SIGNED A MEASURE DESIGNED TO FACILITATE THE ECONOMIC ADJUSTMENT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMONWEALTH TO INDEPENDENCE STATUS. IT PROVIDES FOR GRADUALLY DECLINING DUTY-FREE QUOTAS ON IMPORTS FROM THE PHILIPPINES OF COCONUT OIL, CIGARS, AND PEARL BUTTONS. THE QUOTAS DECREASE BY 5 PER CENT EVERY YEAR UNTIL 1946, WHEN FULL POLITICAL INDEPENDENCE IS GRANTED THE ISLANDS. L TO R: FRANCIS B. SAYRE, NEW PHILIPPINE GOVERNOR; PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT; SERGIO OSMENA, VICE PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINES; AND J.M. ELIZALDE, RESIDENT PHILIPPINE COMMISSIONER. Find images dated from 1927 to 1939.
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LOC's Public Domain Archive
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https://loc.getarchive.net/topics/sergio%2Bosmena
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The objects in this archive are from Library of Congress - the nation’s first established cultural institution and the largest library in the world, with millions of items including books, recordings, photographs, maps and manuscripts in its collections. The Library provides Congress, the federal government and the American people with a rich, diverse and enduring source of knowledge to inform, inspire and engage them and support their intellectual and creative endeavors.
Disclaimer: A work of the Library of Congress is "a work prepared by an officer or employee" of the federal government "as part of that person's official duties." In general, under section 105 of the Copyright Act, such works are not entitled to domestic copyright protection under U.S. law and are therefore in the public domain. This website is developed as a part of the world's largest public domain archive, PICRYL.com, and not developed or endorsed by the Library of Congress, https://www.picryl.com
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Insular Government of The Philippine Islands #396 (1935)
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The Insular Government of the Philippine Islands was a territorial government of the United States of America created in 1901 in what is now the Republic of the Philippines. The name reflects the fact that it was a civilian administration under the authority of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, in contrast to the United States…
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A Stamp A Day
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https://stampaday.wordpress.com/2017/05/19/insular-government-of-the-philippine-islands-396-1935/
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The Insular Government of the Philippine Islands was a territorial government of the United States of America created in 1901 in what is now the Republic of the Philippines. The name reflects the fact that it was a civilian administration under the authority of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, in contrast to the United States Military Government of the Philippine Islands that it replaced. The government was originally organized in the newly acquired territory by the executive branch of the American government in order to replace military governance with civilian.
The Tready of Paris, formally ending the Spanish-American War, had been signed by the United States and Spain on December 10, 1898. In Article III, Spain ceded the Philippine archipelago to the United States for the sum of $20,000,000. On November 7, 1900, Spain and the U.S. signed the Treaty of Washington, clarifying that the territories relinquished by Spain to the United States included any and all islands belonging to the Philippine Archipelago, but lying outside the lines described in the Treaty of Paris. That treaty explicitly named the islands of Cagayan Sulu and Sibutu and their dependencies as among the relinquished territories.
The Philippines is an archipelago composed of about 7,641 islands with a total land area, including inland bodies of water, of 115,831 square miles (300,000 square kilometers). Its 22,549 miles (36,289 km) of coastline makes it the territory with the fifth longest coastline in the world. The Philippine Islands are located between 116° 40′, and 126° 34′ E longitude and 4° 40′ and 21° 10′ N latitude and is bordered by the Philippine Sea to the east, the South China Sea to the west, and the Celebes Sea to the south. The island of Borneo is located a few hundred kilometers southwest and Taiwan is located directly to the north. The Moluccas and Sulawesi are located to the south-southwest and Palau is located to the east of the islands.
Most of the mountainous islands are covered in tropical rainforest and volcanic in origin. The highest mountain is Mount Apo. It measures up to 9,692 feet (2,954 meters) above sea level and is located on the island of Mindanao. The Galathea Depth in the Philippine Trench is the deepest point in the country and the third deepest in the world. The trench is located in the Philippine Sea. The longest river is the Cagayan River in northern Luzon. Manila Bay, upon the shore of which the capital city of Manila lies, is connected to Laguna de Bay, the largest lake in the Philippines, by the Pasig River. Subic Bay, the Davao Gulf, and the Moro Gulf are other important bays. The San Juanico Strait separates the islands of Samar and Leyte but it is traversed by the San Juanico Bridge.
Situated on the western fringes of the Pacific Ring of Fire, the Philippines experiences frequent seismic and volcanic activity. The Benham Plateau to the east in the Philippine Sea is an undersea region active in tectonic subduction. Around 20 earthquakes are registered daily, though most are too weak to be felt. The last major earthquake was the 1990 Luzon earthquake.
There are many active volcanoes such as the Mayon Volcano, Mount Pinatubo, and Taal Volcano. The eruption of Mount Pinatubo in June 1991 produced the second largest terrestrial eruption of the twentieth century. Not all notable geographic features are so violent or destructive. A more serene legacy of the geological disturbances is the Puerto Princesa Subterranean River, the area represents a habitat for biodiversity conservation, the site also contains a full mountain-to-the-sea ecosystem and has some of the most important forests in Asia.
Due to the volcanic nature of the islands, mineral deposits are abundant. The country is estimated to have the second-largest gold deposits after South Africa and one of the largest copper deposits in the world. It is also rich in nickel, chromite, and zinc. Despite this, poor management, high population density, and environmental consciousness have resulted in these mineral resources remaining largely untapped.
The Philippines was named in honor of King Philip II of Spain. Spanish explorer Ruy López de Villalobos, during his expedition in 1542, named the islands of Leyte and Samar Felipinas after the then-Prince of Asturias. Eventually the name Las Islas Filipinas would be used to cover all the islands of the archipelago. Before that became commonplace, other names such as Islas del Poniente (Islands of the West) and Magellan’s name for the islands San Lázaro were also used by the Spanish to refer to the islands.
The official name of the Philippines has changed several times in the course of its history. During the Philippine Revolution, the Malolos Congress proclaimed the establishment of the República Filipina or the Philippine Republic. From the period of the Spanish–American War (1898) and the Philippine–American War (1899–1902) until the Commonwealth period (1935–46), American colonial authorities referred to the country as the Philippine Islands, a translation of the Spanish name. From the 1898 Treaty of Paris, the name Philippines began to appear and it has since become the country’s common name. Since the end of World War II, the official name of the country has been the Republic of the Philippines.
In 1521, Portuguese explorer Ferdinand Magellan’s expedition arrived in the Philippines, claimed the islands for Spain and was then killed at the Battle of Mactan. Colonization began when Spanish explorer Miguel López de Legazpi arrived from Mexico in 1565 and formed the first Hispanic settlements in Cebu. After relocating to Panay island and consolidating a coalition of native Visayan allies, Hispanic soldiers and Latin-American mercenaries, the Spaniards then invaded Islamic Manila, therein they put down the Tondo Conspiracy and exiled the conspirators to Guam and Guerrero. Under Spanish rule, they established Manila as the capital of the Spanish East Indies in 1571.
Spanish rule eventually contributed significantly to bringing political unity to the fragmented states of the archipelago. From 1565 to 1821, the Philippines was governed as a territory of the Mexico-based Viceroyalty of New Spain and then was administered directly from Madrid after the Mexican War of Independence. The Manila galleons, the largest wooden ships ever built, were constructed in Bicol and Cavite. The Manila galleons were accompanied with a large naval escort as it traveled to and from Manila and Acapulco. The galleons sailed once or twice a year, between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries.
In 1767, the first post office was established in the city of Manila, which was later organized under a new postal district of Spain, encompassing Manila and the entire Philippine archipelago, in 1779. The postal district was reestablished on December 5, 1837. A year later, Manila became known as a leading center of postal services within Asia. Early mails to Manila were carried by the Acapulco galleon from Mexico. This service was interrupted by the rebellions in Central and South America and the route via Asia and Africa was run on a casual basis.
When Hong Kong was ceded to Britain in 1841, mail was routed through that colony. From 1854, stamps of India were available in Manila and were used to pre-pay postage by the merchants. In 1863, these were replaced by stamps of Hong Kong which were available until 1873 when Straits Settlements adhesives were available, except for mail to the United States for which Hong Kong stamps continued to be used. The use of foreign stamps ceased in 1877 when the Spanish colonies joined the Universal Postal Union.
On December 7, 1853, Spanish Governor General Antonio de Urbiztondo issued a circular whereby he ordered the establishment of prepaid postage compulsory for all mail matters circulating within the Philippine Islands whether addressed from one province to another or between the towns of the same. The first stamps were issued on February 1, 1854, and were of four denominations — 5 quartos, 10 quartos, 1 real, and 2 reales (Scott #1, 2, 4, and 5). These stamps depicted the profile of Spanish Queen Isabela II.
Until 1872, all the stamps used in the islands were identical with those issued in the other colonies of Spain. That year, a set of stamps was issued which bore the figure of Spanish King Amadeus and the words CORREOS FILIPINAS (Scott #43-47). Three years later, a new set of stamps were issued. They bore the figure of King Alfonso XIII (Scott #52-58). In 1891, postage stamps showing the picture of Alfonso XIII as a child of about three years and the words FILIPINAS were issued. These Alfonso XIII stamps were the last ones to be circulated by the Spanish Government until its fall in 1898 (Scott #140-180).
Unlike our present practice of affixing stamps in the upper right hand corner of the envelope, stamps during the Spanish period were in some instances, pasted on the upper left hand corner of the cover. During those times also stamp sellers received a commission from their sales as shown by the following provisions of Urbiztondo’s Circular: “The chief of the province in charge of the issuance of stamps and the Administrator of the Estancadas of Tondo with the consent of the superintendent are given 10% commission on the sales of stamps as remunerations and to cover the expenses that they may incur in the performance of their work, labor, and the consequent responsibilities”.
Revolutionary sentiments were stoked in 1872 after three priests — Mariano Gómez, José Burgos, and Jacinto Zamora (collectively known as Gomburza) — were accused of sedition by colonial authorities and executed. This would inspire a propaganda movement in Spain, organized by Marcelo H. del Pilar, José Rizal, and Mariano Ponce, lobbying for political reforms in the Philippines. Rizal was eventually executed on December 30, 1896, on charges of rebellion. As attempts at reform met with resistance, Andrés Bonifacio in 1892 established the secret society called the Katipunan, who sought independence from Spain through armed revolt.
Bonifacio and the Katipunan started the Philippine Revolution in 1896. A faction of the Katipunan, the Magdalo of Cavite province, eventually came to challenge Bonifacio’s position as the leader of the revolution and Emilio Aguinaldo took over. In 1898, the Spanish–American War began in Cuba and reached the Philippines. On June 12, 1898, Aguinaldo proclaimed the independence of the Philippines at his house in Cavite El Viejo. Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista wrote the Philippine Declaration of Independence, and read this document in Spanish that day at Aguinaldo’s house. On June 18, Aguinaldo issued a decree formally establishing his dictatorial government. On June 23, Aguinaldo issued another decree, this time replacing the dictatorial government with a revolutionary government (and naming himself as President).
On August 13, 1898, with American commanders unaware that a ceasefire had already been signed between Spain and the United States on the previous day, American forces captured the city of Manila from the Spanish in the Battle of Manila. The battle started when Admiral Dewey’s ships bombarded Fort San Antonio Abad, a decrepit structure on the southern outskirts of Manila, and the virtually impregnable walls of Intramuros. In accordance with the plan, the Spanish forces withdrew while U.S. forces advanced. Once a sufficient show of battle had been made, Dewey hoisted the signal “D.W.H.B.” (meaning “Do you surrender?), whereupon the Spanish hoisted a white flag and Manila was formally surrendered to U.S. forces.
This battle marked the end of Filipino-American collaboration, as the American action of preventing Filipino forces from entering the captured city of Manila was deeply resented by the Filipinos. This later led to the Philippine–American War, which would prove to be more deadly and costly than the Spanish–American War.
On August 14, 1898, two days after the capture of Manila, the United States Military Government of the Philippine Islands was established, with General Merritt acting as military governor. During military rule (1898–1902), the U.S. military commander governed the Philippines under the authority of the U.S. President as Commander-in-Chief of the United States Armed Forces. After the appointment of a civil Governor-General, the procedure developed that as parts of the country were pacified and placed firmly under American control, responsibility for the area would be passed to the civilian.
The revolutionary government known as the First Philippine Republic or the Malolos Republic was formally established with the proclamation of the Malolos Constitution on January 23, 1899, in Malolos, Bulacan, On February 4, 1899, Aguinaldo declared “That peace and friendly relations with the Americans be broken and that the latter be treated as enemies, within the limits prescribed by the laws of war.” On June 2, 1899, the Malolos Congress enacted and ratified a declaration of war on the United States, which was publicly proclaimed on that same day by Pedro Paterno, President of the Assembly.
The Revolutionary Government issued its own postage stamps. As a symbol of its new found freedom, the young Republic made its stamp in the shape of a triangle, perhaps to signify the French Revolution’s LIBERTY, EQUALITY, and FRATERNITY. The Filipino rebels issued in all 14 different stamps. There were three regular varieties for postage. one for registration, one for newspapers, seven for revenues and two for telegraphs. These stamps, however, were indiscriminately used by the people so that a letter sometimes had two or more of these stamps affixed on its envelope.
Under the U.S. military government, an American-style school system was introduced, initially with soldiers as teachers; civil and criminal courts were reestablished, including a supreme court; and local governments were established in towns and provinces. The first local election was conducted by General Harold W. Lawton on May 7, 1899, in Baliuag, Bulacan. General Merritt was succeeded by General Otis as military governor, who in turn was succeeded by General MacArthur.
The American military government issued regular United States stamps overprinted with the word PHILIPPINES for postal purposes beginning on June 30, 1899 These were used up to August 1906 (Scott #212-240).
As before when fighting the Spanish, the Filipino rebels did not do well in the field. Aguinaldo and his provisional government escaped after the capture of Malolos on March 31, 1899, and were driven into northern Luzon. Peace feelers from members of Aguinaldo’s cabinet failed in May when the American commander, General Ewell Otis, demanded an unconditional surrender. In 1901, Aguinaldo was captured and swore allegiance to the United States, marking one end to the war.
Major General Adna Chaffee was the final American military governor of the Philippines.
The Insular Government evolved from the Taft Commission, or Second Philippine Commission, appointed on March 16, 1900. This group was headed by William Howard Taft, and was granted legislative powers by President William McKinley in September 1900. The commission created a judicial system, an educational system, a civil service, and a legal code. The legality of these actions was contested until the passage of the Spooner Amendment in 1901, which granted the U.S. President authority to govern the Philippines.
The Insular Government saw its mission as one of tutelage, preparing the Philippines for eventual independence. On July 4, 1901, Taft was appointed “civil governor”, who also named his cabinet at his inaugural address. Military Governor Adna Chaffee retained authority in disturbed areas. On July 4, 1902, the office of military governor was abolished, and Taft became the first U.S. Governor-General of the Philippines.
In 1902, the United States Congress passed the Philippine Organic Act, which formally organized the Insular Government and served as its basic law, or organic act, similar to a constitution. This act provided for a Governor-General of the Philippines appointed by the President of the United States, as well as a bicameral Philippine Legislature with the appointed Philippine Commission as the upper house and a fully elected, fully Filipino elected lower house, the Philippine Assembly. The organic act also disestablished the Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines as the state religion. In 1904, Taft negotiated the purchase of 390,000 acres of church property for $7.5 million. This land was resold to tens of thousands of peasants, who received low-cost mortgages.
On September 8, 1906, 14 new stamps were issued bearing the inscription PHILIPPINE ISLANDS / UNITED STATES OF AMERICA and bearing a mix of Filipino and American subjects such as portraits of Jose Rizal, William McKinley, Abraham Lincoln, and the arms of Manila (Scott #241-254).
After the completion and publication of a census, a general election was conducted in 1906 for the choice of delegates to a popular assembly. An elected Philippine Assembly was convened in 1907 as the lower house of a bicameral legislature, with the Philippine Commission as the upper house. Every year from 1907, the Philippine Assembly (and later the Philippine Legislature) passed resolutions expressing the Filipino desire for independence.
Philippine nationalists led by Manuel L. Quezon and Sergio Osmeña enthusiastically endorsed the draft Jones Bill of 1912, which provided for Philippine independence after eight years, but later changed their views, opting for a bill which focused less on time than on the conditions of independence. The nationalists demanded complete and absolute independence to be guaranteed by the United States, since they feared that too-rapid independence from American rule without such guarantees might cause the Philippines to fall into Japanese hands. The Jones Bill was rewritten and passed Congress in 1916 with a later date of independence.
The law, officially the Philippine Autonomy Act but popularly known as the Jones Law, served as the new organic act for the Philippines. Its preamble stated that the eventual independence of the Philippines would be American policy, subject to the establishment of a stable government. The law maintained an appointed governor-general, but established a bicameral Philippine Legislature to replace the elected Philippine Assembly (lower house); it replaced the appointive Philippine Commission (upper house) with an elected senate.
Filipinos suspended the independence campaign during the First World War and supported the United States and the Entente Powers against the German Empire. After the war they resumed their independence drive with great vigor. On March 17, 1919, the Philippine Legislature passed a “Declaration of Purposes”, which stated the inflexible desire of the Filipino people to be free and sovereign. A Commission of Independence was created to study ways and means of attaining liberation ideal. This commission recommended the sending of an independence mission to the United States. The “Declaration of Purposes” referred to the Jones Law as a veritable pact, or covenant, between the American and Filipino peoples whereby the United States promised to recognize the independence of the Philippines as soon as a stable government should be established. American Governor-General of the Philippines Francis Burton Harrison had concurred in the report of the Philippine Legislature as to a stable government.
On April 4, 1919, a pioneering American flyer by the name of Ruth Law made some exhibition flights over Manila. To honor the unusual occasion, special cards were postally cancelled by the Bureau of Posts, thus inaugurating the first aerial mail service in the Islands.
Spanish aviators Edwardo Gallarza and Joaquín Loriga arrived in Manila on May 13, 1926, following a 39-day flight from Madrid. Postal authorities commemorated the event by the overprinting of all values of the 1917-1927 regular issues with the inscription AIRMAIL MADRID MANILA 1926. These were the first airmail stamps released in the Philippines,
The Philippine Legislature funded an independence mission to the United States in 1919. The mission departed Manila on February 28 and met in America with and presented their case to Secretary of War Newton D. Baker. U.S. President Woodrow Wilson, in his 1921 farewell message to Congress, certified that the Filipino people had performed the condition imposed on them as a prerequisite to independence, declaring that, this having been done, the duty of the U.S. is to grant Philippine independence. The Republican Party then controlled Congress and the recommendation of the outgoing Democratic president was not heeded.
After the first independence mission, public funding of such missions was ruled illegal. Subsequent independence missions in 1922, 1923, 1930, 1931 1932, and two missions in 1933 were funded by voluntary contributions. Numerous independence bills were submitted to the U.S. Congress, which passed the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Bill on December 30, 1932. U.S. President Herbert Hoover vetoed the bill on January 13, 1933. Congress overrode the veto on January 17, and the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Act became U.S. law. The law promised Philippine independence after 10 years, but reserved several military and naval bases for the United States, as well as imposing tariffs and quotas on Philippine exports. The law also required the Philippine Senate to ratify the law. Quezon urged the Philippine Senate to reject the bill, which it did. Quezon himself led the twelfth independence mission to Washington to secure a better independence act. The result was the Tydings–McDuffie Act of 1934 which was very similar to the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Act except in minor details. The Tydings–McDuffie Act was ratified by the Philippine Senate. The law provided for the granting of Philippine independence by 1946.
The Tydings–McDuffie Act provided for the drafting and guidelines of a constitution for a ten-year “transitional period” as the Commonwealth of the Philippines before the granting of Philippine independence. On May 5, 1934, the Philippines Legislature passed an act setting the election of convention delegates. Governor-General Frank Murphy designated July 10 as the election date, and the Convention held its inaugural session on July 30. The completed draft Constitution was approved by the Convention on February 8, 1935, approved by U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt on March 23, and ratified by popular vote on May 14. The first election under the new 1935 constitution was held on September 17, and on November 15, 1935 the Commonwealth was put into place.
On February 15, 1935, the first stamps of the Philippines depicting historical events were issued. This set of pictorial stamps consisted of fourteen different values (Scott #383-396). Five of these stamps — the 10 cents Fort Santiago, the 16 cents Magellan, the 30 cents Blood Compact, 1 peso Barasoain Church, and the 2 pesos Battle of Manila Bay, commemorated unforgettable chapters in the hectic history of the Philippines. Upon the inauguration of the Commonwealth Government on November 15, 1935, a set of five stamps were released inscribed UNITED STATES OF AMERICA / COMMONWEALTH OF THE PHILIPPINES (Scott #397-401).
Scott #396 is the highest value of the final issue released by the U.S. Insular Government of the Philippine Islands, issued on February 15, 1935. The 5 peso green and black engraved stamp, perforated 11, depicts the first President of the United States, General George Washington atop a white horse (either Prescott or Nelson) receiving a salute on the field of Trenton after a painting (oil on canvas) by John Faed, R.S.A., and originally engraved by William Holl. The print the stamp is based upon was first published by the Kendall Bank Note Company of New York, circa 1860. It depicts Washington on horseback, holding his hat in one hand and sword in the other.
George Washington is popularly considered the driving force behind the establishment of the United States of America and came to be known as the “father of the country,” both during his lifetime and to this day. Washington was widely admired for his strong leadership qualities and was unanimously elected president by the Electoral College in the first two national elections. He oversaw the creation of a strong, well-financed national government that maintained neutrality in the French Revolutionary Wars, suppressed the Whiskey Rebellion, and won acceptance among Americans of all types. Washington’s incumbency established many precedents still in use today, such as the cabinet system, the inaugural address, and the title Mr. President. His retirement from office after two terms established a tradition that lasted until 1940 when Franklin Delano Roosevelt won an unprecedented third term. The 22nd Amendment (1951) now limits the president to two elected terms.
He was born on February 22, 1732, into the provincial gentry of Colonial Virginia to a family of wealthy planters who owned tobacco plantations and slaves, which he inherited. In his youth, he became a senior officer in the colonial militia during the first stages of the French and Indian War. In 1775, the Second Continental Congress commissioned him as commander-in-chief of the Continental Army in the American Revolution. In that command, Washington forced the British out of Boston in 1776 but was defeated and nearly captured later that year when he lost New York City.
In early December 1776, American morale was very low. The Americans had been ousted from New York by the British and their Hessian auxiliaries, and the Continental Army was forced to retreat across New Jersey. Ninety percent of the Continental Army soldiers who had served at Long Island were gone. Men had deserted, feeling that the cause for independence was lost. Washington, Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army, expressed some doubts, writing to his cousin in Virginia, “I think the game is pretty near up.”
At the time a small town in New Jersey, Trenton was occupied by three regiments of Hessian soldiers (numbering about 1,400 men) commanded by Colonel Johann Rall. Washington’s force comprised 2,400 men, with infantry divisions commanded by Major Generals Nathanael Greene and John Sullivan, and artillery under the direction of Brigadier General Henry Knox.
To end the year on a positive note, Washington devised a plan to cross the Delaware River on the night of December 25–26 and surround the Hessian garrison. Because the river was icy and the weather severe, the crossing proved dangerous. Two detachments were unable to cross the river, leaving Washington with only 2,400 men under his command in the assault. The army marched nine miles (14 km) south to Trenton.
The Battle of Trenton took place on the morning of December 26, 1776. After Washington’s crossing of the Delaware River north of Trenton the previous night, the general led the main body of the Continental Army against the Hessian soldiers garrisoned at Trenton. The Hessians had lowered their guard, thinking they were safe from the American army, and had no long-distance outposts or patrols. Washington’s forces caught them off guard and, after a short but fierce resistance, most of the Hessians surrendered, with negligible losses to the Americans. Almost two thirds of the 1,500-man garrison was captured, and only a few troops escaped across Assunpink Creek.
The battle significantly boosted the Continental Army’s flagging morale, and inspired re-enlistments. With the success of the revolution in doubt a week earlier, the army had seemed on the verge of collapse. The dramatic victory inspired soldiers to serve longer and attracted new recruits to the ranks.
Having defeated the British at Trenton and Princeton, Washington retook New Jersey and restored momentum to the Patriot cause. His strategy enabled Continental forces to capture two major British armies at Saratoga in 1777 and Yorktown in 1781. Historians laud Washington for the selection and supervision of his generals; preservation and command of the army; coordination with the Congress, state governors, and their militia; and attention to supplies, logistics, and training. In battle, however, Washington was repeatedly outmaneuvered by British generals with larger armies.
After victory had been finalized in 1783, Washington resigned as commander-in-chief rather than seize power, proving his opposition to dictatorship and his commitment to American republicanism. Washington presided over the Constitutional Convention in 1787, which devised a new form of federal government for the United States. Following his election as president in 1789, he worked to unify rival factions in the fledgling nation. He supported Alexander Hamilton’s programs to satisfy all debts, federal and state, established a permanent seat of government, implemented an effective tax system, and created a national bank. In avoiding war with Great Britain, he guaranteed a decade of peace and profitable trade by securing the Jay Treaty in 1795, despite intense opposition from the Jeffersonians. He remained non-partisan, never joining the Federalist Party, although he largely supported its policies. Washington’s Farewell Address was an influential primer on civic virtue, warning against partisanship, sectionalism, and involvement in foreign wars. He retired from the presidency in 1797, returning to his home and plantation at Mount Vernon.
Upon his death on December 14, 1799, Washington was eulogized as “first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen” by Representative Henry Lee III of Virginia. He was revered in life and in death; scholarly and public polling consistently ranks him among the top three presidents in American history. He has been depicted and remembered in monuments, public works, currency, and other dedications to the present day.
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World Statesmen.org HOME >
The Philippines
Governors-general 27 Apr 1565 - 20 Aug 1572 Miguel López de Legazpi y (b. 1503? - d. 1572) Gurruchategui 20 Aug 1572 - 25 Aug 1575 Guido de Lavezaris (b. c.1499 - d. 1581) 25 Aug 1575 - Apr 1580 Francisco de Sande Picón (b. 1540 - d. 1602) Apr 1580 - 14 Feb 1583 Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa (b. 1540 - d. 1583) 14 Feb 1583 - 16 May 1584 Diego Ronquillo de Peñalosa (d. 1598)
(acting) 16 May 1584 - May 1590 Santiago de Vera (b. 15.. - d. 1606) 1 Jun 1590 - 25 Oct 1593 Gómez Pérez das Mariñas y (b. 1519 - d. 1593) Ribadeneira Oct 1593 - 3 Dec 1593 Pedro de Rojas (acting)(b. 15.. - d. 1600)
3 Dec 1593 - 14 Jul 1596 Luis Pérez das Mariñas y Páez de (b. 1567? - d. 1603)
Sotomayor
14 Jul 1596 - May 1602 Francisco de Tello de Guzmán (b. 1532 - d. 1603) May 1602 - 24 Jun 1606 Pedro Bravo de Acuña (b. 15.. - d. 1606) 24 Jun 1606 - 15 Jun 1608 Cristóbal Téllez de Almazán (b. 15.. - d. 1612)
(president of the Audiencia) 15 Jun 1608 - Apr 1609 Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia (b. 1564 - d. 1636) (interim) Apr 1609 - 19 Apr 1616 Juan de Silva (b. 1550 - d. 1616) 19 Apr 1616 - 3 Jul 1618 Andres Alcaraz (b. c.1560 - d. c.1622)
(president of the Audiencia) 3 Jul 1618 - Jul 1624 Alonso Fajardo de Entenza y (d. 1624) de Guevara, Córdoba y Velasco Jul 1624 - Jun 1625 Jerónimo de Silva (president of the Audiencia) Jun 1625 - 29 Jun 1626 Fernándo de Silva y Silva (acting)(d. c.1642)
29 Jun 1626 - 22 Jul 1632 Juan Niño de Tavora (d. 1632) 22 Jul 1632 - 1633 Lorenzo de Olaso y Achótegui (d. 1648)
(president of the Audiencia) 29 Aug 1633 - 25 Jun 1635 Juan Cerezo de Salamanca 25 Jun 1635 - 11 Aug 1644 Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera (b. 1587 - d. 1660) y Gaviría 11 Aug 1644 - 25 Jul 1653 Diego Fajardo Chacón (d. 1658)
25 Jul 1653 - 8 Sep 1663 Sabiniano Manrique de Lara (b. c.1603 d. 1683)
8 Sep 1663 - 28 Sep 1668 Diego de Salcedo (d. 1669)
28 Sep 1668 - 24 Sep 1669 Juan Manuel de la Peña Bonifaz (b. c.1625 - d. 1673)
(acting)
24 Sep 1669 - 21 Sep 1677 Manuel de León y Saravia (b. c.1615 - d. 1677) 11 Apr 1677 - 21 Sep 1677 Francisco Coloma y Maceda, marqués (b. 1617 - d. 1677)
de Canales de Chozas
(president of the Audiencia) 21 Sep 1677 - 28 Sep 1678 Francisco Sotomayor y Mansilla (president of the Audiencia) 29 Sep 1678 - 24 Aug 1684 Juan de Vargas Hurtado (d. 1690) 24 Aug 1684 - 27 Apr 1689 Gabriel de Curuzealegui y Arriola (d. 1689)
27 Apr 1689 - 25 Jul 1690 Alonso de Ávila Fuertes (b. 1657 - d. c.1714)
(president of the Audiencia) 25 Jul 1690 - 8 Dec 1701 Fausto Cruzat y Góngora (b. 1651? - d. 1702) 8 Dec 1701 - 25 Aug 1709 Domingo Zabálburu de Echevarri (b. 16.. - d. 1709) 25 Aug 1709 - 4 Feb 1715 Martín de Ursúa y Arizmendi, conde de Lizárraga (b. 1653 - d. 1715) 4 Feb 1715 - 9 Aug 1717 José de Torralba Ríos (b. 1653 - d. 1726) (president of the Audiencia) 9 Aug 1717 - 11 Oct 1719 Fernando Manuel de Bustillo (b. 1663 - d. 1719)
Bustamante y Rueda 11 Oct 1719 - 6 Aug 1721 Fray Francisco de la Cuesta, (b. 1658 - d. 1724)arzobispo de Manila (acting) 6 Aug 1721 - 14 Aug 1729 Toribio José Miguel de Cossío y (b. 1665 - d. 1743)
Campa, marqués de Torre Campo 14 Aug 1729 - Jul 1739 Fernando de Valdés y Tamón(b. 1681 - d. 1759)
Jul 1739 - 21 Sep 1745 Gaspar Antonio de la Torre Ayala (b. 1680 - d. 1745) 21 Sep 1745 - 20 Jul 1750 Fray Juan de Arechederra, (b. 1681 - d. 1751) arzobispo de Manila (acting) 20 Jul 1750 - 26 Jul 1754 Francisco José de Obando y Solís (b. 1698 - d. 1755) Rol de La Cerda, marqués de Obando 26 Jul 1754 - 31 May 1759 Pedro Manuel de Arandía (b. 1699 - d. 1759) Santisteban Jun 1759 - Jul 1761 Miguel Lino de Ezpeleta, (b. 1701 - d. 1771) bispo de Zebu (acting) Jul 1761 - 30 Jan 1764 Manuel Antonio Rojo del Río y (b. 1708 - d. 1764) Vieyra, arzobispo de Manila (British prisoner from 6 Oct 1762
and held to reign as governor)
4 Oct 1762 - 17 Mar 1764 Simón de Anda y Salazar (1st time) (b. 1709 - d. 1776) (in Bacolor, in opposition to British)2 Nov 1762 - 29 Mar 1764 Dawsonne Drake (b. 1724 - d. 1784)(British governor of Manila)
17 Mar 1764 - 6 Jul 1765 Francisco Javier de la Torre (acting, in opposition to British
to 7 Apr 1764, in Bacolor to 31 May 1764)29 Mar 1764 - 7 Apr 1764 Alexander Dalrymple (acting) (b. 1737 - d. 1808)
(British provisional deputy governor of Manila)
6 Jul 1765 - Jul 1770 José Antonio Raón y Gutiérrez(b. c.1700 - d. 1773)
Jul 1770 - 30 Oct 1776 Simón de Anda y Salazar (2nd time) (s.a.) 30 Oct 1776 - Jul 1778 Pedro Sarrio (1st time) (acting) (d. c.1792)
Jul 1778 - 22 Sep 1787 José Basco y Vargas (b. 1735 - d. 1805) 22 Sep 1787 - 1 Jul 1788 Pedro Sarrio (2nd time) (acting) (s.a.)
1 Jul 1788 - 1 Sep 1793 Félix Ignacio Juan Nicolás Antonio (b. 1738 - d. 1826)
José Joaquín Buenaventura
Berenguer de Marquina y FitzGerald 1 Sep 1793 - 7 Aug 1806 Rafael María de Aguilar y (b. c.1737 - d. 1806)
Ponce de León 7 Aug 1806 - 4 Mar 1810 Mariano Fernández de Folgueras y (b. 1766 - d. 1823) y Fernández Flores (1st time)
(acting) 4 Mar 1810 - 4 Sep 1813 Manuel González Aguilar Torres de
Navarra y Montoya 4 Sep 1813 - 10 Dec 1816 José de Gardoqui Jaraveita(b. 1755 - d. 1816)
10 Dec 1816 - 30 Oct 1822 Mariano Fernández de Folgueras y (s.a.) y Fernández Flores (2nd time) 30 Oct 1822 - 14 Oct 1825 Juan Antonio Martínez Alcobendas (b. 1769 - d. 1825) 14 Oct 1825 - 23 Dec 1830 Mariano Ricafort Palacín y Abarca (b. 1776 - d. 1846) 23 Dec 1830 - 1 Mar 1835 Pascual Enrile y Alcedo (b. 1772 - d. 1836) 1 Mar 1835 - 23 Apr 1835 Gabriel de Torres y Velasco (b. 1782 - d. 1835) 23 Apr 1835 - 9 Sep 1835 Joaquín de Crámer (acting) 9 Sep 1835 - 27 Aug 1837 Pedro Antonio de Salazar Castillo(b. 1782 - d. 1861)
y Varona (acting) 27 Aug 1837 - 29 Dec 1838 Andrés García Camba (acting) (b. 1793 - d. 1861) 29 Dec 1838 - 14 Feb 1841 Luis Lardizábal y Montojo(b. 1783 - d. 1841)
14 Feb 1841 - 17 Jun 1843 Marcelino de Oraá y Lecumberri (b. 1788 - d. 1851) 17 Jun 1843 - 16 Jul 1844 Francisco de Paula Alcalá de (b. 1792 - d. 1854)
la Torre 16 Jul 1844 - 26 Dec 1849 Narciso Clavería y Zaldúa (b. 1795 - d. 1851) 26 Dec 1849 - 29 Jul 1850 Antonio María Blanco (acting) 29 Jul 1850 - 20 Dec 1853 Antonio de Urbiztondo y Eguía (b. 1803 - d. 1857) 20 Dec 1853 - 2 Feb 1854 Ramón Montero y Blandino(b. 1815 - d. 1860)
(1st time) (acting) 2 Feb 1854 - 28 Oct 1854 Manuel Pavía y Lacy, marqués (b. 1814 - d. 1896)
de Novaliches 28 Oct 1854 - 20 Nov 1854 Ramón Montero y Blandino(s.a.)
(2nd time) (acting) 20 Nov 1854 - 5 Dec 1856 Manuel Crespo y Cebrián(b. 1793 - d. 1868)
5 Dec 1856 - 9 Mar 1857 Ramón Montero y Blandino(s.a.)
(3rd time) (acting) 9 Mar 1857 - 12 Jan 1860 Fernando de Norzagaray y Escudero (b. 1808 - d. 1860) 12 Jan 1860 - 29 Aug 1860 Ramón María Solano y Llanderal (b. 1815 - d. 1860) (acting) 29 Aug 1860 - 2 Feb 1861 Juan Herrera Dávila (acting) 2 Feb 1861 - 7 Jul 1862 José Lemery e Ibarrola Ney y (b. 1811 - d. 1886) Gonzáles 7 Jul 1862 - 9 Jul 1862 Salvador Valdés Barruso (acting) (b. 1810 - d. 1868)
9 Jul 1862 - 24 Mar 1865 Rafael Echagüe y Bermingham (b. 1815 - d. 1887) 24 Mar 1865 - 25 Apr 1865 Joaquín del Solar e Ibáñez(b. 1815 - d. 1881)
(1st time) (acting) 25 Apr 1865 - 13 Jul 1866 Juan de Lara e Irigoyen (b. 1808 - d. 1869) 13 Jul 1866 - 21 Sep 1866 José Laureano Sanz y Posse (b. 1822 - d. 1898) (acting) 21 Sep 1866 - 27 Sep 1866 Juan Antonio Osorio (acting) 27 Sep 1866 - 26 Oct 1866 Joaquín del Solar e Ibáñez(s.a.)
(2nd time) (acting) 26 Oct 1866 - 7 Jun 1869 José de la Gándara y Navarro (b. 1820 - d. 1885) 7 Jun 1869 - 23 Jun 1869 Manuel Álvarez-Maldonado y Loriga (b. 1808 - d. 1888)
(acting)
23 Jun 1869 - 4 Apr 1871 Carlos María de la Torre y Nava (b. 1809 - d. 1879) Cerrada 4 Apr 1871 - 8 Jan 1873 Rafael de Izquierdo y Gutiérrez (b. 1820 - d. 1882) 8 Jan 1873 - 24 Jan 1873 Manuel Mac-Crohon y Blake (acting) (b. 1816 - d. 1877)
24 Jan 1873 - 17 Mar 1874 Juan Alaminos y de Vivar (b. 1813 - d. 1899) 17 Mar 1874 - 18 Jun 1874 Manuel Blanco Valderrama (acting)(b. 1815 - d. 1899)
18 Jun 1874 - 28 Feb 1877 José Malcampo y Monje, marqués (b. 1828 - d. 1880) de San Rafael,conde de Jolo,
vizconde de Mindanao 28 Feb 1877 - 20 Mar 1880 Domingo Moriones y Murillo (b. 1823 - d. 1881) Zabaleta y Sanz, marqués de Oroquieta 20 Mar 1880 - 15 Apr 1880 Rafael Rodríguez Arias (acting) (b. 1820 - d. 1892) 15 Apr 1880 - 10 Mar 1883 Fernando Primo de Rivera y Sobremonte (1st time) (b. 1831 - d. 1921) 10 Mar 1883 - 7 Apr 1883 Emilio Molins y Lemaur (1st time) (b. 1824 - d. 1889)
(acting) 7 Apr 1883 - 1 Apr 1885 Joaquín Jovellar y Soler (b. 1819 - d. 1892) 1 Apr 1885 - 4 Apr 1885 Emilio Molins y Lemaur (2nd time) (s.a.)
(acting) 4 Apr 1885 - 25 Apr 1888 Emilio Terrero y Perinat (b. 1827 - d. 1892) 25 Apr 1888 - 4 Jun 1888 Antonio Moltó y Díaz Berrio (b. 1830 - d. 1902)
(acting) 4 Jun 1888 - 5 Jun 1888 Federico Lobatón y Prieto (acting) 5 Jun 1888 - 17 Nov 1891 Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau, (b. 1838 - d. 1930) marqués de Tenerife 17 Nov 1891 - 1 Mar 1893 Eulogio Despujol y Dusay, (b. 1834 - d. 1907) conde de Caspe 1 Mar 1893 - 4 May 1893 Federico Ochando y Chumillas (b. 1848 - d. 1929)
(acting)
4 May 1893 - 13 Dec 1896 Ramón Blanco y Erenas, (b. 1831 - d. 1906) marqués de Peña Plata Dec 1896 Canuto Villanueva -Supremo (d. 1897) (at Pandi, Bulacan in rebllion) 13 Dec 1896 - 15 Apr 1897 Camilo García de Polavieja y del (b. 1838 - d. 1914) Castillo 15 Apr 1897 - 23 Apr 1897 José de Lachambre y Domínguez (b. 1846 - d. 1903) (acting) 23 Apr 1897 - 11 Apr 1898 Fernando Primo de Rivera y (s.a.) Sobremonte (2nd time) 11 Apr 1898 - 24 Jul 1898 Basilio Agustín y Dávila (b. 1840 - d. 1910) 24 Jul 1898 - 13 Aug 1898 Fermín Jáudenes y Álvarez (acting) (b. 1836 - d. 1915)
13 Aug 1898 - 18 Sep 1898 Francisco Rizzo y Ramírez (acting) (b. 1831 - d. 1910) (at Malolos, in opposition to U.S.) Sep 1898 - 3 Jun 1899 Diego de los Ríos (acting) (b. 1850 - d. 1911) (at Iloilo, in opposition to U.S.)3 Jun 1899 - 10 Dec 1899 Nicolás Jaramillo y Mesa (b. 1839 - d. 1906) (Spanish president of Commission for
Selection and Transportation of War Material)President of the Presidential Administration
23 Mar 1897 - 1 Nov 1897 Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy (b. 1869 - d. 1964)
President of the Supreme Government Council1 Nov 1897 - 16 Dec 1897 Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy (s.a.) Dictatorof the Philippine Islands
24 May 1898 - 23 Jun 1898 Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy (s.a.) President of Revolutionary Government of the Philippines
23 Jun 1898 - 23 Jan 1899 Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy (s.a.)
Presidents of the Republic
12 Jan 1899 - 1 Apr 1901 Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy (s.a.)
1 Apr 1901 - 13 Apr 1902 Miguel Malvar y Carpio (b. 1865 - d. 1911) U.S. Military Governors and Commanders of the Department of the Pacific
(from 7 Apr 1900, Division of the Philippines)
13 Aug 1898 - 29 Aug 1898 Wesley Merritt (b. 1834 - d. 1910) 29 Aug 1898 - 5 May 1900 Elwell Stephen Otis (b. 1838 - d. 1909) 5 May 1900 - 4 Jul 1901 Arthur MacArthur, Jr. (b. 1845 - d. 1912)4 Jul 1901 - 4 Jul 1902 Adna Romanza Chaffee (b. 1842 - d. 1914)
Civil Governors(and Presidents of United States Philippine Commission)
4 Jul 1901 - 1 Feb 1904 William Howard Taft (b. 1857 - d. 1930) 1 Feb 1904 - 7 Feb 1905 Luke Edward Wright (b. 1846 - d. 1922) Governors-general(and Presidents of United States Philippine Commission to 3 Oct 1916)
7 Feb 1905 - 30 Mar 1906 Luke Edward Wright (s.a.) 30 Mar 1906 - 19 Sep 1906 Henry Clay Ide (b. 1844 - d. 1921) (acting to 2 Apr 1906) 20 Sep 1906 - 11 Nov 1909 James Francis Smith (b. 1859 - d. 1928) 11 Nov 1909 - 1 Sep 1913 William Cameron Forbes (b. 1870 - d. 1959) 1 Sep 1913 - 6 Oct 1913 Newton Whiting Gilbert (acting) (b. 1862 - d. 1939) 6 Oct 1913 - 5 Mar 1921 Francis Burton Harrison (b. 1873 - d. 1957) 5 Mar 1921 - 14 Oct 1921 Charles Emmett Yeater (acting) (b. 1861 - d. 1943) 14 Oct 1921 - 7 Aug 1927 Leonard Wood (b. 1860 - d. 1927) 7 Aug 1927 - 27 Dec 1927 Eugene Allen Gilmore (1st time) (b. 1871 - d. 1953) (acting) 27 Dec 1927 - 23 Feb 1929 Henry Lewis Stimson (b. 1867 - d. 1950) 23 Feb 1929 - 8 Jul 1929 Eugene Allen Gilmore (2nd time) (s.a.) (acting) 8 Jul 1929 - 9 Jan 1932 Dwight Finley Davis (b. 1879 - d. 1945)21 Nov 1931 - 29 Feb 1932 George Charles Butte (b. 1877 - d. 1940)
(acting [for Davis to 9 Jan 1932)]
29 Feb 1932 - 24 Mar 1933 Theodore Roosevelt III (b. 1887 - d. 1944)(= Theodore Roosevelt, Jr.)
16 Mar 1933 - 15 Jun 1933 John Hodgman Holliday (b. 1879 - d. 1947)
(acting [for Roosevelt to 24 Mar 1933])
15 Jun 1933 - 14 Nov 1935 William Francis "Frank" Murphy (b. 1890 - d. 1949)
Presidents
15 Nov 1935 - 17 Mar 1942 Manuel Luis Quezon Antonio y (b. 1878 - d. 1944) PN Molina (in Australia exile 27 Mar - 21 Apr 1942,
in San Francisco, U.S. 9 - 13 May 1942, in
Washington, D.C. exile 13 May 1942 - 1 Aug 1944) 17 Mar 1942 - 1 May 1942 José Abad Santos y Basco (acting) (b. 1886 - d. 1942) Non-party
(Japanese prisoner from 10 Apr 1942) Japanese Governor-general and Military Administrator, Japanese Military
Commander of the Philippines (commander of the IJA 14th Army)
2 Jan 1942 - 8 Jun 1942 Masaharu Homma (b. 1887 - d. 1946) Mil Japanese Military Governors(commanders of IJA 14th Army; from 28 Jun 1944, 14th Area Army)
8 Jun 1942 - 28 May 1943 Shizuichi Tanaka (b. 1887 - d. 1945) Mil 28 May 1943 - 26 Sep 1944 Shigenori Kuroda (b. 1887 - d. 1952) Mil 26 Sep 1944 - 2 Sep 1945 Tomoyuki Yamashita (b. 1888 - d. 1946)Mil
Chairman of the Executive Commission of the Philippine Council of State
23 Jan 1942 - 14 Oct 1943 Jorge Bartolomé Vargas y Celis (b. 1890 - d. 1980) KPBP Presidents 14 Oct 1943 - 17 Aug 1945 José Paciano Laurel y García (b. 1891 - d. 1959) KPBP 1 Aug 1944 - 28 Jun 1946 Sergio Osmeña y Suico (b. 1878 - d. 1961) PN (in Washington, D.C. exile to 20 Oct 1944, in Manila 27 Feb 1945) 28 Jun 1946 - 15 Apr 1948 Manuel Roxas y Acuña (b. 1892 - d. 1948) PL 16 Apr 1948 - 30 Dec 1953 Elpidio Quirino y Rivera (b. 1890 - d. 1956) PL 30 Dec 1953 - 17 Mar 1957 Ramon Magsaysay y del Fierro (b. 1907 - d. 1957) PN 17 Mar 1957 - 30 Dec 1961 Carlos Polestico Garcia (b. 1896 - d. 1971) PN 30 Dec 1961 - 30 Dec 1965 Diosdado Pangan Macapagal (b. 1910 - d. 1997) PL 30 Dec 1965 - 25 Feb 1986 Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos (b. 1917 - d. 1989) PN;1978 KBL 25 Feb 1986 - 30 Jun 1992 Maria Corazon "Corry" Sumulong (b. 1933 - d. 2009) PDP-LB+UNIDO
Cojuangco-Aquino (f)
30 Jun 1992 - 30 Jun 1998 Fidel Valdez Ramos (b. 1928 - d. 2022) Lakas-CMD 30 Jun 1998 - 20 Jan 2001 Joseph Ejercito Estrada (b. 1937) PMP
(= Jose Marcelo Ejercito)
20 Jan 2001 - 30 Jun 2010 Maria Gloria Macaraeg Macapagal- (b. 1947) KAMPI;2009 Arroyo (f) Lakas-CMD30 Jun 2010 - 30 Jun 2016 Benigno Simeon Cojuangco Aquino III(b. 1960 - d. 2021) PL
30 Jun 2016 - 30 Jun 2022 Rodrigo Roa Duterte (b. 1945) PDP-LB
30 Jun 2022 - Ferdinand "Bongbong" Romualdez (b. 1957) PFP
Marcos, Jr.
Prime ministers (of the revolutionary government) 21 Jan 1899 - 7 May 1899 Apolinario Mabini (b. 1864 - d. 1903) 7 May 1899 - 13 Nov 1899 Pedro Alejandro Paterno (b. 1858 - d. 1911) Prime ministers 12 Jun 1978 - 8 Apr 1981 Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos (s.a.) KBL 8 Apr 1981 - 25 Feb 1986 Cesar Enrique Aguinaldo Virata (b. 1930) KBL 25 Feb 1986 - 25 Mar 1986 Salvador Hidalgo Laurel (b. 1928 - d. 2004) UNIDO
U.S. High Commissioners of the Philippines 15 Nov 1935 - 31 Dec 1936 William Francis "Frank" Murphy (s.a.) 13 May 1936 - 26 Apr 1937 James Weldon Jones (1st time) (b. 1896 - d. 1982) (acting [for Murphy to 1 Jan 1937]) 26 Apr 1937 - 12 Jul 1939 Paul Vories McNutt (1st time) (b. 1891 - d. 1955) 11 May 1939 - 28 Oct 1939 James Weldon Jones (2nd time) (s.a.) (acting [for McNutt to 12 Jul 1939]) 28 Oct 1939 - 12 Oct 1942 Francis Bowes Sayre, Sr. (b. 1885 - d. 1972) (in Washington, D.C. exile from 23 Feb 1942) 13 Oct 1942 - 14 Sep 1945 Harold LeClair Ickes (b. 1874 - d. 1952) (U.S. Interior Secretary, in charge of the High commissioner's functions; in Washington, D.C.)
14 Sep 1945 - 4 Jul 1946 Paul Vories McNutt (2nd time) (s.a.) Director Generals of the Japanese Military Administrationin the Philippines
3 Jan 1942 - 20 Jul 1942 Yoshihide Hayashi (b. 1891 - d. 1978) Mil 20 Jul 1942 - 22 Mar 1944 Takaji (Takazi) Wachi (b. 1893 - d. 1978) Mil
22 Mar 1944 - 19 Jun 1944 Haruki Isayama (b. 1894 - d. 1990) Mil
19 Jun 1944 - 28 Jul 1944 Tsuchio Yamaguchi (b. 1896 - d. 1978) Mil
28 Jul 1944 - 20 Oct 1944 Ryōzō Sakuma (b. 1894 - d. 1969) Mil
20 Oct 1944 - 2 Sep 1945 Akira Mutō (b. 1892 - d. 1948) Mil
Territorial Disputes: Philippines claims sovereignty over Scarborough Reef, known locally as Panatag Shoal (also claimed by China together with Taiwan), and over certain of the Spratly Islands, known locally as the Kalayaan (Freedom) Islands, also claimed by China, Malaysia, Taiwan, and Vietnam; in 2009, Philippine Baselines Law of 2009 classified the Kalayaan Island Group and the Scarborough Shoal as "a regime of islands under the Republic of the Philippines"; the 2002 "Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea," has eased tensions in the Spratly Islands but falls short of a legally binding "code of conduct" desired by several of the disputants; in Mar 2005, the national oil companies of China, the Philippines, and Vietnam signed a joint accord to conduct marine seismic activities in the Spratly Islands; Philippines retains a dormant claim to Malaysia's Sabah State in northern Borneo based on the Sultanate of Sulu's granting the Philippines Government power of attorney to pursue a sovereignty claim on his behalf; maritime delimitation negotiations continue with Palau.
Party abbreviations (parties banned 8 Dec 1942-17 Aug 1945): Lakas-CMD = Lakas-Demokratikong Kristiyano at Muslim (People's Power - Christian Muslim Democrats, centrist, christian/islamic democracy, 2008-2012 named Lakas-Kampi-CMD, est.1991); LDP = Laban ñg Demokratikong Pilipino (Struggle of Democratic Filipinos, center-right, est.1988); PDP-LB = Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Lakas ng Bayan (Philippine Democratic Party-People's Power, centrist, social conservative, est.1982): PFP = Partido Federal ng Pilipinas (Federal Party of the Philippines, federalist, est.5 Oct 2018); PMP = Partido ng Masang Pilipino (Party of the Filipino Masses, populist, est.1991);PL = Partido Liberal ng Pilipinas (Liberal Party of the Philippines, centrist, split from PN, est.1946); PN = Partido Nacionalista (Nationalist Party, Filipino nationalist, conservative, est.1907);Mil = Military;- Former parties:KAMPI = Kabalikat ng Malayang Pilipino (Partner of the Free Filipino, populist, center-right, 1997-2009, merged into Lakas-CMD); KBL = Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (New Society Movement, Marcos personalist, Filipino nationalist, conservative, est.1978); KPBP = Kapisanan ng Paglilingkod sa Bagong Pilipinas "KALIBAPI" (Association for Service to the New Philippines, nationalist, fascist, only legal party 4 Dec 1942-1945);UNIDO = United Nationalist Democratic Organization (democratic coalition of anti-F. Marcos parties, incl. PN, PL, Muslim Federal Party, Young Philippines Party, etc., 1980-1987)
Republic of Negros
5 Nov 1898 Spanish administration overthrown in Negros Occidental. 24 Nov 1898 Spanish administration overthrown in Negros Oriental. 27 Nov 1898 Cantonal Republic of Negros (Cantón Republicano de Negros)
established. 30 Apr 1899 Under U.S. protection. 22 Jul 1899 Republic of Negros (República de Negros/Republika sa Negros). 30 Apr 1901 Extinguished by U.S.
Presidents 5 Nov 1898 - 22 Jul 1899 Aniceto Lacson y Ledesma (b. 1857 - d. 1931) Katipunan (to 27 Nov 1898 in Negros Occidental only) 24 Nov 1898 - 27 Nov 1898 Demetrio Larena(b. 1859 - d. 1916)
(in Negros Oriental only) President of the Constituent Assembly 22 Jul 1899 - 6 Nov 1899 José Ruiz de Luzuriaga (b. 1843 - d. 1921) Civil Governor (from 20 Apr 1901, Governor General of the Provinces) 6 Nov 1899 - 30 Apr 1901 Melecio Severino (b. 1866 - d. 1915)
'Republic' of Zamboanga
18 May 1899 - 16 Nov 1899 (de facto)
18 May 1899 Fort Pilar, in Southern Philippines, surrenderes to the Revolutionary Government of Zamboanga.16 Nov 1899 U.S. occupation of Fort Pilar.Mar 1903 Extinguished by U.S.
Presidentsof the Municipality of Zamboanga
18 May 1899 - 16 Nov 1899 Vicente Álvarez y Solís (b. 1862 - d. 1942) 16 Nov 1899 - Mar 1901 Isidoro Midel (b. 1869 - d. 19..) Mar 1901 - Mar 1903 Mariano Arquiza
Katagalugan Republic
May 1902 Katagalugan Republic (Republika ng Katagalugan or Republika
ng Kapuluang Katagalugan), also called "Tagalog Republic",
proclaimed in southern Luzon areas of Rizal, Laguna,
Cavite, and Tayabas. 4 Jul 1906 Extinguished by U.S.
President6 May 1902 - 4 Jul 1906 Macario Sakay y de León (b. 1878 - d. 1907) Katipunan
Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao
4 Oct - 6 Oct 1990 (in rebellion)
ARMM Region Flag
16 Jul 1992 - 28 Aug 2019
BARMM Region Flag
Adopted 28 Aug 2019
Map of Muslim Mindanao
Autonomous Region Capital: Cotabato City (provisional)
(Parang 1995-2001)
Regional Holiday:
6 Nov (1990)
Foundation Day
Population: 4,729,367
(2020)
30 Oct 1899 U.S. administration begins (Military District of Mindanao and Jolo;
from 20 Mar 1900, Department of Mindanao and Jolo).1 Oct 1902 Military Department of Mindanao
25 Jul 1903 Moro Province created as a first step towards direct rule. 23 Jul 1914 Moro provinces abolished and replaced by the provinces of Agusan, Bukidnon, Cotabato, Davao, Jolo, Surigao and Zamboanga forming the Department of Mindanao and Sulu. 5 May 1920 Department of Mindanao and Sulu abolished, responsibility for the Moro lands was transferred to the Philippine Department of the Interior. Feb 1935 Moro lands part of Commonwealth of the Philippines, 1942 - 1945 Japanese occupation.
20 Dec 1950 Administration transferred directly to the Office of the President,
and then abolished in 1957. 1 Aug 1989 Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao established by Republic Act #6734. 4 Oct 1990 - 6 Oct 1990 Federal Republic of Mindanao (in rebellion). 6 Nov 1990 Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) inaugurated, covering Lanao del Sur (without Marawi city), Maguindanao
(without Cotabato city), Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi provinces. 19 Sep 2001 Basilan province (without Isabela city) and Marawi city
added to ARMM. 12 Aug 2013 - 28 Sep 2013 MNLF declares independence of Bangsamoro Republic in rebellion
in Zamboanga with Nur Misuari as president. On 28 Sep 2013 the
Philippine government retakes Zamboanga city.
27 Mar 2014 Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro signed by the Philippines
and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).
26 Jul 2018 Bangsamoro Organic Law signed into law by President Duterte to
abolish the ARMM and provide for the basic structure of
government for the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region, subject to
local plebiscites held on 21 Jan and 6 Feb 2019.
25 Jan 2019 Cotabato city added to what becomes the Bangsamoro Autonomous
Region in Muslim Mindanao (effective 15 Dec 2020).
22 Feb 2019 First members of the Bangsamororo Transition Authority took oath.
26 Feb 2019 Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM)
(Filipino: Rehiyong Awtonomo ng Bangsamoro sa Muslim Mindanao).
29 Mar 2019 Inauguration of the new Bangsamoro regional government.
27 May 2021 Maguindanao divided into Maguindanao del Norte and Maguindanao
del Sur provinces (effective 17 Sep 2022).
Commander of the Military District of Mindanao and Jolo(subordinated to the commanders of the Division of the Philippines)30 Oct 1899 - 20 Mar 1900 John Coalter Bates (b. 1842 - d. 1919) Commanders of the Military Department of Mindanao and Jolo(subordinated to the commanders of the Division of the Philippines)20 Mar 1900 - 31 Aug 1901 William August Kobbé (b. 1841 - d. 1932)31 Aug 1901 - 10 Jul 1902 George Whitefield Davis (b. 1839 - d. 1918)10 Jul 1902 - 30 Sep 1902 Samuel Storrow Sumner (b. 1842 - d. 1937)
Commanders of the Military Department of Mindanao(subordinated to the commanders of the Philippines Division)1 Oct 1902 - 30 Jun 1903 Samuel Storrow Sumner (s.a.)1 Jul 1903 - 6 Aug 1903 William Miller Wallace (acting) (b. 1844 - d. 1924)
6 Aug 1903 - 14 Oct 1904 Leonard Wood (1st time) (b. 1860 - d. 1927) 14 Oct 1904 - 15 Nov 1904 Philip Reade (acting) (b. 1844 - d. 1919) 15 Nov 1904 - 31 May 1905 Leonard Wood (2nd time) (s.a.)31 May 1095 - 6 Jun 1905 Thomas Coverly Lebo (acting) (b. 1842 - d. 1910) 6 Jun 1905 - 1 Jul 1905 Henry Wygant (acting) (b. 1850 - d. 1918) 1 Jul 1905 - 25 Sep 1905 James A. Buchanan (1st time) (b. 1843 - d. 1926) 25 Sep 1905 - 29 Sep 1905 Joseph F. Huston (acting) (b. 1852 - d. 1917) 29 Sep 1905 - 21 Dec 1905 James A. Buchanan (2nd time) (s.a.) 21 Dec 1905 - 12 Apr 1906 Leonard Wood (3rd time) (s.a.) 12 Apr 1906 - 5 Apr 1909 Tasker Howard Bliss (b. 1853 - d. 1930)5 Apr 1909 - 6 Sep 1909 Ralph Wilson Hoyt (b. 1849 - d. 1920) 7 Sep 1909 - 4 Oct 1909 Thomas Childs Woodbury (interim) (b. 1850 - d. 1911) 5 Oct 1909 - 10 Nov 1909 Charles A. Williams (interim) (b. 1852 - d. 1926) 11 Nov 1909 - 15 Dec 1913 John Joseph Pershing (b. 1860 - d. 1948)
Governors of the Moro Province(subordinated to the governors/governors-general of the Philippines)25 Jul 1903 - 12 Apr 1906 Leonard Wood (s.a.)26 Apr 1906 - 5 Apr 1909 Tasker Howard Bliss (s.a.)5 Apr 1909 - 6 Sep 1909 Ralph Wilson Hoyt (acting) (s.a.)
6 Sep 1909 - 11 Nov 1909 Charles Baldwin Hagadorn (acting) (b. 1866 - d. 1918)
11 Nov 1909 - 15 Dec 1913 John Joseph Pershing (s.a.)
15 Dec 1913 - 23 Jul 1914 Frank Watson Carpenter (b. 1870 - d. 1938)
Governor of the Department of Mindanao and Sulu
(subordinated to the governors-general of the Philippines)
23 Jul 1914 - 5 May 1920 Frank Watson Carpenter (s.a.)
Directors of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes
(subordinated to the Philippines Department of the Interior)
1920 - 15 Nov 1920 Teofisto Guingona, Sr. (1st time) (b. 1883 - d. 1963)
15 Nov 1920 - 1921 Teodoro M. Kalaw (acting) (b. 1884 - d. 1940)
1921 - 1925 Jose Gorgonio Sanvictores (b. 1887 - d. 1979)
1925 - 1 Sep 1931 Ludovico Hidrosollo (b. 1885 - d. 1962)
19 Sep 1931 - 24 Oct 1936 Teofisto Guingona, Sr. (2nd time) (s.a.)
Commissioners for Mindanao and Sulu
(with the rank of Undersecretary in the Department of the Interior and Labor)
24 Oct 1936 - 31 Dec 1936 Teofisto Guingona, Sr. (acting) (s.a.)
1 Jan 1937 - 18 Apr 1939 Marcial Kasilag y Mendoza (b. 1881 - d. 19..) PDN
18 Apr 1939 - 4 Feb 1944 Teofisto Guingona, Sr. (1st time) (s.a.) PDN
4 Feb 1944 - 29 Aug 1945 Paulino Torres Santos (b. 1890 - d. 1945) Mil
1945 - 1950 Teofisto Guingona, Sr. (2nd time) (s.a.) PDN
President of the Federal Republic of Mindanao
4 Oct 1990 - 6 Oct 1990 Alexander Noble (in rebellion) Mil
Governors of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao
6 Nov 1990 - Apr 1993 Zacaria A. Candao (b. 1952?) Lakas-CMD
Apr 1993 - 30 Sep 1996 Lininding P. Pangandaman (b. 1933? - d. 2013) Lakas-CMD
30 Sep 1996 - 27 Dec 2001 Nur Misuari (b. 1939) Lakas-CMD
(suspended from 22 Nov 2001)
22 Nov 2001 - 27 Dec 2001 Alvarez S. Isnaji (b. 1946) Lakas-CMD
(acting for suspended Misuari)
27 Dec 2001 - 30 Sep 2005 Parouk Hussin (b. 1944) Lakas-CMD
30 Sep 2005 - 10 Dec 2009 Zaldy Uy Ampatuan (b. 1967) Lakas-CMD
(arrested 5 Dec 2009)
10 Dec 2009 - 22 Dec 2011 Ansaruddin Malik Alonto Adiong Lakas-CMD
(acting [for Ampatuan to 10 Dec 2009])
22 Dec 2011 - 22 Feb 2019 Mujiv Sabbihi Hataman (b. 1972) PL
(officer-in-charge to 30 Jun 2013)
Walis (Governors) of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao
29 Mar 2019 - 5 Feb 2023 Sheikh Khalifa Usman Nando (b. 1941? - d. 2023) MILF
5 Feb 2023 - 1 Mar 2023 Vacant
1 Mar 2023 - Omarkhalid A. Ampatuan (acting)
(officer-in-charge)
Chief minister of the Bangsamoro Transition Authority
22 Feb 2019 - Al-Hajj Murad Balawag Ebrahim (b. 1949) UBJP
Party abbreviations: AMIN = Anak Mindanao (Mindanao based party-list);Lakas-CMD = Lakas-Demokratikong Kristiyano at Muslim (People's Power - Christian Muslim Democrats, centrist, christian/islamic democracy, 2008-2012 named Lakas-Kampi-CMD, est.1991); MILF = Moro Islamic Liberation Front (Jabhat Tahrir Moro al-Islamiyyah, Moro self-determinism, split from MNLF, est.1977);MNLF = Moro National Liberation Front (Moro regionalist, Muslim separatist, est.1972); PL = Partido Liberal ng Pilipinas (Liberal Party of the Philippines, centrist, split from PN, est.1946); UBJP = United Bangsamoro Justice Party (Islamic democratic, Moro self-determinism, political wing of MILF, est.May 2015);
- Former parties: PDN = Partido Democrata Nacional (Democrat Nationalist Party, est.2 Apr 1914)
Cordillera Administrative Region
Flag of Cordillera Administrative Region
Map of Cordillera
Administrative Region Capital: Baguio City Regional Holiday:
24 Apr (1985)
Cordillera Day
Population: 1,797,660
(2020)
18 Aug 1908 Mountain Province established by the Philippine Commission with
the enactment of Act No. 1876 (Ifugao, which was part of Nueva
Vizcaya province, and the former Spanish comandancias of
Amburayan, Apayao, Benguet, Bontoc, Kalinga and Lepanto, were
annexed to the newly created province as sub-provinces;
[Amburayan is abolished in 1920 and its territories are
transferred to the provinces of Ilocos Sur and La Union]).
18 Jun 1966 Mountain Province divided into the provinces of Benguet, Mountain
Province, Ifugao and Kalinga-Apayao by Republic Act No. 4695.
22 Jun 1973 Components of old Mountain Province are joined to Region 1
(Ilocos Region) and Region 2 (Cagayan Valley).
9 Jun 1987 Interim Cordillera Regional Administration (ICRA). 15 Jul 1987 Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR) created as a special
temporary administrative region while waiting for ongoing efforts
for the establishment of an autonomous region by Executive Order
220 (Ilocano: Rehion/Deppaar Administratibo ti Kordiliera;
Tagalog: Rehiyong Pampangasiwaan ng Cordillera)(comprising the
provinces of Abra, Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga-Apayao, Mountain
province, and Baguio city).9 Apr 1988 First session of the Cordillera Executive Board held.30 Jan 1990 Plebiscite vote rejects creation of an autonomous region (only Ifugao voted for autonomy), 223,522 vote No and only 60,697 Yes. 30 Mar 1990 Cordillera Autonomous Region, with Ifugao as the sole province,
created by Administrative Order No. 160, s. 1990 (canceled by the
Philippines Supreme Court on 5 Dec 1990).
14 Feb 1995 Kalinga-Apayao split into two separate regular provinces (by
Republic Act No. 7878, approved by plebiscite 8 May 1995).
7 Mar 1998 Second plebiscite rejects autonomy statute (only Apayao voted for
autonomy),324,277 vote No vs. 134,847 Yes.
Executive Directors of the Cordillera Executive Board 9 Apr 1988 - 1989 Ronald Cosalan (acting) PL1989 Sergio R. Kawi (b. 1946? - d. 2006)
1989 - 1990 Augustus U. Saboy (b. 1928 - d. 2002)1990 - 20 Aug 1991 Andres R. Bugnosen (b. 1928 - d. 2011) Chairmen of the Regional Development Council of Cordillera Administrative Region
(also chairmen of the Cordillera Executive Board 1991-2001)
20 Aug 1991 - Nov 1991 Andres R. Bugnosen (s.a.)
(executive director)Nov 1991 - 199. Hilarion "Abe" Luis Pawid, Jr.
c.1998 - 200. Gaspar "Gary" Anuman Cayat
Jan 2002 - Oct 2004 Raul M. Molintas (b. 1957) NPC Oct 2004 - 2007 Maximo B. Dalog (b. 1946) PL 2007 - 30 Jun 2007 Rosette Yñiguez Lerias (f) (b. 1945) 1 Jul 2007 - 2 Dec 2010 Juan B. Ngalob (acting) 2 Dec 2010 - 13 Aug 2014 Jocel C. Baac (b. 1961) PL13 Aug 2014 - 30 Mar 2017 Eustaquio P. Bersamin (b. 1947) PL
30 Mar 2017 - 30 Aug 2019 Mauricio "Morris" G. Domogan (b. 1946) UNA
30 Aug 2019 - 28 Oct 2019 Benjamin "Benjie" Banez Magalong (b. 1960) NPC
28 Oct 2019 - 2022 Jocelyn "Joy" Valera Bernos (f) (b. 1977) NUP
2022 - 22 Nov 2022 Susan A. Sumbeling (f) (acting)
22 Nov 2022 - Elias Cayaba Bulut, Jr. (b. 1970) NPC
Party abbreviations:NPC = Nationalist People's Coalition (conservative, est.1992); NU = National Unity Party (christian democratic, est.4 Feb 2011, split from Lakas Kampi CMD); PL = Partido Liberal ng Pilipinas (Liberal Party of the Philippines, center-left, est.1945); UNA = United Nationalist Alliance (nationalist, center-right, est.1 Jul 2015)
Maguindanao
Capital: Kuta Wato (Cotabato) Population: N/A
c.1520 Sultanate of Maguindanao 15 May 1845 - 1898 Under Spanish suzerainty. 30 Oct 1899 Under U.S. suzerainty, part of Philippines. 4 Jul 1946 Part of independent Philippines.
Sultans1699 - 10 Aug 1702 Maulana Kaharuddin Kudai (d. 1702)1702 - 1736 Bayan ul Anwar (d. 1745) 1711 - Mar 1733 Jaafar Sadiq Manamir (d. 1733) [pretender] 1733 - 1736 Tahiruddin Malinug 1736 - 1775 Pakir Maulana Khairuddin Hamza 1775 - 1780 Muhammad Paharuddin 1780 - 1805 Muhammad Amir ul Omra Azimuddin Sikandar Sul Karnain bin Pakir Maulana1805 - 1830 Kawasa Anwaruddin bin Muhammad Amirul Omra1830 - 1854 Sikandar Kudratullah Muhammad (d. 1854) Jamalul Azam bin Raja Tiwa 1854 - 1857 Datu Amirul Intirinu Musa -Regent1857 - 1883 Muhammad Makakwa bin Datu Intirinu (d. 1883)1883 - 1888 Muhammad Jalaluddin Pablu bin (d. 1888) Muhammad Makakwa 1888 - 1906 Rajah Putri (f) -Regent1906 - 1926 Muhammad Mangigin bin Datu(d. 1926)
1926 - 1938 Iskandar Hijaban Mastura1938 - 1991 Ismael bin Kalug1991 - 8 Jun 2000 Muhammad Gutierrez bin Baraguir (b. 19.. - d. 2000) 8 Jun 2000 - 11 Jan 2006 Amir bin Muhammad Baraguir (b. 1960 - d. 2006)
Buayan
Capital: Dulawan (Buluan) Population: N/A
af.1668 Sultanate of Buayan Darussalam
22 Oct 1905 State ceases to exist.
26 Jan 2005 Recognized by the Philippines
Sultans
.... - 1872 Bangon Marajanun (d. 1872)
1872 - 1875 Bayao
1875 - 1899 Anwaruddin Uto (b. 18.. - d. 1902)
1899 - 22 Oct 1905 Dato Ali (b. 18.. - d. 1905)
1940 - 4 Jan 1986 Dato Kudanding Camsa (b. 1890 - d. 1986)
1 Oct 1990 - 30 Aug 2007 Akmad Utto Camsa (b. 1945 - d. 2007)
28 Jun 2008 - Muhammad Amil Kusain Utto Camsa (b. 1955)
Sulu
c.15th cent. - 19th cent.
Flag from 19th cent. c.1850
War Flag c.1900
Capital: Astana Putih
(Palawan 1893-1915;
Maimbung 1878-1893;
Buansa c.1405-1878) Population: N/A
c.1380 Islamic scholar Karim ul-Makhdum arrived in Simunul island
from Malacca.
17 Nov 1405 Sultanate of Sulu (Basilan, Palawan and Tawi-Tawi islands and part of Sabah [North Borneo]) founded. c.1405 - 1578 Under suzerainty of Brunei.
21 Feb 1876 Spanish occupy Jolo. 22 Jan 1878 Agreement signed between the Sultanate of Sulu and British commercial syndicate (Alfred Dent and Baron de Overbeck), which
stipulated that North Borneo was either ceded or leased
(depending on translation used) to the British in return for
payment of five thousand malayan dollars per year (see Sabah: under Malaysian states).
22 Jul 1878 Under Spanish suzerainty.7 Mar 1885 By the Madrid Protocol of 1885 Spain renounced nominal claims
of the Sultan of Sulu (Jolo) over North Borneo.
30 Oct 1899 Under U.S. suzerainty.
22 Mar 1915 Part of Philippines (except regarding suzerainty over Sabah: see Malaysian states), by so called "Carpenter Agreement." 4 Jul 1946 Part of independent Philippines.
Sultans c.1685 - 1710 Sahabuddin c.1710 - 1718 Mustafa Sharafuddin 1718? - 1734 Badaruddin I (d. 1740) 1734 - 1735 Muhammad Nassaruddin III (d. 1753) 1735 - 1748 Muhammad Alimuddin I (1st time) 1748 - 1763 Muhammad Muizuddin (d. 1763) 1763 - 1773 Muhammad Alimuddin I (2nd time) 1773 - 1778 Muhammad Israil (d. 1778) 1778 - 1789 Muhammad Azimuddin II 1789 - 1805 Muhammad Sharafuddin bin Sultan (d. 1805) Muhammad Azimuddin 1805 Muhammad Azimuddin III bin Sultan (d. 1805) Muhammad Sharafuddin 1805 - 1808 Aliyuddin I bin Sultan Muhammad Sharafuddin 1808 - 1823 Shakirullah bin Sultan Muhammad (d. 1823) Sharafuddin 1823 - 1842 Jamalul Kiram I bin Sultan Muhammad (d. 1842) Azimuddin 1842 - 24 Sep 1862 Muhammad Fazlul Kahir bin Sultan (d. 1862) Jamalul Kiram 24 Sep 1862 - 7/8 Apr 1881 Muhammad Jamalul Azam bin Sultan (d. 1881) Muhammad Fazlul Kahir 8 Apr 1881 - 22 Feb 1884 Muhammad Badaruddin II bin Sultan (d. 1884) Muhammad Jamalul Azam 1884 - 1886 Muhammad Amirul Kiram bin Sultan (b. 1863/70 - d. 1936) Muhammad Jamalul Azam 11 Mar 1884 - 1887 Aliyuddin II bin Datu Israil (d. 1891) (rival sultan) 24 Sep 1886 - 1894 Muhammad Harunur Rashid bin Datu (d. 1899) Dakula (at Palawan as "Sultan Jubilado of Palawan" to 1899) 1894 - 7 Jun 1936 Muhammad Jamalul Kiram II bin (b. 18.. - d. 1936) Sultan Muhammad Jamalul Azam (rival sultan from 1886) 7 Jun 1936 - 20 Nov 1936 Muwallil Wasit II bin Sultan (d. 1936) Muhammad Jamalul Azam 29 Jan 1937 - 1950 Zainal Abidin bin Uyung (b. c.1880 - d. 1950) (rival with following) 29 Jan 1937 - 1950 Amirul Omra II (rival with preceding) (d. 1967) 1950 - 1974 Muhammad Ismael Kiram I (d. 1974) 24 May 1974 - 16 Feb 1986 Muhammad Mahakuttah Abdulla Kiram (d. 1986) 1980 - 1983 Muhammad Punjungan Kiram (rival with Abdulla Kiram) 1983 Abirin (Aguimuddin) (rival with Abdulla Kiram) 1983 - 12 Mar 2001 Jamalul Dalus Strattan Kiram III (b. 1938 - d. 2013) (1st time)(rival with Abdulla Kiram)
12 Mar 2001 - 19 Sep 2015 Ismael Kiram II (co-ruler 2012-2013) (b. 1939 - d. 2015)
11 Nov 2012 - 20 Oct 2013 Jamalul Dalus Strattan Kiram III (s.a.) (2nd time)
Spanish Governors of Sulu Mar 1876 - 1 Oct 1876 Pascual Cervera y Topete (b. 1839 - d. 1909) 1 Oct 1876 - 31 Dec 1876 Eduardo Fernández Bremon (1st time) (acting) 31 Dec 1876 - 28 Sep 1877 José Paulín (1st time) 28 Sep 1877 - 3 Feb 1880 Carlos Martínez y Romero 3 Feb 1880 - 15 Nov 1881 Rafael González de Rivera 15 Nov 1881 - 29 Apr 1882 Isidro Gutiérrez Soto 29 Apr 1882 - 2 Jun 1882 José Paulín (2nd time) 2 Jun 1882 - 1 Oct 1882 Eduardo Fernández Bremon (2nd time) 1 Oct 1882 - 23 Jul 1885 Julian González Parrado (b. 1841 - d. 1916) 23 Jul 1885 - Jan 1886 Francisco Castilla Jan 1886 - 1893 Juan Arolas 1893 Cesar Mattos 1893 - 1896 Venancio Hernández Fernández(b. 1839 - d. 1904)
1896 - May 1899 Luís Huerta
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Only one issue was at stake when some 2,000,000 button-eyed Filipinos went to the polls last week to elect a President: By how big a majority would they return frail, dapper little Manuel Luis...
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Only one issue was at stake when some 2,000,000 button-eyed Filipinos went to the polls last week to elect a President: By how big a majority would they return frail, dapper little Manuel Luis Quezon y Molina to office?
Ailing Manuel Quezon (he has tuberculosis), President since 1935, did most of his campaigning from bed. He showed himself in his sleek car, behind a motorcycle escort, only when alarmists shouted that he was dying. In his Malacanan Palace, changing from one bright-colored dressing gown to another, the 63-year-old President played bridge, ran off movies for his friends, with his thin fingers deftly manipulated the wires that control Philippine politics.
His election was assured. But Manuel Quezon wanted it made unanimous. Only three parties were allowed on the ballot: Quezon’s Nationalist Party; the Popular Front Party of sick, old Juan Sumulong; and the small radical Ganap Party, whose pro-Japanese founder is in jail. Running with Quezon was his Vice President, tall, slant-eyed Sergio Osmeña, whose popularity in the Philippines is equal to the President’s. Every one of the 122 Nacionalista candidates for the Senate and the Assembly was hand-picked by Quezon, who shuffled them as a bridge player shuffles cards while the campaign went on.
When some of his candidates turned against him, started campaigning as independents, Manuel Quezon took to his easy chair, picked up the telephone beside it, dialed a number. In a few minutes he had the situation in hand. Five rebel candidates were made air-raid wardens in Manila, with bigger salaries than they would have got if elected. The rest became Acting Governors.
Filipinos love such political jugglery. Though the election was a foregone conclusion, several minority candidates campaigned just for the fun of it. The best show was put on by gaudy, athletic Hilario Camino Moncado. Colorful Candidate Moncado, Philippine equivalent of Texas’ Pappy O’Daniel, is married to pretty Diana Toy, onetime Hollywood bit player who is now Manila’s favorite radio singer. He took his wife with him to rallies, looked on with a smile as she led his fervent followers in The Moncado March.
Moncado startled Filipinos by advocating “dominion status for the Philippines under the United States.” Quezon and Osmeña stuck to their Nationalist platform, which calls for outright independence for the Philippines in 1946. But Manuel Quezon, whose passion for secession has been minified lately under the shadow of Japanese aggression, admitted to his people that independence now is in the hands of no one man or country, but in the lap of the gods.
This year, for the first time, the docile Filipinos cast their ballots under the “block-voting” system, for which Manuel Quezon got his idea from Adolf Hitler’s Germany. They could vote a straight party ticket by simply writing in the name of the party. To split the ticket, they had to write down the full names of 27 candidates in a stuffy election booth—while Quezon’s watchful ward leaders thoughtfully eyed their clocks.
Nobody was surprised when the Nacionalista machine rolled back into office. But Manuel Quezon was disappointed. Instead of the 100% victory he had hoped for, he nosed out his nearest opponent, Juan Sumulong, by a piddling 7-to-1. Even bigger than Quezon’s majority was the landslide vote for Vice President Sergio Osmeña.
Last year, as his six-year term was running out, Quezon held a plebiscite to amend the Constitution so that he could succeed himself. The President’s term is now four years—but he can serve only eight years in succession. In 1943, halfway through the term he won last week, President Quezon will have to give up his office, wait two years before he can run again. It was to bridge this gap without losing his grip on the Philippines that Manuel Quezon wanted a flood-tide victory for his Nacionalista cohorts. This week Quezon’s hectic flush was not entirely due to his illness. For the man who got the biggest vote was the Vice President who will succeed him in 1943, slant-eyed, mannerly Sergio Osmeña.
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https://www.nytimes.com/1984/03/26/obituaries/sergio-osmena-jr-is-dead-at-67-ran-against-marcos-in-69-vote.html
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SERGIO OSMENA JR. IS DEAD AT 67; RAN AGAINST MARCOS IN '69 VOTE
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1984-03-26T00:00:00
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https://www.nytimes.com/1984/03/26/obituaries/sergio-osmena-jr-is-dead-at-67-ran-against-marcos-in-69-vote.html
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Sergio Osmena Jr., an exiled Filipino politician and businessman, who ran against President Ferdinand E. Marcos in his campaign for re-election in 1969, died yesterday of respiratory failure at Cedars Sinai Medical Center in Los Angeles. He was 67 years old and lived in Beverly Hills.
Mr. Osmena, a member of a wealthy and socially prominent family in Cebu Province, was a former governor of Cebu and mayor of Cebu City. His father, Sergio Osmena Sr., was the wartime Filipino President-in-exile who waded ashore with Gen. Douglas MacArthur when the Americans returned at the end of World War II.
The younger Mr. Osmena was a veteran of the often violent feuds that marked Filipino politics until President Marcos imposed martial law inSeptember 1972.
Mr. Osmena was elected Governor of Cebu in 1951, defeating a rival family's political machine. He resigned in 1953 after backing Elpidio Quirino, the losing presidential candidate against Ramon Magsaysay. Served as Representative
Known to harbor presidential ambitions, he later became a Liberal Party member of the House of Representatives but was suspended in 1960 after intimating that Mr. Magsaysay's successor, Carlos P. Garcia, had taken a large bribe and run a corrupt administration.
Mr. Osmena was a Senator in 1969 when he challenged President Marcos, who was running for a second four-year term on the Nationalist ticket. Mr. Osmena accused the Marcos Administration of being the ''most corrupt in Philippine history.''
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https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/july-4-1946-philippines-independence
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July 4, 1946: The Philippines Gained Independence from the United States
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In WWII’s aftermath, July 4 also became Independence Day for the Philippines in 1946.
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The National WWII Museum | New Orleans
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https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/july-4-1946-philippines-independence
|
Top Image: Commemorative stamps celebrating Independence Day from the collection of Dr. Ricardo T. Jose.
The 4th of July used to be considered an important national holiday in the Philippines. Not because it was the United States’ birthday, but because it was Philippine Independence Day in 1946. Seventy five years ago, the Philippines was recognized as an independent, sovereign country by the United States, which withdrew its authority over the archipelago as colonizer.
Pre-Independence History of the Philippines
The road to July 4, 1946 was long and tenuous. The Philippines had been a Spanish colony since 1565, and since that time numerous revolts broke out challenging Spanish rule. These revolts were disunited, however, until the nineteenth century when nationalism brought forth a more united anti-colonial movement. This culminated in a revolution that broke out in 1896. After much fighting, a stalemate ensued, leading to a ceasefire agreement between Filipino and Spanish leaders.
The outbreak of the Spanish-American War in 1898 brought Commodore George Dewey and the US Asiatic Squadron to Manila Bay, where they defeated the Spanish Asiatic fleet. The Philippine Revolution resumed in earnest, led by General Emilio Aguinaldo who established a revolutionary government. At the height of its military successes against Spain, the revolutionary government proclaimed independence on June 12, 1898. Aguinaldo became president and the Philippine Republic was formally inaugurated in Malolos, Bulacan, in January 1899.
The Spanish-American war was concluded by the Treaty of Paris which decreed that Spain would give up the Philippines, but in turn the archipelago would become a colony of the United States. Filipinos had not been consulted, and as a result the war for independence turned against the United States.
After over two years of fighting, Aguinaldo was captured and President Theodore Roosevelt declared the end of the Philippine-American War. The campaign for independence continued on the political front, even as sporadic violent resistance against American rule continued to break out.
In August 1916, the Jones Law, more formally known as the Philippine Autonomy Act of 1916, was passed, promising independence to the Philippines once Filipinos were able to prove that they could govern themselves. No timetable was set, but once the United States declared war on Germany in World War I, Philippine political leaders offered a division of Filipinos to fight on the side of the United States. Filipinos were given great leeway in running the government at that time, but once the Great War ended, the US government reexamined Philippine conditions and strengthened American control of the insular government. Filipinos sent regular independence missions to Washington to call for concrete steps towards independence, which were rebuffed by the prevailing Republican administrations.
The advent of the Great Depression made Congress rethink US-Philippine relations, and passed the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act in 1933, over President Herbert Hoover’s veto. The Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act (HHC) envisaged a 10 year transitory period during which time the Philippines would establish a semi-autonomous government under an elected Filipino president. The act was rejected by the Philippine Legislature later that year, after much debate and political wrangling. Manuel L. Quezon, President of the Philippine Senate, proceeded to Washington immediately after to negotiate a more advantageous law, citing among others issues relating to the continuance of US bases in the Philippines after independence, the limits of authority of the Philippine president in the transitory government, and the abrupt end of Philippine preferential trade relations with the United States.
1934 Philippine Independence Act
Quezon, the dominant political leader in the Philippines at that time, believed he could influence the new American president, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and the Democratic congress to rectify his main objections in a new Philippine independence bill. Roosevelt and the congress were busy with New Deal policies and were only willing to resuscitate the HHC with very minor changes. Quezon accepted these and returned to Manila. The ensuing act, the Tydings-McDuffie Law, was accepted by the Philippine legislature in May 1934, thus setting the stage for Philippine independence in 1946.
Under the Tydings-McDuffie Law, the Philippines would establish a government to be known as the Philippine Commonwealth, which would steer the Philippines through a 10-year transition period. After completing 10 years of nearly autonomous governance, the United States would withdraw its sovereignty over the islands on July 4 of the succeeding year, and would recognize the Philippines as an independent republic.
Prior to the establishment of the Philippine Commonwealth, a constitution had to be drafted. A constitutional convention was thus elected, and finished its draft in February 1935. Roosevelt approved this document, which was to become the legal framework not only of the Philippine Commonwealth, but also of the future Philippine Republic. It was approved in a nationwide plebiscite, and national elections for the new government were held in September 1935. The Philippine Commonwealth was formally inaugurated on November 15, 1935, an unprecedented world event in which the United States, a colonial power, was preparing to let go of its colony. The ramifications were keenly felt among other colonial governments and colonized people. Quezon was predictably elected as president.
The Philippine Commonwealth government had to resolve major problems during the 10-year transition period, among them national defense, social justice, economic development, national integration, and cultural identity. During the over three decades of American colonial rule, the Philippines had become dependent on the US economically, and had no armed forces of its own. These and major agrarian and labor problems had to be resolved. A Philippine Army was formed, and government enterprises in business were launched.
The Philippine Commonwealth was an untried experiment, and the Tydings-McDuffie Law appointed a representative of the US president in the form of a High Commissioner. Gone was the Governor General of earlier years. The High Commissioner would report on the progress of the Philippine experiment, and the US government had oversight functions over legislative, executive, and judicial actions of the Commonwealth. Furthermore, the US government held on to foreign affairs and currency matters. In case the experiment failed, the transition could be scrapped and it would be back to square one. Neither Quezon nor Roosevelt wanted this, so despite much power granted him, Quezon held back where he could.
World War II and the Filipino Guerrilla Movement
Halfway through the experiment, World War II broke out in Europe. Trade was disrupted, and the reality of war reaching the Philippines loomed. The gravity of some problems delayed enforcement of various plans, and some began to ask whether 10 years were enough. Quezon, however, attempted to advance independence at least privately, although this did not bear fruit.
The outbreak of war between Japan and China in 1937 also brought forth the specter of war, through refugees and news of defenseless cities being bombed. But it was the war in Europe that seemed closer: The European capitals were better known to most Filipinos, and the Blitzkrieg and the Battle of Britain became household words.
War did reach the Philippines in December 1941, although strenuous last-minute preparations were made. The US Army Forces in the Far East was created, placing under one command the US Army forces in the Philippines and the mobilized Philippine Army forces. Gen. Douglas MacArthur was placed in command, and modern aircraft and weapons were rushed to the Philippines. It was too late.
The Japanese struck before the defense preparations were completed, decimating the US air forces and naval facilities in the first days of the war. Beach defenses were unable to hold against the Japanese juggernaut, but a fighting withdrawal to Bataan and Corregidor was successful and held against all odds. Realizing the hopelessness of the situation, Roosevelt ordered MacArthur to Australia; the Philippine Commonwealth government, which had moved to Corregidor to save Manila from bombing, was itself also removed. Quezon would establish the Commonwealth government in exile in Washington as Bataan and Corregidor were forced to surrender. Roosevelt had, in the meantime, promised to redeem Philippine freedom and to pay for war damages,
For three years the Philippines was in the hands of the Japanese, who set up a military administration. Wanting to win Filipino loyalty, the Japanese declared the Philippines independent in 1943, ahead of the US promise. A government was set up, but most Filipinos saw through the Japanese aims and instead supported the guerrilla resistance movement. The guerrillas remained loyal to the Philippine Commonwealth and the United States, and were a major threat to the Japanese occupation forces.
Liberation of the Philippines from the Japanese
Gen. MacArthur, who had promised to return, landed in Leyte in October 1944, thus commencing the military campaign to liberate the Philippines from the Japanese. In the ensuing struggle, Manila and most of the major Philippine cities suffered grievous damage. MacArthur declared the military campaign on Luzon closed on July 4, 1945, but the bulk of the Japanese ground forces were still intact in the mountains. Fighting continued in Mindanao. And Japan had not yet surrendered.
The Philippine Commonwealth government returned with Gen. MacArthur. Quezon had died while in the United States, and Sergio Osmeña, the vice president, automatically took over. Osmeña landed with MacArthur on Leyte, and as the Battle of Manila neared its end, restored the government to Malacañang Palace in Manila. While in Washington, the Commonwealth government did all it could to hasten the return of American forces to the Philippines. It also sought to ensure that war damage would be rehabilitated by the US government. The Philippines actively participated in the early meetings that would result in the United Nations.
Upon his return to Manila, Osmeña pledged a Philippine Army division to participate in the assault landings on Japan. Guerrillas, now part of the army, trained accordingly. The atomic bombs negated the need for such action, and Japan accepted the Allied terms on August 15, 1945.
Post-war Rehabilitation
As the war ended, the Philippines counted the cost. Over a million Filipinos had died or were killed, out of a population of 18 million. Manila and most of the major cities were in ruins. Severe inflation had set in as a result of the Japanese occupation, and farms were fallow; farm animals too had died because of the war. Industries, transportation, and communication facilities were destroyed.
Should the original timetable for independence be kept? The tasks facing Osmeña and the Commonwealth government were daunting; none of this had been foreseen when the Tydings-McDuffie Act had become law.
Apart from the physical destruction and the loss of lives, the Philippines was divided: there had been those who had collaborated with the Japanese, while most had resisted either directly or indirectly. The country was split on whether the collaborators were to be dealt with harshly or not. Many key government officials from before the war had—willingly or not—served in the Japanese-controlled administration.
There was an immediate need for relief. People had to be fed, clothed, and given shelter. All the basic necessities were initially provided by the US Army—water, clothing, food, power, communications, and jobs. Other assistance came in from the United States and the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration as the piers were restored, and ships arrived.
Peace and order problems were serious—some stemming from the pre-war social and agrarian issues, others because of loose firearms. Guerrilla units were plenty, but not all were legitimate, and there was an upsurge of crimes. Morality was in tatters, as people had to survive in whatever ways they could. Inflation was rampant, even as the government strove to bring prices down with newly printed currency and price controls. Besides, after having been away for three years, it was a difficult task to win back the people’s confidence in the government.
The Philippine Congress was convened in June 1945—the first time it sat since the elections of November 1941. Some of its members had died during the war; others were tainted by charges of collaboration. It began its work of legislating, but was hampered by the unstable postwar conditions.
Osmeña travelled to the United States three times in 1945—a last meeting with FDR in April and two meetings with President Harry S. Truman, to negotiate aid and assistance for the Philippines—as well as assurances that independence would come as scheduled.
For a while an earlier independence date was broached, but this would have required legislation which was not a priority. There were mutterings that Philippine independence be delayed, owing to the unsettled conditions after the war, but this would mean political suicide to those seeking office. And so independence would take place as planned, on July 4, 1946.
The post-war Philippine Commonwealth faced severe problems not anticipated before the war. Land reform, reopening of schools, reconstruction, trials of suspected collaborators with the Japanese, recognizing and compensating veterans, restarting the economy, restoring trade, attracting investment—these and more had to be dealt with in the last months of the Philippine Commonwealth government.
The government was now more strongly reliant on the United States, more so than before the war. The Philippine Army was totally dependent on the US Army for equipment and weapons, and relief only coming from the United States. External defense would now be too costly for the cash-strapped government. Thus the presence of US bases could be seen as mutually beneficial.
The last American High Commissioner was Paul V. McNutt, who had served in that position in the late 1930s. He advised Osmeña on various matters. Secretary of State Harold Ickes insisted that the Philippines take a hard line on alleged collaborators—something that would be difficult to do due to the many issues involved. Ickes threatened to withhold assistance if the government did not punish those who had reneged on their oaths of loyalty to the United States.
Paul McNutt, High Commissioner to the Philippines, reads a proclamation at the ceremony. US Signal Corps photograph from the collection of Dr. Ricardo T. Jose.
An ally of the Philippines in Washington was Senator Millard Tydings, co-author of the pre-war Philippine Independence Act. He sponsored a bill granting what he felt were sufficient funds for rehabilitation. On a personal visit to the Philippines, however, he found out that earlier estimates had been underestimated, and that more funds were needed. His bill did allot a generous $620 million—later raised to $800 million—to the Philippines.
The Rehabilitation Bill was, however, tied to a trade bill, authored by Representative Jasper Bell. The Bell Trade bill sought to extend the free trade relations between the United States and the Philippines for another eight years, after which tariffs would be gradually imposed for 20 years. Bell insisted that to convince Americans to invest in the Philippines they had to be given the same rights as Filipinos. This necessitated amending the 1935 Philippine constitution, which limited land ownership, access to natural resources, among others, to Filipino citizens and majority Filipino-owned corporations. The parity amendment would thus become a requisite for receiving the bulk of the rehabilitation aid in the Tydings bill. The Bell Trade Bill also tied the Philippine peso to the US dollar and could not be independently revalued.
Other issues that emerged on the eve of independence. In February 1946, President Truman signed the Rescission Law, which denied most Filipino veterans of benefits due them, voiding their service in the US armed forces.
A strong US military presence remained in early 1946, with the 86th Infantry Division in full strength, prepared to protect American interests. With World War II over, many of its members felt their duty was done and rallied to be sent home. But there was discontent brewing in the provinces, with long agrarian issues remaining unsolved. Many military bases were still in US hands, and negotiations as to which would be kept after Philippine independence were begun. As set in the Tydings-McDuffie Act, the United States would maintain bases even after Philippine independence to protect American interests in the region.
Philippine Commonwealth Election of 1946
As the date of independence approached, a multitude of problems had to be solved. Amidst the disunity, tension, and uncertainty of the immediate post-war Philippines, there had to be a final election for the Commonwealth. Osmeña chose to run for reelection; Manuel Roxas, ambitious contender and also Quezon’s own choice as successor, ran against him. While Roxas had participated in the defense of the Philippines, he had also served in the Japanese-sponsored government under Jose P. Laurel. To some he was tainted with collaboration and might bring other collaborators back to power. Osmeña was the guerrillas’ choice, and also the peasants; Osmeña leaned left of center. But Roxas was backed by McNutt and General MacArthur.
Roxas won the election of April 1946, but by only a slim margin, garnering some 54 percent of the votes cast. He took his oath of office on May 28, 1946, in a temporary stage built in front of the ruins of the Legislative Building, as the third and last president of the Philippine Commonwealth.
Prior to his assumption of office, Roxas went to the United States via Tokyo, where he paid a visit to MacArthur. Roxas’ Washington visit was a frenzied week-long one, meeting with President Truman and ranking American officials to discuss Philippine affairs and concretize plans for US assistance to the Philippines.
As Roxas took office, conservative congressmen ousted more liberal legislators on unfounded charges. It marked a split between peasant leaders who were open to pursuing change in the government and conservatives who felt threatened by them. On the eve of Philippine independence, left-leaning peasant and labor groups threatened to secede and launch a rebellion, reacting to the blatant politicization of the congress.
Philippine Independence Day 1946
This was a big international event, but the Philippines did not yet have a Department of Foreign Affairs. It had to rely on the US government for much of the preparations.
May 1946 saw the start of a flurry of events to plan out the final days of the Commonwealth and prepare for Independence Day. A joint Filipino-American committee was formed to iron out details. The Manila Hotel, which had been gutted during the Battle of Manila, was cleaned up and prepared for gala events. Invitations were issued to distinguished guests from the United States and various countries. President Truman was invited, but he declined, owing to pressure of work. Independence related contests were launched—for an appropriate poster, essay, poem, and hymn. A US flag was to be hand-sewn by past and present Philippine first ladies, to be presented to President Truman. Commemorative postage stamps, medals, and other souvenirs were issued.
The venue for the independence rites was chosen and a stage shaped in the form of a ship’s prow (symbolizing the ship of state) was built with towering pillars behind it. The stage and grandstand were built in front of the iconic memorial of the Philippine national hero, Jose Rizal, in Luneta Park. A large arch was erected near it, in front of the Manila Hotel, to welcome visitors.
As the month of July 1946 began, so did the numerous events and preparations to climax in Philippine Independence on July 4. Private homes and government buildings were decorated. Bands paraded and gave concerts. The University of the Philippines’ Conservatory of Music held a gala concert at the Rizal Coliseum, where numerous international sports matches were held. Distinguished visitors from the US and other countries arrived. The US Navy’s Task Force 77 anchored in Manila Bay to salute the birth of the republic. It consisted of the flagship USS Bremerton, two aircraft carriers, two cruisers, and seven destroyers.
Among the Very-Important-Persons who arrived in the first days of July was General MacArthur, who flew from Tokyo. Representing the US government was High Commissioner McNutt, now destined to be the first US Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines. From the United States were Senator Tydings, Representative Bell, US Postmaster General Robert E. Hannegan, former Governor General Francis B. Harrison, and others. Representatives from 27 nations arrived, among them the French WWI hero Lt. Gen. Zinovi Peckoff (at that time serving with the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers in Tokyo) and Lt. Gen. Sook Chatinakrob, Thailand’s Chief of Staff. In Manila Bay were Australian, Portuguese and Thai warships.
All these activities were taking place as the Cold War began: the United States tested an atomic bomb in Bikini Atoll on July 1. Communist-linked movements were beginning to threaten the post-war order.
On July 3, the Philippine Congress accepted the Bell Trade Act and authorized President Roxas to sign an executive agreement with the US laying the groundwork for formal negotiations and mutual recognition. That same day, Roxas and McNutt visited the commander of Task Force 77 on his flagship; later they recorded messages to be broadcast nationwide and to the United States. McNutt hosted a reception at his official residence and capped the day with a formal dinner in honor of Roxas at the Manila Hotel.
Thursday, July 4 1946, was a cloudy, sunless day. It was the rainy season in the Philippines, but this did not dampen the excitement building up towards the Philippine independence ceremony. Religious services were held in the various churches of Manila and provincial capitals, cities, and towns. Guests began arriving at the venue shortly before 7:00 in the morning. Dignitaries arrived from 7:20; the crowd craned their necks to get a glimpse of Gen. MacArthur. A bugle sounded, and the audience rose to welcome President Roxas and his wife at 7:55. He was followed by Vice President Elpidio Quirino and finally High Commissioner McNutt, accompanied by their respective wives.
With McNutt serving as emcee, the program began at precisely 8:00 am. The Rt. Rev. Robert F. Wilmer, ranking Protestant in the Philippines, gave the invocation. McNutt then introduced the speakers; there were wild cheers for Senator Tydings and Gen. MacArthur. Tydings reviewed the events which led to this day, and then wished the new republic “Godspeed.” MacArthur reviewed the “special relationship” between the Philippines and the United States.
The highlight of the program was McNutt’s reading of President Truman’s Proclamation of Independence. As he began speaking, a heavy downpour drenched the audience, but they braved the rain. The downpour lifted in time for McNutt to read the proclamation, which first laid out the legal basis for the United States’ acquisition of the Philippines, the United States’ desire to grant the Philippines independence, and the provisions of the Tydings McDuffie Act. Truman, as president of the United States, then withdrew all “rights of possession, supervision, jurisdiction, control or sovereignty” exercised by the United States over the territory and people of the Philippines, and recognized the independence of the Philippines.
McNutt ended with his own words:
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sergio osmena
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sergio osmena - Download as a PDF or view online for free
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https://public.slidesharecdn.com/_next/static/media/favicon.7bc3d920.ico
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1. PRES. SERGIO OSMEÑA, SR. (1878 – 1961) Fourth President of the Philippine Republic. Second President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines. Founder of the Nacionalista Party. Patriarch of the prominent Osmeña family. -o0o- Name: Sergio Suico Osmeña, Sr. Birth: Date: 9 September 1878 Place: Cebu City Death: Date: 1961 Age: 83 Place: Veteran’s Memorial Hospital, Quezon City Cause: Natural Causes related to old age Family:
2. Father: Owing to the circumstances of his birth, the identity of his father had been a closely guarded family secret. Mother: Juana Osmeña y Juico Spouse/s: o 1st: Estefania Chiong Veloso o 2nd: Esperenza Limjap Children: o From 1st Spouse: 5 o From 2nd Spouse: 3 Education: San Carlos Seminary Bachelor of Arts – Colegio de San Juan de Letran (1894) Bachelor of Laws – University of Santo Tomas (1903) Timeline and Highlights: Classmate and best friend of Manuel Quezon in Letran and UST Launched and Edited the newspaper El Nuevo Dia together with Jaime de Veyra and Rafael Palma in 1900 Allowed by the Supreme Court to take the Bar Examination even though he only completed 3 years in Law School o Placed 2nd among the Bar Topnotchers Appointed temporary governor of Cebu in 1903 o appointed by the American Governor-General as reliever of Juan Climaco Provincial Fiscal of Cebu Governor of Cebu in 1904
3. Representative of hte 2nd District of Cebu in the First Philippine Assembly in 1907 o Organized and became the first president of the Nacionalista Party o Speaker of the House – a post he held fo 15 years Elected Senator in 1922 Congressional career House of Representatives While governor, he ran for election to the first Philippine Assembly of 1907 and was elected Speaker of that body. Osmeña was 29 years old and already the highest-ranking Filipino official. He and another provincial politician, Manuel L. Quezon of Tayabas, set up the Nacionalista Party as a foil to thePartido Federalista of Manila-based politicians. The two would engage in a rivalry for political dominance ever since.[citation needed] Senate Osmeña was elected to the Philippine National Assembly in 1907 and remained a member of the lower house until 1922. In 1922 he was elected to the Senate. He went to the United States as part of the OsRox Mission in 1933, to secure passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Independence Bill which was superseded by the Tydings- McDuffie Act in March 1934.[citation needed] OFFICE NAME TERM President Manuel L. Quezón 1941–1944 (extended, 1943) Vice President Sergio Osmeña 1941–1944 (extended, 1943) Secretary of Justice and Finance José Abad Santos 24 December 1941 – 26 March 1942 Secretary of Justice José Abad Santos 26 March 1942 – 8 May 1942 Secretary of Finance, Agriculture, and Commerce Andrés Soriano 26 March 1942 – 31 July 1944 Secretary of National Defense, Public Works, Communications and Labor Basilio Valdes 24 December 1941 – 1 August 1944 Secretary of Public Instruction, Health, and Public Welfare Sergio Osmeña 24 December 1941 – 1 August 1944 Secretary to the President Manuel Roxas 24 December 1941 – 8 May 1942 Arturo Rotor 8 May 1942 – 1 August 1944 Secretary to the Cabinet Manuel Nieto 19 May 1944 Secretary without Portfolio Andrés Soriano 2 March 1942 – 26 March 1942 Treasurer of the Philippines Andrés Soriano 19 February 1942 – 26 March 1942 Manuel Roxas 26 March 1942 – 8 May 1942
4. Vice-presidency In 1924, Quezon and Osmeña reconciled and joined forces in what was denominated the Partido Nacionalista Consolidado against the threat of an emerging opposition from the Democrata Party. The reunited Nacionalista Party dominated the political scene until the second break-up when the members polarized into Pros and Antis in 1934. Quezon and Osmeña again reconciled for the 1935 Presidential Election. In 1935 Quezon and Osmeña won the Philippine's first national presidential election under the banner of the Nacionalista Party. Quezon obtained nearly 68% of the vote against his two main rivals, Emilio Aguinaldo and Bishop Gregorio Aglipay.[citation needed] They were inaugurated on 15 November 1935. Quezon had originally been barred by the Philippine constitution from seeking re-election. However, in 1940, constitutional amendments were ratified allowing him to seek re-election for a fresh term ending in 1943. In the 1941 presidential elections, Quezon was re-elected over former Senator Juan Sumulong with nearly 82% of the vote. Re-elected in 1941, Osmeña remained vice president during the Japanese occupation when the government was in exile. As Vice-President, Osmeña concurrently served as Public Instruction Secretary from 1935– 40, and again from 1941–44. The outbreak of World War II and the Japanese invasion resulted in periodic and drastic changes to the government structure. Executive Order 390, 22 December 1941 abolished the Department of the Interior and established a new line of succession. Executive Order 396, 24 December 1941, further reorganized and grouped the cabinet, with the functions of Secretary of Justice assigned to the Chief Justice of the Philippines. Administration and cabinetWar Cabinet 1944–45 President Osmeña with members of his cabinet. Front row; left to right: Jaime Hernandez, Secretary of Finance; President Osmeña; Col. Carlos P. Romulo, Resident Commissioner and Secretary of Information. Back row, left to right: Col. Mariano A. Erana, Judge Advocate General of the Philippine Army and Secretary of the Department of Justice, Labor, and Welfare; Dr. Arturo B. Rotor, Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce; Ismael Mathay, Budget and Finance Commissioner; Colonel Alejandro Melchor, Undersecretary of National Defense, representing General Basilio Valdes, Secretary of National Defense. Auditor- General[disambiguation needed] Jaime Hernández (Filipino) 30 December 1941 – 1 August 1944 Resident Commissioner Joaquín Miguel Elizalde 30 December 1941 – 1 August 1944 (given cabinet rank on 8 May 1942) Secretary of Information and Public Relations Carlos P. Rómulo 1943–1944
5. On 8 August 1944, President Osmeña issued Executive Order 15-W reorganizing and consolidating the Executive Departments of the Commonwealth government. The reorganization of the government after it was reestablished on Philippine soil was undertaken with Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945. OFFICE NAME TERM President Sergio Osmeña 1944– 1946 Secretary of Finance Jaime Hernández 1944– 1945 Secretary of National Defense and Communications Basilio Valdes 1944– 1945 Secretary of Information and Public Relations Carlos P. Romulo (concurrent capacity) 1944– 1945 Secretary of Justice, Labor and Welfare Mariano A. Eraña (acting capacity) 1944– 1945 Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce Manuel Nieto 1944– 1945 Secretary to the President Arturo Rotor 1944– 1945 Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo 1944– 1945 Budget and Finance Commissioner Ismael Mathay 1944– 1945 Judge Advocate General of the Army Mariano Eraña 1944– 1945 Economic Adviser Urbano Zafra 1944– 1945 Military Adviser Alejandro Melchor 1944– 1945 Cabinet and judicial appointments 1945–46 Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945 was issued upon the restoration of civilian authority to the government of the Commonwealth, and members of the new cabinet appointed on 8 March 1945. Subsequent renaming and mergers of departments have separate listings.
6. OFFICE NAME TERM President Sergio Osmeña 1944–1946 Secretary of the Interior Tomás Confesor 1945 Secretary of Finance and Reconstruction Jaime Hernández 1945–1946 Secretary of Justice, Agriculture and Commerce Delfin Jaranilla 1945 Secretary of Justice Ramon Quisumbing 1945–1946 Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce Vicente Singson Encarnacion 1945–1946 Secretary of National Defense Tomás Cabili 1945 Secretary of National Defense and Interior Alfredo Montelibano, Sr. 1945–1946 Secretary of Health and Public Welfare Basilio Valdes 1945 José Locsin 1945–1946 Secretary of Public Instruction and Information Francisco Benitez 1945 Secretary of Education Francisco Benitez 1945–1946 Secretary of Public Works and Communications Sotero Cabahug 1945–1946 Secretary of the Budget Ismael Mathay 1944–1945 Secretary to the President José S. Reyes 1945–1946 Secretary of Labor Marcelo Aduru 1946 Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo 1945–1946 Liberation
7. Off Leyte, October 1944 Left to right: Lieutenant General George Kenney, Lieutenant GeneralRichard K. Sutherland, President Sergio Osmeña, General Douglas MacArthur. President Sergio Osmeña together with GeneralDouglas MacArthur during the historic landing atLeyte in 1944. Osmeña accompanied U.S. General Douglas MacArthur during the landing of U.S. forces in Leyte on 20 October 1944, starting the liberation of the Philippines during the Second World War was both the combined Filipino and American soldiers including the recognized guerrilla units was fought to the Japanese Imperial forces. Upon establishing the beachhead, MacArthur immediately transferred authority to Osmeña, the successor of Manuel Quezon, as Philippine Commonwealth president. Domestic policies Restoration of the Commonwealth With Manila liberated,General of the Army, Douglas MacArthur, on behalf of the United States, turned over the reins of government of the Philippines to Commonwealth President, Sergio Osmeña, on 27 February 1945, amidst brief, but impressive, ceremonies held at the Malacañan Palace. President Osmeña, after thanking the United States through General MacArthur, announced the restoration of the Government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines and work out the salvation of the Philippines from the ravages of war.
8. Government reorganization President Osmeña proceeded with the immediate reorganization of the government and its diverse dependencies. On 8 April 1945, he formed his Cabinet, administering the oath of office to its component members. Later, President Osmeña received the Council of State to help him solve the major problems confronting the nation. Government offices and bureaus were gradually reestablished. A number of new ones were created to meet needs then current. Also restored were the Supreme Court of the Philippines and the inferior courts. The Court of Appeals was abolished and its appellate jurisdiction was transferred to the Supreme Court, the members of which were increased to eleven – one Chief Justice and ten Associate Justice – in order to attend to the new responsibilities. Slowly but steadily, as the liberating forces freed the other portions of the country, provincial and municipal governments were established by the Commonwealth to take over from the military authorities. Rehabilitation of the Philippine National Bank Following the restoration of the Commonwealth Government, the Congress was reorganized. Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino were elected Senate President and Senate President pro tempore respectively. At the House of Representatives, Jose Zulueta of Iloilo was elected Speaker and Prospero Sanidad as Speaker pro tempore. The opening session of the Congress was personally addressed by President Osmeña, who reported on the Commonwealth Government in exile and proposed vital pieces of legislation. The First Commonwealth Congress earnestly took up the various pending assignments to solve the pressing matters affecting the Philippines, especially in regard to relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction. The first bill enacted was Commonwealth Act No. 672 – rehabilitating the Philippine National Bank. People's court Yielding to American pressure, on 25 September 1945, the Congress enacted C.A. No. 682 creating the People's Court and the Office of Special Prosecutors to deal with the pending cases of "collaboration". Foreign Policies President Sergio Osmeña and his family at the Malacañang gardens.
9. United Nations Charter President Osmeña sent the Philippine delegation, which was headed by Carlos P. Romulo, to the San Francisco gathering for the promulgation of the Charter of the United Nations on 26 June 1945. Other members of the delegation were Maximo Kalaw, Carlos P. Garcia, Pedro Lopez, Francisco Delegado, Urbano Zafra, Alejandro Melchor, and Vicente Sinco. The 28th signatory nation of the United Nations, the Philippines was one of the fifty-one nations that drafted the UN Charter. Once approved by Philippine delegation, the UN Charter was ratified by the Congress of the Philippines and deposited with the U.S State Department on 11 October 1945. Foreign Relations Office To prepare for the forthcoming independent status of the Philippine, President Osmeña created the Office of Foreign Relations.[4] Vicente Sinco was appointed as its first Commissioner, with cabinet rank. In this connection, President Osmeña also entered into an agreement with the United States Government to send five Filipino trainees to the U.S. State Department to prepare themselves for diplomatic service. They were sent by U.S. State Department to the United States embassies in Moscow and Mexico Cityand consulates in Saigon and Singapore. International banking On 5 December 1945, President Osmeña appointed Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo as his representative to accept Philippine membership in the International Monetary Fund and in the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which bodies had been conceived in the Bretton Woods Agreement, in which the Philippine had also taken part. Romulo signed said membership on 27 December 1945 on behalf of the Philippines. Bell Trade Act On 30 April 1946, the United States Congress, at last approved the Bell Act, which as early as 20 January had been reported to the Ways and Means Committee of the lower house, having been already passed by the Senate. President Osmeña and Resident Commissioner Ramulo had urged the passage of this bill, with United States High Commissioner, Paul V. McNutt, exerting similar pressure. The Act gave the Philippines eight years of free trade with the United States, then twenty years during which tariffs would be upped gradually until they were in line with the rest of the American tariff policy. The law also fixed some quotas for certain products: sugar – 850,000 long tons; cordage – 6,000,000 pounds; coconut oil – 200,000 long tons; cigars – 200,000,000 pounds. This aid was coupled with that to be obtained from the recently passed Tydings Damage bill, which provided some nine hundred million dollars for payment of war damages, of which one million was earmarked to compensate for church losses. The sum of two hundred and forty million dollars was to be periodically allocated by the United States President as good will. Also, sixty million pieces of surplus property were transferred to the Philippines government. 1946 presidential election Main article: Philippine presidential election, 1946 Soon after the reconstitution of the Commonwealth Government in 1945 Senators Manuel Roxas, Elpidio Quirino and their allies called for the holding on an early national election to choose the president and vice president of the Philippines and members of the Congress. In December, 1945 the House Insular Affairs of the United States Congress approved the joint resolution setting the election date no later than 30 April 1946. Prompted by this congressional action, President Sergio Osmeña called the Philippine Congress to a three-day special session. Congress enacted Commonwealth Act No. 725, setting the election on 23 April 1946, and was approved by President Osmeña on 5 January 1946. Three parties presented their respective candidates for the different national elective positions. These were the Nacionalista Party- Conservative (Osmeña) Wing, the Liberal Wing of the Nacionalista Party, and the Partido Modernista. The Nacionalistas had Osmeña and
10. Senator Eulogio Rodriguez as their candidates for president and vice president, respectively. The Modernistas chose Hilario Camino Moncado and Luis Salvador for the same positions. On the other hand, the standard bearers of the Liberals were Senators Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino. On 3 January 1946, President Osmeña announced his re-election bid. On 22 January 1946 Eulogio Rodriguez was nominated as Osmeña's running mate for Vice President, in a convention held at Ciro's Club in Manila. According to the Manila Chronicle: The convention opened at 10:15 in the morning when the acting secretary of the party, Vicente Farmoso, called the confab to order. Congressman José C. Romero, who delivered the keynote speech accused Senate President Manuel Roxas and his followers "of fanning the flames of discontent among the people, of capitalizing on the people's hardship, and of minimizing the accomplishment of the [Osmeña] Administration. These men with the Messiah complex have been the bane of the country and of the world. This is the mentality that produces Hitlers and the Mussolinis, and their desire to climb to power. they even want to destroy the party which placed them where they are today." Senator Carlos P. Garcia, who delivered the nomination speech for President Sergio Osmeña, made a long recital of Osmeña's achievements, his virtues as public official and as private citizen. A statue of President Osmeña in front of the Osmeña Museum in Cebu City. Entering the convention hall at about 7:30 p.m, President Osmeña, accompanied by the committee on notification, was greeted with rounds of cheer and applause as he ascended the platform. President Osmeña delivered his speech which was a general outline of his future plans once elected. He emphasized that as far as his party is concerned, independence is a close issue. It is definitely coming on 4 July 1946[5] On 19 January 1946, Senator Roxas announced his candidacy for President in a convention held in Santa Ana Cabaret in Manila. According to the Manila Chronicle: ...more than three thousand (by conservative estimate there were only 1,000 plus) delegates, party members and hero worshipers jammed into suburban, well known Santa Ana Cabaret (biggest in the world) to acclaim ex-katipunero and Bagong Katipunan organizer Manuel Acuña Roxas as the guidon bearer of the Nacionalista Party's Liberal Wing. The delegates, who came from all over the Islands, met in formal convention from 10:50 am and did not break up till about 5:30 pm. They elected 1. Mariano J. Cuenco, professional Osmeñaphobe, as temporary chairman; 2. José Avelino and ex-pharmacist Antonio Zacarias permanent chairman and secretary,
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History of the Philippines - World War II: Japanese aggression in China prompted much attention to military preparedness. Nearly one-fourth of the national budget was devoted to defense. Gen. Douglas MacArthur, retiring as army chief of staff in Washington, was called by President Quezon to direct plans and preparations. Meanwhile, agrarian unrest festered, and leftist political activity grew. Quezon pushed significant reform legislation through the National Assembly, but implementation was feeble, despite the rapid accumulation of power in his hands. The Japanese attack of the Philippines on December 8, 1941, came at a time when the U.S. military buildup had hardly begun. Their advance was rapid; before Christmas,
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Japanese aggression in China prompted much attention to military preparedness. Nearly one-fourth of the national budget was devoted to defense. Gen. Douglas MacArthur, retiring as army chief of staff in Washington, was called by President Quezon to direct plans and preparations. Meanwhile, agrarian unrest festered, and leftist political activity grew. Quezon pushed significant reform legislation through the National Assembly, but implementation was feeble, despite the rapid accumulation of power in his hands.
The Japanese attack of the Philippines on December 8, 1941, came at a time when the U.S. military buildup had hardly begun. Their advance was rapid; before Christmas, Manila was declared an “open city,” while Quezon and Osmeña were evacuated to MacArthur’s headquarters on Corregidor Island. Despite a desire, at one point, to return to Manila in order to surrender, Quezon was persuaded to leave the Philippines in March 1942 on a U.S. submarine; he was never to return. Osmeña also went. Filipino and American forces, under Gen. Jonathan M. Wainwright, surrendered in May. An Executive Commission made up of more than 30 members of the old Filipino political elite had been cooperating with Japanese military authorities in Manila since January.
The Executive Commission lasted until September 1943, when it was superseded by an “independent Philippine Republic.” The president, chosen by the Japanese, was José Laurel, former associate justice of the commonwealth Supreme Court and the only Filipino to hold an honorary degree from Tokyo Imperial University. More than half of the commonwealth Senate and more than one-third of the House served at one time in the Japanese-sponsored regime. Yet collaboration with Japan was neither as willing nor as widespread as elsewhere in Southeast Asia.
Even before the fall of Bataan Peninsula to the Japanese in April 1942, guerrilla units were forming throughout the Philippines. Most were led by middle-class officers and were enthusiastically pro-United States; in central Luzon, however, a major force was the Hukbalahap, which, under communist leadership, capitalized on earlier agrarian unrest. Though in a number of instances collaborators secretly assisted guerrillas, many guerrillas in the hills were bitter against those who appeared to benefit from the occupation. The differences between the two groups became an important factor in early postwar politics.
Soon after the U.S. landings on Leyte in October 1944, commanded by MacArthur, civil government was returned to the commonwealth, at least in name. Sergio Osmeña, who had become president in exile on the death of Quezon in August, had few resources to deal with the problems at hand, however. Osmeña’s role was complicated by the fact that MacArthur chose to lionize Manuel A. Roxas, a leading collaborator who had also been in contact with U.S. military intelligence. As president of the Senate, Roxas became, in effect, MacArthur’s candidate for president. Roxas was nominated in January 1946 in a separate convention of the “liberal wing” of the Nacionalista Party, as it was first called. Thus was born the Philippines’ second major political party, the Liberals.
Osmeña, though he had the advantages of incumbency, was old and tired and did not fully use the political tools he possessed. In April Roxas was elected by a narrow margin. The following month he was inaugurated as the last chief executive of the commonwealth, and on July 4, 1946, when the Republic of the Philippines was proclaimed, he became its first president.
The early republic
Roxas, as expected, extended amnesty to all major collaborators with Japan. In the campaign for the election of 1949 there was an attempt to raise the collaboration issue against José Laurel, the Nacionalista presidential candidate, but it was not effective. In the fluidity of Philippine politics, “guerrillas” and “collaborators” were by that time to be found on both sides of all political fences.
The Philippines had gained independence in the “ashes of victory.” Intense fighting, especially around Manila in the last days of the Japanese retreat (February–March 1945), had nearly destroyed the capital. The economy generally was in disarray. Rehabilitation aid was obviously needed, and President Roxas was willing to accept some onerous conditions placed implicitly and explicitly by the U.S. Congress. The Bell Act in the United States extended free trade with the Philippines for 8 years, to be followed by 20 years of gradually increasing tariffs. The United States demanded and received a 99-year lease on a number of Philippine military and naval bases in which U.S. authorities had virtual territorial rights. And finally, as a specific requirement for release of U.S. war-damage payments, the Philippines had to amend its constitution to give U.S. citizens equal rights with Filipinos in the exploitation of natural resources—the so-called Parity Amendment.
The changing character of Philippine–U.S. relations was a major theme in Philippine history for the first several decades after the war. The trend was toward weakening of the link, achieved partly by diversifying Philippine external ties and partly by more articulate anti-American feeling. Economic nationalism, though first directed against the local Chinese community’s dominance of retail trade, by the 1950s was focused on the special status of American business firms.
At independence the military ties with the United States were as strong as the economic ones. Filipino troops fought against communist forces in Korea, and noncombatant engineers augmented U.S. forces in the Vietnam War. Crucial to U.S. military action in Vietnam were bases in the Philippines. The Military Bases Agreement was the greatest single cause of friction in relations between the United States and the Philippines. Beginning in 1965, however, a series of agreements between the two countries reduced the size and number of the U.S. bases and shortened base leases. In 1979 formal jurisdiction over the base areas passed to the Philippine government; and the constitution of 1987 formalized the process by which the bases agreement could be extended beyond the expiration in 1991 of base leases. Extension of the agreement was ultimately rejected by the Philippine Senate, however, and U.S. forces were pulled from the Philippine bases in 1992.
The nature and effectiveness of Filipino political institutions since independence has been a special concern of the former colonial power that helped establish them. For Filipinos, those institutions have determined the ability or inability to maintain domestic social order. Clumsy repression of dissent and the fraudulent election of the country’s second president, Elpidio Quirino, in 1949 set the stage for an intensification of the communist-led Hukbalahap (Huk) Rebellion, which had begun in 1946. The rebellion also reflected a growing sense of social injustice among tenant farmers, especially in central Luzon. Suppression of the rebellion five years later, however, was attributable to American military aid as well as to the opening of the political process to greater mass participation, particularly during the campaign of Ramon Magsaysay, a uniquely charismatic figure in Filipino politics who was elected president in 1953. Magsaysay’s attempts at social and economic reform failed largely because of the conservative outlook of the legislature and the bureaucracy. When Magsaysay died in a plane crash in 1957, leadership of the country fell to his vice president, Carlos P. Garcia. During Garcia’s presidential term and that of his reform-minded successor, Diosdado Macapagal (1961–65), unrest was usually channeled through the electoral process and peaceful protest.
The Marcos and early post-Marcos era
In November 1965, Ferdinand E. Marcos was elected to the presidency. His administration faced grave economic problems that were exacerbated by corruption, tax evasion, and smuggling.
In 1969 Marcos became the first elected president of the Philippines to win reelection. His campaign platform included the renegotiation of major treaties with the United States and trade with communist countries. These promises reflected a change in the self-concept of the country during the 1960s. The idea of the Philippines as an Asian outpost of Christianity was increasingly supplanted by a desire to develop an Asian cultural identity. Artists, musicians, and writers began to look to pre-Spanish themes for inspiration. More important was the trend toward seeking cultural identity through the national language, Pilipino. English, however, remained the language of business, of most government documents, and of the greater part of higher education. Demands that the government meet the social and economic needs of its citizenry continued.
A short-lived sign that the Filipino political system was again attempting to respond constructively to those needs was the choosing in 1970 of a widely representative Constitutional Convention in one of the most honest and peaceful elections in Philippine history. Large student demonstrations urged the convention to undertake a fundamental restructuring of political power.
Marcos, who was approaching the end of his constitutionally delimited eight years in office, had narrower goals: he pressed for the adoption of a parliamentary style of government, which would allow him to remain in power. He feared that the new constitution would not come into force before he lost the advantages of incumbency. At the same time, foreign investors, predominantly American, felt increased pressure from economic nationalists in the legislature.
Martial law
In September 1972 Marcos declared martial law, claiming that it was the last defense against the rising disorder caused by increasingly violent student demonstrations, the alleged threats of communist insurgency by the new Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), and the Muslim separatist movement of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). One of his first actions was to arrest opposition politicians in Congress and the Constitutional Convention. Initial public reaction to martial law was mostly favourable except in Muslim areas of the south, where a separatist rebellion, led by the MNLF, broke out in 1973. Despite halfhearted attempts to negotiate a cease-fire, the rebellion continued to claim thousands of military and civilian casualties. Communist insurgency expanded with the creation of the National Democratic Front (NDF), an organization embracing the CPP and other communist groups.
Under martial law the regime was able to reduce violent urban crime, collect unregistered firearms, and suppress communist insurgency in some areas. At the same time, a series of important new concessions were given to foreign investors, including a prohibition on strikes by organized labour, and a land-reform program was launched. In January 1973 Marcos proclaimed the ratification of a new constitution based on the parliamentary system, with himself as both president and prime minister. He did not, however, convene the interim legislature that was called for in that document.
General disillusionment with martial law and with the consolidation of political and economic control by Marcos, his family, and close associates grew during the 1970s. Despite growth in the country’s gross national product, workers’ real income dropped, few farmers benefited from land reform, and the sugar industry was in confusion. The precipitous drop in sugar prices in the early 1980s coupled with lower prices and less demand for coconuts and coconut products—traditionally the most important export commodity—added to the country’s economic woes; the government was forced to borrow large sums from the international banking community. Also troubling to the regime, reports of widespread corruption began to surface with increasing frequency.
Elections for an interim National Assembly were finally held in 1978. The opposition—of which the primary group was led by the jailed former senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr.—produced such a bold and popular campaign that the official results, which gave Marcos’s opposition virtually no seats, were widely believed to have been illegally altered. In 1980 Aquino was allowed to go into exile in the United States, and the following year, after announcing the suspension of martial law, Marcos won a virtually uncontested election for a new six-year term.
The downfall of Marcos and return of democratic government
The assassination of Benigno Aquino as he returned to Manila in August 1983 was generally thought to have been the work of the military; it became the focal point of a renewed and more heavily supported opposition to Marcos’s rule. By late 1985 Marcos, under mounting pressure both inside and outside the Philippines, called a snap presidential election for February 1986. Corazon C. Aquino, Benigno’s widow, became the candidate of a coalition of opposition parties. Marcos was declared the official winner, but strong public outcry over the election results precipitated a revolt that by the end of the month had driven Marcos from power. Aquino then assumed the presidency.
Aquino’s great personal popularity and widespread international support were instrumental in establishing the new government. Shortly after taking office, she abolished the constitution of 1973 and began ruling by decree. A new constitution was drafted and was ratified in February 1987 in a general referendum; legislative elections in May 1987 and the convening of a new bicameral congress in July marked the return of the form of government that had been present before the imposition of martial law in 1972.
Euphoria over the ouster of Marcos proved to be short-lived, however. The new government had inherited an enormous external debt, a severely depleted economy, and a growing threat from Moro and communist insurgents. The Aquino administration also had to weather considerable internal dissension, repeated coup attempts, and such natural disasters as a major earthquake and the 1991 eruption of Mount Pinatubo. The resumption of active partisan politics, moreover, was the beginning of the end of the coalition that had brought Aquino to power. Pro-Aquino candidates had won a sweeping victory in the 1987 legislative elections, but there was less support for her among those elected to provincial and local offices in early 1988. By the early 1990s the criticisms against her administration—i.e., charges of weak leadership, corruption, and human rights abuses—had begun to stick.
Gregorio C. Borlaza
The Philippines since c. 1990
The presidential election of May 1992, in which Aquino was not a candidate, was a seven-way race in which the winner, Fidel Ramos, received less than 24 percent of the overall vote. Ramos was a former army chief of staff and defense minister under Aquino; he was unpopular in some quarters because he had headed the agency charged with enforcing martial law under Marcos before turning against Marcos to give crucial support to Aquino in 1986. Some observers had wryly noted during the election that the winner might come to envy the losers, and indeed Ramos inherited the onus of having to deal with insurgencies from the right and the left, a severe energy crisis that produced daily electricity outages, an infrastructure in decay, a large foreign debt, and the troubles of a population half of whom lived in deep poverty.
The Ramos administration remedied the energy crisis and proceeded to create a hospitable environment for economic recovery. Peace was successfully negotiated with the military rebels and the MNLF; it proved to be more elusive with the NDF. A more open economy was created through a series of macroeconomic reforms. Consequently, by the time of the Asian financial crisis that swept the region in 1997, the Philippine economy was stable enough to escape serious damage. A proactive foreign and security policy prevented the deterioration of relations with China, one of several countries with which the Philippines disputed a claim to certain islands and islets in the South China Sea. Ramos’s foreign policy also earned positive diplomatic gains for the country abroad.
The election of Joseph Ejercito Estrada—former movie star, mayor of a small town in Metro Manila, senator, and vice president under Ramos—to the presidency in May 1998 brought a reversal of many of the economic, political, and diplomatic accomplishments of the Ramos administration. Although Estrada generally maintained economic growth and political stability in the first year of his administration, he subsequently came under fire largely because of his failure to fulfill promises to reduce poverty and to open the economy further to private enterprise. Estrada was impeached in November 2000, charged with bribery, graft and corruption, betrayal of the public trust, and culpable violation of the constitution. The refusal of Estrada’s senatorial allies to open an envelope that allegedly held evidence against him during the impeachment trial triggered a popular revolt; the uprisings ultimately led to Estrada’s ouster, subsequent arrest, detention, and trial before the Sandiganbayan, the country’s corruption court.
In January 2001 Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, Estrada’s former vice president, was sworn in as the country’s 14th president. A daughter of former president Diosdado Macapagal with a doctorate in economics, Arroyo faced the challenges of leading a democracy that had remained dominated by the elite, stimulating the economy to grow faster than the country’s population, providing jobs for an abundance of the country’s large group of college graduates each year, and relieving poverty. Despite some reduction of poverty, as well as the curbing of corruption in certain arenas, Arroyo struggled with political instability and widespread crime, including the increasingly common kidnappings for ransom. She herself became implicated in corruption, which stirred disillusioned soldiers to attempt a coup in 2003. The coup failed, and Arroyo was reelected to the presidency in 2004. Later allegations of election fixing and an increasingly repressive approach to government, however, sparked a call for impeachment and another coup plot in 2006; once again the coup failed. Arroyo subsequently declared a “state of emergency” and banned all public demonstrations. Although the declaration was quickly lifted, the gesture was broadly perceived as emblematic of authoritarian rule. In September 2007 Estrada, who had been under house arrest outside Manila since 2001, was convicted on additional graft charges and given a life sentence; however, Arroyo soon pardoned him of all charges.
Throughout the turmoil in the executive branch, political and economic issues continued to trouble the Philippines in other realms. In the Muslim south, increasingly militant and widespread unrest was a growing concern. In the north, a concerted movement was underway to reformulate the country’s constitution. In the international arena, remittances from overseas Filipinos (which had become an important component of the economy) were jeopardized as neighbouring countries rewrote their laws regarding foreign employment and threatened to deport undocumented workers.
Carolina G. Hernandez Gregorio C. Borlaza
In 2009, underscoring the delicacy of the situation in the south, members of a powerful ruling clan in Mindanao were implicated in a November incident in which a political opponent of the clan and his entourage were massacred. Until then the Arroyo government had been allied with the clan as a means of counteracting Moro separatists. However, in early December Arroyo broke with the clan and declared martial law in a portion of Mindanao—the first time it had been imposed since the Marcos era—precipitating considerable domestic debate. The decree was lifted several days later, after the government declared it had thwarted a potential rebellion in Mindanao.
The 2010 presidential and parliamentary elections featured a number of candidates with familiar names. Benigno S. (“Noynoy”) Aquino III, son of Benigno Aquino, Jr., and Corazon Aquino, defeated a field of presidential hopefuls led by Joseph Estrada. In addition, Arroyo, Imelda Marcos (widow of ousted dictator Ferdinand Marcos), and boxing star Manny Pacquiao each won seats in the House of Representatives. In October 2012 Aquino announced the conclusion of a peace deal with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) that would grant a significant degree of autonomy to a Muslim-majority region on the southern island of Mindanao. The four-decade conflict had claimed roughly 120,000 lives and displaced some 2 million people.
In early November 2013, large portions of the central Philippines were devastated by Super Typhoon Haiyan, a massive tropical cyclone that cut a broad swath some 500 miles (800 km) long across several islands before exiting into the South China Sea. Thousands of people were killed, and hundreds of thousands were made homeless. It was the most severe of several natural calamities to hit the country that year, including typhoons in August and October and a magnitude-7.1 earthquake, also in October.
Perhaps the most pressing foreign policy issue for the Philippines in the 2010s was China’s increasingly assertive posture in the South China Sea. As the Philippines worked to shore up its weak military forces, in 2014 it filed a case with the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague. It sought a ruling under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea concerning a reef that was within Philippine territorial waters. China claimed ownership of waters close to the Philippines and in April 2015 began construction of an artificial island at Fiery Cross Reef, heightening tension in the region. In July 2016 the court concluded that there was no evidence of any historical Chinese claim to the waters, and it ruled that China had violated the Philippines’ sovereign rights. In addition, it stated that China’s island-building program had caused serious environmental damage. Officials from the Philippines greeted the decision, but China dismissed the ruling, claiming that the court lacked both jurisdiction and any kind of enforcement mechanism.
On the domestic front, a crowded field in the 2016 presidential election was headed by Rodrigo Duterte, the longtime mayor of Davao City. Duterte rode to the top of the polls with incendiary populist rhetoric and a broad anticorruption platform, and he was elected president on May 9, 2016. Duterte had campaigned on a promise to execute 100,000 criminals, and upon his inauguration in June there was a dramatic spike in extrajudicial killings of suspected illegal drug dealers. Human rights groups protested Duterte’s draconian methods, and in 2018 the International Criminal Court (ICC) opened an investigation into the more than 12,000 deaths associated with his “war on drugs.” Duterte responded by withdrawing the Philippines from the ICC and instructing police to shoot activists if they were seen “obstructing justice.” Independent journalists and political rivals were imprisoned on spurious charges, but Duterte retained significant popularity with the Filipino public. In May 2019 voters endorsed Duterte’s agenda in legislative elections, giving him majorities in both houses and removing the final obstacle to his consolidation of power.
In 2021 Ferdinand Marcos, Jr. (byname Bongbong), son of the ousted dictator Ferdinand Marcos, announced his bid to become the country’s president. During the 2022 presidential campaign, Bongbong emphasized the unity of the country, which some analysts viewed as an attempt to move past his family’s controversies. On June 30, 2022, Bongbong was sworn in as the 17th president of the Philippines, signifying the Marcos family’s successful political rehabilitation since exile.
The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica
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List of presidents of the Philippines facts for kids
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Under the Constitution of the Philippines, the president of the Philippines (Filipino: Pangulo ng Pilipinas) is both the head of state and government, and serves as the commander-in-chief of the country's armed forces. The president is directly elected by qualified voters to a six-year term and must be "a natural-born citizen of the Philippines, a registered voter, able to read and write, at least forty years of age on the day of the election, and a resident of the Philippines for at least ten years immediately preceding such election". Any person who has served as president for more than six years is barred from eligibility. Upon resignation, or removal from office, the vice president assumes the post.
History
Emilio Aguinaldo became the inaugural president of the Philippines under the Malolos Republic, considered the First Philippine Republic. He held that office until 1901 when he was captured by United States forces during the Philippine–American War (1899–1902). The American colonization of the Philippines abolished the First Republic, which led to an American governor-general exercising executive power.
In 1935, the United States, pursuant to its promise of full Philippine sovereignty, established the Commonwealth of the Philippines following the ratification of the 1935 Constitution, which also restored the presidency. The first national presidential election was held, and Manuel L. Quezon (1935–44) was elected to a six-year term, with no provision for re-election, as the second Philippine president and the first Commonwealth president. In 1940, however, the Constitution was amended to allow re-election but shortened the term to four years. A change in government occurred three years later when the Second Philippine Republic was organized with the enactment of the 1943 Constitution, which Japan imposed after it occupied the Philippines in 1942 during World War II. José P. Laurel acted as puppet president of the new Japanese-sponsored government; his de facto presidency, not legally recognized until the 1960s, overlapped with that of the president of the Commonwealth, which went into exile. The Second Republic was dissolved after Japan surrendered to the Allies in 1945; the Commonwealth was restored in the Philippines in the same year with Sergio Osmeña (1944–46) as president.
Manuel Roxas (1946–1948) followed Osmeña when he won the first post-war election in 1946. He became the first president of the independent Philippines when the Commonwealth ended on July 4 of that year. The Third Republic was ushered in and would cover the administrations of the next five presidents, the last of which was Ferdinand Marcos (1965–86), who performed a self-coup by imposing martial law in 1972. The dictatorship of Marcos saw the birth of the New Society (Filipino: Bagong Lipunan) and the Fourth Republic. His tenure lasted until 1986 when he was deposed in the People Power Revolution. The current constitution came into effect in 1987, marking the beginning of the Fifth Republic.
Of the individuals elected as president, three died in office: two of natural causes (Manuel L. Quezon and Manuel Roxas) and one in a plane crash (Ramon Magsaysay, 1953–57). The longest-serving president is Ferdinand Marcos with 20 years and 57 days in office; he is the only president to have served more than two terms. The shortest is Sergio Osmeña, who spent 1 year and 300 days in office.
Two women have held the office: Corazon Aquino (1986–92), who ascended to the presidency upon the successful People Power Revolution of 1986, and Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (2001–10), who, as vice president, ascended to the presidency upon Estrada's resignation and was elected to a full six-year term in 2004.
Presidents
No. Portrait Name
(Lifespan) Party Term Election Vice president Era 1 Emilio Aguinaldo
(1869–1964) None January 23, 1899
–
March 23, 1901
(2 years, 59 days) 1899 None First Republic None – None U.S. Military Government – U.S. Insular Government 2 Manuel L. Quezon
(1878–1944) Nacionalista November 15, 1935
–
August 1, 1944
(8 years, 260 days) 1935 Sergio Osmeña Commonwealth 1941 3 Jose P. Laurel
(1891–1959) KALIBAPI October 14, 1943
–
August 17, 1945
(1 year, 307 days) 1943 None Second Republic 4 Sergio Osmeña
(1878–1961) Nacionalista August 1, 1944
–
May 28, 1946
(1 year, 300 days) 1941 Vacant Commonwealth 5 Manuel Roxas
(1892–1948) Liberal May 28, 1946
–
April 15, 1948
(1 year, 323 days) 1946 Elpidio Quirino Third Republic 6 Elpidio Quirino
(1890–1956) Liberal April 17, 1948
–
December 30, 1953
(5 years, 257 days) Vacant 1949 Fernando Lopez 7 Ramon Magsaysay
(1907–1957) Nacionalista December 30, 1953
–
March 17, 1957
(3 years, 77 days) 1953 Carlos P. Garcia 8 Carlos P. Garcia
(1896–1971) Nacionalista March 18, 1957
–
December 30, 1961
(4 years, 287 days) None 1957 Diosdado Macapagal 9 Diosdado Macapagal
(1910–1997) Liberal December 30, 1961
–
December 30, 1965
(4 years) 1961 Emmanuel Pelaez 10 Ferdinand Marcos
(1917–1989) Nacionalista
(until 1978) December 30, 1965
–
February 25, 1986
(20 years, 57 days) 1965 Fernando Lopez 1969 Martial Law None 1973 1977 KBL
(from 1978) 1981 Fourth Republic Vacant 11 Corazon Aquino
(1933–2009) UNIDO
(until 1988) February 25, 1986
–
June 30, 1992
(6 years, 126 days) 1986 Salvador Laurel Provisional Government Fifth Republic Independent
(from 1988) 12 Fidel V. Ramos
(1928–2022) Lakas–NUCD June 30, 1992
–
June 30, 1998
(6 years) 1992 Joseph Estrada 13 Joseph Estrada
(born 1937) LAMMP June 30, 1998
–
January 20, 2001
(2 years, 204 days) 1998 Gloria Macapagal Arroyo 14 Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
(born 1947) Lakas–CMD January 20, 2001
–
June 30, 2010
(9 years, 161 days) Vacant Teofisto Guingona Jr. 2004 Noli de Castro 15 Benigno Aquino III
(1960–2021) Liberal June 30, 2010
–
June 30, 2016
(6 years) 2010 Jejomar Binay 16 Rodrigo Duterte
(born 1945) PDP–Laban June 30, 2016
–
June 30, 2022
(6 years) 2016 Leni Robredo 17 Bongbong Marcos
(born 1957) PFP June 30, 2022
–
present
(2 years, 42 days) 2022 Sara Duterte
Timeline
See also: List of presidents of the Philippines by time in office
Unofficial presidents
Andrés Bonifacio is considered by some historians to be the first president of the Philippines. He was the third Supreme President (Spanish: Presidente Supremo; Tagalog: Kataastaasang Pangulo) of the Katipunan secret society. Its Supreme Council, led by the Supreme President, coordinated provincial and district councils. When the Katipunan went into open revolt in August 1896 (the Cry of Balintawak), Bonifacio transformed it into a revolutionary government with him as president. While the term Katipunan remained, Bonifacio's government was also known as the Tagalog Republic (Tagalog: Republika ng Katagalugan; Spanish: Republica Tagala). (Although the word Tagalog refers to a specific ethnicity, Bonifacio used it to denote all indigenous people in the Philippines in place of Filipino which had colonial origins.)
Some historians contend that including Bonifacio as a past president would imply that Macario Sakay and Miguel Malvar y Carpio should also be included. Miguel Malvar y Carpio continued Emilio Aguinaldo's leadership of the First Philippine Republic after the latter's capture until his own capture in 1902. Macario Sakay revived the Tagalog Republic in 1902 as a continuation of Bonifacio's Katipunan. They are both considered by some scholars as "unofficial presidents". Along with Bonifacio, Malvar and Sakay are not recognized as presidents by the Philippine government.
Emilio Aguinaldo is officially recognized as the first president of the Philippines, but this is based on his term of office during the Malolos Republic, later known as the First Philippine Republic. Prior to this Aguinaldo had held the presidency of several revolutionary governments which are not counted in the succession of Philippine republics.
Manuel L. Quezon delegated his presidential duties to José Abad Santos, the then Chief Justice, when the former fled the Philippines amidst Japanese occupation of the islands to establish a government-in-exile. He is believed to have in effect become the acting president of the Philippine Commonwealth though no legal document has been retrieved detailing the official transfer of the title of President to Abad Santos.
List
Portrait Name
Lifespan Party Term Vice President Government Took office Left office Andrés Bonifacio
(1863–1897)
None August 24, 1896 March 22, 1897
or
May 10, 1897 None Sovereign Tagalog Nation Emilio Aguinaldo
(1869–1964) None March 22, 1897 November 1, 1897 Mariano Trias Tejeros revolutionary government November 2, 1897 December 14, 1897 Republic of Biak-na-Bato May 24, 1898 June 23, 1898 Dictatorial Government June 23, 1898 January 23, 1899 Revolutionary Government Francisco Makabulos
(1871–1922) None April 17, 1898 May 19, 1898 None Central Executive Committee Miguel Malvar
(1865–1911)
None April 1, 1901 April 16, 1902 None First Republic Macario Sakay
(1870–1907)
Katipunan
(holdout/revival) May 6, 1902 July 14, 1906 Francisco Carreón Tagalog Republic José Abad Santos
(1886–1942)
Independent March 17, 1942 May 2, 1942 None Commonwealth Jorge B. Vargas
(1890–1980) KALIBAPI
Association for Service to the New Philippines January 23, 1942 October 14, 1943 None Philippine Executive Commission Arturo Tolentino
(1910–2004)
Kilusang Bagong Lipunan
New Society Movement July 6, 1986 July 8, 1986 None Fourth Republic
Timeline
List of presidents by age
No. President Born Age at start of presidency Age at end of presidency Post-presidency timespan Lifespan Died Age 1 Emilio Aguinaldo March 22, 1869 29 years, 10 months, 1 day
January 23, 1899 32 years, 22 days
March 23, 1901 62 years, 10 months, 14 days February 6, 1964 94 years 2 Manuel Quezon August 19, 1878 57 years, 2 months, 27 days
February 15, 1935 65 years, 11 months, 13 days
August 1, 1944 Died in office August 1, 1944 65 years 3 Jose P. Laurel March 9, 1891 52 years, 7 months, 5 days
October 14, 1943 54 years, 5 months, 8 days
August 17, 1945 14 years, 2 months, 20 days November 6, 1959 68 years 4 Sergio Osmeña September 9, 1878 65 years, 10 months, 23 days
August 1, 1944 67 years, 8 months, 19 days
May 28, 1946 15 years, 4 months, 21 days October 19, 1961 83 years 5 Manuel Roxas January 1, 1892 54 years, 4 months, 27 days
May 28, 1946 56 years, 3 months, 14 days
April 15, 1948 Died in office April 15, 1948 56 years 6 Elpidio Quirino November 16, 1890 57 years, 5 months, 1 day
April 17, 1948 63 years, 1 month, 14 days
December 30, 1953 2 years, 1 month, 30 days February 29, 1956 65 years 7 Ramon Magsaysay August 31, 1907 46 years, 3 months, 29 days
December 30, 1953 49 years old, 6 months, 14 days
March 17, 1957 Died in office March 17, 1957 49 years 8 Carlos P. Garcia November 4, 1896 60 years, 5 months, 14 days
March 18, 1957 65 years, 1 months, 26 days
December 30, 1961 9 years, 5 months, 15 days June 14, 1971 74 years 9 Diosdado Macapagal September 28, 1910 51 years, 3 months, 2 days
December 30, 1961 55 years, 3 months, 2 days
December 30, 1965 31 years, 3 months, 22 days April 21, 1997 86 years 10 Ferdinand E. Marcos September 11, 1917 48 years, 3 months, 19 days
December 30, 1965 68 years, 5 months, 14 days
February 25 1986 3 years, 7 months, 3 days September 28, 1989 72 years 11 Corazon Aquino January 25, 1933 53 years, 1 month
February 25, 1986 59 years, 5 months, 5 days
June 30, 1992 17 years, 1 months, 2 days August 1, 2009 76 years 12 Fidel V. Ramos March 18, 1928 64 years old, 3 months, 12 days
June 30, 1992 70 years old, 3 months, 12 days
June 30, 1998 24 years, 1 month, 1 day July 31, 2022 94 years 13 Joseph Estrada April 19, 1937 61 years, 2 months, 11 days
June 30, 1998 63 years, 9 months, 1 day
January 20, 2001 (Living) (Living) 86 years 14 Gloria Macapagal Arroyo April 5, 1947 53 years, 9 months, 15 days
January 20, 2001 63 years, 2 months, 25 days
June 30, 2010 (Living) (Living) 76 years 15 Benigno Aquino III February 8, 1960 50 years, 4 months, 22 days
June 30, 2010 56 years, 4 months, 22 days
June 30, 2016 4 years, 21 months, 25 days June 24, 2021 61 years 16 Rodrigo Duterte March 28, 1945 71 years, 3 months, 2 days
June 30, 2016 77 years, 3 months, 2 days
June 30, 2022 (Living) (Living) 78 years 17 Bongbong Marcos September 13, 1957 64 years, 9 months, 3 days
June 30, 2022 (incumbent) (incumbent) (living) 66 years
List of presidents by offices held before presidency
Executive branch
Vice presidents
Vice President President served under Year(s) served Notes Sergio Osmeña Manuel L. Quezon 1935–1944 Osmeña succeeded Quezon, after the latter's death Elpidio Quirino Manuel Roxas 1946–1948 Quirino succeeded Roxas, after the latter's death; Ran and won a full term in 1949. Carlos P. Garcia Ramon Magsaysay 1953–1957 Garcia succeeded Magsaysay, after the latter's death; Ran and won a full term in 1957. Diosdado Macapagal Carlos P. Garcia 1957–1961 Macapagal defeated Garcia in 1961. Joseph Estrada Fidel V. Ramos 1992–1998 Estrada ran for a full term in 1998. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo Joseph Estrada 1998–2001 Arroyo succeeded Estrada, after the latter's resignation; Ran and won a full term in 2004
3 other former vice presidents (S. Laurel, Binay, and Robredo) all made failed runs for the presidency.
Cabinet secretaries
The following cabinet secretaries are only served for fulltime. Vice Presidents served as cabinet secretary concurrently are not included.
Secretary Office President served under Year(s) served Elpidio Quirino Secretary of Finance Manuel Quezon 1934– 1936 Secretary of Interior 1935–1938 Manuel Roxas Secretary of Interior 1941 Ramon Magsaysay Secretary of National Defense Elpidio Quirino 1935–1944 Fidel V. Ramos Corazon Aquino 1988–1991
Other positions
Name Office President served under Year(s) served Gloria Macapagal Arroyo Undersecretary of the Department of Trade and Industry Corazon Aquino 1987–1992
Legislative
Senators
Senator District Year(s) served Notes Manuel L. Quezon 5th 1916–1935 First president to serve as Senate President (1916–1935) Jose P. Laurel 1925–1931 Only former president to serve as senator (1951–1957);
Only senator served as Majority Floor Leader (1925–1931)
Sergio Osmeña 10th 1922–1935 First president to serve as President pro tempore (1922–1934) Manuel Roxas At-large 1945–1946 Second president to serve as Senate President (1916–1935) Elpidio Quirino 1st 1925–1935 Second and last president to serve as President pro tempore (1945–1946) At-large 1945–1946 Carlos P. Garcia 1945–1953 First President to serve as Minority Floor Leader (1946–1953) Ferdinand E. Marcos 1959–1965 Second President to serve as Minority Floor Leader (1960–1962)
Third and last president to serve as Senate President (1963–1965)
Joseph Estrada 1987–1992 Gloria Macapagal Arroyo 1992–1998 Benigno Aquino III 2007–2010 Did not finished term, won presidency Bongbong Marcos 2010–2016
Congressman/Representatives/Assemblyman
Local government
Governors
Mayors
Municipal/City Councilors
Name Municipality/City Province Year(s) served Manuel Quezon Lucena Tayabas 1906 Manuel Roxas Capiz Capiz 1917–1919
Judiciary
Name Position Year(s) served President Notes Jose P. Laurel Associate Justice of the Supreme Court 1936–1942 Manuel Quezon Only president served in the Supreme Court
International Affairs-related
Name Office President served under Year(s) served Manuel Quezon Resident Commissioner of the Philippines None(Under American rule) 1909–1916
Presidents who had not previously held elective office
Without previous experience in government, but served in the military
Name Year(s) served Emilio Aguinaldo 1899–1901
Without previous experience in government or in the military
Name Year(s) served Corazon Aquino 1986–1992
List of presidents by military service
Name Rank Branch Year(s) served Notes Emilio Aguinaldo Generalissimo Philippine Revolutionary Army 1896–1901 Manuel Quezon Major Philippine Revolutionary Army 1899–1900 Manuel Roxas Brigadier General Philippine Commonwealth Army 1941–1945 Ramon Magsaysay Captain Philippine Commonwealth Army 1942–1945 Ferdinand E. Marcos 1st Lieutenant USAFFE 1942–1945 Major USAFIP-NL Fidel V. Ramos General Philippine Constabulary 1950–1988 Only former President served as Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces (1984–1985; 1986–1988), and commander of a service branch (1972–1986).
See also
In Spanish: Anexo:Presidentes de Filipinas para niños
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The President of the Philippines is the country's Chief Executive and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces.
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WorldAtlas
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https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/presidents-of-the-philippines-through-history.html
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The Republic of the Philippines is an island country in Southeast Asia. The Philippines is a unitary state with a democratic government under the Presidential system. The President, who serves a single six-year term, is elected through a popular vote. He or she is both the head of government and state. As the head of government, the President has a responsibility of appointing and chairing the Cabinet. The President is also the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces and has the powers to declare Martial Law. Through consultation with the Commission on Appointments, he or she can appoint departmental heads, ambassadors, and other high-ranking government officials. The most notable Presidents of the Philippines through history are looked at below.
Emilio Aguinaldo
Emilio Aguinaldo was a military, political, and revolutionary leader who served as the inaugural President of Philippines. Aguinaldo served from January 23, 1899 until March 23, 1901. Before becoming the President, he led the country against Spain in the Philippine Revolution between 1896 and 1898. Upon assuming office, he again led the country against the US in the Philippines-America War between 1899 and 1901 during which he was captured ending his Presidency and dissolving the Republic. He unsuccessfully ran for the Presidency in 1935 losing to Manuel Quezon. He died on February 6, 1964, due to coronary thrombosis.
Manuel L. Quezon
Manuel L. Quezon was a military soldier, statesman, and a politician who became the Commonwealth of Philippines’ President at the end of America’s occupation of the region. He assumed office on November 15, 1935, after defeating the country’s first President, Emilio Aguinaldo. He became the first Senate President to be elected President and also the first President to be elected through a national election. During his tenure, he largely resolved the pressing issue of much needed land reform, as the lingering legacy of the Colonial Spanish land ownership system continued to plague the countryside with institutionalized income disparity and inescapable poverty among the rural masses. He also reorganized island military defense and promoted foreign relations and commerce. To some extent, he managed to root out corruption and mismanagement in the government. He exiled to the US upon the Japanese invasion where he died on August 1, 1944.
Sergio Osmeña
Sergio Osmeña had been the Vice President during Manuel Quezon's tenure as President. He became the Fourth President of the Philippines upon the death of Quezon in 1944 at the age of 65 years. He was able to restore the Government of Commonwealth of the Philippines upon the liberation of Manila. With the restoration, Sergio Osmeña reorganized the government and appointed cabinet which he charged with the responsibility of solving the problems that confronted the nation. President Sergio Osmeña lost his reelection bid of 1946 after which he retired from politics. He died on October 19, 1961, at the age of 83.
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Sieh dir auf Facebook Beiträge, Fotos und vieles mehr an.
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Political Career
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Congressional career House of Representatives While governor, he ran for election to the first Philippine Assembly of 1907 and was elected Speaker of that body. Osmeña was 29 years old and already...
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Sergio Osmeña
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[
"family tree",
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"family tree charts",
"family statistics",
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] | null |
[] |
2024-07-09T23:32:42-07:00
|
Genealogy for Sergio Osmeña, Sr. (1878 - 1961) family tree on Geni, with over 260 million profiles of ancestors and living relatives.
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/touch-icon-iphone.png
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geni_family_tree
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https://www.geni.com/people/Sergio-Osme%C3%B1a/6000000001411168247
|
Son of Antonio Sansón and Juana Suico Osmeña
Husband of Estefania Chiong Veloso-Osmeña and Esperanza Escolar Limjap
Father of Vicenta Osmeña; Sergio Osmeña Jr.; Private; Private; Emilio Osmeña and 12 others; Private; Private; Private; Private; Private; Private; Private; Private; Private; Private; Private and Private« less
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dbpedia
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0
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https://www.academia.edu/37969434/PRESIDENT_OF_THE_PHILIPPINES_docx
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en
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PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINES..docx
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2018-12-13T00:00:00
|
16 PRESIDENTS OF THE PHILIPPINES
|
https://www.academia.edu/37969434/PRESIDENT_OF_THE_PHILIPPINES_docx
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In this page, I've listed all the presidents of the Philippines from the first to the present time (2013) and compiled some of their notable achievements. This list starts from the ratification of the Philippine Constitution in the First Republic – after the independence of the country in 1898. Thus, this list starts from the ratification of 1899 constitution where Emilio Aguinaldo was the president of the Republic of the Philippines. The dates followed by their names are the dates of their terms.
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sergio osmena
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2014-03-18T20:16:55+00:00
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sergio osmena - Download as a PDF or view online for free
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https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/sergio-osmena-32467190/32467190
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1. PRES. SERGIO OSMEÑA, SR. (1878 – 1961) Fourth President of the Philippine Republic. Second President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines. Founder of the Nacionalista Party. Patriarch of the prominent Osmeña family. -o0o- Name: Sergio Suico Osmeña, Sr. Birth: Date: 9 September 1878 Place: Cebu City Death: Date: 1961 Age: 83 Place: Veteran’s Memorial Hospital, Quezon City Cause: Natural Causes related to old age Family:
2. Father: Owing to the circumstances of his birth, the identity of his father had been a closely guarded family secret. Mother: Juana Osmeña y Juico Spouse/s: o 1st: Estefania Chiong Veloso o 2nd: Esperenza Limjap Children: o From 1st Spouse: 5 o From 2nd Spouse: 3 Education: San Carlos Seminary Bachelor of Arts – Colegio de San Juan de Letran (1894) Bachelor of Laws – University of Santo Tomas (1903) Timeline and Highlights: Classmate and best friend of Manuel Quezon in Letran and UST Launched and Edited the newspaper El Nuevo Dia together with Jaime de Veyra and Rafael Palma in 1900 Allowed by the Supreme Court to take the Bar Examination even though he only completed 3 years in Law School o Placed 2nd among the Bar Topnotchers Appointed temporary governor of Cebu in 1903 o appointed by the American Governor-General as reliever of Juan Climaco Provincial Fiscal of Cebu Governor of Cebu in 1904
3. Representative of hte 2nd District of Cebu in the First Philippine Assembly in 1907 o Organized and became the first president of the Nacionalista Party o Speaker of the House – a post he held fo 15 years Elected Senator in 1922 Congressional career House of Representatives While governor, he ran for election to the first Philippine Assembly of 1907 and was elected Speaker of that body. Osmeña was 29 years old and already the highest-ranking Filipino official. He and another provincial politician, Manuel L. Quezon of Tayabas, set up the Nacionalista Party as a foil to thePartido Federalista of Manila-based politicians. The two would engage in a rivalry for political dominance ever since.[citation needed] Senate Osmeña was elected to the Philippine National Assembly in 1907 and remained a member of the lower house until 1922. In 1922 he was elected to the Senate. He went to the United States as part of the OsRox Mission in 1933, to secure passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Independence Bill which was superseded by the Tydings- McDuffie Act in March 1934.[citation needed] OFFICE NAME TERM President Manuel L. Quezón 1941–1944 (extended, 1943) Vice President Sergio Osmeña 1941–1944 (extended, 1943) Secretary of Justice and Finance José Abad Santos 24 December 1941 – 26 March 1942 Secretary of Justice José Abad Santos 26 March 1942 – 8 May 1942 Secretary of Finance, Agriculture, and Commerce Andrés Soriano 26 March 1942 – 31 July 1944 Secretary of National Defense, Public Works, Communications and Labor Basilio Valdes 24 December 1941 – 1 August 1944 Secretary of Public Instruction, Health, and Public Welfare Sergio Osmeña 24 December 1941 – 1 August 1944 Secretary to the President Manuel Roxas 24 December 1941 – 8 May 1942 Arturo Rotor 8 May 1942 – 1 August 1944 Secretary to the Cabinet Manuel Nieto 19 May 1944 Secretary without Portfolio Andrés Soriano 2 March 1942 – 26 March 1942 Treasurer of the Philippines Andrés Soriano 19 February 1942 – 26 March 1942 Manuel Roxas 26 March 1942 – 8 May 1942
4. Vice-presidency In 1924, Quezon and Osmeña reconciled and joined forces in what was denominated the Partido Nacionalista Consolidado against the threat of an emerging opposition from the Democrata Party. The reunited Nacionalista Party dominated the political scene until the second break-up when the members polarized into Pros and Antis in 1934. Quezon and Osmeña again reconciled for the 1935 Presidential Election. In 1935 Quezon and Osmeña won the Philippine's first national presidential election under the banner of the Nacionalista Party. Quezon obtained nearly 68% of the vote against his two main rivals, Emilio Aguinaldo and Bishop Gregorio Aglipay.[citation needed] They were inaugurated on 15 November 1935. Quezon had originally been barred by the Philippine constitution from seeking re-election. However, in 1940, constitutional amendments were ratified allowing him to seek re-election for a fresh term ending in 1943. In the 1941 presidential elections, Quezon was re-elected over former Senator Juan Sumulong with nearly 82% of the vote. Re-elected in 1941, Osmeña remained vice president during the Japanese occupation when the government was in exile. As Vice-President, Osmeña concurrently served as Public Instruction Secretary from 1935– 40, and again from 1941–44. The outbreak of World War II and the Japanese invasion resulted in periodic and drastic changes to the government structure. Executive Order 390, 22 December 1941 abolished the Department of the Interior and established a new line of succession. Executive Order 396, 24 December 1941, further reorganized and grouped the cabinet, with the functions of Secretary of Justice assigned to the Chief Justice of the Philippines. Administration and cabinetWar Cabinet 1944–45 President Osmeña with members of his cabinet. Front row; left to right: Jaime Hernandez, Secretary of Finance; President Osmeña; Col. Carlos P. Romulo, Resident Commissioner and Secretary of Information. Back row, left to right: Col. Mariano A. Erana, Judge Advocate General of the Philippine Army and Secretary of the Department of Justice, Labor, and Welfare; Dr. Arturo B. Rotor, Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce; Ismael Mathay, Budget and Finance Commissioner; Colonel Alejandro Melchor, Undersecretary of National Defense, representing General Basilio Valdes, Secretary of National Defense. Auditor- General[disambiguation needed] Jaime Hernández (Filipino) 30 December 1941 – 1 August 1944 Resident Commissioner Joaquín Miguel Elizalde 30 December 1941 – 1 August 1944 (given cabinet rank on 8 May 1942) Secretary of Information and Public Relations Carlos P. Rómulo 1943–1944
5. On 8 August 1944, President Osmeña issued Executive Order 15-W reorganizing and consolidating the Executive Departments of the Commonwealth government. The reorganization of the government after it was reestablished on Philippine soil was undertaken with Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945. OFFICE NAME TERM President Sergio Osmeña 1944– 1946 Secretary of Finance Jaime Hernández 1944– 1945 Secretary of National Defense and Communications Basilio Valdes 1944– 1945 Secretary of Information and Public Relations Carlos P. Romulo (concurrent capacity) 1944– 1945 Secretary of Justice, Labor and Welfare Mariano A. Eraña (acting capacity) 1944– 1945 Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce Manuel Nieto 1944– 1945 Secretary to the President Arturo Rotor 1944– 1945 Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo 1944– 1945 Budget and Finance Commissioner Ismael Mathay 1944– 1945 Judge Advocate General of the Army Mariano Eraña 1944– 1945 Economic Adviser Urbano Zafra 1944– 1945 Military Adviser Alejandro Melchor 1944– 1945 Cabinet and judicial appointments 1945–46 Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945 was issued upon the restoration of civilian authority to the government of the Commonwealth, and members of the new cabinet appointed on 8 March 1945. Subsequent renaming and mergers of departments have separate listings.
6. OFFICE NAME TERM President Sergio Osmeña 1944–1946 Secretary of the Interior Tomás Confesor 1945 Secretary of Finance and Reconstruction Jaime Hernández 1945–1946 Secretary of Justice, Agriculture and Commerce Delfin Jaranilla 1945 Secretary of Justice Ramon Quisumbing 1945–1946 Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce Vicente Singson Encarnacion 1945–1946 Secretary of National Defense Tomás Cabili 1945 Secretary of National Defense and Interior Alfredo Montelibano, Sr. 1945–1946 Secretary of Health and Public Welfare Basilio Valdes 1945 José Locsin 1945–1946 Secretary of Public Instruction and Information Francisco Benitez 1945 Secretary of Education Francisco Benitez 1945–1946 Secretary of Public Works and Communications Sotero Cabahug 1945–1946 Secretary of the Budget Ismael Mathay 1944–1945 Secretary to the President José S. Reyes 1945–1946 Secretary of Labor Marcelo Aduru 1946 Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo 1945–1946 Liberation
7. Off Leyte, October 1944 Left to right: Lieutenant General George Kenney, Lieutenant GeneralRichard K. Sutherland, President Sergio Osmeña, General Douglas MacArthur. President Sergio Osmeña together with GeneralDouglas MacArthur during the historic landing atLeyte in 1944. Osmeña accompanied U.S. General Douglas MacArthur during the landing of U.S. forces in Leyte on 20 October 1944, starting the liberation of the Philippines during the Second World War was both the combined Filipino and American soldiers including the recognized guerrilla units was fought to the Japanese Imperial forces. Upon establishing the beachhead, MacArthur immediately transferred authority to Osmeña, the successor of Manuel Quezon, as Philippine Commonwealth president. Domestic policies Restoration of the Commonwealth With Manila liberated,General of the Army, Douglas MacArthur, on behalf of the United States, turned over the reins of government of the Philippines to Commonwealth President, Sergio Osmeña, on 27 February 1945, amidst brief, but impressive, ceremonies held at the Malacañan Palace. President Osmeña, after thanking the United States through General MacArthur, announced the restoration of the Government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines and work out the salvation of the Philippines from the ravages of war.
8. Government reorganization President Osmeña proceeded with the immediate reorganization of the government and its diverse dependencies. On 8 April 1945, he formed his Cabinet, administering the oath of office to its component members. Later, President Osmeña received the Council of State to help him solve the major problems confronting the nation. Government offices and bureaus were gradually reestablished. A number of new ones were created to meet needs then current. Also restored were the Supreme Court of the Philippines and the inferior courts. The Court of Appeals was abolished and its appellate jurisdiction was transferred to the Supreme Court, the members of which were increased to eleven – one Chief Justice and ten Associate Justice – in order to attend to the new responsibilities. Slowly but steadily, as the liberating forces freed the other portions of the country, provincial and municipal governments were established by the Commonwealth to take over from the military authorities. Rehabilitation of the Philippine National Bank Following the restoration of the Commonwealth Government, the Congress was reorganized. Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino were elected Senate President and Senate President pro tempore respectively. At the House of Representatives, Jose Zulueta of Iloilo was elected Speaker and Prospero Sanidad as Speaker pro tempore. The opening session of the Congress was personally addressed by President Osmeña, who reported on the Commonwealth Government in exile and proposed vital pieces of legislation. The First Commonwealth Congress earnestly took up the various pending assignments to solve the pressing matters affecting the Philippines, especially in regard to relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction. The first bill enacted was Commonwealth Act No. 672 – rehabilitating the Philippine National Bank. People's court Yielding to American pressure, on 25 September 1945, the Congress enacted C.A. No. 682 creating the People's Court and the Office of Special Prosecutors to deal with the pending cases of "collaboration". Foreign Policies President Sergio Osmeña and his family at the Malacañang gardens.
9. United Nations Charter President Osmeña sent the Philippine delegation, which was headed by Carlos P. Romulo, to the San Francisco gathering for the promulgation of the Charter of the United Nations on 26 June 1945. Other members of the delegation were Maximo Kalaw, Carlos P. Garcia, Pedro Lopez, Francisco Delegado, Urbano Zafra, Alejandro Melchor, and Vicente Sinco. The 28th signatory nation of the United Nations, the Philippines was one of the fifty-one nations that drafted the UN Charter. Once approved by Philippine delegation, the UN Charter was ratified by the Congress of the Philippines and deposited with the U.S State Department on 11 October 1945. Foreign Relations Office To prepare for the forthcoming independent status of the Philippine, President Osmeña created the Office of Foreign Relations.[4] Vicente Sinco was appointed as its first Commissioner, with cabinet rank. In this connection, President Osmeña also entered into an agreement with the United States Government to send five Filipino trainees to the U.S. State Department to prepare themselves for diplomatic service. They were sent by U.S. State Department to the United States embassies in Moscow and Mexico Cityand consulates in Saigon and Singapore. International banking On 5 December 1945, President Osmeña appointed Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo as his representative to accept Philippine membership in the International Monetary Fund and in the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which bodies had been conceived in the Bretton Woods Agreement, in which the Philippine had also taken part. Romulo signed said membership on 27 December 1945 on behalf of the Philippines. Bell Trade Act On 30 April 1946, the United States Congress, at last approved the Bell Act, which as early as 20 January had been reported to the Ways and Means Committee of the lower house, having been already passed by the Senate. President Osmeña and Resident Commissioner Ramulo had urged the passage of this bill, with United States High Commissioner, Paul V. McNutt, exerting similar pressure. The Act gave the Philippines eight years of free trade with the United States, then twenty years during which tariffs would be upped gradually until they were in line with the rest of the American tariff policy. The law also fixed some quotas for certain products: sugar – 850,000 long tons; cordage – 6,000,000 pounds; coconut oil – 200,000 long tons; cigars – 200,000,000 pounds. This aid was coupled with that to be obtained from the recently passed Tydings Damage bill, which provided some nine hundred million dollars for payment of war damages, of which one million was earmarked to compensate for church losses. The sum of two hundred and forty million dollars was to be periodically allocated by the United States President as good will. Also, sixty million pieces of surplus property were transferred to the Philippines government. 1946 presidential election Main article: Philippine presidential election, 1946 Soon after the reconstitution of the Commonwealth Government in 1945 Senators Manuel Roxas, Elpidio Quirino and their allies called for the holding on an early national election to choose the president and vice president of the Philippines and members of the Congress. In December, 1945 the House Insular Affairs of the United States Congress approved the joint resolution setting the election date no later than 30 April 1946. Prompted by this congressional action, President Sergio Osmeña called the Philippine Congress to a three-day special session. Congress enacted Commonwealth Act No. 725, setting the election on 23 April 1946, and was approved by President Osmeña on 5 January 1946. Three parties presented their respective candidates for the different national elective positions. These were the Nacionalista Party- Conservative (Osmeña) Wing, the Liberal Wing of the Nacionalista Party, and the Partido Modernista. The Nacionalistas had Osmeña and
10. Senator Eulogio Rodriguez as their candidates for president and vice president, respectively. The Modernistas chose Hilario Camino Moncado and Luis Salvador for the same positions. On the other hand, the standard bearers of the Liberals were Senators Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino. On 3 January 1946, President Osmeña announced his re-election bid. On 22 January 1946 Eulogio Rodriguez was nominated as Osmeña's running mate for Vice President, in a convention held at Ciro's Club in Manila. According to the Manila Chronicle: The convention opened at 10:15 in the morning when the acting secretary of the party, Vicente Farmoso, called the confab to order. Congressman José C. Romero, who delivered the keynote speech accused Senate President Manuel Roxas and his followers "of fanning the flames of discontent among the people, of capitalizing on the people's hardship, and of minimizing the accomplishment of the [Osmeña] Administration. These men with the Messiah complex have been the bane of the country and of the world. This is the mentality that produces Hitlers and the Mussolinis, and their desire to climb to power. they even want to destroy the party which placed them where they are today." Senator Carlos P. Garcia, who delivered the nomination speech for President Sergio Osmeña, made a long recital of Osmeña's achievements, his virtues as public official and as private citizen. A statue of President Osmeña in front of the Osmeña Museum in Cebu City. Entering the convention hall at about 7:30 p.m, President Osmeña, accompanied by the committee on notification, was greeted with rounds of cheer and applause as he ascended the platform. President Osmeña delivered his speech which was a general outline of his future plans once elected. He emphasized that as far as his party is concerned, independence is a close issue. It is definitely coming on 4 July 1946[5] On 19 January 1946, Senator Roxas announced his candidacy for President in a convention held in Santa Ana Cabaret in Manila. According to the Manila Chronicle: ...more than three thousand (by conservative estimate there were only 1,000 plus) delegates, party members and hero worshipers jammed into suburban, well known Santa Ana Cabaret (biggest in the world) to acclaim ex-katipunero and Bagong Katipunan organizer Manuel Acuña Roxas as the guidon bearer of the Nacionalista Party's Liberal Wing. The delegates, who came from all over the Islands, met in formal convention from 10:50 am and did not break up till about 5:30 pm. They elected 1. Mariano J. Cuenco, professional Osmeñaphobe, as temporary chairman; 2. José Avelino and ex-pharmacist Antonio Zacarias permanent chairman and secretary,
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Sergio Osmeña, (born Sept. 9, 1878, Cebu City, Phil.—died Oct. 19, 1961, Manila), Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. Osmeña received a law degree from the University of Santo Tomás, Manila, in 1903. He was also editor of a Spanish newspaper, El Nuevo Día, in Cebu City. In 1904 the U.S. colonial administration appointed him governor of the province of Cebu and fiscal (district attorney) for the provinces of Cebu and Negros Oriental. Two years later he was elected governor of Cebu. In 1907 he was elected delegate to the Philippine National Assembly and founded the Nationalist Party, which came to dominate Philippine political life. Osmeña remained leader of the Nationalists until 1921, when he was succeeded by Manuel Quezon, who had joined him in a coalition. Made speaker of the House of Representatives in 1916, he served until his election to the Senate in 1923. In 1933 he went to Washington, D.C., to secure passage of the Hare–Hawes–Cutting independence bill, but Quezon differed with Osmeña over the bill’s provision to retain U.S. military bases after independence. The bill, vetoed by the Philippine Assembly, was superseded by the Tydings–McDuffie Act of March 1934, making the Philippines a commonwealth with a large measure of independence. The following year Osmeña became vice president, with Quezon as president. He remained vice president during the Japanese occupation, when the government was in exile in Washington, D.C. On the death of Quezon in August 1944, Osmeña became president. He served as president until the elections of April 1946, when he was defeated by Manuel Roxas, who became the first president of the independent Republic of the Philippines. (Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.) | BillionGraves
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Posts about Sergio Osmeña Jr. written by philippinediaryproject and mlq3
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The Philippine Diary Project
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p.1
JULY 4/69
DIARY
On board 777 THE PRESIDENT at 9:00 PM I am about to take dinner in the dining saloon in this 2,400-ton Presidential yacht which is a carry over from the administration of President Garcia from 1957 to 1961. It was ordered reparations at an alleged cost of five million pesos. If ordered today it will probably cost double the amount. It is the length of a destroyer and originally intended for 18 knots but it is travelling only at 15 knots, never dry-docked or serviced during the time of President Diosdado Macapagal. It had to be repaired by its original manufacturers in Japan in 1966 so that it might continue to be in operation otherwise it would have been sold for scrap iron — such a pity since it is such a beautiful ship. In twenty minutes it will be turning to the point at Surigao street as we have just come from Tandag, Surigao del Sur.
I we woke up at 4:30 o’clock in the morning of July 4th to discover we were anchoring between two islands that guarded entry into Tandag port. The passage from Tandag on the Pacific left side was rather rough some of bottles in the bar room
p.2
either fell from the tables or broken.
I returned to the ship at 3:30 o’clock in the afternoon and I went to sleep at around 4:00 p.m. It was marred by noise in the Pacific side which somehow affected my golf which I attempted to exercise at about 5:30 p.m. I went around on the face on the deck for one-half hour and practiced petty ball net for another half hour after which my usual shower and massage while I worked on some papers and documents.
We have been away from Manila since the 29th of June and we departed from Pier 5 at 11:30 AM to arrive at San Juanico street at 11:30 following morning and off Tacloban at 1:30 p.m.We anchored at the port to wait for the fluvial parade which started at 4:00 o’clock p.m. and which we participated. This fluvial parade is for the Santo Niño of Tacloban. I have been Hermano Mayor for this year and I was transferring the Santo Niño to Tacloban to the new Hermano Mayor, Secretary Eduardo Romualdez of Finance, cousin of Imelda. In the evening I dedicated a new song “IMELDA” in Tacloban, the music of which was composed by Mike Velarde and sang by Ric Manrique, Rita Rivera and Cely Bautista. At 11:30 in the evening we took
p.3
the 777 THE PRESIDENT for Maasin, Leyte del Sur after the dedication of the song. We left Olot where the 777 was anchored for Maasin where we arrived at 6:30 following morning, July 1st, where I was supposed to participate in the Ninth Anniversary of the creation of the Province of Leyte del Sur. Imelda was to take a small plane for the airport at Hilongos and take one of the LCT US small helicopter for Maasin which was one hour drive by car away. Instead however she took the DBP jet helicopter from Olot directly to Maasin which she made in 40 minutes to arrive 10:00 o’clock in the morning just after I had finished inspecting different projects like cementing of the roads, capitol building, school houses and was ready to start the program after the parade at the grandstand of Maasin High School referred to as Pilot High School in as much as it is the pilot project for high school and manpower training in the province. This was obviously the first helicopter that ever landed in Maasin and it attracted attention so much so it endangered the lives of the spectators who milled around the small helicopter. I ordered the two helicopters based at Hilongos at LCT to come to Maasin to seek cover. The reason I am taking the
p.4
boat is first my nose is clogged and the doctors advised me “Do not fly while I have severe cold because any sudden changes in elevation may cause a rupture in eardrum or a return of my congestion of the inner ear and at the same time Imelda dreamt of accident in airplane because of the death of President Magsaysay at Mount Manungal on March 17, 1967. Because of the raw reports lately to the effect that the men of the Opposition candidate, Senator Sergio Osmeña, Jr., are planning a sabotage and they are after to assassinate me, she insisted that I do not take plane or helicopter any time now. And there have been on several instances of suspected sabotage of the Presidential plane — Fokker 29 — and the Presidential helicopter which crushed off Bohol made and crush landing in the water in Bohol and sunk after 40 minutes. After turning the point at Surigao del Norte and passing by the Mindanao deep at Dapa the seas have become even and quiet and the boat was quite stable. I find my visit to the provinces by ship more restive as there are none of these hurry and scunny which attend by plane.
I also have an opportunity to rest in the afternoon after the meetings. When I went to Maasin on the first of July and after we finished the meeting at which time Imelda flew by helicopter back to Olot, Leyte which she reached in 45 minutes. The five minutes delay of her arrival was apparently caused by her flying all over the various valleys throughout Leyte to acquaint herself with the agricultural areas of the Province. This is the first
p.5
time she flew southward along the Pacific area by helicopter. I attended the lunch at the Governor’s house (Gov. Yñiguez) where I conferred with former Governor Bantug, Governor Bernardo Torres and the three LP mayors — Mayor Espina of Malitbog and the Lim brothers. At 2:30 p.m. we left Maasin and reached Olot at 9:30 in the evening. I was able to reach the guest house after a separate passage which is around 800 meters away off from the shore. The waves were quite probably about two feet high.
But on the way from Maasin I went to sleep taking a short nap from 3 to 4 p.m. and to work on some papers and read some books.
Same thing is true from Tandag. I was able to finish the conference at the Municipal hall at Tandag at about 2 o’clock p.m. I brought Congressman Gregorio Murillo and Congressman Constantino Navarro with Governor Modesto Castillo and Governor Sering of Surigao del Norte on board with me with some of the mayors, board members and councilors. We were finding solution for the organization of the party and the operations that we are conducting for registration of voters, and information on agricultural development. Agricultural development because we discovered in Surigao del Sur that up to now it has no irrigation system.
I observed on the way to Tago, especially the way to the inauguration, of the road which we have
p.6
opened a stretch of about 80 kilometers from Tandag to Leñgig, the road now having reached the last barrio of Surigao del Sur at San Roque and ready to reach Cateel of Davao at the cost of P2,600,000. For the first time the Bayabas-Kaguit and another town of South Agusan which was used to be unconnected with road are now connected by road. We are trying to finish the bridge at Gamot, Tago — the biggest voting town with the previous registered voters of more than 8,000. Tandag, the capital town, is about 5,000 only.
We are also finishing a 4,000 hectares guaranteed irrigation project in Cantilan in the coast. It should be inaugurated before my birthday on Sept. 11.
Four years ago in 1965 at about this time I have already finished campaigning throughout the entire Philippines but I remember that in the birthday of Imelda she had a small party going to Olot and I landed like Magellan from a small motor launch which could be brought within a meter of sandy beach and from which I jumped into the beach itself. As soon as I became President I recommended to Congress in my State of the Nation address on January 23, 1966 to limit election expenditures and period for campaigning. I recommended the period for campaigning for national offices be limited to 120 days and for local offices be limited to 90 days.
p.7
This was adopted and which is known as the Tañada-Singson law, because they were the ones who authored the bill I presented to both Houses of Congress. Because of this nominations to national offices such as the Presidency, Vice-Presidency and Senators have been delayed. On June 15, 1969 the Opposition or the Liberal Party, after much confusion and a costly consensus as well as a directorate meeting, all presumably financed by the candidates for the Presidency, the presidential nomination in the Opposition listed the officially nominated candidates; Senator Sergio Osmeña, Jr., Senate Minority Floor Leader Ambrosio Padilla and former Speaker Cornelio Villareal whom I have helped to depose in March 1967 because of the need for a fully controlled House of representatives in as much as the members of the Senate even in my own party were beginning to show antagonism towards my proposals who wore too revolutionary for their conservative taste. In his place I used my moral influence over the House of Representatives to support now incumbent Speaker Jose B. Laurel, Jr. I often wonder as to what would have been happening if this was
p.8
not materialized because as of now I occasionally received reports from the Laurel family including one lady, senator whom we have helped to elect from our funds and actively campaigned in 1967 elections. Senator Salvador “Doy” Laurel has an ambition someday. I gathered information he is preparing for 1973 Presidential elections to coincide with the termination of the Laurel-Langley agreement.
Either Speaker Laurel or Senator Salvador Laurel is aspiring for the Presidency. Our experience with a lady senator have been rather sad. Imelda personally chose Senator Helen Benitez, President of the Philippine Women’s University, her Alma Mater, as the lone representative of the ladies for senator in that election. We practically ran the nominations through the directorate meeting against the violent opposition of the old party leaders. She was specially mentioned by me in all my speeches in the campaign of 1967. She was given P200,000 for her personal expenses by the First Lady and yet a few days ago as Committee Chairman, in the Senate Committee on Housing, Urban Development and Resettlement, allegedly according to the papers for I have not received a formal report on this matter, she used uncalled for remarks attributed to me that we have violated the law and that
p. 9
the 16 million-dollar contract of machinery between National Housing Corporation and the Hildebrand for low cost housing was a waste of funds, because an American Corporation presumably headed by Lock had testified that he could have produced 1/32 of the cost. As J. V. Cruz said in his column – HERE AND THERE — in the Manila Times, this naive assumption by the Committee which adopted this testimony of this American firm is not totally without any reservation nor any concern about the truth and basis of his statement has questioned the integrity of such men like Chairman, Board of Directors of the Development Bank of the Philippines and most prestigious bank, the President of the Philippine National Bank, the Administrator of the Social Security System and the General Manager and Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Government Service Insurance System who were organizers of the National Housing Corporation which purchased this equipment.
This is in accordance with my plan to set up a massive low cost housing construction program over the Philippines. This is because according to the experts we need to build 400,000 units every year to meet the requirements of housing shortage in the Philippines, 300,000 of which will be constructed in the
p. 10
urban areas and 100,000 units for mostly hard hit typhoon and fire victims and squatters and low income in the labor group.
It was my intention to build houses for the laboring class costing not more than P5,000.00 each with two bedrooms and all the necessary facilities including kitchen, bathroom and toilet and small sala and dining room. No down payment whatsoever payable for a period of 20 to 25 years at a low rate of 6%. The amortization will probably be P1.00 a day. This could be afforded by our laborers residing in the urban areas. We are now hoping that the low-salaried earners will save in the form of rental at an average of P2.50 a day. Thus we have to purchase the equipment necessary to meet the needs for this massive housing. The conflict here arises the boldness such program was initialed for the capital outlay is indeed staggering initially since it is about 16 million pesos but perhaps over a period of _____ years the down payment of 16 million pesos which has already been paid in the form of funds of the national government by some financial institutions which
p. 11
made a complete study of the project from the view point of experts whom they have consulted. We have met this problem with the effort to cut red tape in the purchase of equipment. But the Panel-Lock homes succeeded in getting some __________ of a judge issuing injunction. Incidentally one of these judges who has been rude before the Supreme Court as having been guilty of issuing injunction even without a hearing was suspended by me and later on removed from the judiciary, another bold step that we have to take which is unthought of in this society for which respect for the judiciary was at its highest type. We have to maintain the judiciary although grievances of people reaching the point of litigation will be probably redressed.
For after the usual formality and the losing parties have obtained the services of our politicians in the legislature to bring about a legislative investigation to block the project. This was purely the obvious reason for the opposition by the second contractor who claims that they will be deprived of legitimate source of income by the government. When they were called by Chairman Licaros of the DBP and offered the contract to them to build the
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houses at the same rates and under the same terms they confessed that they could not build those houses and yet the zarzuela continues their connection. It was made by no less than the Chairman of the Senate Committee on Housing and Resettlement, Senator Helen Benitez, who owes her position to the First Lady and myself. Perhaps it is necessary to record that recently she lost out in a conflict of boundary in a forest concession in Polilio, Province of Quezon to the Universal Timber Corporation. Before that she had been persisting in demanding the establishment of a sawmill presumably near her farm which I discover from the charges filed by incumbent minority floor leader of the House, Congressman Justiniano Montano, on the road to which she has spent part of the P200,000 that I released for typhoon damage from her provincial allocation. She has sought to obtain some deals in reparations which I refused to participate in and before the war damage educational fund was allocated among the private universities she wanted monopolize the amounts set for private institutions in medical center in the Philippine Women’s University
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all of which I turned down. I wonder what affected her change of position in the Senate.
We are now proceeding towards Cagayan de Oro City which should be reached by five o’clock following morning. We may be able to proceed from here to Malaybalay, Bukidnon which I have not visited for sometime since I became President. Incidentally Cagayan de Oro City is within the Province of Misamis Oriental, the home province of Senator Emmanuel Pelaez, former Vice-President of President Diosdado Macapagal. He was my principal opponent in the convention of November, for Presidential nomination in the Nacionalista Party. I campaigned for my nomination from the date I joined the Nacionalista Party in April, 1964 up to the convention time, except the period when I was ill from an infection of the gall bladder in me for about one month. I was told by my doctors it was necessary to be operated on and the alternative was antibiotics but the second attack should probably be dextrose if I were not operated immediately. Imelda said I should not be operated as this would adversely affect my nomination in the coming convention of 1964. This was a chance
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that had to be taken and had to limit my diet to almost no meat and oil whatsoever. I had the gall bladder removed in January, 1967 immediately after my State of the Nation Address on January 23, 1967 when I suffered pains and several attacks before the Joint Session of Congress. Dr. Sison, my attending physician, at the time thought that the campaign was…..
The Presidential yacht is No. 777, the number of votes, that made me win the convention of 1964 as against Senator Emmanuel Pelaez who received 444 votes, in the second balloting in the convention.
Senator Pelaez campaigned for President Macapagal bitterly attacking me on any pretext and ground whatsoever to run for a seat in the House of Representatives in that election of 1965. In 1967 when I noticed that he was beginning to come along to my point of view on any issues where he claims he thought I was right, he decided to re-join the Nacionalista Party and run for the Senate. Most of the party leaders objected to his candidacy for the Senate. We were however able to push his nomination and he came out No. 5 in the election.
This is really a malaria-ridden region. Already over 30 of us are suffering from this terrible illness, among them Dean Bocobo and Mr. Abello. Some of them also suffer from some mental disorder probably as a result of the disease. If we are not taken away from here soon, I am afraid that we will all get sick.
I have read a magazine published August 13, 1945 by the Pacific General Headquarters of the U.S. Army. There is one very good article entitled “Facts Make for Friendship”. It praises the Filipino character. “Loyalty, courage and kindliness are virtues just as prized in the Philippines as in the United States. But considering the wide dissimilarity of racial backgrounds, climates, and environments, the wonder is that there is so much likeness between the two people…
“The great number of American servicemen spending lavishly increased the amount of circulation and this is of course the cause of sharp inflation. Military personnel can do much toward reduction of prices. Can anybody make deposits or send money home?”
The article praises the effective and valuable services of guerrillas. Regarding independence: “…but as the early terrible memory of Japanese cruelty recedes, it is probable that the full measure of statehood — unqualified by any of the restrictions inevitable under a dominion or commonwealth —will again become an almost unanimous desire.
“This is an old and popular misunderstanding among Americans, that our whole experience in the Islands has been an expensive, eleemosynary project. Nothing could be farther from the truth.
“From 1898 to 1940 the U.S. Government spent altogether somewhat more than a billion dollars on account of the Philippines. Spread over a period of four decades, this averages about $25 million a year — not too lavish a bounty. But $800 million of the total went to the American Army stationed in the Philippines; another $100 to the Navy; and our pacification of the Islands between May 1898 and June, 1902 cost $186,321,000. None of these large sums was spent for the direct benefit of the Filipinos. Other aid — 1903, $3 million for cholera relief; (they gave $10 million to Japan on account of the earthquake in 1923). For the Bureau of Insular Affairs and Resident Commissioner’s Office, $4 million, but the Philippine Government paid the salary and expenses of Philippine Governor General. Coast and Geodetic Survey got $6.5 million, and this is for benefit mostly of the United States. For Agriculture, a few hundred thousand dollars plus $6 million in benefit payments to sugar planters in 1934-1936. Refund of taxes collected in United States on Philippine goods average half a million a year. Excise tax is $120 for redemption of Philippine bonds. Aside from copra tax and the Military expenditures, these totals would hardly build a block on the Escolta. Even private American investment in the Philippines only total $200 million in 1935. Such figures do not justify terming the American experiment in the Philippines a past burden on the American taxpayer. For the future, whatever amount of aid the United States Congress decides to give them, one fact must be remembered. When the Japanese started their invasion in 1941, the Islands were American territory and entitled, as such, to American military protection. They didn’t get it, and our unpreparedness was the root cause of their desolution today.”
The article concluded with the following under the subheading: “They built up the Islands themselves.”
“Viewed in such a light, the Filipinos are sure to be seen as good, loyal friends of ours, who have suffered much in the common cause of rejecting aggression. They have maintained a regard as high as our own for the great heritage of Western culture. Their soldiers have fought bravely and well with pitifully meagre arms. Their people as a whole are now suffering the painful economic effects of price inflation, which weighs far more heavily on them than it does on the American Armed Forces. Finally, the terrific destruction visited on their cities and villages bespeaks our aid, not only on the ground of human sympathy, but of right.”
Coming from an American the above article is great. It does us justice.
The newspapers report that Marshal Premier Tito of Yugoslavia granted a general amnesty to all collaborators except war criminals. It is also reported that Marshal Petain was sentenced to death by the court but that De Gaulle commuted the sentence to life imprisonment.
The foregoing points the way to Osmeña. I believe he should issue a general amnesty. And this should be done immediately to further his presidential ambition. Some of us are getting impatient and it may be too late to win their sympathy if release is delayed. I believe there will be no objection to such action on the part of the Americans. At least I hope so. They have won the war almost without sacrifice of lives and they should be magnanimous to the Filipinos who in truth and in fact have always been their loyal allies.
This morning we all considered that everything was all over — finished. No more hope, no more illusions. Stock Exchange definitely closed as there were no more transactions. Zulueta remarked. “Tu gozo en el pozo,” It seems that the reported radiogram was a fake, a joke. It was certainly a bad, heartless and cruel joke. We suffer enough without it.
I regretted that I changed my attitude. I never paid attention to rumors before. I preferred to use my time doing something else like writing. I was happy. Now that I allowed myself to be carried or influenced by news, I cannot help but worry and suffer at times. My reason for changing was the fact that the war had ended abruptly without hardly any loss on the part the Americans and I thought the latter would be more magnanimous and just forget everything. Furthermore, Osmeña is an experienced, shrewd politician. I presumed that he would make a “master stroke” (goIpe) by just granting a general amnesty to all collaborators. This certainly will insure his election. I suggested to Serging that he write his father.
11:00 a.m. Zulueta arrived from the dentist’s office and he reports that Dr. Reyes, the dentist, said that last night while in the dance given in honor of Col. Gilfilan, Lt. Fernandez received a radiogram which he had not yet codified and which seemed to refer to us.
12:50 a.m. Paredes reports that the cook of Gilfilan stated that he had overheard a conversation to the effect that we were going to be released.
Notwithstanding the apparently reliable sources nobody paid attention to them.
9:00 p.m. Col. Gilfilan came to our quarters and bade us farewell. He was very nice and jovial but left no encouraging words. All hope vanished — general gloom.
This morning, I modified my opinion as to when we will leave. I believe now that it will not be before the end of this month. It will be sometime in September or October. The reason for my change of view now is that I think Laurel, Aquino and Vargas, who are still in Japan, will be brought to the Philippines and I think their cases as well as the Ministers’ will be tried or investigated at the same time. Since the cases of those three or more serious, they may not be considered until after some time and, therefore, our cases will also be delayed.
It is reported by radio that Emperor Hirohito will fly to Manila, in a Japanese plane from Tokyo to Okinawa and in an American plane from Okinawa to Manila. MacArthur has been designated as Commander-in-Chief to receive the surrender of Japan. The representatives of the vanquished always come to the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander or to the place indicated by the latter. MacArthur’s headquarters is in Manila; therefore, the Japanese Representative should go there. But why Hirohito precisely. I can’t understand why it cannot be Premier Suzuki. I do not believe the United Nations will deal with the Premier, however; he will probably be one of those to be arrested and accused as a war criminal. But his cabinet can fall and a Pacifist Cabinet could be created under the Premiership of Konoye, Konoye can then sign the peace terms. But it seems it has to be Hirohito. What a humiliation! Before, he was a proud ruler, considered as god himself. His words were law and divine order at the same time. Now he is under the orders of MacArthur.
I suggested to Compadre Serging Osmeña that he write a letter to his father. I so suggested because it seems that they are already in good terms. I explained to him that his father is an experienced and shrewd politician. Serging ought to know that just now his father is at a disadvantage as regards the collaborationists inasmuch as Roxas has openly thrown himself on their side. I told Serging that he write his father that there is discontent here on account of his passive attitude. He should suggest to his father to do something; to make a “golpe” (sensational and radical act) which will boost his stock among the “collaborationists” and such “golpe” should be a general amnesty proclamation freeing everybody accused of collaboration. This may incline the collaborationists to his side or at least put him in a better position to approach them later. I found Serging rather reluctant for reasons which he explained. The reasons involved family relations among the father, mother-in-law and Serging.
* * * * *
Excerpts from a letter of Roy W. Howard, the principal owner of Scripps-Howard newspapers, dated at Manila, July 30, 1945 to Arsenio Luz:
My chief purpose in coming here, aside from a desire to confer with Gen. MacArthur and get a picture of the general situation, was to see if I could be of any help to you. I wish that it were possible for me to report success, but after pursuing every line that is open, and discussing your case with everyone I know who might be in a position to help, I am afraid that as far as your immediate release is concerned, my effort has been a failure.
It is my sincere belief, Arsenio, that in spite of any action that can be taken, including even legal action, the group held in Palawan now will be kept there until the conclusion of the war with Japan. I realize that this is going to be very tough, and I doubt whether were I in your place it would be possible for me to reconcile myself to the belief that remaining there is the best course. But in my efforts I have run into a few facts which, without in any sense justifying the action taken against you, throw a light on the situation which I want to pass along to you.
In my efforts I have talked to Gen. MacArthur, Gen. Thorpe, head of the C.I.C., Pres. Osmeña, Manuel Roxas, Phil Buencamino, Salvador Araneta, Manolo Elizalde, Chick Parsons, Paul McNutt, and others. They have all been very sympathetic and have helped me to the best of their ability. But we have all run into a stone wall in that Gen. MacArthur is embarked on a course which I am convinced he believes to be in the best interest of the Filipinos, and from which I do not believe it is going to be possible to dissuade him. As I see it, the situation boils down to about this:
MacArthur is fighting a war and doing a most magnificent job of it. However, the job is one calling for the most intense concentration, and despite what I am sure is his keen realization of a pot of political and purely domestic needs, he is having a straight line and giving no consideration to any proposition except killing Japs.
I have no doubt that he suspects there are men at Palawan who are entirely innocent, and many who have been guilty of nothing more serious than indiscretion or bad judgment. To attempt to sort those men out, however, would, if justice were to be done, be equivalent to bringing about trials at this time. I can see many reasons why this would be inadvisable, the chief one being that at the rate of which feeling is dying down, it is obvious that there will be much less emotionalism attaching to collaboration trials later on, than would be the case today.
If trials were to be held today, they would of necessity be trials before an American military tribunal. I suspect Gen. MacArthur feels that not only will Filipino courts be more competent to judge Filipino psychology, but that Filipinos, knowing the conditions existing in Manila and the pressure that put to bear on people like yourself, will be infinitely more lenient than would be the case with a hard-boiled, wholly impersonal military court. In any event, Arsenio, at the end of the week’s effort, in which I have thrown in everything I have without obtaining any redress in your case, I am forced to say that I think that is the way the thing stands, and while Gen. MacArthur has promised to have prepared for his own personal consideration a review of your case, I do not honestly advise you to count on much of anything happening in consequence.
The real purpose in writing this letter is this: I do not need to tell you, I am sure, that my own faith in your innocence of any action prejudicial to the United States has never waned. That will not be either news or a surprise to you. What is more important, however, to you… something which I am not sure you fully appreciate is that no one from Gen, MacArthur down has expressed to me the slightest belief that any action which you took under the stress of occupation conditions was in any sense an action aimed against the interests of the United States, and no one to whom I have talked has expressed the slightest doubt of your loyalty to the United States and to your American friends. That goes straight, Arsenio, and without any discount.
To give you a complete picture, however, I must add that some of your friends, even though they are understanding and tolerant, feel that you may have on occasion been a bit indiscreet and not used your head as effectively as might have been the case. Everyone realizes, however, that hindsight is sometimes better than foresight, and I haven’t the slightest doubt that aside from the discomfit and inconvenience of being held in custody for the very few months during which this war is going to continue, you will ultimately be restored to complete standing in this community and given a complete bill of health.
If your old sense of humor is still working, and I have no doubt that you still possess it even though it may have been scuffed up a bit, you may smile at a line of reasoning which I have given Carmen, and which I put forward in all seriousness. I realize the ridiculousness of a man on the outside arguing to the man who is detained, on the virtues of being in jail, and yet I think in your case there is some virtue in the situation.
Let me explain: If it were possible to exercise any influence to get you sprung at the present time, and I had an opportunity to do so, I would advise you to turn your back on such an opportunity. My reasoning is this: if you were to come out under such circumstances and without a trial, there would always be hovering over you a suspicion that may be you were at liberty not because of innocence, but because of some pull you were able to exercise. Such a situation would be a handicap to you and your family for the rest of your life. On the basis of what I have been told, and I am not going to attempt to state here which man or men most influenced my judgment (although I assure you they were among your best friends and American well wishers), I believe that the hearing which you will certainly get immediately upon the conclusion of the war and the turning of this whole problem over to the Philippines, will give you a clean bill of health and completely establish your innocence of any action that would prejudice your standing either with Filipinos or Americans. For whatever my judgment is worth, the value of this bill of health and official establishment of your innocence will over the long haul more than compensate for the few additonal weeks or months that you may be denied your liberty.
As I said, this argument, sound though I am convinced it is, may be one easier for me to make on the outside than for you to accept on the inside. I know, however, that you will not doubt my honesty, even though you should doubt my judgment, when I tell you my opinion of the tremendous value which I believe will attach to your exoneration, as distinct from the situation which might result if you were released in consequence of political pressure, even though there was the possibility of exerting political pressure, a possibility which I am sure does not exist.
I would of course have come to Palawan to see you, had it been possible to do so. I even made some efforts in that direction, but became convinced that not only could I have been of no value to you down there, but to have made the trip might have in some degree prejudiced your case.
Now for one more point, and then I’ll wind up this interminably long letter. In April, before his death on August 1st, I visited President Quezon at Miami, Florida. At that time he was on his death bed and I think fully realized that his number was up. He talked with extreme difficulty and only in a whisper, because the tuberculosis had reached his throat. I won’t attempt to quote all of his conversation, but merely that which has a bearing on your situation, and on his unshakeable faith in you and confidence in your loyalty and integrity. There had at that time come back to the United States varied stories of collaborative action being taken by Filipinos. Cases discussed with a number of these people, some of whom I knew and others whose names had slipped me, but whom he insisted I had met and who knew me. Finally, he turned to me and said:
Roy, I do not know about all of these people. I am worried about Jorge Vargas. The reports on what Jorge is doing are not good, though I find it very difficult to believe that any one so long associated with me would turn out to be disloyal to me, to the Filipino people, and to the United States. I must admit that I am having to reserve judgment. About some of your friends, however, I would advise you to have faith, just as I have. There are some of them to whom disloyalty would be impossible and I include in this list Alunan, Joe Yulo, Arsenio Luz, Phil Buencamino…’
In addition he named those several others — people whom probably I would recognize if I saw them, but whose names at the time did not mean much to me.
Quezon told me at that time the instructions that he had left with his friends, and added that he was now in touch with those men by clandestine short wave radio. He also told me that within a week he had received a call from one of his men, a Filipino doctor, who had returned to the States from Manila within the preceding forthnight.
At home I have a diary memorandum which I wrote that night, in which I have Quezon’s exact words. The foregoing quotation, however, is to all intents and purposes correct and accurate.
…I am no seventh son of a seventh son, but I venture the prophecy that this war will be over before the end of the year and that your complete restoration to your family and to the position which you have so well earned in this community, will have been effected before the New Year is many days old.
Mr. Howard is one of the two or three great newspapermen in the United States now living. The news above is the most authoritative we have received inasmuch as it is the result of his personal conferences with MacArthur in whose hands our destiny lies. Therein it is clear that we will not be released while the war lasts. He believes that even if we can go now we should not accept it as there will always be the suspicion that we got out as a result of influence. Whereas if we are acquitted after due trial, we will be given a clean bill of health, and, therefore, be restored to our old position in the community. Such was my opinion from the beginning. We do not positively know what we are charged of. But under the circumstances, we presume that it must be treason to our country and disloyalty to the United States. As to the latter, I have never been disloyal to the United States but if they insist, I would not mind it because after all deep in my heart I do not recognize loyalty to any country other than my own. But the charge of treason to my country is very serious. From all indications at the present time, only prejudiced Filipinos believe that we have been traitors and they constitute a very small portion of our population. But how about future generations who do not know the facts personally? If our declaration of innocence now is not recorded, they may get the idea that we have done something against our country. So it is preferable that we be submitted to a trial in order that our formal vindication may be decreed if we are found not guilty.
The papers report that Confesor and Cabili have been appointed as members of the Filipino Rehabilitation Commission in Washington. Both will have to go to Washington. Cabile has resigned as Secretary of National Defense. His appointment and that of Confesor as Secretary of the Interior were submitted to the Commission on Appointments of Congress. The papers said that in view of their new offices, the Commission on Appointments will no longer have to act.
I suspect that the appointments of Confesor and Cabili have been disapproved, or at least Pres. Osmeña had been told or was convinced that their appointments would be disapproved by the Commission. The attitude of the Commission was expected. Both had been attacking the “collaborationists” and it seems that public opinion in Manila is favorable to the “collaborationists”. Both talk a lot, but have accomplished very little, especially as regards the economy. Both have been using language improper for high government officials. Both have been very much criticized, and it is even reported that they have to go around with body guards as their lives are in danger. The attitude of the Commission is fully justified. Their appointment to the Rehabilitation Commission is a face-saving stunt.
On June 28th, Pres. Truman said that he hoped the meeting next month with Churchill and Stalin would result in a formula for a final treaty that “will insure peace for generations to come.”
We hope they will succeed. Such is the prayer of all the people in the world. War is so terrible that it must be avoided by all means. We do not know what the formula will be. Surely all the causes of war must be eliminated. To me colonization is one of the causes. It should be abolished as a thing of the past. All countries must be granted independence.
Jose Abad Santos was Secretary of Justice in Pres. Quezon’s Cabinet when the war broke out. Before his appointment to that office he had held many other important offices such as Justice of the Supreme Court. He was a great jurist. He accompanied Pres. Quezon in Corregidor, visited front lines in Bataan and traveled with Quezon to the South. When the presidential party left for Australia in 1942, Abad Santos remained with powers to represent the President in areas not under Japanese control. He was subsequently captured by the Japanese and reliable reports are to the effect that he had been killed by the Japanese. On June 27th, Pres. Osmeña said of him: “The late Secretary Abad Santos will go down in history as one of the most outstanding heroes of this war. Abad Santos is a real hero, a true patriot and should be held up before the youth as a model.”
According to the Free Philippines of June 29th, the President “emphasized Abad Santos chose to die rather than collaborate.”
The death of Abad Santos is still shrouded in mystery. Lt. Abad Santos, Jr. supposed to be a witness to his father’s death and, consequently, may be able to tell the whole story, was taken by the Japanese to Tokyo.
Abad Santos’ other son, Osmundo, entrusted to us in Baguio a sealed envelop containing confidential papers concerning Justice Abad Santos. They may reveal all the facts which we would like to know.
The tribute paid by Pres. Osmeña to Secretary Abad Santos is well deserved. He is truly a great man. I have already stated above what we did to try to save Secretary Abad Santos. We knew that he was an Orientalist and we thought this fact could save him so we told it to the Japanese authorities. But Abad Santos unluckily fell into the hands of a crazed and cruel man — Col. Kawakami. Col. Kawakami executed him before we could do anything for him.
The fact that Osmeña emphasized his statement that Abad Santos chose to die rather than collaborate with the Japanese is very significant. It is an attack on Roxas. Undoubtedly, it was a “hit back” on account of the bitter criticism launched by Roxas against Osmeña’s administration. It is a biting criticism of Roxas. Now the fight is on. No way to avoid it. Both Osmeña and Roxas will be candidates for President.
The statement of Osmeña, of course, also applies to us. We hope that it will not change or prejudice his attitude towards supposed collaborationists. After all, on account of our imprisonment in Iwahig we had nothing to do and could have nothing to do with the criticism of Roxas against him.
The question arose as to whether the fight between Osmeña and Roxas will favor or prejudice us. There is a difference of opinion. Recto believes it will favor us, as both would want to get our support. If not for this fight, we would be forgotten and left to rot here. In my opinion, it will prejudice us. Both may be too busy with the preparation of their respective platforms and with the campaign that we may be forgotten. At the present time, it is not known who among us are for Osmeña or Roxas. If the majority of us are in favor of Osmeña, Roxas may block our release through his friend. Gen. MacArthur, who before was not very friendly to Osmeña. If we are inclined towards Roxas, Osmeña may want us detained until after elections or after the war, and it is probably within his power as President to do so.
We had a meeting where we pledged to bind ourselves together as one. We will found a newspaper to be financed by Mr. Madrigal which shall be our organ for the propaganda of our platform, policies and aims. What these platform, policies and aims are, we have not determined. But we are agreed on two matters. First, we shall seek our exoneration and vindication from the charge of “collaborationists” with the implications of disloyalty and treason to our country and anti-Americanism. Second, we shall assist actively and wholeheartedly in the rehabilitation work of our country. As regards independence, there may be one or two dissenting voices, and the rest will be aggressively in favor. Needless to say, we will go after those who have been responsible for our imprisonment or who have been unjustly attacking us.
All these plans may lead to the formation of a party which will put up candidates for all positions, including those of president and vice president. With the men now with us who have repeatedly enjoyed the trust and confidence of our people, and who still retain this hold on their constituents, together with the thousands of persons also arrested, humiliated and imprisoned like us, the new party will be a formidable one. If we continue to be united and we all work vigorously, we may even win in the elections and thus be in power.
Pres. Osmeña has two sons imprisoned in Bilibid and later in Muntinglupa. They are being charged with being collaborationists for having engaged in the “buy and sell business” with the Japanese Army and Navy as the biggest purchasers in so far as war materials are concerned. Really, Serging Osmeña was one of the big “buy and sell” men and he made a lot of money. It is reported that he was able to pay the big indebtedness of his father. He established a company called “ESSO” and my son, Tony, was Treasurer and trusted official of the Company. Apparently, the young Osmeñas were expecting help from their father. It seems that such help was not extended. The father was indifferent. Furthermore, he made a statement to the press praising a son who worked against the Japanese and stating that he could not intervene in the cases of Serging and Nicasio. This peaked the anger of Serging. He immediately wrote a letter to his father stating among other things: “We have lost our mother, now we lose our father.” Serging complained that they had never been attended to by the father; he left them nothing. It was a very bitter and at the same time pathetic denunciation of his own father.
I do not know whether I would have done what Serging, Jr. did even if placed under the same circumstances. I do not believe I could do it. A father is a father; the children owe their existence to him. No matter how bad he may be, he must never be denounced by the children. This is especially so in the case of Pres. Osmeña. He is the President of the Republic. It is very embarrassing for him to have sons imprisoned for collaboration. Rather, Serging and Nick should have begged their father’s forgiveness for having placed him in such a situation. Furthermore, there are thousands imprisoned for the same reasons; Osmeña as President could not favor his own sons and not do the same for the others, unless he wants to be accused of favoritism and injustice.
Later reports are to the effect that Serging had retracted and he was awfully sorry for what he did. I am happy to hear this.
It is reported that President Osmeña had sent word to Serging and Nick that he will order the release of persons personally known to him with he himself as guarantor. This may be what induced Serging to change. If true, it will benefit not only his sons but many of us here who are not only known to Osmeña but are also his personal friends. This is especially so in my case. This has revived the hope of many.
Romulo is reported to have said that Roxas is no longer liked by MacArthur. If this is so, the interest that Roxas is taking in us may be prejudicial. But I seriously doubt the truth of the report of Romulo. If it is true, Roxas would not have been returned to active service as General and he probably would have been imprisoned just like us.
In turns out that the Dr. Sison reported here earlier who was snubbed by Romulo is not Agerico but Antonio. Dr. Antonio Sison is the family doctor of the Romulos and has never collected any fee from them. He saved the life of Romulo twice. When the incident happened it is reliably reported that Dr. Sison was indignant. This is the same Romulo that had been attacking the supposed “collaborationists.”
It was 3 o’clock in the morning; the boat started to move. We could not see anything; it was pitch black. Destination unknown.
In the dark, the events of the past days came back to me.
We left Irisan, a town about six kilometers from Baguio on April 12, 1945 headed towards Agoo, an American-captured territory in the Province of La Union. After walking four days and four nights across mountains, we arrived at Pitugan, La Union. Across the river which bordered the U.S.-liberated province, we saw our first sight of our American liberators, a group of soldiers led by a Capt. Linguist. Our happiness at seeing the Americans was such that tears streamed down our faces. “Here are our liberators!” we exclaimed.
The Captain was tall. He might not have been a handsome man but to us he was the embodiment of perfection. He shook hands with Manuel Roxas first, with Jose Yulo next, and then with me. I had shaken hands with presidents (including Roosevelt), emperors (Hirohito and Pu Yi), and princes (Prince of Wales), but I had never taken a hand with more gusto than when I shook the hand of the Captain.
Capt. Linguist was very kind and nice to us. He gave orders left and right, doing everything he could for us. The Americans helped us across the river and, although we were already in the safety zone, the Captain took all the necessary precautions; soldiers with sub-machine-guns were posted around us throughout the night while we slept before proceeding towards the town of Tubao.
Deep in our hearts we felt an unbounded feeling of gratitude. Not for a moment did it enter our minds that our liberators, for whose return we prayed fervently everyday, were going to be our incarcerators.
At 7 a.m., we started for Tubao. When we reached the town of Rizal, we were met by a military truck driven by an American. We boarded the truck and reached Tubao about 10 a.m. Here in Tubao, we saw the place where the shelling of Baguio came from. That same morning, we were taken to Aringay, to the U.S. Army Headquarters. The Americans served us lunch. For the first time since the war, we had a real American dinner with bread and butter, ham, coffee, iced tea, etc. Here we were introduced to the head of the Army operating around Baguio, Major General Carlson.
We were photographed with the General and his staff. The Filipino group was composed of Gen. Manuel Roxas, Chief Justice Jose Yulo, Minister Rafael Alunan, Minister Teofilo Sison, Minister Quintin Paredes, and myself. We were also introduced to Lt. Col. Arcing Arvey. We were asked many questions, one of which was what we thought about the postponement of Philippine independence. As the senior in our party, Mr. Yulo answered for the group—that we were opposed to the proposition. Col. Arvey asked whether we did not need time for economic readjustment. He answered, “There is no incompatibility between the two. We can have independence and economic readjustment with the help of America.”
I was elated at his response as this represented my own thoughts and sentiments. We have heard rumors that the Imperialists had sent men here—Army officers, and men in the C.I.C.—to work for the withdrawal of the independence plan. It was their plan to work through the Filipinos: they want the Filipinos themselves to petition for the postponement of independence. They cannot do it directly in America as the majority of the Americans are against imperialism. As a matter of fact, I was present in the U.S. Congress when they voted down a large appropriation for the fortification of Guam. They argued that America should pull out of the Orient. But the Imperialists want to be able to show that the Filipinos themselves do not want independence. They are absolutely wrong if they think the Filipinos will give up their lifelong desire for independence.
We stayed three days in Tubao. We were given plenty of K-rations to eat. On the morning of April 19, a car driven by an American came for us. We thought we were going to be taken to San Fabian as we were made to understand. But before we started the trip, a Capt. Donahue explained to us that we would be brought to San Fernando where he hoped we would not stay long. He was very nice and apologetic.
We were shown the April 18, 1945 issue of the Free Philippines which stated that Gen. MacArthur had announced that American liberation forces “captured four members of the collaborationists cabinet”. The article continues: “The puppet officials who fell into American hands were Jose Yulo, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Antonio de las Alas, Minister of Finance, Teofilo Sison, Minister of the Interior, and Quintin Paredes, Minister of Justice, in the quisling Laurel Cabinet.” It also quoted from the American General, “They will be confined for the duration of the war as a matter of military security and then turned over to the government of the Philippines for trial and judgment.”
We were all dumbfounded. We never expected it.
On the way to San Fernando, we passed through San Fabian, a very busy port. All roads were improved, even widened and asphalted. The roads were jammed with military vehicles, including amphibian trucks. We arrived in San Fernando and proceeded directly to the U.S. Army Headquarters. At about 3 p.m., we were told to proceed to Manila. We were not able to say goodbye to our families.
We arrived in Manila at sundown. We drove around to different places, including offices in the Government Insurance Building and the Singian house just below the Ayala Bridge. It seemed like they didn’t know where to take us. Finally, we were taken to a house in Quezon City, arriving there about 7 p.m. Since may daughter Lily, Mrs. Ambrosio Padilla, lived nearby in the San Miguel district, I asked permission to be allowed to visit her. I was rather surprised when my request was denied.
When we arrived in Quezon City, we were joined by Pedro Sabido, F. Baybay, Jose Sanvictores, Francisco Zulueta, Sergio Bayan and Proceso Sebastian. Zulueta sympathized with me; he too could not understand why I was not allowed to see Lily, especially since we spent several days in Quezon City. On April 21, Zulueta was taken ill and had to be brought to a hospital.
We expected to see Gen. Manuel Roxas who was not brought with us to Manila, but he was not among those who arrived. It is said that he was also detained but given a certain degree of freedom.
In the morning of the 24th, Ministers Claro M. Recto, Rafael Alunan and Emilio Abello, and Gen. Guillermo Francisco arrived from Baguio. Recto and Gen. Francisco were very indignant. Recto said that if he had known what was in store for him, he would have preferred to have stayed in Baguio.
Next day, Wednesday, April 25th, we were all photographed and fingerprinted. I felt humiliated. We were all bitter, and we broke into tears. Generally, however, we thought that even this forced detention was better than our situation in Baguio where we were virtual prisoners subject to the dangers of bombing, shelling, and above all massacre by the Japanese Armed Forces.
In the afternoon, we were fingerprinted and photographed again, Gen. Francisco included. The morning photographed and fingerprinting session was for the Military Policy Command; the afternoon session, for the Counter Intelligence Corps.
When we arrived in the house in Quezon City, I was interrogated by two gentlemen, a Mr. Stanford and a Mr. Hendricks. I was questioned not only about myself, but also about others in the party, and other persons. I was asked about Secretary Kalaw, Mayor Guinto, Vice Mayor Figueroa, Vicente Madrigal, Leopoldo Aguinaldo, Sergio and Nicasio Osmeña, Fiscal Mabanag and Camino Moncado. I tried to make a correct and just appraisal of them.
In the following days, from April 25 to the 27th, I was questioned repeatedly. I was asked by Mr. Hendricks and Mr. Stanford about the Philippine currency taken from banks. I prepared a statement in reply to all their questions. In my report I also mentioned about the seizure by the Japanese authorities of the Philippine National Bank funds in Baguio.
After a week of separation, I received for the first time letters from my wife and other members of my family. They arrived in Manila last Sunday, April 22. My son-in-law, Ambrosio Padilla (Paddy), and my brother-in-law, Jose Lontoc, drove all the way from Manila to Tubao to get them. My family is now staying in an “entresuelo” in the grand old house owned by Paddy’s mother located in Rodriguez Arias St. In the letter, my wife wrote that on the way to Manila, they passed by Paniqui, Tarlac, to the house of my other son-in-law, Ramon Cojuangco. Ramon confirmed the death of my daughter, Natividad (Neny). I became almost desperate. When we were taken to the U.S. Headquarters in La Union we met some friends from Manila who were officers of the USAFFE. One of them was Major Nakpil who told me of Neny’s death. Before this, I refused to believe it.
My eldest daughter, Lily, and her family were all in good health. I have a new grandson, born during the battle for liberation of Manila. I have two grandchildren now, the other being Josie.
I also learned about the burning of all our houses. But we would have preferred to lose all if only Neny could have been saved.
Mr. Stanford is a very friendly and understanding gentleman. He promised to do all he could for us. He is a Republican and freely expressed his opinion. Naturally, he opposed many of Roosevelt’s policies. Among other things, he said that all allied nations must be made to defray the expenses of the war.
The next morning, we were all happy, having heard from our families and knowing that they were back safely in Manila. At about 11 a.m., an American Lieutenant came to advise that we were leaving at 12:30 p.m. All of us became very sad. We did not know our destination. I tried to get permission to be allowed to go to the house of the Padillas because it was just nearby. My request was denied. At 1 o’clock, a harsh looking Captain came in a big truck. We were ordered to board the truck. The Captain followed us in a jeep. We were escorted by American guards with rifles. We were told not to talk to anybody.
The truck headed for Quezon Boulevard, and when it turned right on Azcarraga St., we all thought we were being taken to the Bilibid Prison. But we drove by the Bilibid Prison and went straight along Azcarraga St. to the North Port. We heard the Captain asking for directions to Pier 8. We were lost for a while; we even went beyond Tondo Church. Finally, we got to Pier 8.
We were left in the open truck for two hours with the sun blazing down on us. We could have been allowed to leave the truck to be in a shady place since the whole place was under the control of the Army. Here we got an inkling of what kind of treatment was in store for us. The Filipinos around who apparently recognized us, looked at us with sympathetic eyes. Apparently, the delay was due to the fact that we waited for the four trucks loaded with prisoners from Bilibid Prison. Among the prisoners we recognized Gov. S. Aquino of the 3rd District, Gov. Urquico of Tarlac, Hilario Camino Moncado and Francisco C. de la Rama. Later, we found out that the two leaders of the Hukbalahap, Luis Taruc and Casto Alejandrino, were also with them.
At about 3 o’clock, we were ordered to board a landing barge. Gov. P. Sebastian had a heavy load, so I helped him. The barge took us to a boat of 7,000 tons capacity named Lewis Morris. We were ordered to go down to the hold of the ship. It was here where we found out that there were many other detainees, about a hundred of us. We were herded in a place too small for us—crammed in the boat’s hold, about 20 by 20 meters. It was hot. We howled in protest. Overhead, someone removed the wooden trapdoor. It became a little cooler. We were all very thirsty. Moncado saved the situation by managing to go up on deck. How he did it is still a mystery to us. I surmised that he used a human pyramid to reach the opening. He was away for a very long time and we feared that he had been caught. To our surprise and jubilation, he appeared and handed down buckets of water to us.
All expressed indignation. We did not deserve such a treatment. Recto said if he was assured that his family would be taken care of, he would rather die. Gen. Francisco said that after having served the Philippines and America, he could not understand why he was being thus treated. Yulo, the coolest headed among us, said, “I will never allow an American to cross the threshold of my house.”
Later, we learned unofficially that we were going to the Iwahig Penal Colony.
We were served breakfast at 9 a.m. At about 11 a.m., the boat stopped. We were allowed to go up on deck. The air was very refreshing. We saw a convoy of over 50 ships.
We were only allowed on deck for one hour after breakfast. Lunchtime came; we were very hungry. No lunch. After 2 o’clock we were told that we were to be given only two meals a day. Then at 4 o’clock, we were told we could go up on deck again for one hour. Finally, at 5 o’clock, they served us our supper of canned salmon. It was abundant.
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Martin (Charlotte Ellen) papers
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Brief Chronology of the Philippine Campaign, 1941-1942
"American Fugitives in the Philippines," 1944 October
"Two Jumps Ahead of the Japs: A Story of an American Woman's Experiences in Occupied Territory," original manuscript circa 1944
"Two Jumps Ahead of the Japs," edited 1944
"Two Jumps Ahead of the Japs," War Department review copy 1945
"Two Jumps Ahead of the Japs," typed manuscript, circa 1981
"Two Jumps Ahead of the Japs," correspondence 1944-1982
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Drums for a President
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Manuel Quezon, 65, first President of the Philippine Commonwealth, lay in a log house at Saranac Lake, N.Y. He was listening: his physician was reading aloud from the Sermon on the Mount....
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https://time.com/archive/6897991/drums-for-a-president/
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Manuel Quezon, 65, first President of the Philippine Commonwealth, lay in a log house at Saranac Lake, N.Y. He was listening: his physician was reading aloud from the Sermon on the Mount. Tuberculosis had almost conquered his fighting-bantam little body. But he did not believe he could die when the sun was shining, and now it was bright morning. After a while he asked that the radio be turned on. The news: U.S. troops had landed at Sansapor, Dutch New Guinea. Manuel Quezon, who had dreamed of re-entering Manila with General MacArthur, exclaimed: “Just 600 miles!” Then he coughed spasmodically. A hemorrhage began. When his wife, came, summoned from Mass, he waved her away to spare her the sight of his suffering. He was unconscious in a few minutes. In a few more, his dragging breathing stopped.
The Grey Bird. In Washington, Sergio Osmeña, the shrewd, quiet, Chinese mestizo, became President of the Philippines. For almost a half century Osmeña, like Quezon, had dreamed of power. But the impressionable Filipinos, fascinated by Quezon’s impassioned oratory, his imperious political scheming, the glitter of his presence, thought of Sergio Osmeña as a grey bird flying beside a brightly plumaged jungle cock. Osmeña accepted his defeats quietly, finally became Manuel Quezon’s political friend, came with him to the U.S. as confidant and Vice President after the fall of the islands.
In 1943, when Quezon’s term as President expired, Osmeña should have succeeded him, since a Philippine election was obviously impossible. Instead he agreed with the U.S. Administration’s desire to leave the ailing Quezon in office as a symbol of freedom for his conquered countrymen. Now, as President, he was content to walk again obscured by the pomp of Manuel Quezon’s passing.
Quezon, who once planned to costume the attendants at his Philippine mansion like Buckingham Palace guards, went to his grave in somber splendor. All night, after its return to Washington in a dark baggage car, his body lay in state before the flower-banked altar of St. Matthew’s Cathedral off fashionable Connecticut Avenue. White-gloved soldiers stood impassively with rifles grounded as crowds filed past. People of Filipino descent, great men of the U.S. and plain Americans came, paused, passed on, hour after hour. The next morning General Marshall, Admiral King, Interior Secretary Ickes, Senators and Supreme Court justices were in the packed church as a Requiem Mass was said.
Then Manuel Quezon’s funeral procession began, to the throb of muffled drums, the cadenced music of a military band. The casket was borne on a black-wheeled artillery caisson drawn by six white horses. Behind it marched mourners and battalions from the Army, Navy and Marine Corps. The procession wound its way to the highest hill in Arlington National Cemetery, not far from the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, to a tomb beneath the grey steel mast of the U.S.S. Maine. There, to the measured boom of a 19-gun salute and the long, sweet notes of “Taps,” Manuel Quezon was laid to rest.
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State and Finance in the Philippines, 1898-1941
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The book State and Finance in the Philippines, 1898-1941: The Mismanagement of an American Colony, Yoshiko Nagano is published by Nus Press Pte Ltd.
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https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/distributed/S/bo25992160.html
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Be the first to know
Get the latest updates on new releases, special offers, and media highlights when you subscribe to our email lists!
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Soon after the reconstitution of the Commonwealth Government in 1945 Senators Manuel Roxas, Elpidio Quirino and their allies called for the holding on an early national election to choose the president and vice president of the Philippines and members of the Congress. In December, 1945 the House Insular Affairs of the United States Congress approved the joint resolution setting the election date at not later than April 30, 1946. Prompted by this congressional action, President Sergio Osmeña called the Philippine Congress to a three-day special session. Congress enacted Commonwealth Act No. 725, setting the election on April 23, 1946, and was approved by President Osmeña on January 5, 1946.
Three parties presented their respective candidates for the different national elective positions. These were the Nacionalista Party - Conservative (Osmeña) Wing, the Liberal Wing of the Nacionalista Party, and the Partido Modernista. The Nacionalistas had Osmeña and Senator Eulogio Rodriguez as their candidates for president and vice president, respectively. The Modernistas chose Hilario Camino Moncado and Luis Salvador for the same positions. On the other hand, the standard bearers of the Liberals were Senators Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino. On January 3, 1946 President Osmeña announced his candidacy for President. On January 22, 1946 Eulogio Rodriguez was nominated as Osmeña's running mate for Vice President, in a convention held at Ciro's Club in Manila. On January 19, 1946, Senator Roxas announced his candidacy for President in a convention held in Santa Ana Cabaret in Manila. President Osmeña tried to prevent the split in the Nacionalista Party by offering Senator Roxas the position of Philippine Regent Commissioner to the United States but the latter turned down the offer. As a result of the split among the members of the Nacionalista Party, owing to marked differences of opinion on certain vital issues of which no settlement had been reached, a new political organization was born and named the Liberal Wing of the Nacionalista Party, which would later become the Liberal Party.
The election was generally peaceful and orderly except in some places where passions ran high, especially in the province of Pampanga. According to the controversial decision of the Electoral Tribunal of the House of Representatives on Meliton Soliman vs. Luis Taruc, Pampanga was under the terroristic clutches and control of theHukbalahaps. So terrorized were the people ofArayat, at one time, 200 persons abandoned their homes, their work, and their food, all their belongings in a mass evacuation to the poblacion due to fear and terror. A total of 2,218,847 voters went to the polls to elect their President and Vice President who was to be the Commonwealth's last and the Republic's first. Four days after election day, the Liberal party candidates were proclaimed victors. Roxas registered an overwhelming majority of votes in 34 provinces and 9 cities. Likewise, the Liberal Party won nine out of 16 contested senatorial seats. In the House of Representatives, the Liberals won an overwhelming majority with 50 seats while the Nacionalistas and the Democratic Alliance only got 33 and 6 seats, respectively.
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Sergio Osmeña >Sergio Osmeña (1878-1961) was the second president of the Philippine >Commonwealth and a distinguished statesman. He led the country in its >initial stage of political maturation by his honest and selfless devotion to >public service.
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https://www.encyclopedia.com/people/history/philippines-history-biographies/sergio-osmena
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Sergio Osmeña
Sergio Osmeña (1878-1961) was the second president of the Philippine Commonwealth and a distinguished statesman. He led the country in its initial stage of political maturation by his honest and selfless devotion to public service.
Sergio Osmeña was born in Cebu on the island of Cebu on Sept. 9, 1878. He entered the San Carlos Seminary in Cebu in 1889 and then earned his bachelor's degree from San Juan de Letran College. His schooling was interrupted by the 1896 revolution and the Filipino-American War. During the revolution he edited the militantly nationalistic periodical El Nuevo Dia. After the revolutionary struggles he continued his studies until he passed the bar examination on Feb. 20, 1903.
On March 5, 1906, Osmeña was elected provincial governor of Cebu at the age of 28. Although he had little political experience, he succeeded in solving the grave problems of public order and community cooperation in his province, cultivating the people's trust in the municipal enforcement officers.
Early Efforts for Independence
In 1902 Osmeña had joined those nationalists who petitioned Governor William Howard Taft to allow the formation of a political party advocating immediate independence for the Philippines. In 1906 Osmeña became president of the first convention of provincial governors, which urged eventual independence. In 1907 he was unanimously elected speaker of the Assembly, a post he held for 9 years. Together with Manuel Quezon, the leader of the majority in the Assembly, and other nationalist leaders, Osmeña formed the Nacionalista party.
In 1918 Osmeña was appointed vice-chairman of the Council of State by Governor Francis B. Harrison. When the Jones Law of 1916 created an elective senate composed of Filipinos, it gave rise to the leadership of Quezon who, in the elections of 1922, replaced Osmeña as the party leader in government. The disagreement between Osmeña and Quezon came from Quezon's description of Osmeña's leadership as "unipersonal" in contrast to Quezon's alleged style of "collective" leadership. However, in April 1924 Quezon and Osmeña fused their factions into the Partido Nacionalista Consolidado in an effort to present a united resistance against the heavy-handed bureaucratic procedures of Governor Leonard Wood.
In 1931 Osmeña, together with Manuel Roxas, headed the Ninth Independence Mission to the United States, which culminated in the passage by the U.S. Congress of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act on Jan. 17, 1933, overriding President Herbert Hoover's veto. Quezon led the opposition antis against the Osmeña-Roxas pros for rejection of the bill on Oct. 17, 1933. In 1934 Quezon succeeded in obtaining a modified version of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act: the Tydings-McDuffie Act, which provided for complete independence 10 years after the inauguration of the commonwealth.
Inauguration of the Commonwealth
In 1935 Osmeña ran for vice president and won. The commonwealth government was inaugurated on Nov. 15, 1935. Osmeña teamed up with Quezon in a single-party ticket of the Nacionalista party. Osmeña served also as secretary of public instruction and as a member of Quezon's Cabinet. So humble and self-sacrificing was Osmeña that when Quezon's term ended on Nov. 15, 1943, he readily gave up his constitutional right to succeed in office so that the ailing Quezon could indulge his ego in continuing as president of the commonwealth government-in-exile. The operation of the Philippine constitution was temporarily suspended with Osmeña's consent.
On Oct. 25, 1944, after the victorious landing in Leyte, Gen. Douglas MacArthur handed the reins of civil government to Osmeña, who had become president after Quezon's death on Aug. 1, 1944. With his resourceful mind, steadfast purpose, and mature courage in the face of the chaotic conditions of the postwar reconstruction period, Osmeña rallied the Filipinos to unite and fight the remaining Japanese resistance. His first step was to incorporate the guerrilla troops into the reorganized Filipino branch of the U.S. Army. On Feb. 27, 1945, the Commonwealth government was fully reestablished in Manila.
Postwar Years
Immediately thereafter, Osmeña tried to reinstitute the American pattern of education and to get rid of all the residues of Japanese indoctrination. He proposed the creation of the People's Court to investigate all Filipinos suspected of disloyalty or treason. He ordered the post office system reopened and issued a victory currency to stabilize the economy.
Osmeña hoped that Philippine independence would be granted on Aug. 13, 1945, but the U.S. Congress and President Franklin Roosevelt had already fixed the date of independence as July 4, 1946.
Osmeña's perseverance and quiet style of working did not appeal to Gen. MacArthur or to Commissioner Paul V. McNutt, both of whom supported Roxas in his bid for the presidency in the election of April 23, 1945. Roxas won over the weary and self-effacing Osmeña, who refused to campaign for reelection.
Osmeña's situation during the early days of the liberation demanded aggressive tactics and bold policies in order to solve the complicated questions of collaboration, of the domination of the government by feudal landlords, and of the moral rehabilitation of citizens who had been driven to cynicism and pragmatic individualism by the contingencies of war. Osmeña, in spite of his tenacity and astute skill in compromise, yielded to the parasitic oligarchy and acquiesced to the restoration of the prewar semifeudal system, the inherent problems of which could never be solved by parliamentary tact or resiliency. Osmeña retired from public office after his defeat and died on Oct. 19, 1961.
Further Reading
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The Online Books Page
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Listing over 3 million free books on the Web - Updated Friday, August 9, 2024
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Vice President Sergio Osmeña, Sr.
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The Grand Old Man of Cebu, Sergio Osmeña, was born on September 9, 1878. Fondly called Serging, he finished his secondary course in the Seminary College of San Carlos where he obtained sobresaliente in practically all his subjects. He then went to Manila and studied at Letran, where he first met Manuel Quezon.
His law studies at the University of Santo Tomas were interrupted by the armed conflicts between Spain and America. However, when peace was restored the students were allowed by the Supreme Court to take the bar examinations of 1903. Osmeña's 95.66% average placed him on the second spot.
With the advent of the Revolution against Spain, Osmeña, with the financial backing of his father-in-law, put up a Spanish newspaper, El Nuevo Dia, in Cebu City to promote nationalism. His friends Rafael Palma and Jaime de Veyra helped him edit the four-page daily.
Osmeña was ushered into politics at the early age of 25 when in 1904 Governor General Wright appointed him Acting Provincial Governor of the province of Cebu for the duration of Governor Juan Climaco's absence. Upon the governor's return, Osmeña was appointed Provincial Fiscal (district attorney) for the province of Cebu and later, of Negros Oriental.
Two years later he was elected governor of Cebu. In 1907 he was elected delegate to the first Philippine National Assembly and became its speaker, making him the highest Filipino official in the Philippine Government. He was speaker of the National Assembly for 15 years.
Osmeña founded the Partido Nacionalista Collectivista in 1922. For reasons of political necessity, Osmeña and Quezon agreed on a coalition under the name “Partido Nacionalista Consolidado”, which was formalized on August 11, 1923 Osmeña willingly subordinated his political ambition to the interests of the party for the greater welfare of the nation.
Osmeña headed several missions to the United States to argue for Philippine independence. In 1933 he went to Washington, D.C. and secured passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting independence bill, but Quezon had the law rejected by the Philippine legislature due to the provision to retain US military bases after independence. Quezon then left for the United States and secured the approval of the Tydings-McDuffie Law, which was practically a reenactment of the rejected measure.
With Quezon as president, Osmeña was elected vice-president; they were inaugurated on November 15, 1935. Re-elected in 1941, he remained vice president during the Japanese occupation when the government was in exile. In an act of self-abnegation Osmeña agreed to the extension of Quezon's term for the duration of the war, as provided for in a US congressional resolution.
On the death of President Manuel Quezon in 1943, Osmeña succeeded to the presidency and took his oath of office on the same day before Associate Justice Robert H. Jackson of the United States Supreme Court. As the new head of the Philippine Commonwealth-in-exile, Osmeña was invited to be with Gen. MacArthur during the landing at Leyte.
When the liberation campaign came to an end, specially after the unconditional surrender of Japan, Osmeña faced a formidable job of reconstruction with all the energy, wisdom and dedication of which he was capable.
Osmeña was defeated by Manuel Roxas in the elections held on April 23, 1946.When he was convinced of the results of the elections, he willingly conceded defeat and with his characteristic sportsmanship and unalloyed devotion to democratic processes, accompanied the new President-elect to the Luneta for the inaugural ceremonies shortly before noon on May 28, 1946.
Osmeña then retired to his home in Cebu, where he spent the remaining years of his life until his death on October 19, 1961. Surviving him were his children by his first wife, Estefania Chiong Veloso and by his second wife, Esperanza Limjap, whom he married in 1920 after the death of the first.
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