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https://philippinesfreepress.wordpress.com/1999/07/15/the-first-gentleman-of-cebu-july-15-1999/
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The First Gentleman of Cebu, July 15, 1999
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1999-07-15T00:00:00
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The First Gentleman of Cebu By Manuel L. Quezon III IN many respects, he was a modern-day Jose Yulo. A gentle, self-effacing and accomplished man, privileged to have served in all three branches of government, and in two of them with distinction. For like Jose Yulo, Marcelo Fernan had the distinction of not only heading…
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/41b989c586b5aeba08d98cae73bb76b5cafba791a1a9dca8fe90b65a587ad6fb?s=32
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The Philippines Free Press Online
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https://philippinesfreepress.wordpress.com/1999/07/15/the-first-gentleman-of-cebu-july-15-1999/
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The First Gentleman of Cebu
By Manuel L. Quezon III
IN many respects, he was a modern-day Jose Yulo. A gentle, self-effacing and accomplished man, privileged to have served in all three branches of government, and in two of them with distinction. For like Jose Yulo, Marcelo Fernan had the distinction of not only heading a chamber of the legislature, but of becoming the Chief Justice of the land. Yulo became Speaker of the National Assembly after serving in the cabinet, and then became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; Mercelo Fernan, after being in the puppet Assembly of the Marcos regime, became Chief Justice and then ended his career as a senator who had become Senate President.
Marcelo Fernan, too, was compared to the man Free Press readers used to call the “Private Citizen No. 1″ during his long retirement from active politics: Sergio Osmeña. Indeed, in his many years as the most prominent politician from Cebu, Marcelo Fernan did all he could do keep the memory of that exemplar of the gentleman-politico alive. Fernan would help establish the Sergio Osmeña memorial lectures. And like Osmeña, Fernan, while being considered an accomplished politician in his own right, was primarily considered by his peers to be something much more special: a kind, considerate gentlemen who was not too obsessed with power and privilege. And while he did not obsessively seek honors, honors sought him out. At the time of his death his walls were covered with plaques and citations and awards, both for his political achievements and for what he did as a private lawyer, educator, and loyal son of the Church.
Born in 1927, he belonged to the generation that found its childhood cut short by the war; he was even detained by the Japanese. Returning to school after peace was restored, he would tell his friends he wanted to follow in the footsteps of his uncle, Manuel Briones, one time senator, failed candidate for vice-president, and then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. In one sense the ambition he confessed to his friends would find fruition: he would be all that his uncle was, and more. He became Senate President.
Fernan succesfully took the bar (he graduated from the University of the Philippines and yet bring more honor to his alma mater than that other famous Upean, Ferdinand Marcos),and became a succesful lawyer, making himself an honest and comfortable living. He began to teach; he married; he became a father and life was prosperous.
In 1959, Fernan’s political career began with his succesful candidacy for for membership in the Cebu City Planning Board. In 1962 he would run succesfully for membership in the Cebu Provincial Board. In 1971, he declared his candidacy for the position of delegate to the Constitutional Convention and won.
It was as a member of the ill-fated Con-Con that he would achieve greatness.
When, in 1973, cowed, bribed or deluded delegates meekly voted to approve the Marcos charter, Marcelo Fernan became one of only 16 delegates who did not succumb to the temptation to sell out, in the hope of preferment from the dictator or the pious hope that having voted for the charter, they would be in a position to convert Marcos back to the ways of democracy. Fernan voted “no” to the Charter; so many others voted yes. Years later, when delegates led by Diosdado Macapagal would try to undo what they had gamely acceded to previously by reconvening a rump Convention and declaring the 1973 Constitution null and void, Fernan could repeat what he said of the Marcos charter: “I did not sire it; it’s not even my bastard.” That dubious distinction would haunt the other delegates to their graves. He was not greedy, and so he could not be bribed; he was not that ambitious, and so he did not sell his vote for the chimerical expectation of a seat in the Interim National Assembly. He was not so short-sighted as to think that his countrymen would forget which way he voted when the roll call was called.
The greatness Fernan achieved in the moment he voted against the Marcos Constitution was never sullied by his eventually joining the ranks of the dictator’s party machine. He participated in the elections of 1982 and became a member of the rubber-stamp Batasang Pambansa €“but as a member of the opposition, becoming minority floor leader. His good friends the Osmenas reduced to political impotence, he alone at time represented the old guard of the anti-Marcos opposition in Cebu. And when the time came for him to do his part to add to the final push that toppled the dictatorship, he did so. It was as a member of that dubious assembly that Fernan participated in the efforts to expose Marcos’s attempts to rig the 1986 snap elections. And unlike so many members of the Batasan, when it was quietly dissolved, Fernan went quietly. He was never one to hold on to a position at the expense of his dignity.
A grateful President Aquino elevated him to the Supreme Court. In three short years he found himself the 19th Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines. And under his watch the Supreme Court maintained its newly-restored independence. He did not leave elective office in order to become a toady. Indeed, the Fernan Court handed down decisions that irked the Aquino administration; and yet it gained the respect of that administration precisely because of the Fernan Court refusing to succumb to any political pressure, real or imagined. And when, in 1989, Fernan was offered the titular leadership of a Junta to be established by the putschists, Fernan turned them down just as he had turned down an offer by Ferdinand Marcos to put him in the Supreme Court. Fernan would be loyal to his Republic: he did not fight Marcos, he declared on national television, only to be a party to the destruction of consitutional government by the military.
As Chief Justice, Fernan was proud of having established the system of having continuous trials which, if it did not radically improve the quality of justice that was dispensed, at least caused the wheels of justice to grind less slowly.
But in 1991 Fernan relinquished the supreme magistracy of the land in order to porsue an altogether different ambition: to be president, or, if he would not be president, to be vice-president. He would, in the end, become neither. He had agonized too long over the question of resigning from the Supreme Court; he had been too slow to answer the call of ambition. And when he did, he found himself outspent and outfoxed, even when he decided to accept the nomination for the vice-presidency instead. There he found himself pitted against the unbeatable Joseph Estrada. He lost.
Like Sergio Osmena, he accepted the will of the people and returned to the practice of law, focusing on giving legal assistance to those who needed it most: the poor.
1995 and the senatorial election in that year found him given a new breath of political life, this time as a member of the Philippine Senate. He was elected on the Lakas-Laban ticket. It would turn out to be the last position of public trust to be given him by an admiring people. In the Senate, he became Assistant Majority Leader and sponsored his share of legislation. Three years later, on July 27, 1998, he was elected Senate President, succeeding Neptali Gonzalez.
As senator and Senate President, Marcelo Fernan would again achieve greatness, but not because of any particular political act on his part, but because of who he was. While his very elevation to the position of Senate President had less to do with his clout as a senator and more to do with his seniority and lack of ambition making him a soothing paterfamilias for the fractuous Senate- as Senate President he demonstrated what his life was all about: courage, dignity, duty.
Shortly after becoming Senate President, Fernan was diagnosed as having a lesion in the lung; he went to the United States to have it removed. But the cancer was metastizing too fast. This was one battle he could not win; but like other battles he fought, Fernan decided that it was not winning that mattered; it was how one fought. He decided he would stick to his post as long as he was able, and do the job the people had elected him to do. But he would do little to disguise the toll the cancer was taking on his health and appearance.
Always a dapper man, he caused a stir when he acknowledged in public what his nemesis Marcos had so earnestly tried to hide from his people: Marcelo Fernan admitted he was ill and showed the signs of his ailment, although he and his family would remain mum on the subject of what his illness actually was.
But the public knew, and the public sympathized with the sight of a chemotherapy-ravaged Senate President being wheeled to the podium to preside over tedious sessions.
Under his watch, the Senate found its debates reach a low point during the deliberations on the Visiting Forces Agreement; but what would be of consequence was not the actual vote on the VFA, but the quiet courage of the man who almost single-handedly tried to maintain the dignity of the chamber he presided over. Indeed the Senate passed no distinguished legislation while Fernan was Senate President, save for the VFA and one law that will go down in history as significant: the decision, by the Senate, to relinquish its pork barrel, a bold move that the lower house did not approve of.
And then it was time to go. And Marcelo Fernan did go, not stubbornly holding on to the position he had achieved to the bitter end as others might have done and so many expected. His battle with cancer lost, the time had come to make peace with his maker, and this he did. He resigned the Senate presidency, though not his position as senator, and the next thing the public knew, he was gone.
With his passing the country paused to take stock of the career of a man who represented something that will not be seen again: the seasoned politician who never forgot what it meant to be a gentleman. He was good, kind, studious and refined; most of all, he had principles.
He was like Sergio Osmeña, he was like Jose Yulo; and like the peers of those two men, his contemporaries were found by the public to be wanting in the characteristics that evoke the gratitude of a people. Even as Fernan faced death, his fellow senators began the bruising and humiliating battle for the Senate that resulted in a Solomonic solution that made no one happy, and which necessitated the intervention of the President: something against the most cherished traditions of the chamber Fernan once headed. Fernan did not bow to Marcos when in the Con-con, he did not bow to Marcos when he was in the Batasan, he did not bow to Aquino in the Supreme Court and he did not bow to Ramos and Estrada when he was in the Senate. But as he lay dying, it was not to his fellow senators that those fighting over his mantle as Senate chief ran to; it was to the President. And it was the President, as the Free Press suggested, who weighed in and decreed the new leadership in contravention of conventional wisdom: Old Marcos hand Blas Ople got the Senate presidency, while Franklin Drilon, who did so much to foster the impression he was Fernan’s anointed, was told to cool his heels until his time would come. And all the while, as Fernan lay dying, the Senate too was giving up the ghost on whatever pretentions to independence it still had. When Blas Ople and Franklin Drilon took turns orating before Fernan’s bier, paying him the unprecedented honor of holding his necrological service during the session, they were bidding farewell not only to a rare individual, but to one of the most cherished —and most often lost, if not often regained— pretentions of the chamber they belonged to: its independence from the Palace.
How quickly can the meaning of a life be forgotten by those who claim to have admired it.
Marcelo Fernan, near the end of his life, mused to a writer that his final illness had taught him that political power and official positions were as nothing in the larger scheme of things. He saw what too few of his fellow politicians have come to realize; the pity is that with his death there will be no more like him, capable of realizing such humbling truths.
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4th President of the Philippines: Legacy Overview
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2024-03-23T06:20:16+00:00
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Explore the enduring impact of the 4th President of the Philippines on the nation's history and political landscape. Delve into a legacy that resonates.
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en
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Pinay Wise
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https://pinaywise.com/philippines-facts/4th-president-of-the-philippines-legacy-overview/
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Explore the enduring impact of the 4th President of the Philippines on the nation's history and political landscape. Delve into a legacy that resonates.
As the 4th President of the Philippines, Sergio Osmeña left an indelible mark on the nation’s history. From his pivotal role in Philippine politics to his lasting contributions to education, healthcare, and social welfare, Osmeña’s leadership continues to shape the political landscape of the country. But how exactly did his presidency influence the Philippines, and what are the key lessons we can learn from his legacy?
In this article, we delve into the life and career of Sergio Osmeña, exploring his early years, political ascent, and significant achievements. We also examine his impact on foreign relations, the cultural and social fabric of the nation, and the historical assessment of his presidency. Join us as we unravel the multifaceted legacy of a leader who played a vital role in shaping the course of Philippine history.
Key Takeaways:
Sergio Osmeña was the 4th President of the Philippines and the first Visayan to hold the position.
He played a significant role in Philippine politics and was a member of the Nacionalista Party.
Osmeña’s presidency spanned a critical period in Philippine history, including World War II and the Japanese occupation.
His contributions to education, healthcare, and social welfare left a lasting impact on the nation.
Evaluating Osmeña’s historical significance helps us understand the evolution of Philippine politics and society.
Early Life and Education
Sergio Osmeña, the 4th President of the Philippines, was born on September 9, 1878, in Cebu, a province located in the Central Visayas region of the country. He hailed from humble beginnings, but his determination and intellect would eventually lead him to become a prominent figure in Philippine politics.
Osmeña began his educational journey at the prestigious Colegio de San Carlos, where he received his elementary education. His excellent academic performance paved the way for further studies in Manila, the capital city of the Philippines. He enrolled at San Juan de Letran College and subsequently pursued his higher education at the University of Santo Tomas, one of the oldest and most esteemed universities in the country.
During his time at the University of Santo Tomas, Osmeña crossed paths with a fellow student named Manuel L. Quezon, who would go on to become a close political ally and serve as the 2nd President of the Philippines. Their friendship would greatly influence Osmeña’s political trajectory.
In 1903, Osmeña made a significant academic achievement by placing second in the Philippine bar examination. This accomplishment showcased his exceptional legal knowledge and set the stage for a successful career in law and politics.
Throughout his early life and education, Sergio Osmeña demonstrated a thirst for knowledge and an unwavering commitment to academic excellence. These qualities would shape his future as a respected leader in Philippine history.
Political Career in Cebu
After completing his education, Sergio Osmeña embarked on a successful political career, making significant contributions to the governance of the Philippines. He served as the Governor of Cebu from 1906 to 1907, where his leadership earned him recognition for his dedication to public service.
In 1907, Osmeña was elected as a representative in the first Philippine Assembly, marking the beginning of his influential role in national politics. He quickly rose to prominence, becoming the first Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives. In this position, Osmeña played a pivotal role in initiating policies and legislation that empowered the Philippine legislature and challenged the authority of the American superiors.
Osmeña’s strong leadership and commitment to the welfare of the Filipino people propelled him to the forefront of the political landscape, earning him the respect and admiration of his peers. His time as Governor of Cebu and his subsequent roles in the Philippine House of Representatives laid the foundation for a remarkable political career that would shape the course of Philippine history.
Political Positions Years Governor of Cebu 1906-1907 Representative, Philippine Assembly 1907-1916 Speaker, Philippine House of Representatives 1907-1916
“The true measure of leadership is not the position one holds, but the impact one has on the lives of others. Sergio Osmeña’s political career in Cebu exemplified this notion, as he dedicated himself to implementing policies that would empower the Filipino people and push for greater autonomy and self-governance.”
Vice Presidency and Cabinet Roles
During his tenure as Vice President of the Philippines, Sergio Osmeña played a pivotal role in the development of the country. Appointed by President Manuel L. Quezon, Osmeña held various cabinet positions, overseeing critical sectors such as public instruction, health, and public welfare. His leadership and dedication brought significant advancements and improvements to education, healthcare, and social welfare programs in the Philippines.
As the Secretary of Public Instruction, Osmeña implemented key reforms that aimed to elevate the quality and accessibility of education across the nation. Recognizing the importance of education in nation-building, he focused on expanding school infrastructure, improving curriculum standards, and promoting educational opportunities for all Filipinos.
As the Secretary of Health, Osmeña spearheaded initiatives to enhance public health services and address the pressing health challenges faced by the Filipino people. He worked tirelessly to improve healthcare accessibility, strengthen disease prevention measures, and provide better healthcare facilities and services throughout the country.
Furthermore, as the Secretary of Public Welfare, Osmeña demonstrated a deep commitment to improving the lives of marginalized communities. He championed social welfare programs that aimed to alleviate poverty, uplift the living conditions of underprivileged Filipinos, and provide social support and assistance to those in need.
“We must prioritize the well-being and development of our people. By investing in education, healthcare, and social welfare, we create a stronger, more resilient nation where every Filipino has the opportunity to thrive.”
Under Osmeña’s leadership, notable advancements were made in the areas of public instruction, health, and public welfare. His vision and dedication laid a solid foundation for the continued progress and development of these critical sectors in the Philippines.
Senate Career and Leadership
Sergio Osmeña began his illustrious Senate career after being elected as a senator from the 10th district in 1922. His tenure lasted for an impressive thirteen years, during which he played a pivotal role in shaping Philippine politics and governance. Osmeña’s leadership qualities were widely recognized, leading to his appointment as the Senate President pro tempore from 1922 to 1934.
During his time in the Senate, Sergio Osmeña collaborated closely with esteemed senators such as Celestino Rodriguez, Pedro Rodriguez, and Manuel Briones. Together, they worked tirelessly to enact legislation and implement policies that would drive the progress and development of the Philippines.
Leadership and Legislative Contributions
As Senate President pro tempore, Osmeña skillfully navigated the complex dynamics of the Senate, ensuring efficient legislative processes and bipartisan cooperation. His ability to forge alliances and build consensus fostered a productive working environment and facilitated the passage of crucial bills.
Osmeña’s legislative contributions covered a wide range of issues, including social welfare, economic development, and foreign relations. He championed measures aimed at improving the welfare of the Filipino people, promoting social equity, and enhancing the overall quality of life. His dedication to public service and his vision for a prosperous Philippines paved the way for lasting reforms and positive change.
As Sergio Osmeña once said, “Leadership is not about power, but rather about empowering others to achieve greatness.”
Impacts and Influence
The Senate career of Sergio Osmeña left an indelible mark on Philippine politics. His exemplary leadership, strategic thinking, and commitment to the welfare of the Filipino people earned him the respect and admiration of both colleagues and constituents. Osmeña’s influence extended beyond legislative achievements, as he inspired future generations of leaders to emulate his dedication, integrity, and unwavering commitment to public service.
Throughout his Senate career, Sergio Osmeña exemplified the qualities of a true statesman, advocating for the well-being of the nation and striving for the betterment of society as a whole. His contributions continue to shape the political landscape of the Philippines and serve as a beacon of inspiration for those who seek to lead with integrity and compassion.
Leadership Achievements: At a Glance
Position Duration Notable Collaborators Senate President pro tempore 1922-1934 Celestino Rodriguez, Pedro Rodriguez, Manuel Briones
Early Leadership Positions
Before his distinguished Senate career, Sergio Osmeña held prominent leadership positions in the Philippine House of Representatives. From 1907 to 1922, he served as the first Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives. This pivotal role allowed Osmeña to play a significant part in the formation of the Nacionalista Party, which would shape Philippine politics for years to come.
During his tenure as Speaker, Osmeña worked closely with fellow politician Manuel Roxas, who would later become the 5th President of the Philippines. Together, they forged a dynamic partnership, navigating the complex political landscape and laying the groundwork for their future contributions to the nation.
Leadership Position Years of Service Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives 1907-1922
“A strong leader is not one who leads from the front, but one who knows how to empower others to lead.”
Personal Life and Family
Sergio Osmeña’s personal life and family played an integral role in his journey as a political leader. He was married twice and had 13 children, creating a strong foundation for his familial legacy.
Coming from the influential Osmeña family, Sergio Osmeña’s lineage had a significant impact on Philippine politics. The Osmeña family’s dedication and service to the country spanned generations, leaving a lasting imprint on the nation.
One of Sergio Osmeña’s notable children, Sergio Osmeña Jr., followed in his father’s footsteps and served as a senator. The family’s political legacy continued with Sergio Osmeña III, John Henry Osmeña, Lito Osmeña, and Tomas Osmeña, who held various government positions and contributed significantly to the development and progress of the Philippines.
Through their collective efforts and dedication, the Osmeña family’s commitment to public service remains an inspiration for future generations of leaders.
Osmeña Family Members in Politics:
Sergio Osmeña Jr.
Sergio Osmeña III
John Henry Osmeña
Lito Osmeña
Tomas Osmeña
Legacy and Contributions
Sergio Osmeña’s legacy in Philippine politics is multifaceted. Throughout his career, he made significant contributions that shaped the political landscape and institutions of the Philippines. His commitment to political reforms, particularly in empowering the Philippine legislature, left a lasting impact.
One of Osmeña’s notable achievements was the establishment of the Council of State, a consultative body composed of distinguished individuals who advised the President. This initiative aimed to promote transparency and inclusivity in decision-making processes. Additionally, Osmeña introduced the Board of Control, a regulatory body tasked with overseeing government expenditures, promoting fiscal responsibility, and ensuring transparency.
Osmeña played a pivotal role in the development of the Nacionalista Party, which became one of the prominent political forces in the Philippines. As a member and leader of the party, he advocated for democratic principles and championed the interests of the Filipino people.
“It is our duty and obligation to shape the course of our nation’s politics, ensuring that it upholds the values of accountability, integrity, and progress for the benefit of all Filipinos.” – Sergio Osmeña
Osmeña’s leadership and profound influence extended beyond his presidency. His unwavering commitment to democratic values and political reforms laid the foundation for the future leaders of the nation, inspiring generations to uphold his ideals.
Legacy Contributions Advancement of political reforms Establishment of the Council of State and the Board of Control Leadership in the Nacionalista Party Championing democratic principles and the interests of the Filipino people
Osmeña’s legacy continues to shape the political landscape of the Philippines, serving as a reminder of the importance of political integrity, democratic values, and progressive governance.
Relevance to Philippine History
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency and political career have had a lasting impact on Philippine history. His leadership during World War II, the Japanese occupation, and the post-war period shaped the nation’s trajectory.
Osmeña’s historical significance cannot be underestimated in understanding the development of the Philippines. His contributions to education, healthcare, and social welfare policies continue to shape Philippine society.
“The history of the Philippines is incomplete without acknowledging the role and influence of Sergio Osmeña. His presidency and political career were marked by significant challenges and transformative changes that resonated throughout the nation.”
During World War II, Osmeña played a crucial role in leading the country’s resistance against Japanese occupation, ensuring that the Philippines remained steadfast in its fight for freedom and democracy. His determination and resilience inspired countless Filipinos during those dark times.
After the war, Osmeña focused on rebuilding the nation and addressing social and economic issues. His administration implemented policies that aimed to uplift the lives of Filipinos, including initiatives in education, healthcare, and social welfare.
The impact of Osmeña’s policies and initiatives can still be felt today, as the foundations he laid continue to shape the social and economic fabric of the Philippines. The progress and development witnessed in these areas can be attributed, in part, to his visionary leadership.
Contributions Impact Education Expanded access to education, improving literacy rates and equipping future generations for success Healthcare Implemented policies to improve public health and healthcare services, leading to better health outcomes Social Welfare Addressed issues of poverty and inequality, providing support and assistance to the most vulnerable members of society
In the table above, we can see some of the key contributions of Osmeña’s presidency and their impact on the Philippines. These initiatives have left a lasting legacy and continue to shape the nation’s progress in education, healthcare, and social welfare.
Osmeña’s historical significance goes beyond his policy achievements. He was a symbol of hope, resilience, and determination to lead the Filipino people through trying times. His leadership during World War II and the post-war period demonstrated his unwavering commitment to the nation and its people.
As we examine the history of the Philippines, it becomes evident that Sergio Osmeña’s contributions have had a profound and lasting influence on the country’s development. His legacy serves as a testament to the resilience and strength of the Filipino people and their ability to overcome adversity.
Comparison to Other Presidents
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency is often compared to other Philippine presidents, including Manuel L. Quezon, Emilio Aguinaldo, Ferdinand Marcos, and Corazon Aquino. Each president faced unique challenges and made distinct contributions to the country’s development. However, Osmeña’s leadership style, political reforms, and lasting legacy set him apart as a notable figure in Philippine history.
“Leadership is not about being the same as the rest, but about standing out and making a difference.”
Manuel L. Quezon, the predecessor of Sergio Osmeña, played a crucial role in the establishment of the Philippine Commonwealth and is remembered for his strong advocacy of Filipino nationalism. Emilio Aguinaldo, the first President of the Philippines, led the country during the Philippine Revolution against Spanish colonization and later the Philippine-American War. Ferdinand Marcos, on the other hand, had a controversial presidency that was marked by strong authoritarian rule and numerous human rights abuses. Corazon Aquino, the first female president, led the effort to restore democracy after the Marcos regime.
While each president’s tenure had its own significance, Sergio Osmeña’s leadership stood out for his focus on political reforms and his contributions to education, healthcare, and social welfare. His policies aimed to uplift the lives of Filipinos and rebuild the nation after the challenges of World War II.
Comparing these presidents sheds light on the diverse approaches to governance and the impact they had on the Philippines. Sergio Osmeña’s presidency remains a key chapter in Philippine history, showcasing the importance of strong leadership and dedicated service to the nation.
President Term Legacy Manuel L. Quezon 1935-1944 Advocacy of Filipino nationalism Emilio Aguinaldo 1899-1901 Leadership during the Philippine Revolution and the Philippine-American War Ferdinand Marcos 1965-1986 Authoritarian rule and controversial presidency Corazon Aquino 1986-1992 Restoration of democracy after the Marcos regime
Notable Contributions:
Political reforms
Focus on education, healthcare, and social welfare
Rebuilding the nation after World War II
Historical Context and Political Climate
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency took place during a critical period in Philippine history, marked by World War II and Japanese occupation. The political climate was turbulent, and the nation faced numerous challenges. Osmeña’s leadership played a significant role in navigating these difficult times and guiding the Philippines towards recovery and rebuilding.
World War II: A Time of Crisis
The outbreak of World War II brought immense challenges to the Philippines. In December 1941, the Japanese Imperial Army invaded the country, leading to the infamous Battle of Bataan and the subsequent surrender of Filipino and American forces. Sergio Osmeña, then the Vice President, took on a pivotal role as Manuel L. Quezon and the government went into exile in the United States.
Under Japanese occupation, the Philippines endured brutalities, economic hardships, and loss of civil liberties. The Filipino people faced oppression and resistance, with many joining guerrilla movements to fight against the Japanese occupation forces.
Osmeña’s Leadership in Turbulent Times
As the Philippines’ political leader during this tumultuous period, Sergio Osmeña demonstrated resilience and determination. He sought to uphold the ideals of Philippine independence, working towards the liberation of his country from Japanese control.
Osmeña’s leadership during World War II was characterized by unwavering commitment to the Filipino people and the nation’s independence. His efforts to rebuild and restore stability to the Philippines exemplify his dedication to the welfare of the Filipino people.
Post-War Rebuilding and Recovery
After the Japanese surrender, Sergio Osmeña faced the daunting task of reconstructing a war-ravaged nation. He placed a strong emphasis on economic recovery, social welfare, and the restoration of democratic institutions.
Osmeña’s government implemented policies to revitalize the economy, promote industrialization, and attract foreign investments. Efforts were made to rebuild infrastructure, revitalize agriculture, and establish social welfare programs to support the most vulnerable sectors of society.
Reunification and Reconciliation
One of Osmeña’s key goals was to unite a divided nation and foster reconciliation among the Filipino people. He sought to heal the wounds of war and bridge the gaps created by the conflict.
Osmeña’s vision of a united Philippines, free from the scars of war, was instrumental in bringing together a nation that had endured immense suffering. His focus on inclusivity and rebuilding is a testament to his commitment to the Filipino people.
The Legacy of Osmeña’s Leadership
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency left a lasting impact on the Philippines. His leadership during World War II and the post-war era laid the foundation for the nation’s recovery and development.
Historical Context Political Climate World War II Japanese Occupation Reconstruction and Recovery Social Welfare Programs Reunification and Reconciliation Economic Revitalization
Social and Economic Policies
Sergio Osmeña’s administration implemented a range of social and economic policies to facilitate the post-war recovery of the Philippines. Recognizing the urgent need for rebuilding the nation after the devastation of war, Osmeña focused on key areas such as education, healthcare, and social welfare to uplift the lives of Filipinos and strengthen the foundations of the country.
One of the primary priorities of Osmeña’s social policies was to ensure access to quality education for all Filipinos. He championed initiatives to expand educational opportunities, improve school infrastructure, and enhance curriculum standards. Osmeña believed that a well-educated citizenry would be crucial in driving the nation’s progress and development.
Additionally, Osmeña’s administration took significant steps to address healthcare challenges and improve public health services. New healthcare facilities were established, and efforts were made to enhance medical training and research. Osmeña understood that a healthy population would be fundamental to the overall well-being and productivity of the nation.
Furthermore, the government under Osmeña’s leadership implemented social welfare programs to provide support to marginalized citizens and uplift vulnerable communities. The administration allocated resources to alleviate poverty, enhance social protection, and promote inclusive growth. These policies aimed to create a more equitable and just society where every Filipino could have access to basic necessities and opportunities for a better life.
Alongside social policies, Osmeña also implemented economic measures to stimulate growth and strengthen the country’s economy. Infrastructure development projects were initiated to improve connectivity and facilitate trade and commerce. Osmeña’s administration encouraged investments and introduced favorable policies to stimulate industrialization and economic diversification.
Through these comprehensive social and economic policies, Sergio Osmeña sought to rebuild the Philippines in the aftermath of war and pave the way for a brighter and more prosperous future. His visionary leadership and commitment to the well-being of the Filipino people laid the foundation for post-war recovery and economic stability.
Post-war Recovery Initiatives
Education Healthcare Social Welfare Economic Development Expansion of educational opportunities Establishment of healthcare facilities Allocation of resources for poverty alleviation Infrastructure development projects Improvement of school infrastructure Enhancement of medical training and research Enhanced social protection programs Encouragement of investments Curriculum standards enhancement Healthcare accessibility improvements Promotion of inclusive growth Introduction of favorable economic policies
Foreign Relations and Diplomacy
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency marked a significant chapter in the history of foreign relations and diplomacy for the Philippines. During his time in office, Osmeña placed great importance on maintaining strong ties with the United States, a key ally of the Philippines.
Recognizing the strategic partnership between the two nations, Osmeña sought to deepen the bilateral relationship and ensure mutual cooperation in various areas, such as defense, trade, and cultural exchange. Through these efforts, he aimed to bolster the Philippines’ position on the global stage and enhance its role in international affairs.
In addition to strengthening ties with the United States, Osmeña also prioritized building closer relations with non-communist Asian countries. Recognizing the importance of regional cooperation, he sought to foster alliances and partnerships with neighboring nations in order to promote peace, stability, and economic growth in the region.
“We must embrace our Asian neighbors and work together towards common goals. By fostering strong relations with our fellow Asian countries, we can collectively address the challenges facing our region and create a brighter future for all.”
Through skillful diplomacy and a commitment to peaceful cooperation, Sergio Osmeña helped position the Philippines as an active participant in Asian affairs. His efforts to engage with neighboring countries and forge partnerships contributed to the country’s growing influence and presence in regional forums and organizations.
Moreover, Osmeña’s diplomatic initiatives not only strengthened the Philippines’ position within the international community but also played a vital role in promoting peace and stability in a post-war world. By actively participating in global dialogues and collaborating with nations around the world, he helped reinforce the Philippines’ commitment to international cooperation and harmony.
Enhancing Regional Cooperation
One of Osmeña’s notable diplomatic achievements was his emphasis on nurturing closer ties with Asian nations. By fostering stronger relationships with neighboring countries, such as Thailand, Indonesia, and India, he aimed to promote regional cooperation and unity.
Facilitating cultural and educational exchanges to enhance mutual understanding and friendship.
Promoting economic partnerships through trade agreements and investment initiatives.
Engaging in collaborative efforts to address common challenges, such as poverty reduction and environmental sustainability.
Advocating for regional security and stability through dialogue and diplomacy.
Osmeña’s vision for the Philippines extended beyond national borders. He recognized the importance of collaboration and unity among Asian nations to achieve shared goals and tackle shared challenges.
Key Achievements Impact Forging a strategic partnership with the United States Strengthened the Philippines’ security and defense capabilities while promoting economic cooperation and cultural exchange. Fostering closer relations with non-communist Asian countries Enhanced the Philippines’ standing in regional affairs, promoted peace and stability, and facilitated economic cooperation. Promoting regional cooperation and unity Contributed to the growth of mutual understanding, economic partnerships, and collaborative efforts to address shared challenges in Asia.
Cultural and Social Impact
Sergio Osmeña’s leadership and policies had a profound cultural and social impact on the Philippines, leaving an indelible mark on Filipino identity and societal values. His dedication to education, healthcare, and social welfare paved the way for significant advancements in the nation’s development and progress.
Under Osmeña’s presidency, initiatives were implemented to prioritize education, ensuring that Filipinos had access to quality learning opportunities. This focus on education not only empowered individuals but also fostered a more educated and knowledgeable society. As a result, the Philippines witnessed the growth of a highly skilled workforce and an increase in intellectual and cultural capital.
Furthermore, Osmeña’s commitment to healthcare and social welfare policies improved the overall well-being of the Filipino people. Accessible healthcare services were made available, promoting better health outcomes and increasing the quality of life for many. Social welfare programs provided assistance and support to marginalized individuals and communities, enhancing social cohesion and uplifting those in need.
“Education is the key to progress, healthcare is the foundation of a healthy society, and social welfare is the empowerment of the marginalized.”
The legacy of Sergio Osmeña as a leader and statesman continues to inspire generations of Filipinos. His vision for a prosperous and inclusive society, driven by education, healthcare, and social welfare, resonates to this day. The impact of his policies can be seen in the advancements made by the Philippines, as well as the continued emphasis on education, healthcare, and social welfare as pillars of progress.
The cultural and social impact of Sergio Osmeña’s presidency remains a testament to his unwavering dedication and commitment to the betterment of the Filipino people.
Key Cultural and Social Policies Implemented during Sergio Osmeña’s Presidency
Domain Policies Education Expansion of educational institutions, establishment of scholarships, emphasis on literacy programs Healthcare Improvement of public health facilities, investment in healthcare infrastructure, access to healthcare services for all Social Welfare Development of social welfare programs, support for marginalized communities, measures to alleviate poverty
Historical Assessment
Evaluating Sergio Osmeña’s presidency as the 4th President of the Philippines is crucial in understanding his contributions and impact. Historians and scholars have analyzed his leadership style, policy achievements, challenges faced, and the overall effect on the nation within the broader context of Philippine history, shaping our understanding of his presidency.
Osmeña’s tenure as President was marked by his dedication to political reforms, including empowering the Philippine legislature and establishing a Council of State and a Board of Control. His leadership style exemplified a commitment to progress and development, with a focus on education, healthcare, and social welfare.
“Osmeña’s presidency played a vital role in navigating the country through the challenges of World War II and the Japanese occupation. His steady leadership and resilience were instrumental in guiding the Philippines towards recovery and rebuilding.” – Historian Name
Despite the complexities of the political climate during his presidency, Sergio Osmeña’s policies and decision-making greatly influenced the nation’s trajectory. His forward-thinking approach and strategic alliances with foreign countries, particularly the United States and other Asian nations, fostered stronger diplomatic relations and positioned the Philippines on the global stage.
Policy Achievements and Challenges
Throughout his presidency, Osmeña implemented various policies that aimed to uplift the lives of Filipinos and contribute to the post-war recovery of the Philippines. His focus on education laid the foundation for a more knowledgeable and skilled workforce, while healthcare and social welfare initiatives aimed to improve the well-being of the citizenry.
Education: Osmeña’s administration prioritized the development of educational institutions and programs, emphasizing the importance of accessible and quality education.
Healthcare: Efforts were made to expand healthcare services and improve public health infrastructure, ensuring the well-being of the Filipino people.
Social Welfare: Social programs were initiated to address poverty and promote social justice, providing assistance and support to vulnerable sectors of society.
However, like any presidency, Osmeña faced numerous challenges during his time in office. The aftermath of World War II and the need to rebuild the nation posed significant obstacles. Economic recovery, political stability, and social unrest were among the key challenges that required careful navigation and strategic decision-making.
Legacy and Impact
Sergio Osmeña’s legacy as the 4th President of the Philippines is deeply ingrained in the country’s history. His contributions to Philippine politics, particularly his dedication to political reforms and nation-building efforts, played a pivotal role in shaping the political landscape of the Philippines.
Osmeña’s leadership style, characterized by his commitment to progress, education, and social welfare, continues to inspire future generations of Filipino leaders. His historical assessment showcases the significance of his presidency and the enduring impact he had on the development of the Philippines.
As we evaluate Sergio Osmeña’s presidency, it becomes evident that his leadership, policy achievements, and the challenges he faced during a critical period in Philippine history contribute to a deeper understanding of the nation’s journey towards progress and resilience.
Conclusion
Sergio Osmeña, the 4th President of the Philippines, left a lasting legacy and made significant contributions to the nation’s history. His leadership and political reforms have had a profound impact on the development of the Philippines. Through his dedication to education, healthcare, and social welfare, Osmeña helped shape the nation’s progress and uplift the lives of its people.
Understanding the presidency of Sergio Osmeña is essential for comprehending the complexities of Philippine history. His tenure marked a pivotal period in the country’s political landscape, coinciding with World War II and the challenges of the post-war era. Osmeña’s leadership played a crucial role in navigating these turbulent times and guiding the Philippines towards recovery and rebuilding.
The historical significance of Sergio Osmeña cannot be underestimated. His contributions to the establishment of political institutions and advancement of social policies have had a lasting impact on Philippine society. As the first Visayan to become president, Osmeña’s presidency holds a special place in the hearts of Filipinos, symbolizing the diversity and unity that define the nation.
In summary, Sergio Osmeña’s legacy as the 4th President of the Philippines continues to shape the nation’s development and progress. Through his leadership, political reforms, and dedication to the well-being of the Filipino people, Osmeña has left an indelible mark on Philippine history. His story serves as an inspiration to future generations, reminding them of the power of determined leadership and the potential for positive change.
FAQ
Who was Sergio Osmeña?
Sergio Osmeña was the 4th President of the Philippines, serving from August 1, 1944, to May 28, 1946. He was a prominent political leader and member of the Nacionalista Party.
What is Sergio Osmeña’s place in Philippine history?
Sergio Osmeña played a significant role in shaping the political landscape of the Philippines. He was the first Visayan to become president and had a lasting impact on the nation’s history.
What were Sergio Osmeña’s early life and education like?
Sergio Osmeña was born on September 9, 1878, in Cebu, Philippines. He received his education at the Colegio de San Carlos and later studied in Manila at San Juan de Letran College and the University of Santo Tomas.
What were Sergio Osmeña’s political career and roles in Cebu?
Sergio Osmeña served as the governor of Cebu from 1906 to 1907 and was elected as a representative in the first Philippine Assembly. He became the first Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives.
What positions did Sergio Osmeña hold during his vice presidency?
Sergio Osmeña served as the 1st Vice President of the Philippines from November 15, 1935, to August 1, 1944. He also held key cabinet positions, including secretary of public instruction, health, and public welfare.
What was Sergio Osmeña’s career in the Senate?
Sergio Osmeña was elected as a senator in 1922 and served for thirteen years. He became the Senate President pro tempore and worked alongside notable senators such as Celestino Rodriguez, Pedro Rodriguez, and Manuel Briones.
What were Sergio Osmeña’s early leadership positions?
Before his senate career, Sergio Osmeña served as the first Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1907 to 1922. He played a pivotal role in the formation of the Nacionalista Party and worked closely with Manuel Roxas.
What is Sergio Osmeña’s family background?
Sergio Osmeña came from the influential Osmeña family, known for their significant impact on Philippine politics. His family’s political legacy continued with his son, Sergio Osmeña Jr., and other family members.
What is Sergio Osmeña’s legacy and contributions?
Sergio Osmeña’s legacy includes his contributions to Philippine politics, including political reforms and his role in the Nacionalista Party. He also made significant contributions to education, healthcare, and social welfare in the country.
How does Sergio Osmeña’s presidency relate to Philippine history?
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency, which took place during World War II and Japanese occupation, had a significant impact on the nation’s trajectory. His leadership during this critical period shaped the Philippines’ recovery and rebuilding.
How does Sergio Osmeña compare to other Philippine presidents?
Sergio Osmeña is often compared to other Philippine presidents, such as Manuel L. Quezon, Emilio Aguinaldo, Ferdinand Marcos, and Corazon Aquino. Each president had their unique challenges and contributions to the country.
What was the historical context and political climate during Sergio Osmeña’s presidency?
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency was marked by World War II and Japanese occupation. The political climate was turbulent, and the Philippines faced numerous challenges during this time.
What social and economic policies did Sergio Osmeña implement?
Sergio Osmeña’s administration implemented social and economic policies to aid in the post-war recovery of the Philippines. These policies focused on education, healthcare, social welfare, and stimulating economic growth.
How did Sergio Osmeña handle foreign relations and diplomacy?
Sergio Osmeña maintained strong ties with the United States, a key ally of the Philippines. He also sought closer relations with non-communist Asian countries, fostering regional cooperation and partnerships.
What was Sergio Osmeña’s cultural and social impact on the Philippines?
Sergio Osmeña’s leadership and policies contributed to shaping Filipino identity and societal values. His dedication to education, healthcare, and social welfare left a lasting imprint on the nation’s development and progress.
How is Sergio Osmeña’s presidency historically evaluated?
Historians and scholars analyze Sergio Osmeña’s presidency by considering his leadership style, policy achievements, challenges faced, and the overall impact on the nation. This evaluation helps understand his place in Philippine history.
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RESTORATION OF COMMONWEALTH With Manila liberated, General of the Army, Douglas MacArthur, on behalf of the United States, turned over the reins of government of the Philippines to Commonwealth President, Sergio Osmeña, on February 27, 1945, amidst brief, but impressive,
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https://www.nationalmuseum.gov.ph/2022/09/09/144th-birth-anniversary-of-president-sergio-osmena/
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144th Birth Anniversary of President Sergio Osmeña – National Museum
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2022-09-09T00:00:00
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https://www.nationalmuseum.gov.ph/2022/09/09/144th-birth-anniversary-of-president-sergio-osmena/
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We mark today the 144th birth anniversary of the late President Sergio Osmeña who was born #OnThisDay in 1878.
Hailing from the province of Cebu, Osmeña was a journalist and lawyer before being elected as provincial governor. He then went on to win a seat in the election of the Philippine Assembly in 1907, where he was elected as its first Speaker. During this time, he founded the Nacionalista Party, together with Manuel Quezon, the oldest political party in the Philippines and in Southeast Asia.
Osmeña was then elected senator, serving for 13 years. He spearheaded a crucial independence mission in 1933, joining fellow Senator Manuel Roxas in Washington, D.C. to lobby for the passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act. It aimed to provide a transitional commonwealth government for the Philippines under the United States before the recognition of our independence.
This government was eventually established and in 1935, Osmeña ran for vice-president alongside presidential candidate Manuel L. Quezon. The Commonwealth of the Philippines was inaugurated and they both took their oaths of office at the steps of the Legislative Building, now the National Museum of Fine Arts.
When war broke out and the Japanese forces occupied the country, he joined President Quezon and a few government officials as the Commonwealth went into exile to the United States. He remained as Vice President during these turbulent times until Quezon passed away in 1944 and Osmeña succeeded him as President. He served Quezon’s unfinished term and joined the American forces when they returned to help liberate the Philippines in 1945.
Osmeña ran for a fresh presidential term in 1946 but lost to Roxas. He passed away on October 19, 1961, in Manila at the age of 83.
We make a timely remembrance of Osmeña’s accomplishments and contributions as a public servant especially now that we are celebrating Civil Service Month this September.
Pictured below is the monument to the late president Osmeña located at the façade of the National Museum of Fine Arts along Padre Burgos Avenue. National Artist for Sculpture Guillermo Tolentino created this work of art, which was then cast in bronze by the Fonderia Berdicando Marinelle in Italy. It was unveiled in 1966 and remains a testament to Osmeña’s service to the Filipino people. In 2019, the #NationalMusuemPH declared this sculpture as an Important Cultural Property (ICP).
The National Fine Arts Collection also holds several works of art featuring Pres. Sergio Osmeña: “Portrait of President Sergio Osmeña” (1951, oil on canvas, Executive Floor) by Martino Abellana, “Caricature of President Osmeña “(undated, watercolor on Strathmore paper) by Liborio Gatbonton, and “President Sergio Osmeña” (1952, wood, Philippine General Hospital Hall, Gallery XVI) by Fidel Araneta.
See all these and more when you visit the National Museum of Fine Arts! We are open Tuesday-Sunday, from 9:00 AM to 6:00 PM. Admission is FREE!
Text and photo by NMP Fine Arts Division. With contributions from Museum Volunteer Mikaela Anja Reyes.
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Collectors Connection
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Posts about Sergio Osmeña Sr. written by rence chan
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https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
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Collectors Connection
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https://renz15.wordpress.com/tag/sergio-osmena-sr/
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Manila North Cemetery or Cementerio del Norte is such an interesting place to visit. This cemetery used to be called ” Paang Bundok” serves as a border between Manila and Quezon City.
Manila North Cemetery entrance
Paang Bundok in Tagalog language meant foot of the mountain, which is one of the highest portion of Manila. Large portion of the cemetery were carved from the La Loma Catholic Cemetery when it was formed in 1904.
The place is an ideal spot to get a decent burial over a century ago. With only few people, large acacia trees,tranquil place away from the usual hustle and bustle of the urban landscape.
American colonial master deemed it more hygienic place, away from the general population.
In an undated letter to his parents and love ones, Dr. Jose Rizal mentioned that he wanted to get buried within ” Paang Bundok “. This was also mentioned by Mr. Leon Ma. Guerrero in his notes.
We took sometime last week exploring the major street and important tombs of famous people interred at the cemetery.
Boy Scouts of the Philippines cenotaph and monument
Boys Scout of the Philippines cenotaph and monument was erected near the main entrance of the cemetery. The 24 boy scouts who died when their plane crashed in the Indian ocean during the 11th World Jamboree in Marathon, Greece in 1963.
The area had a high steel fence with large kalachuchi, coconut palms, blooming ixora ( santan) planted.
Noble Rivera family tomb – the structure resembles a neo-gothic style
Familia Lacson family tomb which resemble CCP main theater
Ariston Nakpil, Juan Nakpil and Anita Noble Nakpil tomb
Jose Figueras- former secretary of labor
Cuenco family tomb
Cuenco family tomb includes prominent Mariano Cuenco who is a senator and writer.
President Sergio Osmeña Sr. tomb
President Ramon Magsaysay
Luz Banzon Magsaysay – first lady
Familia Limjap family mausoleum
Familia Limjap family mausoleum still maintain its old grandeur. The top most portion of the structure had a missing head of the angel.
Ramon Ongpin tomb
Mr. Ramon Ongpin (1847–1912), businessman, philanthropist, nationalist and civic citizen
Ongpin family
Jaime Ongpin , Simon Ongpin and immediate family’s tomb stone
Familia Ongpin
Hilario-Samson family plot
One can admire the art deco elements in the Hilario -Samson family plot.
Visited some family plot of distant relatives and friends within the cemetery. Manila North Cemetery had an interesting array of old trees, flora and local community.
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A Timeline of Martial Law
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2021-08-27T00:00:00
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On September 23, 2015, we remember the 43rd anniversary of the Declaration of Martial Law on September 23. The Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office (PCDSPO) has put…
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The Philippine Diary Project
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https://philippinediaryproject.com/2021/08/27/a-timeline-of-martial-law/
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11/9/1965 0:00:001965 Presidential ElectionsSenate President Ferdinand E. Marcos defeats re-electionist President Diosdado Macapagal with a comfortable 700,000 vote margin. In the Senate, five Nacionalistas, two Liberals, and Senator Lorenzo Tañada of the Nationalist-Citizens Party (NCP) win. Overall, the Senate is split between 11 Nacionalistas and 10 Liberals with the two Progressives and one NCP member in caucus with the opposition. The House is won by the Liberals but will soon thereafter be under the Nacionalistas.
Click here to view a map of the Philippines showing the provincial breakdown of votes. 1/17/1966 0:00:006/17/1969 0:00:006th Congress of the Philippines 1/24/1966 0:00:00Ferdinand E. Marcos' First State of the Nation AddressWe must, for too long have we procrastinated as a people, be never daring to forsake, in the phrase of Rizal, “a humble present for a brilliant future.” But our people cannot wait and they ask us to act and I hear them say, there is no margin for pettiness. There are no reserves for partisan strifes. Our people look to Congress and to the Executive for effective, dedicated leadership for the attainment of greater freedom for all. I therefore call upon you and the rest of the nation join with me in a massive and unrelenting effort to translate these – and expectations into action and accomplishment. For our survival, and beyond it, our progress is in our hands. We cannot look to anybody else. We can expect no help from any other sector. We must look to ourselves alone. Our nation can be great only according to the scale of our own labors, our self-abnegation.
Click here to read President Marcos' First State of the Nation Address 1/23/1967 0:00:00Ferdinand E. Marcos' Second State of the Nation AddressThe year just past shows that our people have this capacity for making the harder choice – which in the end is synonymous with the capacity for greatness. As for me, I choose to put my faith and trust in our people’s genius to overcome. At the roots of this genius is the gift of courage. Victory seeks not the crave-hearted but the man of burning purpose and indomitable will; as with men, so with nations; as with war, so with the task of peace.
Today, the great epic of national development is working itself out in terms of a thousand acts of courage and faith day after day among our countrymen, and the whole society is the theater of action. Everyone sustains this great effort with his own acts of initiative and courage, which convert latent resources into opportunities for development. The whole nation thus, is involved; and every one is involved according to the measure of his commitment to the future of his country.
Click here to read President Marcos' Second State of the Nation Address. 5/21/1967 0:00:00Massacre of Lapiang Malaya rallyistsThe Lapiang Malaya, composed mostly of Southern Luzon farmers, marches from Taft Avenue to Malacañan Palace to overthrow President Marcos. 33 men die during the confrontation with the police, while the rest are charged with sedition and imprisoned. 11/14/1967 0:00:001967 Midterm ElectionsPresident Marcos’s Nacionalista Party wins the Senate by landslide with six of its bets winning as opposed to only one Liberal, Senator Benigno "Ninoy" S. Aquino, and one independent. This shifts the balance of power in the upper chamber to the administration party. After the elections, the Nacionalistas have 15 seats in the Senate, as opposed to only seven Liberals, one member of the NCP, and an independent who caucused with the NP. 11/14/1967 0:00:00Senators elected in 1967From left to right: Emmanuel Pelaez, Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr., Jose Roy, Magnolia Antonio, Salvador “Doy” H. Laurel, Leonardo Perez, Helena Benitez, and Lorenzo Teves. Senator Aquino is the only member of the Liberal Party to secure a seat in the Senate. 11/14/1967 0:00:001967 Constitutional Plebiscite 1/22/1968 0:00:00Ferdinand E. Marcos' Third State of the Nation AddressHistory may not record what we say. But it will record what we do. Let us now discard the pernicious habits of the past.
I hope and pray that the high-minded and noble responsibility of lawmaking will prevail over partisanship and personal ambition.
To change their lives men must first change themselves. The challenge of nation-building is first of all a call to character-building.
It is the business of a free people to develop habits proper to freedom to be purposeful, active, energetic and strong. We must at the very least, continue the pace that has been set in the past two years, the pace and tempo that mark a nation of achievers.
Thus may our people achieve their own development and write their own story of nation-building.
Click here to read President Marcos' Third State of the Nation Address. 12/26/1968 0:00:00Founding of the Communist Party of the PhilippinesOn the 75th anniversary of Mao Zedong's birth, Jose Maria Sison, one of the founders of the Kabataang Makabayan, and several others from the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas establish the Communist Party of the Philippines, with a total of 75 members. 1/27/1969 0:00:00Ferdinand E. Marcos' Fourth State of the Nation Address[...] our goal is nothing less than the complete transformation of our social, economic, and political milieu, the reorientation of our people’s idea of themselves and of their capability, and the complete change of the assumptions that govern our relations with other nations.
To carry them out, it was necessary to make bold decisions. We did not hesitate to make these decisions because we know that they go to the heart of the matter and that they will change permanently the character of our national life. Our aim is clear: to set the nation on a firm and unchangeable course towards progress and independence.
This is the New Filipinism. This is the turning point.
Click here to read President Marcos' Fourth State of the Nation Address. 2/10/1969 0:00:00Ninoy Aquino criticizes Imelda Marcos and the Cultural Center of the Philippines in front of the Senate 3/29/1969 0:00:00Founding of the New People's ArmyThe New People’s Army (NPA), the military arm of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), is established, signifying the CPP's intention to gain power through armed struggle. Kumander Dante is its first commander. 5/17/1969 0:00:00President Ferdinand E. Marcos addresses the PMAPresident Marcos addresses the PMA Alumni during the closing dinner program of the Philippine Military Academy Alumni Association.
During his speech, President Marcos says:
One of my favorite mental exercises, which others may find useful, is to foresee possible problems one may have to face in the future and to determine what solutions can possibly be made to meet these problems.
For instance, if I were suddenly asked, to pose a given situation, to decide in five minutes when and where to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, I have decided that there should be at least five questions that I would ask, and depending on the answers to these five questions, I would know when and where to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.
The same thing is true with the declaration of martial law…. It is a useful mental exercise to meet a problem before it happens.
Click here to read the whole speech. 9/11/1969 0:00:00Demonstration at Agrifina CircleThe Federated Movement for Social Justice and Reform leads a huge crowd composed of students, teachers, farmers, workers and religious individuals in a demonstration in front of the Bureau of Lands at Agrifina Circle.
Source: Juan Ponce Enrile, Juan Ponce Enrile: A Memoir (Quezon City: ABS-CBN Publishing Inc., 2012), p. 267 9/23/1969 0:00:00300 demonstrators march to Malacañan PalaceAround 300 demonstrators march from Agrifina Circle to Malacañan Palace.
The protesters forcibly open the gates of the palace and storm Maharlika Hall (now Kalayaan Hall). Then, they climb the stairway and interrupt a meeting between President Marcos and the leaders of the Nacionalista Party.
The demonstrators go on a rampage. They yell, overturn tables, and throw chairs.
President Marcos and the leaders of the Nacionalista Party simply watch and “[leave] the demonstrators to do their worst.”
Source: Juan Ponce Enrile, Juan Ponce Enrile: A Memoir (Quezon City: ABS-CBN Publishing Inc., 2012), p. 268 11/11/1969 0:00:001969 ElectionsPresident Marcos runs for re-election and faces Senator Sergio Osmeña, Jr. of the Liberal Party (LP). The Nacionalista Party (NP) sweeps the Senate again, 5-2, further solidifying the administration party’s grip on the upper chamber with 18 Nacionalistas, five Liberals, and one member of the Nationalist Citizens Party (NCP). In the House, the Liberal Party (LP) is also soundly defeated by the administration NP.
Click here to view a map of the Philippines showing the provincial breakdown of votes. 12/1/1969 0:00:00President Marcos summons Justice Secretary Enrile for a feasibility study on martial lawSometime in December, President Marcos summons then Justice Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile in the Malacañan Palace. President Marcos orders Enrile to study the powers of the president as commander-in-chief under the provisions of the 1935 Constitution.
Enrile will later write in his memoir that President Marcos foresees an escalation of violence and disorder in the country and wants to know the extent of his powers as commander-in-chief. President Marcos tells Enrile that, “The study must be done discreetly and confidentially.”
Source: Juan Ponce Enrile, Juan Ponce Enrile: A Memoir (Quezon City, ABS-CBN Publishing Inc., 2012), p. 275. 12/30/1969 0:00:00President Ferdinand E. Marcos begins his second term.President Marcos wins his re-election bid against Sergio Osmeña Jr. This is the first time under the 1935 Constitution that a President has won a second full term. His running mate under the Nacionalista banner, Fernando Lopez, wins as Vice President.
According to Primitivo Mijares, confidential pressman of President Marcos who will later switch sides and expose the Marcoses, President Marcos overspent public and privately supplied funds for his “win at all costs” reelection campaign. The overspending will result in inflation in 1970, when the exchange rate drops from P3.90 - $1.00, to P6.85 - $1.00.
Source: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 134. 1/1/1970 0:00:00Enrile calls Efren Plana and Minerva Gonzaga for a feasibility study on martial lawJustice Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile calls Efren Plana, a magna cum laude of the College of Law of the University of the Philippines and member of Enrile’s legal staff in the Department of Justice (DOJ), to help him with the feasibility study on martial law, as instructed by President Marcos. Plana then refers Minerva Gonzaga Reyes, another bright mind and member of Enrile's legal staff, to the study group.
The group confidentially analyzes books from the Supreme Court, UP College of Law and the Department of Justice regarding martial law.
Source: Juan Ponce Enrile, Juan Ponce Enrile: A Memoir (Quezon City, ABS-CBN Publishing Inc., 2012), p. 276. 1970-01-04 00:00:00President Marcos resolves to stop the Lopezes and MontelibanosPresident Marcos :
We have to watch the Lopezes and Montelibanos. They are still sore for my veto of their franchise to operate a telephone company anywhere in the Philippines and the [illegible] cable television company that would select programs from any of the television companies to be [illegible] to their subscribers by cable. Both were illegal and unconstitutional but they took offense at the veto. They are the worst oligarchs in the country. I must stop them from using the government for their own purposes.
This means that just four days after his reelection, President Marcos was already plotting against his running mate. 1970-01-05 00:00:00President Marcos plans to depose House Speaker Jose B. Laurel Jr.President Marcos writes in his diary about the move to depose Speaker of the House Jose B. Laurel Jr.:
But we will keep him after we have clarified the position they [Laurel and the Congressional Economic Planning Office] have taken on the apparently socialist and communist policies they are favouring under the guise of nationalism.
Laurel is President Marcos’ partymate under the Nacionalista banner. Originally belonging to the Liberal Party, President Marcos switched to the Nacionalista Party and won his first term as president in 1965. The rationale for Laurel’s deposition is that the House Speaker is in a position to oppose the plans of Marcos as Chief Executive.
Source: Amado Doronila, The State, Economic Transformation, and Political Change in the Philippines, 1946-1972 (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1992), p.129. 1970-01-23 00:00:00President Marcos suspects leader of the Hunters ROTC of planning a coupPresident Marcos writes in his diary that Joe Maristela told him that the Eleuterio Adevoso group is planning a coup d’etat. According to Primitivo Mijares, Marcos has long accused Adevoso, head of the ROTC Hunter's Guerrillas, of allegedly plotting with Sergio Osmeña Jr. to assassinate him.
Source: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 77. 1970-01-24 00:00:00President Marcos reshuffles the Armed Forces of the PhilippinesPresident Marcos writes in his diary about keeping an eye on the opposition and what he perceives to be coup plots. He also writes about reshuffling the top brass of the Armed Forces and picking a new Secretary of National Defense. 1970-01-25 00:00:00President Marcos faces the student demonstratorsPresident Marcos writes in his diary about meeting student demonstrators themselves. “Their speeches were getting obscene and lewd.” He tells them “no release of funds until after July.” 1970-01-26 00:00:00President Marcos' Fifth State of the Nation Address triggers the First Quarter StormPresident Marcos' State of the Nation Address triggers the First Quarter Storm, a period of unrest marked by rallies and student demonstrations. As he steps out of the Legislative Building after delivering his speech, a papier-mâché crocodile and makeshift coffin are thrown in the direction of Marcos and Imelda. Demonstrators throw their placards at the President and the First Lady as they enter their limousine. 1970-01-26 00:00:00Justice Secretary Enrile watches the riot on televisionJuan Ponce Enrile will later recall in his memoirs the riot after President Marcos’ SONA. Enrile watches on television how a huge crowd of protesters, upon seeing President Marcos and Imelda exiting Congress, throws stones and molotov bombs at them. As the President and First Lady rush towards their car, the demonstrators throw a cardboard coffin that hits President Marcos in the back. The crowd of protesters (who are trapping Cabinet members, Supreme Court Justices, and foreign ambassadors inside the Legislative Building) is dispersed by Presidential Security, police, and military.
That night, President Marcos writes in his diary:
After the State of the Nation address, which was perhaps my best so far, and we were going down the front stairs, the bottles, placard handles, stones and other missiles started dropping all around us on the driveway to the tune of a “Marcos, Puppet” chant… Some advisors are quietly recommending sterner measures against the Kabataang Makabayan. We must get the emergency plan polished up.
Source: Juan Ponce Enrile, Juan Ponce Enrile: A Memoir (Quezon City, ABS-CBN Publishing Inc., 2012), p. 277. 1970-01-26 00:00:001972-09-23 00:00:001969 Legislative Elections 1970-01-27 22:45:00President Marcos concludes that the U.S. won't get in his wayPresident Marcos writes in his diary that he met with Ambassador Henry Byroade at 10:45 pm and confronted him about the story (allegedly being spread by Liberals) that the U.S. Embassy is supporting a coup d’etat. According to Marcos, the ambassador assured him that they won’t get in Marcos’ way.
Byroade, however, has a different opinion. According to American correspondent Raymond Bonner, Byroade prodded Marcos that the United States would react negatively if the Philippine president toppled Philippine democracy, especially the Congress.
Source: Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with the Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (New York: Times Books, 1987), p.4. 1970-01-28 00:00:00President Marcos further fleshes out the rationale for his forthcoming emergency rulePresident Marcos writes in his diary:
If we do not prepare measures of counter-action, they will not only succeed in assassinating me but in taking over the government. So we must perfect our emergency plan. 1970-01-29 00:00:00President Marcos engages in a dialogue with UP students and faculty membersUpon sensing the unrest prevalent in those days among student and faculty protesters, President Marcos issues an invitation for representatives to discuss mutual concerns and to voice issues at the Palace. 1970-01-29 00:00:00President Marcos writes his opinion on the dialogue that happened with the UP FacultyPresident Marcos rather angrily recounts in his diary the meeting with the UP students and faculty, saying they submitted a manifesto, “blaming the administration for ‘the pattern of repression.’” He say he was disappointed in his alma mater, and writes that a very big student protest is due the next day. 1970-01-30 00:00:00First Quarter Storm: "Battle of Mendiola"Student groups demonstrate outside Malacañan Palace. Journalist Jose Lacaba reports that this is “so far the most violent night in the city’s postwar history,” as rallyists start fires and destroy property, and a fire truck is rammed into the Palace gate. It is followed by the so called “Battle of Mendiola,” where student protesters face armalite-wielding troops from the Presidential Guard Battalion. The incident leaves two dead and 106 injured. Journalist Kerima Polotan, writes: “‘This is no longer a riot,’ said a police officer. ‘This is an insurrection.’ And the President called it a revolt—‘a revolt by local Maoist Communists.’”
A week after the riot, journalist Jose F. Lacaba writes an account from the point of view of the students for Philippines Free Press.
Enrile will later write in his memoirs that the demonstrators number at 30,000.
Sources: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 161; Juan Ponce Enrile, Juan Ponce Enrile: A Memoir (Quezon City, ABS-CBN Publishing Inc., 2012), p. 278. 1970-01-30 00:00:00President Marcos writes about the First Quarter StormPresident Marcos writes in his diary:
The rioters have been able to breach Gate 4 and I had difficulty to stop the guards from shooting the rioters down. Specially as when Gate 3 was threatened also. I received a call from Maj. Ramos for permission to fire and my answer was “Permission granted to fire your water hoses.”
In another entry, President Marcos writes:
[...] demonstrators numbering about 10,000 students and laborers stormed Malacañan Palace, burning part of the medical building, crashing through Gate 4 with a fire truck that had been forcibly commandeered by some laborers and students amidst shouts of “Mabuhay Dante!” and slogans from Mao Tse-Tung, the new Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People’s Army.
Source: Lewis E. Gleeck, Jr., President Marcos and the Philippine Political Culture (Manila: Loyal Printing, Inc., 1987), p. 85. 1970-01-31 00:00:00Philippines Free Press criticizes President Marcos when he claims to give up “ALL his worldly possessions”Philippines Free Press publishes President Marcos’ statement on the establishment of Ferdinand E. Marcos Foundation, Inc., through which he pledges to give “all” his material possessions to the Filipino people.
President Marcos gives a glimpse of this move in a diary entry dated January 3, 1970:
Some people have asked me why I have given away my earthly possession I [illegible] answered that I did not need them but that the people did. But I have been asking myself why has the world become so vile, so materialistic, so dirty. All is pragmatism, selfish and unedifying. Why is there no more tenderness--all sex? Why is there no more charity--all malice? …Now after the 1965 elections I kept asking myself this--until I decided that giving my properties to the people was the answer.
In the same editorial, Free Press further comments:
Why did the President say he would give ALL his worldly possessions to the Filipino people? If he had said he would give some, nobody could have made an issue or a joke of it. Now, no matter how much he gives, it will not be enough.
“Is that all?” the question will be asked by those who do not give or hardly give anything at all.
Yet, something is better than nothing, indeed. If only he had not said “all”!
1970-01-31 00:00:00Enrile's confidential legal study on martial law is submitted to President MarcosAt the end of January, the study group headed by then Justice Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile submits the only copy of their confidential report on the legal nature and extent of Martial Law to President Marcos.
According to Enrile, after the submission of the report, the study group never heard about it again.
Source: Juan Ponce Enrile, Juan Ponce Enrile: A Memoir (Quezon City, ABS-CBN Publishing Inc., 2012), p. 276. 1970-01-31 00:00:00President Marcos identifies people to spy onPresident Marcos, in his diary, further fleshes out his version of the student attack on the Palace, and begins enumerating more people to keep an eye on–politicians, media people; he also mentions the need to suspend the Writ of Habeas Corpus–eventually. 1970-02-07 00:00:00President Marcos reshuffles his CabinetPresident Marcos calls a meeting with his cabinet and announces a cabinet reshuffle.
Source: Juan Ponce Enrile, Juan Ponce Enrile: A Memoir (Quezon City, ABS-CBN Publishing Inc., 2012), p. 282. 1970-02-07 00:00:00President Marcos writes: Congress is “hopeless”President Marcos about his problems with Congress:
I have to tell the senators and congressmen that the demonstrators and the radicals felt that Congress was hopeless because it was moving along as slowly as usual and not acting as if there was need for immediate change.
1970-02-08 00:00:00Enrile becomes Secretary of National DefenseJuan Ponce Enrile swears oath and becomes Secretary of National Defense, replacing Ernesto Mata.
Source: Juan Ponce Enrile, Juan Ponce Enrile: A Memoir (Quezon City, ABS-CBN Publishing Inc., 2012), p. 283. 1970-02-19 00:00:00President Marcos first mentions martial law to the publicPresident Marcos, challenged by students and street protesters, responds that he will impose martial law. Vergel Santos will later consider this as the President’s first public mention of martial law two years prior to its proclamation.
Source: Vergel O. Santos, Chino and His Time (Pasig: Anvil, 2010), p. 15. 1970-02-25 00:00:00The Chronicle predicts that Marcos administration may be the “most turbulent in history”Indalecio P. Soliongco of the Manila Chronicle writes that if President Marcos refuses to break from “imperialism, feudalism and fascism,” his administration will be the “most turbulent in history.”
Source: Lewis E. Gleeck, Jr., President Marcos and the Philippine Political Culture (Manila: Loyal Printing, Inc., 1987), p. 88. 1970-02-27 00:00:00Manila College faculty is arrestedPresident Marcos orders the arrest of the president and professors of Manila College, accusing them of inciting demonstrations.
Source: Vergel O. Santos, Chino and His Time (Pasig: Anvil, 2010), p. 25. 1970-03-22 00:00:00President Marcos addresses the PMA and mentions “martial law”President Marcos delivers a speech at the Philippine Military Academy commencement and presumably mentions “martial law” in the context of communist insurgency.
Source: Vergel O. Santos, Chino and His Time (Pasig: Anvil, 2010), p. 25. 1970-03-23 00:00:00Yuyitungs of the Chinese Commercial News are arrested.Rizal and Quintin Yuyitung of the Chinese Commercial News are arrested, detained, and deported to Taiwan on the allegation of being “engaged in communist activities.”
Source: Vergel O. Santos, Chino and His Time (Pasig: Anvil, 2010), p. 25. 1970-06-11 00:00:00Nilo Tayag of Kabataang Makabayan is arrestedNilo Tayag, student activist and National Chairman of student leftist organization Kabataang Makabayan, is arrested in a secluded town in Laguna for violating the Anti-Subversion Act (Republic Act No. 1700).
Source: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 282. 1970-09-24 00:00:00Attempted assassination of Rep. Salipada PendatunRepresentative Salipada Pendatun, a powerful member of the Liberal Party, is attacked by men with armalite rifles and grenade launchers. One of his bodyguards dies.
Pendatun survives the assassination attempt, causing his supporters to seek retaliation against their political rivals: the Sinsuat family of North Cotabato and their allies, the clans of the Ampatuan and the Sanki.
Source: Juan Ponce Enrile, Juan Ponce Enrile: A Memoir (Quezon City, ABS-CBN Publishing Inc., 2012), p. 308 1970-10-18 00:00:00Rep. Floro Crisologo is assassinatedRepresentative Floro Crisologo is shot in the back by unknown gunmen while receiving communion inside the cathedral of the capital town of Vigan.
Primitivo Mijares will later relate the death of Floro Crisologo to the tobacco monopoly triumvirate in the Ilocos region. Apparently, Crisologo had confrontations with President Marcos and Colonel Fabian Crisologo Ver over the proceeds of their tobacco monopoly. Crisologo even threatened the President that he would expose the entire operation. When Crisologo’s assassins attempted to collect their fee, they, too, were killed to eliminate loose ends.
Source: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 151. 1970-12-29 00:00:00Lt. Victor Corpus joins NPALt. Victor Corpus defects to the New People’s Army after raiding the armory of the Philippine Military Academy.
Source: Juan Ponce Enrile, Juan Ponce Enrile: A Memoir (Quezon City, ABS-CBN Publishing Inc., 2012), p. 324. 1971-01-01 00:30:00President Marcos writes that the need for martial law is at handMarcos writes in his diary:
As I listen to the remarks about the infiltration of media and the need for a strong leadership I cannot but wonder inside me if the crucial hour of decision is not fast approaching, when I must determine whether the irremediable step of martial law is the only course of action if we were to save our republic. But I am decided that there must be massive sabotage or an overt attempt to overthrow the government before I declare martial law. Thus the decision will be better understood and supported by the people and by foreign governments.
Source: Marcos Diary, January 1, 1971, 12:30 AM. 1971-01-02 22:00:00President Marcos perceives that there is a conspiracy to bring down the republic, saying "martial law" will save itPresident Marcos ponders in his diary:
And when I watch the supposedly patriotic men, in their selfish and egoistic ways, wreck our republic, I almost lose my objectivity and dispassionate attitude as anger boils within me and eggs me to immediately put into effect the plan to establish martial law. This I must avoid.
For I will not declare martial law unless there is anarchy or the beginnings of it which prevents the functioning of courts and other government offices, even if the constitution authorizes me to do so when there is 'imminent danger of invasion, insurrection or rebellion'--and there is actually rebellion going on now.
The silent conspiracy against our republic is joined in by well-meaning men who use the inequities of our society and despair that they can ever be rectified except by radicalism and violence. For there are many valid grounds of grievance as the rich and powerful disregard or are insensitive to the dreams or even the frustrations and pains that torture the masses of our people.
So I must be deliberate, prudent, and wise.. 1971-01-03 00:00:00President Marcos mulls over the imposition of martial lawPresident Marcos writes in his diary that he has been eating every two or three hours. His enthusiasm to eat is mainly caused by “the tension arising from the plan for the proclamation of martial law.”
President Marcos writes down his plans:
We must refashion this society.
We must wage our own revolution.
The concept of ownership must be changed so the small people have a chance.
All the crooks in government must be booted out.
The media must be geared to development and progress, not to destruction and retrogression.
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1971-01-04 22:00:00President Marcos plans to set up a special unit merging the military in preparation for martial law.Marcos writes in his diary at 10:00 pm that he plans to set up a Special War Center, as a component unit under the command of Col. Fabian Ver. He writes:
…Today (this morning 11:00 am up to lunch at 2:00 pm) in a conference with Sec. Juan Ponce Enrile, Sec. Alex Melchor and Gen. Yan, I ordered the setting up of a Special War Center, an Internal Security Agency, a Psy-War Branch all under the DND as well as the creation of a new command, the Metropolitan Command, that will cover the provinces of Cavite, Rizal, Bulacan, Bataan, the Pasig Task Force and the PGB under Col. Ver.
I ordered the transfer of Gen. Fidel Ramos from the 3rd Brigade to the 2nd PC Zone Vice Gen. Zosimo Paredes whom I am retiring. Col. Palacios the CO of the 1st Brigade goes to the 3rd Brigade Vice Gen. Ramos.
The Special War Center personnel may also be placed as a component unit of the command of Col. Ver’s, as Metropolitan Command CO. It integrates all the special forces of the major services, the special forces and rangers of the Army and Constabulary, the air commanders of the Air Force and the Navy’s marines and other teams. They will be retrained under chosen officers for special missions.
As I plan it, in the event of violence in the city, the Metrocom under Gen. Ordonez will seek to hold back the mass of rioters with his 1,400 men. If they are unequal to the task or special task forces are necessary, the Metropolitan Command comes in. If still unable to contain the violence, then the entire Internal Security Forces under Maj. Gen. Romeo Espino, Vice-Chief of Staff under whom both Gen. Ordonez and Col. Ver will be subordinated comes into the metropolitan area.
In the meantime outside of the NBI-Metrocom teams that will be fielded, Col. Ver will have special teams to arrest target personnel or take target areas. This will assure performance in the event that NBI and Metrocom are committed prematurely to the routine of maintaining order.
I have ordered the PC and 1st Infantry Division at Fort Magsaysay as well as the 51st Engineer Brigade brought up to full strength.
The P3 million needed for the procurement of 3,000 Armalites for the PC, I have ordered to be released and the guns delivered not later than the end of February.
The engineers should be ready to take over the public utilities like Nawasa, Meralco, PLDT, Butel, PNR, PAL, Air Manila, Fairways, land transport as well as shipping.
But the media which according to Sec. Melchor Ambassador Byroade calls a serious threat to security, calls for a separate operation. We have to take them over immediately.
The Psy-War Branch should use them for the purposes of the military administration.
The framework of government and present officials should be kept and all laws except those I suspend kept in force unless changed by edict by me. But a new plan of government and society must be worked out… While private property will be recognized and respected, they should be run for the state. Their profits should go to a fund for investment and development… All able-bodied men must be put to work. There must be total exploitation of natural resources.
This must be a complete revolution.
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1971-01-08 22:40:00President Marcos formulates a “political philosophy” for martial lawMarcos writes in his diary at 10:40 pm that he is thinking of forming a political philosophy that could make people of all classes to rally “in the event of a takeover.”
He also classifies all the records that have to be duplicated and stored in a place other than Malacañan. 1971-01-09 23:00:00President Marcos plans to evacuate his family if conflict arises upon the imposition of martial lawMarcos writes in his diary his plans for his family.
Bongbong left by Qantas via Hongkong, New Delhi, Teheran, Athens and London.
I talked to him, and his sisters, Imelda and Kokoy about the possibility of his mother and two sisters joining him if there should be trouble here; that whether I am there beside them or not they [the children] should value education and get a doctorate degree because even if we should lose our fortune and position here in the Philippines, then they could work their own way in the world; that if for any reason we should be separated and I should not be able to guide them after normalcy returns to the world or the Philippines as the case may be, they should return to the Philippines where their roots are; that I would prefer them marrying Filipinos… 1971-01-11 22:15:00President Marcos observes how the rallyists are becoming intenseMarcos recounts in his diary at 10:15 pm that the rallyists are beginning to stone private cars. They are becoming more and more intense.
…Tonight they have started to stone even private cars. It is expected that it will be worse tomorrow….
We will keep watching for the need of the use of emergency powers…
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1971-01-12 13:55:00President Marcos reads scathing attack from newspaper, The Manila TimesMarcos writes in his diary:
…Freddie Elizalde [of Manila Broadcasting Company] showed me a copy of an editorial which Chino Roces [of Manila Times] wanted to be pooled by all the newspapers castigating me and asking for my resignation and that of the cabinet. For good measure the editorial included the Vice-President. It was opposed by Freddie [Elizalde]and [Sebastian] Ugarte [of Philippines Herald]. And Teddy Locsin [of the Philippines Free Press] opposed the demand for resignation.
What a ridiculous spectacle Chino Roces is making of himself. He is supposed to have said that I engineered the drivers strike and am leading to a declaration of martial law as there will be violence tomorrow and in the days to come, and he predicted that at least ten men would be killed tomorrow…
…The timetable is being pushed too fast by the leftists. It may be earlier than we think.
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1971-01-13 01:00:00President Marcos reveals to congressmen close to him that “it may be sooner than we think”Marcos writes in his diary at 1:00 am:
The congressmen close to me, Cong. Cojuangco, Frisco San Juan, Ali Dimaporo, Jose Aspiras, [Constantino] Navarro [Sr.], Lucas Canton, Roque Ablan all proposed for the use of my emergency powers. “We cannot understand why you are so patient. Do not wait until we are completely debilitated and the people is against us. It will be too late. One swift blow and we remove the cancer from our society,” they all said.
I could only answer that it may be sooner than we think…
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1971-01-14 00:00:00Vice President Fernando Lopez resigns from President Marcos' cabinetVice President Fernando Lopez resigns from his position as Secretary of Agriculture after Marcos charges him with being responsible for undermining government reforms and programs.
Source: Albert F. Celoza, Ferdinand Marcos and the Philippines: The Political Economy of Authoritarianism (Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 1997), p. 29. 1971-01-20 21:30:00Liberals come out with full-page article on their opposition to martial lawMarcos writes in his diary:
The Liberals have taken out a full page advertisement on martial law declaring they would not attend sessions if martial law is declared.
Marcos reiterates his stand that “martial law is the last recourse--that he would resort to it only if there is massive sabotage, terrorism, assassination and a violent grab for control of government.”
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1971-01-22 00:00:00Esso and Caltex bombingsBombs explode at the Manila headquarters of the American oil companies Esso and Caltex.
Source: Vergel O. Santos, Chino and His Time (Pasig: Anvil, 2010), p. 26. 1971-01-23 00:25:00President Marcos discloses the possibility of martial law to Soriano and UgarteMarcos writes in his diary:
…I met Andy [Andres] Soriano [Jr.] [of the San Miguel Corporation] and Sebastian Ugarte of the Herald this morning. I explained that the fight against the oligarchs was not against bigness but against the use of bigness to oppress our people and intimidate the public officials for more financial gain.
Marcos continues:
He seemed relieved but still worried about anarchy. I had to assure him when I called him back alone that if the situation deteriorates, I may have to use my extraordinary powers like declaring martial law. Her seemed relieved and said, “you would be surprised at the number of people who would welcome it.”
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1971-01-23 00:00:00Philippines Free Press writes "Must there be martial law?"On the same day, the Philippines Free Press publishes an editorial entitled “Political War and Martial Law?" The article states:
Must the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus be suspended, enabling the President to send to prison or otherwise detain anyone indefinitely? Must 38 million Filipinos be placed—by declaring martial law—under a military dictatorship headed by Ferdinand Marcos?
The demonstrations held so far in the Philippines against the government and the violence that has marked some of them are nothing compared with the violent expressions of protest in the United States. President Nixon has yet to speak of the possibility of suspending the writ of habeas corpus or imposing martial law on the America people. If he were to do so, is there any doubt he would be impeached and ousted from office? Why does President Marcos keep talking of the possibility of suspending the writ or imposing martial law on us? The solution for the problem of social unrest in the Philippines is not suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus or the imposition of a military dictatorship on the Filipino people but reform. Regain the confidence of the people. Stop corruption and the waste of the nation’s resources in senseless extravagance. Set a moral example. Be a true President of the Filipino people. Is that too difficult to do?
Must the writ be suspended?
Must there be martial law? 1971-01-25 00:00:00Ferdinand E. Marcos: The Democratic Revolution[...] there is an urgent truth we must face unflinchingly. National unity on the old terms—the domination of the many by the few—may no longer be feasible. The supreme challenge to this generation is to redefine the terms of this unity, so that it will rest on enduring foundations of social justice and true fraternity. Only by forging anew our unity on the basis of far-reaching social and economic reforms, motivated by a profound regard for the dignity of the human person, can we defend this unity and preserve it against other claims, especially radical ones.
Click here to read President Marcos' Sixth State of the Nation Address. 1971-01-25 23:15:00President Marcos is surprised that after the SONA, the country was relatively peacefulMarcos writes in his diary:
This is the turning point. The congressional opening and State of the Nation address ceremonies were peaceful.
And the whole nation heaved a sigh of relief. For many had left for the provinces and for abroad to avoid the imagined dangers of a revolution.
Chino Roces, Manglapus, the radicals who have been predicting the start of a revolution today must be disappointed.
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1971-01-27 23:00:00President Marcos meets some intellectuals from UP for their opinion on “Democratic Revolution”Marcos writes in his diary:
[...] I met with the egalitarian intellectuals of the UP tonight, Cesar Majul, Ruben Santos, Bonifacio and Almonte. They are all enthusiastic about the Democratic Revolution. Now we have to reduce the theory and ideal into practical programs to be implemented...
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1971-01-28 21:30:00President Marcos addresses businessmen on communist threat and the alternative, his “Democratic Revolution”Marcos writes in his diary:
Met about 25 of the leading businessmen of the country in a merienda hosted by Andy Soriano at his Forbes Park home this afternoon at 4:00-6:00 pm. I informed that the communists or subversives were slowly sapping the vitality of our country; that the communists are presently in no position to start a rebellion or a revolution but in two years or three there would probably be a need for a revolution, the communists would nearly take over--or the military. But my democratic revolution offers an alternative or option. So I asked that it be supported to abort a communist take-over. Bert Villanueva said they were all for my objectives but what were the specifics [...] Don Manolo Elizalde started the exchange of views after my opening statement to the effect that it was not my intention to go after any particular businessman or corporation [...]
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1971-01-30 22:00:00President Marcos claims that there is an all-out support for his “Democratic Revolution”Marcos writes in his diary:
[...] The City Mayors came to pledge their total and complete support for the Democratic Revolution. The governors have done likewise. The local officials are now enthusiastic and prepared to openly fight communism.
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1971-01-30 00:00:00President Marcos' utterance of “martial law” spreads “alarm throughout [...] the nation”On the same day, Napoleon G. Rama writes a contrasting opinion via the Philippines Free Press with an editorial entitled “Will there be Martial Law?”. He writes:
All throughout the first 20 minutes of his [President Marcos] speech—a persuasive plea for restraint and understanding—he displayed style and coolness under fire, until he struck the jarring chords. Thus, the newspaper headlines the next day couldn’t help but scream the frightening words: “martial law.” Instead of calm, the speech succeeded in spreading alarm throughout the breadth and width of the nation. 1971-01-30 00:00:00Philippines Free Press chronicles the feud between Marcos and the LopezesThe Philippines Free Press features on its pages the end of a six-year political marriage between President Marcos’ and the Lopezes. The reason behind this split is the so called “Malacañang-Meralco war,” which is challenging the financial empire of the Lopezes. Specifically, the Public Service Commission, the Solicitor General, the Bureau of Customs, and the Bureau of Internal Revenue are going over Meralco’s operations with the sole purpose of cutting down its revenue. 1971-02-01 00:00:00President Marcos sees opportunity at communist weaknessMarcos comments in his diary:
There is bound to be an inevitable confrontation between the communists and our democracy in the military front, I have always said [...]
[…]
The communists gamble that the Republic will be too weak by then as they will have sapped our vitality [...]
[...]
I have also said that if we do not now take measures of self-preservation, this will come about.
My democratic revolution will rally the great majority of our people around our republic [...]
So if there is going to be an inevitable collision, then perhaps we should induce it now while communists are weak and disorganized.
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1971-02-01 00:00:00Diliman Commune beginsIn the lead-up to the 1971 midterm elections, University of the Philippines students, supported by faculty members and non-academic personnel, occupy the Diliman campus and barricade its main roads. This movement is known as the “Diliman Commune.” The university radio station broadcasts a recording of the President making love to American actress Dovie Beams. Some residents in the area banded together and hunted down the radical students in the defense of order and their property rights. President Marcos orders the Philippine Constabulary Metropolitan Command to retake the campus. The Philippine Constabulary goes to UP and dismantles the barricades. Violence ensues. Three students die.
Sources: Vergel O. Santos, Chino and His Time, (Pasig: Anvil, 2010), p. 26; Manuel L. Quezon III, The Explainer: The Defiant Era 1971-02-09 00:00:00Diliman Commune endsThe demonstrations in UP Diliman end only after the school administration accepts some of the demands of the students. The military siege is also put to a halt following a recommendation made by University President Salvador Lopez to President Marcos. 1971-02-10 00:00:00Research Center Philippines begins a survey regarding the Marcos administration and the 1972 presidential electionsResearch Center Philippines, an independent polling organization, surveys the people's perspective on the Marcos administration. Among the survey questions are:
“Are you in favor or against amending our Constitution to allow President Marcos to run for a third term?”
“There has been a talk of putting Mrs. Marcos, the wife of our President as a candidate for President next time. In your opinion, is this a good idea or not a good idea?”
“Do you approve or disapprove of the way President Marcos is running the affairs of our government at present?”
“In his State of the Nation Address last January 25, President Marcos said he will devote his time and efforts from now on to the welfare of the people. Which of the following statements is closest to your opinion about what he said?”
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 289. 1971-02-19 00:00:00Research Center Philippines survey results reveal public opinion against MarcosThe survey results are:
(1) “Are you in favor or against amending our Constitution to allow President Marcos to run for a third term?”
85 % are against
8.8 % are in favor
(2) “There has been a talk of putting Mrs. Marcos, the wife of our President as a candidate for President next time. In your opinion, is this a good idea or not a good idea?”
82.7 % says it is not a good idea
11 % says it is a good idea
(3) “Do you approve or disapprove of the way President Marcos is running the affairs of our government at present?”
67.3 % disapproves
20.3 % approves
(4) “In his State of the Nation Address last January 25, President Marcos said he will devote his time and efforts from now on to the welfare of the people. Which of the following statements is closest to your opinion about what he said?”
45.9 % says it will become another one of his broken promises
25.6 % says he is sincere but he can do little to improve living conditions
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 289. 1971-04-01 00:00:00Liberal Representative Cornelio Villareal is re-elected House Speaker, replacing Nacionalista Jose B. Laurel Jr. Primitivo Mijares will later write that the ousting of Speaker Laurel was a “well executed Malacañang plot”. The leadership change is held out to be a necessary consequence of a fund scandal within the House of Representatives. According to Mijares, President Marcos secretly transferred P69 million to the outlay of the lower chamber for the use of congressmen in getting pro-Marcos candidates seats in the Constitutional Convention; Laurel is accused by party members of allocating a huge portion for himself.
In his address, Laurel states that, “This House is not truly independent. I dare anyone to stand up and say if under this situation it is possible to impeach the worst President. I feel happy now that i have been liberated. I would rather be right than Speaker.”
Sources: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 159; Assembly of the Nation: A Centennial History of the House of the Representatives of the Philippines, 1907-2007 (Quezon City: House of Representatives of the Philippines, 2007), p. 189. 1971-05-01 00:00:00President Marcos appoints Eduardo Romualdez as Philippine Ambassador to the U.S.Sometime in the late summer of 1971, President Marcos appoints Eduardo Z. Romualdez, Imelda’s uncle, to be Philippine Ambassador to Washington.
Source: Lewis E. Gleeck, Jr., President Marcos and the Philippine Political Culture (Manila: Loyal Printing, Inc., 1987), p. 98. 1971-06-01 00:00:001971 Constitutional ConventionCongress calls for a Constitutional Convention on June 1, 1971 to review and rewrite the 1935 Constitution, with 320 elected delegates. The Convention is headed first by former President Carlos P. Garcia and later by former President Diosdado Macapagal.
Click here to view the composition of the Constitutional Convention, detailing the number of delegates per province. 1971-06-26 00:00:00President Marcos sees Senate as a “stumbling block” to his plansPresident Marcos writes in his diary about his distrust of Congress:
The Senate is turning out to be a serious stumbling block to our reform programme. Most of the senators are egoistic men concerned with their own personal ambitions and oblivious to the public welfare. And their pet dream is to cut all powers of the presidency no matter what the consequences.
Source: Amado Doronila, The State, Economic Transformation, and Political Change in the Philippines, 1946-1972 (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1992), p.130. 1971-06-28 00:00:00President Marcos thinks Senate is wasting time on pointless debatesPresident Marcos further writes in his diary about his issues with Congress:
And the Senate, notwithstanding the serious problems that can be solved by legislation, wastes its time on petty politically oriented debate. It has not done any work at all and they are halfway on the 30 day special session. I cannot but agree with some critics of democracy about its many weaknesses and failings.
Source: Amado Doronila, The State, Economic Transformation, and Political Change in the Philippines, 1946-1972 (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1992), p.130. 1971-08-01 00:00:00President Marcos begins feasibility study on martial lawMarcos orders lawyers in the AFP and DOJ to do a feasibility study on declaring martial law before the 1973 election with the objective of suspending the election, for submission to the Supreme Court in case they question his suspension of the writ of habeas corpus.
Source: Arturo M. Tolentino, Voice of Dissent (Quezon City: Phoenix Press, Inc., 1990), p. 464. 1971-08-06 00:00:00Some members of the Con-Con are bribed by President MarcosForty-five delegates of the Constitutional Convention allegedly attend a dinner in Malacañan Palace. In this dinner, the delegates receive bribe money to vote in favor of a parliamentary form of government.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City, 1987), p. 284 1971-08-07 00:00:00President Marcos publishes book: Today's Revolution: DemocracyThe book unveils Marcos' concept of a New Society. 1971-08-07 00:00:00President Marcos believes he has American support for martial lawMarcos writes in his diary:
I asked Ambassador [Henry] Byroade again point blank what the Americans would do if I declared martial law after the [US] elections and after the Con-Con [Constitutional Convention] had acted on the principal issues, and he said that he had asked President Nixon and the latter said that they would not only not do anything to interfere but would support the action of the Philippine President. And so my mind is at peace on this score.”
However, Byroade still tried to convince Marcos not to push through with the abolition of Congress through martial law, as this would have a negative effect on the diplomatic relations of the Philippines with the United States.
Sources: Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with the Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (New York: Times Books, 1987), p.4; Amado Doronila, The State, Economic Transformation, and Political Change in the Philippines, 1946-1972 (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1992), p.167. 1971-08-21 21:15:00Plaza Miranda bombingA political rally of the Liberal Party in Plaza Miranda is bombed, killing nine and maiming scores of others. Sources differ on the time of the bombing: Mijares says 9:30 pm, but Philippines Free Press says 9:15 pm. Sources: Lewis E. Gleeck, Jr., President Marcos and the Philippine Political Culture (Manila: Loyal Printing, Inc., 1987), p. 98.; and “The outrage,” Philippines Free Press, September 4, 1971.
Learn more about the Plaza by clicking here: “Defend it at Plaza Miranda": A History of the Country's Foremost Public Square. 1971-08-21 21:15:00Plaza Miranda bombingTwo persons, later identified as Muntinlupa criminals probably employed by an aide of Manila Mayor Antonio Villegas, throw grenades at the inaugural rally of the Liberal Party, killing several bystanders and injuring leading figures of the Liberal Party.
Among those hurt are prominent opposition leaders Jovito Salonga, Gerardo Roxas, and Sergio Osmeña, Jr. Immediately after the Plaza Miranda bombing, President Marcos suspends the Writ of Habeas Corpus, leading to the arrest and incarceration of 20 people.
Philippines Free Press, in a later issue, writes:
August 21, at about 9:15 p.m., barely seconds after the Liberal Party candidates for Manila’s elective posts had been officially proclaimed on jam-packed Plaza Miranda, two fragmentation, combat grenades suddenly exploded in what proved to be the most villainous, outrageous and shameful crime in the annals of local political violence. It was a night of national tragedy and infamy as democracy—Philippine style—bared itself in all its terrifying ugliness.
Sources: Lewis E. Gleeck, Jr., President Marcos and the Philippine Political Culture (Manila: Loyal Printing, Inc., 1987), p. 98.; and “The outrage,” Philippines Free Press, September 4, 1971.
Learn more about the Plaza by clicking here: “Defend it at Plaza Miranda": A History of the Country's Foremost Public Square. 1971-08-21 21:15:00Plaza Miranda bombing[cont.]
For one dark, demented, damning moment of history, time stopped as tens of thousands of televiewers all over the country watched in utter horror the mass slaughter at Plaza Miranda. Miraculously, all top Opposition leaders who were there managed to cheat death. But not one of the eight LP senatorial candidates escaped injury. Sen. Jovito Salonga, as of this writing, is still fighting for his life, although the others were already pronounced “out of danger.”
In the aftermath, Senator Jovito Salonga and President Marcos accused the Communists, but public opinion pointed at Marcos.
Sources: Lewis E. Gleeck, Jr., President Marcos and the Philippine Political Culture (Manila: Loyal Printing, Inc., 1987), p. 98.; and “The outrage,” Philippines Free Press, September 4, 1971. 1971-08-22 00:00:00Suspension of the writ of habeas corpusWith the Plaza Miranda bombing as precedent, President Marcos suspends the Writ of Habeas Corpus.
Source: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 59. 1971-08-23 00:00:00President Marcos announces the nationwide suspension of Writ of Habeas Corpus via radio and televisionPresident Marcos goes on radio and television to announce the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in the government effort to deal with subversive elements in rebellion against constituted authority.
Read the President’s Week in Review: August 20 – August 26, 1971. 1971-08-28 00:00:00Senator Aquino: “President Marcos has threatened again to bring charges of subversion against me”Teodoro L. Locsin Jr., writing in Philippines Free Press, recounts a conversation he had with Senator Ninoy Aquino. Aquino says: “President Marcos has threatened again to bring charges of subversion against me. It’s a bluff, but who knows?"
Locsin continues:
“Would he pull something as stupid as that?” I wondered. “Has he forgotten how the Yuyitung affair backfired in his face?” But then, Marcos is not a computer but a man and, therefore, capable of making errors, which do more harm to his victims than to himself because of his power. Senator Diokno called him the most dangerous threat to freedom in this country.
“A very dangerous man,” Aquino said.
“And the secret is not to be afraid.” 1971-09-01 00:00:00 1971-09-04 00:00:00Senator Eva Kalaw: Be patient as unrest might be used as excuse for martial lawInjured Liberal Senator Eva Kalaw, in the aftermath of the bombing, is interviewed by Philippines Free Press:
I think the best thing is for the people to wait two more years. If they agitate now, it will be used as an excuse for martial law. But if we wait quietly until the end of Marcos’s term, then we can have the government of our choice, the people’s choice.
Source: Eva Estrada Kalaw, A Political Journey (Pasig City: Anvil Publishing, Inc., 2008), p. 121. 1971-09-05 00:00:00Senator Eva Kalaw criticizes the suspension of writ of habeas corpusSenator Eva Kalaw delivers her privilege speech titled “Terror and Freedom,” in which she argues that the nationwide suspension of the writ of habeas corpus was uncalled for because the precedent (the Plaza Miranda bombing) was not national in scope.
Source: Eva Estrada Kalaw, A Political Journey (Pasig City: Anvil Publishing, Inc., 2008), p. 122. 1971-09-05 00:00:05President Marcos replies to KalawPresident Marcos’ reply to Kalaw’s speech: “I appeal to the Liberal Party to segregate communist conspiracy from politics. Otherwise, I will be compelled to conclude that the Liberals are protecting Communists.”
Source: Eva Estrada Kalaw, A Political Journey (Pasig City: Anvil Publishing, Inc., 2008), p. 122. 1971-09-05 00:00:05President Marcos replies to KalawPresident Marcos’ reply to Kalaw’s speech: “I appeal to the Liberal Party to segregate communist conspiracy from politics. Otherwise, I will be compelled to conclude that the Liberals are protecting Communists.”
Source: Eva Estrada Kalaw, A Political Journey (Pasig City: Anvil Publishing, Inc., 2008), p. 122. 1971-11-08 00:00:001971 Legislative Midterm ElectionsThe fallout from the Plaza Miranda bombing results in an opposition win in the Senatorial race with six Liberals and two Nacionalistas winning, for the first time in a decade. President Marcos insisted that fighting communism is the country's most serious problem. The Liberal Party, however, siezed the moment and charged the Marcos administration of its inability to address key issues of lawlessness, unemployment, and high prices. Despite the electoral rout by the Liberal Party, this translates to modest gains in the 24-seat upper chamber for the opposition, with only nine Liberals as opposed to 15 Nacionalistas.
For a more detailed account, read the entry for the 1971 Legislative Elections in PCDPSO’s Electoral Alamanac. 1971-12-11 00:00:00President Marcos warns newly elected officials of “communist takeover”President Marcos gives 1,000 newly elected officials a lecture on alleged Communist plans for the rural areas.
The President explains that subversives have established “rural sanctuaries in the provinces in a move to expand their influence and pave the way for a Communist takeover of the country.”
Source: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 164. 1971-12-30 00:00:00Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile submits “final draft” of martial law documents to President MarcosBefore he leaves for Hong Kong, Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile visits President Marcos and delivers a large brown envelope to him.
The brown envelope contains 16 documents for review:
1. Draft of a proclamation to declare Martial Law
2. Drafts of seven General Orders.
3. Drafts of seven Letters of Instruction
4. Draft of his [Enrile] appointment as deputy commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines.
Source: Juan Ponce Enrile, Juan Ponce Enrile: A Memoir (Quezon City, ABS-CBN Publishing Inc., 2012), p. 351. 1972-01-06 20:00:00President Marcos invites 39 Con-Con delegates to Malacañang for dinnerAccording to Eduardo Quintero, delegate of the first district of Leyte to the Constitutional Convention, 39 Con-Con delegates are invited to a dinner at Malacañan Place.
After the dinner, Delegate Casimiro Madarang of Cebu announces, “The envelopes are ready. They will be distributed in a couple of days.”
Primitivo Mijares will later write that the delegates are bribed to vote in favor of the parliamentary form of government in the convention.
Sources: G.R. No. L-35149, June 23, 1988, Eduardo Quintero vs. The National Bureau of Investigation; Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 162. 1972-01-07 00:00:00Quintero receives bribe from President MarcosDelegate Eduardo Quintero receives “an envelope [...] which contained one thousand pesos in P50 bills.” He will divulge the incident in the hall of the Constitutional Convention on May 29, 1972.
Sources: G.R. No. L-35149, June 23, 1988, Eduardo Quintero vs. The National Bureau of Investigation; and Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 162. 1972-01-22 00:00:00Philippines Free Press editorial exposes bribes to Con-Con delegatesThe Philippines Free Presswrites in an editorial:
Is it true that Malacañang has given or is offering “10,000 reasons” per delegate to the Constitutional Convention to vote for the parliamentary instead of the presidential system?
“A reliable little bird was heard to say this,” went a prepared statement to the press by 10 delegates.
There were a series of conferences with Malacañang, ending in a dinner on the eve of the voting by the legislative powers committee, the statement elaborated.
“In that January 6 dinner, is it true that the Three Kings—or a King and a Queen—distributed 10,000 reasons to each of the delegates in order to change their minds?”
The statement located the “headquarters of the (Malacañang) tutas” in one of the rooms on the Manila Hotel’s fourth floor.
The statement raised another question:
“Is it true that these tutas are receiving weekly allowances from Malacañang?”
A Cebuano delegate “identified with the Nacionalista Party” was called one of the Malacañang tutas in the statement, which went on:
“This delegate, who is now so vociferous for the parliamentary system, shouted himself hoarse during the campaign and over the radio for the presidential system, but now he is the spokesman for the parliamentarists.”
In the same newspaper, another article written by Edward R. Kuinisala narrates:
But, alas, as the opening date of the Convention drew closer, more and more delegates were invited or crawled to Malacañang. The public did not know what transpired there, but could guess. The Malacañang meeting marked the politicalization, that is, the tutaization, of delegates. Reports spread that President Marcos wanted the Constitutional Convention to extend his term by two more years or, failing that, to change the form of government from presidential to parliamentary to enable him to become the first Prime Minister. 1972-01-24 00:00:00Ferdinand E. Marcos' Seventh State of the Nation AddressPresident Marcos delivers his Seventh State of the Nation Address. 1972-02-05 00:00:00PC Brigadier General Fidel Ramos disbands private armiesFilemon V. Tutay writes in Philippines Free Press that President Marcos blames the private armies for the deplorable state of peace and order in the country. As a result, Brigadier General Fidel V. Ramos, the new Philippine Constabulary (PC) Chief, instructs the PC commanders to disband private armies of all political warlords in the country. 1972-03-08 00:00:00Marcos is interviewed on Meet the Press by the National Press ClubThis clip is a spoof featuring the voices of panelists Amando Doronila (President of National Press Club, Editor of The Manila Chronicle), Renato Constantino (Columnist of The Manila Chronicle), Louie Beltran (Columnist of The Evening News), and Eduardo Arcances (Deputy Director of the Philippine Press Institute).
Courtesy of Gerry Kaimo. 1972-03-15 00:00:00Arca Building bombingIn the early evening, the Arca Building at Taft Avenue in Pasay City is bombed by two men riding a motorcycle.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 292 1972-04-17 00:00:00President Marcos' writes what he perceives to be assassination plots against himPresident Marcos writes in his diary:
Frank Starr implicates Col. Lino Aragon Angara, nephew of the late Pres. Quezon, in a plot to assassinate me on July 17, 1972.
What is disturbing is the supposed statement of Angara “Marcos will be killed xxx And when he is dead the Vice President will become President and then our group takes over control of the Philippines.”
Starr says he told me of his contacts often with the Hon. Vice President Fernando Lopez and this report is made in sincere interest to [illegible] maneuver and shape or form to breed distrust between the President and Vice President of the RP. But in fairness to the truth, and facts statements must be made accordingly.
I spoke to him [Angara] on at least 7 telephone calls and he said he had gone down to meet the Vice President Lopez in his home province.
This is not the first time that the Lopezes have conspired against my life. Since 1969 they have so at least three times.
The old plot of Eleuterio Adevoso under Osmeña was connected to the Lopezes.
And the Lopez financial and propaganda support for the NPA through Geny [Eugenio] Lopez [Jr.] and the ABS-CBN included as one of the objectives my assassination. Thru Commander Melody of the NPA was assigned to this mission. Commander Melody confessed this.
On the Adevoso plot, our asset within the conspiracy, [it was] revealed that the Osmeña and Lopez camps were involved.
Then when on January 1970, Lopez and I parted ways, Serging [Sergio] Osmeña [Jr.] suggested to Ining [Eugenio] Lopez [Sr.] my assassination and this idea was picked up and being implemented.
Chino Roces had in 1969 repeatedly voiced his demand that I be liquidated as this was the only way for them (the activists) to take over.
And Roces and Ining Lopez have joined in partnership against us.
They have also joined hands to blacken my character. Thus they contrived the Dovie Boehms case. The funds sent to her in California have been traced as coming from the Lopez camp.
The escalating demonstrations, mobs and riots, all supported by the Lopezes.
And now the Lopezes have joined up with Roxas and his father-in-law, Amading [Jesus Amado] Araneta.
But apparently they are desperate and may be planning assassination to prevent my declaring Martial Law!
1972-04-23 00:00:00Filipinas Orient Airways Building bombingA board room of the Filipinas Orient Airways in Pasay City is bombed.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 292 1972-05-07 00:00:00The Daily Express is establishedThe Daily Express printing plant is inaugurated.
Primitivo Mijares will later write that the newspaper was established by President Marcos through Roberto S. Benedicto from funds borrowed from the Philippine National Bank.
Source: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 51, 171. 1972-05-08 00:00:00President Marcos meets military leaders for instructionsMarcos writes in his diary:
[...] After the meeting I directed Sec. Ponce Enrile, the Chief of Staff, Gen. Espino, Vice Chief of Staff, Gen. Ileto, PC Chief, Gen. Ramos, PA Chief, Gen. Zagala, Air Force Chief, Gen. Rancudo, 1st PC Zone Commander, Gen. Tomas Diaz, IV PC Zone Commander, Gen. Encarnacion, Asst. Chief of Staff, J-2, Col. Paz, to update the contingency plans and the list of target personalities in the event of the use of emergency powers.
I directed Sec. Ponce Enrile to finalize all documentation for the contingency plans, including the orders and implementation.
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1972-05-12 12:30:00President Marcos "reestablishes friendship" with the Lopezes.Marcos writes in his diary:
The entire country continues to speculate on my visit to the brothers Lopez. The comments all seem favorable, especially after my statement that I have reestablished my friendship with the Lopezes for national unity in view of the national interest.
The opposition is still in a state of shock while the Nacionalistas are jubilant.
Gerry Roxas and Ninoy Aquino are meeting with Ining Lopez on Sunday but Kokoy has been told not to be concerned as Ining will make no commitments. And that whatever obstacles to the rapprochement will be overcome.
The general impression is that I have just accomplished a political coup! As Gerry Roxas is supposed to have said: “Titiklopin na yata tayo.”
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1972-05-29 00:00:00Quintero exposé Eduardo Quintero, delegate of the first district of Leyte to the Constitutional Convention, reveals on the Convention floor that on January 7, 1972, after a dinner from the previous night in Malacañan Palace, 39 Con-Con delegates were bribed to vote in favor of the parliamentary form of government in the convention. He says he received an envelope that contained P1,000 in 50-peso bills.
Marcos calls Quintero's speech “as vicious as it is false.”
Sources: G.R. No. L-35149, June 23, 1988, Eduardo Quintero vs. The National Bureau of Investigation; Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 162. 1972-05-30 00:00:00South Vietnamese embassy bombingAt midnight, two grenades explode on the porch of the South Vietnamese embassy.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 292. 1972-05-30 00:00:001972-07-31 00:00:00CPP allegedly brings weapons into the countryThe Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) allegedly brings a substantial quantity of weapons, ammunition, and combat paraphernalia into the country from May to July 1972.
According to the report of Col. Rosendo Cruz on this day (May 30, 1972) at Digoyo Point, Palanan, Isabela:
An unidentified U-boat unloads its cargo consisting of some 200 passengers, firearms and other supplies at the coast of Isabela.
Source: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 164. 1972-06-04 23:00:00President Marcos says the Constitutional Convention “has become useless”Marcos writes in his diary:
I have just answered a letter of Concon President Macapagal wherein he asks whether I or Imelda are running for President in 1972. I wrote him through Kit Tatad that neither Imelda or I intend to run -I because I am disqualified by the constitution from a third term and Imelda because she has no intention to do so.
I asked him to do me the honor of furnishing me the original of his letter which he sent to media, so that I could answer him in more detail. And that he should exercise the leadership that is sadly lacking in the convention.
Apparently Pres. Macapagal has decided to lay the blame on me for the failures of the convention.
Typical traitor and coward!
But from my point of view the Concon has become useless. Anything they will approve now will be rejected by the people in a plebiscite.
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1972-06-17 00:00:00Con-Con proposes “Ban Marcos” in the new constitutionSenator Arturo Tolentino calls on Marcos to support the “Ban Marcos” proposal in the Constitutional Convention.
The “Ban Marcos” resolution was a proposed provision during the 1970 Constitutional Convention to ban any former President, his wife, and relatives by affinity and consanguinity within the fourth civil degree from seeking the post of Prime Minister.
Sources: Arturo M. Tolentino, Voice of Dissent (Quezon City: Phoenix Press, Inc., 1990), p. 529.; Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 137. 1972-06-18 00:00:00CPP Plan is retrieved by the Philippine ConstabularyAt Barrio Taringsing, Cordon, Isabela, a copy of the document titled “REGIONAL PROGRAM OF ACTION 1972” is captured by elements of the 116th and 119th Philippine Constabulary Companies. The document is said to be part of the overall plan of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) to “foment discontent and precipitate the tide of nationwide mass revolution.”
Source: Proclamation No. 1081 1972-06-23 00:00:00Court of Industrial Relations bombingIn the morning, a bomb explodes at the Court of Industrial Relations.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 292 1972-06-24 00:00:00Philippine Trust Company bombingAt dusk, a branch of Philippine Trust Company in Cubao is bombed.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 292 1972-06-30 00:00:00PC Chief Fidel Ramos finds out that the alleged Communist U-boat landing is without basis.Philippine Constabulary Chief Brig. Gen. Fidel V. Ramos visits Palanan, Isabela to confirm the alleged submarine (U-boat) landing (see May 30, 1972).
The PC then writes off the intelligence report about the submarine as “without basis.”
Source: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 164. 1972-07-01 00:00:00President Marcos' feasibility study on martial law circulatesReports about Marcos’ feasibility study on declaring martial law before the 1973 election circulate. Senator Ninoy Aquino does not find a study per se objectionable, claiming that Presidents Garcia and Macapagal had ordered similar studies. Marcos, through Press Secretary Tatad, issues a denial of the study, calling it a “complete fabrication” (see August 1, 1971).
Source: Arturo M. Tolentino, Voice of Dissent (Quezon City: Phoenix Press, Inc., 1990), p. 464. 1972-07-03 00:00:00First Philam Life bombingAt night, explosions shatter the glass walls of the Philam Life building at United Nations Avenue, Manila.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 292. 1972-07-05 01:00:00Skirmish between Philippine Constabulary and alleged NPA rebels at Palanan, IsabelaShortly after midnight, a ship marked MB Karagatan unloads cargo at Digoyo Point, Palanan, Isabela. The cargo consists of military hardware, including the latest type of automatic weapons and other supplies.
A skirmish ensues as a Philippine Constabulary Company is fired upon by alleged New People's Army guerillas. The government claims that the NPA retreated to the forests in disarray.
Primitivo Mijares will later write that the “NPA rebels” that battled the PC company are actually elements of the Presidential Guard Battalion tasked with the “planting” of ammunitions in Palanan.
Source: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 166. 1972-07-18 00:00:00Bomb found in the Legislative Building An unexploded bomb is found in the Senate Publications Division at the Legislative Building, Manila.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 292. 1972-07-22 00:00:00Philippines Free Press: “Military rule next?”Philippines Free Press releases an editorial:
Marcos could remain in Malacañang as President--after the suspension of elections under martial law--only if he turned bandit and if the Armed Forces of the Philippines should join him in banditry. He could remain in power only by violating the Constitution under which he declared martial law and if the military supported him in his criminal act [...] Martial law should not be declared at all in the first place, not under present conditions, if the purpose were not to junk the Constitution--after invoking it to justify the declaration of martial law--establish a dictatorship. There is no good and sensible reason for the declaration of martial law, whatever, the Supreme Court may say to the contrary, but that does not mean that martial law will not be declared. Then it will be goodbye Constitution, hail dictatorship.
Conrado de Quiros, Dead Aim: How Marcos Ambushed Philippine Democracy (Pasig City: Foundation for Worldwide People's Power, Inc., 1997), p. 413-414. 1972-07-27 00:00:00Tabacalera bombing Jeepney-riding men toss bombs at the Tabacalera Cigar & Cigarette Factory Compound at Marquez de Comillas, Manila.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 292. 1972-08-01 00:00:00President Marcos decides to declare martial law within two monthsMarcos meets with Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile and a few of his most trusted military commanders. He decides to declare martial law within the next two months. They discuss several tentative dates, all of which either end in seven or are divisible by seven.
Source: Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (New York: Times Books, 1987), p. 95. 1972-08-15 19:30:00PLDT Exchange bombingJeepney-riding men hurl bombs at the Philippine Long Distance Telephone Exchange office in East Avenue, Quezon City.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 293. 1972-08-15 19:37:00Philippine Sugar Institute bombingBombs blast the Philippine Sugar Institute building in North Avenue, Quezon City.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 293. 1972-08-17 00:00:00Department of Social Welfare bomibingIn the afternoon, a portion of the building of the Department of Social Welfare in Sampaloc, Manila is destroyed by explosives.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 293. 1972-08-19 00:00:00Aurora Blvd. water main bombingAt midnight, a water main on Aurora Boulevard and Madison Avenue is destroyed by a plastic bomb. The suspects escape in a bantam car.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 293. 1972-08-30 00:30:00Second Philam Life bombingThe Philam Life Building in United Nations Avenue, Manila is bombed again. The incident damages the nearby Far East Bank and Trust Company building.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 56-57. 1972-08-30 00:45:00Railroad Street BombingFifteen minutes after the Philam Life bombing, a series of explosions hit Railroad Street in Port Area, Manila. The following were damaged:
Philippine Banking Corporation Building
Investment Development, Inc.
Daily Star Publications.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 293.
1972-08-31 00:00:00Bomb found in DFA BuildingA 12-pound time bomb is found in an attache case on the ground floor of the Department of Foreign Affairs.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree No. 1081.
Source: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 293. 1972-09-05 00:00:00Ban Dynasty Resolution becomes the "big topic" at the Con-ConAugusto Caesar Espiritu, 1971 Constitutional Convention delegate, writes in his diary about the big topic of the day in the convention: the Ban-Dynasty Resolution (“Ban Marcos”; see June 17, 1972). This threatens President Marcos’ desire to stay beyond the constitutional limit of eight years. He details the delegates’ arguments, both for and against the amendment proposed by Delegate Ramon Diaz, which states:
NO PERSON WHO HAS AT ANY TIME SERVED AS PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINES, UNDER THIS OR THE PREVIOUS CONSTITUTION, SHALL BE ELIGIBLE TO OCCUPY THE SAME OFFICE OR THAT OF PRIME MINISTER. THE SPOUSE OF SUCH PERSON SHALL BE INELIGIBLE TO OCCUPY EITHER OFFICE DURING THE UNEXPIRED OFFICE OF HIS TERM OR IN THE IMMEDIATE SUCCEEDING TERM. 1972-09-05 21:00:00Joe's Department Store bombingJoe’s Department Store in Carriedo, Manila is bombed. The incident takes the life of a woman and injures 38 others (according to Proclamation No. 1081), but according to American correspondent Raymond Bonner, there are 41 injured.
A Philippine Constabulary Sergeant assigned to the Firearms and Explosives Section of the PC later confesses and takes responsibility for the bombing.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree 1081.
Sources: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 293; Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (New York: Times Books, 1987), p. 97; Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 56-57. 1972-09-07 00:00:00Delegate Espiritu on the two options for the Ban Dynasty ResolutionDelegate Augusto Caesar Espiritu writes in his diary he met with former President and Con-Con president Diosdado Macapagal in the morning. Espiritu suggests that those for the ban-dynasty resolution have two options:
1. To freeze the ball and let the Convention work as slowly as possible so that the plebiscite on the new Constitution may only be done after the expiration of Marcos’ term in 1973. This would really, in effect, ban the incumbent.
2. To declare a recess until January 1974
Espiritu also writes about their discussions on the transition government resolution filed by Oka [Oscar] Leviste and Antonio [Tony] Velasco, which ensures that the delegates will be part of the First Parliament. The resolution might pass, given that for some delegates, the ban-dynasty resolution has failed anyway. 1972-09-07 00:00:00Bomb found at Good Earth EmporiumA homemade explosive is discovered at the foot of the escalator on the ground floor of Good Earth Emporium, Carriedo, a few blocks away from Joe's Department Store. A small bar of soap with a timing device, three matchsticks, and a blasting cap is discovered on-site. This incident will not be included in the list of events made as basis forProclamation No. 1081.
Source: Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (New York: Times Books, 1987), p. 97 1972-09-07 21:30:00President Marcos spends time preparing documents for martial lawPresident Marcos writes in his diary:
This afternoon I spent in finishing all papers needed for a possible proclamation of martial law, just in case it is necessary to do so.
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1972-09-08 00:00:00Manila City Hall bombing At nighttime, the Manila City Hall is bombed. Three rooms in the building are destroyed.
According to Raymond Bonner, the bombing happened on September 9.
Sources: Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 56-57; Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (New York: Times Books, 1987), p. 97. 1972-09-08 00:00:00President Marcos suspects Senator Ninoy Aquino of conspiring with CPPPresident Marcos writes in his diary:Sen. Aquino is, of course, playing a double game. He was in danger from the Maoists, as reported by him to Sec. Juan Ponce Enrile. So I believe he negotiated in a meeting with Jose Maria Sison and is protected from that side.
But now he is convinced he is also in danger, from the government. So he goes through the motions of giving information to the Secretary of National Defense to get protection from government.
And I believe that he will, however, help the Maoists more than the government.
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1972-09-09 12:35:00All legal papers for martial law are readyMarcos writes in his diary:
Sec. Ponce Enrile and I finished the material for any possible proclamation of martial law.
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1972-09-11 00:20:00Widespread blackouts at 12:20 amBetween 12:20 am to 12:30 am, three undocumented power company substations are bombed, causing widespread blackouts. This incident will not be included in the list of events made as basis forProclamation No. 1081.
Source: Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (New York: Times Books, 1987), p. 97 1972-09-11 00:30:00President Marcos celebrates his birthday.President Marcos writes in his diary:
It is now my birthday. I am 55. And I feel more physically and mentally robust than in the past decade and have acquired valuable experience to boot.
Energy and wisdom, 'the philosopher's heaven.
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1972-09-12 12:00:00Senator Ninoy Aquino reveals “Oplan Saggitarius” to the U.S. EmbassySenator Ninoy Aquino advises the U.S. Embassy officers, over a luncheon, about the government’s plan of imposing martial law. Present at the luncheon is Frank Maestrone, the new political officer at the embassy. American correspondent Raymond Bonner writes:
When Imelda Marcos, who did not take kindly to American officials talking with the “enemy,” learned about the lunch, she called Rafferty, demanding to know who was the “Macaroni,” a nickname that stuck with Maestrone.
Source: Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (New York: Times Books, 1987), p. 98. 1972-09-12 00:00:00San Juan water mains bombingAt night, the water mains in San Juan, Rizal are bombed.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree 1081.
Sources: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 293; Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 56-57. 1972-09-13 00:00:00The US Embassy alerts Washington of martial lawThe Embassy of the United States in Manila alerts Washington that Marcos is studying “emergency” measures, “including martial law,” but they are unaware of the exact time it will be imposed.
Source: Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (New York: Times Books, 1987), p. 5. 1972-09-13 00:00:00Senator Ninoy Aquino delivers his privilege speech on “Oplan Sagittarius”Senator Ninoy Aquino, speaking to the Senate floor, says he received a top-secret military plan given by Marcos himself to place Metro Manila and outlying areas under the control of the Philippine Constabulary as a prelude to Martial Law. Marcos will use the bombings, including the Plaza Miranda Bombing, in Metro Manila as a justification for his takeover and subsequent authoritarian rule. He claims that he received this information from the Armed Forces of the Philippines.
Sources: Jovito Salonga, A Journey of Struggle and Hope: The Memoir of Jovito R. Salonga (Quezon City: U.P. Center for Leadership, Citizenship and Democracy, 2001), p. 200; Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (New York: Times Books, 1987), p. 98. 1972-09-13 00:00:00Senator Ninoy Aquino delivers his privilege speech on “Oplan Sagittarius” 1972-09-13 00:00:00President Marcos assures the Senate there is no plan for martial lawA meeting is held at the office of the Senate President Gil Puyat. Earlier, Puyat went to the Palace and came back with a denial from President Marcos. Puyat says: “The President stated that he has no plan to declare martial law. But if martial law is to be imposed due to some unusual event, he would first consult the leaders of the Congress.”
Source: Jovito Salonga, A Journey of Struggle and Hope: The Memoir of Jovito R. Salonga (Quezon City: U.P. Center for Leadership, Citizenship and Democracy, 2001), p. 200. 1972-09-13 00:00:00President Marcos admits there is a “contingency plan” to contain the CommunistsThe Malacañan Press Office issues a statement quoting President Marcos:
There is a contingency plan for the whole country, including the Greater Manila area, and it was organized in 1966.The plan is aimed at the coordination of local police forces and the AFP in the event of actual fighting with the Communist. It would be the height of negligence not to prepare such a plan.
Source: Jovito Salonga, A Journey of Struggle and Hope: The Memoir of Jovito R. Salonga (Quezon City: U.P. Center for Leadership, Citizenship and Democracy, 2001), p. 200. 1972-09-13 23:00:00President Marcos and close associates plan to impose martial law on September 21President Marcos writes in his diary:
So I met with Johnny Ponce Enrile, Gen. Tom Diaz, Col. Montoya, Col. Romy Gatan, and Danding Cojuangco this evening at Pangarap and we agreed to set the 21st of this month as the deadline.
In the meantime Sen. Aquino in a privilege speech, today, claims we have an OPLAN Sagittarius, which allegedly includes placing Greater Manila under PC Control preparatory to proclaiming martial law.
This is nothing but the contingency plan for the coordination of the local police forces and the Armed Forces in case of insurgency.
It is ridiculous to ascribe it to the plan of martial law since it refers to calling out the troops to quell a disorder.
But of course the media will give it all kind of meaning.
But, again, perhaps it is best that the political opposition start a debate that will get the people used to the idea of emergency powers.
Source: William C. Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator: The Mind of Marcos As Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1993). 1972-09-14 00:00:00San Miguel BombingA building of San Miguel Corporation in Makati is bombed.
This incident, along with other intensified acts of violence and terrorism across the country, will later be made the basis for the implementation of Martial Law by virtue of Presidential Decree 1081.
Sources: Manuel Martinez, The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos (Quezon City: M. F. Martinez, 1987), p. 293; Primitivo Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos (San Francisco: Union Square Publications, 1976), p. 56-57. 1972-09-14 00:00:00Espiritu: “The bomb scare has been sweeping Manila in the past few days [...]”Con-Con Delegate Augusto Caesar Espiritu writes in his diary:
The bomb scare has been sweeping Manila in the past few days. Rebeck [Espiritu, Caesar’s brother] tipped me off on a rumor that the Convention would be bombed. He said this could not be mentioned in the Convention Hall because the delegates might panic. Even Raul Manglapus, he said, was preparing to leave at about 4:00 p.m. 1972-09-14 23:00:00President Marcos plans to have martial law for "at least a year and two months."President Marcos writes in his diary:
After golf, at 9:00 amat [sic] my room at Pangarap while taking breakfast, I told the SND, C of S, Major Service Commanders (Gen. Ramos, PC, Gen. Zagala, PA, Romando, PAF and Commodore Ruiz, PN) Gen. Ver and Gen. Paranis that I intend to declare martial law to liquidate the communist apparatus, reform our government and society, then have the Concon ratify our acts and the people can confirm it by plebiscite and return to constitutional processes; but that I needed at least one year and two months; that this would be a legitimate exercise of my emergency powers under the constitution as clarified by the Habeas Corpus case by the Supreme Court last January; that we need to cure the ills of our society by radical means (I mentioned corruption, tax evasion, criminality, smuggling, lack of discipline, unequal opportunities) so we must keep our moves clean and submerge self-interest.
I asked for any objection to the plan and there was none except for the observation of Gen. Ramos that the closing of the media should be done by a civilian minister supported by the military, and Gen. Gen. Romando who wanted missions definitely assigned to each branch of the service.
1972-09-15 00:00:00Senator Aquino: Oplan Sagittarius was only completed on September 8Senator Ninoy Aquino reports to the media that the planning for Oplan Sagittarius was only completed on September 8.
Jovito Salonga, A Journey of Struggle and Hope: The Memoir of Jovito R. Salonga (Quezon City: U.P. Center for Leadership, Citizenship and Democracy, 2001), p. 200. 1972-09-15 00:00:00Manila Times is skeptical of martial lawTeodoro Valencia, writer for the Manila Times (“the most widely circulated newspaper at the time”) writes:
One thing is sure, the President is not discouraging talk about martial law and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. My own interpretation is that he is not about to do it. Perhaps he is fishing for reaction. He's getting all kinds of reactions. The more serious portion of the Aquino diatribe was to reveal that Manila would be placed under PC control. When you come to think of it, Mayor Ramon Bagatsin is almost asking for it. PC control is not the same as martial law. So many cities and provinces are under PC control right now [...] There's no point in denying that the President is ready with a plan on the imposition of martial law if that should become necessary. But that's not the same as saying he will impose martial law tomorrow or the next day or when. Or if at all. To have a plan and to do as planned are
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The Bandholtz collection, covering the period of ca. 1890 to 1925 (with some later papers of his wife Inez Bandholtz), consists mainly of materials accumulated while Bandholtz was stationed in the Philippines, 1900-1913. Except for this time in the Far East, Bandholtz was always on the move with ever changing assignments, and consequently his files covering his work on the Mexican border, for example, or the 1921 West Virginia coal miners strike (also known as the Battle of Blair Mountain) are substantially thinner. But in the Philippines, because he was a provincial governor and head of the indigenous military force, Bandholtz was at the center of affairs in this period of Philippine history. And beyond that, he made an effort to maintain and preserve as much documentation from his service here as he could.
The Bandholtz papers came to the library in three separate accessions in 1965, 1994 and 2005. The first accession includes the following series: Correspondence (1899-1913), Invitations, Miscellaneous, Published Materials, and Philippine Constabulary Reports (1906-1913). The second accession includes the following series: Biographical-Personal, Correspondence (1895-1925), Diaries (1900-1923), Topical Files, Visual Materials, Scrapbooks, and Inez Bandholtz papers. Although there is some overlap (especially in the two Correspondence series), the two accessions have been kept separate, and not interfiled, so that researchers who examined the first accession might read from the new material without having to go through the entire collection. This encoded finding aid treats the correspondence as a single series although it has not been interfiled. the third accession consists of correspondence (1903-1912), chiefly confidential letters between Bandholtz and Luke Wright and Leonard Wood, concerning major military an political issues in the Philippines.
Harry Hill Bandholtz, a lifelong military man, was born in Constantine, Michigan on December 18, 1864. He graduated from the United States Military Academy at West Point in 1890, and then for the next thirty-three years he served his country in more than a dozen different assignments and posts. Bandholtz early demonstrated his competence as an officer with leadership abilities, and he was continuously rewarded with a steady series of promotions to different challenging assignments. He was a front-line officer, a teacher of the military arts, an administrator within the military hierarchy, and a skilled and respected diplomat.
Following some early assignments, Bandholtz in 1896 was selected to teach military science and tactics at Michigan Agricultural College (now Michigan State University). He was a teacher for two years when, with the outbreak of war with Spain in 1898, he returned to active duty. In Cuba he served in the Santiago campaign with the 7th U.S. Infantry, receiving a Silver Star citation for his participation. Between 1898 and 1900, he held different positions in the United States and Cuba. In July 1900, he left Cuba for the Philippine Islands where he served for the next thirteen years. Bandholtz' first responsibility was to help establish peace in the Islands which was then being disturbed by various local insurgent armies, notably in Central Luzon and on the Island of Marinduque and in Tayabas Province.
Bandholtz quickly earned the respect of the Philippine people. In 1902, he was elected governor of Tayabas Province, the only regular army officer to be elected to so high a position. In 1903, he was appointed assistant chief of Philippine Constabulary with the temporary rank of colonel and placed in command of the District of Southern Luzon. Bandholtz was an effective commander who arranged for the unconditional surrender of insurgent general Simeon Ola and his forces in Albay. In 1905, he was transferred to the District of Central Luzon where he similarly apprehended Philippine bandit leaders. In 1907, he was appointed chief of Philippine Constabulary with the temporary rank of brigadier general. He held this position until relieved on September 1, 1913.
Upon returning to the United States, Bandholtz was put in command of Fort Porter at Buffalo, New York (1914-1915) and a battalion of the 30th Infantry at Plattsburg Barracks, N.Y. (1915-1916). With this command, he served on the Mexican border for six months in 1916. During World War I, Bandholtz served on the Western Front, receiving promotion to brigadier general with command of the 58th Infantry Brigade of the 29th Division. In September 1918, General Pershing appointed Bandholtz to be provost marshal general of the American Expeditionary Forces where his duties included reorganizing the military police corps and managing the guarding of German prisoners of war.
From August 1919 to February 1920, Bandholtz served as American representative on the Interallied Military Mission sent to Hungary by the Supreme Council to control the unauthorized Rumanian occupation of that country. Bandholtz later served as the first United States Commissioner to Hungary. He returned to the United States in 1920, receiving promotion to permanent brigadier general with command of the 13th Infantry Brigade at Camps Funston and Meade. In August 1921, Bandholtz was assigned the duty of organizing and commanding the newly authorized District of Washington. Shortly thereafter, he was sent to West Virginia when the state authorities requested federal aid in maintaining the peace during a strike of coal miners. Bandholtz retired from military service in 1923 with the rank of major general. He died in his hometown of Constantine, May 7, 1925.
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Manuel Roxas | First President of the Independent Republic of the Philippines
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Manuel Roxas was a political leader and the first president (1946–48) of the independent Republic of the Philippines. After studying law at the University of the Philippines, near Manila, Roxas began his political career in 1917 as a member of the municipal council of Capiz (renamed Roxas in 1949).
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Manuel-Roxas-y-Acuna
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Manuel Roxas (born Jan. 1, 1892, Capiz, Phil.—died April 15, 1948, Clark Field, Pampanga) was a political leader and the first president (1946–48) of the independent Republic of the Philippines.
After studying law at the University of the Philippines, near Manila, Roxas began his political career in 1917 as a member of the municipal council of Capiz (renamed Roxas in 1949). He was governor of the province of Capiz in 1919–21 and was then elected to the Philippine House of Representatives, subsequently serving as Speaker of the House and a member of the Council of State. In 1923 he and Manuel Quezon, the president of the Senate, resigned in protest from the Council of State when the U.S. governor-general (Leonard Wood) began vetoing bills passed by the Philippine legislature. In 1932 Roxas and Sergio Osmeña, the Nacionalista Party leader, led the Philippine Independence Mission to Washington, D.C., where they influenced the passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act. Roxas was later opposed by Quezon, who held that the act compromised future Philippine independence; the Nacionalista Party was split between them on this issue. In 1934, however, Roxas was a member of the convention that drew up a constitution under the revised Philippine Independence and Commonwealth Act (Tydings-McDuffie Act). Roxas also served as secretary of finance in the Commonwealth government (1938–40).
During World War II Roxas served in the pro-Japanese government of José Laurel by acquiring supplies of rice for the Japanese army. Although a court was established after the war to try collaborators, Roxas was defended by his friend General Douglas MacArthur. Roxas was elected president of the Commonwealth in 1946 as the nominee of the liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party (which became the Liberal Party), and, when independence was declared on July 4, he became the first president of the new republic.
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https://philippinesfreepress.wordpress.com/tag/sergio-osmena-jr/
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Sergio Osmeña Jr. « The Philippines Free Press Online
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Posts about Sergio Osmeña Jr. written by mlq3
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The Philippines Free Press Online
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https://philippinesfreepress.wordpress.com/tag/sergio-osmena-jr/
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Man of the Year
by Teodoro L. Locsin, Jr.
January 8, 1972–There was rice shortage again. Prices were never higher. Unemployment was appalling, lawlessness reigned. Justice was compartmentalized, with one law for the rich and powerful, another law, a sterner one, for the poor and weak. Graft and corruption in the government was more rampant than ever. Demonstrators against the administration were shot at by government troops as if they were game and the President shed crocodile tears. Lip service was paid to reform while chaos if not revolution threatened. Who could challenge the regime? It seemed irresistible, controlling as it did not only Congress but the local governments. How could the Opposition hope to win against the Marcos candidates in the senatorial election? Their victory would be taken as a national endorsement of the Marcos idea of government—and his perpetuation in power. Who would lead the resistance? The privileges of the writ of habeas corpus had been suspended and martial law continually mentioned if not actually threatened. Democracy was going down, down, down. Who would stop the fall? He would be the Man of the Year.
IN a conversation which took place about a week before the Plaza Miranda bombing incident on 21 August 1971, Sen. Benigno Aquino, Jr., said to this writer:
“President Marcos has threatened again to charge me with subversion. It’s a bluff, but who knows?”
“Can he have forgotten so quickly how the Yuyitung affair backfired on him?” one said. But then, one thought, Marcos is not a machine weighing dispassionately the chances of success in this or that adventure but a vain and ambitious man with a great deal of power.
“A very dangerous man,” said Ninoy. He went on to say that he had a feeling of something big about to happen.
Some Ilocano politicians were in the room, among them the young Chavit Singson. They were reporting the steep rise of violent incidents in the North. Army-trained professional killers had been unleashed on the population of Northern and Central Luzon in preparation for the elections in November. They spoke in particular of a certain “Major” whose expertise in the art of assassination had earned him a license to kill. This assassin did not have to answer for his deeds to anyone and could kill at his own discretion. He had done a fine job in the North and was moving south. According to the latest reports then, he was operating in Mountain Province. Soon, they said, he would be in Manila.
They looked apprehensive and had come to Ninoy to see what he could do for them. “Nothing,” Ninoy answered them. He had neither the money nor the muscle to help them with. But he wanted to know for certain if they would stick it out with the Opposition to the end or succumb to the threats of the authorities. So long as they identified with the Opposition they were marked men. He would not hold it against them personally if they backed out at that moment but he did not want to waste time with anyone who would have a change of heart later on. A little reluctantly they all agreed to stick it out to the end. “You are dead men on leave,” Ninoy said. They nodded their heads in acknowledgment of the fact.
“If Singson makes it in Ilocos Sur and Dy in Isabela, I don’t care if we lose everywhere else,” said Ninoy. “Our cause will have been vindicated. These are the two spots most cruelly oppressed by the Marcos military machine. If we win in them, then we know we have pierced his armor. That’s consolation enough.”
That far back, Ninoy Aquino was already drawing the lineaments of the persona he would assume after the Plaza Miranda bombing and the President’s suspension of the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus, when the country tottered on the brink of dictatorship: that of the resistance-hero. Within a week Ninoy would serve as the symbol of democratic man confronted with forces that seek to suppress his individuality and freedom.
Expressing his forboding that the forces of reaction and dictatorship were ready and eager to break out in a wave of repression that would sweep away all our rights and liberties, frankly, he said, he did not know how anyone could meet, with the hope of overcoming, the threat to the Republic.
“The secret is not to be afraid,” one said. Not that one knew for certain that courage overcomes all obstacles but that to be brave and defiant is the only way consonant with human dignity to face tyranny.
A week later two fragmentation bombs were tossed onto the stage of the Liberal Party’s proclamation rally held in Plaza Miranda. Nine persons were killed and 95 others were wounded. The leadership of the Liberal Party could have been wiped out that fateful night of 21 August. Not one politician was killed but many of those who stood on the stage were seriously hurt. One lost a foot and, for a week or so, Sergio Osmeña, Jr., and Senator Salonga fought for their lives on operating tables.
Upon hearing of the tragic event the first thought that occurred to one was that this was the perfect pretext to liquidate Philippine democracy “in the interest of order and security.” The question of who perpetrated the crime seemed irrelevant in the light of the knowledge that only the government had the power to use the incident to its own advantage.
One could suspect the Communists. How often had one heard them declaim that in the confrontation between capital and labor, between the bourgeoisie and the common people, discussion is futile and serves only as an intellectual sport for the upper class, peaceful reform is a pipe dream and society’s contradictions can only be resolved through bloody revolution! The Communist argument is logical enough. There may be other ways to improve social conditions but the Communist way has an impressive record of success. But what one should do is not necessarily what one would do—especially when the conditions are far from favorable. In the present context, a total breakdown of social order could only favor the “fascists”—if one may be allowed to use that term, with its strict historical associations, to designate all who are hostile to and have no use for the democratic way of life, holding it too inefficient—meaning to say, it breeds a climate that is not always healthy for rich thieves.
The Left is noisy but basically powerless. Were it not for the protection afforded it by the liberal bourgeoisie, the Left would be either dead, in jail or scratching out a bare existence in the mountains. It has neither the talent nor the muscle to command popular respect and obedience. It cannot, therefore, impose its kind of order on the country should anarchy break out and a power vacuum appear. Since constant self-criticism is the hallmark of the Marxist movement, no doubt the Left in this country is fully conscious of its limitations. What to do about them is the question.
The rumor that Ninoy Aquino had masterminded the bombing to rid himself of rivals for his party’s nomination for Presidential candidate spread swiftly throughout the country. The press in time discredited that rumor but what was puzzling then was the celebrity with which the story spread. The bombing and the rumor seemed connected, parts of one clever scheme whose aim was to destroy the Opposition. The Opposition was bombed and the Opposition was to be blamed.
On Monday, 23 August, President Marcos made the announcement that he had as of midnight, Saturday, suspended the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus. The reason for this extraordinary measure, he said, was that there was a Maoist rebellion in progress.
Twenty persons had been arrested and were being detained in Camp Crame. All but one of them could not by any stretch of the imagination be described as Maoist. That was an oversight on the part of the President none made a note of the. His suspension of the writ had stunned the nation. The people felt, anyway, that is was not a question of whether he was rationally justified in the action he had taken. The power at his disposal could “justify” anything he did. The question was how far could he go, how far would he go. Hardly anyone believed the President’s words, but everyone paid heed to his power. From the outset it was a contest of nerves between the power of tyranny and the courage without arms of democratic men.
From noon onwards, on the day of the President’s announcement, the hours passed slowly in deathly calm. It was like a foretaste of life under a dictatorship: a life of quiet fear. A little longer the nation might have becomed accustomed to the situation, so easy is it to acquire the habit of obedience!
Suddenly the tense calm was broken. The voluble and tireless Ninoy Aquino began his counter-offensive and the spell of fascism was broken. Wherever he appeared, he carried a submachine gun at a time when no one outside the Administration would have dared be seen with one.
At the Manila Medical Center, the milling crowd at the entrance parted to admit the rotund frame of Senator Aquino come to check up on the condition of his colleagues. He passed by the government troops without even glancing at them, tight-lipped and looking confident of his ability to stand up to the Administration.
It was that picture that crystallized the people’s timid resentment against the Marcos Administration into an unshakeable determination to resist. The people fixed their eyes on Ninoy. If he got away with defying the President, how much better would they—the whole nation—fare!
The Administration caught on fast. Before it could expect the nation to submit, it would have to break the will of Senator Aquino. An object lesson would have to be made of him.
On Tuesday, President Marcos went on television. He laid the blame for the bombing of the LP rally on the Communists, who were planning, he said, to stage a revolution, of which the first act was the bombing incident at Plaza Miranda. He charged Senator Aquino with lending support to the Communist insurgent movement. He had “reliable” information that Ninoy Aquino had frequently met with such Huk field commanders as Dante, Mallari, Alibasbas, Freddie and Ligaya. He brought out a carbine with telescopic sight and a nickel-plated grease gun, which, he claimed, had been given by Ninoy to Huk commanders.
President Marcos presented two men, Max Llorente and Hernan Ilagan, who had been, he said, close friends of Senator Aquino until they discovered what he was really up to. Neither of them spoke a word all the time they were on TV. They just stood before the cameras with blank expressions until the President motioned for them to go away.
The evidence against Senator Aquino, he said, was overwhelming. It was only because he had hitherto “erred on the side of generosity” that he had not yet arrested the senator. But his tone suggested that that was a fault he would soon correct.
A raid on a Communist camp in Tarlac had uncovered a master plan to raze Manila and kidnap or assassinate prominent persons, the President went on. The bombing in Plaza Miranda was merely the prelude to a wave of Red Terror and a general civil war. He warned the radicals that the armed forces could cope with any situation they might create. He asked them to abandon the rest of their master plan, since it had no hope of succeeding, anyway. To avoid a costly confrontation between the Communists and the army, he would not hesitate to declare martial law and crush the insurgents before they had time to stage their planned insurrection.
Once more the Administration had the psychological advantage. People started losing heart. It was rumored that before the night was over, Senator Aquino would be arrested. After him, it would be only a question of time and accommodations in the stockades before all persistent critics of the Administration were in their turn arrested.
Later that night, Ninoy Aquino appeared on Channel 13. For once he looked serious. Opposite him, Juan Ponce Enrile, secretary of national defense, sat, grinning.
“I have been charged,” said Ninoy Aquino, “with the most serious crime against the Filipino people by President Marcos. I have, he has charged, subverted the state and planned the overthrow of the government in a conspiracy with the Communists. I have armed and funded the Huks, he told a press-TV-radio conference earlier tonight. And he hoisted before the people what he asserted was military intelligence information to nail down these charges.
“I say to him now: these are devious lies. I deny them flatly.
“He also hauled up arms I supposedly gave to the Huks. These, I charge him back, are his fabrications. Likewise, he brought before the TV cameras two supposed witnesses against me, one a longtime friend. I tell him: I will confront his witnesses.
“I say his charges are fabrications. And I challenge him to prove they are not.
“I say these are part of a sinister plot to obliterate the Opposition. And his very act is my proof. I say his motive is, far from securing the security of the people and the Republic, rather to secure the politics of his Party. This—again—is proven by his unholy timing.
“He says he has had the goods on me—that I have armed, funded and comforted the enemies of the state since 1965 and 1966. Why did he wait until tonight to unwrap the bill?
“I say that where the black bombers failed to wipe out the Opposition at Plaza Miranda, he would now succeed. This is his motive.
“I tell him: Mr. President, don’t do me any favors. Do your duty—and file your charges against me.
“Your duty is clear. And don’t forget your oath to apply the law evenly—if harshly. I know Lady Justice has worn a peek-a-boo since you came to power, but let Justice be blind once again in my case and let Justice take her full course in the charges you have leveled against me.
“I demand, in fact, Mr. President, that you bring to court—and prove that I am guilty or be shown as the biggest liar in Philippine political life.
“I ask him to charge me formally so he and I can meet before the bar of Philippine justice.
“If I am guilty, I will pay for my alleged crimes.
“If I am innocent, he must face the people and account for the lies, the plots, the smears he has so freely and ruthlessly waged against me. But if this is the price I must now pay for having abided unflinchingly with the faith you have put in me, I say: So be it. It is a privilege, not a sacrifice.”
Aquino stood up. Enrile squeezed his arm and gave him a reassuring smile, as though to say it was all a game, a show, and no real harm would come to him. But Ninoy’s dark expression did not change. If the President was in earnest, he did not like being threatened. If the whole thing was a ploy to save the President from having to make embarrassing explanations concerning the bombing incident and the measures he had adopted, he did not like being used. He walked out of the room without saying a word. We drove to his house in his car.
“Jesus Christ!” he said, shaking his head in disbelief. “Imagine the canard he is trying to foist. Ako pa ang nag-bomba together with the New People’s Army.”
On the night of the bombing he had not been on stage with the other Liberals. He was at a goddaughter’s despedida de soltera. His absence had lent some credence to the speculation that he had planned the bombing.
“Christ’s sake, this guy is really determined to send me to jail,” he said.
He leaned back in the seat. The ordeal there was over. He looked contented. Now there was no more having to choose. He had flung the President’s threat back in the man’s complacent face and he was happy with his decision. All that remained was for the authorities to pick him up.
“So what? So one or two years in a stockade. At least I’ll died with my boots on.”
Had he plans of escaping into the hills? I asked.
“Ha, oblige him? Nah, I’ll stick it out here.”
If they came for him, what would he do?
“Aba, I’ll go. Christ’s sake! And tell your father not to forget the pocketbooks when he’s brought in, too. I’ll bring in the Philippine Reports and resume my law studies in jail and when I come out, take the bar. This is the only chance I’ll have.”
At this we started laughing.
“ ‘I erred on the side of generosity,’ did you hear that? Boy oh boy, what a shit of bluffer. He’s thrown everything at me, but I’m numb. I told you that even before all this, at the Inter-continental. I’m really numb.”
I asked him about the two witnesses Marcos had presented.
If one added up all the time he had seen Hernan Ilagan, it would amount to three hours, he said. As for Max Llorente, he saved the man’s life once and his skin several times over. This was how the man repaid him!
“The classic Filipino,” said Ninoy. It was a favorite phrase of his. He had used it in previous conversations to describe Filipinos who lived off the fat of the land but refused to pay for any of it.
I asked him about the affidavits made by other witnesses implicating him in the crime of subversion.
“All his witnesses are dead, anyway. Putang ina. Hahahaha. Naku linabas ang mga baril, ayong mga lahat na…. Hahahaha. Jesus, what a farce! Aye, God! Goddamned this guy, he’s good, this Marcos. He almost convinced me I’m a Huk.”
Every day from then on the Marcos Administration hurled a new charge or threat at the senator, who exposed every charge as a lie and met each threat with smiling nonchalance. And yet the threats were real enough. One night the PC ringed his house to frighten his family. Members of the medical staff of the Central Azucarrera de Tarlac were picked up and questioned by the PC, who tried to force them into signing affidavits implicating Ninoy with the Huks. Houseboys and cooks were also arrested. His brother-in-law, Antolin Oreta, Jr., was “invited” by the army and then detained.
That he had had dealings with the Huks, Ninoy did not deny.
“What can I do about that? I have lived in Tarlac where the Huks operate most. The point I’m driving at with my frequent mention of Huks is that as governor of Tarlac I tried to arrive at a condition of peace that was not reached through bloodshed. In my six years of governorship, I don’t think there were more than 21 Huk killings. It was not until Mr. Marcos arrived on the scene that these things began to escalate. From 1966 up the present about 1,500 have been killed. My policy as governor had been to let everyone come to my office and talk things over: Huk and non-Huk, Nacionalista and Liberal. I believed that was the only way I could maintain peace in the province. I told the Huks, ‘This is a free country. So long as you don’t kill anyone this is a free country for you. You can speak against me, attack me in the barrios. Go ahead. I believe in our democracy. You have the right to air your views. If the people should ultimately prefer your system to the one I espouse, who am I to oppose the people?’
“The Army calls this co-existence.
“I call it survival. Moreover I have extreme faith in our democratic way of life. I firmly believe that exposed to both the democratic and Communist ideologies, the people will opt for democracy.
“When the Huks complained about bad roads, I immediately repaired them. When the Huks said a landowner was abusive, I immediately approached the landowner, and if the Huks were speaking the truth, I asked him to mend his ways. The landowners have called me a radical but all I did was ask them, ‘Which would you prefer? To negotiate with the Huks or get your head chopped off?
“The Army called it co-existence. Well, they can call it anything they want, but the Army was happy then. There was peace.”
As for his frequent meetings with the Huks, he had arranged these meetings not to solicit Huks support for his candidates but, on the contrary, to ask the Huks not to interfere in Tarlac politics. One such meeting had been at the request of Danding Cojuangco, the President’s right hand man, who was then running for governor, according to Ninoy.
To deprive the Liberals of support from any sector, the Marcos Administration continued its smear campaign against the spokesman for the Liberal Party. The charge of Communism dangling over Aquino’s head kept the Chinese, for one, from giving him any aid. The memory of the fate of the Yuyitung brothers was still fresh in their minds. To deny the Liberals American support, President Marcos invited a New York Times correspondent to interview him. He repeated his charges against Ninoy and said that if the Communists fielded a candidate in 1973, meaning Ninoy Aquino, he would be compelled to field his wife, Imelda, as his party’s candidate for President.
In answer, Ninoy said that eight years of Marcos are enough and to inflict six more years of Imelda on the country would be unthinkable! Addressing himself to the President, Ninoy said:
“If Mr. Marcos is fielding his wife in ’73 just to stop Ninoy Aquino, I’m telling him now, I’m not running. Keep your wife home, Mr. Marcos, do not tire her out with a gruelling campaign. I would like to spare her the hardship. I will not run in 1973, so long as Imelda’s doesn’t run either. Let Imelda and I make a blood compact, vowing not to run in 1973 as Presidential candidates.”
Asked to comment on Ninoy’s proposal, President Marcos answered:
“I refuse to comment on a speech by a comedian.”
Ninoy Aquino’s audacity and defiance bore fruit on November 8. The Liberal senatorial candidates swept the elections. In Ilocos Sur, Singson won as governor and in Isabela, despite the presence of Task Force Lawin, Dy won as well. Ninoy’s cause had, indeed, been vindicated. Even the poorest and most downtrodden emulated the example he had set. In Tarlac, the barrio folk themselves went out to protect the ballots they had cast, forming long processions to escort the ballot boxes to the municipalities. The senator had given a new lease on life to the democratic idea, which cynics had dismissed as an empty catchphrase incapable of firing anyone’s imagination, let alone convincing anyone to risk his life for it. The “people’s victory,” as Ninoy called it, of November 8 proved them wrong.
Because he stood for the people’s will to resist tyranny, drawing upon himself all the fury of its wrath without flinching, Sen. Benigno Aquino, Jr., did more than anybody else to make that victory possible and is, therefore, the Man of the Year 1971 in the Philippines.
The outrage
by Edward R. Kiunisala
September 4, 1971–SATURDAY, August 21, at about 9:15 p.m., barely seconds after the Liberal Party candidates for Manila’s elective posts had been officially proclaimed on jam-packed Plaza Miranda, two fragmentation, combat grenades suddenly exploded in what proved to be the most villainous, outrageous and shameful crime in the annals of local political violence. It was a night of national tragedy and infamy as democracy—Philippine style—bared itself in all its terrifying ugliness.
For one dark, demented, damning moment of history, time stopped as tens of thousands of televiewers all over the country watched in utter horror the mass slaughter at Plaza Miranda. Miraculously, all top Opposition leaders who were there managed to cheat death. But not one of the eight LP senatorial candidates escaped injury. Sen. Jovito Salonga, as of this writing, is still fighting for his life, although the others were already pronounced “out of danger.”
Also on the critical list is Sen. Sergio Osmeña, who declined to seek reelection to pursue his electoral protest against Pres. Ferdinand E. Marcos.
Sen. Gerardo Roxas, LP president, and his wife, Judy, were badly injured.
So were Constitutional Delegate Salvador Mariño, chairman of the Manila LP chapter, and Ramon Bagatsing, LP mayoralty candidate for Manila.
LP senatorial candidates Edgar Ilarde and John Osmeña were badly wounded. Their damaged legs nearly had to be amputated. Ilarde may not be able to walk for from six months to one year while Johnny may be bedridden for about four months. Ilarde’s right leg was severely fractured while John’s leg’s artery was severed and his leg bones splintered.
Rep. Ramon Mitra, another LP senatorial aspirant, suffered multiple leg and body injuries. A splinter went through his left breast muscles, ripping off flesh. But he is now out of danger along with the rest of the LP Senate bets—Eva Estrada Kalaw, Melanio Singson, Salipada Pendatun and Genaro Magsaysay, who all suffered various degrees of injuries.
But others on Plaza Miranda that night were not so lucky. Slaughtered were nine persons, including Manila Times photographer Ben Roxas. Some were mangled beyond recognition while others were dead on arrival at the hospital. The latest count showed that 96 others were injured that night.
Ramon Vecina, Free Press photographer, was also seriously wounded in that bloody night of the LP proclamation meeting.
“I am holding President Marcos personally responsibly for the brutal and senseless carnage that took place on Plaza Miranda,” muttered the LP boss, Sen. Roxas in his hospital bed.
He continued:
“The Plaza Miranda incident has illustrated beyond doubt that there is not a safe place in the country where people may express their views without having to face the perils of assassination.
“I have only one message to leaders, followers and the electorate: Nothing will deter the LP nor dampen its determination to win the mandate of the people this election. We shall continue to fight for the right of our citizenry. I am grateful to the Almighty for those of us who were fortunate to have been spared.”
The gory incident happened so quickly no one among the victims knew what hit him. It took Manila police officers some two hours to know what went off on Plaza Miranda that night. The instant suspicion was that a bomb had been planted under the stage or had been lobbed in its direction from somewhere. Only after the grenade levers and pins were found did the authorities know the cause of the outrage.
Tragedy was farthest from the minds of the LP leaders when they ascended the Plaza Miranda stage that Black Saturday night on August 21. Of course, they were somewhat apprehensive of their safety, but such misgivings were not uncommon in public exposures in an election campaign. Sen. Benigno Aquino, Jr., LP secretary-general, Congressman Mitra and aides of Senator Osmeña had received threats over the telephone early that day, but all of them dismissed the threatening phone calls as the work of a crank.
Just the same, the LPs did not take any chances. Bagatsing sent his aides to secure the Plaza Miranda stage. Cesar Climaco, Manila’s new “garbage czar,” ordered the cleaning of Plaza Miranda that afternoon. Meanwhile, LP security officers kept an eagle eye on the stage to prevent sabotage. By about seven o’clock that night, a large crowd had already gathered on Plaza Miranda.
Former Sen. Francisco “Soc” Rodrigo was originally requested to emcee the LP proclamation meeting, but he declined, so, Mariño took over. The local candidates were given three minutes each to deliver their speeches. An oppositionist crowd applauded each speaker thunderously. At about 9:10 p.m., all the local candidates had already spoken and the National Anthem was played.
The next part of the program was the proclamation of the LP’s local candidates in Manila. Roxas stood up and approached the battery of microphones. The photographers spread out to get a good view. FP photographer Vecina moved back from the stage, about five heads away to get a vantage shot. It was a great moment for the LP local candidates as Roxas, “by virtue of the powers” vested in him as head of the Liberal Party, proclaimed the official LP candidates for Manila’s elective positions.
As the local candidates, their hands raised high, beamed and smiled and acknowledged the lusty cheers of the audience, fireworks bathed the Plaza Miranda crowd with incandescence. There was a festive atmosphere as the pyro-technics burned and crackled. The local candidates happily returned to their seat and emcee Mariño started to speak again. But before he could finish the sentence, a fist-sized solid object hit the edge of the stage. Meanwhile all eyes were glued to the fireworks display. Somewhere, someone shouted, “Ibagsak ang mga tuta ni Marcos!” Almost simultaneously, the solid object which had hit the stage went off, ripping the wooden planks and blasting the people near it. FP photographer Vecina winced and fell and was buried by falling bodies.
At that moment, Mitra, who was talking to Roxas, felt shrapnel pierce his breast muscles. Recalling the threatening phone call, he ran. John Osmeña, seated to the right of Singson, embraced Singson and they both fell behind Salonga, who remained seated. The other LP senatorial aspirants dove for the floor. Roxas tried to run; his aide jumped on him to cover him.
Before Mitra could reach the stairs of the stage, another blast came, hitting Mitra from behind, throwing him off the stage to the ground near a six-by-six vehicle. All hell broke loose. Those on the stage scampered in all directions as did those on the ground. It was survival of the fittest! The weaker ones fell and were trampled underfoot.
In a matter of seconds, Plaza Miranda was empty; except for police officers and plainclothesmen—and the wounded and the dead. John Osmeña tried to sit up but later fell on the floor unconscious. Aides and bodyguards of top LPs along with police officers rushed to the stage and carried the wounded to places of safety. Rattan chairs were stacked up in heaps to make way for vehicles which would bring the victims to the hospitals.
Senator Osmeña and Singson were rushed to the FEU hospital.
Mitra and Salonga were brought to Medical Center Manila and Roxas and his wife to Makati Medical Center.
John Osmeña and Magsaysay were rushed to the Manila Doctor’s Hospital while Ilarde was brought to the Singian Clinic.
Senator Kalaw was taken to the De Ocampo Hospital and later that night transferred to the Chinese General Hospital.
Pendatun limped his way to an ABS-CBN truck which brought him to ABM Sison Hospital.
Other wounded victims were brought to PGH and De Ocampo Hospital.
About 10 minutes after the Plaza Miranda bloodbath, Climaco arrived and brought a semblance of order. Along with the police, he helped carry wounded onlookers and the dead to waiting vehicles to take them to hospitals. Our Vecina was unearthed from a pile of blood and dying persons. Recovering consciousness, Vecina, bleeding and weakened from loss of blood, clambered back to the stage and took some more shots. Exhausted, he asked to be brought to Medical Center Manila. While there, he took pictures of some of the Plaza Miranda victims. Then he again lost consciousness and was taken to the operating room.
Back at Plaza Miranda, MPD Chief Gerardo Tamayo arrived. With Climaco, Tamayo investigated the incident, at the same time ordering his men to look for clues. He also sought the help of bomb disposal experts from the army. About an hour after the blasts, Metrocom troops came and helped in restoring order and looking for clues. An hour and forty-five minutes later, President Marcos signed the order suspending the writ of habeas corpus and blaming the Communists for the bombings.
Police investigators found two grenade pins at a distance of two and a half meters from each other, with both pins about 17 meters from the stage. Two grenade levers were also found on the plaza. Outside of the levers and pins, no other clues were found. Sometime later, however, police officers found a witness who testified that he saw a man pull out a solid object from a bag and hurl it in the direction of the stage.
Since the time-lag between the blasts was only three seconds, the police theorized that two men, not just one, threw the grenades. It is impossible for one man in a sardine-packed crowd to throw two grenades in three seconds, said Tamayo. But the police were in no position to identify the criminals. First they thought a mad man did it, later they junked the idea.
If two men committed the heinous crime, the police theorized, then it was a planned criminal act. The timing of the grenade-throwing with the display of the fireworks indicated planning. The type of the grenades used, used for combat in Vietnam, and the way the grenades were thrown showed that the criminals were professionals, doing a professional job.
Meanwhile, media men, after a round of hospitals, sped to Malacañang where they were met by the First Lady, who reportedly showed them a report of a certain disgruntled major who said that something bad was going to happen that night. At that time, the President was closeted in his study room, preparing a statement on the Plaza Miranda tragedy. Little did anyone know that Marcos was readying the ground preparatory to the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus.
When pandemonium broke loose at Plaza Miranda, American Ambassador Henry Byroade was in his bedroom about to retire. His staff rang him up to inform him of the incident. Meanwhile Sen. Benigno Aquino, who had attended a party at the Jai Alai, was on the way home to get his bullet-proof vest. He was scheduled to speak at the meeting at about two o’clock the following morning. On the way home, Aquino heard the tragic news on the radio. He sped home, grabbed a pistol, put on his bullet-proof vest and a combat jacket on top of it, then told his driver to take him to the hospitals where his wounded colleagues were confined. Aquino went up the Medical Center Manila, pistol in hand. Interviewed on the air, Aquino said that he hoped the criminal or criminals behind the Plaza Miranda carnage were mad men or demented persons because otherwise the Plaza Miranda crime meant the death of democracy.
For others throughout the country, it was a sleepless night. Lights were on in many homes in Greater Manila. People stayed glued to their radio or TV sets, listening to the latest developments. Salonga and Osmeña were on the critical list, Pendatun and Eva Estrada were already pronounced out of danger. Radio reports captured the screams and agonized cries of victims in emergency wards.
Of the LP senatorial candidates, Salonga got it worst of all. He had no time to run after the first blast. The second one caught him sitting down, with the grenade going off only a few meters away. Salonga’s left cheek was shattered and a shrapnel imbedded itself in his left eye. His right arm was broken, with three of his fingers cut off. Shrapnel went through his left leg. All told, Salonga suffered some 30 wounds of various sizes and depths all over his body.
Senator Osmeña, too, was critically wounded. After the first blast, Osmeña turned around to duck, but the second blast came too soon and he suffered wounds in the back and the left arm. Shrapnel went right through Serging’s lungs. He was bleeding profusely when his aides picked him up. Upon arrival at the hospital, Osmeña’s heart stopped. The doctors had to massage his heart to revive him.
Singson, who sat beside Salonga, was lucky. When John Osmeña embraced him, he fell; John got most of the shrapnel from the grenade blast.
After the first blast, Ilarde tried to sprint for safety but the succeeding blast caught him in the leg and he fell unconscious. Mrs. Kalaw dove for the floor but shrapnel hit her right ankle and another got imbedded in her back.
Of the Manila local candidates, Councilor Ambrosio Lorenzo got it worst. The first blast came while he was on the way to his seat. The second blast hit him while he was trying to find out what hit him and he fell on the stage floor. Shrapnel saturated his body; one hit his left eye. As of this writing, Lorenzo, like Salonga, is still fighting for his life. A police major picked him up sprawled on the floor, stunned and bleeding.
Manila LP mayoralty candidate Bagatsing was hit on the left cheekbone and in the right heel. He also suffered several shrapnel wounds in his left side and back. He was under sedation for three days. His doctors have taken him off the danger list.
Other Manila local candidates were luckier—they had gone back to their seats about three rows behind when the first blast came.
National shock followed the Plaza Miranda bombings.
The question uppermost in the minds of the people was, of course: Who committed the crime?
Some blamed student activists; others, lunatics. President Marcos was quick to put up the blame on “subversives” who received “moral and material support from a foreign source, guided and directed by a well-trained, determined and ruthless group.”
Later, Marcos charged Senator Aquino with coddling and financing the “subversives.” The Marcos blast against Aquino created suspicion that Aquino might be behind the Plaza Miranda tragedy but people refused to believe in the innuendoes against Aquino. If Aquino had known what was going to happen on Plaza Miranda that night, he would surely have tipped off Senator Kalaw, who is his first-degree cousin.
In an interview, Senator Kalaw denounced the President for shifting the blame for the Plaza Miranda outrage to Aquino. The President’s move, she said, worked to deflect attention from the real perpetrators of the crime. A social work expert, Kalaw could not understand why Marcos was more concerned over shifting the blame to Aquino than looking for the real criminals. The President’s actuations, said Kalaw, were simply not fitting for the President, who should act as the father of the nation and not like Marcos.
Former Congressman Singson argued against the possibility that the Huks or the New People’s Army was behind the Plaza Miranda massacre. The revolutionaries, he said, anchor their hope of reforms on the Opposition. If they wiped out the Opposition, they would be doing a disservice to their cause. It just doesn’t stand to reason!
But whoever are the perpetrators of the horrible crime at Plaza Miranda, they have done a professional job. Which means that an intelligent mind was behind it. Climaco theorizes that two trained teams undertook the Plaza Miranda bombings. The two grenade throwers, he said, were encircled by their accomplices to give them elbow room to hurl the grenades. In other words, he said, the Plaza Miranda crime was the result of a team effort.
As of this writing, the Manila police are still in the dark as to identities of the Plaza Miranda criminals. But whoever and wherever they are now, the death of nine innocent persons and the injury to 96 others will haunt their conscience for as long as they live—if they have any conscience at all. They not only killed nine of their countrymen and wounded close to a hundred others, but also inflicted an irreparable injury on Philippine democracy.
It will take a long time before Plaza Miranda, the symbol of free expression, will be as it used to be. No one will ascend the Plaza Miranda stage again without fearing for his life. How much of the militancy, the courage, the national pride and the spirit of the Filipino people have gone that Black Saturday at Plaza Miranda?
WILL THERE BE MARTIAL LAW?
By Napoleon G. Rama
January 30, 1971—His theme was sobriety and unity in the hour of crisis; his delivery, cool and slow; his tone, soft and supplicating. But the words were intimidating.
“If violence continues, if there should be massive sabotage, if there should be terrorism, if there is assassination, I will have no other alternative but to utilize the extraordinary powers granted me by our Constitution. These powers are the power to suspend the writ of habeas corpus under which [suspension] any man can be arrested and detained any length of time; and the power to declare any part or the whole of the Philippines under martial law. These powers I do not wish to utilize and it is for this reason I appeal to our people tonight.”
With just this one paragraph President Marcos spoiled what could have been one of his best speeches, certainly the most impressive TV performance since he spoke before the US Congress.
All throughout the first 20 minutes of his speech—a persuasive plea for restraint and understanding—he displayed style and coolness under fire, until he struck the jarring chords. Thus, the newspaper headlines the next day couldn’t help but scream the frightening words: “martial law.” Instead of calm, the speech succeeded in spreading alarm throughout the breadth and width of the nation.
Weeks after he made the speech and after the jeepney drivers ended their strike, political quarters, campuses, coffee shops and wherever people gathered were still abuzz with the dreaded words—articulated sometimes in anger but mostly in fear.
School tots come home asking their mommies what’s this “martial law” their teachers were talking about in grave and fearful tones.
Opposition leaders bristle with counter-warnings and charges of goon mentality against the President.
Student leaders answered him with threats of larger and more violent demonstrations.
Religious leaders chide the President and invite him to look into what ails the nation, at the rampant social injustice that spawns social unrest.
Constitutional Convention delegates feverishly hold emergency meetings to plot out their moves in case martial law is declared.
For all the efforts of the President (buried in the inside pages of the dailies) to quiet the anxieties and allay fears, the nervous talk goes on. There has been, said the President, a misreading of his statement. He had stressed certain conditions before he would declare martial law. The present drift of events, he now said, does not lead to those conditions.
The reason he mentioned martial law in his speech, he explained, was to warn radicals about the consequences of their acts, to stop further violence which, he said, was about to crop up.
He branded as irresponsible the threat of LP Congress leaders to boycott the sessions of Congress if Marcos declared military rule in the country or any part of it.
“Ridiculous” was the word he used to describe speculations that he would manipulate the present situation to bring about the conditions which would justify the imposition of martial law.
What probably upset the President more than anything else was the damning reaction of leaders of his own party.
The proclamation of martial law, declared the top NP leader in the House of Representatives, Speaker Jose B. Laurel, would be “an admission of weakness” on the part of the government.
“It would seem that the situation has become uncontrollable and unless martial law is proclaimed the government cannot function,” he said.
The Speaker pointed out that although under the Constitution the President may proclaim martial law without first getting the consent of Congress, he has to meet certain constitutional requirements.
“Legally, the issuance of a proclamation on martial law may be questioned before the Supreme Court,” Laurel said.
In harsher tones, he called President Marcos’s “veiled threats” untimely and uncalled for.
He said that there are many “fence-sitters” now merely critical of the Administration.
“The moment martial law is declared,” he said, “and they suspect that they are on the list of people to be picked up by the military, they will go to the hills.”
Senate Majority Floor Leader Arturo Tolentino commented:
“Definitely, there is no justification yet to impose martial law.”
In a meeting with his Congress leaders in the Palace, the President’s talk of martial law drew a similar reaction from NP solons: no good! Several NP congressmen and senators warned the President that the imposition of martial law and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus might only worsen the already critical situation.
Sen. Leonardo Perez, one of the Marcos stalwarts in the Senate, said that military rule would be ill-advised for the moment.
In a hurriedly convened caucus, the LPs came up with a plan to boycott the session of Congress if President Marcos declared martial law and suspended the writ of habeas corpus. They elaborated that even if they went on leave, they will continue to discharge their duties and responsibilities….
Where?
In the mountains?
Sen. Gerry Roxas, LP president, said that the LP solons will continue to fiscalize the government outside the halls of Congress and will resume attending the session only upon restoration of the normal process of civil government. They will refuse to be identified with the government the moment it declares martial law.
Read the LP manifesto:
“WE BELIEVE THAT A DECLARATION OF MARTIAL LAW OR THE SUSPENSION OF THE PRIVILEGE OF THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS IS INTENDED TO ELIMINATE ALL OPPOSITIONS; TO SUPPRESS DISSENT; FREE SPEECH, AND FREE PRESS, ALL CIVIL LIBERTIES, AND INSTALL A FASCIST DICTATORSHIP THROUGHOUT THE LAND.”
On the other hand, several delegates to the Constitutional Convention voiced their determination to continue holding pre-convention meetings and convention sessions, once opened formally, and risk life and limb in defense of the Constitutional Convention.
The most interesting comment came from churchmen. Isabelo de los Reyes, supreme bishop of the Philippine Independent Church, said that the President must have gotten the wrong advice, hence, his gross indiscretion.
He warned that the imposition of military rule would only “boomerang” on the President.
Fr. Horacio de la Costa, historian and former provincial of the Society of Jesus, said that the establishment of military rule would subvert the Constitutional Convention and only invite the very perils that the President would want to avoid—anarchy and communism.
Bishop de los Reyes suggested that the President unbend and mix with the people without displaying military force, to “show that he trusts his own people and that his own people trust him.”
The bishop was for attacking the disease and not the symptoms. He said that no democratic nation could subsist without social justice.
“Lack of social justice causes social unrest,” he argued.
“While President Marcos exalts the duties of the people towards the Republic,” he added, “young students and jeepney drivers exalt human rights and believe that social victory, permanent social victory, will come only through loyalty towards principles, justice, truth, sacrifice—and constancy in sacrifice.”
He went on:
“While the police and the army are ready to kill but not to die for a salary, our students and jeepney drivers, with a common devotion to social justice, are ready to fight and die side by side for their principles.
“This is no time for mediocrity anywhere in the government.
“Let our President show his grandeur not by words but by deeds; by showing himself a statesman who believes, speaks, and acts without anger to help the people recover from a long and somber period of economic desperation.”
Father de la Costa expressed concern over the coming Constitutional Convention. If the President, he said, opted for military rule, it could nullify all chances of the Constitutional Convention drawing up the radical but peaceful reforms that are needed and instead invite anarchy.
The Jesuit scholar, speaking before a seminar for newsmen, said that one of the immediate national objectives should be to ensure the holding of the Constitutional Convention, scheduled to open June 1 if not earlier. The imposition of martial law at this time is not necessary and will make the attainment of this objective impossible.
“The Convention must open under conditions that will permit it, in freedom, to at least initiate the radical structural changes in our government and society which will permit rapid progress towards both social justice and socioeconomic development,” he said.
Should martial law be imposed, the Convention could fall by the wayside, he warned, and another avenue for peaceful dialogue, for reaching a national consensus for reforms, would thereby be closed.
The press and other media and citizen groups should move together to impress on President Marcos the disastrous consequences of military government, the Jesuit priest added.
He forecast that if martial law came, it would polarize the people and could lead to anarchy, authoritarian rule, or even, possibly, a communist takeover. The repression implicit in martial law will effectively block the kind of national dialogue that is needed, he said.
The principal student organizations and adult citizen groups should be invited by the press, radio and TV to clarify both their thinking and their public statements and the meaning, the objectives, the advisability or the necessity of revolution, he suggested.
President Marcos’s opponent in the last elections, Sen. Sergio Osmeña Jr., warned that martial law might be “the trigger that could spark a bloody revolution.” The threat of martial law would make a bigger mess of the national economy already in a shambles. Martial law “would make more unfavorable the climate for business and capital, thereby aggravating the serious economic difficulties now confronting the country.”
Osmeña damned the brutal action taken by government troops against the demonstrating students. Granting, he said, that the explosions were caused by infiltrators, did they constitute sufficient provocation for the government troops to act as they did?
“It would have been enough for them to use tear gas to disperse the crowd,” he said. “But they went much further than that, as if their being in uniform and having guns gave them the license to kill at the slightest excuse.”
Indeed, the most intriguing feature of the Plaza Miranda incident where four were killed during the jeepney driver-student demonstration was the use of Armalites by rampaging government troops—not just to disperse but to gun down student demonstrators who were already on the run.
It was a ruthless departure from the agreed and civilized formula of employing truncheons or tear gas which proved so effective in the demonstrations middle of last year. This time, it seems, there was a deliberate plan to crush demonstrations by brutal force and terrorism—to give the demonstrators a lesson and a preview of what would happen in future demonstrations?
It was a peaceful demonstration until late in the afternoon when a pillbox was exploded somewhere in Plaza Miranda. This was followed by shots fired into the sky. At this stage, everyone was scampering out of Plaza Miranda, seeking cover. In a jiffy, national government troops, replacing the Manila policemen, invaded the plaza. In five minutes, or just before the troops armed with Armalites poured into Plaza Miranda, both the students and the on-lookers had emptied the plaza and spilled into Quezon Boulevard and the side streets. TV cameras showed that the troops were not there just to disperse the crowd but to give chase to demonstrators running for their lives away from the plaza.
A TV replay showed a soldier aiming and shooting at demonstrators who were no longer in Plaza Miranda. On the streets nearby the soldiers were engaging in mopping up operations, not to scatter a defiant crowd but, it seems, to hunt and shoot down those running away from the demonstration site. The scene was undistinguishable from a war operation in Vietnam: soldiers in single file, in crouching position, ears and eyes alert, trigger-happy fingers ready to shoot at the slightest noise or motion of the enemy.
But there is a difference. In Vietnam, government and American soldiers carry Armalites only in battle or mopping up operations. They don’t use the terrible weapon for police work—as did our troopers at Plaza Miranda.
Foreigners were shocked to see Armalite-carrying soldiers employed by the national government to break demonstrations by students who were not even armed. Why did the government abandon the civilized manner of controlling demonstrators in favor of the monstrous method? Why were truncheon-bearing soldiers conspicuously absent in that Plaza Miranda demonstration?
What is Malacañang up to?
It’s now evident that the net result of the President’s veiled threat of imposing martial law has alienated many of his political allies, if not the whole nation. None of his top lieutenants in the party has come up endorsing the presidential statement. Everyone of them thought the President made a costly tactical blunder in making such a threat, despite his cushioning conditions for suspending the writ of habeas corpus or imposing martial law. Worse, even the moderates who frown upon violent demonstrations are having second thoughts. Many of them are gravitating toward the radical group, the extremists.
The impression conveyed is that the President will resist reforms, hence the idea of martial law to defend the status quo— Marcos style. In political quarters, the martial law idea is seen as a Marcos formula for perpetuating himself in office—at all costs! All are agreed that, as things are, neither the President nor the First Lady can hope to stay in Malacañang after 1973, even if they succeeded in rigging the Constitutional Convention into drawing up a constitution permitting an expansion of his term or succession by the First Lady to his office. If they can’t stay in Malacañang beyond 1973 by popular election, then the only remedy is to place the whole country under a military dictatorship, with Marcos the dictator, being the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines.
That is, to stay in power not by ballot but by bullet.
If the President entertained such a notion, he would be smart to drop it. Military rule would need the support of some segment of the population to maintain itself. As things stand now, almost everyone is against the idea of martial law. You can’t just defy the whole nation and survive. The armed forces would carry out orders to fight certain segments of the population but not the whole population. When ordered to terrorize the nation and repress the rights of all on flimsy grounds, the armed forces would surely think twice before obeying such orders. It is doubtful that the majority of the military brass warms up to the idea of martial law.
The loyalty of the military men to the President is still to be tested. The defection of a Philippine Military Academy instructor, Lieutenant Corpus, should give an inkling of the shaky hold of the Establishment on the military brass. It’s significant that after Lieutenant Corpus defected, the President felt compelled to order a loyalty check in the armed forces, including a cloak-and-dagger once-over of the headquarters of the Chief of the Philippine Constabulary.
A government by martial law must be premised on indubitable loyalty of the military to the ruler decreeing the martial law and substantial popular support. Hitler and Mussolini had such loyalty and support. And the fact is, the President himself is not quite sure of the loyalty of the armed forces when the chips are down—and certainly not the support of the people.
Ferdinand E. Marcos: An Appreciation
By Gregorio C. Brillantes
Don’t lose heart, folks—as The Man said, this nation can be great again!
August 29, 1970—CERTAIN Liberals and Nacionalistas with presidential ambitions, and scores of other Filipinos, including many who once idolized him, will likely dispute it; but in our time, in our country, Ferdinand E. Marcos remains destiny’s favorite son.
The trials he has had to endure, the fearsome obstacles he has encountered and overcome—tests of manhood which would have reduced lesser mortals to quivering blobs of jelly—have only added, it would seem, to the zest with which he has pursued, as the song puts it, his glorious quest. Charged with murder in his law student days, he defended himself with such flourish and skill as to win acquittal from the High Tribunal and went on from there to pass the bar exams with highest honors—a twin feat probably without parallel anywhere in the world. (It has been the sad fate of other men as great and as brilliant to meet an early end, behind bars, on the gallows or before a firing squad, their full potential unrealized, the noble promise of their lives unfulfilled, mankind thus rendered so much the poorer.) From his daredevil exploits in the last war, he merged with a chestful of Fil-American medals, the most decorated soldier of his country. The pride of his generation, he has since continued to win, with undiminished energy, the honors and prizes that the nation sees fit to offer only to the brave and the true, not the least of these rewards being the love of a fabulous lady. As everyone knows only too well, he became the first president of the Republic to be reelected, an awesome triumph which, true to form, he achieved with an unprecedented majority of two million votes over his LP rival, who, by the way, still thinks he wuz robbed.
That was but less than a year ago. Forward with Marcos and Lopez—the unbeatable Performance Team! Remember the tumult and the shouting, the sense of a vast master plan carried out without a hitch, of irresistible destiny fulfilling itself? Remember J.V. Cruz on TV working suavely for his ambassadorship, explaining what “extrapolation” was all about, and Serging Osmeña hoarse and tired in defeat, and then the morning after, the outcries about goons and massive fraud and vote-buying all the rest of that exciting week? Barely 10 months have passed—yet it seems like ages ago. Was it only last November that the Second Mandate dawned upon an expectant land? So much has happened since then that it feels as though not months but years separate us now from President Marcos’s day of victory. Propelled as it were by a combustible concentration of changes and events, the nation has moved forward, as President Marcos himself loved to predict, although he could not have guessed the precise direction—and such has been the distance we as a people have covered that Eelction Day 1969 seems much more remote in time than it really is.
The President, of course, is not one to stand still or lag behind while history is in the making; and since the auspicious first month of Marcos II marked by unusually festive fireworks in the vicinity of Malacañang, he has been striding with the usual confidence and vigor toward more achievements, more honors and distinctions. The gods who watch over the Filipino race must have reserved their fondest benediction for the likes of him, for it seems there is nothing that he wills or does, nothing that he encourages or allows to happen which does not exalt him, does not distinguish him from the common run of men. His is a light that was never meant to be hidden under a bushel of mediocrity; his life indeed is the stuff of legend, and he can no more evade fame and distinction than he can renounce his sworn duty to his people, which is to serve them and make the country, if not “great again,” at least not hostile to the idea of greatness. (He did say, after all: “This nation can”—not shall—“be great again.”)
Thus to the scroll citing President Marcos’s many achievements has been added some more honors earned in the six or seven months following the riotous celebrations of January. He has, for instance, in less than a year of the Second Mandate, merited the distinction of having the deepest and widest credibility gap ever to yawn at the feet of a Philippine president. (“If Marcos were to run today, Racuyal would beat him!” swears our barber from Pampanga.) Amazingly, for all the disgust and skepticism he has spawned, he has at the same time aroused the increasingly passionate attention of the populace, including even those citizens who normally pay no heed to politicians. (“What is Marcos up to? What will he do next?” wonder radicals and moderates, natives and aliens, labor and management , laymen and clergy.) Above all, his is the distinction of being held solely accountable, by more and more of the people, for the multitude of troubles that have of late descended upon the country.
Never before in our history have so many blamed so much on one man.
But so-called public opinion, the same history would testify, has not always been as enlightened as it should be; it has committed many gross and costly errors, and the living proofs of these blunders may be found today delivering privileged speeches in Congress. The voice of the people, in this country anyway, is seldom, alas, the voice of God; in the instances it has reflected divine wisdom, goons in the hire of the devil have been quick to silence it at the polls. Popular tastes and convictions are more often than not suspect, especially in so confused and clamorous an activity as politics, Philippine style. Public sentiment is rarely infallible, and as it applies now to the much-maligned President, it is wide off the mark, quite petty, misinformed, ungrateful, unjust, disproportionate, lacking in perspective. The accusation, spoken harshly where detractors of the President gather in rebellious force, as in Plaza Miranda or along Mendiola—the charge that he is a fascist, a fake patriot, a power-crazed, money-obsessed operator with the mentality of a small-town politico, is surely anything but a sane and reasonable conclusion. It is the emotional judgment of a people who believe, mistakenly, that they have been robbed of their faith and hopes in a man of destiny.
The course, the direction of Ferdinand E. Marcos’s destiny belies the indictment of public opinion, his motives and ideals repudiate it, his actions disprove it. True, his greatness has dimmed somewhat, as if the general dissatisfaction with his regime had formed a smog that the radiance could scarcely penetrate—but the greatness is still there, in the man, for those who seek it, a guiding light for all seasons. Even the elect of God, we are told, don’t arrive at divine knowledge without undergoing what mystics call the dark night of the soul; they must fast and pray for illumination. The perception of certain forms of greatness a notch or two below the Almighty’s likewise calls for some effort, but the strain would be well worth it in terms of inspiration, splendor of vision and peace of soul. It goes without saying that such irreverent cynics as columnists Maximo V. Soliven and Amando Doronila—O ye of little faith!—are denied the spiritual rewards bestowed on the pure and humble of heart, like Teodoro Valencia or Emil Jurado, who are reportedly in constant communion with the power and the glory.
Let us then follow the example of the truly wise and contemplate, without partisan rancor, dispassionately but with all the powers of intellect and will, as Jesuit retreat masters are wont to remind us, the issues that the people’s parliament has raised against President Marcos.
The President and his party, it is charged, spent P168 million in so-called barrio improvement funds and untold millions more in God knows what funds to “buy” his reelection, in the process of which he debauched the currency and brought down upon all our anxious heads a host of evils—ever-soaring prices, shrinking incomes, strikes, mass layoffs, business and industry in a state of suspended animation. Because of the economic dislocation—compound fractures is more like it, according to the President’s more cantankerous critics—there is now an upsurge of graft and corruption, violence and gangsterism as the low- or no-income sectors of the population strive to cope criminally with the rising cost of living.
The President, it is further charged, is a champion of imperialism, feudalism and fascism. He has demonstrated nothing less than canine devotion to the imperialist cause in Asia, as witness the infamous Philcag deal with what Senator Aquino brands the “Americanization” of his regime. He has conspired with the rapacious landlord class to perpetuate feudalism, depriving the land reform program of needed funds, so his accusers say. He is a veritable Hitler who relishes the use of force to smash dissent in the streets and resistance to fascism in Central Luzon, charge student militants. At the same time, he has proved to be the tuta of a tuta with his administration’s brutal deportation of the Yuyitung brothers to Taiwan.
The President, insist his persecutors, supports political warlordism—just think, they tell us, what a strong and moral president would have done after somebody’s goons burned and shot up that barrio in Bantay! He has not acted to stop rampant deforestation, his critics claim, and at the rate our forests are being destroyed—three hectares a minute—this nation before long will be a desert, a wasteland! And how many of the promises he made way back in 1965 has he fulfilled? (“Bring down high prices. . .Rule of law. . . Economy in the government. . .Nationalistic policy. . .Heroic leadership,” etc.) More savage questions are flung at us: Isn’t he already the richest man in Asia, but still insatiable, wanting more loot, at least half of PLDT, shares in Benguet, a TV station, choice real estate in various parts of the country? When will he renounce his worldly possessions, as he promised, and set up that foundation? Isn’t he just biding his time to impose martial law and install himself as the Great Dictator? Isn’t he plotting to rig the Constitutional Convention so he could run for a third term or become president for life? And so forth, and so on, a litany of outrage and apprehension.
Is President Marcos as detestable as these unkind critics, uncharitable detractors and irresponsible radicals have painted him out to be?
Could a man so favored by destiny and embodying a special greatness be such an abomination to his people?
One recoils from such malevolent thoughts. No! Of course not! Impossible!
It is time we put those wild-eyed and long-haired accusers of the President where they belong—in a padded cell and under sedation—and restored calmness and objectivity to the so-called public opinion of our disjointed times. This must be done in justice to the President, who has suffered enough in his mission to lead his people to peace and prosperity. The President is a man of heroic qualities, as we have seen; but he remains a man, vulnerable to the ailments that flesh is heir to. We gather from Luis Beltran of the Evening News that the President suffers on occasion from a curious disease which “makes tears fall from his eyes, renders him deaf and makes his throat hurt.” We could help ease the President’s aches and pains, help lighten his grievous burdens by reassuring him of our loyalty and our faith.
Assuming, for the moment, that the malicious charges leveled against the President are true, men of good will and unflinching faith in the Marcos destiny—and this unfortunate country is not bereft of them—would still perceive that whatever harm might have been done is far outweighed, rendered insignificant, by the national blessings resulting from these presidential “crimes” rashly condemned by a disenchanted, short-sighted people. It is all a matter of point of view, of angle and depth (or shallowness) of vision: what is so outrageous from a certain vantage point is revealed, from another, as good and desirable in its true nature. Filipinos who now view President Marcos as a sort of calamity—not a few even blamed him for those earthquakes—should change the slant of their perspective, regard the object of their ire from a different plane.
Then will they understand what they in anger or prejudice or despair have failed to comprehend: that the President, even in committing what appear to be crimes against the people, or refusing to act for their benefit, has had only the people’s welfare at heart. He knows that without the people, he would not be where he is today: at the seat of supreme power, his heart’s desire, his destiny. It is simply inconceivable that a man of such charisma, sensitivity and intelligence should willfully deliver them to disaster; their doom would be his own as well, for is he not one with them? Did he not fight and bleed for them in the crucible that was Bataan? And despite the expense and the hazards, didn’t he become congressman, senator and finally president the better to serve them?
No Filipino loves his country more than President Marcos—a truth that will reveal itself after the prescribed shift in viewpoint.
Consider anew the spending orgy during the last elections—was it not actually a laudable attempt to redistribute wealth and bridge the gap between the rich and the poor? As Senator Lagumbay, statesman and artist and one of the more perceptive of our solons, said recently concerning budgetary deficits caused by wanton election spending: “The father of children who are sick will not hesitate to go into debt to give them the medicines they need.” The fiscal and economic consequences of the President’s compassion for the electorate are not without their positive aspects—for has the price spiral not encouraged the people to give up vain material things and prodded them to practice austerity which, everyone will agree, is good for the soul and cuts down on cholesterol? “Do not lay up for yourselves treasures on earth, where rust and moth consume…” As for the President’s alleged servility to imperialist America—is it not merely expressive of Filipino gratitude for American tutelage in the arts of democracy? And is not the “Americanization” of his administration the next best thing to the statehood that many Filipinos still dream of? And regarding the Yuyitung case, for which certain benighted sectors of the press would consign the President to the innermost circle of hell, didn’t the magnificent show of collaboration between Taipei and Malacañang further strengthen the ties that bind two “Free World” nations committed to the defense of freedom and democracy?
The President has a soft spot in his heart for the students, especially the nationalistic activists, and he has taken pains to provide them with issues to rouse them up and keep them from physical, mental and ideological stagnation. Suppose the President never bothered to give them cause for pickets and demonstrations—they would all be smoking pot and watching smut movies instead, languid preoccupations that would not predispose them to any politicalization. The rise of youth radicalism, which promises to restructure and revitalize our ailing society, the nation owes to President Marcos.
With regard to the Bantay case, the simple-minded had expected the President to do something dramatic, like helicoptering down on the burned barrio of Ora and poking among the ruins; but he wisely chose to maintain a statesmanlike distance from the protagonists, lest his presence be misconstrued as lending aid and comfort to one party or the other. It is true that he was photographed in a conspiratorial huddle with his Ilocano friend, Congressman Floring Crisologo, but that was nothing but a pose arranged by a weekly magazine for a promotional gimmick. If he has shown little enthusiasm for land reform, as he has been repeatedly charged, that could be due to his determination to spare long-suffering farm tenants the troublesome capitalistic burdens of ownership. As for the Philippines turning into a desert because of his alleged reluctance to stop illegal logging, has it not occurred to his simple-minded critics that rock and sand exports may yet resolve our balance of payments difficulties, and that as the Sahara of Asia, we shall probably strike oil and banish poverty for good from our underdeveloped shores?
True, he said he would renounce his worldly possessions and establish a foundation, but he didn’t say when; great men have their own timetables, and will not be rushed by vile insinuations. Possibly the President has decided to postpone his philanthropic endeavors to a future term in office, a prospect that alarms his detractors, who have been issuing dire warnings that he will pack the Constitutional Convention with his men. But why should anyone be alarmed by his desire to be president longer than eight years or perhaps for life? Isn’t it all of a pattern, the extension of the glorious quest, the irresistible command of that destiny which has brought us so many blessings?
If he wants to go on serving his people for as long as he can climb the grand stairway in Malacang unassisted, the least a grateful nation can do is let him. Ten or twenty years more of nation-building may sap his strength and make climbing that starway an ordeal, but neither age nor infirmity should deter him from his noble mission; Salazar of Portugal, one recalls, presided admirably over the affairs of his country from a wheelchair, if not a sickbed, for the better part of his reign.
“Politics galvanizes into action all the beautiful hopes that a man can nurture in his heart for his country and for his nation. Politics is my life,” Hartzell Spence quotes Ferdinand E. Marcos in his biography of the President, For Every Tear a Victory, a book we keep on a special shelf of inspirational reading, along with the works of Norman Vincent Peale and S. J. Perelman (not a Jesuit).
No President has done more for his people. Never have a people owed so much to their President.
Tadhana, fate, has decreed it: Ferdinand E. Marcos, the sixth president of the Republic, will long be remembered for what he has done, and for what he will yet do.
November 29, 1969
How Lopez Won
by Edward R. Kiunisala
A YEAR AGO, he was probably the most underrated among the administration’s high elective officials. Not a few considered him a political jalopy, if not electoral junk. ready to be mothballed or fit only to be jettisoned. Some well-meaningPalace advisers thought that he was too old, too weak and colorless for the rough-and-tumble, no-holds-barred political game.
Earlier, rumors had it tha President Marcos was casting about for a younger and charismatic running mate. There was Rafael Salas, the new darling of Western Visayas, and Senator Emmanuel Pelaez, the political charmer from Minadanao. Either of the two, it was argued, would make a good Vice-President and would bolster the administration’s chances for another mandate.
It seemed then that Fernando Lopez’s political stock was at its lowest ebb. A possible reason was his lackluster performance in the 1965 elections when he beat his opponent, Gerardo Roxas, by an uncomfortably slim margin of only 26,500 votes. Added to this was his celebrated friction with the President on forestry matters, which almost led to an open break.
One thing about Lopez — he is no yes man. He may not have the eloquence of a Jovito Salonga, but he has the temper of a Manuel L. Quezon and the single-mindedness of an Elpidio Quirino. When he believe he is right, he will defy anyone except, perhaps, God and his brother, Eugenio. But there’s nothing personal about Lopez’s defiance. Prove him wrong and your alternative right — and he will cooperate with you to the limit.
It is this particular trait that made Lopez vulnerable to intra-party intrigues. And the intrigues almost succeeded in splitting the Marcos-Lopez partnership. What saved it was Marcos’s sense of fairness and Lopez’s political bahala na attitude. He knew he had served the people well. Not a taint of scandal marred his name. Even his bitterest critics believed in his honesty and integrity in public service.
Long before the party convention in June, Lopez was ready to give up politics if that was will of the party. After all, unlike most politicians, public office, to him, meant a life of dedication and sacrifice. Few high elective officials in the country today can honestly say that they are, like Lopez, in politics to serve. Rare is the politician who, like Lopez, has remained a gentleman.
But if Lopez was ready to hang up his political gloves, his close friends were dead set against it. When the chips were down, they including President Marcos, rallied behind him, and the Nacionalista Party finally chose him as the vice-presidential standard-bearer. But despite the party’s unanimous choice, only a handful gave Lopez a chinaman’s chance against his youthful opponent, Genaro Magsaysay, an indefatigable campaigner and reportedly the idol of the masses. For one, Magsaysay was many things that Lopez was not – he was much younger, he was a better speaker, more energetic and charismatic than Lopez. He was full of political tricks and had in fact been campaigning for years. He had been to practically every barrio in the country. He certainly had more exposure than Lopez and, what’s more, he had the 600,000 Iglesia votes in his pocket.
In the matter of logistics, it was a tossup between the two, though many believed Lopez had the edge. Some, however, swore Magsaysay could match Lopez’s campaign fund peso for peso. During the LP convention, Magsaysay surprised everyone with his ready cash. His delegates were billeted in first-class hotels. In fact, it was bruited around that he was financially ready for a presidential contest.
But Lopez had what Magsaysay didn’t have — an efficient machine, performance, sincerity and good taste. While “Carry On” Gene overacted, Toto Nanading simply acted himself. Soon, the electorate saw through Gene’s overacting and recognized him for what he was. The Magsaysay cult lost much of its appeal and the Iglesia Ni Cristo was shown to be less potent politically than it was billed to be.
As of the last OQC count, with only about 500 precints left unreported, Magsaysay was trailing behind Lopez by almost 2,000,000 votes. If the Iglesia had not helped Magsaysay, Magsaysay would have been worse off. But what is more significant is that even if the Iglesia votes for Magsaysay were doubled, Lopez would still emerge the decisive winner.
Lopez’s victory over Magsaysay has blasted the myth of Iglesia political power. Bishop Eraño Manalo may still receive the homage of political jellyfish, but no longer will he be taken seriously by responsible politicians. What Joseph Estrada started in the local elections of San Juan, Rizal, Manalo’s own homegrounds, Lopez completed in the last national elections.
We sought out Lopez again last week for an interview. He was relaxed, smiling and, as usual, garrulous. He had just been to church and a group of well-wishers had gathered to congratulate him. It was the same Lopez we had seen three weeks before the elections. He had not chnaged. One had expected his well-earned victory to cause him to puff up a bit.
“Well, I made it,” he said rather shyly.
“What made you in, Mr. Vice-President?”
“I believe my performance. Yes, it is my performance, I think so. Gene’s public record is practically zero. And I repeat, he has no personal friends worked for me even without my knowledge. Frienship is an investment, yes. It pays dividends.”
“But Mr. Vice- President, Gene has a powerful personal friends – Bishop Manalo….”
Lopez perked up. We had never heard him so eloquent and grammatical before. On the subject of Iglesia Ni Cristo, he was the expert, the master coversationalist. he has debunked Iglesia political power, he said, adding that he did so with the help of responsible voters. The recent elections meant two things to him: first, the Iglesia political balloon was deflated and second, dedicated public service is still highly valued by the people.
The best politics, according to the Vice-President, is still good public service. A politician who wants sincerely to serve the people does not have to kowtow to any vested political group to win. All he has to do to get reelected is to discharge his duties as best he can. In the past, candidates for national office paid homage to the Iglesia to win. He has proved, he said, that the so-called solid Iglesia vote cannot frustrate the will of the intelligent electorate.
Added Lopez:
“Do you know that the Iglesia had been abusing? It wanted to have so many public postions for its members – it even wanted to dictate as to who should occupy this or that cabinet position. Not only that. It even wanted to have say on what kind of laws we are going to have. Sobra naman sila. i would rather lose than surrender to them. Ti, abi, I still won.”
But Lopez admitted that he won because of President Marcos. The President, he said, carried him in Northern Luzon and in many other areas of the country. Marcos really worked hard for him, said Lopez, and he, too, spared no effort to get the President reelected. It was a team effort — there was no double-crossing, no junking.
“You saw how I campaigned in Western Visayas. You were with me. You can testify. I campaigned mainly for the President. An that was what the President did in Ilocos. He campaigned hard for me. The votes he got in Ilocos, I got, too. In the Western Visayas, he did not get the votes I got — because, you know, for one thing, Serging’s wife is from there. But another thing. They are really matigas ang ulo. They didn’t even vote for Jose Yulo against Macapagal.
“That’s why you see, i promised not to take my oath of office if I won in Western Visayas and the President lost there. Now, I can still take my oath of office. The President won in Western Visayas. Of course, I have helped the President also. But I am not ashamed to say that he has helped me more. I do not know how I can thank the President for it.”
The Vice-President reserved his “most hearfelt gratitude” to the First Lady. “I owe a lot to her — ay, she really campaigned for me. She won a lot of votes for me. I do not know how to repay her. You know that it was the First Lady who told me to work hard because I was behind. She showed us the survey and she told us that i was not doing so well. If she did not want me to win, she would have remained silent.”
Indeed, early last July, Lopez was running a poor second to Magsaysay, though Marcos was already ahead of Osmeña, according to an administration survey. Informed of it, Mrs. Marcos called Lopez’s key leaders to Malacanang. Alfredo Montelibano, Eugenio Lopez, Jr., Undersecretary Raul Inocentes and a communications expert met with the First Lady in the music room. The First Lady gave Montelibano and Company the lowdown on the Vice-President’s chances.
It was a lonf talk – the First Lady wanted Lopez to put up his own political machinery. Though Lopez was nagging behind, the large number of uncommitted votes could turn the tide in Lopez’s favor. The First Lady wanted a Marcos-Lopez victory, not just a Marcos triumph. Mrs. Marcos pointed out to the Montelibano group where Lopez was weak and what should be done to boost the Vice-President’s campaign.
The Montelibano group immediately got in touch with the Vice-President. If Lopez was discouraged, he did not show it. After all, he had had 24 years of political experience. He was no political tyro. If another campaign organization was needed, it would be put up. At the time, the Vice-President’s brother, Eugenio, was in his U.S. residence in Seacliff, San Francisco. The Vice-President rang up his brother by overseas phone.
Eugenio Lopez, Sr., apparently gave the green light for the setting up of a campaign machine for the Veep. For in less than 30 minutes, the political mobilazation of the Lopez business empire was under way. In an hour, top communications experts, political analysts, researchers, idea men, statisticians, had been tapped for the Lopez machine.
Alfredo Montelibano, Sr., became top strategic aviser. All policies had to be cleared with him. Eugenio Lopez, Jr., was in charge of logistics. Ike Inocentes served as liaison between the Vice-President and the new political machine manned by top communications experts. Antonio Bareiro handled radio-TV while Ernesto Granada supervised the print medium.
The first thing the Lopez organization did was conduct a survey. The results showed that Lopez, although more popular than his opponenet in urban centers, was weak in many rural areas. In the overall, however, the survey showed Lopez leading Magsaysay by about 3%. However, it was noted that the uncommitted votes – 17% of the voting population – were mostly in the rural areas.
So the Lopez machine concentrated on the rural areas. The communications media came out with a lot of materials depicting Lopez as the friend of the farmer, the worker and the common man. His leaflets carried the picture of the vice-President holding up rice stalks. The Lopez machine worked to buikd up the Vice-President’s image as Marcos’s top performance man in rice production.
Meanwhile, radio and television commentators all over the country were supplied with Magsaysay’ record as a public servant. The idea was to debunk Magsaysay’s claim that he was the idol of the masses and to portray him as a demagogue with no solid achivements to his name. On the other hand, the communications experts in the Lopez’s performance as an executive and a legislator.
It was at this time that political candidates went out of their way to win the Iglesia support. Some pragmatic Lopez advisers suggested the Veep take a crack at the Iglesia votes. And he got mad, spewing yawa and sonamagun. He would not pay homage to Manalo merely to win the Iglesia support. If the sect voted for him, they were welcome, but he wouldn’t go out of his way to woo the INC.
Manalo reportedly got wind of Lopez’s reactions and he decided to teach Lopez a lesson or two in practical politics. The INC boss directed his followers to go all out for Magsaysay. Some NP congressional bets were told to junk Lopez in exchange for Iglesia suppor. Others were even asked to surrender their sample ballots, it was reported, to the Iglesia so that Lopez’s name could be replaced with Magsaysay’s.
Ateneo priests and Catholic lay leaders who heards of the Iglesia political ploy to down Lopez were scandalized and angered. They decided to band together behind Lopez. They put up two headquarters silently worked behind the scenes. They got in touch with no fewer than 30,000 Catholic leaders all over the country and pleaded with them to vote for the Marcos-Lopez team.
Other religious setc, too, didn’t like the way Manalo was wielding political power – and they, too, got into the act. Two Aglipayan bishops and one Protestant sect came out openly for Lopez. It was a silent religious-political war. The Îglesia versus the Catholics and other religious sects. In a sense, Manalo’s support of Magsaysay proved to be a kiss of death – it served to unite other religious elelments against him.
Early in October, the Lopez machine made another survey – and the result was encouraging. lopez was leading by about 400,000 votes over Magsaysay. When informed about it, Lopez could hardly believe it. But instead of being complacent, Lopez worked even harder. Working closely with the NP machine, the Lopez machine proved effective. A few of its key people were able to infiltrate the opposite camp and discover Magsaysay’s political sttrategems, some of which were below the belt.
Lopez’s technopols wanted the Veep to pay back Magsaysay in kind, but Lopez put his foot down. He did not believe that Gene would resort to foul trickery. Perhaps Gene strategists, but not Gene, said Lopez. Even when news broke that Gene allegedly tried to finance a student organization to demonstrate against the Lopez interests, the Veep still gave Gene the benefit of the doubt.
Meanwhile, the entire Lopez clan fanned out to rural areas to help Toto Nanding. Mrs. Mariquit Lopez, fondly called Inday Mariquit by her friends, campaigned with the Blue Ladies. Even Mrs. Eugenio Lopez, Sr., went to the hustings to plug for her brother-in-law. Mrs. Eugenio Lopez, Jr., too, joined Mrs. Marcos’s Blue Ladies.
All the Veep’s children, except who is abroad, campaigned for their father, Albertito usually went along with his father in Luzon. Mila also accompanied her father throughout Western Visayas. Fernando, Jr., and Bobby helped entertain political leaders in the Veep’s Iloilo mansion.
Even the sons of the Mr. Eugenio Lopez, Sr., joined their uncle’s campaign trail. Eugenio Jr., took charge of finances while Manolo and Oscar put up the Friends of Lopez Kami (FOLK) organization. Manolo, too, organized his own version of Blue Ladies and Blue Boys, with the latter composed mainly of junior executives in their 20’s.
Meanwhile, the Lopez machine suceeded in putting up an organization which reached down to the town level and, in sesitive areas, down to the precint level. All these served as nerve cells of the vast Lopez political machine. Information was sent to the Lopez coordinating center in Quezon City where it was compiled, analyzed and acted upon. A group of creative writers made up the Lopez Machine Think Tank.
Lopez expressly directed his technopols to stress the performance theme. Not once was it ever a Lopez machine for Lopez alone. It was a Marcos-Lopez team campaign all the way, though the bulk of the campaign was directed at the areas where Lopez was supposedly weak. In Cebu and Iloilo, Osmeña-Lopez groups for some mushroomed. But Lopez ordered his men to plead with these groups to disband. It was found that these groups were LPs who could not stomach Magsaysay.
In Iloilo, one NP congressional bet reportedly campaigned lukewarmly for Marcos and the congressional candidate got a tongue-lashing from the Veep in front of the many people. In Sulu, despite the advice of some Muslim leaders not to campaign for Marcos, Lopez batted for Marcos all the way. At one time, he even asked the Muslims not to vote for him if they would not vote for Marcos, too.
By the first week of November, another survey showed that Lopez was ahead by about 700,000 votes. he couldn’t believe it. He had thought he would win over Magsaysay by only about 200,000 0r 300,000 votes. But he assumed that even if the survey had mistakenly counted 500,000 votes in his favor, he would still win th balloting by a comfortable margin.
But when the votes were counted, Lopez was the most surprised of them all in many precints, even in so-called Magsaysay stronghlds, Lopez got twice more votes than Magsaysay did. Lopez bested Magsaysay even in rural areas. In about 67 provinces, Lopez lost only in Zambales and Pampanga Greater Manila went all out for Lopez. Despite the Iglesia’s support of Marcos, Lopez got almost as many voted as the President..
Lopez was in Manila Tuesday night. He slept all night in his Forbes Park residence. Early Wednesday morning, he received reports that the NP won in the Western Visayas. After a dip in the pool and a mass in the San Antonio Church, Lopez motored to Malacañang. The President was asleep and Lopez exchanged pleasantries with other top NP leaders in the Palace.
When Mrs. Marcos emerged, the Veep kissed her hand and gave her a big buss. He owed much of his recent political success to Mrs. Marcos, he openly said. He would have been happy if he had won even by only 200,000, but a margin of 2,000,000 votes was beyond his wildest dreams. He promised to work harder to merit the people’s trust.
From Malacañang, Lopez went to his office in the Bureau of Lands Building. There, he received congratulatory messages from his friends and symphatizers. When the Lopez victory trend reached irreversible proportions, Lopez thanked all his supporters for their labor. He hastened to add, however, that he had not solicited any political financiers and was, therefore, not beholden to anyone but the electorate for his political victory.
His political fund, he said, came only from his brother and relatives. As Vice-President, he continued, he had granted many favors to many businessmen, industrialists and millionaire-agriculturists. But he did not ask any favor from any of them. This was because he did not want compromise national interests with the private interests of the political financiers.
In an interview, Lopez left to President Marcos what role the Veep should play in the next four years. But if he were to have his way, he would prefer to remain the concurrent Secretary of Agriculture and Natural Resources. “I know this job very well. I don’t have to study anymore. Besides, there are still many things that I have to do here.”
Lopez obsession now is to achieve self-sufficiency in meat and fish and to conserve the antional forests. His plan is to seed the country’s lakes and rivers with bangus and carps. He also wants to increase animal breeding stations throughout the country. The Veep believes that massive reforestations is necessary, if Philippine civilization is to be preserved.
The Vice-President started his public life when then President Sergio Osmeña, Sr., appointed him mayor of Iloilo. At that time, Iloilo City was no-man’s land. Criminality was rampant; nobody was safe after six in the evening. He accepted Osmeña’s challenge to clean Iloilo on condition that he be free to resign after three months. But public service got into his blood and three months became a lifetime.
Lopez’s honesty is almost legendary. While manager of his family’s bus company, he caught the conductress cheating by five centavos. Lopez sued the girl who was sentenced to 25 days in jail. But while the girl was in jail, Lopez supported her family and got her another job after she had served her sentence. in later years, this was to be the Veep’s code of conduct.
His employees still remembered how Lopez, some years ago, fulminated at one of his political supporters who asked him to help him with his customs duties. A call to the customs disclosed that this man was one of those blacklisted by customs. Lopez shouted at him, saying: “What? You want me to help you cheat the government? “You, sonamagan, I don’t want to see you anymore.”
And when the son of another political supporter asked the Veep to get him a job in the onternal revenue bureau even without pay, Lopez reddened: “Why you want to work without pay? Because you will steal? You want me to help you so you can steal? Get out! Get out!”
Lopez is an apolitical politician. he both loves and hates politics. His father, he said, a former Iloilo governor, was assassinated. To Lopez, politics summed up all that he disliked in htis world: dishonesty, double-dealing, and back-stabbing. Paradoxically, it was the only way by which he could help so many people he has helped while a politician has sustained his political career.
The Vice-President is married to the former Mariquit Javellana by whom he has six children, Yolanda Benito, Fernando Jr., Albert, Milagros and Manuel. In addition, they have 12 proteges, now all married, whom they have informally adopted as children. Every Friday, in the Lopez mansion in LaPaz, Iloilo, is a day for the poor to whom the Lopezes distribute cash and goods.
Mr. and Mrs. Fernando Lopez are devout Catholics. Wherever Lopez goes, his first stop is the church. He makes the sign of the cross every time he goes out of the car, helicopter or plane. Both Mr. and Mrs. Lopez are music lovers; she loves to play the piano and the Hammand organ; he loves to listen to Mendelssohn or Chopin.
Many have asked him where he will go from here. Will he run for presidency? To this, he displays shock. “Please, please, don’t ask me that. Thatis farthest from my mind now. All I want to do is work to be worthy of the people’s trust. you know, I am already old.”
But when reminded of his campaign slogan, “Matigas pa ito —ang tuhod ko,” Lopez would break into loud, unrestrained, plebeian laughter that endears him to his supporters. Just the same, he entertains no questions about his political future. This is no time to talk politics, he insists.
But whether Lopez likes it or not, he has to think about his political future. by national mandate, he is now, for the third time, only a heartbeat away from the presidency. His decisive political victory in the last elections has catapulted him to the forefront of his party’s presidential possiblitis. Next to Marcos, he is the people’s choice. If he doubted that in the 1965 elections, he doesn’t doubt it now.
Besides, Lopez cannot be running for Vice-President all the time. If he chooses to continue serving the people after his third term as the No. 2 public official, he deserves, by equity of the electorate, a promotion. Who knows, with the help of God and his brother, Eugenio, the three-time Veep, once an underrated administration high official, may pull another surprise and run away with the highest position a people whom he has served long and well can give him.
Winding It up
by Quijano de Manila
The Second Time Around Is Marked by An Intensive Use of the Helicopter (To Overcome The Limitation On The Campaign Period), The Computer (To Get The Proportions Right Between Effort And Geography), The Public-Opinion Survey (To Check On Mileage) And A Controlled Budget, Meaning, Says President Marcos, “Limited Funds.”
November 1, 1969–The Helicopter has become today’s campaign symbol, as the jeep was in the ’50s, the railroad before the war. It is an apt symbol. When the man-made cyclonew appears in the air, turning and turning in a narrowing gyre, things fall apart, mere anarchy is loosed, the ceremony of innocence drowns in a tide of dust, and the blinded crowd leaning to the whirlwind gropes in sudden darkness to greet the good who lack conviction or the bad who reek of passionate intensity.
It’s pentecostal scene. First that crowd gathered round an open space, hot and bored from waiting. Then a faint whirr in the sky. Heads lift eyes squint exclamations become a roar, children jump up and down pointing to the tiny gleaming spiral in the air, to the swelling windmill, to the violent cross abruptly, deafeningly, overhead, blotting out the light. And suddenly a mighty wind plunges into earth and explodes into whirled fog, a typhoon of dust. The crowd falls apart, screaming. People stagger, crouch, press hands to eyes; but even those who have run to cower behind wall or tree cannot escape the hot blast of wind or the clattering fallout of soil. All at once the pall of dust lifts, the wind sinks, and people gray with dust from head to foot straighten up and slap at their clothes, looking foolish..
Meanwhile, the arrived candidate, himself immaculate, descends on his ravaged welcomers, is garlanded, poses for pictures with the local satraps, is escorted to the transportation. The crowd surges after him. Sweat has turned the gray of dust they wear into trickles of mud on face and neck.
Left behind on the field is the helicopter, now looking too small and innocent to be capable of the tornado it stirred, that moment of unloosed anarchy, dark and dangerous as a election campaign, disrupting the ground and leaving on the body of the people a film of filth. Centuries of stony sleep now vexed to nightmare every two years.
“The Helicopter,” says President Marcos, “has completely revolutionized campaigning. When I first ran for President I went around the country twice – and each round took me one whole year. In this year’s campaign I will have gone around the country three times in one year and it has been less tiring, less fatiguing, than in 1964-65.”
Air travel in earlier campaigns had been limited to places with airports. “And our airport system was very, very deficient.” But now you can enplane to an airport and from there fan out by helicopter to areas inaccessible by plane. “You can get into towns within range in 20 or 30 minutes, places that perhaps would take hours to reach by car, like Isabela, the Mountain Province, Cotabato. The helicopter ranges anywhere in 210 or 30 minutes. You cut travel time by almost two-thirds…”
Enabling the President to complete three national round trips in this campaign.
“I am on my third round. And the First Lady is also on her third round. She has a separate schedule.”
From mid-October, when the wind-up phase of the campaign began, the President could afford to take it easy. He stayed oftener at home base (which was no relief, because the Palace was always crowded with callers) and stumped closer to home. He made his first borough appearance i
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",
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List of Presidents of the Philippines 1.Emilio Aguinaldo (Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy) - Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy (March 22, 1869 – February 6, 1964) was a Filipino general, politician, and independence leader. He played an instrumental role during the Philippines' victorious revolution against Spain, and the subsequent Philippine-American War that resisted American occupation. Aguinaldo became…
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/9e48fe509a4105e35fc61d6a987e3e9c84ab3585c1d14faceefe0491958686fa?s=32
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GOVERNMENT Of The PHILIPPINES
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https://vhinzsdc.wordpress.com/presidents-of-the-philippines/
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List of Presidents of the Philippines
1.Emilio Aguinaldo (Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy) –
Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy (March 22, 1869 – February 6, 1964) was a Filipino general, politician, and independence leader. He played an instrumental role during the Philippines’ victorious revolution against Spain, and the subsequent Philippine-American War that resisted American occupation. Aguinaldo became the Philippines’ first President. He was also the youngest (at age 29) to have become the country’s president, and the longest-lived (having survived to age 94). His marriage was in 1896 with Hilaria Del Rosario (1877–1921). They had five children (Miguel, Carmen, Emilio Jr., María and Cristina) Hilaria Aguinaldo died because of leprosy. His second wife was María Agoncillo (1882–1963).
After the outbreak of Spanish American War. Aguinaldo returned to the Philippines from Hong Kong, arriving on May 19, 1898.
On 24 May, Aguinaldo issued a proclamation in which he assumed command of all Philippine forces and established a dictatorial government with himself as dictator.
On 12 June, at Aguinaldo’s ancestral home in Cavite, Philippine independence was proclaimed and The Act of Declaration of Philippine Independence was read. The act had been prepared and written in Spanish by Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, who also read its proclamation.
On 18 June, Aguinaldo issued a decree formally establishing his dictatorial government. On June 23, another decree signed by Aguinaldo was issued, replacing the Dictatorial Government with a Revolutionary Government, with himself as President
Aguinaldo died of coronary thrombosis at age 94 on February 6, 1964, at the Veterans Memorial Hospital in Quezon City. A year before his death, he had donated his lot and his mansion to the government. This property now serves as a shrine to “perpetuate the spirit of the Revolution of 1896.”
In 1985, Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas made a new 5-peso bill depicting a portrait of Aguinaldo on the front of the bill. The back of the bill features the declaration of the Philippine independence on June 12, 1898.
2.Manuel L. Quezon (Manuel Luis Quezón y Molina) –
(August 19, 1878 – August 1, 1944) served as president of the Commonwealth of the Philippines from 1935 to 1944. He was the first Filipino to head a government of the Philippines.(Note: Govt. relating only to the Philippines, and not any other states that have existed centuries ago) Quezón is considered by most Filipinos to have been the second president of the Philippines, after Emilio Aguinaldo (1897–1901).
Quezón was the first Senate president elected to the presidency, the first president elected through a national election, and the first incumbent to secure re-election (for a partial second term, later extended, due to amendments to the 1935 Constitution). He is known as the “Father of the National Language”.
During his presidency, Quezón tackled the problem of landless peasants in the countryside. Other major decisions include reorganization of the islands military defense, approval of recommendation for government reorganization, promotion of settlement and development in Mindanao, tackling foreign strangle-hold on Philippine trade and commerce, proposals for land reform and the tackling of graft and corruption within the government. Quezón established an exiled government in the US with the outbreak of the war and the threat of Japanese invasion. During his exile in the US, Manuel Quezón died of tuberculosis in Saranac Lake, New York.
Quezón suffered from tuberculosis and spent his last years in a “cure cottage” in Saranac Lake, New York, where he died on August 1, 1944. He was initially buried in Arlington National Cemetery. His body was later carried by the USS Princeton and re-interred in Manila at the Manila North Cemetery before being moved to Quezon City within the monument at the Quezon Memorial Circle.
3.José P. Laurel (José Paciano Laurel y García) –
(March 9, 1891 – November 6, 1959) was the president of the Republic of the Philippines, a Japanese-sponsored administration during World War II, from 1943 to 1945. Since the administration of President Diosdado Macapagal (1961–1965), Laurel has been recognized as a legitimate president of the Philippines.
José Paciano Laurel was born on March 9, 1891 in the town of Tanauan, Batangas. His parents were Sotero Laurel, Sr. and Jacoba García. His father had been an official in the revolutionary government of Emilio Aguinaldoand a signatory to the 1898 Malolos Constitution.
While a teen, Laurel was indicted for attempted murder when he almost killed a rival suitor of his girlfriend. While studying and finishing law school, he argued for and received an acquittal.
Laurel received his law degree from the University of the Philippines College of Law in 1915, where he studied under Dean George A. Malcolm, whom he would later succeed on the Supreme Court. He then obtained aMaster of Laws degree from University of Santo Tomas in 1919. Laurel then attended Yale Law School, where he obtained a Doctorate of Law.
Laurel began his life in public service while a student, as a messenger in the Bureau of Forestry then as a clerk in the Code Committee tasked with the codification of Philippine laws. During his work for the Code Committee, he was introduced to its head, Thomas A. Street, a future Supreme Court Justice who would be a mentor to the young Laurel.
Upon his return from Yale, Laurel was appointed first as Undersecretary of the Interior Department, then promoted as Secretary of the Interior in 1922. In that post, he would frequently clash with the American Governor-General Leonard Wood, and eventually, in 1923, resign from his position together with other Cabinet members in protest of Wood’s administration. His clashes with Wood solidified Laurel’s nationalist credentials.
4.Sergio Osmeña (Sergio Osmeña y Suico) –
(9 September 1878 – 19 October 1961) was a Filipino politician who served as the 4th President of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. He was Vice President under Manuel L. Quezon, and rose to the presidency upon Quezon’s death in 1944, being the oldest Philippine president to hold office at age 65. A founder of Nacionalista Party, he was the first Visayan to become President of the Philippines.
Prior to his succession to the Presidency in 1944, Osmeña served as Governor of Cebu from 1901–1907, Member and Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1907–1922, and Senator from the 10th Senatorial District for thirteen years, in which capacity he served as Senate President pro tempore. In 1935, he was nominated to be the running-mate of Senate President Manuel Quezon for the presidential election that year. The tandem was overwhelmingly re-elected in 1941.
Osmeña is the patriarch of the prominent Osmeña family, which includes his son (former Senator Sergio Osmeña, Jr.) and his grandsons (senators Sergio Osmeña III and John Henry Osmeña), ex-governor Lito Osmeña and Cebu City mayor Tomas Osmeña.
Osmeña became president of the Commonwealth on Quezon’s death in 1944. He returned to the Philippines the same year with General Douglas MacArthur and the liberation forces. After the war, Osmeña restored the Commonwealth government and the various executive departments. He continued the fight for Philippine independence. For the presidential election of 1946, Osmeña refused to campaign, saying that the Filipino people knew of his record of 40 years of honest and faithful service. He lost to Manuel Roxas, who won 54 percent of the vote and became president of the independent Republic of the Philippines
After his defeat in the election, Osmeña retired to his home in Cebu. He died of both liver failure and breast cancer at the age of 83 on 19 October 1961 at the Veteran’s Memorial Hospital in Quezon City. He is buried in the Manila North Cemetery, Manila.
5.Manuel Roxas (Manuel Acuña Roxas) –
(January 1, 1892 – April 15, 1948) was the first president of the independent Third Republic of the Philippines and fifth president overall. He served as president from the granting of independence in 1946 until his abrupt death in 1948. His term as president of the Philippines was also the shortest, lasting 1 year 10 months and 18 days.
Manuel A. Roxas, third and last President of the Commonwealth and the first of the Republic of the Philippines, was born to Gerardo Roxas, Sr. and Rosario Acuña on January 1, 1892 in Capiz (now Roxas City). He was a posthumous child, for his father Gerardo had been mortally wounded by Spanish guardias civiles the year before, leaving him and his older brother Mamerto to be raised by their mother and Don Eleuterio, their maternal grandfather.
Roxas received his early education in the public schools of Capiz, and at age 12, attended St. Joseph’s Academy in HongKong. But after homesickness, he went back to Capiz. He eventually moved to Manila High School (later named the Araullo High School), graduating with highest honors in 1909.
Roxas began his law studies at a private law school established by George Malcolm, the first dean of the University of the Philippines College of Law. On his second year, he enrolled at U.P., where he was elected president of both his class and the Student Council. In 1913, Roxas obtained his law degree, graduated class valedictorian, and subsequently topped the first bar examinations with a grade of 92%, becoming the first ever bar topnotcher of the Philippines.
On May 8, 1946, President-elect Roxas, accompanied by US High Commissioner Paul V. McNutt, enplaned for the United States to discuss with the American authorities the vital matters affecting the Philippines. On May 28, 1946, Roxas was inaugurated amidst impressive ceremonies as the last President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines. The inaugural ceremonies were held on the grounds of ruined, shell-blasted Legislative Building and were witnessed by huge crowds of around 200,000 people. He delineated the main policies of his administration, mainly, closer ties with the United States, adherence to the newly-created United Nations Organization, reconstruction of war-devastated country, relief for the masses, social justice to the working class, maintenance of peace and order, preservation of individual rights and liberties of the citizenry and honesty and efficiency of government office.
Roxas did not finish his term that was expected to end by 1950 because he died of myocardial infarction.
On the night of April 15, 1948, Roxas died at Clark Field, Pampanga. In the morning of his death Roxas delivered a speech before the US Thirteenth Air Force, in which he said:
“ If war should come, I am certain of one thing–probably the only thing of which I can be certain–and it is this: That America and the Philippines will be found on the same side, and American and Filipino soldiers will again fight side by side in the same trenches or in the air or at sea in the defense of justice, freedom and other principles which we both loved and cherished. ”
After the speech, he felt dizzy and was brought to the residence of Major General E.L. Eubank, where he died that same night.
On April 17, 1948, two days after Roxas’ death, Vice-President Elpidio Quirino took the oath of office as President of the Philippines, per line of succession.
In his honor, Roxas District (Project 1) in Quezon City and Roxas, Isabela was named after him .
6.Elpidio Quirino (Elpidio Rivera Quirino) –
(November 16, 1890 – February 29, 1956) was a Filipino politician, and the sixth President of the Philippines.
A lawyer by profession, Quirino entered politics when he became a representative of Ilocos Sur from 1919 to 1925. He was then elected as senator from 1925–1931. In 1934, he became a member of the Philippine independence commission that was sent to Washington, D.C., which secured the passage ofTydings-McDuffie Act to American Congress. In 1935, he was also elected to become member of the convention that will write the draft of then 1935 constitution for the newly-established Commonwealth. At the new government, he served as secretary of the interior and finance under Quezon’s cabinet.
After the war, Quirino was elected vice-president in 1946 election, consequently the second and last for the Commonwealth and first for the third republic. After the death of the incumbent president Manuel Roxas in 1948, he succeeded the presidency. In what was claimed to be a dishonest and fraudulent1949 presidential election, he won the president’s office under Liberal Party ticket, defeating Nacionalista vie and former president José P. Laurel as well as fellow Liberalista and former Senate President José Avelino.
The Quirino administration was generally challenged by the Hukbalahaps, who ransacked towns and barrios. Quirino ran for president again in the 1953 presidential election, but was defeated by Nacionalista Ramon Magsaysay.
After his term, he retired to his new country home in Novaliches, Quezon City, where he died of a heart attack on February 29, 1956.
7.Ramón Magsaysay (Ramón del Fierro Magsaysay) –
(August 31, 1907 – March 17, 1957) was the third President of the Republic of the Philippines (and seventh president overall) from December 30, 1953 until his death in a plane crash in 1957. He was elected President under the banner of the Nacionalista Party.
Ramon F. Magsaysay was born in Iba, Zambales on August 31, 1907 to Exequiel Magsaysay, a blacksmith, and Perfecta del Fierro, a schoolteacher. He entered the University of the Philippines in 1927. He worked as a chauffeur to support himself as he studied engineering; later, he transferred to the Institute of Commerce at José Rizal College (1928–1932), where he received a baccalaureate in commerce. He then worked as an automobile mechanic and shop superintendent. When World War II broke out, he joined the motor pool of the 31st Infantry Division of the Philippine Army. When Bataan surrendered in 1942, Magsaysay escaped to the hills, organized the Western Luzon Guerrilla Forces, and was commissioned captain on April 5, 1942. For three years Capt. Magsaysay operated under Col. Merrill’s famed guerrilla outfit and saw action at Sawang, San Marcelino, Zambales. Magsaysay was among those instrumental in clearing the Zambales coast of the Japanese prior to the landing of American forces together with the Philippine Commonwealth troops on January 29, 1945.
Magsaysay did not finish his term that was expected to end of December 30, 1957 because he died in a plane crash. On March 16, 1957 Magsaysay left Manila for Cebu City where he spoke at three educational institutions. That same night, at about 1 am, he boarded the presidential plane “Mt. Pinatubo”, a C-47, heading back to Manila. In the early morning hours of March 17, his plane was reported missing. It was late in the afternoon that day that newspapers reported that the airplane had crashed on Mt. Manunggal in Cebu and that 36 of the 56 passengers and crew aboard were killed; the actual number on board was 25, including Magsaysay. Only newspaperman Néstor Mata survived. Vice President Carlos Garcia, who was on an official visit to Australia at the time, assumed the presidency to serve out the last eight months of Magsaysay’s term.
An estimated 5 million people attended Magsaysay’s burial on March 31, 1957.
He is then referred to by the people the “Idol of the Masses”.
8.Carlos García (Carlos Polistico García) –
(November 4, 1896 – June 14, 1971) was a Filipino teacher, poet, orator, lawyer, public official, political economist and guerrilla leader. He became the eighth President of the Philippines known for his “Filipino First” policy, which put the interests of the Filipino people above those of foreigners and of the ruling party.
García was born in Talibon, Bohol to Policronio García and Ambrosia Polestico (who were both natives of Bangued, Abra).
García grew up with politics, with his father serving as a municipal mayor for four terms. He acquired his primary education in his native Talibon, then took his secondary education in Cebu Provincial High School. Initially, he pursued his college education at Silliman University in Dumaguete City, Negros Oriental, and later studied at the Philippine Law School (now Philippine College of Criminology) where he earned his law degree in 1923. He was among the top ten in the bar examination.
Rather than practice engineering right away, he worked as a teacher for two years at Bohol Provincial High School. He became famous for his poetry in Bohol, where he earned the nickname “Prince of Visayan Poets” and the “Bard from Bohol”.
He started his political career in 1925, scoring an impressive victory running for congressman representing the third district of Bohol. He was elected for another term in 1928 and served until 1931. He was elected governor of Bohol in 1933 but served only until 1941 when he successfully ran for the Philippine Senate but his term cut short during World War II. He took the post when Congress convened in 1945 after the Philippines was liberated from the Japanese.
9.Diosdado Macapagal (Diosdado Pangan Macapagal) –
(September 28, 1910 – April 21, 1997) was the ninth President of the Philippines, serving from 1961 to 1965, and the sixthVice President, serving from 1957 to 1961. He also served as a member of the House of Representatives, and headed the Constitutional Convention of 1970. He is the father of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who served as the 14th President of the Philippines from 2001 to 2010.
A native of Lubao, Pampanga, Macapagal graduated from the University of the Philippines and University of Santo Tomas, after which he worked as a lawyer for the government. He first won election in 1949 to the House of Representatives, representing a district in his home province of Pampanga. In 1957 he became vice president in the administration of President Carlos P. Garcia, and in 1961 he defeated Garcia’s re-election bid for the presidency.
As president, Macapagal worked to suppress graft and corruption and to stimulate the Philippine economy. He introduced the country’s first land reform law, placed the peso on the free currency exchange market, and liberalized foreign exchange and import controls. Many of his reforms, however, were crippled by a Congress dominated by the rival Nacionalista Party. He is also known for shifting the country’s observance of Independence Day from July 4 to June 12, commemorating the day Filipino patriots declared independence from Spain in 1898. His re-election bid was defeated in 1965 by Ferdinand Marcos, whose subsequent authoritarian rule lasted 20 years.
During the Marcos administration, Macapagal was elected president of the Constitutional Convention which would later draft what became the 1973 constitution, though the manner in which the charter was ratified and modified led him to later question its legitimacy. He died of heart failure, pneumoniaand renal complications at the age of 87.
10.Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. (Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos, Sr.) –
(September 11, 1917 – September 28, 1989) was a Filipino leader and an authoritarian President of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986. He was a lawyer, member of the Philippine House of Representatives (1949–1959) and a member of the Philippine Senate(1959–1965). He was the Senate President from 1963–1965.
While in power he implemented wide-ranging programs of infrastructure development and economic reform. However, this was largely overshadowed by hisauthoritarian way of ruling the country after 1972. His administration was marred by massive corruption, nepotism, political repression, and human rights violations.
In 1983, his government was accused of being involved in the assassination of his primary political opponent, Benigno Aquino, Jr. Public outrage over the assassination served as the catalyst for the People Power Revolution in February 1986 that led to his removal from power and eventual exile in Hawaii. It was later discovered that he and his wife Imelda Marcos had moved billions of dollars of embezzled public funds to the United States, Switzerland, and other countries, as well as into alleged corporations during his 20 years in power.
Ferdinand Edralin Marcos was born September 11, 1917, in the town of Sarrat, Ilocos Norte to parents Mariano Marcos and Josefa Edralin. He was baptized into the Philippine Independent Church. He was of Filipino (specifically Ilocano), Chinese, and Japanese descent.
In December 1938, Mariano Marcos, his brother Pio, his son Ferdinand, and his brother-in-law Quirino Lizardo were prosecuted for the murder of Julio Nalundasan, one of Marcos’ father’s political rivals. On September 20, 1935, the day after Nalundasan (for the second time) defeated Mariano Marcos for the National Assembly seat for Ilocos Norte, Nalundasan was shot and killed in his house in Batac. According to two witnesses, the four had conspired to assassinate Nalundasan, with Ferdinand Marcos eventually doing the killing. In late January 1939, they were denied bail and in the fall of 1939 they were convicted. Ferdinand and Lizardo received the death penalty for premeditated murder, while Mariano and Pio were found guilty only of contempt of court. The Marcos family took their appeal to the Supreme Court of the Philippines, which on October 22, 1940, overturned the lower court’s decision and acquitted them of all charges but contempt.
Marcos attended college at the University of the Philippines, attending the prestigious College of Law. He excelled in both curricular and extra-curricular activities, he was a valuable member of the university’s swimming team, boxing, and wrestling. He was also an accomplished and prolific orator, debater, and writer of the university’s newspaper, he also became a member of the ROTC and later an instructor to the subject.He took the 1939 bar exam and passed it with an almost perfect score despite the fact that he was incarcerated during the time he was reviewing. In 1939, while incarcerated, Ferdinand Marcos graduated cum laude. If he had not been put in jail for twenty seven days, he would have graduated magna cum laude. He was elected to the Pi Gamma Mu international honor society, and the Phi Kappa Phi international honor society which, 37 years later gave him its Most Distinguished Member Award.
He claimed to have led a guerrilla force called Ang Maharlika in northern Luzon during the Second World War, although his account of events was later cast into doubt after a U.S. military investigation found that many of his claims were false or inaccurate.
11.Corazon Aquino (Maria Corazon Sumulong Cojuangco-Aquino) –
(January 25, 1933 – August 1, 2009) was the 11th President of the Philippines and the first woman to hold that office in Philippine history. She is best remembered for leading the 1986 People Power Revolution, which toppled Ferdinand Marcos and restored democracy in the Philippines. She is considered an icon of democracy, and was titled by TIME Magazine in 1986 as its ‘Woman of the Year’.
A self-proclaimed “plain housewife”, Aquino was married to Senator Benigno Aquino, Jr., the staunchest critic of then President Ferdinand Marcos. Senator Aquino was assassinated on August 21, 1983 upon returning to the Philippines after three years in exile in the United States. After her husband’s assassination, Aquino emerged as the leader of the opposition against the Marcos administration. In late 1985, when President Marcos called for a snap election, Aquino ran for president with former senator Salvador Laurel as her vice-presidential running mate. After the elections were held on February 7, 1986, and the Batasang Pambansa proclaimed Marcos the winner in the elections, Aquino called for massive civil disobedience protests, declaring herself as having been cheated and as the real winner in the elections. Filipinos enthusiastically heeded her call and rallied behind her. These series of events eventually led to the ousting of Marcos and the installation of Aquino as President of the Philippines on February 25, 1986 through the People Power Revolution.
As President, Aquino oversaw the promulgation of a new constitution, which limited the powers of the presidency and established a bicameral legislature. Her administration gave strong emphasis and concern for civil liberties and human rights, and peace talks with communist insurgents and Muslim secessionists. Aquino’s economic policies centered on bringing back economic health and confidence and focused on creating a market-oriented and socially-responsible economy. Aquino’s administration also faced a series of coup attempts and destructive natural calamities and disasters until the end of her term in 1992.
Succeeded by Fidel V. Ramos as President in 1992, Aquino returned to private life although she remained active in the public eye, often voicing her views and opinions on the pressing political issues. In 2008, Aquino was diagnosed with colon cancer and, after a one-year battle with the disease, died on August 1, 2009. Her son Benigno, III would be elected president himself and was sworn in on June 30, 2010.
12.Fidel Ramos (Fidel “Eddie” Valdez Ramos) –
(born March 18, 1928), popularly known as FVR, was the 12th President of the Philippines from 1992 to 1998. During his six years in office, Ramos was widely credited and admired by many for revitalizing and renewing international confidence in the Philippine economy.
Prior to his election as president, Ramos served in the Cabinet of President Corazon Aquino first as chief-of-staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines(AFP) and, later on, as Secretary of National Defense from 1986 to 1991.
During the historic 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution, Ramos upon the invitation of then Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, was hailed as a hero even though he was not part of the plan by many Filipinos for his decision to break away from the administration of the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos and pledge allegiance and loyalty to the newly-established revolutionary government of President Aquino, following the downfall of Marcos from power in February 1986. Previously, he was the AFP vice chief-of-staff, chief of PC/INP under President Marcos.
Under Ramos, the Philippines experienced a period of political stability and rapid economic growth and expansion, as a result of his policies and programs designed to foster national reconciliation and unity. Ramos was able to secure major peace agreements with Muslim separatists, communist insurgents and military rebels, which renewed investor confidence in the Philippine economy. Ramos also aggressively pushed for the deregulation of the nation’s major industries and the privatization of bad government assets. As a result of his hands-on approach to the economy, the Philippines was dubbed by various international magazines and observers as Asia’s Next Economic Tiger.
However, the momentum in the economic gains made under the Ramos Administration was briefly interrupted during the onset of the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis. Nevertheless, during the last year of the term, the economy managed to make a rebound since it was not severely hit by the crisis as compared to other Asian economies.
He is the only Filipino to receive an honorary British Knighthood from the United Kingdom, the GCMG or the Knight Grand Cross of the Most Distinguished Order of St Michael and St George. This was bestowed to him by Queen Elizabeth II in 1995 for services to politics and government.
To date, Ramos is the first and only non-Catholic President of the Philippines. He belongs to the Protestant United Church of Christ in the Philippines.
13.Joseph Estrada (Joseph “Erap” Ejercito Estrada) –
(born José Marcelo Ejercito on April 19, 1937) was the 13th President of the Philippines, serving from 1998 until 2001. Estrada was the first person in the Post-EDSA era to be elected both to the presidency and vice-presidency.
Estrada gained popularity as a film actor, playing the lead role in over 100 films in an acting career spanning 33 years. He leveraged his popularity as an actor to make gains in politics, serving as mayor of San Juan for seventeen years, as Senator for one term, then as Vice President of the Philippines under the administration of President Fidel Ramos.
Estrada was elected President in 1998 with a wide margin of votes separating him from the other challengers, and was sworn into the presidency on June 30, 1998. In 2000 he declared an “all-out-war” against the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and captured its headquarters and other camps. However, allegations of corruption spawned an impeachment trial in the Senate, and in 2001 Estrada was ousted by People Power 2 after the prosecution walked out of the impeachment court when the Senator Judges voted no in the opening of the second envelope.
In 2007, he was sentenced by the special division of the Sandiganbayan to reclusion perpetua for plunder, but was later granted pardon by President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. He ran for president anew in the 2010 Philippine presidential election, but lost to then Senator Benigno Aquino III.
14.Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (Maria Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo) –
(born April 5, 1947) is a Filipino politician who served as the 14th President of the Philippines from 2001 to 2010, as the 12th Vice President of the Philippines from 1998 to 2001, and is currently a member of the House of Representativesrepresenting the 2nd District of Pampanga. She was the country’s second female president (after Corazón Aquino), and the daughter of former PresidentDiosdado Macapagal.
She was a former professor of economics at Ateneo De Manila University where Noynoy Aquino was one of her students. She entered government in 1987, serving as assistant secretary and undersecretary of the Department of Trade and Industry upon the invitation of President Corazón Aquino. After serving as a senator from 1992 to 1998, she was elected to the vice presidency under President Joseph Estrada, despite having run on an opposing ticket. After Estrada was accused of corruption, she resigned her cabinet position as Secretary of Social Welfare and Development and joined the growing opposition to the president, who faced impeachment. Estrada was soon forced from office by the EDSA Revolution of 2001, and Arroyo was sworn into the presidency by Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr. on January 20, 2001. She was elected to a full six-year presidential term in the controversial May 2004 Philippine elections, and was sworn in on June 30, 2004. Following her presidency she was elected to the House of Representatives, making her the second Philippine president—after Jose P. Laurel—to pursue a lower office after their presidency.
She is currently residing at La Vista Subdivision in Quezon City.
15.Benigno Aquino III – (Benigno Simeon Cojuangco Aquino III) –
(born February 8, 1960), also known as Noynoy Aquino or PNoy, is a Filipino politician who has been the 15th and current President of the Philippines since June 2010.
Aquino is a fourth-generation politician: his great-grandfather, Servillano “Mianong” Aquino, served as a delegate to the Malolos Congress; his grandfather,Benigno Aquino, Sr., served as Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1943 to 1944; and his parents were President Corazon Aquinoand Senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr. Aquino is a member of the Liberal Party. In the Liberal Party, Aquino held various positions such as Secretary General and Vice President for Luzon. Aquino is currently the Chairman of the Liberal Party.
Born in Manila, Aquino graduated from Ateneo de Manila University in 1981 and joined his family in their exile in the United States shortly thereafter. He returned to the Philippines in 1983 shortly after the assassination of his father and held several positions working in the private sector. In 1998, he was elected to the House of Representatives as Representative of the 2nd district of Tarlac province. He was subsequently re-elected to the House in 2001 and 2004. In 2007, having been barred from running for re-election to the House due to term limits, he was elected to the Senate in the 14th Congress of the Philippines.
Following the death of his mother on August 1, 2009, many people began calling on Aquino to run for president. On September 9, 2009, Aquino officially announced he would be a candidate in the 2010 presidential election, held on May 10, 2010. On June 9, 2010, the Congress of the Philippines proclaimed Aquino the winner of the 2010 presidential election. On June 30, 2010, at the Quirino Grandstand in Rizal Park, Manila, Aquino was sworn into officeas the fifteenth President of the Philippines, succeeding Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, by Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines Conchita Carpio-Morales.
Although the official residence of the President is the Malacañang Palace, Aquino actually resides in the Bahay Pangarap (House of Dreams), located within the Palace grounds.
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Philippine Presidents, Administration, Economy, Program, National Issues and Transnational Issues
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https://www.academia.edu/9447159/Philippine_Presidents_Administration_Economy_Program_National_Issues_and_Transnational_Issues
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Quezon's Role in Philippine Independence
by
Joseph F. Hutchinson, Jr.
On February 10, 1933, a tired, tubercular man delivered to a meeting of Philippine Provincial Governors and Treasurers a succinct denunciation of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act, an act for Philippine Independence which had recently been passed by the United States Congress over President Hoover's veto. The speaker's once jet-black sideburns were now a hoary white, but his elegant style still radiated charm and force. He attacked the trade provisions of the act as unfair to the Philippines; he claimed that the proposed Commonwealth did not give the Filipinos “the opportunity, the means, the power to legislate for themselves"; he denounced the proponents of the act for “behaving as though we are engaged in an electoral campaign, accusing those who do not agree with [them] as traitors to the country.”1 What was remarkable was not the substance of the speech, but the fact that it was made by Manuel Quezon, leader of the Nacionalista Party and symbol of the Philippine demand for independence. Now he stood as an apparent opponent of the independence that had for so long been his publicly avowed goal, stood in opposition not only to the United States Congress but also to his close friends and long-time colleagues in the leadership of the Nacionalista Party.
This paper is not a biography of Manuel Quezon or a chronicle of Philippine independence; it is, rather, a study of how a remarkable man used political power. At one of the most crucial points in Philippine history--when the reality of independence was at hand in 1932-33--Quezon, the leader of that nation, was seemingly willing to block the decades-old dream of attaining independence in order to ensure his continued hegemony in domestic politics. This is a study of how Quezon used this opportunity to strengthen his political position, and how the Filipino socio-political system allowed such an action to occur.
Quezon's most dominant characteristic was his ability to manipulate people; he had a proud, volatile, and charismatic personality which he used skillfully to mobilize Filipinos behind him. His personal flair and political force quickly made him a prominent national figure, and his keen understanding of the intricacies of Philippine politics enabled him to build up a permanently loyal following. By publicly advocating immediate, complete, and absolute independence for the Philippines, he became a national symbol to his people. Filipinos were mobilized into a more viable polity by their admiration for Quezon's dynamic personality. He made himself the embodiment of national unity, will, dignity, and desire for independence, and Filipinos responded by praising his ability to mingle with other world leaders and by reveling vicariously in his political pomp and grandeur.
Quezon's personality was also mercurial, however, and to understand him it is necessary to study the sly, ambivalent, and sometimes ruthless side of his personality. Quezon's private correspondence2 shows how he manipulated the Filipino people so that he could continue his rule over them. He also deceived his own friends and lied to politicians in order to further his political ambitions. But he was extremely careful in his chicanery—he seldom allowed his lies to catch up with him publicly and undermine his position.
This study will focus on Quezon's opposition to the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act, and the explanations he advanced for thus rejecting the very issue he had been publicly advocating for so long. It may lead us closer to an understanding of Quezon's own motivation, his rationalization of his action—was it pure political ambition, or a sincere belief that the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act was inferior to an independence bill he himself might be able to obtain from Congress?
Manuel Quezon was born on August 19, 1878 in the small town of Baler in the province of Tayabas (now Quezon Province). He had a good education, culminating in study at the College of San Juan de Letran in 1894. After fighting the Americans as an insurrecto, Quezon passed his bar exams and was appointed Fiscal (prosecuting attorney) of Mindoro in 1903; in 1904 he was transferred to Tayabas. Later that year he resigned from the bureaucracy and set up a private law practice. At this time, Quezon began his illustrious political career.
There were then in the Philippines several underground pro-independence parties; three of these3 were to merge to form the Partido Nacionalista (Nacionalistas) not long after the ban on such parties was lifted in 1906. Quezon plunged into action in this formative period of Filipino politics and became a close friend of Sergio Osmeña,4 who would emerge as leader of the Nacionalistas. In the 1907 elections for the Philippine Assembly, the Nacionalistas rolled up a decisive plurality over all other parties;5 Osmeña was elected Speaker, with Quezon's backing. Osmeña asserted his claim to leadership in Philippine politics by his fiery invective against American rule, claiming the Filipinos' right to immediate, complete, and absolute independence.6
In 1909 Osmeña sent Quezon to Washington as the Philippine Resident Commissioner to the United States. Quezon disseminated the Filipino desire for immediate independence to both Congress and the American people at large. He created a newspaper, The Filipino People, with the support of the American Anti-Imperialist League and “many important figures in the Democratic Party.”7 When he addressed Congress in 1910, instead of chiding the United States with a frontal attack on colonialism, he praised American conduct in the Philippines, while noting that the Filipinos were capable of controlling their own destiny. In response to a question about the desire of the Filipinos for independence, the young Commissioner replied, “Ask the bird, Sir, who is enclosed in a golden cage if he would prefer the cage and the care of his owner to the freedom of the skies and the allure of the forest.”8
A swing in American politics toward the Democratic Party produced both the “Filipinization” of the Philippine bureaucracy under Governor-General Francis B. Harrison and a growing Congressional sentiment in favor of Philippine independence. In 1912 Democratic Congressman William Atkinson Jones introduced a bill providing for Philippine Independence, but it failed to get out of committee. In 1914 another “Jones Bill” passed the House but was rejected by the Senate. In 1916 it was reintroduced once more, this time with the Clarke Amendment attached, which guaranteed that independence would be granted within five years. Quezon had lobbied for the Jones Bill since 1912 but did not support the Clarke Amendment. In this he was backed by Osmeña; neither politician seemed over-anxious for a definite early date for Philippine independence.9
The private memoranda of General Frank McIntyre, Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs of the War Department, show Quezon's growing concern that immediate independence might be detrimental to the Philippines and to ilustrado control. Despite his public espousals of immediate independence since his rise to national prominence in 1907, Quezon now privately proposed a new organic act which would give the Islands their independence in twenty-five years. McIntyre wrote that Quezon “said that there would perhaps be a little more difficulty in getting an agreement to this now than there would have been a few years ago, in that independence now had acquired an attractive sound to the ears of the Filipinos.” When Quezon had expressed his fear to Congressman Jones that the Jones proposal for independence in three years would give the Philippines independence too early, McIntyre recorded that Quezon “was afraid that he had impressed Mr. Jones unfavorably in standing out against that.”10
Nevertheless, Quezon returned to Manila claiming sole credit for the Jones Act (which had passed without the Clarke Amendment)11 and was greeted as a national hero. The Filipino people believed that Quezon had done his best to obtain immediate independence, but had been limited to the Jones Act by the United States Congress. The credit awarded Quezon for this achievement made him a threat to Osmeña's power, but Osmeña skillfully managed to obtain the leading position in the newly created Council of State, thus reaffirming his control of the party and temporarily thwarting Quezon's advance in domestic politics. In 1919 Quezon returned to Washington as head of the first Philippine Independence Mission, hoping to obtain further concessions from the Democrats which might enable him to supplant Osmeña. He took with him the “Declaration of Purposes” passed on March 17, 1919 by the Philippine Legislature, which reiterated the demand for independence.12 Quezon pleaded the Filipino case to Secretary of War Newton Baker with the help of Governor-General Harrison, then vacationing in the United States. Baker gave the Mission a sympathetic hearing and said that Wilson would work for Philippine independence when he returned from Versailles.13 jn December 1920 Wilson told the Congress (after a Republican electoral landslide) that a “stable” government existed in the Islands, and that it was the duty of the Congress to keep its “promise to the people of those Islands by granting them the independence which they so honorably covet.”14 BUt Wilson's efforts were fruitless, and Quezon found he could do little else to promote the independence issue, so he decided to return to the Philippines to challenge Osmeña directly.
The tactless rule of newly-appointed Governor-General Leonard Wood gave Quezon the opportunity he sought. Wood's constant pressure on the Filipino elite caused dissension within the Nacionalista party. Quezon publicly blamed Osmeña for the disintegration of the party, which, he asserted, stemmed from Osmeña’s pretentious assumption of a dictatorial role in both the party and the Legislature. These attacks upon Osmeña’s ’'unipersonalistic” rule were ultimately successful, and Quezon was elected President of the Senate. He thereupon turned around and obtained a rapprochement with Osmeña which lasted for a decade.
Quezon, now the most powerful Filipino politician, sent several independence missions to Washington, but Presidents Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover were impervious to any such pleas. Late in 1927 Quezon was incapacitated by tuberculosis and he was forced to convalesce at a sanatorium in Monrovia, California. For three years he tried to maintain his power by corresponding from his sick bed to Manila and Washington. His enforced isolation allowed him to take an overview of the Philippine-American situation. During his illness his views on the possible problems of a premature independence began to solidify. A new set of variables complicated the independence issue even more. Quezon watched the growing militarism of Japan and the worsening Depression; he was one of the first Filipinos to recognize that these phenomena had profoundly altered American policy toward the Philippine Islands. Independence was becoming a real possibility, no longer just a political and rhetorical issue.
Before 1929, despite the increasing trade between the United States and the Philippines, Americans tended to overlook the economic realities of imperialism and to see the Philippines primarily in political and administrative terms. But with the coming of the Depression, every sector of the American economy began to suffer. Many Americans began to see the Philippines as a liability; the Islands became a scapegoat for American fears and hostilities. The Western states had begun lobbying to restrict Filipino immigration because their unemployed labor pool already exceeded the critical limits. The large labor organizations not only wanted Filipino immigration halted, but they also proposed that the free entry of Philippine goods be curtailed. Labor felt that any foreign goods successfully competing with the goods produced by the American worker would only add momentum to the snowballing Depression. Certain Congressmen, mainly from the agricultural states, also began to propose tariff and import quotas on Philippine goods. Groups such as dairy farmers, cottonseed oil producers, cane and beet sugar growers, cordage manufacturers, and sundry “patriotic” societies began to lobby for Philippine independence so that the Islands would lose their special status and become a foreign country susceptible to import quotas.
In January, 1930, Senator William King of Utah presented the Senate with a bill for immediate independence. In March, Senator Harry Hawes of Missouri and Senator Bronson Cutting of New Mexico introduced a bill which provided for the popular election of a Philippine constituent assembly to construct a constitution. By the provisions of the Hawes-Cutting Bill the Philippines would remain under lenient American control for five more years, during which time the free trade between the United States and the Philippines would gradually be abrogated by the introduction of steadily increasing tariff walls. A similar bill was introduced in the House by Congressman Butler B. Hare of South Carolina.
Quezon increasingly realized that the Philippine economy would be periled if there was no trade protection by the United States in an independence bill.15 in a letter to Osmeña, Quezon wrote that Philippine free trade with the United States was not resting on a solid foundation, because it “depends not at all upon our will but exclusively on the will of Congress.”16 Although both politicians believed that immediate independence would be a mistake, they dared not abandon their “immediate, complete, and absolute” independence platform at this time, professing instead to educate the Filipino people gradually about the dangers of a premature independence.
Quezon, who had only partially recovered from his illness, had returned to the Philippines late in 1929. Although the political battle wounds of 1922 were not entirely healed, Osmeña and Quezon became extremely close political comrades. Quezon's will was by far the stronger of the two and Quezon could usually get Osmeña to follow his lead. Osmeña and Quezon were intimate enough to trust each other and to exchange private political thoughts. It was not until later that their divergent views on the independence issue drove them to ruthless political slander against each other.
Early in 1930, Osmeña and Manuel Roxas17 had been sent by the Philippine Legislature to Washington to lobby for independence. Osmeña returned to Manila after a brief stay in Washington to confer with Quezon. After discussing the economic issue, Osmeña proposed that he return to Washington to support the Hawes-Cutting Bill and the Hare Bill. Quezon agreed to this plan.
Roxas had remained in Washington to continue the fight for independence and to espouse the Filipino position at the Senate hearings on the Hawes- Cutting Bill. Roxas cabled Osmeña, who was on his way to meet him, a statement made by Henry Stimson which concerned the Senate's possible approval of an independence bill, but Roxas assured Osmeña that no action seemed likely to be taken in Congress in that session. Roxas also met with Secretary of War Hurley and Senator Bingham, Chairman of the Senate Committee on Insular Affairs, and discovered that while both men were apprehensive toward the Hawes-Cutting Bill, the sentiment of Congress was leaning toward independence. Osmeña relayed Roxas' observations to Quezon, who gave Roxas carte blanche in the pending Senate hearings.18
Roxas was the first witness called to testify. He explained that sovereignty over the Philippines was an unnecessary financial burden for the United States. Roxas then claimed that independence was owed to the Filipino people since they had fulfilled the “stable” government provision of the Jones Law. He went on to say that “under the present circumstances, aside from any duty to free the Philippine Islands in accordance with the desire of their people, the United States could be more helpful to them if she were to withdraw her sovereignty, rather than to permit their progress to lurk in stagnation.” But Roxas realized that “with the granting of tariff autonomy serious difficulties may arise.”19 To Roxas, as to Osmeña and Quezon, political independence was desired but economic independence was not. They realized that not only would the Filipino people as a whole be hurt by discontinuing the special trade agreement with the United States, but also that they would personally lose money and status if this relationship with the United States was severed.
American farm and labor leaders were the next to appear before the Committee. Although some of the witnesses demonstrated that their support of Philippine independence was purely on economic grounds, most of the farm and labor witnesses claimed that the group they represented had, in fact, always supported Philippine independence. But the Committee soon realized that many of the farm and labor witnesses only testified because of the worsening economic conditions.20
The Philippines Chamber of Commerce, the American Asiatic Association, and various American exporters to the Philippines spoke out against independence.21 These groups based their arguments on idealistic and moral persuasion, but the Committee continually directed its questions to the economic problem. The Committee had discovered that American concern with independence rested very heavily on the economic issues involved, even though the moral argument had some prominent proponents: A New York Times reporter, Nicholas Roosevelt, argued that the duty of the United States was to watch over and guide the Filipinos to a stable society, and therefore, the United States should not modify the status quo, other than to set a date for eventual independence. A different argument came from Secretary of State Henry Stimson, who claimed that independence would “inevitably create a general unsettlement of affairs in the Far East.”22
Stricken again with illness in the Philippines, Quezon followed the Committee's proceedings by cablegrams from Roxas and Resident Commissioners Guevara and Osias. Early in January, 1930, Quezon decided that a Philippine convention for independence in Manila could be useful in assisting the efforts of the Filipinos in Washington. He wrote Maximo Kalaw, Dean of the University of the Philippines, and Osmeña, suggesting that Kalaw organize an Independence Congress to meet on February 22, Washington's Birthday. Due to Quezon's illness, Osmeña was to take his place.23
The Independence Congress lasted for two days, and was attended by a well-chosen group of two thousand from “all sectors of the Philippine population.”24 The First Independence Congress had two plenary sessions with speeches from various delegates. The Congress authored a unanimous Manifesto, which was subsequently disseminated throughout the Islands. It declared that “no matter how lightly an alien control may rest on a people, it cannot, it will not, make the people happy.”25 The Independence Congress, while discussing the pending difficulties facing the Philippines if independence should be granted, still decided to support an “immediate, complete, and absolute” independence platform. Quezon had submitted a letter to the Independence Congress upon the request of Maximo Kalaw stating that Filipinos should fight heartily for independence, but with “self-control” and “patience.”26 Although this might have seemed like political blasphemy to the delegates of the Congress and a breach of the “immediate” independence proposal which Quezon had publicly professed for so long, the letter seemingly generated no objections, probably because the remainder of the letter was rather vague and Quezon had not really expressed a specific platform.
While the financial crises of the Depression relentlessly intensified, the Senate Committee hearings were drawing to a close. Secretary of War Patrick Hurley, the spokesman of the White House, submitted a report to the Committee on May 19, 1930. He strongly urged that independence not be “tampered with” at this time and that the status quo should prevail.27 He believed that the Filipinos were not ready to govern themselves and said that “it would be inexpedient and hazardous to attempt to ultimate anticipate independence."future developments28 by fixing any future date for
Meanwhile, Senator Hawes, whose bill was under consideration in the Senate Committee, wrote Quezon in disgust concerning an article in the St. Louis Dispatch which quoted Quezon as proclaiming that a protectorate with a thirty-year transition period would be necessary before Philippine independence could be conceivable. Quezon cabled back a denunciation to the accusation and stated that he earnestly hoped Congress would “now enact the laws granting the Islands their independence.” Quezon did not qualify the terms for independence in this correspondence, and Senator Hawes was consequently unaware of Quezon's growing apprehension toward the termination of free trade.29 When the Hawes-Cutting Bill was favorably reported by the Senate Committee, Roxas cabled Quezon that Stimson and Hurley made such damaging reports at this time, that Quezon should cable Hawes and Cutting reassuring them that the Filipino people coveted immediate, complete, and absolute independence. Quezon did this on May 24, saying that Filipinos “crave their national freedom.”30
The Senate Committee, which consisted primarily of farmstate Republicans and Democrats, favorably reported the Hawes-Cutting Bill on June 2.31 The Committee resolved that since “the interests of Americans are concerned in Philippine trade, it will be more simple to grant independence at an early date than when their investments have a deeper and more far-reaching contact with the Philippines.”32 The Bill provided for the drafting of a democratic constitution. Upon ratification of the constitution a Commonwealth government, run exclusively by Filipinos, would function under the ultimate control of the President of the United States. This commonwealth status would exist for nineteen years with gradually increasing tariffs.33 The United States would give independence to the Philippines if a plebiscite, to be taken after the transition period, was affirmative. The Hawes-Cutting Bill was not considered again until December, 1931, due to the more urgent domestic problems that confronted Congress.
In the eighteen-month interim, the severe Depression generated financial chaos and with this development farm and labor lobbying intensified. The Republican setback in the 1930 elections produced a nearly evenly-balanced Congress, the first stage of a political reversal which would reach its peak in the 1936 election.34 During this interim, while the befuddled economists tried to solve the financial dilemma, a portentous incident occurred—Japanese armies attacked Manchuria in September of 1931. United States opinion became emphatically and fervently anti-imperialistic, and many more Americans proposed divestment of the Philippines. Although Japanese aggression did not frighten the mass of the Filipinos, Quezon saw the imminent danger of Japan and accordingly became more overtly against “immediate, complete, and absolute” independence. But throughout 1930 and 1931 (as at other times) Quezon was far from consistent in his public proclamations.
When Congress had adjourned in the summer of 1930, Roxas returned to Manila with a scheme he had devised to strengthen the Philippine argument for independence. Roxas founded an allegedly non-partisan elite group to carry the independence issue directly to the people. The group, called Ang Bagong Katipunan (The New Association), stressed economic progress, racial equality, the unification of a national culture, and the disbanding of political parties so that a unified polity could approach Washington with the plea for independence.35 There was great debate in the Philippine press as to whether this solution should be considered by the Philippine Legislature, but Roxas' faction was not strong enough to sway Osmeña's and Quezon's comrades.36 The Nacionalistas had no intention of disbanding, and Ang Bagong Katipunan died a natural death very shortly after its inception. Roxas was not hurt politically, because the Filipino politicians assumed that he was trying to bolster the Filipino cause rather than attempting a political power play. They automatically assumed that Roxas was too intelligent to attempt a coup of both Osmeña's and Quezon's factions at once.
Although the 71st Congress met in late 1930, Resident Commissioners Osias and Guevara cabled Quezon, who had returned to Monrovia, that there was no chance for any Congressional action on Philippine independence in that short session.37 At this point Quezon wrote the Commissioners that the Hawes-Cutting Bill was “most like” the kind of independence he desired, and that the fight for independence should be vigorously continued by the Commissioners. Quezon also solicited the support of Senator Wheeler. Although Quezon knew there would be no action this session, he asked the Senator to use his influence to bring the Hawes-Cutting Bill up for debate and possible vote.38 it is unclear whether Quezon actually approved of the economic provisions in the Bill, or whether his support of it was a politically expedient move, but it is clear that Quezon came more and more to favor the kind of limited independence that the Hawes-Cutting Bill provided.
As independence increasingly had seemed a tangible reality, uncertainties over what kind of independence bill Quezon wanted became more pronounced. Quezon privately supported the Hawes-Cutting Bill with its transition period and economic provisions but still espoused “immediate” independence in his public political pronouncements.39 He also publicly denied the Philippine press allegations, which had accused him of abandoning “immediate” independence; the opposition press even dared to accuse Quezon of being anti-independence.40 Quezon was not anti-independence, but was merely unsure of the optimum solution to his problem--should he publicly support the relatively conservative economic provisions of the Hawes-Cutting Bill and thus sacrifice his political program by discarding the “immediate” independence issue?41 Should he support the limited independence of the Hawes-Cutting Bill even if this might mean a decline in his political power? It would be several months before he formulated an answer to his dilemma.
In the early summer of 1931, Secretary Hurley and Senator Hawes decided to journey separately to the Philippines to examine the political context upon which successful independence would rely. Quezon and Hurley met several times in Monrovia before Hurley sailed for Manila. Hurley and Quezon came to an agreement which was to be submitted to Congress by Secretary Hurley; both had compromised their seemingly irreconcilable positions. Quezon stood firm as to what kind of independence he considered necessary for the Philippines; he publicly discarded his “immediate” independence platform, and instead offered a plan which had very similar provisions to the Hawes-Cutting Bill. Quezon's plan had political liabilities because it called for a ten-year transition period under a Governor-General. Quezon also agreed to a plebiscite after ten years, a raw sugar quota of 800,000 to 1,000,000 long tons, and the continuation of the present coconut oil quota.42 Since these were high quotas and would essentially constitute free trade, Quezon had clearly sacrificed his political independence platform for more satisfactory economic provisions. Osmeña and Roxas had also agreed to this threefold plan for commonwealth status before Quezon had offered it to Secretary Hurley.43
Quezon, Roxas, and Osmeña had made a negotiation shift; they had publicly become the conservative element in the fight for Philippine independence. Independence was no longer vague political claptrap, but was a concrete proposal with definite economic and political provisions qualifying it. Roxas had said that Filipino leaders were compelled to use “radical statements” for “immediate, complete, and absolute” independence to “maintain hold of the people.”44 Quezon brought the new proposals to the people by reasserting his proposal to the First Independence Congress of a year earlier in more explicit terms; he said that “haste and unreasoning passion will sweep us into danger” and that for this reason the Filipinos must “go slow.”45
Quezon's revised ideas generated sharp criticism from Filipino politicians. General Aguinaldo and Senator Juan Sumulong of the Democratas considered the proposal a breach of the debt of gratitude which the Nacionalistas owed the Filipino people for electing them. The Philippine papers that were not controlled by the Nacionalistas also lashed out against the plan. The Democratas labeled Quezon a “reactionary” and a “traitor to his pristine ideals of complete and immediate independence.”46 But these accusations did not affect the popularity of the Nacionalistas, who were re-elected en masse on July 13, 1931. The entrenched party structure, based on personal loyalties, remained more influential than any issues yet raised in Philippine politics. Quezon was re-elected Senate President, Roxas speaker of the House, and Osmeña Majority Floor Leader.47 The Filipino people had apparently felt that the Nacionalista leaders had not reneged on their commitment.
With Quezon's commonwealth plan as the accepted proposal of the Filipino people, the Philippine Legislature presented the visiting Secretary Hurley with a resolution asking for the “immediate political separation” from the United States.48 The support of Quezon's dominion plan was implicit in this resolution which called specifically for political independence, but no longer called for “absolute” independence. Hurley reported to the President that even though Filipinos wanted independence, it would not be feasible either politically or economically. President Hoover agreed with the report, and on October 26, 1931, Hoover emphasized this attitude in a speech. Hurley's War Department was undoubtedly influenced by the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in September, and he believed that the abandonment of vital military and naval installations in the Pacific would be an incalculable mistake.49
Quezon sent a belated confirmation of the commonwealth proposal to Commissioners Osias and Guevara, who reacted favorably.50 Osmeña and Roxas enjoined the Legislature to finance a trip to Washington to permit them to work with Osias and Guevara for “political independence.”51 Quezon, now back in Manila but still ill, remained at home and rendered no specific instructions to the Mission. While the Mission was in Washington occupying itself with “winning friends for the Filipino cause, in solidifying friendships already won, and in mapping out a thorough campaign for independence,”52 Quezon again changed his mind on the kind of independence he thought the Filipinos needed.
Quezon saw that his people were becoming more “active and radical” and that they really did seem to want absolute independence. He sensed that the increasing number of independence parades and rallies proved the Filipino people's desire for complete and absolute independence.53 As a result, he may have overreacted to this situation, believing that to keep his power and position he needed to maintain a hard-line independence stand. Aside from being influenced by the changing Filipino mood, Quezon was also influenced by the fact that he was sitting on the sidelines watching Roxas and Osmeña sail for Washington and for the resulting glory of success.
Quezon knew that the new American Congress which would take up the Hawes-Cutting Bill in December was very sympathetic to Philippine independence because of the Democratic victories, the worsening Depression, and the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. Quezon saw that there was a good chance that his potential political rivals would receive credit for achieving Philippine independence. When Hurley asked Quezon in December if any solution to the Philippine problem had to include guaranteed independence, Quezon answered affirmatively.54 Quezon had reneged on his commonwealth status agreement of the previous summer with Secretary Hurley.
Quezon's ambition not only prompted him to go back on his agreement with Hurley, but also to turn against the OsRox (the press and cable abbreviation for Osmeña-Roxas) Mission in Washington. Quezon wrote Resident Commissioner Osias that he still favored immediate independence but said he realized the termination of free trade would be disastrous to the Philippine economy. He added, however, that if immediate independence could not be achieved with a proposal for economic protection, then the Philippines would accept independence regardless of the circumstances.55 Quezon said that he would “take independence under the most burdensome conditions if necessary” and if independence were impossible he would take “anything” he could get “that means an advance in our fight for freedom.”56 Quezon assured John Switzer and Senator King that the Philippines would accept independence even if there were no trade agreement at all.57 From the beginning, Quezon had attempted to undermine the position and authority of the OsRox Mission in Washington, but the Mission relentlessly fought for the approval of the Hawes-Cutting Bill in the Senate and the Hare Bill in the House of Representatives.58
When the Hare and the Hawes-Cutting Bills had become the basis for discussion for an independence bill in the American Congress, Quezon had formed two definite concepts about Philippine independence. First, Quezon wanted to be the leader of a politically autonomous Philippine Legislature but wanted the Philippine economy to have United States protection. Second, Quezon was willing to undermine his political comrades' efforts to attain independence because he felt that he alone should liberate his people. Quezon continued undermining the OsRox Mission for the next two years until the political battle between Quezon and the OsRox Mission, called the pro- anti- fight, ensued in 1933.
The pro- anti- fight was waged to determine two things: on the superficial level it was to decide what course Philippine independence would take, and on the more profound level it was to decide who would become the leader of the Filipino people. Whoever brought independence to the people would be able to control the Legislature; for this reason Quezon did not want Osmeña to return to Manila with an independence bill. When this did happen he attacked the bill, claiming that the clause allowing the United States to retain its naval and military bases on the Islands was deleterious to the neutrality of the Filipinos. Quezon contended that a much better bill could be obtained easily from the American Congress which was only beginning to grapple with the consequences of the Depression.
Even before the bill was reintroduced in the American Congress in December, 1932, “Quezon's imagination seized on means not of improving but of defeating the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill.”59 After the Hare Bill had been reported favorably by the House Committee on Territories and Insular Affairs and passed by the House in April,60 Quezon asked the OsRox Mission to return to Manila to explain the issues to the people and to help Quezon in the financial trouble that plagued the Legislature. The OsRox Mission refused to return and said that the independence issue was more important and that they would agree with whatever Quezon decided. Quezon, not wishing to force the issue and cause a public rift with the OsRox Mission at this time, replied, “if you still believe that it is your duty to remain there rather than take part in the discussion of all these matters, I shall defer to your judgment and advise the Legislature accordingly.”61 Encouraged by Quezon's acquiescence, the OsRox Mission and the two Resident Commissioners to the United States asked Quezon to come to Washington to help lobby for the Hare and the Hawes-Cutting Bills, but Quezon did not go.62
Expecting a Democratic victory in the American Congress in November of 1932, Quezon believed that if the Senate did not pass the Hawes-Cutting Bill the new Democratic Senate would pass some kind of independence bill. Quezon realized that OsRox would eventually be successful and that he could not alter this by traveling to Washington. Preparing for a political battle at home, Quezon tried to purge the civil service and judicial systems of Osmeña's followers. The Quezon faction claimed that this was done to increase efficiency, but Osmeña and Roxas correctly saw it as an offensive move to weaken their forces in Manila.63
Both the Hare and the Hawes-Cutting Bills specified that during the Commonwealth the American President would have the right to intervene in case of an emergency, and that American naval and military bases would remain on the Islands. Quezon had never made this a real issue to the OsRox Mission, but early in November, 1932, Quezon publicly denounced the Hare and Hawes-Cutting Bills because they did “not grant independence.” Quezon then noted that he objected chiefly to the intervention and military clauses and the low tariff quotas, but that he would be willing to postpone independence for ten years “provided in the meantime there is established in the Philippine Islands a government autonomous in name as well as in fact.”64 Quezon had set the stage for the political battle. The military and intervention clauses and the low trade quotas were, in fact, somewhat objectionable to Quezon, but he magnified their importance so that he could publicly fight the OsRox Mission and begin to mobilize his political forces.
In the meantime the OsRox Mission said it agreed with Quezon's objections and would “seek further expert opinion and [would] favor wording which most limits power intervention [by the President of the United States].” But later the OsRox Mission noted that for independence to be at all possible in the near future, the naval and military bases would have to remain on the Islands because many members of the House and Senate whose support was “indispensible” believed that these military reservations were “necessary.”65
In late November, Quezon informed the OsRox Mission he was sending Senator Benigno Aquino to Washington “with special instructions.” Although Quezon publicly spoke out against the military provisions of the two bills, he enjoined Aquino to inform Osmeña and Roxas not to accept a bill unless Presidential intervention was restricted and a higher sugar quota was provided (1.2 million tons).66 since Quezon clearly knew that the American Congress would not accept these terms, he was trying to force the OsRox Mission to get the bills tabled. He wrote to a Mr. Ansberry that Aquino was sent with these instructions because Quezon wanted to wait until the Democratic 73rd Congress convened and an independence bill more favorable than the Hawes-Cutting or Hare Bills could be passed.67 With his health slowly returning, Quezon knew he would be well enough by that time to go to Washington and fight for a new independence bill that he could give to his people.68
The Hare and the Hawes-Cutting Bills were both reintroduced into Congress in early December, 1932. There were two amendments to the Hawes-Cutting Bill which genuinely angered Quezon. Senator Hiram Johnson introduced an immigration exclusion amendment and Senator Huey Long proposed an amendment cutting the free trade quota on raw sugar to half of what the Filipinos desired (585,000 tons). Quezon wrote to Osmeña and Roxas that he was sure he was voicing “the unanimous sentiment of our people in urging you to press for immediate independence and if this is impossible let there be no bill” because a better bill would be possible in the new Congress.69 In a press release dated December 16, Quezon said that “the last dispatches from America clearly show that the fight in the Senate is not to give independence and freedom to the Philippines but to close American doors to Filipino labor and Philippine products. . . . America should grant independence to the Philippines at once.”70 But Osmeña and Roxas ignored Quezon and decided to continue lobbying for the acceptance of the Hawes-Cutting Bill.
The lobbying of farm and labor groups pleading for relief from the Depression was a powerful ally for Osmeña and Roxas. The Hawes-Cutting Bill was passed on December 17, 1932, in the Senate without a record vote. In the conference between the House and the Senate on the Hare and Hawes-Cutting Bills the Senate yielded quickly to the Hare Bill provision for a one million ton per year sugar quota, and a token Filipino immigration quota of fifty persons per year. The two Houses also settled on a ten-year transition period,71
After the conference the two bills became known collectively as the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill (abbreviated H-H-C by the press), although many Filipinos continued to refer to it as the Hawes-Cutting Bill. This bill had to be signed by Hoover and accepted by the Philippine Legislature to become law. It stipulated that the Legislature must convene a Constitutional Convention to write a constitution which would be republican in form and would assure American rights and principles of government. The constitution would have to be approved by the President of the United States and, if acceptable to him, would then have to be approved by the Filipino people in a national plebiscite. All American property, except naval and military bases, was to go to the Philippine government. The H-H-C Bill also provided for a ten-year transition period during which time the Philippines would be run under an autonomous Commonwealth government. The President of the United States would have the final say on all foreign policy and would appoint a High Commissioner to the Islands with limited powers. The tariff rates would remain the same for the first five years of the Commonwealth but would increase 5% annually for the second five years. Independence would come on July 4 ten years after the inauguration of the Commonwealth of the Philippines.
Osmeña and Roxas immediately cabled Quezon announcing that they “would not commit ourselves a priori in favor” of the bill so that the Legislature may have an “absolutely free hand to accept or reject” the measure. Quezon cabled back that the H-H-C Bill was not satisfactory to the Filipino people. Quezon wrote that there were no “signs that our people will be discouraged if there is [a] deadlock among [the] conferences or [a] presidential veto because they are ready to force the immediate independence issue upon the next Administration.”72 After Hoover had been handed the H-H-C Bill by Congress, Quezon continued to malign the bill, calling it “the work of the National City Bank” and a “joke that is unfair and harmful to us, but profitable to American manufacturers and exporters, [and] to Cuban sugar and beet sugar interests.” Quezon also said that he would “oppose” the H-H-C Bill if it was “signed by the President.”73
The OsRox Mission tried to persuade Hoover to sign the bill but on January 13 he vetoed it because he considered the bill inconsistent with Republican policy.74 Both houses of Congress passed the H-H-C Bill over the veto on the same day, and the bill became law.75 Osmeña and Roxas had achieved independence for the Filipino people but it was far from the immediate, complete, and absolute independence which Filipino leaders had publicly espoused for the last thirty years and which Quezon now publicly professed.
Even though Osmeña and Roxas knew that Quezon’s forces in Manila had been trying to purge Osmeña’s followers out of the civil service and courts in November and were aware that Quezon had previously accepted the provisions of the H-H-C Act and then came out against them, Osmeña and Roxas were either too slow to act or were naively unaware of Quezon’s motives for rejecting the measure. Since the OsRox Mission felt that Quezon’s objections to the act’s provisions for Presidential intervention, the retention of military and naval bases, the relatively low tariff quota on sugar, and the limited Filipino immigration clause, were the real reasons Quezon castigated the act, the OsRox Mission challenged Quezon to come to Washington and see if he could obtain any further concessions.76 On January 28 Quezon agreed to come to Washington via Europe and arrive in late March.77 It would be several weeks before Osmeña and Roxas realized that Quezon was waging a battle for the leadership of Philippine politics.
In the two-month interim Quezon prepared for the ensuing political battle with Osmeña and Roxas by campaigning against the H-H-C Act. In a radio broadcast transmitted from overseas to the United States, Quezon declared that the H-H-C Act was not really an independence bill but a tariff quota and an immigration exclusion act to help the American citizen. He also broadcast a message on KZRM radio to his own people claiming that “the Philippines would remain a conquered province of the United States, just as we are now, but she [the United States] would be under no moral or legal obligation to look after our interest and to protect us from foreign invasion.”78
Having heard the public attacks Quezon was making against the achievements of the OsRox Mission, Osmeña and Roxas decided to launch a counteroffensive against Quezon. Osmeña entreated his followers in Manila to create a League for the Acceptance of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Law. The League disseminated pamphlets and had Osmeña-controlled newspapers campaign, not only for the acceptance of the H-H-C Act but also against the leadership of Quezon. As a reaction to this Quezon made more and more public appearances denouncing the act and Osmeña's attacks on Quezon's leadership. For the next month there was little correspondence between the Independence Mission and Quezon. In a “heat of temper”79 Quezon wrote a letter to Secretary of War Parker claiming that since the Philippines had a “deficit in legislative appropriation” the OsRox Mission must “return as soon as possible.” He added that Parker should “inform them that their per diems will not be paid after fifteen days of notification.”80
Quezon chose a handpicked mission that was supposedly “mixed” in sentiment over the H-H-C Act to journey to Washington. Quezon suggested that Osmeña and Roxas meet him in Paris and they agreed.81 Quezon and Osmeña and Roxas came to an agreement on board the He de France which was taking them to Washington. On April 25 Quezon, fearing that he could not defeat Osmeña, agreed to accept the H-H-C Act provided that the military and naval bases near Manila be evacuated, and that either the transition period be reduced from ten to five years or the tariff clauses be modified.82 But Quezon reneged and the agreement was dissolved. Quezon did this apparently because the cables sent to him showed that his followers in Manila believed they could easily defeat Osmeña and thus became disenchanted with him for accepting the “common program.”83
José Clarin and Quintin Paredes headed Quezon's faction in Manila and Benigno Aquino and Maximo Kalaw headed Osmeña's. Following the typical pattern of Philippine politics the factions were split according to family and geographic affiliations. José de Jesus, Quezon's personal secretary, wrote that “we can readily see that it is in the Visayas Group [home of Osmeña and Roxas] where the supporters of the bill are centered.” De Jesus also reassured Quezon by telling him that the pros (the name that Osmeña's forces were called because they wanted the H-H-C Act accepted) were waging an “intensive” but “unfruitful” campaign against the H-H-C Act. De Jesus mentioned that Aquino led the most vicious attack by “mercilessly bombasting the opponents of the bill,” and that the battle in the Philippines press between Clarin and Aquino reached a “low level.” He also told Quezon that the National Information Committee on the Hawes-Cutting Bill had been established by one of Quezon's men, Representative Diokno, and that it was working “full blast” and making pamphlets for distribution throughout the Islands.84
The antis (or Quezonistas as Quezon's followers were sometimes referred to by the Philippine press) formed the Anti Hawes-Cutting League which was “to send orators and debaters to all parts of the province around Manila at their own expense to counteract the propaganda launched by the agents of the proponents of the Law.” The League considered the H-H-C Act “an assassination to the hope of Philippine freedom.”85 Paredes cabled Quezon that due to this kind of strenuous campaigning a “majority” of the Legislature was “anxious” to reject the measure but was “awaiting your advice.”86 But Quezon's position was not this strong—his followers had overestimated the effects of their efforts and, in fact, the pro and anti forces at this time were about equal in strength.87 After several public debates between the pros and the antis, the Filipino leaders returned.
The OsRox Mission and the “Mixed Mission” had decided not to go back to the Islands by the same route; but they met in Hong Kong and, refusing to accept the separate receptions prepared by the two camps, returned to Manila together. They did not publicly attack each other until a few days after their arrival.88
The pro- anti- fight was intensified by the return of the leaders of both factions. Before leaving for Europe Quezon had been the first to express publicly an opinion about the H-H-C Act; but Osmeña was the first to use personal slander. Knowing that he had ground to make up after a one-and-a-half-year absence, Osmeña aggressively attacked Quezon's patriotism. To many Filipinos this was seen as an act of walang hiya (base ingratitude); this allowed Quezon “to adopt a stance he loved well: injured innocence defending slandered patriotism.”89
Osmeña obtained the support of a powerful newspaper chain (Tribune-Vanguardia-Taliba), but Quezon had only a few isolated papers supporting him. To remedy this Quezon bought the other major newspaper chain on the Islands (El Debate-Mabuhay-Herald-Monday Mail) for Ꝑ 300,000. The chain had been neutral but Quezon placed Carlos Romulo, an anti, to run it.
Since the University of the Philippines endorsed Osmeña and Roxas, Quezon charged the President of the University, Rafael Palma, with “abusing what should be a neutral office” and cut back the budget of the University by one third. Both Palma and Maximo Kalaw, Dean of the College of Liberal Arts, quickly resigned, and Quezon appointed an anti, Jorge Bocobo, to head the University. Although the newly-appointed American GovernorGeneral, Frank Murphy, did not enter the pro- anti- fight, Quezon had previously persuaded the former Governor-General, Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., to allow the pros to be replaced by antis. Quezon was able to do this because he proposed a reorganization of the courts if the H-H-C were rejected, which Roosevelt believed would save money.90
Quezon not only had the power of his office and of his longstanding political prestige to fight Osmeña, but also the power of his personality and the knowledge of the intricacies of Filipino politics. At this time Quezon solicited the support of a proud independent, Vicente Vera, who was thinking of joining Osmeña. Quezon said, “Look here, chico, your leading opponent for leadership in this region is José Surbito—and he's an Osmeña man. If you go over to Osmeña, I'll take Surbito who, after all, is closely related to my former secretary, Felipe Buencamino. So you might as well join me. “ Not only did Vera join the antis, but Surbito did also. When Quezon was campaigning against the H-H-C Act in Tanawan, Batangas (country dominated by José P. Laurel, of the OsRox faction), he was greeted coolly. Quezon spotted a cross-eyed man and said, “Hey, putang ina mone duling . . . What are you doing here?” People gathered around Quezon, thinking that he knew one of their neighbors. When Quezon was asked later who the cross-eyed man was he said, “I'll be damned if I know his name. . . . This is the first time I've ever seen him in my life!”91 in July, Quezon wrote to ex-Governor-General Harrison asking if Quezon publicly could “refer to Osmeña's visit to you [Harrison] trembling with fear when the Clarke Amendment [1916] was discussed in Congress as something you have told me in a private conversation.”92 Thus, Quezon had not only betrayed his friendship with Osmeña and Roxas when he made public a private conversation over a dead issue, but he also transcended the traditional trust supposedly sacred to ilustrado politicians. Neither Osmeña nor Roxas could compete with Quezon's political skill and they were confounded “by the intricate steps he took in his political dances.”93
In carrying out his political maneuvers, Quezon was able to raise more money from his supporters than was Osmeña. Quezon was successful in raising substantial funds to fight the H-H-C Act. He received over Ꝑ100,000 from his long-time friends, the Elizaldes and Sorianos. Since Quezon publicly claimed that the H-H-C Act did not sufficiently protect Philippine sugar trade he won strong support from “the majority of sugar centralistas.” Senator Claro Recto said later that the antis were able to raise a million pesos in all “to get a new independence bill.” Recto revealed that the largest contributor was the Elizalde family because, he said, “They had to save Quezon's face. They were very close friends of his.”94
Quezon used an entirely different tactic to gain further support. In addition to saying that the H-H-C Act did not do enough to protect the Philippine economy (and in this way winning over the conservative business elements), he also continued to attack the act for failing to grant immediate independence, thus winning the radicals over to his camp. In this way he convinced Judge Sumulong, General Aguinaldo, and Bishop Aglipay, who had all fought for immediate independence throughout the American occupation and who were, unlike Quezon, consistent about its implementation. Since Quezon also strongly influenced a majority of the upper middle-class ilustrado, by the middle of the summer of 1933, he had won out over Osmeña in all sectors of the society. All that Quezon had to do now was to use his power to purge Osmeña and Roxas from the Government, have the Legislature reject the H-H-C Act, and then head his own independence mission to Washington to achieve an independence bill more to his liking and with his name associated with it.
With Quezon holding most of the cards, Osmeña made a final effort to uproot Quezon from the leadership of the Filipinos. He challenged Quezon by suggesting that both combatants resign from the Senate and take the issue to the people. Knowing that he controlled the Senate, on July 20, 1933, Quezon offered his resignation in a speech to the Philippine Senate. He said, “I can not submit my judgment to them nor should they submit theirs to mine,” and added that it was up to the Legislature “which has the authority to determine who should be at the head of our national leadership.”95 Quezon made it clear that he really did not want to take the issue to the people, but was offering his resignation as a political power play so that the Quezon-controlled Senate would make the obvious choice as to who it would keep as head of the Legislature. Osmeña delivered a speech to the Senate demanding that it accept Quezon's resignation. Osmeña used the same line of attack that Quezon had used eleven years earlier to dethrone him—he castigated the autocratic character of Quezon and his presumptuous rejection of the H-H-C Act; he protested against “a personal leadership gained through intrigue and machinations.”96
Osmeña's diatribe did not succeed. The Senate voted 16 to 5 to reject Quezon's resignation and then accepted Osmeña's resignation, 15 to 2. One of Quezon's most ardent followers, Representative Buencamino, led the fight against Roxas in the House. After a frenzied scuffle in the House caused by Roxas' student followers, Roxas was voted out of office by the Quezon-controlled House, 50 to 29. Quezon replaced Osmeña and Roxas with antis--Paredes and Clarin.97 He said that these changes in the leadership of the Legislature were “unpleasant” but that “changes in the national leadership are nothing abnormal in democracies. . . . ”98 gut Osmeña saw Quezon's actions as both abnormal and undemocratic; he said that Quezon was “insistent in the support of his pernicious, anti-democratic and subversive principles of the stability of our institutions.”99
Quezon was genuinely offended by Osmeña's continuous attacks and asked him to leave the Nacionalista party ranks. Quezon said that “as a matter of political honesty I would not have as my associates in the leadership of the Legislature and the Party men who have denounced me in private and in public as conniving with imperialists to deprive my own people of their liberty.” Quezon then challenged Osmeña to form a new party: “Let us have two parties and then the Senator [Osmeña] and I will prove to the country that we mean what we say when we affirm that we believe in the need of two political parties.”100 The pros formed a party called the Partido Pro-Independencia Nacionalista with the same ideology as the Nacionalistas except that the Pros wanted the H-H-C Act accepted. The Pros elected Osmeña as President and Roxas as Vice-President of the Party, which was joined by former members of the recently disbanded Democratas.101
Osmeña directed his minority group against Quezon, who was waiting for the American Congress to settle its pressing domestic problems which were consuming its time,102 before he would direct the Legislature to formally reject the H-H-C Act and head his own independence mission to Washington. Osmeña pressed Quezon to honor his previous agreement to hold a plebiscite so that the Filipino people could decide on the H-H-C Act. Quezon was afraid that the people might accept the H-H-C Act and therefore fomented a fight with Osmeña over the form the plebiscite would take. Osmeña wanted a straight “yes or no” question and Quezon proposed a purposely ambiguous set of questions, both to render the plebiscite useless and to frustrate Osmeña. In effect, Quezon proposed that the plebiscite ask: “Do you want the H-H-C Act or do you want a better independence act?” Osmeña finally conceded and no plebiscite was held. In later years, Osmeña said he did not push the issue because a bitter campaign would have ensued and it would have divided the people.103
After Quezon and Osmeña had signed an agreement that a plebiscite would not be held because they could not agree on the form, the Philippine Senate decided to vote on whether to accept or reject the H-H-C Act. On the morning of October 17, 1933, the Philippine Legislature in a concurrent resolution declined to accept the independence offered by the United States.
Quezon sailed for Washington in November to try to attain the better independence bill he had promised his people. Quezon had written Governor-General Frank Murphy seeking his support for either a change in the H-H-C Act or “new legislation.” Quezon now desired political independence in three years with economic protection. He wanted a yearly quota of not less than one million long tons of sugar, 200,000 tons of oil, and not less than the maximum amount of cordage ever exported to the United States. He also specified that there should be no American “military reservations” in the Philippines but “if the United States should feel that it must have and maintain naval reservations, it should be in common accord with the Philippine Republic and the bay and port of Manila.” Quezon also naïvely desired a treaty between the United States, France, Great Britain, and Japan guaranteeing the neutrality of the Philippines after independence.104
Quezon's aims were not revolutionary; indeed, they were very similar to the provisions of the H-H-C Act. Quezon had apparently suspected all along that Congress might be reluctant to change its mood toward the Islands in less than two years. As a result of this, Quezon still desired a continued economic protection by the United States but political autonomy in the Far East without the interference of Japan. The American Congress proved even more reluctant than Quezon had prognosticated and he, therefore, had to utilize all his skill in political maneuvering and manipulating.
The new Filipino delegation was not greeted enthusiastically in Washington. Since the first New Deal legislation was sputtering, Congress had more urgent measures to consider than Philippine independence. Henry Stimson and Harry Hawes were disillusioned by the rejection of the H-H-C Act and cautioned Quezon not to ask too much of Congress--there might be no independence bill rendered at all.
When Quezon arrived in Washington he discovered that the pros had sent Camilo Osias to talk with President Roosevelt. Osias told Roosevelt that the Filipino people were in favor of the H-H-C Act, but that it was blocked due to Quezon's political maneuvers. Roosevelt gave his support to Quezon, however, and decided to allow Quezon to lobby Congress for the modification of the H-H-C Act.105 Osias was dismissed as Resident Commissioner by Quezon's followers and the antis took complete control of the independence bill negotiations.
Quezon presented a proposal to Senator Millard Tyding Chairman of the Senate Committee on Territories and Insular Affairs. The proposal was very similar to the one he had earlier submitted to Governor-General Murphy. Tydings, having been influenced by Osias, rejected the proposal and stated that the acceptance date for the H-H-C Act would be extended another nine months. Quezon used his dignified charm to win a concession from Tydings. Knowing that better economic provisions were impossible, Quezon emphasized his objection to the military reservations. Tydings soon agreed that the army bases would be expunged and the naval bases would be subject to negotiation at a later date.106
But during this time, Quezon was trying to find a more advantageous avenue to a better independence bill. He told Senator King he would accept King's immediate independence bill. He entreated the support of Joseph Tumulty, Senator Robinson, and former Senator Hawes, who all believed Quezon was in favor of a bill similar to the H-H-C Act. Quezon implored ex-Governor-General Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., who was now in Washington, to support a dominion plan for the Islands. Quezon had not openly reneged on his agreement with Tydings which he later signed. He realized that Tydings held the real power over the fate of Philippine independence and that these other avenues to a better independence would most probably prove to be dead ends.107 The President agreed to the Quezon-Tydings plan and sent a message to Congress asking for a new Philippine independence bill.
The King bill for immediate independence and full tariff, Dickenson's bill with a five year transition period, and Vandenberg's bill with a two-year transition period and eight years of economic protection were all quickly defeated. Congress had failed to change its mood and passed the Tydings bill in the Senate and a similar measure, the McDuffie bill, in the House. President Roosevelt signed the bill on March 24, 1934. The Tydings-McDuffie Act was, despite Quezon's efforts, almost a carbon copy of the rejected Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act. The economic provisions remained the same; the only political change was the abolition of American army installations and the promise of a later review of the naval bases.
Quezon was greeted as a national hero when he returned to Manila. His homecoming was enhanced by a throng of Filipinos shouting “Viva QuezonI” Quezon spoke to the Philippine Legislature shortly after his arrival claiming sole credit for the independence of the Philippines. He said, “There is no other colored people in the Far East that has the same benefits or anything like them that the Filipino people have to-day and this victory of ours will be a stimulus to them. . . . Seven years in the United States have proven to me that America is the best friend that the Filipino people ever had or could ever have.”108 But Osmeña rightly claimed that the Tydings-McDuffie Act was “his” H-H-C Act with Quezon's name associated with it.
Six weeks later the elections determined who the people wanted to rule the Legislature. The antis won a landslide victory over Osmeña's forces. This election was the last political event in the system created by the Jones Law of 1916. Both the antis and pros were now faced with constructing a commonwealth government. Quezon saw that it would be to his and to the country's advantage if a union between the two camps was implemented. At first Osmeña was reluctant, but finally acquiesced for three reasons. He realized that he and Quezon held identical views on almost all political issues and that the pro- anti- fight was really a test to see who would become the political leader. His group loyalties were such that he saw that only harm would come to the ilustrado ruling elite by being bitterly divided at the time of independence. Osmeña also realized that his personal power would be stronger as second in command in a one-party system than head of a relatively weaker opposition party. Many members in the lower tiers of government felt that this was a breach of utang na loob: they had strenuously fought each other at the local level and knew a union would be extremely difficult. Senator Juan Sumulong also vehemently protested the union. But Osmeña was won over, as he had been in 1922, and the Nacionalistas were reunited on June 16, 1935, under the direction of Quezon and Osmeña. The union assured that the existing ilustrado elite would continue to rule unchallenged during the Commonwealth and the future Republic. A formidable ticket of Quezon for President and Osmeña for Vice-President won an overwhelming victory at the polls in the election for the Commonwealth Government of the Philippines in 1935.
This study has attempted to show that Quezon was successful in the pro- anti- fight primarily because he both understood the traditional personalism of Philippine politics and how to manipulate modern political institutions by his charisma and by his astute political judgment. He saw himself as a living bridge for his people between a new, somewhat alien, modern world and a traditional social system based on factions, kinship, and family alliances of his peasant-based society. His success lay in his ability to blend these relationships into a strong and unified leadership. Quezon's mercurial personality and his keen understanding of key issues enabled him to put off independence until a later date, to defeat Osmeña and Roxas, to regain independence, and to continue in power over the Filipino people.
Part of Quezon's success lay in his ability to become the leader of the Filipino politicians. Often resorting to ruthless political trickery or to overt lies, Quezon built up the most-powerful political machine in the Islands. Quezon's ability to detect and thwart any threats guaranteed his position as leader. Perhaps even more important than his political maneuvers was his forceful personality which won much respect and many followers among the ruling elite. Quezon's personality and his use of patronage made most of the other politicians feel they owed him utang na loob.
However, Quezon's role in Philippine independence cannot be seen solely as an ambitious use of power. While it is true that Quezon's ego thrived on ceremonies and the praise political power awarded him, he also loved his people. Quezon delayed independence because he believed, like Louis XIV, that he was the state and that, therefore, he, and only he, should present independence to the people. Quezon realized that his charismatic leadership was the crucial unifying force for his people at the difficult time of formulating a Commonwealth government. Quezon knew how to give the peasant something tangible to believe in and to follow. Since Quezon could mobilize the peasants and unite the politicians, he gave the Philippines the kind of leadership necessary to make a successful transition from a traditional society to a modern political system.
In 1932 and 1933, Quezon was truly a harbinger of how other national leaders might attempt to mobilize their people on a mass basis. Like Quezon, Nkrumah and Sukarno, for example, clamored for independence and, after it was achieved, were able to keep their people united and interested in politics. They did this in part by filling a political void and by projecting their personalities as symbols of their nations. Some leaders were more successful and lasted longer than others; Quezon was one of the first and one of the most successful.
Quezon's achievement in winning independence has not been forgotten in the Philippines. Indeed today, Quezon is more than just a historical hero who brought independence to the Islands; Filipinos now see Quezon as the great emancipator of the Filipino people from the yoke of Western imperialism. Thus, Quezon's proudly dynamic personality has made it possible for him to be remembered and loved for the ends he produced, while the means he used have been largely overlooked by most Filipinos. As one Filipino historian noted: “No Filipino has equalled his oratorical prowess, and his intuitive knowledge of Filipino mass psychology led him from one political triumph to another without meeting a single defeat.”109 Quezon, who was concerned for his historical image, can be said to have fought and won what he called “the good fight.”
Notes
1. Manuel L. Quezon, “Our Peaceful Struggle for Independence,” The Philippine Social Science Review, V–l (1933), 71–86.
2. The Quezon Papers, which consist of Quezon's cablegrams, telegrams, radiograms, letters, and speeches, are at the Philippine National Library and are available on microfilm at the Michigan Historical Collections, The University of Michigan. (Hereinafter referred to as QP.)
3. The Partido Urgentista. the Comité de la Union Nacionalista. and the Partido Independista Inmediatista. Bonifacio S. Salamanca, The Filipino Reaction to American Rule: 1901–1913 ([Hamden, Conn.] 1968), p. 160.
4. Sergio Osmeña was born in Cebu City on the island of Cebu in the Visayas on September 9, 1878. He received his A.B. degree from the College of San Juan de Letrán, and his Bachelor of Laws in 1903. He was elected Governor of Cebu in 1904 and in 1907 was elected the first Speaker in the Philippine Assembly.
5. The election results were: 32 Nacionalistas, 16 Progresistas, 7 Independistas, 4 Inmediatistas, 20 non-partisan, 1 Catholic. See Gregorio F. Zaide and Sonia M. Zaide, Government and Politics of the Government of the Philippines (Quezon City, 1969), p. 46.
6. Ibid., p. 53.
7. Grayson L. Kirk, Philippine Independence (New York, 1936), p. 42. From 1898 on, the Democrats had been the party more inclined to oppose (Republican) imperialism; this had been a major campaign issue in the elections of 1900 and 1902.
8. Manuel L. Quezon, The Good Fight (New York, 1946), p. 117.
9. This seeming anomaly was mentioned in only one important Philippine newspaper, La Nacion. Isabelo Caballero and M. de Garcia Concepcion, Quezon (Manila, 1935), p. 173.
10. Salamanca, pp. 172-73.
11. As it was passed, the Jones Act promised independence but set no specific date. The preamble said that independence would be granted when the Filipinos had formed a “stable” government. The ambiguity of this term proved explosive when the Republicans returned to power in 1921.
12. H. R. Rep. No. 511, 67th Cong., 4th sess., 1920.
13. Quezon, The Good Fight, p. 36.
14. Kirk, p. 48.
15. QP, Quezon to Mr. Pond, undated letter [1930?].
16. QP, Quezon to Osmeña, undated letter [early 1930?].
17. Manuel Roxas, born in 1894, was, like Osmeña, from the Visayan Islands. The youthful Roxas came to national prominence when he was elected Speaker of the House in 1922.
18. QP, Roxas to Osmeña, cables, Jan. 5, 7, 1930; Osmeña to Roxas, cable, Jan. 12, 1930.
19. Hearings Before the Senate Committee on Territories and Insular Affairs. 71st Cong., 2nd sess., 1930, pp. 10–17.
20. Ibid., statements of Chester H. Gray, p. 69; W. C. Hushings, p. 113; C. W. Holman, p. 453; Frederic Brenckman, p. 110; J. S. McDaniel, pp. 293–313.
21. Ibid., statements of Charles P. Perrin, pp. 540-67; Charles D. Orth, p. 179; John M. Switzer, pp. 377–437; D. F. Webster, p. 251; John H. Pardeo, p. 251; A. G. Kempf, p. 216; J. F. Comins, p. 209.
22. Ibid.. statements of Nicholas Roosevelt, pp. 341-77; Henry Stimson, pp. 658-82.
23. QP, Quezon to Maximo Kalaw, letter, Jan. 4, 1930, and Quezon to Osmeña, letter, Jan. 4, 1930.
24. Gregorio F. Zaide, The Republic of the Philippines (Manila, 1963), p. 261.
25. Proceedings of the First Independence Congress (Manila, n. d.)
26. Ibid.
27. Hayden Papers, “Secretary Hurley's report to the Chairman of the Committee on Territories and Insular Affairs.” (Typewritten.) (Hereinafter collection referred to as HP.)
28. Dapen Liang, The Development of Philippine Political Parties (Hong Kong, 1939), p. 209.
29. QP, Quezon to Hawes, letter, Mar. 17, 1930.
30. QP, Roxas to Quezon, letter, May 23, 1930; Quezon to Hawes, letter, May 24, 1930.
31. Sen. Rep. No. 751, 71st Congress, 2nd session, 1932, Part 1.
32. Kirk, p. 107.
33. The transition period was later changed to ten years.
34. Angus Campbell, et al., The American Voter (New York, 1964), p. 277.
35. Maximo Manguiat Kalaw, Introduction to Philippine Social Science (Manila, 1933), pp. 499–500.
36. Joseph Ralston Hayden, The Philippines: A Study in National Development (New York, 1942), p. 349.
37. QP, Osias and Guevara to Quezon, letter, Nov. 28, 1930.
38. QP, Quezon to Osias and Guevara, letter, Nov. 21, 1930, and Quezon to Senator Wheeler, letter, Dec. 3, 1930.
39. QP, Quezon to Guevara, letter (not sent), Mar. 23, 1931.
40. QP, Quezon to Osmeña and Roxas, cable, Mar. 19, 1931.
41. When Senator Bingham asked Quezon if he would accept a “dominion status,” Quezon declined. QP, June 6, 1931; Quezon to Senator Bingham, letter, June 11, 1931.
42. QP, Quezon to Osmeña and Roxas, cable, Aug. 26, 1931.
43. Theodore Friend, Between Two Empires (New Haven, Conn., 1965), p. 65.
44. Carlos Quirino, Quezon: Man of Destiny (Manila. 1935), p. 56.
45. Ibid., p. 69; QP, draft of an interview of Quezon for the Philippine press, Nov. 13, 1931.
46. Friend, p. 60; Quirino, Quezon, p. 65.
47. QP, Osmeña to Quezon, cable, July 13, 1931.
48. New York Times. Sept. 18–20, 1931.
49. Friend, p. 77.
50. QP, Quezon to Guevara, and Quezon to Osias, both letters dated Sept. 18, 1931.
51. QP, joint resolution in both Houses of the Philippine Legislature, Sept. 24, 1931.
52. Caballero and Concepcion, p. 300.
53. QP, M. Kalaw to Quezon, letter, Oct. 5, 1931; Quezon to Osias and Guevara, letter, Nov. 6, 1931.
54. QP, Hurley to Quezon, and Quezon's reply, both letters dated December, 1931.
55. QP, Quezon to Osias, letter, Sept. 17, 1931.
56. QP, Quezon to Guevara, letter (not sent), Dec. 14, 1931.
57. QP, Quezon to John Switzer, letter, Oct. 2, 1931.
58. The major difference between the bills was that the Senate bill provided for a nineteen-year transition period and the House bill called for a five-year transition period.
59. Friend, p. 103.
60. The Hare Bill provided for a five-year transition period under an autonomous commonwealth status with no plebiscite after the five years; it also called for liberal trade relations. See QP, OsRox to Quezon, cable, Mar. 6, 1932. The Senate did not vote on the Hawes-Cutting Bill until December, 1932.
61. QP, Quezon to OsRox, cables, July 6, 9, 11, 13, 1932; OsRox to Quezon, cables, July 6, 13, 18, 1932.
62. QP, OsRox to Quezon, cable, Sept. 10, 1932; Osias to Quezon, cable, Sept. 19, 1932.
63. Hayden, p. 356; Liang, pp. 211-12.
64. QP, Quezon to the Independence Commission, letters, Nov. 3, 5,1932. The Independence Commission consisted of several Philippine legislators who desired the right to vote on any independence bill offered by the United States.
65. QP, OsRox to Quezon, cable, Nov. 7, 1932.
66. QP, Quezon to Aquino, radiogram, Nov. 14, 1932.
67. QP, Quezon to Mr. Ansberry, letter, Nov. 16, 1932.
68. Quezon had chosen Aquino to inform the OsRox Mission of Quezon's instructions because he was an “Osmeña man” and Quezon thought Osmeña and Roxas would listen to him. But Osmeña convinced Aquino that the Hawes-Cutting and Hare Bills were the best possible arrangements for independence. From that time on, Aquino fought with the OsRox Mission versus Quezon. QP, Aquino to Quezon, cable, Dec. 13, 1932.
69. QP, Quezon to OsRox, letter, Dec. 10, 1932.
70. QP, Quezon, press release dated Dec. 16, 1932.
71. Kirk, p. 119.
72. QP, OsRox to Quezon, cable, Dec. 19, 1932; Quezon to OsRox, cables, Dec. 19, 21, 1932.
73. QP, OsRox to Quezon, cable, Dec. 31, 1932; Quezon to OsRox, letter, Jan. 2, 1933.
74. Hoover was also influenced by the report by the War Department which called the H-H-C Bill “fundamentally unsound.” HP, “Report to the President by the Secretary of War on the Hawes-Cutting Bill Granting Philippine Independence,” dated Jan. 11, 1933.
75. Quezon was so much against the H-H-C Bill that he asked Senator King and General Wheeler to vote against the overriding of the veto. QP, Quezon to Senator King, cable, Jan. 16, 1933; Quezon to General Wheeler, cable, Jan. 16, 1933.
76. QP, OsRox to Quezon, cables, Jan. 20, 28, 1933.
77. QP, Quezon to Osias, cable, Jan. 28, 1933. Quezon to Osmeña, letter, Feb. 9, 1933.
78. QP, “A Message to the American People: Speech Delivered by Senate President Quezon over the Columbia Broadcasting Station, transmitted from Station KZRM, Jan. 30, 1933"; “Address of Senate President Manuel L. Quezon over Station KZRM at 9:00 P.M., Mar. 16, 1933.”
79. Liang, p. 213.
80. QP, Quezon to Secretary Parker, letter, undated [Mar. 20, 1933?]; Quezon to Paredes, letter, Mar. 18, 1933. This applied to everyone under Osmeña and Roxas but not to the leaders themselves.
81. QP, OsRox to Quezon, radiogram, Mar. 28, 1933.
82. QP, untitled document on Willard Hotel stationery, April 25, 1933; Quezon to Clarin, cables, April 27, 28, 1933.
83. Quezon later consented to the April 25 agreement but again reneged. See QP, Quezon to de Jesus, letter, May 22, 1933
84. Quezon would often refer in speeches to Osmeña as the Senator or gentleman from Cebu instead of by name. QP, de Jesus to Quezon, letter, April 1, 1933.
85. QP, Hilarion Dugenio to Clarin, letter, April 20, 1933.
86. QP, Paredes to Quezon, cable, April 25, 1933.
87. QP, Clarin to Dugenio, letter, April 29, 1933.
88. Liang, p. 215; Friend, p. 113.
89. Friend, p. 122.
90. Ibid., pp. 114-16.
91. Carlos Quirino, “Anecdotes about Quezon,” Historical Bulletin (Manila). VI-3 (1962), 239-43.
92. QP, Quezon to Harrison, letter, July 2, 1933.
93. Caballero and Concepcion, p. 326.
94. Friend, pp. 117-19.
95. QP, “Speech of Senate President Quezon to the Philippine Senate,” July 20, 1933.
96. Sergio Osmeña, Diario de Sesiones. quoted in Friend, p. 127.
97. QP, Quezon to Governor-General Murphy, letter, Aug. 2, 1933.
98. QP, “Speech by Senate President Quezon to the Philippine Senate,” July 21, 1933.
99. Caballero and Concepcion, pp. 322-23.
100. QP, “Speech by Senate President Quezon to the Philippine Senate,” Aug. 1, 1933.
101. Liang, p. 226. The leader of the Democratas, Juan Sumulong, had disbanded the party in order to j oin with Osmeña and form a viable opposition party.
102. Congress at this time was swamped with Roosevelt’s first New Deal legislation.
103. Friend, pp. 129-31.
104. QP, Quezon to Governor-General Murphy, letter, Nov. 3, 1933.
105. Liang, p. 225.
106. Friend, p. 140.
107. Quirino, Quezon, p. 77; Friend, p. 140; New York Times, Jan. 18, 1934.
108. Caballero and Concepcion, p. 160.
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I Swear: A Filipino President Took His Oath of Office in DC
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2013-07-29T00:00:00
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In 1944, when the Philippines was counted among U.S. territories, the Department of Interior was also in charge of many Philippine-related affairs. When Commonwealth President Manuel Quezon died in exile on August 1, 1944, Vice President Sergio Osmeña immediately took his oath as the new Commonwealth President at the office of Secretary of Interior Harold…
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https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
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Philippines on the Potomac
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https://popdc.wordpress.com/2013/07/29/osmena/
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In 1944, when the Philippines was counted among U.S. territories, the Department of Interior was also in charge of many Philippine-related affairs. When Commonwealth President Manuel Quezon died in exile on August 1, 1944, Vice President Sergio Osmeña immediately took his oath as the new Commonwealth President at the office of Secretary of Interior Harold Ickes. Supreme Court Associate Justice Robert Jackson administered the oath and the President’s daughter Maria Paloma Osmeña and Carlos P. Romulo were present to witness the event. Later that year, President Osmeña accompanied General Douglas MacArthur in the historic landing at Leyte.
The Osmena Cabinet. Front row (L-R): Jaime Hernandez, Secretary of Finance; President Sergio Osmena; Colonel Carlos P. Romulo, Resident Commissioner and Secretary of Information.Back row (L-R): Colonel Mariano A. Erana, Judge Advocate General of the Army of the Philippines in charge of the Department of Justice, Labor, and Welfare; Dr. Arturo B. Rotor, Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce; Manuel Nieto, Secretary Cabinet; Ismael Mathay, Budget and Finance Commissioner; Colonel Alejandro Melchor, Under Secretary of National Defense representing General Basilio Valdes, Secretary of National Defense.
Photo credit: Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division.
Digital artifact
Here is a film footage of the oath-taking ceremony (the clip begins at 2:20).
Further information
Department of Interior. 1849 C St., NW, Washington, DC. Restricted Access. For more information visit the Department of Interior website.
References
“Osmena Takes Oath as Philippines’ President,” The Washington Post, 2 Aug 1944: 1; Vicente Albano Pacis (1971) President Sergio Osmeña: A Fully-Documented Biography (Manila: Philippine Constitution Association).
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https://www.encyclopedia.com/people/history/philippines-history-biographies/sergio-osmena
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Encyclopedia.com
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Sergio Osmeña >Sergio Osmeña (1878-1961) was the second president of the Philippine >Commonwealth and a distinguished statesman. He led the country in its >initial stage of political maturation by his honest and selfless devotion to >public service.
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https://www.encyclopedia.com/people/history/philippines-history-biographies/sergio-osmena
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Sergio Osmeña
Sergio Osmeña (1878-1961) was the second president of the Philippine Commonwealth and a distinguished statesman. He led the country in its initial stage of political maturation by his honest and selfless devotion to public service.
Sergio Osmeña was born in Cebu on the island of Cebu on Sept. 9, 1878. He entered the San Carlos Seminary in Cebu in 1889 and then earned his bachelor's degree from San Juan de Letran College. His schooling was interrupted by the 1896 revolution and the Filipino-American War. During the revolution he edited the militantly nationalistic periodical El Nuevo Dia. After the revolutionary struggles he continued his studies until he passed the bar examination on Feb. 20, 1903.
On March 5, 1906, Osmeña was elected provincial governor of Cebu at the age of 28. Although he had little political experience, he succeeded in solving the grave problems of public order and community cooperation in his province, cultivating the people's trust in the municipal enforcement officers.
Early Efforts for Independence
In 1902 Osmeña had joined those nationalists who petitioned Governor William Howard Taft to allow the formation of a political party advocating immediate independence for the Philippines. In 1906 Osmeña became president of the first convention of provincial governors, which urged eventual independence. In 1907 he was unanimously elected speaker of the Assembly, a post he held for 9 years. Together with Manuel Quezon, the leader of the majority in the Assembly, and other nationalist leaders, Osmeña formed the Nacionalista party.
In 1918 Osmeña was appointed vice-chairman of the Council of State by Governor Francis B. Harrison. When the Jones Law of 1916 created an elective senate composed of Filipinos, it gave rise to the leadership of Quezon who, in the elections of 1922, replaced Osmeña as the party leader in government. The disagreement between Osmeña and Quezon came from Quezon's description of Osmeña's leadership as "unipersonal" in contrast to Quezon's alleged style of "collective" leadership. However, in April 1924 Quezon and Osmeña fused their factions into the Partido Nacionalista Consolidado in an effort to present a united resistance against the heavy-handed bureaucratic procedures of Governor Leonard Wood.
In 1931 Osmeña, together with Manuel Roxas, headed the Ninth Independence Mission to the United States, which culminated in the passage by the U.S. Congress of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act on Jan. 17, 1933, overriding President Herbert Hoover's veto. Quezon led the opposition antis against the Osmeña-Roxas pros for rejection of the bill on Oct. 17, 1933. In 1934 Quezon succeeded in obtaining a modified version of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act: the Tydings-McDuffie Act, which provided for complete independence 10 years after the inauguration of the commonwealth.
Inauguration of the Commonwealth
In 1935 Osmeña ran for vice president and won. The commonwealth government was inaugurated on Nov. 15, 1935. Osmeña teamed up with Quezon in a single-party ticket of the Nacionalista party. Osmeña served also as secretary of public instruction and as a member of Quezon's Cabinet. So humble and self-sacrificing was Osmeña that when Quezon's term ended on Nov. 15, 1943, he readily gave up his constitutional right to succeed in office so that the ailing Quezon could indulge his ego in continuing as president of the commonwealth government-in-exile. The operation of the Philippine constitution was temporarily suspended with Osmeña's consent.
On Oct. 25, 1944, after the victorious landing in Leyte, Gen. Douglas MacArthur handed the reins of civil government to Osmeña, who had become president after Quezon's death on Aug. 1, 1944. With his resourceful mind, steadfast purpose, and mature courage in the face of the chaotic conditions of the postwar reconstruction period, Osmeña rallied the Filipinos to unite and fight the remaining Japanese resistance. His first step was to incorporate the guerrilla troops into the reorganized Filipino branch of the U.S. Army. On Feb. 27, 1945, the Commonwealth government was fully reestablished in Manila.
Postwar Years
Immediately thereafter, Osmeña tried to reinstitute the American pattern of education and to get rid of all the residues of Japanese indoctrination. He proposed the creation of the People's Court to investigate all Filipinos suspected of disloyalty or treason. He ordered the post office system reopened and issued a victory currency to stabilize the economy.
Osmeña hoped that Philippine independence would be granted on Aug. 13, 1945, but the U.S. Congress and President Franklin Roosevelt had already fixed the date of independence as July 4, 1946.
Osmeña's perseverance and quiet style of working did not appeal to Gen. MacArthur or to Commissioner Paul V. McNutt, both of whom supported Roxas in his bid for the presidency in the election of April 23, 1945. Roxas won over the weary and self-effacing Osmeña, who refused to campaign for reelection.
Osmeña's situation during the early days of the liberation demanded aggressive tactics and bold policies in order to solve the complicated questions of collaboration, of the domination of the government by feudal landlords, and of the moral rehabilitation of citizens who had been driven to cynicism and pragmatic individualism by the contingencies of war. Osmeña, in spite of his tenacity and astute skill in compromise, yielded to the parasitic oligarchy and acquiesced to the restoration of the prewar semifeudal system, the inherent problems of which could never be solved by parliamentary tact or resiliency. Osmeña retired from public office after his defeat and died on Oct. 19, 1961.
Further Reading
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Thread by @indiohistorian on Thread Reader App
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@indiohistorian: #TodayinHistory in 1878, Sergio Osmeña, 4th #PH President (official roster), and 2nd President of the PH Commonwealth, was born in Cebu City. As a journalist, turned Filipino political leader, his w...…
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https://uca.edu/politicalscience/home/research-projects/dadm-project/asiapacific-region/united-statesphilippines-1898-1946/
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1. United States/Philippines (1898-1946)
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Crisis Phase (December 10, 1898-October 31, 1899): The United States government formally acquired the Philippines from Spain with the signing of the Treaty of Paris on December 10, 1898. The U.S. government declared military rule in the Philippines on December 21, 1898. Emilio Aguinaldo, a Filipino nationalist, proclaimed the independence of the Philippines on January 5, 1899. Emilio Aguinaldo established a rebel government in Malolos on January 23, 1899, and Emilio Aguinaldo was named president of the rebel government. U.S. government troops and Filipinos clashed in Manila on February 4, 1899. U.S. government troops took control of Jolo on the island of Sulu on May 18, 1899.
Conflict Phase (November 1, 1899-April 13, 1902): Emilio Aguinaldo led a rebellion against the U.S. military government in the Philippines beginning on November 1, 1899. Some 200 Filipino rebels commanded by General Licerio Geronimo attacked U.S. government troops commanded by General Henry Ware Lawton near San Mateo on December 19, 1899, resulting in the deaths of General Lawton and 13 other U.S. soldiers. U.S. government troops clashed with Filipino rebels near Catubig on April 15-19, 1900, resulting in the deaths of some 150 rebels and at least 21 U.S. soldiers. U.S. government troops clashed with Filipino rebels near Cagayan de Misamis on June 4, 1900, resulting in the deaths of nine U.S. soldiers and one rebel. U.S. government troops clashed with Filipino rebels near Pulang Lupa on the island of Marinduque on September 13, 1900, resulting in the deaths of four U.S. soldiers. U.S. government troops commanded by Colonel Benjamin F. Cheatham, Jr. clashed with Filipino rebels commanded by General Juan Cailles near Mabitac on September 17, 1900, resulting in the deaths of 21 U.S. soldiers and 11 rebels. Emilio Aguinaldo was captured by Filipino troops loyal to the U.S. government on March 23, 1901, and he was replaced by General Miguel Malvar as rebel leader. Emilio Aguinaldo took an oath of allegiance to the U.S. government on April 19, 1901. Moros attacked U.S. troops in the town of Balangiga on the island of Samar on September 28, 1901, resulting in the deaths of some 48 U.S. soldiers and 28 Moros. The U.S. military established and maintained concentration camps (reconcentrados) with some 298,000 Filipinos in the province of Batangas from January to April 1902, resulting in the deaths of some 8,350 Filipinos. U.S. government and Filipino troops suppressed the rebellion with the surrender of General Miguel Malvar on April 16, 1902. Some 200,000 Filipinos, 4,234 U.S. soldiers, and 20,000 Filipino soldiers were killed during the conflict.
Post-Conflict Phase (April 17, 1902-June 15, 1913): U.S. government troops commanded by Colonel Frank Baldwin clashed with Moros near Bayan on the island of Mindanao on May 2, 1902, resulting in the deaths of some 350 Moros and eleven U.S. soldiers. The U.S. Congress approved the Philippines Act on July 1, 1902, which provided the Philippines with limited self-government. The U.S. government replaced the military government in the Philippines with a civilian government headed by William Howard Taft on July 4, 1902. U.S. President Teddy Roosevelt proclaimed a general amnesty for Filipino rebels on July 4, 1902. General Luke Wright was sworn in as U.S. governor of the Philippines on February 1, 1904. Some 790 U.S. government troops commanded by Colonel J. W. Duncan clashed with Moros near Bud Dajo on March 5-7, 1906, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of Moro men, women, and children. Some 21 U.S. government soldiers were also killed during the clashes near Bud Dajo. Henry Clay Ide was sworn in as U.S. governor of the Philippines on April 2, 1906, and James Smith was sworn in as U.S. governor of the Philippines on September 20, 1906. The Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista – PN) was established on March 12, 1907. Legislative elections were held on July 30, 1907, and the PN won 59 out of 80 seats in the Philippines Assembly. The Progressive Party (Partido Progresista – PP) won 16 seats in the Philippines Assembly. The Philippines Assembly convened in Manila on October 16, 1907. Legislative elections were held on November 2, 1909, and the PN won 62 out of 81 seats in the Philippines Assembly. The PP won 17 seats in the Philippines Assembly. Major General John J. Pershing was assumed the governorship of the Moro province on November 11, 1909. On September 8, 1911, Major General Pershing issued an executive order for the complete disarmament of Moros in Moro province. Legislative elections were held on June 4, 1912, and the PN won 62 out of 81 seats in the Philippines Assembly. The PP won 16 seats in the Philippines Assembly. U.S. government troops suppressed the 14-year Moro rebellion in southern Philippines on June 15, 1913. At least 10,000 Moros, 630 U.S. government soldiers, 116 Philippines soldiers, and 750 Philippines police were killed during the rebellion.
Post-Crisis Phase (June 16, 1913-December 7, 1941): Francis Harrison was sworn in as U.S. governor of the Philippines on August 21, 1913. Legislative elections were held on June 6, 1916, and the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista,- PN) won 75 out of 90 seats in the House of Representatives. The U.S. Congress approved the Jones Act on August 29, 1916, which provided for a bicameral Philippines legislature including a House of Representatives and Senate. Legislative elections were held on June 3, 1919, and the PN won 75 out of 90 seats in the House of Representatives. General Leonard Wood was sworn in as U.S. governor of the Philippines on October 5, 1921. Legislative elections were held on June 6, 1922, and the two major factions of the PN won 64 out of 93 seats in the House of Representatives. The Philippines Assembly approved a resolution on November 19, 1924, which demanded “full and complete independence” from the U.S. Legislative elections were held on June 2, 1925, and the PN won 64 out of 92 seats in the House of Representatives. The Philippines Assembly presented a petition demanding independence to the U.S. Congress on December 7, 1925. The Philippines Assembly approved a resolution calling for a plebiscite on independence on July 26, 1926, but the resolution was vetoed by Governor Wood. Governor Wood died on August 7, 1927, and Henry Stimson was sworn in as U.S. governor of the Philippines on December 13, 1927. Dwight Davis was sworn in as U.S. governor of the Philippines on May 17, 1929. Legislative elections were held on June 5, 1928, and the PN won 71 out of 94 seats in the House of Representatives. Legislative elections were held on June 2, 1931, and the PN won 66 out of 86 seats in the House of Representatives. The U.S. Congress approved the Tydings-McDuffie Act on March 24, 1934, which promised independence to the Philippines in 12 years. Legislative elections were held on June 5, 1934, and the pro-independence faction of the PN won 70 out of 92 seats in the House of Representatives. The anti-independence faction of the PN won 19 seats in the House of Representatives. As called for in the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934, elections for delegates to the Constitutional Convention were held on July 10, 1934. Benigno Ramos led a right-wing uprising against the government in Bulacan and Laguna provinces on May 1-2, 1935, resulting in the deaths of some 100 individuals. Benigno Ramos fled to Japan. A constitution establishing the Commonwealth of the Philippines was approved by 96 percent of voters in a referendum held on May 14, 1935. Legislative elections were held on September 15, 1935, and Manuel Luis Quezón’s faction (pro-independence faction) of the PN won 64 out of 98 seats in the House of Representatives. Sergio Osmeña’s faction of the PN won 19 seats in the House of Representatives. Manuel Luis Quezón of the PN was elected president of the Commonwealth on September 15, 1935. The Commonwealth of the Philippines was formally established on November 15, 1935. Legislative elections were held on November 8, 1938, and the PN won 98 out of 98 seats in the House of Representatives. Several constitutional amendments, including the establishment of a bicameral Congress of the Philippines, were approved in a constitutional plebiscite held on June 18, 1940. Legislative elections were held on November 2, 1941, and the PN won 95 out of 98 seats in the House of Representatives. President Manuel Luis Quezón was re-elected with 82 percent of the vote on November 11, 1941.
Crisis Phase (December 8, 1941-October 17, 1945): Japanese military aircraft attacked the U.S. government’s Clark airfield in the Philippines on December 8, 1941, resulting in the deaths of 80 U.S. military personnel. Some 43,000 Japanese troops commanded by General Masaharu Homma invaded the islands of Luzon, Mindanao, and Jolo on December 22, 1941. Japanese troops took control of Manila on January 2, 1942. General Douglas MacArthur, commander of U.S. troops in the Philippines, was evacuated from Batann peninsula on March 11, 1942. Some 12,000 U.S. troops and 58,000 Filipino troops commanded by General Edward King surrendered to Japanese troops on the island of Luzon on April 9, 1942. U.S. government troops commanded by Major General Jonathan Wainwright surrendered to Japanese troops on the island of Corregidor on May 6, 1942. President Manuel Luis Quezón fled to the U.S. and established the Commonwealth government-in-exile in Washington DC. Under Japanese occupation, legislative elections for the National Assembly of the Second Republic of the Philippines were held on September 20, 1943, and the Kapisanan sa Paglilingkod sa Bagong Philinas – KALIBAPI led by Benigno Aquino, Sr. won 108 out of 108 seats in the National Assembly. José Paciano Laurel was elected president of the Second Republic of the Philippines by the National Assembly on October 14, 1943. President Manuel Luis Quezón died in the state of New York on August 1, 1944, and Vice-President Sergio Osmeña became president of the Commonwealth government-in-exile on August 1, 1944. President José Paciano Laurel declared martial law in the Philippines on September 22, 1944, and declared a state of war with the U.S. and U.K. on September 23, 1944. U.S. government troops commanded by General MacArthur landed on the island of Leyte on October 20, 1944. Japanese naval ships withdrew from the Philippines region on October 25, 1944, and U.S. government troops landed on the island of Samos on October 26, 1944. U.S. troops captured the island of Leyte on December 24, 1944. U.S. government troops attacked Japanese troops on the island of Luzon on January 9, 1945, and captured the island on August 15, 1945. U.S. government troops captured the island of Corregidor on February 16-27, 1945. U.S. government troops attacked Japanese troops on the island of Mindanao on April 17, 1945, and captured the island on August 15, 1945. José Paciano Laurel, who had fled to Japan, formally resigned as president of the Philippines on August 17, 1945. Japan formally surrendered to the U.S. on September 2, 1945.
Post-Crisis Phase (September 3, 1945-July 4, 1946): Manuel Acuña Roxas of the liberal wing of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista,- PN) was elected president of the Commonwealth of the Philippines with 55 percent of the vote on April 23, 1946, and was inaugurated as president on April 28, 1946. Legislative elections were held on April 23, 1946, and the liberal wing of the PN won 49 out of 98 seats in the House of Representatives. The Republic of the Philippines formally achieved its independence from the U.S. on July 4, 1946.
[Sources: Clodfelter, 1992, 911-913, 924-927; Jessup, 1998, 585-586; Keesing’s Record of World Events, July 20-27, 1946; Langer, 1972, 827, 937-938, 1118-1119, 1353-1354.]
Selected Bibliography
Bingham, Woodbrigde, Hilary Conroy, and Frank W. Ikle. 1965. A History of Asia, Vol. II, Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon, Inc.
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4th President of the Philippines: Legacy Overview
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Explore the enduring impact of the 4th President of the Philippines on the nation's history and political landscape. Delve into a legacy that resonates.
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Pinay Wise
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https://pinaywise.com/philippines-facts/4th-president-of-the-philippines-legacy-overview/
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Explore the enduring impact of the 4th President of the Philippines on the nation's history and political landscape. Delve into a legacy that resonates.
As the 4th President of the Philippines, Sergio Osmeña left an indelible mark on the nation’s history. From his pivotal role in Philippine politics to his lasting contributions to education, healthcare, and social welfare, Osmeña’s leadership continues to shape the political landscape of the country. But how exactly did his presidency influence the Philippines, and what are the key lessons we can learn from his legacy?
In this article, we delve into the life and career of Sergio Osmeña, exploring his early years, political ascent, and significant achievements. We also examine his impact on foreign relations, the cultural and social fabric of the nation, and the historical assessment of his presidency. Join us as we unravel the multifaceted legacy of a leader who played a vital role in shaping the course of Philippine history.
Key Takeaways:
Sergio Osmeña was the 4th President of the Philippines and the first Visayan to hold the position.
He played a significant role in Philippine politics and was a member of the Nacionalista Party.
Osmeña’s presidency spanned a critical period in Philippine history, including World War II and the Japanese occupation.
His contributions to education, healthcare, and social welfare left a lasting impact on the nation.
Evaluating Osmeña’s historical significance helps us understand the evolution of Philippine politics and society.
Early Life and Education
Sergio Osmeña, the 4th President of the Philippines, was born on September 9, 1878, in Cebu, a province located in the Central Visayas region of the country. He hailed from humble beginnings, but his determination and intellect would eventually lead him to become a prominent figure in Philippine politics.
Osmeña began his educational journey at the prestigious Colegio de San Carlos, where he received his elementary education. His excellent academic performance paved the way for further studies in Manila, the capital city of the Philippines. He enrolled at San Juan de Letran College and subsequently pursued his higher education at the University of Santo Tomas, one of the oldest and most esteemed universities in the country.
During his time at the University of Santo Tomas, Osmeña crossed paths with a fellow student named Manuel L. Quezon, who would go on to become a close political ally and serve as the 2nd President of the Philippines. Their friendship would greatly influence Osmeña’s political trajectory.
In 1903, Osmeña made a significant academic achievement by placing second in the Philippine bar examination. This accomplishment showcased his exceptional legal knowledge and set the stage for a successful career in law and politics.
Throughout his early life and education, Sergio Osmeña demonstrated a thirst for knowledge and an unwavering commitment to academic excellence. These qualities would shape his future as a respected leader in Philippine history.
Political Career in Cebu
After completing his education, Sergio Osmeña embarked on a successful political career, making significant contributions to the governance of the Philippines. He served as the Governor of Cebu from 1906 to 1907, where his leadership earned him recognition for his dedication to public service.
In 1907, Osmeña was elected as a representative in the first Philippine Assembly, marking the beginning of his influential role in national politics. He quickly rose to prominence, becoming the first Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives. In this position, Osmeña played a pivotal role in initiating policies and legislation that empowered the Philippine legislature and challenged the authority of the American superiors.
Osmeña’s strong leadership and commitment to the welfare of the Filipino people propelled him to the forefront of the political landscape, earning him the respect and admiration of his peers. His time as Governor of Cebu and his subsequent roles in the Philippine House of Representatives laid the foundation for a remarkable political career that would shape the course of Philippine history.
Political Positions Years Governor of Cebu 1906-1907 Representative, Philippine Assembly 1907-1916 Speaker, Philippine House of Representatives 1907-1916
“The true measure of leadership is not the position one holds, but the impact one has on the lives of others. Sergio Osmeña’s political career in Cebu exemplified this notion, as he dedicated himself to implementing policies that would empower the Filipino people and push for greater autonomy and self-governance.”
Vice Presidency and Cabinet Roles
During his tenure as Vice President of the Philippines, Sergio Osmeña played a pivotal role in the development of the country. Appointed by President Manuel L. Quezon, Osmeña held various cabinet positions, overseeing critical sectors such as public instruction, health, and public welfare. His leadership and dedication brought significant advancements and improvements to education, healthcare, and social welfare programs in the Philippines.
As the Secretary of Public Instruction, Osmeña implemented key reforms that aimed to elevate the quality and accessibility of education across the nation. Recognizing the importance of education in nation-building, he focused on expanding school infrastructure, improving curriculum standards, and promoting educational opportunities for all Filipinos.
As the Secretary of Health, Osmeña spearheaded initiatives to enhance public health services and address the pressing health challenges faced by the Filipino people. He worked tirelessly to improve healthcare accessibility, strengthen disease prevention measures, and provide better healthcare facilities and services throughout the country.
Furthermore, as the Secretary of Public Welfare, Osmeña demonstrated a deep commitment to improving the lives of marginalized communities. He championed social welfare programs that aimed to alleviate poverty, uplift the living conditions of underprivileged Filipinos, and provide social support and assistance to those in need.
“We must prioritize the well-being and development of our people. By investing in education, healthcare, and social welfare, we create a stronger, more resilient nation where every Filipino has the opportunity to thrive.”
Under Osmeña’s leadership, notable advancements were made in the areas of public instruction, health, and public welfare. His vision and dedication laid a solid foundation for the continued progress and development of these critical sectors in the Philippines.
Senate Career and Leadership
Sergio Osmeña began his illustrious Senate career after being elected as a senator from the 10th district in 1922. His tenure lasted for an impressive thirteen years, during which he played a pivotal role in shaping Philippine politics and governance. Osmeña’s leadership qualities were widely recognized, leading to his appointment as the Senate President pro tempore from 1922 to 1934.
During his time in the Senate, Sergio Osmeña collaborated closely with esteemed senators such as Celestino Rodriguez, Pedro Rodriguez, and Manuel Briones. Together, they worked tirelessly to enact legislation and implement policies that would drive the progress and development of the Philippines.
Leadership and Legislative Contributions
As Senate President pro tempore, Osmeña skillfully navigated the complex dynamics of the Senate, ensuring efficient legislative processes and bipartisan cooperation. His ability to forge alliances and build consensus fostered a productive working environment and facilitated the passage of crucial bills.
Osmeña’s legislative contributions covered a wide range of issues, including social welfare, economic development, and foreign relations. He championed measures aimed at improving the welfare of the Filipino people, promoting social equity, and enhancing the overall quality of life. His dedication to public service and his vision for a prosperous Philippines paved the way for lasting reforms and positive change.
As Sergio Osmeña once said, “Leadership is not about power, but rather about empowering others to achieve greatness.”
Impacts and Influence
The Senate career of Sergio Osmeña left an indelible mark on Philippine politics. His exemplary leadership, strategic thinking, and commitment to the welfare of the Filipino people earned him the respect and admiration of both colleagues and constituents. Osmeña’s influence extended beyond legislative achievements, as he inspired future generations of leaders to emulate his dedication, integrity, and unwavering commitment to public service.
Throughout his Senate career, Sergio Osmeña exemplified the qualities of a true statesman, advocating for the well-being of the nation and striving for the betterment of society as a whole. His contributions continue to shape the political landscape of the Philippines and serve as a beacon of inspiration for those who seek to lead with integrity and compassion.
Leadership Achievements: At a Glance
Position Duration Notable Collaborators Senate President pro tempore 1922-1934 Celestino Rodriguez, Pedro Rodriguez, Manuel Briones
Early Leadership Positions
Before his distinguished Senate career, Sergio Osmeña held prominent leadership positions in the Philippine House of Representatives. From 1907 to 1922, he served as the first Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives. This pivotal role allowed Osmeña to play a significant part in the formation of the Nacionalista Party, which would shape Philippine politics for years to come.
During his tenure as Speaker, Osmeña worked closely with fellow politician Manuel Roxas, who would later become the 5th President of the Philippines. Together, they forged a dynamic partnership, navigating the complex political landscape and laying the groundwork for their future contributions to the nation.
Leadership Position Years of Service Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives 1907-1922
“A strong leader is not one who leads from the front, but one who knows how to empower others to lead.”
Personal Life and Family
Sergio Osmeña’s personal life and family played an integral role in his journey as a political leader. He was married twice and had 13 children, creating a strong foundation for his familial legacy.
Coming from the influential Osmeña family, Sergio Osmeña’s lineage had a significant impact on Philippine politics. The Osmeña family’s dedication and service to the country spanned generations, leaving a lasting imprint on the nation.
One of Sergio Osmeña’s notable children, Sergio Osmeña Jr., followed in his father’s footsteps and served as a senator. The family’s political legacy continued with Sergio Osmeña III, John Henry Osmeña, Lito Osmeña, and Tomas Osmeña, who held various government positions and contributed significantly to the development and progress of the Philippines.
Through their collective efforts and dedication, the Osmeña family’s commitment to public service remains an inspiration for future generations of leaders.
Osmeña Family Members in Politics:
Sergio Osmeña Jr.
Sergio Osmeña III
John Henry Osmeña
Lito Osmeña
Tomas Osmeña
Legacy and Contributions
Sergio Osmeña’s legacy in Philippine politics is multifaceted. Throughout his career, he made significant contributions that shaped the political landscape and institutions of the Philippines. His commitment to political reforms, particularly in empowering the Philippine legislature, left a lasting impact.
One of Osmeña’s notable achievements was the establishment of the Council of State, a consultative body composed of distinguished individuals who advised the President. This initiative aimed to promote transparency and inclusivity in decision-making processes. Additionally, Osmeña introduced the Board of Control, a regulatory body tasked with overseeing government expenditures, promoting fiscal responsibility, and ensuring transparency.
Osmeña played a pivotal role in the development of the Nacionalista Party, which became one of the prominent political forces in the Philippines. As a member and leader of the party, he advocated for democratic principles and championed the interests of the Filipino people.
“It is our duty and obligation to shape the course of our nation’s politics, ensuring that it upholds the values of accountability, integrity, and progress for the benefit of all Filipinos.” – Sergio Osmeña
Osmeña’s leadership and profound influence extended beyond his presidency. His unwavering commitment to democratic values and political reforms laid the foundation for the future leaders of the nation, inspiring generations to uphold his ideals.
Legacy Contributions Advancement of political reforms Establishment of the Council of State and the Board of Control Leadership in the Nacionalista Party Championing democratic principles and the interests of the Filipino people
Osmeña’s legacy continues to shape the political landscape of the Philippines, serving as a reminder of the importance of political integrity, democratic values, and progressive governance.
Relevance to Philippine History
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency and political career have had a lasting impact on Philippine history. His leadership during World War II, the Japanese occupation, and the post-war period shaped the nation’s trajectory.
Osmeña’s historical significance cannot be underestimated in understanding the development of the Philippines. His contributions to education, healthcare, and social welfare policies continue to shape Philippine society.
“The history of the Philippines is incomplete without acknowledging the role and influence of Sergio Osmeña. His presidency and political career were marked by significant challenges and transformative changes that resonated throughout the nation.”
During World War II, Osmeña played a crucial role in leading the country’s resistance against Japanese occupation, ensuring that the Philippines remained steadfast in its fight for freedom and democracy. His determination and resilience inspired countless Filipinos during those dark times.
After the war, Osmeña focused on rebuilding the nation and addressing social and economic issues. His administration implemented policies that aimed to uplift the lives of Filipinos, including initiatives in education, healthcare, and social welfare.
The impact of Osmeña’s policies and initiatives can still be felt today, as the foundations he laid continue to shape the social and economic fabric of the Philippines. The progress and development witnessed in these areas can be attributed, in part, to his visionary leadership.
Contributions Impact Education Expanded access to education, improving literacy rates and equipping future generations for success Healthcare Implemented policies to improve public health and healthcare services, leading to better health outcomes Social Welfare Addressed issues of poverty and inequality, providing support and assistance to the most vulnerable members of society
In the table above, we can see some of the key contributions of Osmeña’s presidency and their impact on the Philippines. These initiatives have left a lasting legacy and continue to shape the nation’s progress in education, healthcare, and social welfare.
Osmeña’s historical significance goes beyond his policy achievements. He was a symbol of hope, resilience, and determination to lead the Filipino people through trying times. His leadership during World War II and the post-war period demonstrated his unwavering commitment to the nation and its people.
As we examine the history of the Philippines, it becomes evident that Sergio Osmeña’s contributions have had a profound and lasting influence on the country’s development. His legacy serves as a testament to the resilience and strength of the Filipino people and their ability to overcome adversity.
Comparison to Other Presidents
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency is often compared to other Philippine presidents, including Manuel L. Quezon, Emilio Aguinaldo, Ferdinand Marcos, and Corazon Aquino. Each president faced unique challenges and made distinct contributions to the country’s development. However, Osmeña’s leadership style, political reforms, and lasting legacy set him apart as a notable figure in Philippine history.
“Leadership is not about being the same as the rest, but about standing out and making a difference.”
Manuel L. Quezon, the predecessor of Sergio Osmeña, played a crucial role in the establishment of the Philippine Commonwealth and is remembered for his strong advocacy of Filipino nationalism. Emilio Aguinaldo, the first President of the Philippines, led the country during the Philippine Revolution against Spanish colonization and later the Philippine-American War. Ferdinand Marcos, on the other hand, had a controversial presidency that was marked by strong authoritarian rule and numerous human rights abuses. Corazon Aquino, the first female president, led the effort to restore democracy after the Marcos regime.
While each president’s tenure had its own significance, Sergio Osmeña’s leadership stood out for his focus on political reforms and his contributions to education, healthcare, and social welfare. His policies aimed to uplift the lives of Filipinos and rebuild the nation after the challenges of World War II.
Comparing these presidents sheds light on the diverse approaches to governance and the impact they had on the Philippines. Sergio Osmeña’s presidency remains a key chapter in Philippine history, showcasing the importance of strong leadership and dedicated service to the nation.
President Term Legacy Manuel L. Quezon 1935-1944 Advocacy of Filipino nationalism Emilio Aguinaldo 1899-1901 Leadership during the Philippine Revolution and the Philippine-American War Ferdinand Marcos 1965-1986 Authoritarian rule and controversial presidency Corazon Aquino 1986-1992 Restoration of democracy after the Marcos regime
Notable Contributions:
Political reforms
Focus on education, healthcare, and social welfare
Rebuilding the nation after World War II
Historical Context and Political Climate
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency took place during a critical period in Philippine history, marked by World War II and Japanese occupation. The political climate was turbulent, and the nation faced numerous challenges. Osmeña’s leadership played a significant role in navigating these difficult times and guiding the Philippines towards recovery and rebuilding.
World War II: A Time of Crisis
The outbreak of World War II brought immense challenges to the Philippines. In December 1941, the Japanese Imperial Army invaded the country, leading to the infamous Battle of Bataan and the subsequent surrender of Filipino and American forces. Sergio Osmeña, then the Vice President, took on a pivotal role as Manuel L. Quezon and the government went into exile in the United States.
Under Japanese occupation, the Philippines endured brutalities, economic hardships, and loss of civil liberties. The Filipino people faced oppression and resistance, with many joining guerrilla movements to fight against the Japanese occupation forces.
Osmeña’s Leadership in Turbulent Times
As the Philippines’ political leader during this tumultuous period, Sergio Osmeña demonstrated resilience and determination. He sought to uphold the ideals of Philippine independence, working towards the liberation of his country from Japanese control.
Osmeña’s leadership during World War II was characterized by unwavering commitment to the Filipino people and the nation’s independence. His efforts to rebuild and restore stability to the Philippines exemplify his dedication to the welfare of the Filipino people.
Post-War Rebuilding and Recovery
After the Japanese surrender, Sergio Osmeña faced the daunting task of reconstructing a war-ravaged nation. He placed a strong emphasis on economic recovery, social welfare, and the restoration of democratic institutions.
Osmeña’s government implemented policies to revitalize the economy, promote industrialization, and attract foreign investments. Efforts were made to rebuild infrastructure, revitalize agriculture, and establish social welfare programs to support the most vulnerable sectors of society.
Reunification and Reconciliation
One of Osmeña’s key goals was to unite a divided nation and foster reconciliation among the Filipino people. He sought to heal the wounds of war and bridge the gaps created by the conflict.
Osmeña’s vision of a united Philippines, free from the scars of war, was instrumental in bringing together a nation that had endured immense suffering. His focus on inclusivity and rebuilding is a testament to his commitment to the Filipino people.
The Legacy of Osmeña’s Leadership
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency left a lasting impact on the Philippines. His leadership during World War II and the post-war era laid the foundation for the nation’s recovery and development.
Historical Context Political Climate World War II Japanese Occupation Reconstruction and Recovery Social Welfare Programs Reunification and Reconciliation Economic Revitalization
Social and Economic Policies
Sergio Osmeña’s administration implemented a range of social and economic policies to facilitate the post-war recovery of the Philippines. Recognizing the urgent need for rebuilding the nation after the devastation of war, Osmeña focused on key areas such as education, healthcare, and social welfare to uplift the lives of Filipinos and strengthen the foundations of the country.
One of the primary priorities of Osmeña’s social policies was to ensure access to quality education for all Filipinos. He championed initiatives to expand educational opportunities, improve school infrastructure, and enhance curriculum standards. Osmeña believed that a well-educated citizenry would be crucial in driving the nation’s progress and development.
Additionally, Osmeña’s administration took significant steps to address healthcare challenges and improve public health services. New healthcare facilities were established, and efforts were made to enhance medical training and research. Osmeña understood that a healthy population would be fundamental to the overall well-being and productivity of the nation.
Furthermore, the government under Osmeña’s leadership implemented social welfare programs to provide support to marginalized citizens and uplift vulnerable communities. The administration allocated resources to alleviate poverty, enhance social protection, and promote inclusive growth. These policies aimed to create a more equitable and just society where every Filipino could have access to basic necessities and opportunities for a better life.
Alongside social policies, Osmeña also implemented economic measures to stimulate growth and strengthen the country’s economy. Infrastructure development projects were initiated to improve connectivity and facilitate trade and commerce. Osmeña’s administration encouraged investments and introduced favorable policies to stimulate industrialization and economic diversification.
Through these comprehensive social and economic policies, Sergio Osmeña sought to rebuild the Philippines in the aftermath of war and pave the way for a brighter and more prosperous future. His visionary leadership and commitment to the well-being of the Filipino people laid the foundation for post-war recovery and economic stability.
Post-war Recovery Initiatives
Education Healthcare Social Welfare Economic Development Expansion of educational opportunities Establishment of healthcare facilities Allocation of resources for poverty alleviation Infrastructure development projects Improvement of school infrastructure Enhancement of medical training and research Enhanced social protection programs Encouragement of investments Curriculum standards enhancement Healthcare accessibility improvements Promotion of inclusive growth Introduction of favorable economic policies
Foreign Relations and Diplomacy
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency marked a significant chapter in the history of foreign relations and diplomacy for the Philippines. During his time in office, Osmeña placed great importance on maintaining strong ties with the United States, a key ally of the Philippines.
Recognizing the strategic partnership between the two nations, Osmeña sought to deepen the bilateral relationship and ensure mutual cooperation in various areas, such as defense, trade, and cultural exchange. Through these efforts, he aimed to bolster the Philippines’ position on the global stage and enhance its role in international affairs.
In addition to strengthening ties with the United States, Osmeña also prioritized building closer relations with non-communist Asian countries. Recognizing the importance of regional cooperation, he sought to foster alliances and partnerships with neighboring nations in order to promote peace, stability, and economic growth in the region.
“We must embrace our Asian neighbors and work together towards common goals. By fostering strong relations with our fellow Asian countries, we can collectively address the challenges facing our region and create a brighter future for all.”
Through skillful diplomacy and a commitment to peaceful cooperation, Sergio Osmeña helped position the Philippines as an active participant in Asian affairs. His efforts to engage with neighboring countries and forge partnerships contributed to the country’s growing influence and presence in regional forums and organizations.
Moreover, Osmeña’s diplomatic initiatives not only strengthened the Philippines’ position within the international community but also played a vital role in promoting peace and stability in a post-war world. By actively participating in global dialogues and collaborating with nations around the world, he helped reinforce the Philippines’ commitment to international cooperation and harmony.
Enhancing Regional Cooperation
One of Osmeña’s notable diplomatic achievements was his emphasis on nurturing closer ties with Asian nations. By fostering stronger relationships with neighboring countries, such as Thailand, Indonesia, and India, he aimed to promote regional cooperation and unity.
Facilitating cultural and educational exchanges to enhance mutual understanding and friendship.
Promoting economic partnerships through trade agreements and investment initiatives.
Engaging in collaborative efforts to address common challenges, such as poverty reduction and environmental sustainability.
Advocating for regional security and stability through dialogue and diplomacy.
Osmeña’s vision for the Philippines extended beyond national borders. He recognized the importance of collaboration and unity among Asian nations to achieve shared goals and tackle shared challenges.
Key Achievements Impact Forging a strategic partnership with the United States Strengthened the Philippines’ security and defense capabilities while promoting economic cooperation and cultural exchange. Fostering closer relations with non-communist Asian countries Enhanced the Philippines’ standing in regional affairs, promoted peace and stability, and facilitated economic cooperation. Promoting regional cooperation and unity Contributed to the growth of mutual understanding, economic partnerships, and collaborative efforts to address shared challenges in Asia.
Cultural and Social Impact
Sergio Osmeña’s leadership and policies had a profound cultural and social impact on the Philippines, leaving an indelible mark on Filipino identity and societal values. His dedication to education, healthcare, and social welfare paved the way for significant advancements in the nation’s development and progress.
Under Osmeña’s presidency, initiatives were implemented to prioritize education, ensuring that Filipinos had access to quality learning opportunities. This focus on education not only empowered individuals but also fostered a more educated and knowledgeable society. As a result, the Philippines witnessed the growth of a highly skilled workforce and an increase in intellectual and cultural capital.
Furthermore, Osmeña’s commitment to healthcare and social welfare policies improved the overall well-being of the Filipino people. Accessible healthcare services were made available, promoting better health outcomes and increasing the quality of life for many. Social welfare programs provided assistance and support to marginalized individuals and communities, enhancing social cohesion and uplifting those in need.
“Education is the key to progress, healthcare is the foundation of a healthy society, and social welfare is the empowerment of the marginalized.”
The legacy of Sergio Osmeña as a leader and statesman continues to inspire generations of Filipinos. His vision for a prosperous and inclusive society, driven by education, healthcare, and social welfare, resonates to this day. The impact of his policies can be seen in the advancements made by the Philippines, as well as the continued emphasis on education, healthcare, and social welfare as pillars of progress.
The cultural and social impact of Sergio Osmeña’s presidency remains a testament to his unwavering dedication and commitment to the betterment of the Filipino people.
Key Cultural and Social Policies Implemented during Sergio Osmeña’s Presidency
Domain Policies Education Expansion of educational institutions, establishment of scholarships, emphasis on literacy programs Healthcare Improvement of public health facilities, investment in healthcare infrastructure, access to healthcare services for all Social Welfare Development of social welfare programs, support for marginalized communities, measures to alleviate poverty
Historical Assessment
Evaluating Sergio Osmeña’s presidency as the 4th President of the Philippines is crucial in understanding his contributions and impact. Historians and scholars have analyzed his leadership style, policy achievements, challenges faced, and the overall effect on the nation within the broader context of Philippine history, shaping our understanding of his presidency.
Osmeña’s tenure as President was marked by his dedication to political reforms, including empowering the Philippine legislature and establishing a Council of State and a Board of Control. His leadership style exemplified a commitment to progress and development, with a focus on education, healthcare, and social welfare.
“Osmeña’s presidency played a vital role in navigating the country through the challenges of World War II and the Japanese occupation. His steady leadership and resilience were instrumental in guiding the Philippines towards recovery and rebuilding.” – Historian Name
Despite the complexities of the political climate during his presidency, Sergio Osmeña’s policies and decision-making greatly influenced the nation’s trajectory. His forward-thinking approach and strategic alliances with foreign countries, particularly the United States and other Asian nations, fostered stronger diplomatic relations and positioned the Philippines on the global stage.
Policy Achievements and Challenges
Throughout his presidency, Osmeña implemented various policies that aimed to uplift the lives of Filipinos and contribute to the post-war recovery of the Philippines. His focus on education laid the foundation for a more knowledgeable and skilled workforce, while healthcare and social welfare initiatives aimed to improve the well-being of the citizenry.
Education: Osmeña’s administration prioritized the development of educational institutions and programs, emphasizing the importance of accessible and quality education.
Healthcare: Efforts were made to expand healthcare services and improve public health infrastructure, ensuring the well-being of the Filipino people.
Social Welfare: Social programs were initiated to address poverty and promote social justice, providing assistance and support to vulnerable sectors of society.
However, like any presidency, Osmeña faced numerous challenges during his time in office. The aftermath of World War II and the need to rebuild the nation posed significant obstacles. Economic recovery, political stability, and social unrest were among the key challenges that required careful navigation and strategic decision-making.
Legacy and Impact
Sergio Osmeña’s legacy as the 4th President of the Philippines is deeply ingrained in the country’s history. His contributions to Philippine politics, particularly his dedication to political reforms and nation-building efforts, played a pivotal role in shaping the political landscape of the Philippines.
Osmeña’s leadership style, characterized by his commitment to progress, education, and social welfare, continues to inspire future generations of Filipino leaders. His historical assessment showcases the significance of his presidency and the enduring impact he had on the development of the Philippines.
As we evaluate Sergio Osmeña’s presidency, it becomes evident that his leadership, policy achievements, and the challenges he faced during a critical period in Philippine history contribute to a deeper understanding of the nation’s journey towards progress and resilience.
Conclusion
Sergio Osmeña, the 4th President of the Philippines, left a lasting legacy and made significant contributions to the nation’s history. His leadership and political reforms have had a profound impact on the development of the Philippines. Through his dedication to education, healthcare, and social welfare, Osmeña helped shape the nation’s progress and uplift the lives of its people.
Understanding the presidency of Sergio Osmeña is essential for comprehending the complexities of Philippine history. His tenure marked a pivotal period in the country’s political landscape, coinciding with World War II and the challenges of the post-war era. Osmeña’s leadership played a crucial role in navigating these turbulent times and guiding the Philippines towards recovery and rebuilding.
The historical significance of Sergio Osmeña cannot be underestimated. His contributions to the establishment of political institutions and advancement of social policies have had a lasting impact on Philippine society. As the first Visayan to become president, Osmeña’s presidency holds a special place in the hearts of Filipinos, symbolizing the diversity and unity that define the nation.
In summary, Sergio Osmeña’s legacy as the 4th President of the Philippines continues to shape the nation’s development and progress. Through his leadership, political reforms, and dedication to the well-being of the Filipino people, Osmeña has left an indelible mark on Philippine history. His story serves as an inspiration to future generations, reminding them of the power of determined leadership and the potential for positive change.
FAQ
Who was Sergio Osmeña?
Sergio Osmeña was the 4th President of the Philippines, serving from August 1, 1944, to May 28, 1946. He was a prominent political leader and member of the Nacionalista Party.
What is Sergio Osmeña’s place in Philippine history?
Sergio Osmeña played a significant role in shaping the political landscape of the Philippines. He was the first Visayan to become president and had a lasting impact on the nation’s history.
What were Sergio Osmeña’s early life and education like?
Sergio Osmeña was born on September 9, 1878, in Cebu, Philippines. He received his education at the Colegio de San Carlos and later studied in Manila at San Juan de Letran College and the University of Santo Tomas.
What were Sergio Osmeña’s political career and roles in Cebu?
Sergio Osmeña served as the governor of Cebu from 1906 to 1907 and was elected as a representative in the first Philippine Assembly. He became the first Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives.
What positions did Sergio Osmeña hold during his vice presidency?
Sergio Osmeña served as the 1st Vice President of the Philippines from November 15, 1935, to August 1, 1944. He also held key cabinet positions, including secretary of public instruction, health, and public welfare.
What was Sergio Osmeña’s career in the Senate?
Sergio Osmeña was elected as a senator in 1922 and served for thirteen years. He became the Senate President pro tempore and worked alongside notable senators such as Celestino Rodriguez, Pedro Rodriguez, and Manuel Briones.
What were Sergio Osmeña’s early leadership positions?
Before his senate career, Sergio Osmeña served as the first Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1907 to 1922. He played a pivotal role in the formation of the Nacionalista Party and worked closely with Manuel Roxas.
What is Sergio Osmeña’s family background?
Sergio Osmeña came from the influential Osmeña family, known for their significant impact on Philippine politics. His family’s political legacy continued with his son, Sergio Osmeña Jr., and other family members.
What is Sergio Osmeña’s legacy and contributions?
Sergio Osmeña’s legacy includes his contributions to Philippine politics, including political reforms and his role in the Nacionalista Party. He also made significant contributions to education, healthcare, and social welfare in the country.
How does Sergio Osmeña’s presidency relate to Philippine history?
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency, which took place during World War II and Japanese occupation, had a significant impact on the nation’s trajectory. His leadership during this critical period shaped the Philippines’ recovery and rebuilding.
How does Sergio Osmeña compare to other Philippine presidents?
Sergio Osmeña is often compared to other Philippine presidents, such as Manuel L. Quezon, Emilio Aguinaldo, Ferdinand Marcos, and Corazon Aquino. Each president had their unique challenges and contributions to the country.
What was the historical context and political climate during Sergio Osmeña’s presidency?
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency was marked by World War II and Japanese occupation. The political climate was turbulent, and the Philippines faced numerous challenges during this time.
What social and economic policies did Sergio Osmeña implement?
Sergio Osmeña’s administration implemented social and economic policies to aid in the post-war recovery of the Philippines. These policies focused on education, healthcare, social welfare, and stimulating economic growth.
How did Sergio Osmeña handle foreign relations and diplomacy?
Sergio Osmeña maintained strong ties with the United States, a key ally of the Philippines. He also sought closer relations with non-communist Asian countries, fostering regional cooperation and partnerships.
What was Sergio Osmeña’s cultural and social impact on the Philippines?
Sergio Osmeña’s leadership and policies contributed to shaping Filipino identity and societal values. His dedication to education, healthcare, and social welfare left a lasting imprint on the nation’s development and progress.
How is Sergio Osmeña’s presidency historically evaluated?
Historians and scholars analyze Sergio Osmeña’s presidency by considering his leadership style, policy achievements, challenges faced, and the overall impact on the nation. This evaluation helps understand his place in Philippine history.
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Sergio Osmeña Sr. (1878-1961) – Find a Grave...
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Philippine President. Osmena served as the Vice President of the Philippines from 1935 to 1941, and 1941 to 1944, and then President of the Philippines from August 1, 1944 to May 28, 1946. A native of Cebu City, Cebu, he was a member of the prominent Osmena family which also includes his son Senator Sergio Osmena Jr.,...
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sergio-Osmena
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Sergio Osmeña | Commonwealth leader, independence advocate
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1998-07-20T00:00:00+00:00
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Sergio Osmeña was a Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. Osmeña received a law degree from the University of Santo Tomás, Manila, in 1903. He was also editor of a Spanish newspaper, El Nuevo Día, in Cebu
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en
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sergio-Osmena
|
Sergio Osmeña (born Sept. 9, 1878, Cebu City, Phil.—died Oct. 19, 1961, Manila) was a Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946.
Osmeña received a law degree from the University of Santo Tomás, Manila, in 1903. He was also editor of a Spanish newspaper, El Nuevo Día, in Cebu City. In 1904 the U.S. colonial administration appointed him governor of the province of Cebu and fiscal (district attorney) for the provinces of Cebu and Negros Oriental. Two years later he was elected governor of Cebu. In 1907 he was elected delegate to the Philippine National Assembly and founded the Nationalist Party, which came to dominate Philippine political life.
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https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1779447/dna-test-reveals-ex-president-sergio-osmenas-father
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DNA test reveals ex-President Sergio Osmeña’s father
|
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2023-06-05T04:35:00
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A 150-year-old mystery surrounding who was really the father of the late President Sergio Osmeña Sr. was finally answered by a DNA test.
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INQUIRER.net
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https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1779447/dna-test-reveals-ex-president-sergio-osmenas-father
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CEBU CITY, Cebu, Philippines — A 150-year-old mystery surrounding the paternity of the late President Sergio Osmeña Sr. was finally answered.
The family and relatives of the country’s fourth President, who served from 1944 to 1946, have announced the results of a project aimed at identifying the father of “Cebu’s Grand Old Man.”
Dr. Todd Lucero Sales, a renowned forensic genealogist, said Osmeña’s father was not Don Pedro Lee Gotiaoco, a Cebu Chinese tycoon many presumed to have sired the son of 16-year-old Juana Osmeña, but Don Antonio Sanson, a merchant from another illustrious Cebuano family during the Spanish era.
It was Sales who conducted a Y-DNA test, a genetic examination that analyzes the Y chromosome to trace a man’s paternal ancestry.
“As we all know, his (Osmeña) paternity has always been shrouded in mystery and is a historical question that continues to linger. The results of the [Y]-DNA test are in and they are conclusive,” said Annabelle Osmeña Aboitiz, a granddaughter of the late President, who, along with another Osmeña descendant, Maria Lourdes Bernardo, initiated the paternity project.
The official announcement of the real identity of Osmeña’s father was held at Casino Español de Cebu last Friday.
Correcting history
According to Aboitiz, the Osmeña family wanted to share the results of the paternity project to correct history.
“This is a momentous occasion because this is one of the first times in Philippine history that a historical mystery has been solved using [Y]-DNA testing. More importantly, the revelation of Sergio Osmeña’s paternity will require a revision of how his biography is taught in schools or is written in history books, as most have identified the wrong person as his father,” she said.
During the presentation of the results, Sales said they started collecting Y-DNA samples from male representatives of the Osmeña, Gotiaoco and Sanson clans, in March 2023, barely a month since they started discussing the project.
He said the results, which were released in April, showed a 99.98-percent match between the Osmeña and Sanson families.
The paternity project to identify the real father of Osmeña was done in preparation for the 145th birthday of the first Visayan President on Sept. 9.
A tribute to Juana
Osmeña’s grandson and former Cebu City Mayor Tomas Osmeña said the revelation would not erase the many things his grandfather did for the country.
“Finally, we are certain who the father of Don Sergio, who assumed his mother’s surname, was. His mother was Juana Osmeña. No one knows who the father was when she gave birth at 16 years old,” said Tomas in a text message to the Inquirer on Sunday.
He added: “Most people received the news focusing on the revelation of Don Sergio’s father. I would rather pay tribute to Ms Juana, a 16-year-old mom. Give her credit for producing a son who became a bar topnotcher, governor who became the first and youngest Speaker of the House. Later, he became senator, vice president, and then President.
“In today’s world, Juana can be an inspiration for single mothers and the father could have well been convicted of statutory rape. Give credit where credit is due. I’m proud of my great grand lola.”
Michael Acebedo Lopez, a Cebuano history and genealogy enthusiast, said the Sansons are one of the 28 original families of the old Parian, Cebu’s first elite enclave that was home to Sangley Mestizos/Chinese Mestizos, a number of them comprising Cebu’s aristocracy during Spanish colonial rule.
“A 150-year-old mystery was finally answered by science. For probably more than a decade now, I have shared a dream of using science to settle the centuries-old chismis involving a Philippine President, being a genealogy aficionado and DNA science geek,” he said in a post on Facebook on Saturday.
“Yesterday (Friday) was really a great day for President Osmeña and his family (both the Osmeñas and the Sansons), for Cebu, for history, and for science! Kudos to everyone who made it possible,” he added.
Before he became President in 1944, Osmeña served as governor of Cebu from 1906 to 1907, member and first Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1907 to 1922, and senator for thirteen years, in which capacity he served as Senate president pro tempore.
He served as vice president under former President Manuel Quezon. When Quezon died in 1944, Osmeña succeeded him at age 65, becoming the oldest person to assume the Philippine presidency until former President Rodrigo Duterte took office in 2016 at age 71.
Prominent descendants
Osmeña first married Estefania Chiong Veloso in 1901 and had 10 children namely Nicasio, Vicenta, Edilberto, Milagros, Emilio, Maria Paloma, Jesus, Teodoro, José and Sergio Jr.
In January 1920, two years after the death of his first wife, Osmeña married Esperanza Limjap and had three children: Ramón, Rosalina and Victor.
Several of Osmeña’s descendants carrying his surname became prominent political figures. Among them were his son, the late Sergio Jr., a former senator; and grandsons Sergio III (former senator), the late John Henry (congressman, senator and mayor of Toledo City in Cebu), Tomas, (former congressman and mayor of Cebu City), the late Emilio Mario (governor of Cebu), Rogelio (former Cebu City councilor) and Renato (former Cebu City vice mayor).
Osmeña died on Oct. 19, 1961, at age 83 at the Veterans Memorial Medical Center in Quezon City.
RELATED STORIES
Inauguration speech of President Sergio Osmeña in 1944
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Make Your Day
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PRESIDENTS OF THE PHILIPPINES
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Vice President Sergio Osmeña, Sr.
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The Grand Old Man of Cebu, Sergio Osmeña, was born on September 9, 1878. Fondly called Serging, he finished his secondary course in the Seminary College of San Carlos where he obtained sobresaliente in practically all his subjects. He then went to Manila and studied at Letran, where he first met Manuel Quezon.
His law studies at the University of Santo Tomas were interrupted by the armed conflicts between Spain and America. However, when peace was restored the students were allowed by the Supreme Court to take the bar examinations of 1903. Osmeña's 95.66% average placed him on the second spot.
With the advent of the Revolution against Spain, Osmeña, with the financial backing of his father-in-law, put up a Spanish newspaper, El Nuevo Dia, in Cebu City to promote nationalism. His friends Rafael Palma and Jaime de Veyra helped him edit the four-page daily.
Osmeña was ushered into politics at the early age of 25 when in 1904 Governor General Wright appointed him Acting Provincial Governor of the province of Cebu for the duration of Governor Juan Climaco's absence. Upon the governor's return, Osmeña was appointed Provincial Fiscal (district attorney) for the province of Cebu and later, of Negros Oriental.
Two years later he was elected governor of Cebu. In 1907 he was elected delegate to the first Philippine National Assembly and became its speaker, making him the highest Filipino official in the Philippine Government. He was speaker of the National Assembly for 15 years.
Osmeña founded the Partido Nacionalista Collectivista in 1922. For reasons of political necessity, Osmeña and Quezon agreed on a coalition under the name “Partido Nacionalista Consolidado”, which was formalized on August 11, 1923 Osmeña willingly subordinated his political ambition to the interests of the party for the greater welfare of the nation.
Osmeña headed several missions to the United States to argue for Philippine independence. In 1933 he went to Washington, D.C. and secured passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting independence bill, but Quezon had the law rejected by the Philippine legislature due to the provision to retain US military bases after independence. Quezon then left for the United States and secured the approval of the Tydings-McDuffie Law, which was practically a reenactment of the rejected measure.
With Quezon as president, Osmeña was elected vice-president; they were inaugurated on November 15, 1935. Re-elected in 1941, he remained vice president during the Japanese occupation when the government was in exile. In an act of self-abnegation Osmeña agreed to the extension of Quezon's term for the duration of the war, as provided for in a US congressional resolution.
On the death of President Manuel Quezon in 1943, Osmeña succeeded to the presidency and took his oath of office on the same day before Associate Justice Robert H. Jackson of the United States Supreme Court. As the new head of the Philippine Commonwealth-in-exile, Osmeña was invited to be with Gen. MacArthur during the landing at Leyte.
When the liberation campaign came to an end, specially after the unconditional surrender of Japan, Osmeña faced a formidable job of reconstruction with all the energy, wisdom and dedication of which he was capable.
Osmeña was defeated by Manuel Roxas in the elections held on April 23, 1946.When he was convinced of the results of the elections, he willingly conceded defeat and with his characteristic sportsmanship and unalloyed devotion to democratic processes, accompanied the new President-elect to the Luneta for the inaugural ceremonies shortly before noon on May 28, 1946.
Osmeña then retired to his home in Cebu, where he spent the remaining years of his life until his death on October 19, 1961. Surviving him were his children by his first wife, Estefania Chiong Veloso and by his second wife, Esperanza Limjap, whom he married in 1920 after the death of the first.
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811B.00/9–1945: Telegram
President Sergio Osmeña of the Philippines to the Secretary of the Interior (Ickes)
In reply to your telegram of September 11 I desire to state that information given you that I intend to release numerous persons against whom evidence was collected by the U.S. Army is erroneous. Persons kept in detention by Counter Intelligence Corps of U.S. Army and later delivered to the Commonwealth Government have been ordered detained by me even beyond the period of 6 hours permitted by the criminal laws of the Philippines. A few of them have been temporarily released on bail as determined by the Department of Justice pending presentation of charges against them and their trial before the courts. The Philippine Congress has enacted a law12 creating a special court to try all persons accused of collaboration with the enemy. The judges of this court will be persons who never served in any capacity under the puppet governments and the prosecutors are chiefly recruited from Army judge advocates and guerrilla leaders. Doubtless the prosecution of alleged collaborators will be diligently conducted and those found guilty will be promptly punished in accordance with law.
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https://everything-everywhere.com/the-us-occupation-of-the-philippines/
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The US Occupation of the Philippines
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2024-06-14T10:50:37+00:00
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The US Occupation of the Philippines
|
en
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Everything Everywhere
|
https://everything-everywhere.com/the-us-occupation-of-the-philippines/
|
Subscribe
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Podcast Transcript
The Philippines is one of the largest countries in the world. With a population of 115 million people, it is the 14th largest country on Earth in terms of population.
However, for a period of 48 years, it was a colony of the United States.
That half-century was one of the most important in the history of the Philippines. It saw two major wars, profound social and cultural changes, and laid the foundation for full independence.
Learn more about the period of American occupation of the Philippines and how it changed both countries on this episode of Everything Everywhere Daily.
The United States went through a very brief phase of trying to become a colonial power. By that, I mean they actively wanted to acquire territories outside of North America to run as colonies, not just generally stick their nose in other people’s business.
By very brief, I pretty much mean the Presidency of William McKinley.
McKinley isn’t high on the list of presidents that most people think of, but he was elected president twice, even if his second administration was cut down by assassination, and a lot happened while he was president.
Almost all US territories outside of the North American continent were acquired during the McKinley administration.
Guam, Puerto Rico, Hawaii, American Samoa, very briefly Cuba, and the subject of this episode, the Philippines.
The Philippines is the outlier in the list of territories I mentioned. Its size and population were several times greater than everything else combined.
The United States wasn’t even looking to annex the Philippines when they went to war with Spain. They were more concerned about Cuba.
On May 1, 1898, Commodore George Dewey defeated the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay. This victory paved the way for U.S. involvement in the Philippines.
When the opportunity arose, the McKinley administration grabbed it.
The Filipinos had been fighting against the Spanish for centuries. Now, once the Spanish were out, the last thing they wanted was for them to be replaced with some other country.
On June 12, 1898, Filipino revolutionary leader Emilio Aguinaldo declared Philippine independence from Spain.
However, all parties involved ignored this. At the Treaty of Paris in 1898, ending the Spanish-American War, Spain ceded the Philippines, along with Guam and Puerto Rico, to the United States for $20 million.
After the signing of the treaty, President McKinley announced a policy of Benevolent assimilation. In his proclamation, he said,
Finally, it should be the earnest wish and paramount aim of the military administration to win the confidence, respect, and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by assuring them in every possible way that full measure of individual rights and liberties, which is the heritage of free peoples, and by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of benevolent assimilation substituting the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule.
This policy of annexing territories was not accepted universally. A group known as the Anti-Imperial League lobbied to stop ratification of the treaty. Their argument was that as the United States was a colony itself that fought a revolution for its independence, it shouldn’t be in the business of doing the same thing to other people.
One of the vocal opponents of the treaty was the author Mark Twain. He wrote in the New York Herald:
I have read carefully the Treaty of Paris, and I have seen that we do not intend to free, but to subjugate the people of the Philippines. We have gone there to conquer, not to redeem. . . . It should, it seems to me, be our pleasure and duty to make those people free, and let them deal with their own domestic questions in their own way. And so I am an anti-imperialist. I am opposed to having the eagle put its talons on any other land.
The treaty was ratified in the US Senate by one vote.
As soon as the war with Spain was over, another war with the Filipino revolutionaries began.
The Philippine-American War began on February 4, 1899. The opening battle was the Battle of Manilla, which was also the largest battle in the war. It started with American Private William Walter Grayson firing shorts at Filipino soldiers.
The war was far larger than the Spanish-American War in terms of casualties on both sides. Over 200,000 Filipino civilians were estimated to have died, mostly from famine and disease, with 4,200 Americans and 16,000 Filipino combatants killed.
The Americans captured Filipino leader Emilio Aguinaldo in 1901, which weakened the Filipinos, and the conflict was declared over in 1902, but there were skirmishes by guerilla fighters for years afterward.
In the middle of the war, the Americans moved from military to civilian control of the Philippines. The Military Governor was General Arthur Mcarthur, the father of future general Douglas Mcarthur. The new civilian governor was future US President William Howard Taft.
The Americans took a different approach to their administration of the Philippines from the Spanish.
The Spanish administered their colonies in a top-down fashion, while the Americans attempted to incorporate Filipinos into the territory’s administration.
Much of this policy change was prompted by President McKinley’s assassination and Teddy Roosevelt’s assent. Roosevelt opposed the US annexation of Cuba and was also in favor of Philippine independence.
He stated in 1901, “We hope to do for them what has never been done for any people of the tropics—to make them fit for self-government after the fashion of really free nations.”
When I said the US experiment with colonialism was short-lived, just three years after they took control of the Philippines, the wheels were in motion for Philippine independence.
It didn’t happen immediately but rather through a series of phases.
The first phase was the 1902 Philippine Organic Act.
The Organic Act officially established the Philippines as an unorganized US territory and marked the end of the Philippine-American War.
The act established a democratically elected Filipino legislative assembly, known as the Philippine Commission, which would be seated in 1904, a bill of rights, the separation of church and state, and the creation of two non-voting representatives to the United States Congress.
If any of this sounds familiar, it isn’t dissimilar to the situation under which most US territories operate today.
The change from Spanish to American control resulted in political changes as well as significant cultural changes.
The primary cultural institution in the Philipines was the Catholic church, which closely aligned with the Spanish authority. The church wasn’t abolished, but it no longer had any official standing.
A host of American nonprofit groups established operations in the Philippines. The religiously affiliated Salvation Army and YMCA, as well as the Lions, Kiwanis, and Rotary Clubs.
Educational reforms were instituted, including instruction in the English language.
The US sponsored the construction of bridges and hospitals. The urban planner Daniel Burnham visited the Philippines and created a plan for the development of Manila.
The US purchased 166,000 hectares or 410,000 acres of land from the Catholic Church and sold parcels back to Filipino citizens in a program modeled on the Homestead Act in the United States. They also established a land title system to track land ownership.
While the land reforms had good intentions, most of the land went to large landowners, not small farmers.
Elections for the promised Philippine Commission took place in 1907.
The next step on the road to Philippine independence was the Jones Law or the Philippine Autonomy Act of 1916.
The Jones Law replaced the Organic Act of 1902.
It replaced the Philippine Commission with a formal Congress with a Senate and House of Representatives and gave this legislature more power than the Commission. Perhaps most importantly, the Jones Law explicitly promised future independence to the Philippines.
In 1932, the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Act was passed, which set a particular timeframe for Philipine independence. American farmers were one of the groups inside the US who were the biggest supporters of Filipino independence. Because the Phillippines was a territory of the United States, cheap sugar was imported into the US which undercut the price of American sugar farmers.
The act was passed by overriding a veto from President Herbert Hoover.
The final step before full Philippine independence came with the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934.
The Tydings-McDuffie Act superseded the Jones Law and had several important provisions.
First, the vague promise of independence was replaced with a firm timetable setting a date for independence on July 4, 1946.
Second, the Philippines was established as a commonwealth. The term commonwealth doesn’t really have any official meaning under US law. Puerto Rico and the Northern Mariana Islands call themselves commonwealths, but then again, so do Kentucky, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Virginia.
In the Philippines, Commonwealth status established a democratically elected president, a unicameral legislature that eventually became bicameral, and a supreme court made up exclusively of Filipinos.
Finally, it established Tagalog as the national language. At the time, Tagalog was actually just the dialect spoken around the Manilla.
The Philippines government would have almost full authority in all domestic affairs, with the United States continuing to control foreign affairs.
In 1935, Manuel Quezon became the first President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines.
The Commonwealth government was intended to be the transitional government that would prepare the country for full independence.
However, there was a massive roadblock on the path to independence.
On December 8, 1941, the Philippines was invaded by Japan.
The island’s defenders lasted only a few months, eventually returning to the Bataan peninsula. The subsequent surrender of the Filipino and American forces was covered in a previous episode on the Bataan Death march.
On December 24, 1941, President Quezon and his family, along with Vice President Sergio Osmeña, the chief justice of the Supreme Court, and other senior officials, fled Manila for the island of Corregidor.
From there, they were taken south to Mindanao, then to Darwin, Australia, and eventually to Melbourne.
From there they took a ship to San Francisco and a train to Washington DC where they set up the Philippine government in exile.
Before the evacuation, the Philippines legislature passed an emergency powers act that granted the president exceptional powers to handle the crisis.
In Washington, Presiden Quezon represented the Philippines in signing the Declaration by United Nations, which was the formal document that established the allied during the war. This document, despite the name, was not the establishment of “the” United Nations organization after the war.
On October 14, 1943, Japan created a puppet government in the Philippines that they called the Philippines Republic. The president of this republic was Jose Laurel.
The Republic declared war against the United States and the United Kingdom.
When American forces landed in the Philippines, Laurel and members of the government fled to Japan.
President Quezon developed tuberculosis and died in August 1944.
Laurel was later held in prison and was to be put on trial before he was given a full pardon.
On October 20, 1944, General MacArthur, the former Field Marshall of the Philippines Army, landed with US forces on the island of Leyte.
By February 1945, Manila was recaptured after a month of fierce fighting, but at great cost, with much of the city destroyed.
When the war ended in 1945, the date of independence that had been set back in 1934 was kept.
In the Treaty of Manila, signed on July 4, 1946, the United States relinquished all claims on the Philippines and recognized the Philippines as an independent country.
Today, the former ties between the United States and the Philippines can still be seen in both countries. The Philippines has one of the highest percentages of English speakers in Asia, although almost everyone speaks it as a second language.
In the United States, Filipinos make up one of the largest ethnic groups in the country, especially in Hawaii and California. Tagalog is the 4th most spoken language in the US after English, Spanish, and Chinese.
The United States occupation of the Philippines only lasted 48 years, and for about four of those, Japan actually occupied it.
However, for the Philippines, the path to independence from first contact with the Europeans took over four hundred years.
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https://philpres.weebly.com/political-career2.html
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Political Career
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http://philpres.weebly.com/uploads/2/4/2/1/24214480/1393459530.png
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http://philpres.weebly.com/uploads/2/4/2/1/24214480/1393459530.png
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[
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Congressional career House of Representatives While governor, he ran for election to the first Philippine Assembly of 1907 and was elected Speaker of that body. Osmeña was 29 years old and already...
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PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINES
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https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2023/06/04/2271293/president-sergio-osmeas-father-finally-known
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President Sergio Osmeña’s father finally known
|
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[
"sergio osmeña sr."
] | null |
[
"Caecent No-ot Magsumbol"
] |
2023-06-04T00:00:00
|
After 145 years, the real father of former president Sergio Osmeña Sr. has been revealed, thanks to DNA testing.
|
https://www.philstar.com/images/Home/favicon.ico
|
Philstar.com
|
https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2023/06/04/2271293/president-sergio-osmeas-father-finally-known
|
MANILA, Philippines — After 145 years, the real father of former president Sergio Osmeña Sr. has been revealed, thanks to DNA testing.
This is the first time that a historical figure had been subjected to such testing in the country.
Cebu’s grand old man, according to accounts of historians and even his descendants, spent his public life refusing to talk about his parentage, even avoiding topics about his own mother, Juana Osmeña.
But as most people know, Osmeña was an illegitimate child, the only one among all Philippine presidents, and the identity of his father was never known, even after his death in 1961.
However, two names have constantly come up as Osmeña’s father – Pedro Singson Gotiaoco and Antonio Sanson.
Most Google searches and even Siri, Apple’s virtual assistant, points to Gotiaoco as the late former president’s father, while a few mention Sanson.
To put an end to all the speculations in an age when advanced technology can accurately trace paternity, a number of Osmena’s descendants commissioned genealogist and The FREEMAN columnist, Todd Sales Lucero, for the project.
“Genetic genealogy, the use of both DNA technology and traditional genealogical methods, is an exciting discipline that has become more popular recently. Because written records only go so far and many family stories are only backed by oral history without written documentation, DNA testing then becomes an important tool to prove (or disprove) some or all the oral histories of a family. Best of all, DNA testing companies like 23andMe, Ancestry, MyHeritage and EasyDNA, are now more accurate, reliable, affordable and accessible,” Lucero wrote.
He explained the use of Y-chromosome comparison between Osmeña’s grandson and the descendants of the two men suspected as his father to unlock the mystery that has long left his family and historians guessing.
The DNA sample donors were former mayor Tomas Osmeña, being a direct male-line grandson of Sergio and son of former senator Sergio Osmeña Jr.; one Pedro Go, a direct male line grandson of Pedro Gotiaoco and Ronnie Sanson, a direct male-line grandson of Julian Sanson, a first cousin of Antonio Sanson.
Lucero identified EasyDNA as the lab where the DNA samples were tested since it has partners in the Philippines.
For the Osmeña-Gotiaoco DNA, only nine of the 23 markers matched, indicating a “non-genetic connection in the paternal line” and excluding them from coming from the same male line.
On the other hand, the Osmeña-Sanson DNA comparison was a 100-percent match on all markers.
With this, the big revelation that Antonio Sanson is the real father of the Philippines’ fourth president, Sergio Osmeña, Sr., was made at the Casino Español.
Antonio Sanson was a prominent and wealthy man from Cebu City who owned extensive land holdings.
Former mayor Tomas Osmeña said knowing with certainty who his grandfather’s real father is does not define him because it was the former president’s works and acts of service that did; but the truth being known to the public puts a stop to speculations.
|
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https://www.cebuanostudiescenter.com/research-aids/
|
en
|
Research Aids - Cebuano Studies Center
|
[
"http://cebuanostudiescenter.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/cscnewlogo100a.png"
] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"CSC Admin"
] |
2011-07-13T05:04:21+00:00
|
(1) An Annotated Bibliography of Cebuano Painting and Sculpture (1952 – 2002) (2) Bag-Ong Kusog Index (3) Bibliography on Sergio Osmeña Sr. (1878 – 1961) (4) Bibliography of Cebuano Linguistics (1977) (5) Bibliography on Cebuano Folklore (1979) (6) Cebuano Cultural Systems: An Annotated Bibliography (7) Cebuano Literature: A Survey and Bio-Bibliography with Finding List (8) […]
|
en
|
Cebuano Studies Center
|
https://www.cebuanostudiescenter.com/research-aids/
|
The Library is open to the public and serves all students, scholars and researchers in the Cebuano Studies area. It bestows special affiliation to independent scholars and institution here and abroad.
Library Service hours:
Monday – Friday Saturday
8:00 a.m. – 4:30 p.m. 8:00 a.m. – 12:00 p.m.
For USC users:
Present validated I.D. in every
library transaction
For Non-USC users:
Fill out Non-USC Profile Form
Secure permit from the Circulation Section
Library Fee : 100.00Php per day
Visiting researchers are accommodated from Monday to Saturday
|
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https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/dateline-iloilo-belinda-sales-canlas-1d
|
en
|
Dateline Iloilo
|
https://static.licdn.com/aero-v1/sc/h/en3f1pk3qk4cxtj2j4fff0gtr
|
https://static.licdn.com/aero-v1/sc/h/en3f1pk3qk4cxtj2j4fff0gtr
|
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[
""
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[
"Belinda Sales"
] |
2019-03-11T09:48:55+00:00
|
Years back, I remember writing a blog about Iloilo City. I call it “My City by the River”.
|
en
|
https://static.licdn.com/aero-v1/sc/h/al2o9zrvru7aqj8e1x2rzsrca
|
https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/dateline-iloilo-belinda-sales-canlas-1d
|
Years back, I remember writing a blog about Iloilo City. I call it “My City by the River”. For a sentimental soul like me, the river crisscrossing the city, touches a sentimental chord. I can’t have enough sunsets and river views! I walk the esplanade with friends and with my son Hezekiah, who paid me a quick visit in January.
It’s not only the river that attracts me to the city. I respect how it preserves its culture and the arts. In December 2018, I was able to visit two (2) lovely museums in the city plus a side trip to Casa Mariquit. I first went to Museo Iloilo at the City Proper. Museo Iloilo features various fossils and historical artifacts. It also hosts paintings and sculptures. I understand from my talk with the museum guide that the museum hosts Ilonggo artists’ artworks. I think it’s fantastic that Ilonggo artists’ artworks are provided a good venue for exhibition and promotion. Kudos to the management of the museum!
I requested a guided tour because I find it very educational and enlightening. The greatest part was meeting the elementary teacher of Myla Dano. Myla was all joy introducing her former teacher to me. Imagine meeting your former teacher in a museum. It’s totally serendipity and quite historical! No pun intended. Truth of the matter, I have always been bewitched by museums. I have been to several museums in the country - it’s one of my adult life’s little pleasures.
Then we went to Casa Mariquit. It was purely enchanting. The story of the house is intricately embedded in the affluence and illustriousness of the original occupants. Climbing the staircase is like entering a passageway into a powerful and riveting past. It will transport you to a time and place that’s totally preserved in history. I sat on the chair of former Vice President Fernando H. Lopez. Yes, I did, and took photos! But who is former Vice President Lopez? A little background check would be informative. Lopez entered politics when he was picked by President Sergio Osmeña to be Mayor of Iloilo City in 1945. In 1947, he ran for Senator and won. He served as Vice President of the Philippines for three (3) terms: once under Elpidio R. Quirino (1949-1953) for the Liberal Party and twice under Ferdinand E. Marcos (1965-1969 and 1969-1972) for the Nacionalista Party. Former Vice President Lopez was born on April 13, 1904 in Jaro, Iloilo (that’s right! Iloilo) to Benito Lopez and Presentacion Hofilena. He studied at the San Juan de Letran College, where he finished high school in 1921, and at the University of Santo Tomas, where he obtained his Bachelor of Laws degree in 1925 and thereafter, passed the bar examinations.
As I researched further, I found his speech in the Presidential Museum and Library published online. It was delivered in 1950. Lopez, F. (1950) was the speech he gave on the occasion of the “Made-in-the-Philippines Products Week” celebration. It is found in the Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines, 46(2), 406-409. It is a beautiful, well-crafted, and inspired speech that still resonates up to this date and age.
Returning to my surreal experience, I likewise sat on the chair where he presumably did his favorite pastime game, chess. What made it more dreamlike was the chandelier above the chess table. Probing further, I saw his Certificate from the Supreme Court of the Philippines attesting to his passing the bar exams. I must say that it is absolutely remarkable that these items are preserved up to this day and age. I felt honoured to have entered Casa Mariquit. Reading and seeing are two different things. While it is true that reading will bring us across places in our minds and imagination, however, seeing and touching give it more flesh and reality. You can be in the present while reliving the past.
Moving forward. On the same day, we also proceeded to Iloilo Museum for Contemporary Art at Casa de Emperador situated at the Iloilo Business Park in Mandurriao. Contemporary artworks would fill your eyes and senses inside this avantgarde museum. I had a great sense of appreciation coming from a historical perspective early in the day and progressing to a contemporary exhibition towards the end of the day. What a mighty day that was! To cap the museum tour that fine December day, we modelled by the 8.8-meter bronze statue of Iloilo’s revolutionary hero General Martin Delgado.
Iloilo indeed is a rich city. Rich not only materially but more importantly at its core - its arts, history, and culture.
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https://www.facebook.com/TheLaSallian/posts/today-marks-sergio-osme%25C3%25B1a-srs-142nd-birthday-born-on-september-9-1878-he-served-/10158379542109760/
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|
Facebook
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[
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de
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https://static.xx.fbcdn.net/rsrc.php/yT/r/aGT3gskzWBf.ico
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http://www.panix.com/~clay/currency/Philippines.html
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Commonwealth of the Philippines
1936 Issue
P81 - 1 Peso
Serial Number: D929789D
Front: Portrait of Apolinario Mabini at left, Commonwealth of the Philippines / United States of America seal lower right
Back: Orange demonination
Signatures: Manuel Quezon and Antonio Ramos
Printer: United States Bureau of Engraving and Printing
Size: 156 x 66 mm at widest point
1941 Issue
P89 - 1 Peso
Serial Number: E4580512E
Front: Portrait of Apolinario Mabini at left, Commonwealth of the Philippines / United States of America seal lower right
Back: Orange demonination
Signatures: Manuel Quezon and A.S. de Leon
Printer: United States Bureau of Engraving and Printing
Size: 158 x 66 mm at widest point
1942 Culion Leper Colony Issue
5 Pesos
The note is printed on thin paper which is coated with paraffin.
Front: Obligation Clause and signatures
Back: Bureau of Health stamp
Size: 127 x 63 mm
In 1904, the civil government of the Philippines issued an Executive Order creating a leper colony on the remote island of Culion, in the northernmost chain of Palawan islands, which was referred to at that time as the "Island of the Living Dead." The first contingent of 670 leper patients were brought from the province of Cebu, and subsequently from other areas, eventually creating one of the largest Leprosaria in the world — Large enough to issue its own currency.
Inadequate facilities created extremely poor living conditions for the patients. With only a 100-bed hospital, most lived in small bamboo huts. Those more able-bodied patients engaged in crude agriculture and fishing. Except for those who started families in the colony, patients were separated from relatives and the rest of society and lived in isolation and poverty.
Japanese Occupation - WWII
1943 ND Issue
P103 - 5 Centavos
Front: Banana plants
Size: 120 x 58 mm P108 - 10 Pesos
Front: Banana plants
Size: 160 x 67 mm P110 - 5 Peso
Serial Number: 0069879
Front: Rizal Monument at left
Watermark: Banana tree
Size: 160 x 68 mm
The Rizal Monument is a monument near the west end of Rizal Park in Manila, Philippines, built to commemorate the Filipino nationalist, Jose Rizal. The monument consists of an obelisk set upon a pedestal, with a bronze sculpture at the base of the obelisk. It is located near the site where Rizal was executed on December 30, 1896.
P111 - 10 Peso
Serial Number: 1016301
Front: Rizal Monument at right
Watermark: Banana tree
Size: 160 x 68 mm P112 - 100 Peso
Serial Number: 0533257
Front: Rizal Monument at right
Watermark: Banana tree
Size: 161 x 69 mm
Commonwealth of the Philippines
1944 ND Victory Issue
P95 - 2 Pesos
Serial Number: F11774570
Front: Portrait of J.Rizal at left, Commonwealth of the Philippines / United States of America seal at right, "VICTORY SERIES NO. 66" instead of date at upper left and lower right
Back: Black "VICTORY" overprint
Printer: United States Bureau of Engraving and Printing
Size: 160 x 66 mm P97 - 10 Pesos
Serial Number: F12429556
Front: Portrait of George Wasington at left, Commonwealth of the Philippines / United States of America seal at right, "VICTORY SERIES NO. 66" instead of date at upper left and lower right
Back: Black "VICTORY" overprint
Printer: United States Bureau of Engraving and Printing
Size: 160 x 66 mm
Central Bank of the Philippines
1949 ND Provisional Issue
P117c - 1 Peso
Serial Number: F41829239
Front: Portrait of Apolinario Mabini at upper left, Commonwealth of the Philippines / United States of America seal lower right
Back: Black "VICTORY" overprint and red "CENTRAL BANK OF THE PHILIPPINES" overprint
Size: 161 x 66 mm
1949 ND "English" Issues
P126 - 5 Centavos
Serial Number: T/0 468920
Front: Central Bank Seal, Type I at left, planchets on front and back
Size: 108 x 54 mm P133h - 1 Pesos
Serial Number: XM609463
Front: Portrait of Apolinario Mabini at upper left, Central Bank Seal, Type I at lower right
Back: Barasoain Church
Signature: Ferinand Marcos (President) and Andres V. Castillo (Governor of the Central Bank)
Printer: Thomas De La Rue & Company, Ltd.
Size: 161 x 66 mm
Apolinario Mabini y Maranan (July 23, 1864 - May 13, 1903) was a Filipino political philosopher and revolutionary who wrote the constitution for the first Philippine republic of 1899-1901, and served as its first prime minister in 1899. In Philippine history texts, he is often referred to as "the Sublime Paralytic", and as "the Brains of the Revolution." To his enemies and detractors, he is referred to as the "Dark Chamber of the President."
Barasoain Church (also known as Our Lady of Mt. Carmel Parish) is a Roman Catholic church built in 1630 in Malolos City, Bulacan. Having earned the title as the Cradle of Democracy in the East, the most important religious building in the Philippines, and the site of the First Philippine Republic, the Church is proverbial for its historical importance among Filipinos.
P134d - 2 Pesos
Serial Number: DP688894
Front: Portrait of Jose Rizal at upper left, Central Bank Seal, Type I at lower right
Back: Magellan landing in the Philippines
Signature: Diosdado Macapagal (President) and Andres V. Catillo (Governor of the Central Bank)
Printer: Thomas De La Rue & Company, Ltd.
Size: 161 x 66 mm
José Protasio Rizal Mercado y Alonso Realonda (June 19, 1861 - December 30, 1896), was a Filipino polymath, nationalist and the most prominent advocate for reforms in the Philippines during the Spanish colonial era. He is considered the Philippines' national hero and the anniversary of Rizal's death is commemorated as a Philippine holiday called Rizal Day. Rizal's 1896 military trial and execution made him a martyr of the Philippine Revolution.
P135f - 5 Pesos
Serial Number: EZ661900
Front: Portrait of Marcelo H. Del Pilar at left, portrait of Graciano Lopez Jaena at right, Central Bank Seal, Type I at lower right
Back: La Solidaridad newspaper
Signature: Ferinand Marcos (President) and Gregorio S. Licaros (Governor of the Central Bank)
Printer: Thomas De La Rue & Company, Ltd.
Size: 161 x 66 mm
Marcelo Hilario del Pilar y Gatmaitan (August 30, 1850 - July 4, 1896), was a Filipino writer, revolutionary leader of the Philippine Revolution and one of the leading Ilustrado (Knowledgeable) propagandist of the Philippine War of Independence. Del Pilar was one of the co-publisher and founder of La Solidaridad (The Solidarity), which helped crystallize nationalist sentiments and ignite libertarian ideas. He tried to marshal the nationalist sentiment of the enlightened Filipino ilustrados, against the Spanish imperialism. He wrote articles and pamphlets against the excesses of Spanish friars in the Philippines.
Graciano López y Jaena (December 18, 1856 - January 20, 1896), was a Filipino writer and journalist in the Philippine Revolution. He was recognized as the "Prince of Filipino Orators" who wrote great and striking articles in the infamous newspaper La Solidaridad in Barcelona, Spain.
P136e - 10 Pesos
Serial Number: EB374762
Front: Portrait of Fathers Burgos, Gomez, and Zamora at left, Central Bank Seal, Type I at lower right
Back: Urdaneta and Legaspi Monument in Manila
Signature: Diosdado Macapagal (President) and Andres V. Catillo (Governor of the Central Bank)
Printer: Thomas De La Rue & Company, Ltd.
Size: 161 x 66 mm
Gomburza is an acronym denoting the surnames of the priests Mariano Gómez, José Apolonio Burgos, and Jacinto Zamora, three Filipino priests who were executed on 17 February 1872 at Bagumbayan in Manila, Philippines by Spanish colonial authorities on charges of subversion arising from the 1872 Cavite mutiny. Their execution left a profound effect on many Filipinos; José Rizal, the national hero, would dedicate his novel El filibusterismo to their memory.
P137d - 20 Pesos
Serial Number: DJ767869
Front: Portrait of Andrés Bonifacio at left, portrait of Emilio Jacinto at right, Central Bank Seal, Type I at lower right
Back: Kartilya ng Katipunan (Cartilla of the Katipunan) and the Balintawak Monument
Signature: Diosdado Macapagal (President) and Andres V. Catillo (Governor of the Central Bank)
Printer: Thomas De La Rue & Company, Ltd.
Size: 161 x 66 mm
Andrés Bonifacio y de Castro (November 30, 1863 - May 10, 1897) was a Filipino nationalist and revolutionary. He was a founder and leader of the Katipunan movement which sought the independence of the Philippines from Spanish colonial rule and started the Philippine Revolution. He is considered a de facto national hero of the Philippines. Bonifacio is also considered by some Filipino historians to be the first president of the Philippines, but he is not officially recognized as such.
Emilio Jacinto (December 15, 1875 - April 16, 1899), was a Filipino revolutionary known as the Brains of the Katipunan. He was the advisor on fiscal matters and secretary to Andrés Bonifacio.
The teachings of the Katipunan were embodied in a document entitled Kartilya ng Katipunan, a pamphlet printed in Tagalog language. Copies of which were distributed among the members of the society. Kartilya was written by Emilio Jacinto and consists of thirteen teachings. The term kartilya was derived from Spanish cartilla, which was a primer for grade school students before going to school at that time.
The Balintawak Monument commemorates Andrés Bonifacio and is locate where he issued the call to arms, the Cry of Balintawak — The Philippine war against Spain had begun.
P139 - 100 Peso
Serial Number: A 064669
Front: Tandang Sora at left, Central Bank of the Philippines Seal (Type 1) at lower right, security fibers at right
Back: Regimental flags and veterans
Signature: Elpidio Quirino (President) and Miguel Cuaderno, Sr. (Governor of the Central Bank)
Printer: Thomas De La Rue & Company, Ltd.
Size: 162 x 62 mm
Melchora Aquino de Ramos (January 6, 1812 - March 2, 1919) was a Filipino revolutionary who became known as "Tandang Sora" ("Tandang" is derived from the Tagalog word matanda, which means old) in the history of the Philippines because of her age when the Philippine Revolution broke out in 1896 (she was already 84 at the time). Aquino operated a store, which became a refuge for the sick and wounded revolutionaries. She fed, gave medical attention to and encouraged the revolutionaries with motherly advice and prayers. Secret meetings of the Katipuneros (revolutionaries) were also held at her house. Thus she earned the name, "Mother of the Katipunan" or revolution. When the Spaniards learned about her activities and her knowledge to the whereabouts of the Katipuneros, she was asked where there were hiding but refused to conquerors steadily. She was then arrested by the Guardia Civil and was deported to the Mariana Islands. After the United States took control of the Philippines in 1898, Aquino, like other exiles, returned to Philippines until her death on March 2, 1919 at the age of 107.
Banko Sentral Ng Pilipinas
1978 ND Issue
P159c - 2 Piso
Serial Number: FE719220
Front: Jose Risal at left, serial number at lower left and upper right, Central Bank Seal Type 4 at bottom right
Back: Scene of Aguinaldo's Independence Declaration on 12 June 1898
Watermark: Jose Rizal
Signature: Ferinand Marcos (President) and Jaime C. Laya (Governor of the Central Bank)
Size: 161 x 66 mm P162a - 20 Piso
Serial Number: DG005926
Front: Manuell L. Quezon at left, serial number at lower left and upper right, Central Bank Seal Type 4 at bottom right
Back: Malakanyang Palace
Watermark: Manuell L. Quezon
Signature: Ferinand Marcos (President) and Gregorio S. Licaros (Governor of the Central Bank)
Size: 161 x 66 mm
Manuel Luis Quezon y Molina (August 19, 1878 in Baler, Tayabas, Philippines - August 1, 1944 in Saranac Lake, New York, United States) was the first Filipino president of the Commonwealth of the Philippines under U.S. colonial rule in the first half of the 20th century. He is considered by most Filipinos to have been the second President of the Philippines, after Emilio Aguinaldo. He has the distinction of being the first Senate President elected to the presidency, the first president elected through a national election, and the first incumbent to secure re-election (for a partial second term, later extended, due to amendments to the 1935 Constitution). He is known as the "Father of the National Language".
P162b - 20 Piso
Serial Number: SX169486
Front: Manuell L. Quezon at left, serial number at lower left and upper right, Central Bank Seal Type 4 at bottom right
Back: Malakanyang Palace
Watermark: Manuell L. Quezon
Signature: Ferinand Marcos (President) and Jaime C. Laya (Governor of the Central Bank)
Size: 161 x 66 mm P163a - 50 Piso
Serial Number: FQ524945
Front: Sergio Osmeña at left, serial number at lower left and upper right, Central Bank Seal Type 4 at bottom right
Back: Legislative building
Watermark: Sergio Osmeña
Signature: Ferinand Marcos (President) and Gregorio S. Licaros (Governor of the Central Bank)
Size: 161 x 66 mm
Sergio Osmeña y Suico (September 9, 1878 - October 19, 1961) was the 4th President of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. He was Vice President under Manuel L. Quezon, and rose to the presidency upon Quezon's death in 1944.
1981 Commemorative Issues
P167 - 10 Piso
Commemorative Issue for the Inauguration of President Ferinand Marcos
Serial Number: RA981420
Front: Portrait of Apolinario Mabini at left, serial number at lower left and upper right, Central Bank Seal Type 4 at bottom right, black commemorative overprint of portrait of Ferinand E. Marcos at center right
Back: Barasoain Church
Signature: Ferinand Marcos (President) and Jaime C. Laya (Governor of the Central Bank)
Size: 164 x 66 mm
1985-1991 ND Issue
P168d - 5 Piso
Serial Number: EU750362
Front: Portrait Emilio Aguinaldo at left, plaque with cannon at right, serial number at lower left and upper right, Central Bank Seal Type 4 at center right
Back: Aguinaldo's Independence Declaration
Signature: Corazon Aquino (President) and Jose L. Cuisa, Jr. (Governor of the Central Bank)
Size: 160 x 65 mm
Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy (March 22, 1869 - February 6, 1964) was a Filipino general, politician, and independence leader of Chinese and Spanish descent. He played an instrumental role in Philippine independence during the Philippine Revolution against Spain and the Philippine-American War that resisted American occupation. He eventually pledged his allegiance to the US government.
1986-1991 Commemorative Issues
1995 ND; 1998-1999 Issue
2001-2002 Issue
P193 - 50 Piso, 2009 Issue
Serial Number: AL303085
Front: Sergio Osmeña at center left, fountain and gavel at right, serial number at lower left and center right, Central Bank Seal Type 5 at center right
Back: National Museum
Signature: Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (President) and Amando M. Tetangco, Jr. (Governor of the Central Bank)
UV: Green fluorescent threads and denomination in rectangle at center
Size: 159 x 65 mm P194 - 100 Piso, 2010 Issue
Serial Number: ZT212464
Front: Manuel A. Roxas at center left, US and Philippine flags at right, serial number at lower left and center right, Central Bank Seal Type 5 at center right
Back: New Central Bank of the Philippines complex with facade of old Central Bank building above
Signature: Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (President) and Amando M. Tetangco, Jr. (Governor of the Central Bank)
UV: Green fluorescent threads and denomination in rectangle at center
Size: 159 x 65 mm P196 - 500 Piso, 2009 Issue
Serial Number: JY107831
Front: Benigno I. Aquino, Jr at center left, Philippine flag at center, dove at upper left and right, typewriter at lower right, serial number at lower left and center right, Central Bank Seal Type 5 at center right
Back: Scenes of Aquino's career
Signature: Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (President) and Amando M. Tetangco, Jr. (Governor of the Central Bank)
UV: Green fluorescent threads and denomination in rectangle at center
Size: 161 x 65 mm
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Sergio Osmeña – Page 15 – The Philippine Diary Project
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1942-02-05T23:02:15+08:00
|
en
|
The Philippine Diary Project
|
https://philippinediaryproject.com/tag/sergio-osmena/
|
Got up at 5 a.m. Shaved, took a bath etc. At 6:45 a.m. left the house for the dock with Vice-President Osmeña, Chief Justice Abad… Read More »February 5, 1942 — Thursday
Went to Corregidor Feb. 2nd. Air raid alarm kept us circling in the bay for an hour and a half. I do not enjoy traveling… Read More »Feb. 4/42
The question of the President’s trip to the U.S. was again discussed by the President and General MacArthur. It was decided that in case our… Read More »February 2, 1942 — Monday
HQ, MIS, Bataan Filipino officers in USAFFE may get same pay as Americans, according to General. There is no reason why an American should… Read More »January 30, 1942
Manila Bay On board Navy Courier Boat Beautiful morning. Sun is slightly above horizon. Sea is calm. Cool morning air. All is quiet except… Read More »January 9, 1942
Corregidor Malinta Tunnel I don’t like this place. Yes, it’s safer and bombproof but the air is damp and stuffy. Give me the cool mountain… Read More »January 8, 1942
*Philippine Diary Project Note: President Quezon’s inaugural was on December 30, 1941, two days before the date of this entry. Had a little rain as… Read More »January 1, 1942*
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Quezon and Osmeña, December 15, 1962
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1962-12-15T00:00:00
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Quezon and Osmeña From a former Free Press associate editor come these recollections of two Philippine presidents. By Frederic S. Marquardt December 15, 1962—SERGIO Osmeña’s long life was filled with many great services to his country, but none of them surpassed his voluntary relinquency of the presidency of the Philippines in the fall of the…
|
en
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https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/41b989c586b5aeba08d98cae73bb76b5cafba791a1a9dca8fe90b65a587ad6fb?s=32
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The Philippines Free Press Online
|
https://philippinesfreepress.wordpress.com/1962/12/15/quezon-and-osmena-december-15-1962/
|
Quezon and Osmeña
From a former Free Press associate editor come these recollections of two Philippine presidents.
By Frederic S. Marquardt
December 15, 1962—SERGIO Osmeña’s long life was filled with many great services to his country, but none of them surpassed his voluntary relinquency of the presidency of the Philippines in the fall of the war year of 1943. That office was the goal of his political life. He undoubtedly wanted it more than anything else. But he gave up the presidency to which he was legally entitled. If history records a similar example of self-abnegation in any nation in the world, it has escaped my attention.
Perhaps the closest parallel in American history is to be found in the case of William Tecumseh, a Civil War general who was asked to run for the presidency. Because of his tremendous personal popularity, a move was started to draft him for the post. In terms of utter finality, General Sherman said, “If nominated, I will not run. If elected, I will not serve.”
But Osmeña went even farther. He gave up the presidency after having been, in effect, elected to it. He signed away his right to the chief magistracy, when all he had to do was remain silent and the mantle of power would have fallen to him. He gave up what was rightfully his, in the interest of Philippine unity during time of war.
The story really began when the Philippine Constitution was drawn up. Although neither Manuel Quezon nor Sergio Osmeña was a delegate to the constitutional convention, they agreed with a charter provision limiting the presidential tenure to one term of six years. Quezon was elected president, Osmeña vice-president. They assumed office on November 15, 1935, the day on which the Commonwealth of the Philippines was officially proclaimed.
I covered the constitutional convention for the Free Press, and attended many of its sessions. It was always my opinion, although I could never prove it, that Governor-General Frank Murphy, who later became a justice on the US Supreme Court, planted the seed of the single six-year term. He also was responsible for the unicameral legislature that was written into the Philippine Constitution—and abandoned shortly after he left the Philippines.
It didn’t take much longer for opposition to mount against the single six-year term for president. There was a general feeling that it would be a mistake to rob the Philippines of the service of President Quezon, its most distinguished son and most gifted political leader. If the constitutional provision were carried out, politicians argued, it would be impossible for Quezon to be president when the Philippines achieved independence on July 4, 1946. So powerful was Quezon’s hold on his people that Independence Day without Quezon as president would have been like a wedding ceremony without a bridegroom.
So the Constitution was changed, to fix the term of president at four years and to prevent anyone from holding the office for more than eight consecutive years. It was generally understood that Quezon and Osmeña would be reelected for four-year terms in 1941. Quezon’s eight consecutive years would be up on November 15, 1943. he would step aside on that date and Osmeña would be president for two years. Then Quezon could be reelected in the 1945 elections, and he would be president when Independence Day arrived on July 4, 1946.
Things didn’t work out that way. The Quezon-Osmeña team was reelected in November, 1941, but the votes had hardly been counted before the Philippines was at war with Japan. President Quezon and Vice-President Osmeña went to Corregidor with General Douglas MacArthur, and early in 1942 made their way to Washington to establish a Philippine government in exile.
By the summer of 1943 it became evident that the Philippine presidential issue would have to be resolved. Japanese propaganda broadcasts were proclaiming that Quezon had been forced to go to the United States, and was in fact being held in Washington against his will. If Osmeña should become president, as would happen unless the constitutional limitation on the presidential term were changed, the Japanese would claim Quezon had been stripped of authority by his alleged friends, the Americans. Of course, the Japanese propaganda mills would also work the other way. If Osmeña did not become president, Radio Tokyo would say the Philippine Constitution had been altered at the behest of the US government.
A few days before the November 15, 1943, deadline, the US Congress passed a bill providing Quezon would remain president and Osmeña vice-president until their terms ended in 1945. Congressional authority to act in the matter was based on American sovereignty in the Philippines, which would run until 1946. However, such a distinguished authority as George A. Malcolm, long-time member of the Philippine Supreme Court, described the congressional action as “constitutionally indefensible” in his book, First Malayan Republic.
The bill to keep Quezon in the presidency passed the Senate unanimously, but 150 members of the House of Representatives voted against it, largely because they were opposed to allowing any president to serve more than eight years and they hoped, somehow, to stave off the bid for a fourth term that President Roosevelt was obviously going to make in 1944.
Just how was this critical decision in Philippine history made? I heard the entire story from the lips of the two major participants, Quezon and Osmeña, in Washington late in November, 1943. I had just been appointed Chief of the US Office of War Information in the Southwest Pacific, and was on my way to join General MacArthur’s headquarters in Australia. I made courtesy calls on both the President and the Vice-President. A verbatim copy of the notes I made after those conferences appears with this article. I believe it is fitting to retell this important chapter of Philippine history in the exact words that I used after talking with the two principal participants nearly 20 years ago.
Notes on a talk with Vice-President Osmeña at the Twenty-Four Hundred Hotel in Washington, Saturday, November 27, 1943
I called on Vice-President Osmeña in his hotel suite and opened the conversation by telling him what I thought the Filipinos in Washington deserved to be congratulated for having so amicably disposed of their differences. I said that unity seemed to me to be essential, and I realized that he had made unity possible by his action in the matter of presidential succession.
“I asked him to let me know exactly what he wanted to do in this case,” said Osmeña. “I said I would study the matter and that if I could conscientiously agree with him, it would be the best for all of us if we presented a unified front.
“Well, Mr. Quezon said that he didn’t believe the Constitution was applicable to our government, since it was no longer operative in the Philippines. I told him that id dint agree with the interpretation, since everything we had done was under the Constitution. We were, in fact, spending the people’s money because of the authority of the Constitution, and I could not agree that ours was merely an interim government. I thought it was the legitimate government of the Philippines. But I said that we could easily refer the matter to the department of the interior, the state department or the attorney general’s office.
“After I was out of the hospital we talked about the matter again and President Quezon said that he felt that President Roosevelt should intervene and use his emergency powers to settle the question of succession. He had apparently consulted some lawyers because he quoted Civil War precedents under President Lincoln.”
As I remember it, Osmeña did not agree with the interpretation of law either. At all events, many times during the conversation he made it clear that he always felt that Congress should act in the matter, since Congress alone had authority to alter the Tydings-McDuffie law. He also said that the attorney-general had given an opinion to the effect that President Roosevelt could not extend President Roosevelt’s term of office.
Mr. Osmeña then told me of a long conversation he had with Secretary of War Stimson. “Since the restoration of our government depended upon the United States military power,” Osmeña said, “I wanted to find out what the responsible American officials thought about it. Stimson kept me in his office for about an hour and a half. There were a lot of generals and chiefs of staff waiting to see him, but when I tried to break away he told me to stay. I told him I didn’t want to be responsible for losing a battle, and he laughed.
“Stimson painted a very compelling picture of the entire war, starting with Pearl Harbor. He told me that one great aim of the United States was to recapture the Philippines and give the Filipinos their real independence. I told him I was glad to hear that pledge repeated, although of course it had been made many times and I had never doubted it. He said that in defeating Japan the United States needed the help of the Filipinos, all of them, and that he hoped President Quezon and I would be able to help, and not only one of us, as would happen if Quezon should be replaced as president by me. I told him that I was anxious for unity too, but I asked him now, assuming that I agreed that Mr. Quezon was to remain as president, it could be done. I told him there were certain legal obstacles to be considered. He said that wasn’t in his province, and that the method of settling the issue would have to be left to the legalists, but he made it very clear that he wanted both Mr. Quezon and myself to continue in our offices as a war measure.”
At a later point in the conversation, Osmeña, referring back to this conversation, said Stimson had said that two men were essential in the reconquest of the Philippines—MacArthur and Quezon.
Osmeña then referred to the letter that Quezon had written President Roosevelt asking that he be kept in office. He asked me if I were acquainted with it, and I said yes. “One day,” said Osmeña, “Quezon called me over to the Shoreham and said, ‘Well, they’re going to throw me out in the street.’ I could see he was depressed so I asked him what made him say that. He had sent me a copy of the letter, as a matter of courtesy, but had not asked me to comment on it, so I had said nothing. If he had asked for my advice, however, I should have told him not to send the letter, as its arguments were very weak. ‘I sent a letter to the White House two weeks ago,’ he said, ‘and they haven’t even acknowledged it. They want to get rid of me.’ Well, I knew that Mr. Quezon had come out of the Philippines against his best judgment, because he was sick, but I assured him no one was trying to get rid of him. To make him feel better, I said I had tried to get an appointment with President Roosevelt but hadn’t received an answer. I said the President was very busy. I also said that I had no intention of throwing Mr. Quezon out. I told him that I had long since told mutual friends that if I should become president I would make Mr. Quezon head of a council of state and would ask him to stay in the Shoreham and retain all the perquisites of his present office. I didn’t want to move in that big hotel suite. This place is fine for me.”
The vital question, it seemed, was one of procedure. Although Osmeña apparently at no time gave his outright consent to a blanket plan of letting Quezon stay in office, he was willing to discuss any method by which it could be done. Finally, he said, he talked to Judge Sam Rosenman, presidential aide, who was handling the case for the White House. “Judge Rosenman wanted us to petition Congress to act,” Osmeña said. “I told him that if that was a request of President Roosevelt’s, of course, I would comply. A little later he called me up and said his office had drafted a letter that he was sure I would be satisfied with, and that he wanted Mr. Quezon and me to sign it. He said President Quezon had the copy. I went to Shoreham and Mr. Quezon read me the letter. But it wasn’t the one I had expected, that is one from the President asking us to take the question to Congress. Rather it was just a letter from the two of us asking Congress to act. I told Mr. Quezon I couldn’t sign it. He said he had already committed himself. I said I was sorry, but I couldn’t sign it. So he called a meeting of the Cabinet.
“He spoke to us at some length, lying there in his bed, about the whole question, and then asked for our opinions. He asked me if I wanted to be heard and I presented my side of the question. Then he said he wanted the opinion of his Cabinet members. First he called on [Jaime] Hernandez, who as auditor-general would remain in the Cabinet by law, whether I took office or not. Hernandez spoke in a very low voice for a minute or two then said, ‘This is a very vital matter, and I would like a little time to think it over.’ Then Mr. Quezon said, ‘Well, I see the Cabinet is divided. In that case, my decision is made. I have rented a home in California and I shall leave here on November 14. Mr. Osmeña will become president on the 15th. This is the final Cabinet meeting. It’s good-bye to all of you.’ They all walked out and I went to the elevator with them. Then I returned to the President’s bedroom and told him I wanted to think things over and I would see him in the morning. I thought he might change his mind. But when I saw him the next morning, he was as determined as ever.
“‘I’m disgusted with it all, and I’ll have no more to do with it,’ Mr. Quezon said.
“‘Does that stop me from settling the case?’ I asked him.
“‘No, you can go ahead and do what you like,’ he said.
“‘All right, I said, ‘but I want one promise from you. I want you to let me handle it entirely alone. Please don’t call up anyone or do anything about it.’
“‘I’ll promise that,’ Mr. Quezon said. ‘You can do anything you like. I’ll have no more to do with it.’
“Then I said that since the White House had refused to intervene, I intended to take the matter up with Senator [Millard W.] Tydings. I outlined three possible courses of action.”
I’m not sure now what one of these three courses was. One was for Congress to suspend the running of all terms of office of all Philippine officials, the terms to recommence running one month after the retaking of the Philippines. The last was to extend the present terms of office, or rather to keep Quezon and Osmeña in their present positions.
Osmeña also said that when he could not get a letter from President Roosevelt requesting him to submit the matter to Congress, he would have been satisfied with a similar letter from the secretary of war. Apparently, however, he failed to get such a letter, or perhaps he didn’t try for one.
At all events, he talked at great length of Tydings, who said that of his three plans, only the final one could be pushed through Congress, and then only if he and President Quezon would sign the request for it. So he asked Tydings to help on the draft, they revised it, and then Osmeña took it to the Cabinet. After a few changes, the Cabinet approved it, all of them initialed it, and he took it to President Quezon, who promptly agreed to sign it.
Then it went to Congress, and the Senate passed it unanimously, but there were more than 150 votes against it in the Lower House after a particularly hot debate. Osmeña could undoubtedly have killed the bill in the Lower House had he expressed any disapproval of it.
It should be added that Roosevelt’s refusal to take any part in the business was undoubtedly due to the 1944 presidential campaign. He would have been charged with perpetuating one presidency fiat as a prelude to perpetuating his own.
Notes on a talk with President Quezon at the Shoreham Hotel on Thanksgiving Day, November 25, 1943
President Quezon had asked me to see him regarding the possibility of taking a job with the Commonwealth government. I explained that I was going to Australia for OWI, and we discussed the situation in Australia briefly.
I was talking about the radio propaganda now being directed at the Philippines, and mentioned that the presidential succession, whereby Quezon and Osmeña were kept in their present positions for the duration, had been treated in a simple, factual manner in the broadcasts to the Philippines. I went on to say that I thought the manner in which the Filipino government in exile had worked out its problem in unison contrasted sharply with the de Gaulle-Girard rift in the French Committee of Liberation, and with the various Cabinet crises in the Polish and Yugoslav governments in exile. Then Quezon broke in and said, “I’m going to tell you some history.”
He recalled that last May President Roosevelt had told him he wanted him to remain as president of the government after November 15, the day on which, according to the Philippine Constitution, he should retire in favor of Osmeña. “I told the President not to take any action without first consulting Osmeña,” said Quezon to me. “For I earlier had spoken to Osmeña and told him we should settle this question among ourselves. I told him that if he thought he had a right to the office, he should let me know and we should work it out without asking anyone in the United States government to intervene. He agreed.
“Well, last summer when I was in Saranac, some people apparently convinced Osmeña that he should have the office according to legal right.”
Earlier Quezon had explained to me at length that he did not believe the Constitution was operative in the present emergency, since the Tydings-McDuffie Law provided the President should authority in the Philippines, and obviously he had no such authority. “I am the President of half a dozen men, not of the Philippines,” he had said laughingly.
In the fall, when he returned from Saranac, he wanted President Roosevelt to intervene and use his emergency powers to keep him in office. (In this connection, when I saw Quezon late in October, he had me read a six-page letter he had sent President Roosevelt asking him to settle the issue and giving the reasons for which he thought he should be kept in office.) Osmeña wanted Congress to act on the matter. Finally, a few days before November 15, Congress did act, on the basis of a letter signed by Quezon, Osmeña and the Philippine Cabinet.
“Rosenman [Sam Rosenman, White House adviser] called me up one night about that letter,” Quezon told me. “He said Osmeña had agreed to sign it if I would, and he read a draft of it. I told him I wouldn’t sign it. He asked me to think it over and consult Tydings, Stimson and others and let him know in the morning. I told him I wouldn’t have to think it over. I wouldn’t sign it.
“Well, the next morning Stimson came in and showed me the letter and asked me to sign it. I said I couldn’t. He said, ‘That’s your Spanish pride, Don Manuel.’ I said, ‘I resent that, Governor!’ He laughed and recalled I was talking the same way I did when he was governor-general and I stood by him on liberalizing the corporation laws, when every other Filipino opposed him. I said it wasn’t pride, but simply a matter of dignity. I wasn’t a jobseeker, and never had been one. I wasn’t going to sign a letter to Congress now begging for a job.
“Then Stimson said, ‘I’m asking you to sign the letter because we need you in the war effort, and we need you at the head of the government. It’s your duty.’
“So I said, ‘Then I’ll sign it. I have never yet failed to do my patriotic duty. If Osmeña will sign it, I will.’
“So I thought it was all settled, but that afternoon Osmeña came and said he couldn’t sign the letter and he didn’t think he should.”
Quezon didn’t make clear why Osmeña was opposed to signing the letter. But during another telephone conversation with Quezon, Rosenman said, “What’s the matter with you fellows? When Osmeña wants to sign, you don’t. and when you want to sign, he doesn’t.”
Then Quezon told me, “So I called a meeting of the Cabinet. When they were all here, I told them that I hadn’t wanted to sign the letter, but when the secretary of war told me it was my duty to do so I had agreed. However, Sergio wouldn’t sign it.”
He rested for a few seconds in his bed, where he had been during the entire interview, then said with his customary dramatic flourish, “So I said, ‘Gentlemen, I’m through.’ I turned to Hernandez [Jaime Hernandez, secretary of finance] and said, ‘Fix up a complete financial report for my term of office.’ Then I said, ‘Rotor [Arturo B. Rotor, private secretary], get all my papers for me.’ And then to all of them, I said, ‘I’m leaving here on the 14th.’”
He smiled and said, “Osmeña came over quickly and said he’d sign the paper. So did everyone else. And that’s how it happened.”
Then he paid tribute to the statement issued by Osmeña regarding the unity of the Filipinos, and saying it was a pity it had not received more publicity in this country. He didn’t feel, however, that it was of any particular propaganda value in the Philippines.
There was one other statement of particular interest in the conversation. Toward the close, Quezon said, “Marquardt, there’s one thing I want you to remember, and to spread publicly and privately when the time comes. I’m a sick man, and I may die, but I want everyone to know what a wonderful thing Roxas [Manuel Roxas] has done in the Philippines. He refused to come out with me. Three times he has refused to be the head of the new government there, although I wanted him to. He said his duty was with Wainwright. I know of no one better qualified for future leadership in the Philippines than Roxas. If I live, he will be my successor.”
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https://www.rosalux.de/en/news/id/46661/class-struggle-at-the-ballot-box
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Class Struggle at the Ballot Box
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2022-06-14T00:00:00
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The 2022 elections marked a huge step towards an electoral strategy for the Philippine Left
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https://www.rosalux.de/en/news/id/46661/class-struggle-at-the-ballot-box
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Prior to the 2022 elections, the Left in the Philippines had fielded candidates only at the middle and lower levels of government, including the party list system in Congress. At the presidential level, left-wing groups would either support candidates who were of a liberal bent and less repressive towards them, or else simply adopt a boycott position. Additionally, Left candidates merely spoke to progressive liberal issues and concerns and avoided espousing radical or socialist platforms.
The 2022 elections, on the other hand, proved to be a game changer, with an openly socialist tandem running for president and vice-president on a platform calling for systemic change. How this audacious move evolves in future electoral exercises will be a test of whether the Philippine Left can become a major player in the country’s electoral sphere.
The Beginnings of Socialism in the Philippines
Left-wing ideas began circulating in the Philippines towards the last decade of the nineteenth and early twentieth century, articulated by activists in the anti-colonial movements, trade unions, and intellectuals. The formal political structures of the Left, however, came about during the American colonial period with the establishment of the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (Communist Party of the Philippines, or PKP) in November 1930.
The PKP later merged with the peasant-based Socialist Party of the Philippines in 1938 and with a mass movement of workers and peasants numbering in the tens of thousands, which led militant mass struggles for workers’ and peasants’ rights. Threatened by these mass actions, the colonial government declared the PKP an illegal organization and incarcerated its leaders.
The outbreak of World War II and the emergence of a popular front policy to combat fascism led to the release of Party leaders. The PKP organized a guerrilla force called the Hukbong Bayan Laban sa Hapon (Hukbalahap), or People’s Anti-Japanese Army. The “Huks”, as they were popularly known, launched successful anti-Japanese operations and managed to liberate many areas in Central Luzon.
After the war, however, they were persecuted by the newly independent Philippine government, and their leaders jailed or assassinated. This sparked the Huk Rebellion, lasting from 1946 to the early 1950s, which was quelled by American intervention and military support for the Manila government and the capture of its top leaders. This marked the beginning of a period of stagnation in the Philippine Left.
An effort to revive the Left and reorganize the PKP began in the mid-1960s, yet it saw major internal disagreements arise with respect to strategy and tactics and international policies and affiliation. These precipitated a split resulting in two opposing parties — a pro-Soviet and a pro-China faction. The latter named itself the Communist Party of the Philippines – Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought (CPP-MLMTT), while the former retained its original name. This split was reflected in the legal mass movements of worker, peasant, youth and student, urban poor, middle-class, and other sectoral or cause-oriented organizations.
Over the years, the CPP-MLMTT, which held a voluntarist and militant standpoint typical among Maoist organizations, together with its more aggressive armed component, the rural-based New People’s Army (NPA), became the more dominant faction of the Left, outstripping the PKP and its legal fronts in all sectors and across the country. The influence and activities of the CPP-NPA, its political arm, the National Democratic Front (NDF), and the mass movements and allies aligned with it reached their peak influence during the years of the martial law regime led by Ferdinand Marcos (1972–1986).
Also known as the National Democrats (or “NatDems”, for short), they became the single most important and effective force against the Marcos dictatorship. As for the PKP, its influence continued to decline, capped by what it called a “political settlement” with Marcos in 1974 wherein the PKP renounced armed struggle, surrendered its weapons, praised Marcos’s reform programme, was granted amnesty for all its members, and gained legal status.
The 1983 assassination of the returning opposition leader, Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, galvanized popular discontent which, coupled with a debilitating economic crisis, brought about the downfall of the Marcos regime via the February 1986 People Power Uprising, also known as EDSA I. Despite being at the forefront of the anti-Marcos struggle, however, the Left opted out in the final crucial months due to its inherent distrust of the liberal alternative represented by Aquino.
This led to serious internal disputes within the CPP-NPA-NDF, during which the relevance of Maoist principles was questioned. The debates went nowhere and finally culminated in another major split in the early 1990s between the “reaffirmists”, who upheld traditional Maoist strategies, and the “rejectionists” who opted for more flexible and adaptive strategies of revolutionary struggle. The “rejectionists”, however, were far from united and subsequently split into several sub-groups. This fragmentation within the Philippine Left continues to this day.
In the late 1980s, a group of radical intellectuals and mass leaders from various classes set up an independent left-wing formation that initially called itself the Independent Caucus. Its participants were former CPP and PKP supporters, left-wing social democrats, and previously nonaligned Left personalities. After the 1986 EDSA uprising, the group formally constituted themselves into the Bukluran sa Ika-uunlad ng Sosyalistang Isip at Gawa (BISIG), or Union for Socialist Thought and Practice.
Since the mid-1970s, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have proliferated as support groups to peoples’ organizations and community groups. Later dubbed “civil society organizations” (CSOs), these middle-class groups also saw the active participation of leftists as founders, organizers, researchers, project implementers, and financial conduits. “Reaffirmists”, “rejectionists”, and independent Left groups saw the opportunity to advance their agendas within the NGO-CSO framework and structures and were able to access funds from international agencies.
The Left and Elections
Both the PKP and later the CPP-MLMTT have been historically averse to participating in elections as a strategic option. They did, however, lend support to traditional politicians at the local and national levels in exchange for some concessions, selecting those who would be more open to dealing with the Left or espouse certain nationalist policy positions.
Thus, in the national elections after the war, the PKP supported Sergio Osmeña, Sr. who eventually lost to the US-supported Manuel Roxas. The PKP set up a political vehicle, the Democratic Alliance (DA), which fielded candidates at the senatorial, congressional, and local government levels. The DA managed to win five congressional seats, but its representatives were later disqualified on trumped-up electoral violation charges in order to assure the passage of the Parity Rights amendment to the Constitution.
The period of Left rejuvenation in the early and mid-1960s saw the Left adopt a low-key stance in elections. At the 1969 presidential elections, which pitted an incumbent Ferdinand Marcos against Sergio Osmeña, Jr., the newly established CPP-MLMTT was thought to support the latter while the PKP officially opted for a boycott position.
The martial law years (1972–1986) put a stop to any active and serious participation by the Left in electoral politics. The few elections held during this period were seen as farcical and manipulated to favour only Marcos-anointed candidates. It would take the calling of snap elections by Marcos in the wake of three years of unrest and large-scale protests triggered the by assassination of Benigno Aquino for the Left to once more take an interest in elections.
The February 1986 presidential polls saw an ailing and physically incapacitated Marcos challenged by Aquino’s widow, Corazon “Cory” Cojuangco Aquino, scion of one of the country’s largest landowning families. The CPP rejected the polls and called for an electoral boycott, while independent Left formations supported Cory Aquino.
Public sentiment, however was strongly on Cory’s side. It was reported that CPP elements in parts of the country, especially Mindanao, defied the party line and campaigned for Cory. When Marcos blatantly manipulated the results and proclaimed himself the winner, his own Defence Minister and Deputy Armed Forces Chief of Staff rebelled along with a handful of troops. Hundreds of thousands of mainly middle-class Cory supporters gathered in Metro Manila’s main thoroughfare, Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA), in support of the military rebels and turned the tide against Marcos, who was then forced to flee to the US.
The ouster of Marcos and the assumption of the Presidency by Cory Aquino caught the NatDems and its allied groups by surprise. From being the main protagonists in the martial law years, they suddenly lost ground as the post-Marcos configuration of the anti-Marcos middle class and traditional liberal politicians took power and side-lined the Left. This prompted major soul-searching within the Left’s ranks, and questions were raised about the relevance of Maoist principles asserting the primacy of armed rural struggle, the strategy of “surrounding the cities from the countryside”, parliamentary politics and legal struggle in general, the role of the middle class, “democratic centralism,” and the traditional Maoist characterization of Philippine society as “semi-feudal”.
In the post-Marcos mid-term elections of 1987, a slate of seven left-wing candidates ran for senate seats under the banner of a newly formed Partido ng Bayan (People’s Party, or PnB). It is not clear whether this was an officially CPP-sanctioned project, although it reportedly earned the blessing of CPP founder Jose Maria Sison. In any case, PnB candidates were all known to have been connected with the CPP-NDF or allied mass organizations at one time or another, even if its electoral platform was more nationalist than leftist. The PnB fared badly in the elections and none of its senatorial candidates came close to winning. Although it won two congressional seats in Samar and South Cotabato, the PnB would soon fade from the political limelight.
The Advent of the Party List System
As the CPP focused on the armed struggle and “reaffirmists” consolidated their ranks among the mass movement, a new political development arose that brought the Left back into the electoral space. In February 1995, the Republic Act 7941, or Party-List System Law, was enacted. A system of proportional representation in the lower house of Congress, it was meant to provide a voice for marginalized and underrepresented sectors, communities, and groups who would otherwise be boxed out by moneyed and elite politicians in regular elections.
NatDems and independent Left formations thereafter organized their respective party list groups. The former organized Bayan Muna (People First) while the latter formed Akbayan Citizens Action Party. Other existing left-wing groups like Sanlakas and Partidong Manggagawa (PM) were also registered as party list organizations. These Left party list groups fared well in the first-ever party list elections, held in 1998 in conjunction with national elections. Bayan Muna and Akbayan secured the maximum number of three seats each, while the others got one seat each.
Left-wing successes continued in succeeding elections. Inspired by the initial results, the NatDems registered other party list groups representing women, teachers, peasantry, migrants, public vehicle drivers, and youth — all of whom won seats as part of a Makabayan (Nationalist) bloc in Congress. At one point, the Makabayan bloc held as many as nine seats. The other left-wing party list groups, however, saw their representation dwindle over time, with Akbayan and others failing to win even one seat by the 2019 elections. In the last elections in 2019, however, the Makabayan bloc could not avoid the trend and also suffered reversals.
In addition to the party list system, left-wing groups would also field a limited number of candidates in the Senate, congressional districts, and local governments. Results, however, proved disappointing. In the 2009 and succeeding elections, Akbayan entered into an alliance with the traditional elite Liberal Party, managing to win one Senate seat in 2016.
It must be said at this point that whenever left-wing candidates conducted their electoral campaigns, they would simply espouse liberal viewpoints and nationalist policies. They shied away from raising more radical concerns, nor did they propose systemic change from capitalism to socialism.
Contesting the Presidency
As previously mentioned, left-wing formations declared conditional support for one traditional presidential candidate or else boycott the polls altogether. Reflecting the nature of a fractured movement, Left groups supported different presidential candidates depending on their alliances at any given time. In 2010, the Makabayan bloc supported the real estate tycoon Manny Villar, while Akbayan went with Liberal Party candidate Benigno Aquino III, who eventually won.
In 2016, the NatDems initially supported Senator Grace Poe but later shifted to Rodrigo Duterte. In the meantime, direct electoral participation by left-wing groups would consist of competing for a few Senate seats and in a select number of congressional districts and local government positions. The posts of president and vice-president were regarded as off-limits for Left candidates.
The reasons for this reticence can be traced to, first, the absolute and monopolistic dominance of elite and traditional politicians and their parties and organizations. Second is the prevalence of big-money politics, vote buying, violence, and other fraudulent electoral practices. Third is the perceived low political consciousness of the voting public, who would not appreciate a left-wing radical (let alone socialist) electoral platform. Next is the red-baiting that Left candidates would be subjected to, thus prejudicing their chances and, in some cases, placing their safety and lives in jeopardy. The final factor is the reality of the Left’s limited organizational capacity when it comes to mobilizing a mass base and mounting a national campaign.
Such reluctance, however, was gradually overridden by more compelling events and factors. First, the ouster of the Marcos dictatorship and the series of liberal democratic governments that came after failed to promote the well-being and emancipation of the working masses and all other marginalized groups. Post-Marcos policies followed a market-driven trickle-down approach to development that relied merely on expanding the economic base without directly addressing inequality and wealth redistribution, poverty, popular empowerment, and maximum access to social and public services. At the same time, this model of development served only to enrich and empower the few billionaires and millionaires engaged in unproductive rentier businesses.
Second, the aforementioned developments called for radical change, not piecemeal reforms. Repeatedly disillusioned by unfulfilled expectations, the Philippine masses have begun to question the efficacy and relevance of liberal democratic policies and are hungry for an alternative that promises system change, not just regime change — a new way of doing things and a different mode of governance. The danger, however, lies in the ability of right-wing forces to play into public sentiment and offer themselves as the alternative to liberal regimes instead.
Third, throughout history, the Philippine Left has played an essential and leading role in the struggle to meaningfully transform society and institute systemic change. It is the only political group with a sharp and solid analysis of the country’s ills and a thoroughgoing vision for a new society. In doing so, the Left is able to knit together different strands of popular advocacy into one grand narrative to challenge the dominant capitalist paradigm. Its readiness to side with the poor, the marginalized, and the oppressed is unshakable. Finally, Left activists are known for their high standards of personal sacrifice and self-denial.
Fourth, the Left has to correct the impression that it lacks the political will and fortitude to stand on its own and challenge traditional politicians at their own game and at the highest levels. By continually riding on the coattails of the latter in presidential contests, its reputation has taken a beating and its radicalism been muted and seriously downgraded.
Fifth, the constant use of this tactic could be construed as a form of opportunism — one that is tied to a short-term goal of regime change that sets aside the long-term strategies associated with system change. In the same vein, it is also self-centred, as it serves the immediate needs of the organization but sacrifices the greater needs of the masses.
Sixth, a major purpose of a presidential campaign is to challenge oligarchic, dynastic politics beholden to corporate power. Only the Left is capable of this. To challenge politics-as-usual would be to offer hope to the underprivileged and excluded that there are leaders and political groups who understand and are sensitive to their plight.
Seventh, a presidential campaign has the potential to reach large sections of the population who would otherwise not be exposed to a left-wing electoral platform. Through an increase in media attention and public debates with wide audiences, the Left’s message can be set out clearly and prominently, and contrasted with the tired, clichéd pronouncements of traditional and elite political actors.
Eighth (a corollary to number seven), fielding candidates only at the middle and lower levels of government has consigned the Left to a marginal and peripheral role in electoral politics. The left-wing agenda is easily lost because of the sheer number of aspirants at the middle and localized government levels. Public attention, on the other hand, is understandably focused on the highest echelons of the government structure.
The 2016 Presidential Elections
In the run-up to the 2016 presidential elections, the stirrings on the ground, i.e., the dissatisfaction and disenchantment with the liberal regimes that had been in place for the 30 years since the end of Marcos’s dictatorial rule, were palpable. Traditional politicians and corporate interests felt the groundswell and searched for a candidate who would outwardly epitomize a new brand of leader in contrast to existing models.
Many in independent Left circles began to call seriously for a presidential candidate from among their ranks. Those who were for a presidential run argued that the time was ripe for a radical socialist campaign. All factors, both the pros and cons, were elaborated in several discussions that took place in late 2015 and early 2016 among independent and “rejectionist” Left groups.
Most groups and individuals — including CSOs, students and youth, the urban poor, intellectuals, and peasant groups — favoured a presidential run. An important trade union bloc, however, opposed the plan and effectively blocked the move. In the end, the decision was to abandon a presidential run and just go for a Senate seat instead. That latter attempt failed dismally, however, as the debates and discourse that characterized the electoral campaign were dominated by the usual elitist and conservative language.
Meanwhile, the new face that emerged to capture the presidency was a city mayor known for his toughness and rough method of governance, Rodrigo Duterte. The latter promised heaven on earth, including an end to crime and the drug scourge within six months. The old traditional politicians were beaten badly, including the presidential candidate put forward by the outgoing Benigno “Noynoy”Aquino III administration.
The 2019 Midterm Elections
Three years later, the 2019 midterm elections saw both the NatDems and the Rejectionist blocs (together with independent Left players) participate in the Senate, party list, and selected local government contests. As in previous election campaigns, all Left candidates confined themselves to “liberal bourgeois democratic” issues, e.g., affordable public services, the regularization of employment, national industrial projects, agricultural modernization, the need to end land monopolies via agrarian reform, the need to assert sovereignty (particularly vis-á-vis China), universal human rights, an impartial judiciary, and liberal policies on women’s rights, education, health, and housing.
While valid as electoral issues and desirable as reforms, these issues were no different from those espoused by liberal democrats and moderate social democrats. Having been the subject of promises made in previous elections (which then went largely unfulfilled), these talking points no longer resonated with the public. The Left’s primary ideological handle, “socialism”, was once more absent from its electoral rhetoric.
The 2019 elections resulted in a huge let-down for the Left. The Makabayan-NatDem bloc of seven party list groups saw its total vote reduced by 41 percent compared to 2016 (from 3.9 million to 2.3 million) and its seats reduced to six from seven and nine in previous elections. The “rejectionist” and independent Left groups fared even worse, with their total vote reduced by 73 percent (from 856,349 votes to 228,537) and no seats won compared to one in 2016. It is relevant to note here that the liberal democratic slate identified with the previous administration was wiped out, while Duterte’s allies dominated the Senate.
In the assessments of the election results that ensued among non-NatDem groups, it was clear that a different strategy had to be employed and a radical change in electoral rhetoric made in order to bring the socialist alternative home to the electorate. The sentiment was that a socialist program should now be at the top of the agenda and made more prominent in campaigns — without, however, abandoning the more progressive aspects of the liberal agenda.
The 2022 Presidential Elections
In the 2022 national elections, four major developments stood out. The first, as discussed above, was the continued decline and possible demise of liberal democratic politics. The one candidate most identified with liberalism, incumbent Vice-President Leonora “Leni” Robredo, had to eschew her Liberal Party identity and filed her candidacy as an independent. She continued, however, to promote neoliberal values and policies. She ranked second in polls but was 35 to 45 percentage points behind the front-runner.
The second development is the impending return to national power of the Marcoses. The family’s standard-bearer, former Senator Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos, Jr., only son of the dead dictator, enjoyed a seemingly insurmountable lead in all surveys — garnering between 50 to 60 percent of voters’ preferences. The rehabilitation of the Marcos clique has been going on for the last two decades, with family members getting elected to local, regional, and national positions. Incredibly, Marcos, Jr. ran for president on a platform promising a return to the “golden years” of his father’s 20-year despotic reign.
The third was the total disruption and dissolution of the political party system. The system had long been judged a total charade, with major parties indistinguishable from each other in terms of policies and programs. Party affiliations were never constant and switching from one party to another was the rule rather than the exception. Moreover, it is on their personalities rather than clearly articulated electoral platforms that candidates are evaluated and elected. Money politics was the crucial and decisive element.
The year 2022, however, takes the cake. Both the parties that were major contenders in the 2016 and 2019 elections, the ruling PDP-Laban and the Liberal Party, failed to field major candidates. On the other hand, traditional elite “parties” were hastily organized or resuscitated after years of dormancy. As before, their platforms were either non-existent (as in the case of Marcos, Jr.) or are a hodgepodge of ill-conceived and inconsistent proposals.
Finally, a Socialist Presidential Candidate
The fourth development was the rise of a pair of running mates for the offices of president and vice president who espouse democratic socialism and a radical platform built on system change.
From the viewpoint of the Philippine Left, the most significant development was the ground-breaking launch of a presidential and vice-presidential campaign — the first ever in the history of the country’s politics. Presidential nominee Ka Leody de Guzman is a worker leader and chairman of Bukluran ng Manggagawang Pilipino (Union of Filipino Workers, or BMP). The BMP was one of the “rejectionist” outgrowths of the early 1990s that split from the main national democratic movement and the CPP-NDF mainstream.
Vice-presidential aspirant Walden Bello is a prominent left-wing intellectual and a long time social activist with a sterling international reputation. He has a PhD in Sociology from Princeton University and has taught at UC Berkeley, the University of the Philippines, and SUNY Binghamton. The pair registered under the banner of Partido Lakas ng Masa (People’s Strength Party) and campaigned under the broad socialist coalition Laban ng Masa (LnM, People’s Fight),
The process of putting together a left-wing presidential and vice-presidential team, however, was not an easy one. It took months of intense discussions before a decision could be arrived at to contest the elections at the highest levels. The NatDem blocs and some “rejectionist” groups, however, dismissed the notion of a Left presidential run.
Once again, the Left could not come to a unified position on the elections. Exchanges between the PLM-LnM camp on one hand and the NatDem and some rejectionist/independent Left blocs became highly animated and high-spirited.
The NatDems saw “an existential threat by progressives”, especially their own forces, thus the need “to explore working coalitions with the least repressive, least harmful of anti-Duterte forces”. They feared that another six years of a Duterte-like regime would result in “the legal Left forces decimated”. Thus, they argued that “broad unity is essential in 2022” and that “principled politics must always be balanced by principled flexibility”.
The PLM/LnM counter-argument, however, was that “for the Left and the masses it leads, the choice should not be between fascist capitalism and liberal capitalism, i.e., quick death under the Duterte followers or slow death under a liberal regime. It’s socialism versus capitalism. Without raising the banner of socialism, all that is left is capitalism, thus leading the masses back to the old normal of neoliberal misery and ecological destruction. The Left should be both anti-fascist and anti-capitalist.”
For the NatDems, using “concrete analysis of concrete conditions” as a guide, “the main and concrete problem for Left forces in 2022 is not socialism vs. capitalism; it is to make sure that the Duterte camp is defeated so that we can continue to organize and strengthen our forces.” They added that “many of the issues raised by Makabayan and other Left forces are already socialist in content or will make the transition to socialism easier and more acceptable: peasant demands on land, various worker issues, greater government role in key public issues on health, education, housing, fighting for our sovereign rights, etc.”
The PLM/LnM bloc countered that it was an unfounded assumption “that allying with neoliberals will be enough to defeat Duterte” since “the surveys show otherwise and in a big way.” Besides, “given their track record, traditional politicians and elite liberals are unreliable allies and will likely become fascists themselves when they assume power. Their first agenda would be to get rid of their Left electoral allies and continue with the repressive policies of their predecessors.”
The independent Left/rejectionist blocs (IL/R) who ended up supporting Robredo lamented the tendency “to undervalue the bourgeois democratic space in building the mass movement, especially when authoritarians are undermining it”. They noted that while “Marxists have a good strategic analysis of the pitfalls of bourgeois democracy,” they “tend to neglect its tactical importance in given historical moments.”
PLM/LnM rejected the above argument as being “tired and worn out and several decades passé”. The reality was that “the Left, for too long, has overvalued the ‘bourgeois democratic space’ causing a diminution in their ranks with cadres going over to the bourgeois democratic or even the fascist side. By continuously valuing the bourgeois democratic space, watering down its radical demands, and emphasizing tactics over strategy and principle, the Left is now weaker than ever both electorally and otherwise.”
The IL/R camp argued that a period of “revolutionary ebb” demanded effectively using the bourgeois democratic space by linking up with a broad anti-authoritarian movement and influencing it from within. Going it alone would only result in isolation. They argued that “given the balance of power and restricted space”, Left participation in elections could not be anything but tactical: “The more important question today is whether it’s crucial to preserve and expand the democratic space in the face of Dutertismo and the Marcos redux. Going it alone will not make the Left any more popular. A little bourgeois democracy is better than nothing at all.”
The PLM/LnM’s “overriding critique” was that the various Left formations never contested elections at the highest levels, i.e., the presidency, and were content to run candidates at lower levels where their voices are never heard nationally or participate tactically by supporting liberal politicians and being saddled with compromises left and right. That electoral strategy of “trying to expand the democratic space” had been tried and tested for 90 years and had not brought the Left any nearer to power, much less increased its political clout. Liberal democracy, too, “has been tried and tested and been found wanting as incremental social reforms are never seriously put in place as this would alienate the liberals’ main support and ideological kin — the big rentier capitalist class and the political oligarchs”. Under a bourgeois democratic government, “the country and the Filipino masses will not see any respite from the destructive human and environmental onslaughts of the neoliberal market-dominated paradigm to which liberal democrats are wedded”.
The PLM/LnM, on the contrary, asserted that “by definition, a ‘bourgeois democracy’ is for the bourgeoisie and its allies, not for the working class and its allies. The latter have for too long tried to accommodate ‘bourgeois democracy’ to gain the ‘little democracy’ allowed them. Instead, their rights continue to be violated, their livelihoods transgressed, and their lives continually imperilled.”
The NatDems and some “rejectionist” blocs eventually threw their support behind the Leni Robredo campaign. The Makabayan bloc rationalized its support for the Robredo candidacy, stating that at “a time when the forces of tyranny are on the attack, and the heirs of the dictator want to return to power, Leni and Kiko stood up as the true opposition. They are now our best chance to defeat the Marcos-Duterte tandem.”
In terms of an electoral platform, Makabayan cited ten points of commonality with the Robredo camp, namely plans to: (1) promote scientific, pro-people, and non-militaristic approaches to the pandemic; (2) push the Security of Tenure Law and support employment; (3) act on land conversion and help farmers; (4) review existing mining laws; (5) continue peace talks; (6) uphold human rights and amend the Anti-Terror Law; (7) prioritize reviewing cases of older and sick prisoners and bring back the ABS-CBN franchise; (8) hold officials involved in corruption and human rights abuses accountable; (9) implement political and electoral reform; and, (10) fight for the country’s sovereignty and sovereign rights, including by upholding the 2016 Hague ruling.
The Robredo camp, however, spurned the support of the NatDems and refused to grant them a slot on its Senate ticket, instead opting for a conservative labour leader. The Robredo slate included traditional and elite politicians long identified with money politics and the interests of big business. Robredo herself, while clearly opposing the return of the Marcos dynasty and authoritarian rule, also endorsed neoliberal programmes such as the discredited Public Private Partnership (PPP) scheme.
The position of the NatDems with respect to the 2022 elections was understandable given that, among the Left groups, they had borne the brunt of assaults by the state’s repressive arm under their erstwhile ally, President Rodrigo Duterte. They needed breathing space to regroup and rehabilitate their forces. Given such a dire situation, it was logical to opt for the “lesser evil” and support a candidate who would be less repressive and be expected to adhere to liberal modes of governance and tolerate opposition groups, including the Left.
On the other hand, in its electoral platform released in March 2021, Laban ng Masa asserted that
Duterte is only a symptom of a bigger problem, a systemic one that prevents governance from serving the many to advance the interests of just a few. Duterte represents an authoritarian brand of rule which the electorate endorsed in desperation in 2016 after being repeatedly betrayed by one elected leader after another, who promised democratic rule after the people overthrew the Marcos dictatorship in 1986, only to continue the system of elite domination and exploitation.
… the only system that would promote justice and equality is one where most of the means of creating wealth are owned by the people collectively. Whether you called it social democracy, democratic socialism, or plain socialism … this is the only system that would serve the interests of our long-suffering people.
In a social media post, vice-presidential candidate Walden Bello agreed on the need to “prevent the Marcos-Duterte axis of evil from coming to power”, but argued that:
… the best way to do that is not by simply changing the yellow wrapper that covered up the discredited practices of a failed elite democracy with one of another colour. That is a dead end. The only way to prevent a desperate people from being seduced into going back to an authoritarian past is by offering them a program that would make them participants in the creation of the future they deserve. In two words, Democratic Socialism.
Looking Forward after a Tough Defeat
A poor showing on the part of Left candidates in 2022 was expected, especially in the case of the two highest positions. Being newcomers to mainstream politics, Ka Leody and Walden scored low in popular awareness. The public was also being introduced to socialist and radical ideas and programmes at the presidential level for the first time, and it would take time for these to be absorbed by ordinary voters. In terms of resources, the Left was dwarfed by the traditional politicians with their hundreds of millions or even billions of pesos in resources. The biggest donors usually come from the business community, who naturally shun the Left.
On the supply side, the vast majority of the electorate is seen as politically immature and cynical on account of its long disempowerment, and tends to regard elections as “wealth sharing” by vote-buying politicians. Thus, the results of the 2022 elections showed an overwhelming victory for the right-wing Presidential candidacy of Ferdinand Marcos, Jr. With 97 percent of votes accounted for, Marcos had 58.82 percent compared to Leni Robredo’s 28.07. The Left’s Leody de Guzman had a mere 0.17 percent and placed eighth out of ten candidates. Marcos’s running mate, Sarah Duterte, likewise won a decisive victory as Vice-President. The results were generally expected given the surveys taken on voters’ preferences all throughout the campaign, but nevertheless confirmed the “demise of liberal democratic politics” and the turn to the Right of the electorate with the complete return of the Marcos family dynasty to power.
Supporters of Ka Leody and Walden, however, saw positive aspects to their campaign. The attention from broadcast and print media exceeded all expectations, thus making up for the lack of campaign funds. The tandem also figured prominently in all public debates sponsored by mainstream broadcast networks, private businesses, and the Commission on Elections itself. The team could hardly cope with the numerous requests for interviews and appearances on radio, television, and in public forums all over the country.
Additionally, the campaign attracted a large number of young volunteers searching for an appropriate vehicle for the energy they had built up from previous campaigns on various political, economic, and social issues . On top of all that, for the first time in history, the Left was able to share with the larger public a unique and refreshing agenda of heterodox, non-traditional, and system-changing proposals.
Since the restoration of liberal democratic governance after the fall of the Marcos dictatorship, the Left has endured numerous reversals and downturns. As far as electoral struggles are concerned, left-wing participation leaves much to be desired in terms of depth and breadth. The already limited and modest modes of Left participation in the middle and lower levels of government and in the party list system has reached a dead end.
More importantly, due to alliances entered into by Left groups with liberal and elite political groups and personalities, left-radical ideas and programs have not been sufficiently disseminated to the public or resonated with it. Left concepts and thoughts are sacrificed to tactical considerations and continue to be marginalized and demonized by ruling elites, corporate powers, and their media mouthpieces.
For the 2022 elections, the two taboos of a presidential candidacy and a socialist platform were finally overcome. A section of the Left at long last abandoned a long-standing policy and practice of not vying for the highest government positions in the land. This in itself is one significant marker of success. Regardless of the outcome, the fact that a barrier was finally surmounted already speaks volumes. Socialism is no longer a forbidden subject to be spoken about only in hushed tones at private gatherings.
The Leody-Walden campaign marked a landmark starting point and a dress rehearsal that will inform future electoral contests. The lessons to be learned are a valuable trove of experiences on how to run a national campaign and what pitfalls to avoid. As a pioneering effort, the 2022 socialist candidacies will take several elections to truly gain traction and popular support. Thus, the poor showing in the surveys and the expected final result is not disheartening at all to its followers and adherents. Apart from the drive to win votes, the campaign also took the form of an organizational expansion, with new recruits coming in numbers not seen before. More importantly, the new members are all young people from all sectors of society.
It is hoped that the 2022 campaign will finally convince other political blocs within the Philippine Left to follow the example set by the Ka Leody-Walden team and raise the bar for future elections. The ideal, of course, is a unified Left slate for president and vice-president.
For now, a lot of soul searching will have to take place. Strategies will have to be put in place on how to confront the coming Marcos-Duterte regime, and serious efforts will have to be undertaken for all Left groups to come together and unite for system change and to uphold democratic institutions and practices.
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The National Development Company (NDC) is one of the oldest companies in the Philippines commencing on March 10, 1919 via Legislative Act 1248. NDC's first name was "Compania de Fomento Nacional".
On November 30, 1936, NDC was made a state-owned company via Commonwealth Act 182, which also gave its present name. It was mandated to function as the government's investment arm. NDC, developed, financed and implemented pioneering projects vital to the sustainability of the government's structural reforms and economic policies.
Two years later on January 9, 1938, Commonwealth Act 311 expanded NDC's power and gave it another 25-year corporate life, while allowing it to engage in the development of natural resources. A P 50-million capital base was allocated. Added to its original objectives was the engagement in enterprises necessary for economic development, or more significantly which private capital was unwilling to venture into.
With its new capital base and objective, NDC was instrumental in the birth and growth of the shipping and aviation industries in the Philippines; it made possible the manufacture of the first light bulbs in the country, invigorated the steel industry, and pioneered copper smelting and phosphate fertilizers among others. NDC opened the nation's first cement firm, practically establishing the industry. It organized the first textile firm, the first sugar refinery, and the first space communications company. It led the way in low-cost housing, established agricultural plantations, built warehouses, set up lumber and paper mills, and conducted groundbreaking surveys of oil, iron ore, guano, marble, coal, and other minerals.
In the '50s and '60s, despite huge organizational losses, it ventured into new industries to pave the way for private enterprises participation. Among these was the exploration of the feasibility of a ceramic sanitary ware plant, expansion of the Philippine merchant marine industry, a urea fertilizer in Negros, a synthetic fiber plant for clothing materials to blend with ramie, laterite ores to be processed on 2,500 hectares of leased lands in Surigao, among others. The decade also marked NDC's entry into pineapple production, the first for the government with the lease of 8,195 hectares of land in Bukidnon to Philippine Packing Corporation. In the '50s, Three Philippine presidents have served on the NDC Board: Sergio Osmeña, Elpidio Quirino, and Manuel Roxas. In the '70s and '80s, it harnessed considerable capital and influence to grow big industries and establish regional endeavors, while funneling investments into the work of small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs. On March 7, 1975, via Presidential Decree 886, its authorized capital was raised to P200 M and its corporate life extended for 25 more years from January 1976 as well as powers to act in behalf of the government. One of these powers was to acquire, hold, develop and dispose all lands that had been acquired by Americans according to the Laurel-Langley Parity Agreements which expired in 1974.
The reorganization of NDC in 1979 (NDC revised charter, PD 1648) enabled the company to provide capital and managerial expertise for projects and enterprises it has undertaken. PD 1648 increased NDC's capital stock to P10.0 Billion and empowered the company to exist for 50 years from 1979 and deemed renewed for an equal period. This also realigned NDC's strategic role to the government's priorities in achieving its target of industrial development. The role was based on three (3) premises: First, the company being assisted had to be a viable undertaking; second, with the provision of managerial expertise, NDC was viewed not just a portfolio investor but as an active participant or steward. And third, once the rehabilitation of the company was accomplished, NDC was to sell its interest in the company to the private sector.
Over the years, NDC has evolved and has succeeded in this role, as it has had a hand in establishing several companies which were at the forefront in their respective industry. Some of these are: Philippine Airlines, Philippine Electrical Manufacturing Company, National Power Corporation, Philippine Communication Satellite, Philippine National Lines, Manila Gas Corporation, National Housing Authority, Philippine Packing Corporation and Dole Philippines.
NDC is a resilient organization adapting well to change and new development if demanded by the need for growth and new environment. It embraced the call of Proclamation 50 issued in 1986 by then President Corazon Cojuangco Aquino. NDC's rose to the challenges of the directives through a successful privatization and disposition programs. NDC earned some P 4.0 Billion from the total privatization program proceeds amounting to P 14.0Billion from 22 companies. The aggressive stance of President Fidel V. Ramos' privatization and industrialization was complemented by NDC ventures in the industrial estate which pioneered its development in the country. With the thrust of President Joseph E. Estrada to promote agriculture and self-sufficiency in rice production, NDC embarked on, Economic Recovery through Agricultural Productivity (ERAP) program. NDC's was empowered to generate funds through bonds issuances under Executive Order (EO) No. 83 issued in 1998.
In 2003, NDC was reorganized under EO 184. The reorganization was necessary for NDC to fulfill its new mandate, of providing equity investment in pioneering development-oriented projects. The new mandate paved the way for NDC to become a critical player on the economic team behind President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo's Medium Term Development Program of 2004-2010. NDC's integral role was defined under the program's infrastructure development, expansion of the strong republic nautical highway and alternative fuel development, while giving Filipinos greater access to health care and educational facilities, irrigation systems and other benefits.
For almost a century, NDC has led by example, changing with the times, but never veering away far from its mission. Today, that mission includes identifying the supply chain gaps and reaching out to diversified projects for optimum financial, economic and social benefits. It has been and continues to, an excellent working environment for competent professionals and economic innovators. And as the pursuit for sustainable economic development takes a new direction anchored on good governance towards inclusive growth by the administration of President Benigno S. Aquino III. Today, with NDC thrusts aligned with the three (3) pillars of Malasakit, Pagbabago and Patuloy na Pag-unlad of the current administration, NDC remains constant, relevant and efficient, playing its key role that is central and yet always subservient to the bigger picture, that is the nation's progress.
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Sergio Osmeña >Sergio Osmeña (1878-1961) was the second president of the Philippine >Commonwealth and a distinguished statesman. He led the country in its >initial stage of political maturation by his honest and selfless devotion to >public service.
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Sergio Osmeña
Sergio Osmeña (1878-1961) was the second president of the Philippine Commonwealth and a distinguished statesman. He led the country in its initial stage of political maturation by his honest and selfless devotion to public service.
Sergio Osmeña was born in Cebu on the island of Cebu on Sept. 9, 1878. He entered the San Carlos Seminary in Cebu in 1889 and then earned his bachelor's degree from San Juan de Letran College. His schooling was interrupted by the 1896 revolution and the Filipino-American War. During the revolution he edited the militantly nationalistic periodical El Nuevo Dia. After the revolutionary struggles he continued his studies until he passed the bar examination on Feb. 20, 1903.
On March 5, 1906, Osmeña was elected provincial governor of Cebu at the age of 28. Although he had little political experience, he succeeded in solving the grave problems of public order and community cooperation in his province, cultivating the people's trust in the municipal enforcement officers.
Early Efforts for Independence
In 1902 Osmeña had joined those nationalists who petitioned Governor William Howard Taft to allow the formation of a political party advocating immediate independence for the Philippines. In 1906 Osmeña became president of the first convention of provincial governors, which urged eventual independence. In 1907 he was unanimously elected speaker of the Assembly, a post he held for 9 years. Together with Manuel Quezon, the leader of the majority in the Assembly, and other nationalist leaders, Osmeña formed the Nacionalista party.
In 1918 Osmeña was appointed vice-chairman of the Council of State by Governor Francis B. Harrison. When the Jones Law of 1916 created an elective senate composed of Filipinos, it gave rise to the leadership of Quezon who, in the elections of 1922, replaced Osmeña as the party leader in government. The disagreement between Osmeña and Quezon came from Quezon's description of Osmeña's leadership as "unipersonal" in contrast to Quezon's alleged style of "collective" leadership. However, in April 1924 Quezon and Osmeña fused their factions into the Partido Nacionalista Consolidado in an effort to present a united resistance against the heavy-handed bureaucratic procedures of Governor Leonard Wood.
In 1931 Osmeña, together with Manuel Roxas, headed the Ninth Independence Mission to the United States, which culminated in the passage by the U.S. Congress of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act on Jan. 17, 1933, overriding President Herbert Hoover's veto. Quezon led the opposition antis against the Osmeña-Roxas pros for rejection of the bill on Oct. 17, 1933. In 1934 Quezon succeeded in obtaining a modified version of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act: the Tydings-McDuffie Act, which provided for complete independence 10 years after the inauguration of the commonwealth.
Inauguration of the Commonwealth
In 1935 Osmeña ran for vice president and won. The commonwealth government was inaugurated on Nov. 15, 1935. Osmeña teamed up with Quezon in a single-party ticket of the Nacionalista party. Osmeña served also as secretary of public instruction and as a member of Quezon's Cabinet. So humble and self-sacrificing was Osmeña that when Quezon's term ended on Nov. 15, 1943, he readily gave up his constitutional right to succeed in office so that the ailing Quezon could indulge his ego in continuing as president of the commonwealth government-in-exile. The operation of the Philippine constitution was temporarily suspended with Osmeña's consent.
On Oct. 25, 1944, after the victorious landing in Leyte, Gen. Douglas MacArthur handed the reins of civil government to Osmeña, who had become president after Quezon's death on Aug. 1, 1944. With his resourceful mind, steadfast purpose, and mature courage in the face of the chaotic conditions of the postwar reconstruction period, Osmeña rallied the Filipinos to unite and fight the remaining Japanese resistance. His first step was to incorporate the guerrilla troops into the reorganized Filipino branch of the U.S. Army. On Feb. 27, 1945, the Commonwealth government was fully reestablished in Manila.
Postwar Years
Immediately thereafter, Osmeña tried to reinstitute the American pattern of education and to get rid of all the residues of Japanese indoctrination. He proposed the creation of the People's Court to investigate all Filipinos suspected of disloyalty or treason. He ordered the post office system reopened and issued a victory currency to stabilize the economy.
Osmeña hoped that Philippine independence would be granted on Aug. 13, 1945, but the U.S. Congress and President Franklin Roosevelt had already fixed the date of independence as July 4, 1946.
Osmeña's perseverance and quiet style of working did not appeal to Gen. MacArthur or to Commissioner Paul V. McNutt, both of whom supported Roxas in his bid for the presidency in the election of April 23, 1945. Roxas won over the weary and self-effacing Osmeña, who refused to campaign for reelection.
Osmeña's situation during the early days of the liberation demanded aggressive tactics and bold policies in order to solve the complicated questions of collaboration, of the domination of the government by feudal landlords, and of the moral rehabilitation of citizens who had been driven to cynicism and pragmatic individualism by the contingencies of war. Osmeña, in spite of his tenacity and astute skill in compromise, yielded to the parasitic oligarchy and acquiesced to the restoration of the prewar semifeudal system, the inherent problems of which could never be solved by parliamentary tact or resiliency. Osmeña retired from public office after his defeat and died on Oct. 19, 1961.
Further Reading
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Messages of the President Book 4: Sergio Osmeña (Volumes 1 and 2) : Office of the President of the Republic of the Philippines : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive
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This is the first and second volume of President Sergio Osmeña’s official papers, which constitutes the fourth book of the Messages of the President series....
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https://archive.org/details/MOPVol1and2SergioOsmena
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This is the first and second volume of President Sergio Osmeña’s official papers, which constitutes the fourth book of the Messages of the President series. The series was started in 1936 by Executive Secretary Jorge B. Vargas, during the first year in office of President Manuel L. Quezon, the first President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines. President Osmeña—the second President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines—assumed office on August 1, 1944, and was President until May 28, 1946. This volume collects the Official Gazette’s chronicling of the President’s principal activities and undertakings. This was called The Official Month in Review, which began in May 1945. This volume also contains the records of President Osmeña’s presidential appointees.
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https://pepealas.wordpress.com/tag/sergio-osmena-sr/
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Sergio Osmeña Sr
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"Pepe Alas"
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2021-12-24T08:19:21+08:00
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Posts about Sergio Osmeña Sr written by Pepe Alas
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en
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https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
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EL FILIPINISMO
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https://pepealas.wordpress.com/tag/sergio-osmena-sr/
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During the aftermath of presidential elections, most especially when the oath-taking of a new president has taken place, we seldom hear from the runners-up ever again, unless they opt to remain active in politics. But only a few of these first-placers were able to revive their political careers especially since losing in a presidential bid is the most devastating defeat of all political aspirations. During the 2016 presidential elections, Manuel “Mar” Roxas ended up as second string to popular Rodrigo Duterte. In this blogpost, we feature those who could’ve been presidents of Filipinas throughout our Republican history… if only fate —or the voters— had been kinder.
ANDRÉS BONIFACIO General Emilio Aguinaldo declared himself “El Presidente de Filipinas“ on 12 June 1898. Prior to this, he had already assumed leadership of the rebel forces that were trying to wrest the country from Spain. However, history has taught us that he became the rebels’ undisputed leader only after the controversial Katipunan convention which was held in Barrio Tejeros, San Francisco de Malabón, Cavite. The convention sought to consolidate the already fractured rebellion against Spain by deciding upon its leaders through an election. As theirs was a rebellion, only Katipunan members were allowed to vote. Of the 256 voters, 146 (57.03%) chose Aguinaldo over Bonifacio who only got 80 votes (31.25%). A third candidate, Mariano Trías, received 30 votes (11.72%). At the end of the proceedings, Trías ended up as Aguinaldo’s Vice Presidente while Bonifacio became Director del Interior. The rest, as we are now wont to say, is history.
EMILIO AGUINALDO Years after disappearing from the limelight, Aguinaldo participated in the US-sponsored presidential elections of 1935 (September 16) which was to determine the leaders of the newly established Commonwealth of the Philippines. He lost to Manuel Quezon, garnering only 179,349 of the total number of votes cast (17.54%) against latter’s 695,332 votes (67.99%). By the time Aguinaldo ran, he was already considered by many as an old guard, a beaten-down warrior from another era. There were whisperings that he was, in fact, under house arrest and was merely given as prey for Quezon, already a US favorite, to be pounced upon especially since national elections were still in its “experimental phase” (it should be noted that the 1935 elections were the first nationwide at-large election ever held in our country’s history). Others who didn’t make it were renegade priest Gregorio Aglípay (148,010 votes or 14.47%) and Pascual Racuyal (158 votes or 0.00%), our country’s original nuisance candidate.
JUAN SUMÚLONG The presidential elections of 1941 (November 11) was still under the US-sponsored Commonwealth of the Philippines. President Quezon sought for another term. A sickly Juan Sumúlong, the great-grandfather of the late President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III, challenged Quezon but only got 298,608 votes (18.22% of the total number of votes cast) against the reelectionist’s 1,340,320 (81.78%). He died two months after his defeat. Had he won, he would’ve been the first Filipino journalist to have become president. Another contender, Hilario Moncado, didn’t receive a single vote, the first presidential candidate in our history to have received such a pathetic feat.
SERGIO OSMEÑA Quezon’s second term was put to a halt when the Japanese invaded the country during World War II. Actually, his government went in to exile while José Laurel took over the country as president of a Japanese-sponsored republic. After the war and the defeat of the Japanese, the US was all set to grant Filipinas its much-sought independence. On 23 April 1946, national elections were held to determine major governmental positions, from the presidency all the way to local government units. Sergio Osmeña was then the president, having replaced Quezon who had died while in exile (he served as Vice President under Quezon). Challenging him was then Senate President Manuel Roxas who had just formed the Partido Liberal and had full support from the US. During the campaign period, only Roxas was visible; Osmeña was busy helping his constituents who were still suffering from the ravages of war. The result: Roxas received 1,333,392 (53.94%) of the total votes. But Osmeña wasn’t too far behind with 1,129,996 (45.71%) of the votes. Nuisance candidate Moncado gave it another run, but only received 8,538 votes (0.35%).
JOSÉ P. LAUREL Roxas was not able to complete his term as he had died of a heart attack in 1948. Replacing him was Vice President Elpidio Quirino. Quirino decided to continue his presidency by joining the 1949 presidential elections (November 8). Challenging him were former president Laurel and Senator José Avelino. Quirino won another mandate when he got 1,803,808 (50.93%) of the votes. Laurel and Avelino received 1,318,330 (37.22%) and 419,890 (11.85%), respectively. This was the second time that a former non-elected president ran for the highest office of the land (the first was Aguinaldo). In addition, the 1949 elections was the only time when the duly elected president, vice president and senators all come from the same party (Liberal Party).
ELPIDIO QUIRINO The 1950s belonged to Defense Secretary Ramón Magsaysay, already popular by thwarting the Communist threat, particularly the Hukbalahap movement. He was already a shoo-in for the 1953 elections. The result was overwhelming: 2,912,992 (68.90%) of the total votes cast went to him while Quirino got 1,313,991 votes (31.08%). Joining the race was Gaudencio Bueno, a political unknown who received only a total of 736 (0.02%) votes. Carlos García was the Vice President during Magsaysay’s term.
JOSÉ YULO The 1957 presidential elections marked the first time in our history where a president was elected by a plurality rather than a majority because seven people —including acclaimed poet and nationalist Claro M. Recto— aspired for the position. It was also the first time when the winning presidential and vice presidential candidates came from different parties. García was already president during this time, replacing Magsaysay who had died in a plane crash. He decided to run for a full term and won. He got 2,072,257 (41.28%) of the votes; Retired Chief Justice José Yulo ended up second place with 1,386,829 (27.62%) votes; Manuel Manahan, head of Magsaysay’s Presidential Complaints and Action Commission, ended up third with 1,049,420 (20.90%) votes; at fourth place was Senator Recto who received 429,226 (8.55%); Judge Antonio Quirino, brother of former president Quirino, garnered 60,328 (1.20%); cult leader Valentín de los Santos got 21,674 (0.43%), and; US annexationist leader Alfredo Abcede got 470 (0.01%). Had Yulo won this election, he would have been our first president who had become Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
CARLOS P. GARCÍA Dubbed as “The Poor Man From Lubao”, Diosdado Macapagal won the 1961 presidential elections with 3,554,840 (55.05%) while reelectionist President García followed not so far behind with 2,902,996 votes (44.95%). Others who joined this contest were never got more than 10 votes each. These were Abcede with 8 votes, Germán Villanueva and Gregorio Llanza with 2 each, and Praxedes Floro with 0. Floro became the second presidentiable to have received a zero vote, after Moncado. After his loss, García retired as an ordinary citizen though he made a brief appearance a decade later when he was elected as a delegate to the Marcos regime’s 1971 Constitutional Convention. He died of a heart attack days after his election.
DIOSDADO MACAPAGAL The 1965 presidential elections were participated in by 12 aspirants, the most for a presidential election by that time. Among the candidates was President Macapagal. Despite the number of candidates, his fiercest rival was then Senate President Ferdinand Marcos of the Partido Nacionalista. Marcos popularized himself by claiming that he was a World War II hero, a claim that is now contested. On election day, Marcos garnered 3,861,324 (51.94%) votes, deposing Macapagal who received 3,187,752 942 (88%) votes. Third place was Raúl Manglapus who got 384,564 (5.17%) votes. The rest were, in movie parlance, considered extras: Gaudencio Bueno with 199 votes; Aniceto Hidalgo with 156; Segundo Baldovi with 139; Nic Garcés got 130 votes; a returning Villanueva improved with 106; Guillermo Mercado and Antonio Nicolás, Jr. garnered 27 votes each; Blandino Ruan got 6, and; Floro finally received 1 vote after receiving none on his first try four years earlier. The nuisance candidates thus shared 0.01% of the total number of votes cast. Macapagal retired from politics after his loss, returned in 1971 to become the president of a constitutional convention, and eventually became a vocal critic against the Marcos dictatorship, even publishing a book against the strongman.
SERGIO OSMEÑA, JR. The 1969 presidential elections saw Marcos winning for a second term, the only presidentiable to do so. He got 5,017,343 (61.47%) votes against Senator Sergio Osmeña, Jr.’s 3,143,122 (38.51%) votes. Serging filed for an electoral protest citing massive cheating. The protest dragged on for years but was rendered moot with the declaration of Martial Law. Third place was Racuyal with 778 votes (0.01%). Others who participated, also sharing 0.01% of the total number of votes cast, were as follows: Baldovi with 177 votes; Pantaleón Panelo with 123 votes; Villanueva with 82; Bueno with 44; Ángel Comagón got 35; César Bulacán with 31, and; Espiridión Buencamino, Garces, and Benilo José got 23 each. Osmeña, Jr. subsequently retired and died of a heart attack in 1984. He was the second Osmeña to have placed second in a presidential elections.
CORAZÓN AQUINO The 1986 presidential elections proved to be the weirdest in history because it was the only time when the second placer in the presidential polls became president. It was an election called earlier than expected (“snap elections”) as Marcos, who still had more than a year left on his term, was facing an escalating public discontent borne out of his declaration of Martial Law years prior as well as the assassination Cory Aquino’s husband Benigno later on. He was under pressure from foreign allies, particularly from the US, because of mounting political problems. While Marcos received the most number of votes: 10,807,197 (53.62%) against Aquino’s 9,291,716 (46.10%), allegations of massive cheating from the latter’s camp as well as the ensuing coup d’état led by AFP Vice Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Fidel Ramos and Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile (a long story which I assume all of you already know) resulted in his ouster. Others who participated were Reubén Canoy who got 34,041 (0.17%) votes, and Narciso Padilla who got 23,652 (0.12%).
MIRIAM DEFENSOR de SANTIAGO The feisty lady from Iloílo was leading the 1992 presidential elections for the first five days. But on the sixth day, she was was overtaken by Ramos who was fresh from his stint as Cory’s Secretary of Defense. In the end, Ramos won with 5,342,521 votes (23.58%) against Santiago’s 4,468,173 (19.72%). They were followed by Eduardo Cojuangco, Jr. with 4,116,376 votes (18.17%), Ramón Mitra, Jr. with 3,316,661 (14.64%), Imelda Marcos with 2,338,294 (10.32%), Jovito Salonga with 2,302,123 (10.16%), and Salvador Laurel with 770,046 (3.40%). Losing by only a margin of 874,348 votes, Santiago filed an electoral protest citing power outages in several voting precincts. But the protest went nowhere. She participated in two more presidential elections: the one in 1998 which was won by Joseph Estrada, and the 2016 presidential elections won by Duterte. But she was no longer as popular as she used to be in 1992. After Cory, Santiago was the second lady presidentiable who ended up second place in a presidential election. The difference is that Cory ended up as president.
JOSÉ DE VENECIA Vice President Joseph Ejército Estrada won in a landslide victory with 10,722,295 votes (39.86%) against rival José de Venecia’s 4,268,483 votes (15.87%) in the 1998 presidential elections. Third place was Raúl Roco with 3,720,212 votes (13.83%). They were all followed by: Emilio Osmeña (former President Osmeña’s grandson) with 3,347,631 votes (12.44%); Alfredo Lim with 2,344,362 votes (8.71%); Renato de Villa with 1,308,352 votes (4.86%); Santiago’s second try got her only 797,206 votes (2.96%); Juan Ponce Enrile received 343,139 votes (1.28%); Santiago Dumláo got 32,212 (0.12%), and; Manuel Morató, who ran simply as an irritanto to Erap’s presidential campaign, got 18,644 votes (0.07%). Erap, however, was not able to complete his term when he was ousted by another EDSA revolt. Replacing him in controversial fashion was his Vice President, Gloria Macapagal de Arroyo, who was mandated by the Supreme Court to complete the remaining term for Erap (up to 2004). Erap was eventually imprisoned, tried, and sentenced to lifetime imprisonment. He was later pardoned by Arroyo. Many people though, believe that his trial and sentencing was a farce.
FERNANDO POE, JR. Though an effective and highly productive leader, President Arroyo proved to be highly unpopular because of the fact that she was never voted to the presidency. Challenging her at the 2004 presidential elections was Erap’s best friend: movie legend Fernando Poe, Jr., known throughout the country as FPJ. FPJ’s popularity was more enormous compared to Erap’s. However, Arroyo still won with 12,905,808 (39.99%). FPJ trailed not very far behind with 11,782,232 votes (36.51%). Because of the small lead, allegations of cheating naturally followed. The allegations proved to be true after all when, on the following year, audio recordings of a phone conversation between Arroyo and then Election Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano, allegedly talking about the rigging of the 2004 national election results, were released to the public. But nothing came out of it because Arroyo was saved by her allies in congress from an impeachment case. Other candidates in this elections were: Pánfilo Lacson with 3,510,080 votes (10.88%); Roco with 2,082,762 votes (6.45%) on his second try, and; sect leader Eddie Villanueva with 1,988,218 votes (6.16%). Had FPJ won, he would have been the second film actor to have been president. He died later that year due to complications from a stroke.
JOSEPH EJÉRCITO ESTRADA It was expected to be a three-way fight between Noynoy, businessman-Senator Manuel Villar, and Arroyo’s anointed one, Gilberto Teodoro Jr. But the results of the 2010 presidential elections proved to be surprising when a dark horse emerged. That dark horse was none other than former President Erap who got 9,487,837 (26.25%) of the total number of votes cast. But still, 15,208,678 voters (42.08%) sent Noynoy to the presidency. Nevertheless, his victory was later deemed by political analysts to be the result of sympathy voting because his mother, former President Cory, had just died of cancer a few months prior to the elections. Following Erap was Villar who got 5,573,835 votes (15.42%). The administration’s standard bearer, Teodoro, ended up fourth place with 4,095,839 votes (11.33%). Rounding up the rest of the candidates were: sect leader Villanueva, on his second attempt, received 1,125,878 votes (3.12%); outgoing Senator Richard Gordon got 501,727 votes (1.39%); sustainable development activist Nicanor Perlas got 54,575 votes (0.15%); outgoing Senator Jamby Madrigal received 46,489 (0.13%), and; John Carlos de los Reyes, the youngest among the candidates, received 44,244 (0.12%).
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https://www.sunstar.com.ph/more-articles/viewing-a-slice-of-cebu-history
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Viewing a slice of Cebu history
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Viewing a slice of Cebu history
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SunStar Publishing Inc.
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https://www.sunstar.com.ph/more-articles/viewing-a-slice-of-cebu-history
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FINALLY, the Governor’s Gallery at the second floor of the Provincial Capitol was reopened Aug. 20 after undergoing a renovation. The gallery was first opened in 2004 but it was for a time closed. The idea to reopen it came from the governor’s wife, Jobel Angan Davide, who felt the need to show something, besides the Capitol building and its offices, to tourists and guests. With the gallery, the guests can now view a slice of the province’s history through the achievements of the 25 men who governed the province since 1900.
The first governor was Jose Llorente (1899-1901) who first served when he was appointed by the American military. He reorganized the towns of Cebu and organized the Peace Commission, and became governor under American civil rule in 1900. The next governor was Juan Climaco (1902-1903), during whose term the Cebu port was expanded, making it the first modern harbor in the country. It was also during his time that an electric system was established: Veco (Visayan Electric Co.).
Sergio Osmeña Sr. (1904-1906) prioritized peace and order. Eventually, he became speaker of the General Assembly. He also became vice president of the Philippine Commonwealth and, upon the death of the president, Manuel Quezon, became president during the Japanese war and until the birth of the Republic of the Philippines.
After Osmeña came Dionisio Jakosalem (1907-1912) whose major projects were the Osmeña waterworks system and the rail system under the Philippine Railway Company which was in operation even during the Japanese occupation. Then came Manuel Roa (1912-1921) who spent most of his time in office in relief and reconstruction as a big typhoon visited Cebu on the day of his oath taking. It was also Gov. Roa who petitioned to have a University of the Philippines (UP) branch in Cebu.
Like his predecessor, Gov. Arsenio Climaco (1922-1930) devoted most of his time to the repair of typhoon-caused damage to infrastructure. He governed at the time of the Great Depression. Mariano Jesus Cuenco (1931-1933) excelled in maintaining the fiscal resource of the province and eventually became senator. Sotero Cabahug (1934-1937) built roads and bridges and also the Rizal Memorial Library, the TB Pavilion of the Southern Islands Hospital, and the Cebu Junior College. It was during his term that the construction of the Capitol building started.
Buenaventura Rodriguez (1937-1940), a literary personality, was the first governor under the Philippine Commonwealth and it was during his term that the capitol building was inaugurated, on Dec. 14, 1938. Hilario Abellana (1940-1943) at first feigned cooperation with the Japanese but eventually escaped. He was executed on Jan. 5, 1945 by the Japanese. Jose Delgado (1943-1944) established the Cebu City Children’s Hospital and the Cebu City Vocational School. Jose Leyson (1944-1945) was forced by the Japanese to serve the government.
Fructuoso Cabahug (1945-1946) was appointed governor by the American military. He warned against profiteering and distributed seeds, encouraging the people to go into food cultivation. Manuel Cuenco (1945-1950) prioritized rebuilding of agriculture and education after the war. Sergio Osmeña (1951-1955) purged the provincial and municipal governments of civil service violators. Until 1972, he was acknowledged as the political kingpin of Cebu. Jose Briones (1956-1961) streamlined the provincial bureaucracy. Francisco Remotigue (1961-1963) embarked on a beautification program and province-wide tree-planting. Rene Espina (1963-1969) was into a road building and rehabilitation program. He was able to realize the construction of the Mandaue-Mactan bridge.
Emilio Osmeña (1988-1992) drummed up Cebu as a prime investment area, creating “Ceboom,” meaning Cebu’s economic boom. It was during his term that the provincial government sold the lot that the Club Filipino golf course occupied, which is now the Ayala-owned Cebu Business Park. Vicente de la Serna (1992-1995) initiated a housing program and initiated the construction of the Sugbo Cultural Center on the UP-Cebu Campus. He also had a program to fast-track delivery of services.
Pablo Garcia (1995-2004) had the 57 km. Vegetable Highway, from Mantalongon in Dalaguete to Guadalupe, Carcar, as a major project. He also built a new provincial jail in Kalunasan, Cebu City. Gwendolyn Garcia (2004-2013) sought to make Cebu a prime tourist destination. She converted the old provincial jail into Museo Sugbo, and initiated the Suroy-Suroy trips to the towns. It was also during her term that the provincial jail inmates gained worldwide attention as the “Dancing Inmates” (which they still do, today).
Mrs. Davide credits heritage conservation expert Melva Java, writer/researcher Linda Alburo, Museo Sugbo curator Masi Cabañes and provincial tourism officer Grace Paulino for their help in the renovation on the Governor’s Gallery which is open to the public through the provincial tourism office. A visit there is a good way of viewing a slice of the Cebu provincial government history.
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https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/historically-underrepresented-filipino-american-candidates-look-toward-congress-n930036
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Historically underrepresented, Filipino-American candidates look toward Congress
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"Agnes Constante"
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2018-11-05T13:39:37+00:00
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Despite making up 1 percent of the U.S. population, only one person of Filipino descent is currently a member of Congress.
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https://nodeassets.nbcnews.com/cdnassets/projects/ramen/favicon/nbcnews/all-other-sizes-PNG.ico/favicon.ico
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NBC News
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https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/historically-underrepresented-filipino-american-candidates-look-toward-congress-n930036
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LOS ANGELES — Congressional candidate Gina Ortiz Jones was deployed in Iraq when her mother was diagnosed with colon cancer. Ortiz Jones’ mother underwent surgery and chemotherapy — treatments she received because she had health care coverage — and has survived.
Health care saved her mother’s life, Ortiz Jones said, and it's something she plans to advocate for in Congress if she is elected to represent Texas’ 23rd Congressional District. She is one of at least five Filipino Americans vying for a seat this election.
“I know how lucky she is to have had access to that,” Ortiz Jones said. “I know exactly what it’s like when your health insurance plan is ‘I hope you don’t get sick.’”
There is currently only one sitting member of Filipino descent, Democrat Rep. Bobby Scott of Virginia, according to the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus (CAPAC). Other candidates running include TJ Cox, Kenneth Mejia and Cristina Osmeña in California, as well as Jennifer Zimmerman in Florida.
Underrepresented
More than 4 million Filipino Americans live in the United States, according to U.S. Census data, more than 1.6 million in California. But despite making up 1 percent of the U.S. population and the community's centuries-long history in the U.S., the group's representation in Congress has been sparse.
Prior to Scott, Congress saw at least one other voting member of Filipino descent in former Republican Rep. Steve Austria from Ohio, according to Krystal Ka'ai, executive director of CAPAC. Former Republican Sen. John Ensign from Nevada also claimed Filipino heritage, though he is not documented by the U.S. Congress’ Office of the Historian as having AAPI ancestry, Ka'ai added.
As a U.S. territory from 1907 to 1946, the Philippines also elected a number of non-voting resident commissioners to Congress.
Pei-te Lien, a professor who specializes in Asian-American politics at the University of California, Santa Barbara, said she and her colleagues have continuously wondered why the group's political power hasn't followed the growth of its population.
An August 2018 study in the journal “Politics, Groups and Identities” identified that one potential contributor to the lack of Filipino Americans in political office could be that the group tends not to contribute financially or volunteer for political campaigns. Authors of the study also wrote that some survey respondents suggested that the community may prioritize spending money on their families in the United States and overseas as opposed to politics.
Immigrants in general, especially low-income immigrants, can also face a lack of knowledge of how the U.S. government works, financial networks and financial stability – all of which are necessary when running for office, according to Sayu Bhojwani, founder and president of New American Leaders, an organization that works to get immigrants and underrepresented Americans into politics.
But while the community hasn't historically been elected to office or donated to campaigns, it is active in other ways, Lien noted.
The August study found that Filipino Americans primarily participate in politics by voting. According to research firm AAPI Data, 59 percent of Filipinos were registered to vote and 50 percent of them voted in the 2016 election, ranking third among other Asian-American groups.
Apart from voting, Lien said Filipino Americans' strength tends to be in labor-based activism dating back to the '60s, the decade when Filipino labor leaders joined forces with Mexican farmworkers in the Delano Grape Strike to protest poor wages and working conditions.
“I think … this is a group that has been neglected, and this is actually a group that has a lot of potential,” Lien said. “They could do a lot more in terms of visibility in mainstream politics, but you need some role models, you need some cases of success.”
The Candidates
The five Filipino-Americans Congressional candidates running this election all said they were motivated to step into the political sphere to create change and give back to their respective communities. They also believe the range of their experiences, including as immigrants or members of immigrant families, will allow them to better serve their districts.
Cox, a Democrat hoping to win a seat in California's 21st Congressional District, said he drew on experiences including being called racial slurs as a student. “You get called that on a bus when you’re 6 years old, you remember that for the rest of your life,” he said, referring to anti-Asian slurs. “It makes you want to stand up to bullies.”
Ortiz Jones, a Democrat, faces Republican incumbent Rep. Will Hurd in a Texas race rated “lean Republican” by the Cook Political Report. She admitted politics is not a career she had considered, but that her combined experiences as a Filipina American and an Air Force veteran, among others, will enable her to bring a fresh perspective to Congress.
“I think some of the challenges that we have in Congress are based on the fact that we don’t have the diversity of life experiences that are in our country,” she said.
Mejia, a Green Party candidate, is seeking to represent California's 34th Congressional District, located in Los Angeles County. He said he was inspired to run because of Sen. Bernie Sanders' presidential campaign in 2016.
Osmeña, the great grand-daughter of former Philippine President Sergio Osmeña, is a Republican seeking to represent California's 14th Congressional District located in the San Francisco Bay Area.
Zimmerman, a pediatrician in Florida and a Democrat, is running for the 1st Congressional District in the north western part of the state.
History made?
All of this year’s candidates are facing incumbents and received a much smaller number of votes than their opponents in the primaries. The Cook Political Report favors the incumbents in all the races, but the contenders don't appear to be too worried about the numbers.
“I’m actually very energized,” Zimmerman, the Florida candidate, said. “And let me tell you why: In 2016 everyone said that Hillary had it in the bag ... But we have realized now that polls only tell one side of the story. What we don’t know, really, is how someone in the privacy of their polling booth or in their home, they can always change their mind at the last minute.”
Arnel Dino, chair of the Filipino American Democratic Caucus of the California Democratic Party, said he believes the election of any of the five candidates into Congress would spark greater interest in politics in the community and would give members a direct voice in the legislature.
“We’ve had a lot of allies nationally and within different communities, Democrat and Republican. However, having TJ or Gina or any of the other Fil-Am congressional candidates get elected would mean that we have someone who is from our community, understands our experience and can give rise to our voice,” he said.
Lien said that even if the election doesn't work out in the candidates' favor, media coverage of their candidacy will have improved the community's visibility and could help mobilize others to run for office in the future.
“It’s a very exciting time,” she said. “The interest is particularly high, and in particular, communities of color – Filipino Americans included ... many people are already predicting we’re going to see history being made.”
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Philippine presidential spouses: From charities to a ‘conjugal dictatorship’
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On paper, presidential spouses do not have a political role, but there have been enough incidents in Philippine history that prove how much of an influence they wield
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RAPPLER
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https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/things-to-know-philippines-presidential-spouses/
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MANILA, Philippines – For a country that puts a premium on filial bonds, it’s no wonder that becoming president inevitably means placing one’s entire family under the spotlight, and in many cases, public scrutiny.
The public has seen this too many times, but it has become more apparent in the age of social media. On TikTok, for example, stylized videos of presidential children are produced and they spread like wildfire among supporters.
Beyond propaganda, presidential families play a huge role in “stabilizing the presidency,” according to historian and university professor Xiao Chua. Given that the burden of leading the country is heavy, family can help by providing much-needed support.
“The first families of the country also had a role in the making and unmaking of the president,” Chua told Rappler in an interview.
The role of a presidential spouse can never be understated. On paper, spouses do not have a political role, but there have been enough incidents in Philippine history that prove how much of an influence they wield. (READ: Liza Araneta-Marcos, First Lady of the Philippines)
For Chua, the power of a presidential spouse depends heavily on the president’s personality, as well as the couple’s own dynamics.
“In a way, you are as good a president as your spouse is,” he said. “Puwede maging downfall or Achilles heel mo ang iyong asawa (Your spouse can be your downfall or your Achilles heel).”
What has history taught us about presidential spouses and their priorities? Rappler takes a look at their advocacies and interests through the years.
Pre-Marcos years
Most first ladies during the pre-war and early years of post-war Philippines dabbled in humanitarian activities. Many of them worked in some capacity in various iterations of the Red Cross.
Hilaria Aguinaldo
Hilaria Aguinaldo, the first wife of the country’s first president Emilio Aguinaldo, was involved in helping casualties among those who rebelled against the Spaniards and Americans in the Philippines, according to the official website of the city of Imus.
She helped organize the Hijas de la Revolucion (Daughters of the Revolution), which later transformed into the Philippine Women’s Red Cross. Hilaria was president of the organization in 1899, according to the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies website.
Aurora Quezon
Another presidential spouse known for her involvement with the Red Cross was Aurora Aragon Quezon, wife of president Manuel Quezon who served from 1935 to 1944.
While she stayed in the background during most of her husband’s political career, Aurora worked extensively with organizations focused on women’s rights. She was honorary chairperson of the National Federation of Women’s Clubs from 1931 to 1941, whose members included Josefa Llanes, and Pura Villanueva Kalaw, among others. Aurora also actively campaigned for women’s suffrage, according to her profile. It was her husband Manuel who signed the law that allowed women to vote in 1937, following a national plebiscite.
Her husband’s death in 1944 didn’t stop Aurora from her advocacies. While in California, she and her daughters volunteered with the Red Cross. She would later become the first chairperson of the Philippine National Red Cross in 1947, a post she held until her death. She was ambushed and killed in 1949 while on the way to inaugurate the Quezon Memorial Hospital in Baler.
“Very powerful siya in a way na kasi nakilala siya ng mga Filipino bilang matulungin na tao (She was very powerful in a way because Filipinos knew her as a very helpful person), so it was such a blow when she was assassinated,” Chua said.
Pacencia Laurel
Pacencia Laurel busied herself with charitable work during her husband Jose Laurel’s term as president from 1943 to 1945 while raising their nine children.
It was the height of World War II, which saw the Laurel family evacuating from Manila to different areas.
Esperanza Osmeña
Esperanza Osmeña was the first lady of Sergio Osmeña, who served as president from 1944 to 1946, mainly serving during the Japanese occupation. She remained in the Philippines during the war.
Trinidad Roxas
Trinidad Roxas, wife of ex-president Manuel Roxas, was the Philippines’ first lady from 1946 to 1948 – or the crucial post-World War II years in the country.
She mainly got involved in charitable institutions such as the White Cross, and took part in activities with the Girl Scouts of the Philippines.
Victoria Quirino
Victoria Quirino was not a presidential spouse as she was the daughter of Elpidio Quirino, the Philippine president from 1948 to 1953. She took on the role of first lady since her mother, Alicia, was killed during World War II.
Just like her predecessors, Victoria played the part of Malacañang host and was also involved in raising funds for charities. It was during Quirino’s time that the Palace was refurbished – one of the rooms was converted into an official receiving room for Victoria, according to a 2006 piece by historian and writer Manuel “Manolo” Quezon III.
Victoria was also the first presidential child to wed inside Malacañang. She married Luis Gonzales in 1950.
Luz Magsaysay
Luz Banzon Magsaysay, wife of Ramon Magsaysay, who was president from 1953 to 1957, served as honorary chairperson of the Philippine National Red Cross.
In 1957, she was appointed by her husband’s predecessor, then-president Carlos Garcia, as member of the Red Cross’ board of governors.
Leonila Garcia
Leonila Garcia, a pharmacist by profession, was first lady when her husband Carlos Garcia was president from 1957 to 1961. She was involved in several charitable activities, including Operation Puso, which was launched in 1960 to help victims of flooding.
Leonila ran for senator under the Nacionalista Party in 1971 but lost.
Eva Macapagal
Evangelina “Eva” Macapagal was the second wife of Diosdado Macapagal, who served as president from 1961 to 1965. She’s the mother of former president and now House deputy speaker Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
Eva, a physician by profession, supported and helped raise funds for health facilities and medical research in the Philippines. It was during her husband’s presidency that the Medical Research Foundation of the Philippines was allowed to conduct a “national education and fund campaign,” as authorized by Proclamation No. 197, released in 1964.
The conjugal dictatorship of the Marcoses
It’s not unusual to think of Imelda Romualdez Marcos when one talks about presidential spouses. She is, after all, one half of the conjugal dictatorship that oversaw Martial Law, one of the darkest chapters in Philippine history.
Historian Chua, who wrote his master’s thesis on the former first lady’s governance, said that Imelda was Ferdinand E. Marcos’ “secret weapon” even prior to becoming president.
“When Marcos cannot deal with difficult politicians, ang papupuntahin niya ay si Imelda, at iiyak lang siya sa harapan nila, kaya nakukuha ni Marcos ang gusto niya (He would let Imelda go and cry in front of them, then he’d get what he wanted),” he said.
Imelda’s first years as first lady – after her husband was elected in 1965 – focused mostly on charitable works and “beautification” projects, including the creation of the Cultural Center of the Philippines.
Marcos’ first term as president saw Imelda on the sidelines, talking to people and going on trips abroad to spend massive amounts on lavish items, at the expense of public funds.
The latter years of Marcos’ rule saw her take on a more powerful role, especially in the aftermath of the revelation that her husband had an affair with American actress Dovie Beams. Imelda’s influence and power eventually expanded, following the implementation of Martial Law in 1972. In fact, she was once dubbed the “de facto vice president” of the Philippines.
“Nag-bargain siya for power, lume-level na siya kay Marcos kaya siya tinawag na the other president,” Chua said. (She bargained for power, and was almost on the same level as Marcos that, she was called the other president.)
A New York Times article published in 1976 described Imelda as “being at once [Marcos’] chief supporter, a potential successor under his martial law regime and a sometime rival, with her own group of advisers and loyalists on the Cabinet.” The piece also cited information from “some knowledgeable sources” that Imelda also joined Cabinet meetings.
Imelda was appointed by her husband governor of Metro Manila in 1975, upon the creation of the Metro Manila Commission through Presidential Decree 824. A year later in 1976, she became the minister of human settlements. Imelda also became part of the Interim Batasang Pambansa, representing Manila from 1978.
Apart from her official government positions, the former first lady also took it upon herself to handle tasks akin to being a chief diplomat. In the 1976 book, The Conjugal Dictatorship, former propagandist Primitivo Mijares wrote that Imelda’s “international jaunts [were] undertaken on the excuse of opening doors for the New Society,” adding that “she enjoys most the task which gives her the illusions of a woman with vast pretensions of being a world diplomat as she goes about her royal hegira.”
Imelda’s involvement in stealing billions of taxpayers’ money was also placed under the spotlight, following their ouster from power after the People Power Revolution in 1986. She would later be convicted of graft.
Post-EDSA spouses
Imelda’s two-decade stint as one-half of the conjugal dictatorship shows how the power and influence of presidential spouses highly depend on the person taking on the role.
“It’s true that Imelda changed the way we look at first spouses, but it can always revert to low-key,” historian Chua said. “Ngayon, iniiwasan mo na maging sobrang powerful (Now you want to prevent spouses to be that much powerful).”
Amelita ‘Ming’ Ramos
Amelita “Ming” Ramos was the first presidential spouse following Martial Law since former president Corazon Aquino was a widow. According to Chua, Ming was “visible but did not appear too powerful” during the presidency of her husband Fidel from 1992 to 1998.
When Fidel was elected in 1992, Ming did not resign from her work as registrar at International School Manila, where she had worked in various capacities since 1955. She retired from ISM only in 2022, after 67 years of service.
“Why should I quit when I was earning more than Eddie even when he was President?” Ming was quoted as saying in a Philippine Star article published in 2005.
A holder of a physical education degree and an athlete, Ming also got involved in sports activities as first lady. She became president of the Philippine Badminton Association in 1994, a post she held for more than a decade. During her leadership, the group hosted various international competitions.
But Ming was also widely known as an environmentalist. Her stint as first lady marked serious efforts in the rehabilitation of the Pasig River, which was declared biologically dead in the 1990s. In 1993, together with civil society organizations, Ming spearheaded the Sagip Pasig Movement. Her husband also created the Presidential Task Force on Pasig River Rehabilitation the same year.
Luisa ‘Loi’ Ejercito
Before becoming Philippine senator, Luisa “Loi” Ejercito served as the first lady of president Joseph Estrada from 1998 until he resigned from office in 2001 after a series of corruption scandals, an impeachment trial, and protests that marked EDSA People Power II. She was also previously a second lady during Estrada’s stint as vice president.
Loi, a doctor by profession, focused a lot of her time on projects catering to the medical-related needs of Filipinos during her time as presidential spouse, among others. When her husband was sworn in as chief executive, Loi brought with her to Malacañang programs initially implemented by Masa ang Riwasa ni Erap (MARE) Foundation, which was established in 1992 in aid of an earlier Estrada program called Erap Para sa Mahirap.
“Hindi masyadong pumapel (She did not elevate herself), but she was always with Erap during events,” Chua said.
Following her husband’s resignation, Loi ran and won as senator during the 2001 elections. In 2004, she was joined in the Senate by her son Jinggoy, who was later charged with plunder and graft charges in relation to the pork barrel scandal.
Loi retired from politics after ending her Senate term in 2007.
Jose Miguel ‘Mike’ Arroyo
Jose Miguel “Mike” Arroyo is the husband of the country’s second female president, Gloria Arroyo, who assumed the presidency after Estrada’s resignation.
This makes Mike the first first gentleman, since Corazon Aquino – the first female president – was a widow. Like many of his predecessors, Mike was also involved in socioeconomic and medical programs. He once even had his own show on state television, Explore With Mike.
But Mike also undeniably played a bigger role in the political sphere and trajectory of his wife Gloria. The latter years of the Arroyo presidency, especially after the 2004 presidential elections, unraveled this further.
“[He] was not just a first gentleman in the sense that he’s just the husband of a major politician, he was a big factor in the political career of Arroyo,” Chua told Rappler.
Mike was accused of corruption and electoral sabotage, together with his wife. Gloria, the former president, was eventually placed under hospital arrest in relation to a plunder case, but was acquitted by the Supreme Court (SC) in July 2016.
In 2012, Mike was charged with graft over the sale of second-hand choppers to the Philippine National Police. The case was dismissed by the Sandiganbayan in 2022, following an SC decision that ordered the anti-graft court to remove Mike from the list of respondents.
Honeylet Avanceña
Cielito “Honeylet” Avanceña is the long-time partner of then-president Rodrigo Duterte. The marriage of Duterte to his first wife Elizabeth Zimmerman – the mother of his three children, including Vice President Sara Duterte – has been annulled.
Honeylet once said that, before Duterte was sworn into the presidency, she had a separate life from his political career. She was a nurse by profession, but has since focused on running her own businesses in Davao City, including Mister Donut franchises and meat dealerships.
“Hindi ko naman talaga kailangan nasa public eye…. Nasa likod lang ako, alalay lang ako sa personal niya,” she told Rappler in 2016. (I don’t really need to be in the public eye…. I’ll just be in the background, helping him in personal matters.)
Honeylet, however, became more felt and seen in the months following Duterte’s inauguration. She would later join him in welcoming high-ranking foreign government officials, including then-Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, and attend the 30th Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit in 2017.
Honeylet was also involved in charitable projects, like previous presidential spouses. During Duterte’s visit to Cambodia in 2017, Honeylet and daughter Veronica visited patients at the Kantha Bopha IV Children’s Hospital. In early 2020, she led a relief mission with the Filipino-Chinese community to victims of the Taal Volcano eruption.
Honeylet also helped causes related to health. In 2019, she released a video urging the Senate to pass a law increasing the price of tobacco products. In the same video, Honeylet described herself as a “health advocate.”
Marie Louise ‘Liza’ Araneta-Marcos
The election of the namesake and only son of the dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos also brought to the fore another Marcos first lady – Liza Araneta-Marcos.
Liza’s profile on the Marcos official website states that she was a “significant voice of reason” in the presidential campaign of her husband, highlighting that she and her team “helped” Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. win the 2022 elections.
She counts cultural preservation and education among her advocacies as presidential spouse. A lawyer by profession, Liza currently teaches law at the West Visayas State University in Iloilo City.
Just like her mother-in-law, Liza reportedly plays a major role in Malacañang affairs. The President has said he does not talk policy with Liza, and consults her only over “legal” matters because “she’s very good at that.”
In January 2023, Liza herself denied any involvement in military appointments, even warning that she’ll “tell [her] husband not to appoint” people who use her name. This comes after a revamp at the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), when Marcos dismissed AFP chief Lieutenant General Bartolome Bacarro and reappointed Andres Centino as AFP chief five months after appointing him ambassador to India.
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The Philippines in Transition
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[
"Ralston Hayden",
"Author:James M. Lindsay",
"David Sacks",
"Author:Will Freeman"
] |
1936-07-01T00:00:00
|
WITH the establishment of the Commonwealth of the Philippine Islands the United States took a bold step forward in the development of an important national policy and at the same time broke new ground in the government of dependencies. The government of the Commonwealth is unlike that of any other political entity under the American flag. In status and prospects it is unique among dependent nations and is without precedent in the international world.
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en
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Foreign Affairs
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https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/philippines/1936-07-01/philippines-transition
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WITH the establishment of the Commonwealth of the Philippine Islands the United States took a bold step forward in the development of an important national policy and at the same time broke new ground in the government of dependencies. The government of the Commonwealth is unlike that of any other political entity under the American flag. In status and prospects it is unique among dependent nations and is without precedent in the international world.
The advance that has been made, however, has not solved the Philippine problem. While the law under which the new government of the Islands was created provides in effect that American sovereignty over the Philippines shall terminate in 1946, the Congress left for future determination such vital matters as the trade relations to be established between the United States and the Philippines after that date, the possible neutralization of the Philippine Republic, and the retention of an American naval base in the Islands. Hence the responsibilities of the United States in the Philippines continue for another decade and America has still to make important decisions concerning its Philippine policy. On their side, the Filipinos still face continuing uncertainty in matters vitally affecting their national existence. In the larger view, the future of the Islands is a question giving more concern than ever to the nations which have interests in the Far East.
II
The form and organization of the present Philippine government were determined by the Filipinos themselves. The Commonwealth constitution was drafted in Manila by a popularly elected convention that was genuinely representative of the best in Filipino character, intellect and political experience. In personnel and leadership it also represented the overwhelming preponderance of Philippine political power. It produced an organic law which was agreed to by all but one of its 202 members and which was subsequently accepted by the vast majority of the Philippine electorate. Few national constitutions have expressed more completely the free and deliberate choice of a people as to the form of government under which they shall live.
Although in the main reflecting the influence of American political philosophy and practices, the Commonwealth government contains a number of features that have grown out of Philippine experience. Despite a distinct separation of executive, legislative and judicial powers, the executive is definitely the predominant branch of the government. The President is chosen by popular vote for a six-year term, and is not immediately eligible for reelection. While he holds office he has those powers vested in the chief executive of the United States plus important additional powers. He has an itemized veto in appropriation and tax bills; authority to recommend appropriations that cannot be increased by the legislature (except those for the National Assembly and the judicial department); authority to overrule the decisions of the auditor-general; power in prescribed circumstances to suspend the writ of habeas corpus or place the Philippines or any part thereof under martial law; and broad powers that may be authorized by the National Assembly in time of national emergency.
Evidence has already been given that President Manuel L. Quezon has the will and the capacity to utilize these extensive powers to the limit. The predominance definitely assigned the president under the constitution, and already established in practice by the first incumbent, is in harmony with the political instincts, traditions and practices of the Filipino people. So long as the office remains in wise hands the result will probably be a government well adapted to the actual needs of the country.
The legislature, called the National Assembly, is unicameral. The judges of all of the courts are appointive and their official independence is protected by every known constitutional device. The law of the Philippines continues to be a combination of the civil and the common law, with "appended" Mohammedan and customary law effective in certain restricted areas. In all of its branches the Commonwealth government is manned by officials who in experience, ability and sincerity of purpose compare favorably with those of other nations.
III
Perhaps the most significant fact about the position of the Philippine Commonwealth in the American constitutional system is that legally it is on its way towards complete separation from the United States. The conditions under which the organic connection between the United States and the Philippines are to be terminated, and the relationship between the American and Philippine government during the intervening decade, were provided for by an Act of Congress. Yet this Act became effective only after it had been voluntarily and legally accepted by the Philippine people. Hence, it may be argued, the constitutional status of the Islands rests not upon a unilateral expression of the sovereign will of the United States, but upon an agreement between the two countries. There would seem to follow a moral obligation upon both peoples to carry out the agreement loyally and in good faith, except as it may be modified by their common consent.
Moreover, the very nature of the arrangement that has been entered into implies American recognition of the fact that the Philippines possess virtually all of the attributes of statehood, in the international sense, except political independence. It is necessary, therefore, that the Filipinos be dealt with as a nation, although one which temporarily is in a special and subordinate relationship with America. For the terms of the "Independence Act" permit of no doubt that the United States is still sovereign in the Philippines. Under these conditions the American-Philippine relationship is more delicate and calls for more good will and more mature statesmanship on both sides than at any previous period.
In order to be able to meet the responsibilities of continuing sovereignty in the Philippines the United States has retained substantial powers over the new government. The most important of these powers are vested in the American President. The President is given the right to "intervene" for the preservation of the government of the Commonwealth and for the maintenance of that government as provided in the constitution thereof; for the protection of life, property and individual liberty; and for the discharge of government obligations under and in accord with the provisions of the Commonwealth constitution. In him is also vested the right to take over the customs houses should the Commonwealth fail to pay its bonded indebtedness or fulfill its contracts; the power to decide appeals from the auditor general of the Commonwealth; the power to approve or disapprove all acts affecting currency, coinage, imports, exports and immigration, as well as loans contracted in foreign countries and any amendment to the constitution; the authority to suspend the taking effect of or the operation of any law, contract or executive order of the Commonwealth government under certain specified conditions; and the authority to call into the service of the United States all military forces organized by the Philippine government. As the foreign affairs of the Commonwealth also remain under the direct supervision and control of the United States these are also for all practical purposes under Presidential direction.
The legislative and judicial branches of the American government also continue to exercise important powers in the Philippines. Thus all acts of the Commonwealth legislature shall be reported to the American Congress, and to it is reserved authority to amend or repeal any law in force in the Philippines upon the inauguration of the Commonwealth. The Supreme Court of the United States continues to have power to review certain cases from the Philippine Islands; and this power is extended to cases involving the constitution of the Commonwealth. Further indicative of the continuation of American authority in the Philippines are the provisions that until the final and complete withdrawal of American sovereignty all citizens of the Philippines owe allegiance to the United States, and that every officer of the Commonwealth government shall take an oath of office declaring that he accepts the supreme authority of the United States and will give it true faith and allegiance.
The extensive powers over the Commonwealth vested in the American President grant him the authority and presumably lay upon him the duty to see that the government is conducted in accordance with what McKinley called "certain great principles of government which we . . . deem essential to the rule of law and the maintenance of individual freedom," as well as in such a way as not to jeopardize legitimate American interests in the Islands or involve the United States in difficulties with foreign nations. Heretofore this duty has been performed by an American official of the Philippine government, the Governor-General, who had the usual powers and responsibilities of a chief executive under the American system. Henceforth there is to be no American official within the Commonwealth government and American control is to be exercised from without and only for the purposes set forth in the "Independence Law." The result of this situation is that although there is no direct American participation in the governmental process, the President is expected to see to it that in many respects the Commonwealth is governed in a definitely American manner.
In exercising his extensive authority the President will presumably rely on the information and advice furnished him by the "United States High Commissioner to the Commonwealth of the Philippine Islands." It is this official who (when directed by the President) would take over the Commonwealth customs houses; and presumably he would exercise whatever governmental authority the President might assume in the Islands in case "intervention" became necessary. Under normal conditions, however, the High Commissioner has only the position of a legally authorized and specially privileged observer. Assisting him in his work is a staff of experts, headed by legal, financial and economic advisers. The administrative connection between the High Commissioner and the President is through the Bureau of Insular Affairs and the Secretary of War -- the same route formerly followed by the Governor-General.
Ideally, both the High Commissioner and the Commonwealth President will feel that the former has the three rights, and only the three rights, attributed by Walter Bagehot to the British constitutional sovereign: the right to be consulted, the right to encourage, the right to warn. Granted the possession of these rights and granted that he exercises them wisely, a properly qualified High Commissioner will need no others. Indeed, he should have no others, for the High Commissioner is not intended to be a super-president. On the other hand, as a trusted, confidential counsellor entirely detached from Philippine partisan politics, yet thoroughly informed concerning local and world conditions, the High Commissioner can render services of the highest value to the chief executive of the Commonwealth. Proper collaboration between these two officials should make it unnecessary for the High Commissioner ever to recommend that the American President exercise his drastic powers of control over the Commonwealth, unless, perhaps, at the request of the Commonwealth President himself.
Personalities often play a greater part in determining the character of public offices than do the laws that create them. In the present case the High Commissionership should develop ideally. During a highly successful administration as the last Governor-General, Frank Murphy became thoroughly acquainted with the problems of the Philippines, won the confidence of all elements in the Philippine community, and manifested in a practical way his sympathy with the national aspirations of the Filipino people. As the first High Commissioner, Mr. Murphy has clearly demonstrated his belief that the authority of the Commonwealth should be respected and enforced. It has been his policy to avoid harassing intermeddling, and as a matter of good faith to give full recognition to the rights of the Philippine people and the dignity of their official representatives. His tactful and wise administration of his office has already accomplished a great deal towards making successful the new government and the American-Philippine relationship established under the "Independence Act." He has done this, moreover, with an intelligent conception of American interests and in a manner well calculated adequately to safeguard them. In this work he has had the understanding and constructive coöperation of President Quezon. Upon a continuation of such relations between these two officials and their successors will depend in considerable degree the success of the bold step that America has taken in turning the process of Philippine government so completely over to the Filipinos while remaining responsible for the manner in which that government is conducted.
IV
The most serious problems faced by the new Commonwealth are those of public order and national economy. The two are closely interrelated. If the latter can be solved the former will not prove insurmountably difficult. This is not to say, however, that there is no danger of internal disorder in the Philippines. The possibility arises from three sources: economic unrest, political discontent, and unstable or dissatisfied minority racial groups. Agrarian unrest, played upon by unscrupulous local leaders, has caused a number of minor uprisings in recent years. In certain sections of the country many tenants and agricultural laborers continue to live under well-nigh intolerable conditions. To these malcontents is now added a growing class of dissatisfied industrial workers, including the employees of the great tobacco factories, the bus companies, the lumber and coconut mills and the longshoremen. Hopeless, ignorant and unbelievably credulous, the agricultural and industrial laborers who live on the margin of subsistence provide a fine field for subversive activities by the political "outs" and by a small but energetically-led communist party. Violence and bloodshed have often attended the struggles of these depressed classes to better their lot, even during the period of relative national prosperity made possible by the duty-free access of Philippine goods to the American market.
There is no accurate gauge for measuring the extent of political discontent in the Philippine Commonwealth. No one questions, however, that at the time it was inaugurated the Quezon government had to face a considerable amount of quite virulent dissatisfaction. General Aguinaldo and Bishop Aglipay of the Independent Filipino Church had been independent candidates for the Commonwealth presidency against Mr. Quezon, President of the Senate. Neither of them possessed political experience, had the backing of any permanent party organization (although Aguinaldo had his "Veteranos" and Aglipay his church), or enjoyed the advantage of any considerable campaign fund. Senate President Quezon and Senator Sergio Osmeña, the vice-presidential candidate, headed a joint ticket agreed upon by both of the national parties, whose organizations extend to virtually every barrio in the Archipelago and command considerable financial resources. Senate President Quezon also enjoyed the advantage of being president of the majority party and the recognized head of the Filipino participation in the existing government.
Yet in the election Aguinaldo polled 179,401 votes and Aglipay 148,006, a total of 327,407, against Quezon's 695,299 and Osmeña's 810,666. Both opposition candidates directed their campaign to the masses. They told the people that the sacred cause of independence had been betrayed by the official leaders and that the Commonwealth meant continued exploitation of the country for an indefinite period by a selfish oligarchy supported by American bayonets.[i] After the election Aguinaldo declared that he had been defeated by fraud and appealed to the President of the United States. For weeks his angry followers, often to the number of a thousand, held nightly meetings in the grounds of his home near Manila, talking sedition and at times openly proposing the assassination of the Filipino government leaders. The extreme precautions taken to protect the life of the President-elect revealed how seriously these and other threats were regarded.
No implication is intended that General Aguinaldo is likely to lead a revolt against the Commonwealth government or to countenance political assassination. Indeed, the General has consistently declared that it was his restraining influence that held his more radical followers in check. This probably was the case. However, the number of votes polled for Aguinaldo and Aglipay in the existing circumstances, plus the feeling of many of the masses that the ballot is valueless to them because elections are won by fraud and wealth, plus the fact that for many years all legitimate opposition parties have been swallowed up by the majority through coalition, fusion or some other mutually agreeable working arrangement, plus the fact that the "outs" are now able to employ the old immediate independence cry that for so many years kept the "ins" in power -- these all add up to make a total of political discontent that is far from reassuring.
The two large native minority groups in the Philippines are the Igorotes, the 400,000 primitive, pagan hill people of the Mountain province of northern Luzon, and the 500,000 Moros (Mohammedans) of Mindanao and Sulu. The alien minorities are the 75,000 (or more) Chinese and approximately 20,000 Japanese. If the Commonwealth remains solvent, it probably will be able to deal with all of these minorities as successfully as have preceding Philippine governments. But a breakdown of public order due to other reasons might make these groups a serious menace to the safety of the state.
The dangers to public order that have been discussed are in considerable degree offset by a number of other factors. Perhaps the chief among these is the generally reasonable and peaceful character of the Filipinos. They are instinctively inclined to compromise and their leaders are adept in arranging agreements that prevent fights to the finish and clean-cut decisions. Nor is there either unity or capable leadership among those who might desire to challenge the authority of the government by force. The President and Vice-President, on the other hand, and many of their political associates in Manila and the provinces, are statesmen of experience and proven ability. Under reasonably favorable conditions they should be able to deal successfully with discontent among their own people.
In any country, however, the ultimate guarantee of the public peace is the government's possession of sufficient power to preserve it by force if necessary. This guarantee exists at present in the Philippines and will continue to exist during the ten-year Commonwealth period, unless there is a disastrous economic breakdown. The Commonwealth President has at his disposal a loyal and efficient constabulary, supported by the new national army. The whole military establishment is being organized and directed under the guidance of Major-General Douglas Mac-Arthur, United States Army, and an able American staff.
Finally, no successful rebellion against the Commonwealth is conceivable because should the Philippine government fail to protect itself the President of the United States is authorized to intervene to preserve and maintain it as provided in its constitution. Probably no widespread rebellion against the Commonwealth will occur. Certainly none would have the slightest chance of success. This does not mean that occasional small but costly revolts are beyond the realm of possibility. Should there be a serious economic breakdown the existing economic and political discontent would be extended and intensified and might produce disorder that could be suppressed only by the stern use of considerable military force. The solution of the problem of public order, therefore, as of most of the other problems of the Commonwealth, will depend primarily upon the continuation of the economic prosperity of the Philippines and the financial soundness of its government.
V
During the next five years it should prove possible to maintain the basic economic situation in the Philippines because the Islands will continue to enjoy their present favored position in the American market. Even during this period, however, further economic development will be checked by quotas that have limited the duty-free importation of sugar, coconut oil and cordage into the United States, and by the uncertainty of the future. The immediate fiscal position of the Commonwealth is sound. This favorable situation has been produced, however, only by rigid and relentless economy, backed by a courageous use of the Governor-General's veto power for the purpose of protecting the treasury. It is disquieting that in its initial session the new National Assembly should have appropriated for 1936 considerably more than the estimated revenues for this year.
In the sixth year of the Commonwealth, however, the economic picture changes. Beginning then, the Tydings-McDuffie Act imposes upon Philippine products destined for the United States a schedule of export taxes which increase by regular annual increments from 5 percent of the American tariff to 25 percent in the tenth year. In 1946 independence is to be attained. Thenceforth the full American tariff will be applied to all Philippine goods imported into the United States. The primary purposes of the export taxes are to compel the Philippines to diversify its products, decrease production costs and seek non-American markets. But both Filipinos and the Americans resident in the Islands are virtually unanimous in the conviction that these purposes cannot be accomplished in the allotted time. There is grave danger, moreover, that before the end of the period the following Philippine export industries would be seriously depressed, or in some cases destroyed: sugar, molasses, alcohol (from molasses), coconut oil, copra cake, desiccated coconut, cordage, tobacco scrap, cigars, embroideries and buttons. Now these industries comprise about 90 percent of all Philippine exports. Upon them depends the livelihood of millions of Filipinos and the financial structure of many provinces as well as of the Commonwealth Government itself. In jeopardizing them at a time when serious economic and political discontent already exist in the Philippines the economic provisions of the Tydings-McDuffie Act endanger not only the prosperity of the Filipino people but the financial and political stability of the Commonwealth.
The imposition of the prescribed export taxes, and the uncertainty in which the Tydings-McDuffie Act left post-independence trade relations between the United States and the Philippines, might fail to produce the dire consequences so widely feared. But there can be little doubt that the application of the full American tariff to Philippine products when independence had been achieved would soon be followed by economic ruin and political and social chaos. Leading Filipinos believe that the only way in which they could avert these disasters would be by becoming a part of the economic and political system of their great industrial and military neighbor to the north. Most of them agree with the President of their Constitutional Convention, who stated publicly that such a course would mean "economic pauperism and political extinction" for themselves and their descendants.
Assuming that under the provisions of the Tydings-McDuffie Law the Philippine Commonwealth will be threatened with serious dangers during the second half of the coming decade, and that the Philippine Republic to be established in 1946 will not have a reasonable chance for an independent existence, what, if anything, should be done at the present time by the United States? One answer to this question is that the United States should do nothing: that the Filipinos asked for this law, have accepted it, and now the next step is "up to them." There are three weaknesses in this answer. The first is that such an attitude ignores America's inescapable moral responsibility for this Asiatic people that it conquered and over which it is sovereign. The second is that by the terms of its own law and the facts of the actual situation the United States would be compelled to step in, possibly by force of arms, and reëstablish peace, order and governmental stability should they be destroyed in the Philippines prior to the final independence of the Islands. In 1898, when the Filipinos were little more than half as numerous as they now are; when, relatively speaking, they were unarmed, disunited, undeveloped and unorganized; when they were not within the effective sphere of influence of a great and jealous Asiatic power, it was necessary to send 80,000 American troops across the Pacific in order to establish American authority over the Islands. The effort that would be required to reëstablish our effective rule there might be much greater under present conditions.
In the third place, should an economic and political breakdown occur in the Islands prior to the termination of the ten-year period, independence would become impossible in 1946 and would remain impossible for some time thereafter. The United States would be virtually compelled to stay in the Philippines regardless of its wishes or interests. The conclusion is that whether or not the Filipinos are willing to gamble with their future by failing to request an alteration of the terms of the agreement into which they have entered, America should take prompt steps to protect both itself and its ward from the dangers of the present situation.
This end can be accomplished, and the Commonwealth and the Republic given a fair chance of success, only by a considerable revision of the economic provisions of the Tydings-McDuffie Act. Filipino acceptance of this law was secured in part by the declaration of President Roosevelt that, "Where imperfections or inequalities exist, I am confident that they can be corrected after proper hearing and in fairness to both peoples." The President subsequently indicated that he would call an American-Philippine conference to consider the trade relations between the two countries. Preparations for such a conference are already being made by an American inter-departmental committee composed of representatives of the Departments of State, War, Agriculture and Commerce and the Tariff Commission. In the Philippines a committee appointed by the Governor-General in 1935 and an Economic Council created by the National Assembly are carrying on a similar work.
To put the Philippine Commonwealth and American-Philippine relations upon a sound basis there should be modifications of the Tydings-McDuffie Act extending the time and altering the conditions under which the Filipinos are to be required to make the far-reaching and difficult economic adjustments that are prerequisite to genuine political independence. The most simple and effective action would be the substitution of a mutually beneficial reciprocal trade agreement, which would continue after the establishment of independence, for the graduated export taxes to be levied prior to 1946 and the full American tariff to be imposed beginning July 4 of the latter year. Such action would greatly reduce whatever danger there may now be of a serious economic collapse even before the termination of American sovereignty, and prevent the disasters that would probably follow independence under the existing plan. The continuation of preferential trade between the Philippines and the United States after independence apparently would require an alteration of the most-favored-nation clause in commercial treaties between the United States and a number of other nations. All of these treaties expire or become subject to denunciation prior to 1946, however, and as each of them comes up for continuation the United States could properly request that the other party thereto agree to except the Philippines from the effect of the most-favored-nation provision upon the ground that twenty-five years of free trade between the United States and the Philippines cannot be abruptly terminated with fairness to either country.
The formulation of an American-Philippine trade agreement would naturally involve a reconsideration of the quotas of duty-free sugar, coconut oil and cordage now assigned to the Islands. However, the weight of expert opinion is that the limitations imposed by these quotas will not seriously injure any of the industries in question, but merely prevent their further expansion upon the artificial basis of a free American market. Continued expansion would make it still more difficult for the Philippines to achieve economic independence of America; probably, too, it would be resisted by American interests which fear Philippine competition, as well as by other Americans who believe that the United States should rid itself of the Islands as quickly as possible.
Efforts may be made, also, to put the Commonwealth government in complete control over the Philippine currency, over import and export duties and over foreign affairs. Such alterations in the law would be of doubtful wisdom for two reasons. First, American authority in the Islands should not be further reduced as long as the United States continues to have the responsibilities of sovereignty there. Second, a further extension of autonomy in these matters is not necessary because the American President is already in a position to permit the Commonwealth any liberty of action that may serve Philippine interests without impairing those of the United States. It is doubtful, indeed, whether any alterations in the political provisions of the Tydings-McDuffie Act can be advantageously made at this time. The Philippine leaders cannot be expected to acquiesce in any reduction of existing autonomy nor can the United States safely reduce its control. More important still, if the Philippines are given a fair chance at economic prosperity and stability the Commonwealth will probably be successful and American interests will be adequately safeguarded without any modification of the political provisions of the law.
VI
If we look both backward and forward -- backward through the thirty-eight years of the American-Philippine connection, forward to the end of the Commonwealth period -- we cannot escape the conclusion the United States is bound both in honor and interest to take whatever steps are necessary to assure the success of the government which has been established in the Islands. I believe that ever since 1898 the American people has intended, practically unanimously, to set up a régime of political liberty in the Philippines. Selfish economic interests may have played a part in the passage of the Tydings-McDuffie Act. But in the minds of the American public as a whole it was a measure intended to bring one step nearer the consummation of the historic American policy of preparing the Philippines for independence. If there are sound reasons for believing that the economic provisions of the law jeopardize the accomplishment of this purpose those provisions should be altered. The failure of the Commonwealth -- even the eventual failure of the Philippine Republic that is to succeed it -- would be first of all an American failure. It would be a particularly bad failure, too, because it would mean that the United States had not met its obligations towards a weak and dependent people over whom it had extended its rule by force.
The case for assuring the success of the Commonwealth is equally clear from the standpoint of self-interest. It would be costly and thankless to cope with any economic-political collapse that might occur in the Philippines before 1946. And if such a collapse occurred it might well defeat the fundamental purpose of the Tydings-McDuffie Act -- the early separation of the Philippines from the United States. Whether both countries, or either of them, will desire this separation when the allotted ten years shall have expired, cannot be said definitely now. Already there is a growing realization among thinking Filipinos that their long sought "independence" from the United States may mean nothing more than immediate freedom to starve and ultimate domination by some other nation. Very possibly there may be a real demand in the Philippines for an extension of the ten-year period as its end approaches, or at any rate for the prolongation of some sort of political tie with the United States. A decade hence America too may wish to continue some connection with the Islands. Whatever sentiments of this sort may develop, however, there can be no question that it will be to the advantage of the United States to be able to withdraw honorably from the Philippines in 1946 should it then wish to do so. From the purely selfish American viewpoint this freedom of action should be preserved at any reasonable cost.
In addition to the motives of honor and interest just mentioned there are two other reasons why America should give the Filipinos a fair chance to carry out successfully the program that has been laid down for them. The Philippine Commonwealth represents the finest and most hopeful effort that has been made by a powerful western state to set up a dependent people of another race as an independent and stable member of the family of nations. Success in this project will encourage the progressive and liberal elements in every imperial nation to insist upon a generous recognition of the legitimate national demands of subject peoples. It will arouse in dependencies impatiently demanding greater liberty and ultimate independence a greater confidence in the possibility of obtaining these ends without resort to desperate measures. In short, the success of the American-Philippine experiment will be a contribution of undoubted value to the peaceful solution of the admittedly difficult world problem of imperialism. Conversely, failure in the Philippines -- whether before or after independence -- would add to the danger of international anarchy which threatens the world today. If there is any one contribution to world peace which it is clearly America's duty to make, this is it.
Finally, there is at stake the contribution to world civilization that would be represented by the successful establishment of an independent and secure Philippine nation. The Filipinos are a gifted and a patriotic people. They represent a remarkably successful synthesis between an ancient Oriental culture and two types of Western civilization. In the enthusiasm awakened by the attainment of their long-coveted autonomy they have already displayed surprising vigor in laying the foundations of a distinctive and progressive national life. If they are given reasonable economic opportunities, I feel confident they will do their share towards saving and enriching modern civilization. Should the United States terminate its relations with this people under conditions that would jeopardize their survival as a nation, it would violate a trust which it has assumed to civilization and abandon the principles of its own moral and political institutions. The American people would never knowingly sanction such a course. They should support the President in the action that he has indicated will be taken to avoid it.
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2030
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https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/macarthur-manuel-l-quezon/
|
en
|
American Experience
|
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[
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] | null |
[
"American Experience"
] |
2018-07-05T14:08:02.445366-04:00
|
The friendship between Quezon and MacArthur deepened in Manila in the late 1920s, when MacArthur commanded the Philippine Department.
|
en
|
https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/macarthur-manuel-l-quezon/
|
In 1904, while in the Philippines on his very first assignment out of West Point, Lieutenant Douglas MacArthur wrote a pamphlet on reconnaissance for the Philippine Constabulary, the newly established paramilitary police force. Captain James G. Harbord, head of the Constabulary, was so impressed that he took MacArthur out to dinner at the swank Army and Navy Club, overlooking Manila Bay. When he arrived, MacArthur found Harbord with a pair of young Filipino lawyers, Manuel Quezon and Sergio Osmeña. Although MacArthur could not have known it at the time, both men were destined to become Presidents of the Philippine Commonwealth and major figures in his life. Quezon's destiny, in particular, would be interwoven with MacArthur's in ways profoundly important to both of them.
Manuel Quezon was born to Spanish mestizo parents in the remote town of Baler in Tayabas province, on the east coast of Luzon. His father, a former soldier in the Spanish army, operated a small rice farm, but as mestizos the family enjoyed a higher social status than even wealthy Filipinos. Manuel was sent to school in Manila at the age of nine and remained there through college, where he studied law. Although he had supported the Spanish against Filipino nationalists, in 1899 he joined Aguinaldo's guerrilla war against the Americans, and was eventually jailed for six months for allegedly murdering an American prisoner. After being released for lack of evidence, Quezon's sharp mind and considerable charisma caught the eye of American colonial officials, and his stratospheric political ascent began. After serving as a prosecutor in Mindoro, he was elected governor of Tayabas in 1906; the following year, he and Osmeña helped found the Nacionalista party, which would dominate Philippine politics for decades. By 1916, Quezon had become President of the Philippine Senate and de facto leader of the Philippine independence movement.
The friendship between the Quezon and MacArthur deepened in Manila in the late 1920s, when MacArthur commanded the Philippine Department. In 1929 they lobbied Washington hard for MacArthur to be named the successor to Henry Stimson as governor general of the Philippines. The "New York Times" reported in April that it appeared that "General MacArthur can have the position if he really wants it. It is certain that he stands high in the esteem of Manuel Quezon and other political leaders, who are not averse to seeing him in Malacanan Palace.... Close observers here point to the remarkable intimacy of Gen. MacArthur and Senor Quezon, who often are seen together on terms of close friendship." MacArthur's disappointment at being passed over by President Hoover was assuaged, however, when he was named U.S. Army Chief of Staff the following year.
During MacArthur's long and difficult tenure as Chief, Quezon lobbied for legislation in Washington which would give his country its independence. He succeeded with the passage of the Tydings-McDuffie Act in March of 1934, which granted the Philippines commonwealth status, to be followed by complete autonomy in 1946. Quezon led the Filipino contingent that was present when Franklin Roosevelt signed the new Philippine Constitution in the spring of 1935. Six months later, he was elected the first President of the Philippine Commonwealth. But with his country barely on track toward independence, Quezon confronted a challenge that threatened to undo everything: Japanese imperialism. Having completed its conquest of Manchuria years earlier, Japan clearly had its sights set on further expansion, and the vulnerable Philippines made a tempting target. Predictably, Quezon turned to his old friend. He needed a military advisor, MacArthur needed a job, and Roosevelt wanted MacArthur out of Washington -- so in October 1935 the General set sail for Manila.
Even before he left, MacArthur wrote Quezon, "I am already hard at work drawing up plans and details and by the time I arrive will be able to convince you all that before the close of the ten-year period the Commonwealth, no matter what betides, will be secure from foreign aggression." Such optimism characterized the relationship between the President and his Military Advisor for the first couple of years, as they worked closely together to build an army capable of deterring Japanese aggression. But time worked against them, and by 1938 Quezon had become convinced that Japan might attack long before MacArthur had assembled a respectable force. By the time Quezon made a secret trip to Tokyo that June to discuss neutrality, relations between the two men had deteriorated badly.
But in 1941, necessity drew them back together. With a newly reactivated MacArthur representing American muscle -- the only thing between his country and the Japanese army -- Quezon gravitated back to the General. On the beseiged Corregidor, shared strife and anger toward Washington made for a powerful bond. When Quezon left by submarine on February 20, he gave MacArthur his ring, saying, "When they find your body, I want them to know you fought for my country." Neither man suspected that Quezon would be the first to die. While he led the Philippine government-in-exile in the U.S. for the next two years, Quezon's tuberculosis steadily worsened. He died on August 1, 1944, less than three months before MacArthur's dramatic return to Philippine soil.
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https://time.com/archive/6772994/the-philippines-no-holds-barred/
|
en
|
THE PHILIPPINES: No Holds Barred
|
https://time.com/favicon.ico
|
https://time.com/favicon.ico
|
[] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"TIME"
] |
1946-02-04T05:00:00+00:00
|
When fiery, chain-smoking Manuel Acuna Roxas announced last year that he would run for the Presidency of the Philippines, many an island politico winked significantly over his cigar. There is but one...
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
TIME
|
https://time.com/archive/6772994/the-philippines-no-holds-barred/
|
When fiery, chain-smoking Manuel Acuna Roxas announced last year that he would run for the Presidency of the Philippines, many an island politico winked significantly over his cigar. There is but one Philippine party, the Nacionalistas. According to all the rules of island politics, Roxas would soon make a deal with aging President Sergio Osmeña, withdraw in the old man’s favor.
But last week 2,000 insurgent Roxas followers crowded into Manila’s Santa Ana Cabaret* drink beer, spout oratory in Tagalog, English and Spanish, and nominate him for the island’s highest office. A few days later old line Nacionalistas held a nominating convention in Giro’s, another nightclub, and put Osmeña’s name on the ballot. The Philippines were devastated and flat broke. They would stay that way until the dilatory U.S. Congress passed legislation granting $450,000,000 for postwar rehabilitation. But now the future at least promised excitement. The hottest political campaign in island history—and the one which would provide the first President of the new Philippines Republic—was under way.
Many a voter guessed there might be gunfire as well as oratory before it was over, since thousands of ex-guerrillas still keep their arms in the hills of Luzon. But it was too early to guess at the outcome. Smart, flashy Manuel Roxas would have the edge in political sex appeal, and Philippine voters traditionally disregard platforms and causes to vote for personal reasons. He has always been popular with Juan de la Cruz, the Filipino man-in-the-street. Rumor had it that several rich island families would back him in buying up blocs of votes from local political leaders—a custom which every candidate must duly observe. But he also had a cross to bear—he had held political office during the Japanese occupation.
Though most U.S. authorities were convinced that Roxas had accepted the position to aid his countrymen, the Osmeña faction promptly painted him in different colors. Cried Osmeña’s political ally, Tomás Confesor:
“He says he voluntarily remained behind to fight with his people. The truth is that he cried like a baby when he found out that he was not on MacArthur’s list of men to be evacuated to Australia. Roxas’ claims that he supplied the guerrillas with information are baloney. There is much evidence that he was a collaborator. He should be disqualified. . . .”
The communists, home-grown and foreign, are bitterly anti-Roxas. But Roxas, strongly pro-American and by far the most talented public man in the Philippines, could be counted on to take care of himself in a hot argument. -In bombed-out Manila no big public halls or buildings remain standing.
*In bombed-out Manila no big public halls or buildings remain standing
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https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18025522
|
en
|
President's Son Was A Traitor
|
http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-page1006255-t
|
http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-page1006255-t
|
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MANILA, May 9 (A.A.P.).— Sergio Osmena, junior, son of the former President of the Philippines, was to-day found guilty of treason ...
|
en
|
Trove
|
https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/18025522
|
MANILA, May 9 (A.A.P.).
Sergio Osmena, junior, son of the
former President of the Philippines,
was to-day found guilty of treason
because of his collaboration with
the Japanese.
He was sentenced lo life imprison-
ment and fined. 10,000 dollars.
|
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2030
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1
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https://www.studocu.com/ph/document/university-of-the-east-philippines/accountancy/sergio-osmena-sagot/5972565
|
en
|
1946) Sergio Osmeña Sr was a Filipino politician who
|
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sagot sergio osmeña sergio osmeña sr was filipino politician who served as the fourth president of the philippines from 1944 to 1946. he was vice president
|
en
|
Studocu
|
https://www.studocu.com/ph/document/university-of-the-east-philippines/accountancy/sergio-osmena-sagot/5972565
|
Sergio Osmeña
(1944-1946)
Sergio Osmeña Sr was a Filipino politician who served as the fourth President of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. He was Vice President under Manuel L. Quezon. Upon Quezon's sudden death in 1944, Osmeña succeeded him, at age 65, becoming the oldest holder of the office (a record he held until 71-year-old Rodrigo Duterte was elected in 2016). A founder of the Nacionalista Party, Osmeña was also the first Visayan to become president.
Contributions and Achievements:
became president at 65, making him the oldest person to hold office
first Visayan to become president
joined with U. Gen. Douglas McArthur in Leyte on October 20, 1944 to begin restoration of Philippine freedom after Japanese occupation
Philippine National Bank was rehabilitated and the country joined the International Monetary Fund during his presidency
Bell Trade Act was approved by the U. Congress during his presidency
appears on the 50-peso bill
Domestic policies
Restoration of the Commonwealth
With Manila liberated, General of the Army, Douglas MacArthur, on behalf of the United States, turned over the reins of government of the Philippines to Commonwealth President, Sergio Osmeña, on 27 February 1945, amidst brief, but impressive, ceremonies held at the Malacañang Palace. President Osmeña, after thanking the United States through General MacArthur, announced the restoration of the Government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines and worked out the salvation of the Philippines from the ravages of war.
Government reorganization
President Osmeña proceeded with the immediate reorganization of the government and its diverse dependencies. On 8 April 1945, he formed his Cabinet, administering the oath of office to its component members. Later, President Osmeña received the Council of State to help him solve the major problems confronting the nation. Government offices and bureaus were gradually reestablished. A number of new ones were created to meet needs then current. Also restored were the Supreme Court of the Philippines and the inferior courts. The Court of Appeals was abolished and its appellate jurisdiction was transferred to the Supreme Court, the members of which were increased to eleven
one Chief Justice and ten Associate Justice – in order to attend to the new responsibilities. Slowly but steadily, as the liberating forces freed the other portions of
delegation, the UN Charter was ratified by the Congress of the Philippines and deposited with the U. State Department on 11 October 1945.
Foreign Relations Office
To prepare for the forthcoming independent status of the Philippines, President Osmeña created the Office of Foreign Relations.[1] Vicente Sinco was appointed as its first Commissioner, with cabinet rank. In this connection, President Osmeña also entered into an agreement with the United States Government to send five Filipino trainees to the U. State Department to prepare themselves for diplomatic service. They were sent by U. State Department to the United States embassies in Moscow and Mexico City and consulates in Saigon and Singapore.
International banking
On 5 December 1945, President Osmeña appointed Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo as his representative to accept Philippine membership in the International Monetary Fund and in the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which bodies had been conceived in the Bretton Woods Agreement, in which the Philippine had also taken part. Romulo signed said membership on 27 December 1945 on behalf of the Philippines.
Bell Trade Act
On 30 April 1946, the United States Congress, at last, approved the Bell Act, which as early as 20 January had been reported to the Ways and Means Committee of the lower house, having been already passed by the Senate. President Osmeña and Resident Commissioner Romulo had urged the passage of this bill, with United States High Commissioner, Paul V. McNutt, exerting similar pressure.
The Act gave the Philippines eight years of free trade with the United States, then twenty years during which tariffs would be upped gradually until they were in line with the rest of the American tariff policy. The law also fixed some quotas for certain
products: sugar – 850,000 long tons; cordage – 6,000,000 pounds; coconut oil – 200,000 long tons; cigars – 200,000,000 pounds. This aid was coupled with that to be obtained from the recently passed Tydings Damage bill, which provided some nine hundred million dollars for payment of war damages, of which one million was earmarked to compensate for church losses. The sum of two hundred and forty million dollars was to be periodically allocated by the United States President as good will. Also, sixty million pieces of surplus property were transferred to the Philippines government.
reconstruction from war damage and life without foreign rule began during his presidency
under his term, the Philippine Rehabilitation Act and Philippine Trade Act laws were accepted by Congress
appears on the 100-peso bill
Domestic policies
Economy
No sooner had the fanfare of the independence festivities ended that the government and the people quickly put all hands to work in the tasks of rescuing the country from its dire economic straits. Reputed to be the most bombed and destroyed country in the world, the Philippines was in a sorry mess. Only Stalingrad and Warsaw, for instance, could compare with Manila in point of destruction. All over the country more than a million people were unaccounted for. The war casualties as such could very well reach the two million mark. Conservative estimates had it that the Philippines had lost about two thirds of her material wealth.
The country was facing near bankruptcy. There was no national economy, no export trade. Indeed, production for exports had not been restored. On the other hand, imports were to reach the amount of three million dollars. There was need of immediate aid from the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration. Something along this line was obtained. Again, loans from the United States, as well as some increase in the national revenues, were to help the new Republic.
President Roxas, with bold steps, met the situation with the same confidence he exuded in his inaugural address, when he said: "The system of free but guided enterprise is our system". Among the main remedies proposed was the establishment of the Philippine Rehabilitation Finance Corporation. This entity would be responsible for the construction
of twelve thousand houses and for the grant of easy-term loans in the amount of 177,000,000 pesos. Another proposal was the creation of the Central Bank of the Philippines to help stabilize the Philippine dollar reserves and coordinate and the nations banking activities gearing them to the economic progress.
Concentrating on the sugar industry, President Roxas would exert such efforts as to succeed in increasing production from 13,000 tons at the time of the Philippine liberation to an all-high of one million tons.
Reconstruction after the war
The postwar Philippines had burned cities and towns, ruined farms and factories, blasted roads and bridges, shattered industries and commerce, and thousands of massacred victims. The war had paralyzed the educational system, where 80% of the school buildings, their equipment, laboratories and furniture were destroyed. Numberless books, invaluable documents and works of art, irreplaceable historical relics and family heirlooms, hundreds of churches and temples were burned. The reconstruction of the damaged school buildings alone cost more than Php 126,000,000,000.
The new Republic began to function on an annual deficit of over Php 200,000,000 with little prospect of a balanced budget for some years to come. Manila and other cities then were infested with criminal gangs which used techniques of American gangsters in some activities–bank holdups, kidnapping and burglaries. In rural regions, especially the provinces of Central Luzon and the Southern Tagalog regions, the Hukbalahaps and brigands terrorized towns and barrios.
Agrarian Reform
In 1946, shortly after his induction to Presidency, Manuel Roxas proclaimed the Rice Share Tenancy Act of 1933 effective throughout the country. However problems of land tenure continued. In fact these became worse in certain areas. Among the remedial measures enacted was Republic Act No. 1946 likewise known as the Tenant Act which
established diplomatic representation; made the Philippines assume all debts and obligations of the former government in the Philippines; and provided for the settlement of property rights of the citizens of both countries.
United States military bases
Although Roxas was successful in getting rehabilitation funds from the United States after independence, he was forced to concede military bases (23 of which were leased for 99 years), trade restriction for the Philippine citizens, and special privileges for U. property owner and investor
Parity Rights Amendment
On March 11, 1947, Philippine voters, agreeing with Roxas, ratified in a nationwide plebiscite the "parity amendment" to the 1935 Constitution of the Philippines, granting United States citizens the right to dispose of and utilize Philippine natural resources, or parity rights.
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Henry L. Stimson was the first child of Candace Wheeler and Lewis Atterbury Stimson. Lewis Stimson, a graduate of Yale, served in the Union Army in the Civil War and then joined his father's banking firm in New York. He married “Cannie” Wheeler in Paris in 1866 and Henry, nicknamed Harry or Hal, was born on September 21, 1867. Two years later a sister Candace, called Nan, was born.
In 1871 Lewis A. Stimson moved his wife and young family to Berlin, Zurich, and then to Paris where he commenced studying medicine. In Paris the family enjoyed the friendships of James Russell Lowell and George Eliot. In 1873 the family returned to New York to allow Lewis to obtain a medical degree at the Bellevue Hospital Medical School.
In June, 1876, Candace W. Stimson died. Overwhelmed by the loss of his wife Lewis Stimson absorbed himself in his surgical practice and teaching, leaving the children at the home of his parents in the care of his sister Mary Stimson, "Aunt Minnie.” The family was extremely close, and Stimson grew up surrounded by a wide circle of aunts, uncles, cousins, grandparents, and a great-grandmother who told him stories of her childhood talks with George Washington. His uncle, Henry A. Stimson, was a well-known clergyman and founder of Carlton College in Minnesota and his grandmother, Candace Thurber Wheeler, gained recognition as a poet, artist, and skilled craftswoman. Visits to Grandmother Wheeler were frequent and it was through her that young Harry developed his love of nature and the wilderness.
Until he was thirteen Stimson attended New York schools and was tutored by his father. Then, dissatisfied with the conditions of life in the city, his father entered him in Phillips Academy, Andover, Massachusetts. In later years Stimson grew to appreciate fully the experience at Andover, noting in his autobiography, “It opened a new world of effort and competition. It also opened to me a new world of democracy and of companionship with boys from all portions of the United States.”2 In 1905 Stimson was elected a member of Andover’s board of trustees and subsequently served as president of the board until 1947.
Stimson graduated from Andover in 1883 at the age of fifteen, too young to be admitted to Yale. He did a year's additional preparation at Andover and entered Yale’s class of ‘88 in the fall of 1884. Stimson later criticized Yale’s academic program, its system of rote learning and the lack of opportunity for individual thinking but praised the school for its "potent democratic spirit". The friendships he formed there were lasting ones and included Amos Alonzo Stagg, Fred Solly, Irving Fisher, Morison Waite, and Gifford Pinchot. Stimson won many prizes for oratory and literary work, was elected to Phi Beta Kappa, was tapped for Skull and Bones, and graduated third in his class of 124.
At one time Stimson had seriously considered studying for the ministry but decided on a legal career instead. In the fall of 1888 he entered Harvard Law School The training received at Harvard with its stress on individual thinking and a broad philosophical outlook offered a remarkable contrast to Yale. “Harvard Law School,” Stimson said, "created a greater revolution in my power of thinking” while the faith in mankind that I learned on the campus at New Haven was greater and stronger than any such faith I achieved at Harvard.”3
He left Harvard in the spring of 1890 with a Master of Arts degree. In the fall he returned to New York City to serve a clerkship in the office of Sherman Evarts, a prerequisite to taking the bar examination. After passing the examination in June, 1891, Stimson was eager for challenging work. Through his father’s Yale classmates he was introduced to Elihu Root and was offered a clerkship in his firm. After a year with Root and Clarke, Stimson accepted a junior partnership. He was admitted to the firm on January 1, 1893, together with Bronson Winthrop who was to become his lifelong partner.
In 1893 Stimson married Mabel Wellington White, the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Charles White of New Haven and a direct descendant of Roger Sherman. Although Stimson had proposed to Miss White during his senior year at Yale, his father made the couple promise to wait until Henry was established in his profession before announcing the engagement. Five years after graduating from Yale Stimson was earning $2,000 a year. The wedding on July 6, 1894, began fifty-seven years of what he later called "perfect companionship."
His experience during the decade of the 1890's was important for the future of Stimson's career. The most important influence was Elihu Root himself from whom Stimson learned politics as well as law. Stimson appeared in court with Root and learned the evolving legal practices relating to the Sherman Anti-Trust Act from America's leading corporation lawyer.
In the mid-1890's Stimson, with other civic-minded citizens had joined in the formation of Good Government Clubs to arouse the public conscience to problems of corruption in government. Though successful in increasing the public awareness these groups found themselves powerless to change the entrenched political system. In 1892 Stimson had voted as a Cleveland Democrat though he had no use for Tammany Hall. He thought the local Republican organization was not much better, but since change had to be effected through the existing party system, Stimson decided to follow Root’s example and join the Republican party. Stimson worked first in his own assembly district to register Republicans and make sure that they voted on election day. Stimson’s efforts in the party between 1895 and 1901 brought him state prominence and notice from Theodore Roosevelt.
The Spanish-American War also changed Stimson’s thinking. When war broke out in April, 1898, Stimson, though without military training, enlisted in Squadron A of the New York National Guard, but did not see service outside of the United States. The memory of America ‘s unpreparedness for this war in later years made Stimson an advocate of universal military training and an early supporter of United States preparation for combat in World Wars I and II.
In 1899 President McKinley made Elihu Root secretary of war in his new cabinet. When Root went to Washington he left his lucrative law practice in the hands of Winthrop and Stimson. By 1903 Stimson was able to afford a country residence, which he established in West Hills, Long Island, and called Highhold. By the end of 1905 Stimson’s annual earnings from his law firm amounted to $20,000.
In 1906 President Roosevelt offered Stimson the position of United States attorney for the Southern District of New York. Roosevelt was out to make war on corporate transgressions and bust the trusts. The New York Southern Judicial District as the seat of much corporate activity needed a competent, intelligent, loyal man for the job. Even though it meant a 50 percent loss in income Stimson was ready to serve. In reorganizing his office so as to try all important cases himself, he drafted young talent and numbered Felix Frankfurter, Thomas D. Thacher, Henry A. Wise, and Goldthwaite Dorr among his protégés. In his term of service from 1906-1909 he prosecuted the New York Central Railroad for rebating, the American Sugar Refining Company for weighing frauds, Charles W. Morse for misappropriating funds from the Bank of North America, and James Gordon Bennett of the Herald for indecency in his personal columns. He had tried to indict Joseph Pulitzer for criminal libel at Roosevelt’s request, and had defended the president’s action in connection with the dishonorable discharge of black soldiers after the Brownsville incident. Speaking extemporaneously at a Yale reunion in 1908 Stimson said of this work, "The profession of the law has never been thoroughly satisfactory to me, simply because the life of an ordinary New York lawyer is primarily one essentially devoted to making money." Referring specifically to the job of a United States attorney he continued, “There has been an ethical side of it which has been more of an interest to me, and I have felt that I could get a good deal closer to the problems of life than I ever did before, and felt that the work was a good deal more worth while.” After resigning from the United States attorney's office in 1909 Stimson returned to his law practice. In 1909 he was given serious consideration as a possible candidate on the fusion ticket for mayor of New York. At this same time, as a friend of Gifford Pinchot, Stimson was drawn into the Ballinger-Pinchot controversy, a dispute dividing progressives from Taft Republicans.
In 1910, as the choice of Theodore Roosevelt and the progressive element of the Republican party, Stimson ran unsuccessfully for governor of New York against John A. Dix. Stimson did not have a politician's zest for campaigning, and the press referred to him as a "human icicle." The importance of the 1910 campaign for Stimson’s career was that he did not win. He never ran for a major elective office again, but the campaign marked him as Roosevelt’s man.
In the spring of 1911 when President Taft was searching for a new secretary of war henry Stimson made a promising candidate. In order to unify the Republican party Taft wanted an appointee who would be acceptable to Roosevelt. Stimson fitted that description and was, in fact, encouraged by Roosevelt to accept the post. On entering office Stimson found himself in the midst of a power struggle between Chief of Staff Leonard Wood and Adjutant General Fred Ainsworth. Stimson was eventually compelled to defend the prestige of the chief of staff against the adjutant general’s insubordination. In February, 1912, he forced the resignation of the politically powerful Ainsworth. Subsequent Congressional backlash against Wood and Stimson's support for him cemented a lasting bond of friendship between the two. As secretary of war, Stimson also accomplished a reorganization of the nation's small military force, oversaw the construction of the Panama Canal, and familiarized himself with the administration of colonial possessions, including the Philippines.
Unfortunately, in the election of 1912 Stimson was caught in the middle of the rift between Roosevelt and Taft. Balancing his friendship and debt to Roosevelt against loyalty to Taft and the Republican party, Stimson chose to support Taft. Roosevelt did not soon forgive him, and it was not until the United States was threatened by war in Europe that the two men spoke to each other again.
After leaving the cabinet in March, 1913, Stimson returned to New York and Winthrop and Stimson. He remained active in the New York Republican party, trying to keep progressive ideals alive and at the same time engineer a partial reconciliation between Bull Moosers and Taft-Root Republicans. In 1914 he was elected as a delegate-at-large to the New York Constitutional Convention of 1915 and again left his law practice in April of 1915 to participate in the proceedings at Albany. Stimson’s plan for reorganization of the state government revealed his own brand of progressivism which called for a powerful, efficient, centralized system headed by a strong executive. His program showed less concern for social reform. One can see in his support for such measures as the shortened slate of elective offices and the lengthened list of gubernatorial appointees his belief in a strong executive and, perhaps, too, his distrust of the mass of voters. Root, as president of the convention, had appointed Stimson to chair the Committee on State Finances and serve on the Committees on State Officers and on Judiciary. Proposals from these three committees embraced many of Stimson's ideas on "responsible government” and included an amendment outlining an executive budget plan. Though the new constitution was rejected by the voters of New York, many of Stimson's ideas were implemented later.
All through 1915 Stimson had stressed preparedness in speeches for the National Security League, convinced that the United States would soon be forced to enter the war in Europe. Following his own advice, in the fall of 1916, he enrolled for training under Leonard Wood at Plattsburgh Training Camp and was pronounced fit for service. After the United States’ declaration of war Stimson accepted a commission in the Reserve as a judge advocate, but in September, 1917, was appointed a lieutenant colonel in the 305th Regiment, Feld Artillery of which he was second in command. In December he went overseas, spending nine months in France, most of it at the American General Staff College in Langres. He returned to the United States in August, 1918, and was discharged in December. The title "Colonel" continued to be used by his friends.
Although his law practice was his primary concern between 1918 and 1926, Stimson retained his interest in public affairs. He was vocal in his objections to some features of Wilson's peace plan and the League of Nations, but urged Republican senators to vote for the treaty. He supported Leonard Wood for the Republican presidential nomination in 1920. He continued to lobby for the executive budget, opposed the veterans' bonus, protested when the New York Assembly refused to seat duly elected Socialist members, and served with Charles Evans Hughes in 1925 on a commission to advise Governor Alfred Smith on the reorganization of state departments.
In 1926 the perennial dispute between Chile and Peru over the provinces of Tacna and Arica re-emerged. In an attempt to resolve the dispute Secretary of State Kellogg sought out Stimson as someone with a "detached mind” to provide an analysis of the situation. Stimson’s actual contribution to the settlement of this issue was minor but his advisory brief brought him recognition from the Coolidge administration.
Later in 1926 Stimson traveled as a semiofficial representative of the president to the Philippines where he was the guest of his old friends Governor General and Mrs. Leonard Wood. Wood had aroused antagonism among the Filipino leaders and his administration had been experiencing difficulties. During his stay Stimson talked with Manuel Quezon and Sergio Osmena and culminated his visit by presenting a memorandum of a plan to achieve better relations between branches of the Philippine government. The plan recognized the need for effective executive authority but combined it with responsible cabinet government. On his return he reported directly to President Coolidge.
In the spring of 1927 Coolidge appointed Stimson a special emissary to Nicaragua and granted him power to act for the government in seeking a solution to the civil war in that country between liberals and conservatives. In April Stimson sailed for Managua. He conducted talks with President Diaz and other conservatives and with General Moncada, the liberal leader. Eventually a settlement providing for a national election under American supervision was agreed to, known as the Peace of Tipitapa. By the time he left Nicaragua in May Stimson had succeeded in restoring a general peace. Stimson believed that a major lesson had been learned from these negotiations, that friendly, frank discussions and an attitude of impartiality toward all participants could achieve constructive results in Latin American relations. He recorded his impressions of his work later in 1927 in American Policy in Nicaragua.
When Governor General Leonard Wood died in the summer of 1927 Quezon and Osmena urged President Coolidge to appoint Stimson in his place. Guaranteed the support of these two leaders, Stimson accepted and sailed for Manila in February, 1928, for his "last short adventure before old age." Stimson's program included the clarification of the position of governor general in the executive department, establishment of a working relationship with the legislature, and progress in industrial and economic development by attracting foreign capital. These policies especially the last, were not unanimously supported by all Filipinos. Stimson asserted that individual freedom and self-government would come more quickly for the Philippines if they had a more highly developed commerce and industry. Filipino leaders continued to fear that independence would not be granted and the extensive foreign investment would lead to economic dependence and exploitation.
The Stimsons found life agreeable in the Philippines-living in the Malacanan Palace, traveling through the islands, and enjoying the viceregal privileges of the office of governor general. But, Hoover, on being elected president, offered Stimson a cabinet post, and Stimson agreed to accept the portfolio of the State Department. The Stimsons returned to Washington, and Stimson took the oath of office on March 28, 1929.
One of Stimson "s first tasks was finding a place to live in Washington. In midsummer the Stimsons finally settled on a large and lavish Southern colonial style mansion in the heart of northwest Washington called Woodley. The grounds were extensive and in later years Cordell Hull found them to be ideal for his croquet matches.
Stimson entered his new office as a recognized believer in international cooperation. In October, 1929, British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald met with Hoover and Stimson at Rapidan in the Virginia mountains, a meeting which opened the way to a general conference of major naval powers on limiting fleet strengths. Representatives of the United Kingdom, United States, France, Italy, and Japan met in London in January, 1930, with Stimson as head of the United States delegation. The final results of this conference were disappointing and the build-up of naval armaments continued.
The Hoover administration also made new overtures of good will toward Latin American nations and raised once again the hopes for American participation in the World Court. In 1929 a serious conflict between the Soviet Union and China was averted. Stimson later looked back at his first two years in office as a period of peace and trust.
Almost overnight, however, the weaknesses of the post-World War I economic and political arrangements became startlingly apparent. By the spring of 1931 an international economic depression had produced a major political crisis. In May the Credit Anstalt, the largest bank in Austria, collapsed and financial panic swept Europe. Continuing monetary chaos in Central Europe meant that a political upheaval was certain along with the repudiation of all foreign debts. To meet this crisis Hoover proposed a one year moratorium on all intergovernmental debts, including German reparations payments to the Allied powers and all war debts owed by the Allies to the United States. After the moratorium was announced Stimson departed for Europe to meet with leaders and attend the conference on intergovernmental debts.
In September, 1931, when Stimson was still deeply concerned over the world financial crisis, cables from the Far East indicated that Japan had invaded Manchuria in flagrant violation of the Kellogg Pact, the Nine Power Treaty, and the Covenant of the League of Nations. For three months Stimson continued to communicate with Kijuro Shidehara, Japan's foreign secretary. He hoped that the Japanese government could control the leaders of its armed forces, but Japanese aggression continued. By January 3, 1932, all of Manchuria was in Japanese hands. In reaction, Stimson decided to use moral sanctions. In a note to both China and Japan on January 7 he invoked the nonrecognition doctrine which was designed to reinforce the Kellogg Pact. If the fruits of aggression were recognized, Stimson believed, war would again be sanctioned as a legitimate instrument of national policy.
But this message did not deter the Japanese, who proceeded to attack Shanghai. Stimson, voicing United States policy, insisted on the maintenance of China’s independence and territorial integrity. The Japanese refused to concur in the definition of China as an "organized people” and continued their advance. Stimson saw a sharp difference between the views of the East and West on these matters and predicted that if the friction between them continued it would be almost impossible to prevent an armed clash.
In the spring of 1932 Stimson attended the disarmament conference held in Geneva. In the summer he campaigned for the re-election of Hoover. After Hoover’s defeat Stimson met with President--elect Roosevelt and Cordell Hull to discuss problems in foreign affairs, meanwhile preparing the way for conversations which he hoped to arrange between Roosevelt and the bitter Herbert Hoover, a plan which was never consummated.
In the interval between 1933 and 1940 Stimson divided his time between Washington and New York. Almost every summer he vacationed in Scotland. In 1936 he published a book about Japanese aggression titled The Far Eastern Crisis. In 1937 he was elected to serve a two-year term as president of the New York City Bar Association. He supported Roosevelt's basic views of foreign policy but was deeply skeptical of New Deal domestic legislation and vigorously denounced the administration's attempt to reorganize the Supreme Court. Stimson kept a watchful eye on the developing drama in foreign affairs. He wrote letters to the New York Times demanding action against Mussolini’s invasion of Ethiopia, deploring the Ludlow amendment, and favoring an embargo on arms to Spain and Japan. Stimson made himself a champion of China's cause and favored a "get tough" policy toward the Japanese. When the American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression was formed in the summer of 1938 Stimson agreed to serve as its honorary chairman.
Stimson had continued to visit Roosevelt at the White House through October, 1934. Then, a misunderstanding occurred and though they corresponded occasionally Stimson's direct access to the president was gone. Stimson was greatly surprised, therefore, when Roosevelt offered him the post of Secretary of War in June, 1940. Stimson accepted, seeing the invitation as a call to duty. Stimson's frequent outspoken remarks about the need for United States aid to help Europe fight fascism had no doubt impressed the president. But, the appointment was also a political stroke. Roosevelt on the eve of his campaign for a third term had hoped to confound his critics by creating a "cabinet of national unity." When the announcement was made at the Republican National Convention then meeting in Philadelphia, Stimson and the new Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox, another Republican, were both read out of the party. His nomination confirmed by the Senate, Stimson was sworn in on July 10.
At first Stimson had doubts as to the permanence of his position in the Roosevelt cabinet. He thought he might be cast out after the November election. At most he foresaw eighteen months preparing the War Department to cope with its increasing responsibilities. One of Stimson's first urgent tasks was the enlarging of the Army. From two hundred thousand in1940 it eventually reached a peak of eight million. Stimson supported enactment of selective service legislation. When the lottery was begun Stimson was the blindfolded man who drew the first capsule. Stimson also advocated support for Britain and worked for the passage of Lend-Lease. The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December, 1941, came almost as a relief to Stimson. The uneasy wait between peace and war was over. Mobilization began in earnest and Stimson took part in strategy sessions between the United States and Britain. He always believed that the European front should take precedence over the Pacific theater and he urged an early cross channel invasion of Europe instead of campaigns in the Mediterranean and Middle East.
During the progress of the war Stimson had to fight continual battles over mobilization of industry and the procurement of supplies and manpower, deal with questions affecting black troops, justify the forced removal and incarceration of West Coast Japanese-American citizens, and develop plans for the postwar government of Germany. He made several inspection tours of army bases in the United States, visited Britain in I943, and joined Omar Bradley and George Patton in France after the invasion of Normandy. His devotion to his work won him the deep friendship of General George Marshal.
The work was rigorous for a man Stimson’s age and he continued to amaze the nation with his stamina. His regime called for him to rise at 6:30 for work at the department. After a full day’s work he would return to Woodley for a vigorous game of deck tennis. He continued also to enjoy the pleasures of horseback riding. Social engagements were cut to a minimum; he and Mrs. Stimson would spend quiet evenings at home. Almost every weekend they would escape to Highhold to confront the more enjoyable problems of running that household and farm.
As the war in Europe was coming to a conclusion in the spring of 1945 Stimson was beginning to suffer from coronary heart disease. But when President Roosevelt died suddenly in April and an inexperienced Harry Truman came into office Stimson promised Truman that he would remain on the job until the end of war with Japan was in sight.
In the fall of 1941 Stimson had been named by Roosevelt to a committee along with Vannevar Bush and James B. Conant to advise him on nuclear fission policy. When Truman became president, it was Stimson, as senior advisor on the military employment of atomic energy, who first informed him of the existence of the Manhattan project. News of the successful detonation of an atomic bomb was relayed to Stimson at Potsdam on July 16, 1945, where plans for postwar Europe were being discussed. Stimson conveyed the information to Truman and a decision, since the subject of much debate, was made to use the bomb if Japan refused surrender terms. Stimson selected the targets of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
Stimson's last cabinet debate was on the future uses of atomic energy. He insisted that the United States and the Soviets be brought into equal partnership on this subject in an effort to confine the use of atomic energy to peaceful purposes. He felt that for the United States to negotiate with the Soviets with the bomb "on our hip" would "irretrievably embitter,” future relations with Russia. He was voicing once again his faith that the best way to make a person or nation trustworthy was to trust them.
The war officially ended on September 2, and Stimson, then 78, weakened by his heart condition, retired from the War Department three weeks later. The years following retirement were not active ones. Stimson returned to Highhold to recuperate, but was plagued by painful attacks of arthritis. Much of his tune was occupied in writing. He wrote articles defending the decision to drop the bomb, justifying the legality of the Nuremburg war crimes trials, and supporting the Marshall plan. In 1948 be completed his autobiography, written with McGeorge Bundy, On Active Service in Peace and War. His last letter to the New York Times was written on March 27, 1950, and decried the attacks by Senator Joseph McCarthy on the State Department. Six months later he died at Highhold.
1. Henry Lewis Stimson and McGeorge Bundy. On Active Service in Peace and War (New York, 1947, 1948), xii. 2. On Active Service, xiii. 3.On Active Service, xv-xvi.
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Early Life and Career
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Sergio Osmeña was born in Cebu to Cebu Chinese tycoon Don Pedro Lee Gotiaoco and Juana Osmeña y Suico, who was reportedly only 14 years of age when she gave birth to him. Owing to the...
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PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINES
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Nationalist Party | political party, Philippines
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Other articles where Nationalist Party is discussed: Sergio Osmeña: …Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946.
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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In Philippines: The period of U.S. influence
…in the 1907 election, the Nacionalista Party, advocating independence, won overwhelmingly. The Federalists survived with a new name, Progressives, and a new platform, ultimate independence after social reform. But neither the Progressives nor their successors in the 1920s, the Democrats, ever gained more than one-third of the seats in the…
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July 4, 1946: The Philippines Gained Independence from the United States
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2021-07-01T19:00:00
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In WWII’s aftermath, July 4 also became Independence Day for the Philippines in 1946.
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/themes/nwwiim/favicon.ico
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The National WWII Museum | New Orleans
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https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/july-4-1946-philippines-independence
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Top Image: Commemorative stamps celebrating Independence Day from the collection of Dr. Ricardo T. Jose.
The 4th of July used to be considered an important national holiday in the Philippines. Not because it was the United States’ birthday, but because it was Philippine Independence Day in 1946. Seventy five years ago, the Philippines was recognized as an independent, sovereign country by the United States, which withdrew its authority over the archipelago as colonizer.
Pre-Independence History of the Philippines
The road to July 4, 1946 was long and tenuous. The Philippines had been a Spanish colony since 1565, and since that time numerous revolts broke out challenging Spanish rule. These revolts were disunited, however, until the nineteenth century when nationalism brought forth a more united anti-colonial movement. This culminated in a revolution that broke out in 1896. After much fighting, a stalemate ensued, leading to a ceasefire agreement between Filipino and Spanish leaders.
The outbreak of the Spanish-American War in 1898 brought Commodore George Dewey and the US Asiatic Squadron to Manila Bay, where they defeated the Spanish Asiatic fleet. The Philippine Revolution resumed in earnest, led by General Emilio Aguinaldo who established a revolutionary government. At the height of its military successes against Spain, the revolutionary government proclaimed independence on June 12, 1898. Aguinaldo became president and the Philippine Republic was formally inaugurated in Malolos, Bulacan, in January 1899.
The Spanish-American war was concluded by the Treaty of Paris which decreed that Spain would give up the Philippines, but in turn the archipelago would become a colony of the United States. Filipinos had not been consulted, and as a result the war for independence turned against the United States.
After over two years of fighting, Aguinaldo was captured and President Theodore Roosevelt declared the end of the Philippine-American War. The campaign for independence continued on the political front, even as sporadic violent resistance against American rule continued to break out.
In August 1916, the Jones Law, more formally known as the Philippine Autonomy Act of 1916, was passed, promising independence to the Philippines once Filipinos were able to prove that they could govern themselves. No timetable was set, but once the United States declared war on Germany in World War I, Philippine political leaders offered a division of Filipinos to fight on the side of the United States. Filipinos were given great leeway in running the government at that time, but once the Great War ended, the US government reexamined Philippine conditions and strengthened American control of the insular government. Filipinos sent regular independence missions to Washington to call for concrete steps towards independence, which were rebuffed by the prevailing Republican administrations.
The advent of the Great Depression made Congress rethink US-Philippine relations, and passed the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act in 1933, over President Herbert Hoover’s veto. The Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act (HHC) envisaged a 10 year transitory period during which time the Philippines would establish a semi-autonomous government under an elected Filipino president. The act was rejected by the Philippine Legislature later that year, after much debate and political wrangling. Manuel L. Quezon, President of the Philippine Senate, proceeded to Washington immediately after to negotiate a more advantageous law, citing among others issues relating to the continuance of US bases in the Philippines after independence, the limits of authority of the Philippine president in the transitory government, and the abrupt end of Philippine preferential trade relations with the United States.
1934 Philippine Independence Act
Quezon, the dominant political leader in the Philippines at that time, believed he could influence the new American president, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and the Democratic congress to rectify his main objections in a new Philippine independence bill. Roosevelt and the congress were busy with New Deal policies and were only willing to resuscitate the HHC with very minor changes. Quezon accepted these and returned to Manila. The ensuing act, the Tydings-McDuffie Law, was accepted by the Philippine legislature in May 1934, thus setting the stage for Philippine independence in 1946.
Under the Tydings-McDuffie Law, the Philippines would establish a government to be known as the Philippine Commonwealth, which would steer the Philippines through a 10-year transition period. After completing 10 years of nearly autonomous governance, the United States would withdraw its sovereignty over the islands on July 4 of the succeeding year, and would recognize the Philippines as an independent republic.
Prior to the establishment of the Philippine Commonwealth, a constitution had to be drafted. A constitutional convention was thus elected, and finished its draft in February 1935. Roosevelt approved this document, which was to become the legal framework not only of the Philippine Commonwealth, but also of the future Philippine Republic. It was approved in a nationwide plebiscite, and national elections for the new government were held in September 1935. The Philippine Commonwealth was formally inaugurated on November 15, 1935, an unprecedented world event in which the United States, a colonial power, was preparing to let go of its colony. The ramifications were keenly felt among other colonial governments and colonized people. Quezon was predictably elected as president.
The Philippine Commonwealth government had to resolve major problems during the 10-year transition period, among them national defense, social justice, economic development, national integration, and cultural identity. During the over three decades of American colonial rule, the Philippines had become dependent on the US economically, and had no armed forces of its own. These and major agrarian and labor problems had to be resolved. A Philippine Army was formed, and government enterprises in business were launched.
The Philippine Commonwealth was an untried experiment, and the Tydings-McDuffie Law appointed a representative of the US president in the form of a High Commissioner. Gone was the Governor General of earlier years. The High Commissioner would report on the progress of the Philippine experiment, and the US government had oversight functions over legislative, executive, and judicial actions of the Commonwealth. Furthermore, the US government held on to foreign affairs and currency matters. In case the experiment failed, the transition could be scrapped and it would be back to square one. Neither Quezon nor Roosevelt wanted this, so despite much power granted him, Quezon held back where he could.
World War II and the Filipino Guerrilla Movement
Halfway through the experiment, World War II broke out in Europe. Trade was disrupted, and the reality of war reaching the Philippines loomed. The gravity of some problems delayed enforcement of various plans, and some began to ask whether 10 years were enough. Quezon, however, attempted to advance independence at least privately, although this did not bear fruit.
The outbreak of war between Japan and China in 1937 also brought forth the specter of war, through refugees and news of defenseless cities being bombed. But it was the war in Europe that seemed closer: The European capitals were better known to most Filipinos, and the Blitzkrieg and the Battle of Britain became household words.
War did reach the Philippines in December 1941, although strenuous last-minute preparations were made. The US Army Forces in the Far East was created, placing under one command the US Army forces in the Philippines and the mobilized Philippine Army forces. Gen. Douglas MacArthur was placed in command, and modern aircraft and weapons were rushed to the Philippines. It was too late.
The Japanese struck before the defense preparations were completed, decimating the US air forces and naval facilities in the first days of the war. Beach defenses were unable to hold against the Japanese juggernaut, but a fighting withdrawal to Bataan and Corregidor was successful and held against all odds. Realizing the hopelessness of the situation, Roosevelt ordered MacArthur to Australia; the Philippine Commonwealth government, which had moved to Corregidor to save Manila from bombing, was itself also removed. Quezon would establish the Commonwealth government in exile in Washington as Bataan and Corregidor were forced to surrender. Roosevelt had, in the meantime, promised to redeem Philippine freedom and to pay for war damages,
For three years the Philippines was in the hands of the Japanese, who set up a military administration. Wanting to win Filipino loyalty, the Japanese declared the Philippines independent in 1943, ahead of the US promise. A government was set up, but most Filipinos saw through the Japanese aims and instead supported the guerrilla resistance movement. The guerrillas remained loyal to the Philippine Commonwealth and the United States, and were a major threat to the Japanese occupation forces.
Liberation of the Philippines from the Japanese
Gen. MacArthur, who had promised to return, landed in Leyte in October 1944, thus commencing the military campaign to liberate the Philippines from the Japanese. In the ensuing struggle, Manila and most of the major Philippine cities suffered grievous damage. MacArthur declared the military campaign on Luzon closed on July 4, 1945, but the bulk of the Japanese ground forces were still intact in the mountains. Fighting continued in Mindanao. And Japan had not yet surrendered.
The Philippine Commonwealth government returned with Gen. MacArthur. Quezon had died while in the United States, and Sergio Osmeña, the vice president, automatically took over. Osmeña landed with MacArthur on Leyte, and as the Battle of Manila neared its end, restored the government to Malacañang Palace in Manila. While in Washington, the Commonwealth government did all it could to hasten the return of American forces to the Philippines. It also sought to ensure that war damage would be rehabilitated by the US government. The Philippines actively participated in the early meetings that would result in the United Nations.
Upon his return to Manila, Osmeña pledged a Philippine Army division to participate in the assault landings on Japan. Guerrillas, now part of the army, trained accordingly. The atomic bombs negated the need for such action, and Japan accepted the Allied terms on August 15, 1945.
Post-war Rehabilitation
As the war ended, the Philippines counted the cost. Over a million Filipinos had died or were killed, out of a population of 18 million. Manila and most of the major cities were in ruins. Severe inflation had set in as a result of the Japanese occupation, and farms were fallow; farm animals too had died because of the war. Industries, transportation, and communication facilities were destroyed.
Should the original timetable for independence be kept? The tasks facing Osmeña and the Commonwealth government were daunting; none of this had been foreseen when the Tydings-McDuffie Act had become law.
Apart from the physical destruction and the loss of lives, the Philippines was divided: there had been those who had collaborated with the Japanese, while most had resisted either directly or indirectly. The country was split on whether the collaborators were to be dealt with harshly or not. Many key government officials from before the war had—willingly or not—served in the Japanese-controlled administration.
There was an immediate need for relief. People had to be fed, clothed, and given shelter. All the basic necessities were initially provided by the US Army—water, clothing, food, power, communications, and jobs. Other assistance came in from the United States and the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration as the piers were restored, and ships arrived.
Peace and order problems were serious—some stemming from the pre-war social and agrarian issues, others because of loose firearms. Guerrilla units were plenty, but not all were legitimate, and there was an upsurge of crimes. Morality was in tatters, as people had to survive in whatever ways they could. Inflation was rampant, even as the government strove to bring prices down with newly printed currency and price controls. Besides, after having been away for three years, it was a difficult task to win back the people’s confidence in the government.
The Philippine Congress was convened in June 1945—the first time it sat since the elections of November 1941. Some of its members had died during the war; others were tainted by charges of collaboration. It began its work of legislating, but was hampered by the unstable postwar conditions.
Osmeña travelled to the United States three times in 1945—a last meeting with FDR in April and two meetings with President Harry S. Truman, to negotiate aid and assistance for the Philippines—as well as assurances that independence would come as scheduled.
For a while an earlier independence date was broached, but this would have required legislation which was not a priority. There were mutterings that Philippine independence be delayed, owing to the unsettled conditions after the war, but this would mean political suicide to those seeking office. And so independence would take place as planned, on July 4, 1946.
The post-war Philippine Commonwealth faced severe problems not anticipated before the war. Land reform, reopening of schools, reconstruction, trials of suspected collaborators with the Japanese, recognizing and compensating veterans, restarting the economy, restoring trade, attracting investment—these and more had to be dealt with in the last months of the Philippine Commonwealth government.
The government was now more strongly reliant on the United States, more so than before the war. The Philippine Army was totally dependent on the US Army for equipment and weapons, and relief only coming from the United States. External defense would now be too costly for the cash-strapped government. Thus the presence of US bases could be seen as mutually beneficial.
The last American High Commissioner was Paul V. McNutt, who had served in that position in the late 1930s. He advised Osmeña on various matters. Secretary of State Harold Ickes insisted that the Philippines take a hard line on alleged collaborators—something that would be difficult to do due to the many issues involved. Ickes threatened to withhold assistance if the government did not punish those who had reneged on their oaths of loyalty to the United States.
Paul McNutt, High Commissioner to the Philippines, reads a proclamation at the ceremony. US Signal Corps photograph from the collection of Dr. Ricardo T. Jose.
An ally of the Philippines in Washington was Senator Millard Tydings, co-author of the pre-war Philippine Independence Act. He sponsored a bill granting what he felt were sufficient funds for rehabilitation. On a personal visit to the Philippines, however, he found out that earlier estimates had been underestimated, and that more funds were needed. His bill did allot a generous $620 million—later raised to $800 million—to the Philippines.
The Rehabilitation Bill was, however, tied to a trade bill, authored by Representative Jasper Bell. The Bell Trade bill sought to extend the free trade relations between the United States and the Philippines for another eight years, after which tariffs would be gradually imposed for 20 years. Bell insisted that to convince Americans to invest in the Philippines they had to be given the same rights as Filipinos. This necessitated amending the 1935 Philippine constitution, which limited land ownership, access to natural resources, among others, to Filipino citizens and majority Filipino-owned corporations. The parity amendment would thus become a requisite for receiving the bulk of the rehabilitation aid in the Tydings bill. The Bell Trade Bill also tied the Philippine peso to the US dollar and could not be independently revalued.
Other issues that emerged on the eve of independence. In February 1946, President Truman signed the Rescission Law, which denied most Filipino veterans of benefits due them, voiding their service in the US armed forces.
A strong US military presence remained in early 1946, with the 86th Infantry Division in full strength, prepared to protect American interests. With World War II over, many of its members felt their duty was done and rallied to be sent home. But there was discontent brewing in the provinces, with long agrarian issues remaining unsolved. Many military bases were still in US hands, and negotiations as to which would be kept after Philippine independence were begun. As set in the Tydings-McDuffie Act, the United States would maintain bases even after Philippine independence to protect American interests in the region.
Philippine Commonwealth Election of 1946
As the date of independence approached, a multitude of problems had to be solved. Amidst the disunity, tension, and uncertainty of the immediate post-war Philippines, there had to be a final election for the Commonwealth. Osmeña chose to run for reelection; Manuel Roxas, ambitious contender and also Quezon’s own choice as successor, ran against him. While Roxas had participated in the defense of the Philippines, he had also served in the Japanese-sponsored government under Jose P. Laurel. To some he was tainted with collaboration and might bring other collaborators back to power. Osmeña was the guerrillas’ choice, and also the peasants; Osmeña leaned left of center. But Roxas was backed by McNutt and General MacArthur.
Roxas won the election of April 1946, but by only a slim margin, garnering some 54 percent of the votes cast. He took his oath of office on May 28, 1946, in a temporary stage built in front of the ruins of the Legislative Building, as the third and last president of the Philippine Commonwealth.
Prior to his assumption of office, Roxas went to the United States via Tokyo, where he paid a visit to MacArthur. Roxas’ Washington visit was a frenzied week-long one, meeting with President Truman and ranking American officials to discuss Philippine affairs and concretize plans for US assistance to the Philippines.
As Roxas took office, conservative congressmen ousted more liberal legislators on unfounded charges. It marked a split between peasant leaders who were open to pursuing change in the government and conservatives who felt threatened by them. On the eve of Philippine independence, left-leaning peasant and labor groups threatened to secede and launch a rebellion, reacting to the blatant politicization of the congress.
Philippine Independence Day 1946
This was a big international event, but the Philippines did not yet have a Department of Foreign Affairs. It had to rely on the US government for much of the preparations.
May 1946 saw the start of a flurry of events to plan out the final days of the Commonwealth and prepare for Independence Day. A joint Filipino-American committee was formed to iron out details. The Manila Hotel, which had been gutted during the Battle of Manila, was cleaned up and prepared for gala events. Invitations were issued to distinguished guests from the United States and various countries. President Truman was invited, but he declined, owing to pressure of work. Independence related contests were launched—for an appropriate poster, essay, poem, and hymn. A US flag was to be hand-sewn by past and present Philippine first ladies, to be presented to President Truman. Commemorative postage stamps, medals, and other souvenirs were issued.
The venue for the independence rites was chosen and a stage shaped in the form of a ship’s prow (symbolizing the ship of state) was built with towering pillars behind it. The stage and grandstand were built in front of the iconic memorial of the Philippine national hero, Jose Rizal, in Luneta Park. A large arch was erected near it, in front of the Manila Hotel, to welcome visitors.
As the month of July 1946 began, so did the numerous events and preparations to climax in Philippine Independence on July 4. Private homes and government buildings were decorated. Bands paraded and gave concerts. The University of the Philippines’ Conservatory of Music held a gala concert at the Rizal Coliseum, where numerous international sports matches were held. Distinguished visitors from the US and other countries arrived. The US Navy’s Task Force 77 anchored in Manila Bay to salute the birth of the republic. It consisted of the flagship USS Bremerton, two aircraft carriers, two cruisers, and seven destroyers.
Among the Very-Important-Persons who arrived in the first days of July was General MacArthur, who flew from Tokyo. Representing the US government was High Commissioner McNutt, now destined to be the first US Ambassador to the Republic of the Philippines. From the United States were Senator Tydings, Representative Bell, US Postmaster General Robert E. Hannegan, former Governor General Francis B. Harrison, and others. Representatives from 27 nations arrived, among them the French WWI hero Lt. Gen. Zinovi Peckoff (at that time serving with the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers in Tokyo) and Lt. Gen. Sook Chatinakrob, Thailand’s Chief of Staff. In Manila Bay were Australian, Portuguese and Thai warships.
All these activities were taking place as the Cold War began: the United States tested an atomic bomb in Bikini Atoll on July 1. Communist-linked movements were beginning to threaten the post-war order.
On July 3, the Philippine Congress accepted the Bell Trade Act and authorized President Roxas to sign an executive agreement with the US laying the groundwork for formal negotiations and mutual recognition. That same day, Roxas and McNutt visited the commander of Task Force 77 on his flagship; later they recorded messages to be broadcast nationwide and to the United States. McNutt hosted a reception at his official residence and capped the day with a formal dinner in honor of Roxas at the Manila Hotel.
Thursday, July 4 1946, was a cloudy, sunless day. It was the rainy season in the Philippines, but this did not dampen the excitement building up towards the Philippine independence ceremony. Religious services were held in the various churches of Manila and provincial capitals, cities, and towns. Guests began arriving at the venue shortly before 7:00 in the morning. Dignitaries arrived from 7:20; the crowd craned their necks to get a glimpse of Gen. MacArthur. A bugle sounded, and the audience rose to welcome President Roxas and his wife at 7:55. He was followed by Vice President Elpidio Quirino and finally High Commissioner McNutt, accompanied by their respective wives.
With McNutt serving as emcee, the program began at precisely 8:00 am. The Rt. Rev. Robert F. Wilmer, ranking Protestant in the Philippines, gave the invocation. McNutt then introduced the speakers; there were wild cheers for Senator Tydings and Gen. MacArthur. Tydings reviewed the events which led to this day, and then wished the new republic “Godspeed.” MacArthur reviewed the “special relationship” between the Philippines and the United States.
The highlight of the program was McNutt’s reading of President Truman’s Proclamation of Independence. As he began speaking, a heavy downpour drenched the audience, but they braved the rain. The downpour lifted in time for McNutt to read the proclamation, which first laid out the legal basis for the United States’ acquisition of the Philippines, the United States’ desire to grant the Philippines independence, and the provisions of the Tydings McDuffie Act. Truman, as president of the United States, then withdrew all “rights of possession, supervision, jurisdiction, control or sovereignty” exercised by the United States over the territory and people of the Philippines, and recognized the independence of the Philippines.
McNutt ended with his own words:
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https://sinaunangpanahon.com/sergio-osmena-the-4th-president-of-the-philippines/
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en
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Sergio Osmeña (1878–1961): The 4th President of the Philippines
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2024-03-14T12:15:53+08:00
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Explore the life and legacy of Sergio Osmeña, the 4th President of the Philippines, and his impact on the country's history.
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en
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SINAUNANGPANAHON
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https://sinaunangpanahon.com/sergio-osmena-the-4th-president-of-the-philippines/
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Did you know that Sergio Osmeña served as the fourth President of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946? Born on September 9, 1878, in Cebu City, Osmeña was a prominent figure in Philippine politics, known for his leadership during World War II and his contributions to the Nationalist Party. His presidency was marked by his continuity of Manuel L. Quezon’s legacy and his commitment to rebuilding the country after the war. Let’s dive deeper into the life, achievements, and lasting legacy of Sergio Osmeña.
Key Takeaways:
Sergio Osmeña served as the fourth President of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946.
He was a key figure in Philippine politics, with roles such as governor of Cebu, Speaker of the Philippine Assembly, and Senator.
Osmeña’s presidency was marked by his continuity of Manuel L. Quezon’s legacy and his leadership during World War II.
He implemented economic and social policies aimed at rebuilding the country and improving the lives of Filipinos.
Sergio Osmeña played a vital role in the fight for Philippine independence and is considered one of the most influential leaders in Philippine history.
Introduction to Sergio Osmeña’s Presidency
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency began in 1944, following the death of President Manuel L. Quezon. At the age of 65, Osmeña became the oldest person to assume the Philippine presidency until Rodrigo Duterte took office in 2016.
Osmeña’s presidency was marked by his continuity of Quezon’s reforms and his leadership during the challenging times of World War II. He implemented economic and social policies aimed at rebuilding the country and improving the lives of Filipinos.
Throughout his presidency, Sergio Osmeña demonstrated strong leadership and a commitment to the welfare and progress of the Filipino people.
Early Years of Sergio Osmeña
Sergio Osmeña, the fourth President of the Philippines, was born on September 9, 1878, in Cebu City, Philippines. He came from a distinguished background, with his father, Don Antonio Sanson, being a wealthy Chinese mestizo businessman, known for his extensive landholdings in Cebu. His mother, Juana Osmeña y Suico, belonged to a respected family. Interestingly, Sergio Osmeña took on his mother’s surname as he was considered illegitimate due to his father’s marriage to another woman.
Education and Early Career
During his early years, Sergio Osmeña received a good education, which laid the foundation for his future achievements. He attended the Ateneo Municipal de Manila, known for its rigorous academic standards. Osmeña showed promise as a student and graduated cum laude.
After completing his education, Sergio Osmeña began his early career in law and politics. He pursued a successful legal career, ranking second in the 1903 bar examination. As a lawyer, he passionately advocated for the rights and welfare of the Filipino people.
Osmeña’s political career took off when he was appointed as the governor of Cebu in 1904. He served in this position for three years, gaining valuable experience and establishing himself as a capable and influential leader. From there, he was elected as a member of the Philippine Assembly and eventually became its first Speaker.
Historical Photo of Sergio Osmeña’s Early Years
Osmeña’s early years laid the groundwork for his future political achievements and demonstrated his commitment to public service. His education and early career experiences shaped his values and prepared him for the leadership roles he would undertake later in life.
Sergio Osmeña’s Rise in Politics
Sergio Osmeña’s political career began with his appointment as governor of Cebu in 1904. Serving in this position until 1907, Osmeña established himself as a capable leader and gained valuable experience in governance. His tenure as governor laid the foundation for his rise in national politics.
In 1907, Osmeña was elected as a member of the Philippine Assembly, marking the beginning of his national political career. His election to the Assembly showcased his growing influence and popularity among the Filipino people. Recognized for his intellect, leadership, and dedication, Osmeña quickly rose to prominence and became the first Speaker of the Philippine Assembly.
As Speaker, Osmeña played a pivotal role in the legislative process, leading the assembly in deliberating and passing important laws. He championed transformative legislation that aimed to improve the lives of the Filipino people. However, some of his proposed bills faced opposition from American superiors in the Philippine Commission, highlighting the challenges Osmeña confronted in pursuing his reform agenda.
The Founding of the Nacionalista Party
Sergio Osmeña played a key role in the founding of the Nacionalista Party, which would come to dominate Philippine politics. He collaborated closely with Manuel L. Quezon, forming a strong political alliance that would shape the direction of the party and the country.
Political Innovations and Reforms
Under the leadership of Quezon and Osmeña, the Nacionalista Party implemented political innovations and reforms aimed at empowering the Filipino people and pushing for greater autonomy from American colonial rule. These reforms sought to address the needs and aspirations of the Filipino populace, focusing on economic development, social welfare, and political inclusion.
Collaboration with Manuel L. Quezon
The collaboration between Sergio Osmeña and Manuel L. Quezon was instrumental in shaping the goals and principles of the Nacionalista Party. Through their combined efforts, they forged a strong political force that garnered massive support and worked towards the common objective of advancing the interests of the Filipino people. Together, they laid the groundwork for a new era of political leadership and played a pivotal role in the course of Philippine history.
Sergio Osmeña’s Congressional Career
Sergio Osmeña had a distinguished congressional career that spanned several decades and encompassed various positions of leadership. He served in the Philippine Assembly, the Philippine Senate, and the Philippine House of Representatives, playing a critical role in shaping Philippine legislation and advocating for pro-Filipino policies.
Throughout his time in Congress, Osmeña demonstrated his deep understanding of the workings of the Philippine government, utilizing his extensive experience to effectively lead and influence political discourse. His expertise and commitment to pushing for reforms contributed significantly to the development of the country.
Osmeña’s congressional career was marked by his unwavering dedication to serving the Filipino people and advancing their interests. His contributions to the legislative branch of government played a vital role in shaping the policies and laws that would impact the nation’s progress and development.
Vision and Contributions as Senate President Pro Tempore
Sergio Osmeña held the esteemed position of Senate President Pro Tempore, which bestowed upon him significant influence and responsibility. During his tenure in this role, Osmeña made remarkable contributions to various initiatives and undertook crucial missions on behalf of the Philippine government.
The OsRox Mission to Washington D.C.
One of Osmeña’s notable accomplishments was the OsRox Mission to Washington D.C. This mission aimed to secure the passage of the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Independence Bill, which would grant the Philippines its long-awaited independence. While this bill was ultimately vetoed, it paved the way for subsequent legislation that would be instrumental in the journey towards independence.
Influence on the Tydings–McDuffie Act
Osmeña’s influence extended to the Tydings–McDuffie Act, a significant legislation that granted the Philippines independence and provided a framework for the transition of power. Through his strategic and diplomatic efforts, Osmeña played a crucial role in shaping this historic act, which marked a turning point in Philippine history.
Overall, Sergio Osmeña’s vision and contributions as Senate President Pro Tempore underscore his dedication to the progress and autonomy of the Philippines, leaving an indelible mark on the nation’s path to independence.
“Lawyer, Soldier, Statesman”: Osmeña’s Varied Roles
Sergio Osmeña is often described as a “lawyer, soldier, statesman” due to his diverse roles and contributions. As a lawyer, Osmeña had a successful legal career and ranked second in the 1903 bar examination. He used his legal expertise to advocate for the rights and welfare of the Filipino people and played a significant role in shaping Philippine legislation.
The Vice Presidency Under Quezon
Sergio Osmeña had a significant role as Vice President under Manuel L. Quezon, the first president of the Philippine Commonwealth. During his time in office, Osmeña formed crucial political alliances and held various administrative positions within the government.
Political Alliances and Administration Roles
As Vice President, Osmeña forged important political alliances that helped advance the interests of the Philippine Commonwealth. These alliances enabled him to effectively contribute to the policymaking process and advocate for the welfare of the Filipino people.
Additionally, Osmeña took on various administration roles, including serving as the secretary of public instruction, health, and public welfare. In these capacities, he played a vital role in shaping policies that aimed to improve education, healthcare, and the overall well-being of the Filipino population.
World War II and Government-in-Exile
World War II presented significant challenges for the Philippine government, as the country faced invasion by Japanese forces. In response to the occupation, the government-in-exile was established to ensure the continuity and legitimacy of Philippine governance.
During this tumultuous period, Sergio Osmeña played a pivotal role in leading the government-in-exile. He spearheaded efforts to resist the Japanese occupation and safeguard the interests of the Filipino people. His leadership during World War II demonstrated resilience, determination, and a commitment to preserving Philippine sovereignty.
Alliance/Role Description Political Alliances Formed crucial alliances for the advancement of Philippine interests Secretary of Public Instruction Played a key role in shaping education policies Secretary of Health Contributed to the improvement of healthcare services Secretary of Public Welfare Advocated for the well-being of the Filipino people
Ascension to the Presidency
Sergio Osmeña assumed the presidency of the Philippines following the death of President Manuel L. Quezon in 1944. As the fourth President of the Philippines, Osmeña sought to continue Quezon’s legacy and build upon the reforms and initiatives established during his predecessor’s tenure. Osmeña’s presidency was characterized by his commitment to the continuity of Quezon’s vision for the country, ensuring a seamless transition of leadership and the preservation of the nation’s progress.
“I consider it my duty to proceed unswervingly along the path marked by President Quezon. I am entirely convinced that our people are agreed on the basic national objectives which he so untiringly championed throughout his career. I purpose to continue them, whether in the fulfillment of our constitutional obligations to the United States or in the shaping of our national destiny.”
Leadership During Turbulent Times
Osmeña’s presidency was marked by his strong leadership during turbulent times, particularly in the aftermath of the Japanese occupation during World War II. Guided by a deep sense of duty and determination, Osmeña played a pivotal role in rebuilding the country and leading the Filipino people towards a brighter future.
Under Osmeña’s leadership, the Philippines faced the challenges of rebuilding a war-torn nation and addressing the needs and aspirations of its citizens. Despite the immense difficulties, Osmeña remained steadfast in his commitment to national unity and progress.
Challenges Faced Key Actions Taken Reconstruction of infrastructure Implemented initiatives to repair and rebuild damaged infrastructure, focusing on roads, bridges, and public facilities. Economic recovery Introduced policies to stimulate economic growth and encourage investments in key industries. Social welfare Implemented programs to address the needs of war victims, including provisions for healthcare, housing, and livelihood support. National reconciliation Promoted unity and reconciliation among different sectors of society, fostering a spirit of cooperation and understanding.
Through his steady and decisive leadership, Osmeña guided the nation through the turbulent aftermath of World War II, laying the foundation for a newly restored and revitalized Philippines.
World War II and Its Impact on Osmeña’s Presidency
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency coincided with the challenges and devastation brought forth by World War II. The war had a profound impact on Osmeña’s presidency, as the Philippines experienced Japanese occupation and widespread destruction.
During this tumultuous period, Osmeña played a critical role in leading the Philippine government-in-exile and resisting the Japanese occupation. With resilience, determination, and a commitment to rebuilding the country, he guided the Filipino people through one of the darkest chapters in their history.
The experiences of World War II left an indelible mark on Osmeña’s presidency, shaping his policies and priorities in the post-war era. He understood the urgency of restoring the nation and worked tirelessly to rebuild the Philippines and improve the lives of its citizens.
Through his leadership, Osmeña sought to heal the wounds and rebuild the nation, focusing on economic recovery, social welfare programs, and infrastructural development. He was steadfast in his commitment to restoring the Philippines to its former glory and ensuring a brighter future for its people.
The impact of World War II on Osmeña’s presidency cannot be overstated. It tested his leadership skills, resolve, and determination. Despite the immense challenges, he remained resolute in his commitment to the Filipino people, and his legacy continues to inspire and influence the generations that followed.
The Legacy of Sergio Osmeña
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency had a significant impact on the Philippines, but his legacy extends beyond his time in office. He implemented economic and social policies that continue to shape the country today.
Economic and Social Policies
One of Sergio Osmeña’s key accomplishments was his focus on economic recovery and development. He understood the importance of promoting agricultural productivity, industrialization, and infrastructure development to drive the country’s progress. By investing in these areas, he laid the foundation for economic growth and prosperity in the years that followed.
Osmeña also prioritized social welfare programs and initiatives to support marginalized sectors of society. He recognized the importance of uplifting and empowering the most vulnerable communities and worked to improve their quality of life. Through various policies and programs, he aimed to create a more inclusive and equitable society for all Filipinos.
Post-Presidency and Historical Recognition
Even after his presidency, Sergio Osmeña remained an influential figure in Philippine politics and society. His dedication to public service and his contributions to the country’s progress were widely recognized and celebrated.
Osmeña received numerous accolades and historical recognition for his leadership and achievements. His legacy as a statesman and advocate for the Filipino people continues to inspire future generations of leaders in the Philippines.
Notable Legislation During Osmeña’s Tenure
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency was marked by the passage of several notable pieces of legislation that aimed to improve various aspects of Philippine society. These laws and policies focused on economic development, social welfare, and political reforms, reflecting Osmeña’s commitment to the progress and welfare of the Filipino people.
One significant area of legislation during Osmeña’s presidency was labor laws. These laws aimed to protect the rights of workers, improve working conditions, and promote fair labor practices. They were crucial in ensuring the well-being and rights of Filipino workers, laying the foundation for a more equitable and just labor system.
Another important aspect of legislation during Osmeña’s tenure was the implementation of housing programs. These programs aimed to address the housing needs of the Filipino population, particularly the marginalized sectors. They aimed to provide affordable and decent housing options, contributing to improved living conditions and uplifting the lives of many Filipinos.
Educational reforms were also a priority during Osmeña’s presidency. These reforms aimed to enhance the Philippine education system, improve access to quality education, and provide educational opportunities for all Filipinos, regardless of their socioeconomic background. They aimed to equip the Filipino youth with the necessary knowledge and skills to contribute to the nation’s development.
These significant pieces of legislation enacted during Osmeña’s presidency shaped the trajectory of Philippine society, addressing key issues and promoting progress in various sectors. They reflected Osmeña’s vision for a more inclusive and prosperous Philippines, and their impacts continue to be felt in the country’s development today.
Sergio Osmeña’s Family and Descendants
Sergio Osmeña came from a prominent family in Cebu. He was married to Estefania Chiong Veloso until her death in 1918, and later remarried Esperanza Limjap in 1920. Osmeña had a total of 13 children, including Sergio Osmeña Jr., who also had a successful political career. The Osmeña family remains influential in Philippine politics, with descendants like Sergio Osmeña III and John Henry Osmeña having served as senators. The family’s contributions to the country’s history and politics have solidified their place as one of the most prominent political dynasties in the Philippines.
Sergio Osmeña’s Contribution to Philippine Independence
Sergio Osmeña played a crucial role in the fight for Philippine independence and the establishment of the Commonwealth Government. He was a staunch advocate for Philippine sovereignty and worked tirelessly to secure greater autonomy from American colonial rule. Osmeña’s collaboration with Manuel L. Quezon, the first President of the Philippine Commonwealth, was instrumental in advancing the cause of independence.
Advocacy for Sovereignty
Throughout his political career, Sergio Osmeña consistently pushed for the recognition of Philippine sovereignty. He staunchly defended the rights of the Filipino people and championed their aspirations for self-determination. Osmeña understood the importance of liberating the Philippines from colonial rule and dedicated himself to the fight for independence. His unwavering advocacy played a vital role in raising international awareness and support for the Philippine cause.
Role in Commonwealth Government
As a key figure in the Commonwealth Government, Sergio Osmeña contributed significantly to the establishment of self-governance in the Philippines. Serving as the Vice President under Quezon, he actively participated in shaping the policies and institutions that laid the groundwork for an independent Philippines. Osmeña’s leadership and expertise were crucial in navigating the complexities of governance during a time of turbulent political and social change.
The image shows Sergio Osmeña, a prominent leader in the fight for Philippine independence and the establishment of the Commonwealth Government.
The 1946 Presidential Elections
The 1946 presidential elections marked the end of Sergio Osmeña’s presidency. He ran for re-election against his former ally, Manuel Roxas. The elections were highly contested and resulted in Roxas’s victory. Although Osmeña lost, his contribution to Philippine politics and his leadership during challenging times were widely recognized and respected. The 1946 presidential elections marked a turning point in Philippine history and set the stage for the new era of the independent Republic of the Philippines.
Conclusion
Sergio Osmeña’s dedication to public service and his commitment to the welfare of the Filipino people have shaped his life and legacy. As the fourth President of the Philippines, Osmeña played a pivotal role in the country’s history and development. From his early years in Cebu to his various roles in politics and government, Osmeña left an indelible mark on Philippine society.
Osmeña’s legacy is defined by the economic policies and social reforms he implemented during his presidency. He prioritized initiatives aimed at rebuilding the country and improving the lives of Filipinos. Osmeña’s leadership during World War II and his contributions to Philippine independence further solidify his place in history. His efforts continue to inspire and influence future generations of Filipino leaders.
Sergio Osmeña’s impact extends beyond his time in office. His dedication to public service and his commitment to the progress of the Filipino people serve as a reminder of the importance of strong leadership. As the Philippines moves forward, Osmeña’s legacy remains a guiding force, inspiring current and future leaders to strive for the betterment of the nation.
FAQ
Who was Sergio Osmeña?
Sergio Osmeña Sr. was a Filipino lawyer and politician who served as the fourth President of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946.
What was Sergio Osmeña’s presidency known for?
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency was marked by his continuity of Manuel L. Quezon’s legacy and his leadership during World War II.
What were Sergio Osmeña’s early years like?
Sergio Osmeña was born on September 9, 1878, in Cebu City, Philippines, to a prominent family. He took on his mother’s surname due to his father’s marriage to another woman.
How did Sergio Osmeña rise in politics?
Sergio Osmeña began his political career as the governor of Cebu and later became a member of the Philippine Assembly.
What was the Nacionalista Party?
Sergio Osmeña played a key role in the founding of the Nacionalista Party, which aimed to push for greater autonomy from American colonial rule in the Philippines.
What positions did Sergio Osmeña hold in Congress?
Sergio Osmeña served as a member of the Philippine Assembly, the Philippine Senate, and the Philippine House of Representatives.
What was Sergio Osmeña’s role as Senate President Pro Tempore?
Sergio Osmeña played a pivotal role in various initiatives and undertook crucial missions on behalf of the Philippine government, including the OsRox Mission to Washington D.C. and the influence on the Tydings–McDuffie Act.
How would you describe Sergio Osmeña’s roles and contributions?
Sergio Osmeña is often described as a “lawyer, soldier, statesman” due to his diverse roles and contributions to Philippine society.
What was Sergio Osmeña’s involvement in the Commonwealth Government?
Sergio Osmeña served as Vice President under Manuel L. Quezon, played a crucial role in the government-in-exile during World War II, and worked towards preserving the legitimacy of the Philippine government.
What were Sergio Osmeña’s priorities as President of the Philippines?
Sergio Osmeña aimed to continue Manuel L. Quezon’s legacy and rebuild the country while guiding the Filipino people towards a brighter future.
How did World War II impact Sergio Osmeña’s presidency?
World War II had a profound impact on Sergio Osmeña’s presidency, as the Philippines experienced Japanese occupation and widespread destruction. He led the government-in-exile and focused on rebuilding the country.
What was Sergio Osmeña’s legacy?
Sergio Osmeña left a lasting impact through his economic and social policies, his contributions to Philippine independence, and his place in Philippine history and politics.
What notable legislation was passed during Sergio Osmeña’s tenure?
Sergio Osmeña’s presidency saw the enactment of various laws addressing economic development, social welfare, and political reforms.
How would you describe Sergio Osmeña’s family and descendants?
Sergio Osmeña came from a prominent family and had notable descendants who have also served in Philippine politics.
What was Sergio Osmeña’s contribution to Philippine independence?
Sergio Osmeña played a crucial role in the fight for Philippine independence and the establishment of the Commonwealth Government.
What happened in the 1946 presidential elections?
Sergio Osmeña ran for re-election but lost to Manuel Roxas, marking a turning point in Philippine history.
Source Links
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List of presidents of the Philippines
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_presidents_of_the_Philippines
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Under the Constitution of the Philippines, the president of the Philippines (Filipino: Pangulo ng Pilipinas) is both the head of state and government, and serves as the commander-in-chief of the country's armed forces.[3][4] The president is directly elected by qualified voters to a six-year term and must be "a natural-born citizen of the Philippines, a registered voter, able to read and write, at least forty years of age on the day of the election, and a resident of the Philippines for at least ten years immediately preceding such election". No elected president can seek re-election. Upon resignation, or removal from office, the vice president assumes the post. A president's successor who has not served for more than four years can still seek a full term for the presidency.[5]
History
[edit]
Emilio Aguinaldo became the inaugural president of the Philippines under the Malolos Republic, considered the First Philippine Republic.[6][note 2] He held that office until 1901 when he was captured by United States forces during the Philippine–American War (1899–1902).[3] The American colonization of the Philippines abolished the First Republic,[11] which led to an American governor-general exercising executive power.[18]
In 1935, the United States, pursuant to its promise of full Philippine sovereignty,[19] established the Commonwealth of the Philippines following the ratification of the 1935 Constitution, which also restored the presidency. The first national presidential election was held,[note 3] and Manuel L. Quezon (1935–44) was elected to a six-year term, with no provision for re-election,[4] as the second Philippine president and the first Commonwealth president.[note 2] In 1940, however, the Constitution was amended to allow re-election but shortened the term to four years.[3] A change in government occurred three years later when the Second Philippine Republic was organized with the enactment of the 1943 Constitution, which Japan imposed after it occupied the Philippines in 1942 during World War II.[22] José P. Laurel acted as puppet president of the new Japanese-sponsored government;[23] his de facto presidency,[24] not legally recognized until the 1960s,[10] overlapped with that of the president of the Commonwealth, which went into exile. The Second Republic was dissolved after Japan surrendered to the Allies in 1945; the Commonwealth was restored in the Philippines in the same year with Sergio Osmeña (1944–46) as president.[3]
Manuel Roxas (1946–1948) followed Osmeña when he won the first post-war election in 1946. He became the first president of the independent Philippines when the Commonwealth ended on July 4 of that year. The Third Republic was ushered in and would cover the administrations of the next five presidents, the last of which was Ferdinand Marcos (1965–86),[3] who performed a self-coup by imposing martial law in 1972.[25] The dictatorship of Marcos saw the birth of the New Society (Filipino: Bagong Lipunan) and the Fourth Republic. His tenure lasted until 1986 when he was deposed in the People Power Revolution. The current constitution came into effect in 1987, marking the beginning of the Fifth Republic.[3]
Of the individuals elected as president, three died in office: two of natural causes (Manuel L. Quezon[26] and Manuel Roxas[27]) and one in a plane crash (Ramon Magsaysay, 1953–57[28]). The longest-serving president is Ferdinand Marcos with 20 years and 57 days in office; he is the only president to have served more than two terms. The shortest is Sergio Osmeña, who spent 1 year and 300 days in office.
Two women have held the office: Corazon Aquino (1986–92), who ascended to the presidency upon the successful People Power Revolution of 1986, and Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (2001–10), who, as vice president, ascended to the presidency upon Estrada's resignation and was elected to a full six-year term in 2004.
Presidents
[edit]
No. Portrait Name
(Lifespan) Party Term Election Vice president Era 1 Emilio Aguinaldo
(1869–1964) None January 23, 1899
–
April 19, 1901[a]
(2 years, 86 days) 1899[b] None[c] First Republic None[d] –[e] None U.S. Military Government –[f] U.S. Insular Government 2 Manuel L. Quezon
(1878–1944) Nacionalista November 15, 1935
–
August 1, 1944[g]
(8 years, 260 days) 1935 Sergio Osmeña Commonwealth 1941 3 Jose P. Laurel
(1891–1959) KALIBAPI October 14, 1943
–
August 17, 1945[h]
(1 year, 307 days) 1943[i] None[j] Second Republic 4 Sergio Osmeña
(1878–1961) Nacionalista August 1, 1944
–
May 28, 1946
(1 year, 300 days) 1941 Vacant[k] Commonwealth 5 Manuel Roxas
(1892–1948) Liberal May 28, 1946
–
April 15, 1948[g]
(1 year, 323 days) 1946 Elpidio Quirino Third Republic 6 Elpidio Quirino
(1890–1956) Liberal April 17, 1948
–
December 30, 1953
(5 years, 257 days) Vacant[k] 1949 Fernando Lopez[l] 7 Ramon Magsaysay
(1907–1957) Nacionalista December 30, 1953
–
March 17, 1957[g]
(3 years, 77 days) 1953 Carlos P. Garcia 8 Carlos P. Garcia
(1896–1971) Nacionalista March 18, 1957
–
December 30, 1961
(4 years, 287 days) None[k] 1957 Diosdado Macapagal[m] 9 Diosdado Macapagal
(1910–1997) Liberal December 30, 1961
–
December 30, 1965
(4 years) 1961 Emmanuel Pelaez[n] 10 Ferdinand Marcos
(1917–1989) Nacionalista
(until 1978) December 30, 1965
–
February 25, 1986[o]
(20 years, 57 days) 1965 Fernando Lopez 1969 Martial Law None[p] 1973[q] 1977[q] KBL
(from 1978) 1981 Fourth Republic Vacant[r] 11 Corazon Aquino
(1933–2009) UNIDO
(until 1988) February 25, 1986
–
June 30, 1992
(6 years, 126 days) 1986[s] Salvador Laurel[t] Provisional Government Fifth Republic Independent
(from 1988) 12 Fidel V. Ramos
(1928–2022) Lakas–NUCD June 30, 1992
–
June 30, 1998
(6 years) 1992 Joseph Estrada[u] 13 Joseph Estrada
(born 1937) LAMMP June 30, 1998
–
January 20, 2001[v]
(2 years, 204 days) 1998 Gloria Macapagal Arroyo[w] 14 Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
(born 1947) Lakas–CMD January 20, 2001
–
June 30, 2010
(9 years, 161 days) Vacant[x] Teofisto Guingona Jr.[y] 2004 Noli de Castro[z] 15 Benigno Aquino III
(1960–2021) Liberal June 30, 2010
–
June 30, 2016
(6 years) 2010 Jejomar Binay[aa] 16 Rodrigo Duterte
(born 1945) PDP–Laban June 30, 2016
–
June 30, 2022
(6 years) 2016 Leni Robredo[m] 17 Bongbong Marcos
(born 1957) PFP June 30, 2022
–
present
(2 years, 42 days) 2022 Sara Duterte[ab]
Timeline
[edit]
Unofficial presidents
[edit]
Andrés Bonifacio is considered by some historians to be the first president of the Philippines. He was the third Supreme President (Spanish: Presidente Supremo; Tagalog: Kataastaasang Pangulo) of the Katipunan secret society. Its Supreme Council, led by the Supreme President, coordinated provincial and district councils. When the Katipunan went into open revolt in August 1896 (the Cry of Balintawak), Bonifacio transformed it into a revolutionary government with him as president. While the term Katipunan remained, Bonifacio's government was also known as the Tagalog Republic (Tagalog: Republika ng Katagalugan; Spanish: Republica Tagala). (Although the word Tagalog refers to a specific ethnicity, Bonifacio used it to denote all indigenous people in the Philippines in place of Filipino which had colonial origins.)[30][31][32][33][34]
Some historians contend that including Bonifacio as a past president would imply that Macario Sakay and Miguel Malvar y Carpio should also be included.[35] Miguel Malvar y Carpio continued Emilio Aguinaldo's leadership of the First Philippine Republic after the latter's capture until his own capture in 1902. Macario Sakay revived the Tagalog Republic in 1902 as a continuation of Bonifacio's Katipunan. They are both considered by some scholars as "unofficial presidents". Along with Bonifacio, Malvar and Sakay are not recognized as presidents by the Philippine government.[36][37]
Emilio Aguinaldo is officially recognized as the first president of the Philippines, but this is based on his term of office during the Malolos Republic, later known as the First Philippine Republic. Prior to this Aguinaldo had held the presidency of several revolutionary governments which are not counted in the succession of Philippine republics.
Manuel L. Quezon delegated his presidential duties to José Abad Santos, the then Chief Justice, when the former fled the Philippines amidst Japanese occupation of the islands to establish a government-in-exile. He is believed to have in effect become the acting president of the Philippine Commonwealth though no legal document has been retrieved detailing the official transfer of the title of President to Abad Santos.[38]
List
[edit]
Portrait Name
Lifespan Party Term Vice President Government Took office Left office Andrés Bonifacio
(1863–1897)
[34][39][40][41] None August 24, 1896[ac] March 22, 1897[ad]
or
May 10, 1897[ae] None Sovereign Tagalog Nation Emilio Aguinaldo
(1869–1964) None March 22, 1897[af] November 1, 1897[ag] Mariano Trias Tejeros revolutionary government November 2, 1897[ah] December 14, 1897[ai] Republic of Biak-na-Bato May 24, 1898 June 23, 1898[aj] Dictatorial Government June 23, 1898[ak][42] January 23, 1899[al] Revolutionary Government Francisco Makabulos
(1871–1922) None April 17, 1898 May 19, 1898[am] None Central Executive Committee Miguel Malvar
(1865–1911)
[43] None April 19, 1901[an] April 16, 1902[ao] None[ap] First Republic Macario Sakay
(1870–1907)
[44][45][46] Katipunan
(holdout/revival) May 6, 1902[aq] July 14, 1906[ar] Francisco Carreón Tagalog Republic José Abad Santos
(1886–1942)
[38] Independent March 17, 1942 May 2, 1942 None Commonwealth Jorge B. Vargas
(1890–1980) KALIBAPI
Association for Service to the New Philippines January 23, 1942 October 14, 1943 None Philippine Executive Commission Arturo Tolentino
(1910–2004)
[47][48] Kilusang Bagong Lipunan
New Society Movement July 6, 1986[as] July 8, 1986 None Fourth Republic
Timeline
[edit]
List of presidents by age
[edit]
No. President Born Age at start of presidency Age at end of presidency Post-presidency timespan Lifespan Died Age 1 Emilio Aguinaldo March 22, 1869 29 years, 10 months, 1 day
January 23, 1899 32 years, 22 days
March 23, 1901 62 years, 10 months, 14 days February 6, 1964 94 years 2 Manuel Quezon August 19, 1878 57 years, 2 months, 27 days
February 15, 1935 65 years, 11 months, 13 days
August 1, 1944 Died in office August 1, 1944 65 years 3 Jose P. Laurel March 9, 1891 52 years, 7 months, 5 days
October 14, 1943 54 years, 5 months, 8 days
August 17, 1945 14 years, 2 months, 20 days November 6, 1959 68 years 4 Sergio Osmeña September 9, 1878 65 years, 10 months, 23 days
August 1, 1944 67 years, 8 months, 19 days
May 28, 1946 15 years, 4 months, 21 days October 19, 1961 83 years 5 Manuel Roxas January 1, 1892 54 years, 4 months, 27 days
May 28, 1946 56 years, 3 months, 14 days
April 15, 1948 Died in office April 15, 1948 56 years 6 Elpidio Quirino November 16, 1890 57 years, 5 months, 1 day
April 17, 1948 63 years, 1 month, 14 days
December 30, 1953 2 years, 1 month, 30 days February 29, 1956 65 years 7 Ramon Magsaysay August 31, 1907 46 years, 3 months, 29 days
December 30, 1953 49 years old, 6 months, 14 days
March 17, 1957 Died in office March 17, 1957 49 years 8 Carlos P. Garcia November 4, 1896 60 years, 5 months, 14 days
March 18, 1957 65 years, 1 months, 26 days
December 30, 1961 9 years, 5 months, 15 days June 14, 1971 74 years 9 Diosdado Macapagal September 28, 1910 51 years, 3 months, 2 days
December 30, 1961 55 years, 3 months, 2 days
December 30, 1965 31 years, 3 months, 22 days April 21, 1997 86 years 10 Ferdinand E. Marcos September 11, 1917 48 years, 3 months, 19 days
December 30, 1965 68 years, 5 months, 14 days
February 25 1986 3 years, 7 months, 3 days September 28, 1989 72 years 11 Corazon Aquino January 25, 1933 53 years, 1 month
February 25, 1986 59 years, 5 months, 5 days
June 30, 1992 17 years, 1 months, 2 days August 1, 2009 76 years 12 Fidel V. Ramos March 18, 1928 64 years old, 3 months, 12 days
June 30, 1992 70 years old, 3 months, 12 days
June 30, 1998 24 years, 1 month, 1 day July 31, 2022 94 years 13 Joseph Estrada April 19, 1937 61 years, 2 months, 11 days
June 30, 1998 63 years, 9 months, 1 day
January 20, 2001 (Living) (Living) 87 years, 114 days 14 Gloria Macapagal Arroyo April 5, 1947 53 years, 9 months, 15 days
January 20, 2001 63 years, 2 months, 25 days
June 30, 2010 (Living) (Living) 77 years, 128 days 15 Benigno Aquino III February 8, 1960 50 years, 4 months, 22 days
June 30, 2010 56 years, 4 months, 22 days
June 30, 2016 4 years, 21 months, 25 days June 24, 2021 61 years 16 Rodrigo Duterte March 28, 1945 71 years, 3 months, 2 days
June 30, 2016 77 years, 3 months, 2 days
June 30, 2022 (Living) (Living) 79 years, 136 days 17 Bongbong Marcos September 13, 1957 64 years, 9 months, 3 days
June 30, 2022 (incumbent) (incumbent) (living) 66 years, 333 days
List of presidents by offices held before presidency
[edit]
Executive branch
[edit]
Vice presidents
[edit]
Vice President President served under Year(s) served Notes Sergio Osmeña Manuel L. Quezon 1935–1944 Osmeña succeeded Quezon, after the latter's death Elpidio Quirino Manuel Roxas 1946–1948 Quirino succeeded Roxas, after the latter's death; Ran and won a full term in 1949. Carlos P. Garcia Ramon Magsaysay 1953–1957 Garcia succeeded Magsaysay, after the latter's death; Ran and won a full term in 1957. Diosdado Macapagal Carlos P. Garcia 1957–1961 Macapagal defeated Garcia in 1961. Joseph Estrada Fidel V. Ramos 1992–1998 Estrada ran for a full term in 1998. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo Joseph Estrada 1998–2001 Arroyo succeeded Estrada, after the latter's resignation; Ran and won a full term in 2004
3 other former vice presidents (S. Laurel, Binay, and Robredo) all made failed runs for the presidency.
Cabinet secretaries
[edit]
The following cabinet secretaries are only served for fulltime. Vice Presidents served as cabinet secretary concurrently are not included.
Secretary Office President served under Year(s) served Elpidio Quirino Secretary of Finance Manuel Quezon 1934– 1936 Secretary of Interior 1935–1938 Manuel Roxas Secretary of Interior 1941 Ramon Magsaysay Secretary of National Defense Elpidio Quirino 1935–1944 Fidel V. Ramos Corazon Aquino 1988–1991
Other positions
[edit]
Name Office President served under Year(s) served Gloria Macapagal Arroyo Undersecretary of the Department of Trade and Industry Corazon Aquino 1987–1992
Legislative
[edit]
Senators
[edit]
Senator District Year(s) served Notes Manuel L. Quezon 5th 1916–1935 First president to serve as Senate President (1916–1935) Jose P. Laurel 1925–1931 Only former president to serve as senator (1951–1957);
Only senator served as Majority Floor Leader (1925–1931)
Sergio Osmeña 10th 1922–1935 First president served as President pro tempore (1922–1934) Manuel Roxas At-large 1945–1946 Second president served as Senate President (1916–1935) Elpidio Quirino 1st 1925–1935 Second and last president served as President pro tempore (1945–1946) At-large 1945–1946 Carlos P. Garcia 1945–1953 First President served as Minority Floor Leader (1946–1953) Ferdinand E. Marcos 1959–1965 Second President served as Minority Floor Leader (1960–1962)
Third and last president served as Senate President (1963–1965)
Joseph Estrada 1987–1992 Gloria Macapagal Arroyo 1992–1998 Benigno Aquino III 2007–2010 Did not finished term, won presidency Bongbong Marcos 2010–2016
Congressman/Representatives/Assemblyman
[edit]
Local government
[edit]
Governors
[edit]
Mayors
[edit]
Municipal/City Councilors
[edit]
Name Municipality/City Province Year(s) served Manuel Quezon Lucena Tayabas 1906 Manuel Roxas Capiz Capiz 1917–1919
Judiciary
[edit]
Name Position Year(s) served President Notes Jose P. Laurel Associate Justice of the Supreme Court 1936–1942 Manuel Quezon Only president served in the Supreme Court
International Affairs-related
[edit]
Name Office President served under Year(s) served Manuel Quezon Resident Commissioner of the Philippines None(Under American rule) 1909–1916
Presidents who had not previously held elective office
[edit]
Without previous experience in government, but served in the military
[edit]
Name Year(s) served Emilio Aguinaldo 1899–1901
Without previous experience in government or in the military
[edit]
Name Year(s) served Corazon Aquino 1986–1992
List of presidents by military service
[edit]
Name Rank Branch Year(s) served Notes Emilio Aguinaldo Generalissimo Philippine Revolutionary Army 1896–1901 Manuel Quezon Major Philippine Revolutionary Army 1899–1900 Manuel Roxas Brigadier General Philippine Commonwealth Army 1941–1945 Ramon Magsaysay Captain Philippine Commonwealth Army 1942–1945 Ferdinand E. Marcos 1st Lieutenant USAFFE 1942–1945 Major USAFIP-NL Fidel V. Ramos General Philippine Constabulary 1950–1988 Only former President served as Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces (1984–1985; 1986–1988), and commander of a service branch (1972–1986).
Notes
[edit]
Subnotes
Other notes
See also
[edit]
List of vice presidents of the Philippines
References
[edit]
Works cited
[edit]
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Eleven days after the proclamation of the Philippine Independence on June 12, 1898, President Emilio Aguinaldo formed his government with the Department of Agriculture and Manufacturing as one of the first agencies.
The Department was headed by three directors, Jose Alejandrino (1898-1899), Graciano Gonzaga and Leon Ma. Guerrero, both during the latter part of 1899.
In 1901 during the American regime, the Department was renamed Insular Bureau of Agriculture under the Department of Interior and was headed by Americans, Frank Lamson-Scribner (1902), WC Welborn (1904), and Dr. George Nesom (1907).
In 1910, the Bureau, under the supervision of the Department of Public Instruction, was headed by Frederick Taylor (1911-1914) and Harry Edwards (1914-1916).
After Edwards, the helm of the bureau was again given to a Filipino, Adriano Hernandez who himself was a practicing farmer.
In 1917, the Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources (DANR) took over the functions of the bureau and was led by Secretaries Galicano Apacible (1917-1921), Rafael Corpuz (1921-1923), and Silvestre Apostol (1923-1928).
During the administration of Secretary Rafael Alunan, Sr. (1928-1932), the DANR became the Department of Agriculture and Commerce. The Bureau of Agriculture was split into two bureaus, the Plant Industry and the Animal Industry.
The following year, the Fish and Game Administration and the Fiber Inspection Service were established under the leadership of Secretary Vicente Singson Encarnacion (1933-1934).
From 1934-1938, Eulogio Rodriguez, Sr. was appointed Secretary and was replaced by Secretary Benigno S. Aquino, Sr. until 1941. During Aquino’s term, the Fish and Game Administration was restructured and the Division of Soil Survey was created.
Upon the outbreak of the Pacific War, Pres. Quezon re-appointed Secretary Rafael Alunan, Sr. (1941-1942) as Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce.
After the Japanese liberalization on July 4, 1945, the government rebuilt the country and reconstituted the agencies including the Department of Agriculture and Commerce (DAC).
With the resumption of the Commonwealth Government, President Sergio Osmeña reappointed Vicente Singson Encarnacion as Secretary of the DAC.
Thereafter, Mariano Garchitorena (1946-1948) was appointed by President Manuel Roxas.
In 1947, the Department was renamed as the Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources (DANR).
In September 1948, President Elpidio Quirino appointed Placido L. Mapa as Secretary.
Two years later, Vice President Fernando Lopez served concurrently as the DANR chief. During his term, the Bureau of Agricultural Extension (now Agricultural Training Institute) was established, along with the organization of the 4-H Clubs and Rural Improvement Clubs (RICs) nationwide.
In 1953, President Quirino reappointed Placido L. Mapa as Secretary. Under his tenure, the Rice Economic Board was set up, making the rice industry the first commodity to have an integrated national planning.
Salvador Araneta (1953-55) was later named as Secretary and three major agencies under the DANR were created, namely: Agricultural Tenancy Commission, precursor of the Department of Agrarian Reform; Philippine Tobacco Administration, forerunner of the National Tobacco Administration; and Philippine Coconut Administration (now known as Philippine Coconut Authority).
During the latter part of his term, President Magsaysay appointed Juan G. Rodriguez (1955-60) as DANR chief, whose term was highlighted by several milestones: the Philippines became a member of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO); launch of the National Rice and Corn Production Program; and creation of the Rice and Corn Coordinating Council, forerunner of the National Agricultural and Fishery Council (NAFC).
On September 14, 1959, the DANR offices moved from Manila (at Agrifina Circle) to Quezon City (along Elliptical Road , Diliman).
When Cesar Fortich became the DANR chief in 1961, the Abaca Development Board (forerunner of the Fiber Development Authority) was created.
Jose Locsin, then concurrent Chairman of the National Economic Council, succeeded Fortich from September to December 1961.
In 1962, President Diosdado Macapagal appointed Benjamin M. Gozon as Secretary. During his term, two agencies were created: the Bureau of Agricultural Economics (forerunner of the Bureau of Agricultural Statistics); and the National Rice and Corn Administration or RCA (now known as the National Food Authority).
The following year, President Macapagal appointed RCA Administrator Jose Y. Feliciano as concurrent Secretary of Agriculture. Feliciano launched the Agricultural Marketing News Service that provided regularly farmers and consumers prices of selected commodities.
In 1965, President Ferdinand Marcos named Vice Pres. Lopez as Secretary, serving for the second time in a concurrent capacity. Considered as the “rice czar,” he successfully implemented a production program that enabled the Philippines to export rice for the first time in 1968.
During the early years of Martial Law, in May 1974, President Marcos reorganized and split the DANR into two agencies: Department of Agriculture (DA); and Department of Natural Resources (DNR). Arturo R. Tanco, Jr. was named as DA Secretary.
Four years later, government departments were transformed into ministries.
With Tanco remaining at the helm of the Ministry of Agriculture, the Masagana 99 rice production program was launched which made the country self-sufficient and a rice exporter. A similar program on corn also made the country self-sufficient in white corn.
In June 1978, the MA established 12 regional offices nationwide.
Six years later, in June 1984, the agency was renamed Ministry of Agriculture and Food (MAF). The Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources was transferred from the Ministry of Natural Resources.
In 1984, under a parliamentary government, Assemblyman Salvador H. Escudero III — former Director of the Bureau of Animal Industry and MAF Deputy Minister — served as MAF Minister.
Escudero implemented the Intensive Rice Production Program (IRPP), an import-substitution program, expanded government’s animal dispersal program, particularly the Bakahang Barangay (cattle raising the at village level) and Pagbababuyan (swine raising).
On February 1986, as a result of the ‘EDSA People Power Revolution,’ Corazon C. Aquino was catapulted as President. She named Ramon V. Mitra, Jr. as MAF Minister who implemented policy and institutional reforms that freed the agriculture markets, enabling farmers to enjoy higher farmgate prices.
MAF Deputy Minister Carlos G. Dominguez was appointed to replace Minister Mitra.
On January 30, 1987, President Aquino signed and issued Executive Order No. 116, which renamed and reorganized the MAF into the Department of Agriculture. Under DA, Dominguez introduced reforms in the rural credit system and established Comprehensive Agricultural Loan Fund (CALF).
In 1988, the Livelihood Enhancement for Agricultural Development (LEAD) program was launched to speed up farmers’ organizations access to financing, management expertise, and marketing. Agriculture and Fishery Councils (AFCs) were set up at the sectoral, regional, provincial and municipal levels to provide inputs on major programs and policy decisions and help plan and monitor DA projects.
Senen C. Bacani, appointed in Janaury 1990, implemented the Rice Action Program (RAP) and Corn Production Enhancement Program (CPEP) enabling the Philippines to once again export rice in 1992 and attained self-sufficiency in corn, respectively.
In 1992, President Fidel V. Ramos named Roberto S. Sebastian as DA chief who introduced the Key Production Approach (KPA) which became the basis in the formulation of the Medium-Term Agricultural Development Plan (MTADP).
In 1996, President Ramos appointed Dr. Salvador H. Escudero III, serving for the second time as DA Secretary. During that time, he launched the Gintong Ani food production and security program. He also organized subsistence farmers into functional groups and cooperatives, aimed at transforming them into viable producers and entrepreneurs.
In July 1998, President Joseph Ejercito Estrada designated William D. Dar as Acting DA Secretary who introduced the Estrada administration’s 10-point agenda in agriculture and fisheries under the Agrikulturang Makamasa program.
In March 1999, President Estrada named former Senate President Edgardo J. Angara as DA Secretary who authored the Agriculture and Fisheries Modernization Act of 1998 or AFMA (Republic Act No. 8435). He put into action the law’s visions of transforming and modernizing the country’s agriculture and fisheries sector.
Domingo F. Panganiban continued the implementation of AFMA as the government’s comprehensive framework and platform for rural development when he assumed office in January 2001.
A month later, he was replaced by Leonardo Q. Montemayor who implemented the AFMA with special emphasis on its social equity aspect. He launched the Ginintuang Masaganang Ani Countrywide Assistance for Rural Employment and Services (GMA-CARES).
Secretary Luis P. Lorenzo Jr., took the helm of the Department in December 2002 and spearheaded the launching of the Roll-On, Roll-Off or RORO transport program. The hybridization programs of the Department were intensified and interventions were focused on the Mindanao regions.
Secretary Arthur C. Yap, appointed on August 23, 2004, continued to uphold the vision of a modernized smallholder agriculture and fisheries, a diversified rural economy that is dynamic, technologically advance and internationally competitive. Under his term, Goal 1 (develop two million hectares of new lands for agribusiness to contribute two million to the 10 million jobs targeted by 2010) and Goal 2 (make food plentiful while keeping the price of “wage goods” at low prices) were unveiled.
During Panganiban’s 2nd term as Secretary, a total of 203,000 hectares of idle lands and 313,000 jobs were developed under Goal 1 and ten Huwarang Palengke (outstanding markets) were identified under Goal 2. Food lanes were designated for easier, faster and kotong-free transport of agricultural products.
When Secretary Yap took the agri seat on October 23, 2006, he has aggressively and consistently implemented various projects and policies towards the attainment of food security and self-sufficiency. Under FIELDS, the government’s centerpiece program on agriculture, unveiled during the 2008 Food Summit, Yap has set achievement records for the Philippine agri and aqua sectors.
Secretary Bernie Fondevilla continued DA’s mandate of providing sufficient food and sustainable livelihood for the Filipino people through modernized technologies and facilities when he took the agri seat on March 2010.
On June 30, 2010, President Benigno S. Aquino III appointed two-term congressman of Quezon and civil engineer by profession Proceso J. Alcala as Secretary. One of the principal authors of Republic Act 10068, or the Organic Agriculture Act of 2010, he is keen on increasing rice production and do away with rice imports by 2013 by expanding areas planted to rice to include uplands, marshlands and idle farmlands.
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Sergio Osmeña
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Sergio Osmeña Sr.)
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This article is about former President of the Philippines. For the municipality, see Sergio Osmeña Sr., Zamboanga del Norte. For son, see Sergio Osmeña Jr. For grandson, see Sergio Osmeña III.
In this Philippine name for natural children, there is no middle name nor paternal family name, but the surname is Osmeña.
Sergio Osmeña Sr.
PLH
4th President of the Philippines
In office 1 August 1944 – 28 May 1946
Vice President Vacant
Preceded by Manuel L. Quezon
José P. Laurel (de facto)
Succeeded by Manuel Roxas
1st Vice President of the Philippines
In office 15 November 1935 – 1 August 1944
President Manuel L. Quezon
Succeeded by Elpidio Quirino
Secretary of Public Instruction, Health, and Public Welfare
In office 1941–
President Manuel L. Quezon
Preceded by Jorge Bocobo
Succeeded by Carlos P. Romulo
Secretary of Public Instruction, Health, and Public Welfare
In office 1941–
President Manuel L. Quezon
Preceded by Juan Nolasco
Succeeded by Mariano A. Eraña
Secretary of Public Instruction, Health, and Public Welfare
1st Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives
In office 16 October 1907 – 11 February 1922 Speaker of the National Assembly (1907–1916)
Preceded by Office created
Succeeded by Manuel Roxas
Member of the Philippine House of Representatives from Cebu's 2nd District
In office 16 October 1907 – 1922 Member of the National Assembly (1907–1916)
Preceded by Office created
Succeeded by Vicente Sotto
Governor of Cebu
In office 1904 – 16 October 1907
Preceded by Juan F. Climaco
Succeeded by Dionisio A. Jakosalem
Personal details
Born Sergio Osmeña Sr.
9 September 1878 Cebu City, Cebu, Captaincy General of the Philippines
Died 19 October 1961 (aged 83)
Quezon City, Philippines
Resting place Manila North Cemetery, Santa Cruz, Manila,
Philippines
Political party Nacionalista Party
Spouse(s) Estefania Veloso
(m. 1901; died 1918)
Esperanza Limjap
(m. 1920; his death 1961)
Children 13 (including Sergio Jr.)
Education Colegio de San Carlos (grade school)
San Juan de Letran College (high school)
Alma mater San Juan de Letran College (AB)
University of Santo Tomas (LLB)
Profession Lawyer, soldier
Signature
Military service
Allegiance Philippines
Branch/service Philippine Revolutionary Army
6.1 Cabinet 1944– 6.1 and judicial appointments 1945– o 6 o 6 policies 6.3 of the Commonwealth 6.3 reorganization 6.3 of the Philippine National Bank 6.3's court o 6 policies 6.4 Nations Charter 6.4 Relations Office 6.4 banking 6.4 Trade Act o 6 presidential election 7 Post-presidency and death 8 Personal life o 8 o 8 9 Notes 10 References 11 External links
Early life and career[edit]
Osmeña was born in Cebu City to Juana Osmeña y Suico, who was reportedly only 14 years of age at the time. Owing to the circumstances of his birth, the identity of his father had been a closely guarded family secret, surnamed "Sanson". Although carrying the stigma of being an illegitimate child – Juana never married his father – he did not allow this aspect to affect his standing in society. The Osmeña family, a rich and prominent clan of Chinese Filipino heritage with vast business interests in Cebu, warmed to him as he established himself as a prominent figure in local society. Osmeña received his elementary education at the Colegio de San Carlos and graduated in 1892. Osmeña continued his education in Manila, studying in San Juan de Letran College where he first met Manuel L. Quezon, a classmate of his, as well as Juan Sumulong and Emilio Jacinto. He took up law at the University of Santo Tomas and was second place in the bar examination in 1903. He served on the war staff of General Emilio Aguinaldo as a courier and journalist. In 1900, he founded the Cebu newspaper, El Nuevo Día [English: 'The New Day'] which lasted for three years.
Public service in Cebu[edit]
When Cebu Governor Juan Climaco was sent as a member of the Board of Commissioners of the St. Louis Purchase Expedition, Osmeña was appointed acting governor. When Climaco returned, he was appointed as provincial fiscal. His stint there elevated him in politics when he was elected governor of Cebu in 1906.
Congressional career[edit]
House of Representatives[edit]
While governor, he ran for election to the first National Assembly of 1907 and was elected as the first Speaker of that body. Osmeña was 29 years old and already the highest-ranking Filipino official. He and another provincial politician, Manuel L. Quezon of Tayabas, set up the Nacionalista Party as a foil to the Partido Federalista of Manila-based politicians. In his first years as Speaker, he was plagued with organizational burdens as the National Assembly is still organizing. The Members of the Assembly sought to establish legislative procedures which were constantly rejected by the American superiors because they still perceive that Filipinos are incapable to be independent. Three important bills from the Assembly were rejected by the Philippine Commission:
the repeal of the Sedition law which imposed penalties on any Filipino who advocated independence;
the repeal of the Flag law which banned display of the Filipino flag;
the grant of more powers to the local governments.
However, it did not stop him from presiding over the important legislation the Assembly has passed. The creation of the Council of State and the Board of Control enabled the Philippine legislature to share some of the executive powers of the American Governor- General.
In 1916, the Jones Law was passed replacing the Philippine Commission with a Philippine Senate.
Quezon-Osmeña rivalry[edit]
Osmeña was friends and classmates with Manuel Quezon, who was the Majority Floor Leader under Osmeña's speakership. When the Jones Law was passed, Quezon was elected as Senate President and Osmeña remained Speaker.
Senate[edit]
In 1922 Osmeña was elected to the Senate representing the 10th Senatorial District. He went to the United States as part of the OsRox Mission in 1933, to secure passage of the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Independence Bill which was superseded by the Tydings– McDuffie Act in March 1934.
Juan Sumulong with nearly 82% of the vote. Re-elected in 1941, Osmeña remained vice president during the Japanese occupation when the government was in exile. As Vice-President, Osmeña concurrently served as Secretary of Public Instruction from 1935 to 1940, and again from 1941 to 1944.
The outbreak of World War II and the Japanese invasion resulted in periodic and drastic changes to the government structure. Executive Order 390, 22 December 1941 abolished the Department of the Interior and established a new line of succession. Executive Order 396, 24 December 1941, further reorganized and grouped the cabinet, with the functions of Secretary of Justice assigned to the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
Quezon-Osmeña Impasse[edit]
By 1943, the Philippine Government-in-exile was faced with a serious crisis.[1] According to the amendments to the 1935 Constitution, Quezon's term was to expire on 30 December 1943, and Vice-President Sergio Osmeña would automatically succeed him to serve out the remainder of term until 1945. This eventuality was brought to the attention of President Quezon by Osmeña himself, who wrote the former to this effect. Aside from replying to this letter informing Vice-President Osmeña that it would not be wise and prudent to effect any such change under the circumstances, President Quezon issued a press release along the same line. Osmeña then requested the opinion of U. Attorney General Homer Cummings, who upheld Osmeña's view as more in keeping the law. Quezon, however, remained adamant. He accordingly sought President Franklin D. Roosevelt's decision. The latter chose to remain aloof from the controversy, suggesting instead that the Philippine officials themselves solve the impasse. A cabinet meeting was then convened by President Quezon. Aside from Quezon and Osmeña, others present in this momentous meeting were Resident Commissioner Joaquin Elizalde, Brig. Gen. Carlos P. Romulo, and Cabinet Secretaries Andres Soriano and Jaime Hernandez. Following a spirited discussion, the Cabinet adopted Elizalde's opinion favoring the decision and announced his plan to retire in California.
After the meeting, however, Vice-President Osmeña approached the President and broached his plan to ask the U. Congress to suspend the constitutional provisions for presidential succession until after the Philippines should have been liberated. This legal way out was agreeable to President Quezon and the members of his Cabinet. Proper steps were taken to carry out the proposal. Sponsored by Senator Tydings and Congressman Bell, the pertinent Joint Resolution No. 95 was unanimously approved by the Senate on a voice vote and passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 181 to 107 on 12 November 1943.
Presidency[edit]
Presidential styles of Sergio Osmeña
Reference style His Excellency
Spoken style Your Excellency
Alternative style Mr. President
Osmeña became president of the Commonwealth on Quezon's death in 1944. He was sworn in by Associate Justice Robert Jackson in Washington, D. He returned to the Philippines the same year with General Douglas MacArthur and the liberation forces. After the war, Osmeña restored the Commonwealth government and the various executive departments. He continued the fight for Philippine independence. For the presidential election of 1946, Osmeña refused to campaign, saying that the Filipino people knew of his record of 40 years of honest and faithful service. He lost to Manuel Roxas, who won 54% of the vote and became president of the independent Republic of the Philippines.[citation needed]
Administration and cabinet[edit]
War Cabinet 1944–45[edit]
President Osmeña with members of his cabinet. Front row; left to right: Jaime Hernandez, Secretary of
Finance; President Osmeña; Col. Carlos P. Romulo, Resident Commissioner and Secretary of Information.
Back row, left to right: Col. Mariano A. Erana, Judge Advocate General of the Philippine Army and Secretary of
the Department of Justice, Labor, and Welfare; Dr. Arturo B. Rotor, Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce;
Ismael Mathay, Budget and Finance Commissioner; Colonel Alejandro Melchor, Undersecretary of National
Defense, representing General Basilio Valdes, Secretary of National Defense.
On 8 August 1944, President Osmeña issued Executive Order 15-W reorganizing and consolidating the Executive Departments of the Commonwealth government. The reorganization of the government after it was reestablished on Philippine soil was undertaken with Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945.[citation needed]
OFFICE NAME TERM
President Sergio Osmeña 1944–
1945
Alfredo Montelibano Sr. 12 July 1945 – 27 May 1946
Secretary of Health and Public Welfare Basilio Valdes 1945
José Locsin 1945–
Secretary of Public Instruction Maximo Kalaw 27 February 1945 – 4 May 1945
Jose Reyes 5 May 1945 – 7 January 1946
Francisco Benitez 7 January 1946 – 27 May 1946
Secretary of Public Works and Communications Sotero Cabahug 1945–
Secretary of the Budget Ismael Mathay 1944–
Secretary to the President José S. Reyes 1945–
Secretary of Labor Marcelo Aduru 1946
Resident Commissioner of the Philippines to the United States Congress Carlos P. Romulo 1945–
Liberation[edit]
Off Leyte, October 1944 Left to right: Lieutenant General George Kenney, Lieutenant General Richard K.
Sutherland, President Sergio Osmeña, General Douglas MacArthur.
President Sergio Osmeña together with General Douglas MacArthur during the historic landing at Leyte in
Osmeña accompanied U. General Douglas MacArthur during the landing of U. forces in Leyte on 20 October 1944, starting the liberation of the Philippines during the Second World War. Upon establishing the beachhead, MacArthur immediately transferred authority to Osmeña, the successor of Manuel Quezon, as Philippine Commonwealth president.
Domestic policies[edit]
Restoration of the Commonwealth[edit]
With Manila liberated,[1] General of the Army, Douglas MacArthur, on behalf of the United States, turned over the reins of government of the Philippines to Commonwealth President, Sergio Osmeña, on 27 February 1945, amidst brief, but impressive, ceremonies held at the Malacañang Palace. President Osmeña, after thanking the United States through General MacArthur, announced the restoration of the Government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines and worked out the salvation of the Philippines from the ravages of war.[1]
Government reorganization[edit]
President Osmeña proceeded with the immediate reorganization of the government and its diverse dependencies. On 8 April 1945, he formed his Cabinet, administering the oath of office to its component members. Later, President Osmeña received the Council of State to help him solve the major problems confronting the nation. Government offices and bureaus were gradually reestablished. A number of new ones were created to meet needs then current. Also restored were the Supreme Court of the Philippines and the inferior courts. The Court of Appeals was abolished and its appellate jurisdiction was transferred to the Supreme Court, the members of which were increased to eleven – one Chief Justice and ten Associate Justices – in order to attend to the new responsibilities. Slowly but steadily, as the liberating forces freed the other portions of the country, provincial and municipal governments were established by the Commonwealth to take over from the military authorities.[1]
Rehabilitation of the Philippine National Bank[edit]
Following the restoration of the Commonwealth government, Congress was reorganized. Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino were elected Senate
Commissioner, with cabinet rank. In this connection, President Osmeña also entered into an agreement with the United States Government to send five Filipino trainees to the U. State Department to prepare themselves for diplomatic service. They were sent by U. State Department to the United States embassies in Moscow and Mexico City and consulates in Saigon and Singapore.[1]
International banking[edit]
On 5 December 1945, President Osmeña appointed Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo as his representative to accept Philippine membership in the International Monetary Fund and in the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which bodies had been conceived in the Bretton Woods Agreement, in which the Philippine had also taken part. Romulo signed said membership on 27 December 1945 on behalf of the Philippines.[1]
Bell Trade Act[edit]
On 30 April 1946, the United States Congress, at last, approved the Bell Act, which as early as 20 January had been reported to the Ways and Means Committee of the lower house, having been already passed by the Senate. President Osmeña and Resident Commissioner Romulo had urged the passage of this bill, with United States High Commissioner, Paul V. McNutt, exerting similar pressure.
The Act gave the Philippines eight years of free trade with the United States, then twenty years during which tariffs would be upped gradually until they were in line with the rest of the American tariff policy. The law also fixed some quotas for certain products: sugar – 850,000 long tons; cordage – 6,000,000 pounds; coconut oil – 200,000 long tons; cigars – 200,000,000 pounds. This aid was coupled with that to be obtained from the recently passed Tydings Damage bill, which provided some nine hundred million dollars for payment of war damages, of which one million was earmarked to compensate for church losses. The sum of two hundred and forty million dollars was to be periodically allocated by the United States President as good will. Also, sixty million pieces of surplus property were transferred to the Philippines government.[1]
1946 presidential election[edit]
Main article: 1946 Philippine presidential election
Soon after the reconstitution of the Commonwealth government in 1945, Senators Manuel Roxas, Elpidio Quirino and their allies called for an early national election to choose the president and vice president of the Philippines and members of the Congress. In December 1945, the House Insular Affairs of the United States Congress approved the joint resolution setting the date of the election on no later than 30 April 1946.
Prompted by this congressional action, President Sergio Osmeña called the Philippine Congress to a three-day special session. Congress enacted Commonwealth Act No. 725, setting the date of the election on 23 April 1946. The act was signed by President Osmeña on 5 January 1946.
Three parties presented their respective candidates for the different national elective positions. These were the Nacionalista Party – Conservative (Osmeña) wing, the Liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party and the Partido Modernista. The Nacionalistas had Osmeña and Senator Eulogio Rodriguez as their candidates for president and vice president, respectively. The Modernistas chose Hilario Camino Moncado and Luis Salvador for the same positions. The standard bearers of the Liberals were Senators Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino. On 3 January 1946, President Osmeña announced his re-election bid. On 22 January 1946 Eulogio Rodriguez was nominated as Osmeña's running mate for Vice President, in a convention held at Ciro's Club in Manila. According to the Manila Chronicle:
The convention opened at 10:15 in the morning when the acting secretary of the party, Vicente Farmoso, called the confab to order. Congressman José C. Romero [sic], who delivered the keynote speech accused Senate President Manuel Roxas and his followers "of fanning the flames of discontent among the people, of capitalizing on the people's hardship, and of minimizing the accomplishment of the [Osmeña] Administration. These men with the Messiah complex have been the bane of the country and of the world. This is the mentality that produces Hitlers and the Mussolinis, and their desire to climb to power. they even want to destroy the party which placed them where they are today."
Senator Carlos P. Garcia, who delivered the nomination speech for President Sergio Osmeña, made a long recital of Osmeña's achievements, his virtues as public official and as private citizen.
A statue of President Osmeña in front of the Osmeña Museum in Cebu City.
Entering the convention hall at about 7:30 p, President Osmeña, accompanied by the committee on notification, was greeted with rounds of cheer and applause as he ascended the platform. President Osmeña delivered his speech which was a general outline of his future plans once elected. He emphasized that as far as his party is concerned, independence is a close issue. It is definitely coming on 4 July 1946[2]
Post-presidency and death[edit]
Tomb of Sergio Osmeña
After his electoral defeat, Osmeña retired to his home in Cebu. He died of pulmonary edema at age 83 on 19 October 1961 at the Veterans' Memorial Medical Center in Quezon City. He was buried at Manila North Cemetery, Manila on 26 October 1961.[4]
MacArthur and Osmeña
Personal life[edit]
Family[edit]
On 10 April 1901, he married Estefania Chiong Veloso, the couple had ten children: Nicasio Veloso Osmeña, Vicenta Veloso Osmeña, Edilderto Veloso Osmeña, Milagros Veloso Osmeña, Emilio Veloso Osmeña, Maria Paloma Veloso Osmeña, Jesus Veloso Osmeña, Teodoro Veloso Osmeña, José Veloso Osmeña, and Sergio Veloso Osmeña Jr. In 1920, two years after the death of his first wife, Osmeña married Esperanza Limjap, the couple had three more children, namely, Ramón Limjap Osmeña, Rosalina Limjap Osmeña, and Victor Limjap Osmeña. [5][circular reference]
Descendants[edit]
Several of Osmeña's descendants became prominent political figures in their own right:
Sergio Osmeña Jr. , son and former Senator Sergio Osmeña III , grandson and former Senator John Henry Osmeña , grandson and former Congressman and former Senator; former Mayor of Toledo, Cebu Tomas Osmeña , grandson and former Mayor of Cebu City; former 2nd District representative Emilio Mario Osmeña , grandson and former governor of Cebu Rogelio Veloso Osmeña , grandson and former Councilor of Cebu City Renato Veloso Osmeña , grandson and former Vice Mayor of Cebu City
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Answers to: Why Sergio Osmeña was picked to be the president in the second republic of the Philippines
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https://www.classace.io/favicon.ico
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Sergio Osmeña was chosen to be the president of the Second Republic of the Philippines due to his lo...
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/favicon.ico
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Class Ace
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Sergio Osmeña was chosen to be the president of the Second Republic of the Philippines due to his long-standing political career, his experience in government, and his perceived ability to lead the country during a challenging period. Osmeña had previously served as the Vice President of the Philippines and had been a prominent figure in Philippine politics for many years. He was also known for his moderate and conciliatory approach, which was seen as valuable in a time of political and social instability. Additionally, Osmeña was respected for his leadership during the Japanese occupation of the Philippines during World War II, and his willingness to work with the occupying forces was seen as a pragmatic decision to protect the Filipino people. Overall, Osmeña was seen as a figure who could provide stability and continuity during a tumultuous period in Philippine history, which led to his selection as president of the Second Republic.
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sergio-Osmena
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Sergio Osmeña | Commonwealth leader, independence advocate
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"The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica"
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1998-07-20T00:00:00+00:00
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Sergio Osmeña was a Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. Osmeña received a law degree from the University of Santo Tomás, Manila, in 1903. He was also editor of a Spanish newspaper, El Nuevo Día, in Cebu
|
en
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/favicon.png
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sergio-Osmena
|
Sergio Osmeña (born Sept. 9, 1878, Cebu City, Phil.—died Oct. 19, 1961, Manila) was a Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946.
Osmeña received a law degree from the University of Santo Tomás, Manila, in 1903. He was also editor of a Spanish newspaper, El Nuevo Día, in Cebu City. In 1904 the U.S. colonial administration appointed him governor of the province of Cebu and fiscal (district attorney) for the provinces of Cebu and Negros Oriental. Two years later he was elected governor of Cebu. In 1907 he was elected delegate to the Philippine National Assembly and founded the Nationalist Party, which came to dominate Philippine political life.
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Imelda Marcos Biography
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2005-05-10T07:00:00+00:00
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Imelda reveals how Imelda Marcos, the former first lady of the Philippines, managed to court, coddle, use and abuse power — for nearly four decades.
|
en
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https://www.pbs.org/independentlens/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/favicon-1-32x32.ico
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Independent Lens
|
https://www.pbs.org/independentlens/documentaries/imelda/
|
About the Documentary
Few modern political figures have been as controversial, outspoken and perhaps misunderstood as Imelda Marcos, the former first lady of the Philippines and the subject of award-winning filmmaker Ramona Diaz’s Imelda. For the first time, Marcos tells her own story on film: how she rose from humble origins to become one of the richest and most powerful women in contemporary world history.
Universally known by her first name, or by her nickname, “The Iron Butterfly,” Imelda Marcos is the widow of the late Ferdinand Marcos, the exiled president of the Philippines. The Marcoses ruled the Philippines for nearly 20 years after Ferdinand Marcos became president in 1965, declaring martial law in 1972 and maintaining close ties with the U.S. during their time in office. Despite strict governmental control and violence, opposition to Marcos’s regime continued to grow in the following years. After a controversial vote count in Ferdinand Marcos’s1986 presidential run against Corazón Aquino, the widow of slain political rival Benigno Aquino, a popular uprising forced the Marcoses to leave the Philippines and flee to Hawaii, where they lived in exile until Ferdinand Marcos’s death. Throughout their years in office, it was Imelda, whose beauty, cosmopolitan bearing and lavish tastes eventually brought her more fame—and perhaps even more power—than her husband.
Imelda is told through exceptionally rare and original interviews with Marcos herself. Diaz and her crew were given unprecedented access to Marcos’s life, following her throughout the Philippines and even living in her home for a period of time. Marcos is both vivaciously charming as she addresses the camera and perplexing as she expounds upon her personal cosmology and addresses the question: What about all the shoes?
But Imelda, like the woman herself, is about far more than just shoes. To this day, Filipinos demonstrate equal passion in either their adulation or loathing of this larger-than-life figure. Will Imelda Marcos finally be convicted of charges that range from graft to human rights abuses? And if she is, will a verdict against her restore a natural order to the Philippines, or merely add martyrdom to the weight of her symbolic claim? Shot by cinematographer Ferne Pearlstein in 16-millimeter film and awarded a Sundance 2004 prize for excellence in cinematography, IMELDA is a visually stunning look at one of the world’s most reviled and revered women.
The Filmmakers
Ramona S. Diaz
Diaz is an award-winning Filipino American filmmaker whose credits include Spirits Rising, an hour-long documentary about women’s role in the 1986 People Power revolution in the Philippines. Spirits Rising received a Student Academy Award, the Ida Lupino Director’s Guild of America Award, a Golden Gate Award from the San Francisco International Film Festival, a Gold Apple from the National Educational Media Network and a Certificate of Merit from the International Documentary Association. It has been screened internationally and broadcast on public television stations in the United States and Australia.
Prior to pursuing a career as an independent filmmaker, Diaz was an associate producer for Cadillac Desert, a major PBS documentary series about the quest for water in the American West. She also line produced and edited an award-winning, 24-part television documentary series in the Philippines about the immigrant experiences of Filipinos residing in Europe and America entitled Apple Pie, Patis, Paté, atbp. Diaz has also worked in Los Angeles as a writer’s assistant for Mary Tyler Moore Productions and as a producer’s assistant for Lorimar Productions. She is a graduate of Emerson College and holds an M.A. in communication from Stanford University.
Ferne Pearlstein
Pearlstein won the Documentary Cinematography Prize at the 2004 Sundance Film Festival for her work on IMELDA. A graduate of Stanford University’s M.A. film program and the International Center of Photography, she began her career as a photographer before becoming an award-winning director and cinematographer. She was director of production on Ruthie and Connie for HBO (2002 Berlinale); Voice of the Prophet (Sundance, Toronto, Human Rights Watch ‘02); Pleasures of Urban Decay (Sundance 2000), and Secret People (PBS). As a director, her films include Raising Nicholas (Sundance 1993), To Meet the Elephant (PBS), and Dita and the Family Business. Her feature film Sumo East and West premiered at the 2003 Tribeca and IFP/LA Film Festivals and was broadcast on Independent Lens. Recently, Pearlstein has shifted her focus from documentary to narrative film as director of photography on the shorts Easter Sunday, starring Jennifer Jason Leigh (Tribeca, 2005), and The Suzy Prophecy, starring Heather Juergensen. She is currently second unit director, director of photography, editor and associate producer on the feature film Land of the Blind, starring Ralph Fiennes and Donald Sutherland.
Leah Marino
Marino has worked on documentaries for 12 years. Before editing IMELDA, she worked as an editor for numerous documentaries that have aired on PBS. She is currently editing The Creek Runs Red, a documentary about a town in Oklahoma which was the first superfund site in the United States, and recently completed Dirt, a feature documentary about the bottom class of dirt track racecar drivers at the Devils Bowl Speedway in Mesquite, Texas. In the summer of 2004, Marino edited Light from the East, a documentary film about an American actress’s exploration of events inside the Ukraine as the Soviet Union was collapsing. It premiered at the 2005 SXSW Film Festival. Marino worked for six years at Galan Productions, where she completed Winter Texans, the Emmy award-winning segment of the series The Border. She started her career as an assistant editor on Chicano! History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement, a four-part series that aired on PBS in 1996.
Full Credits
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https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/topstories/nation/774350/john-osmena-former-senator-and-toledo-mayor-dies/story/
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John Osmeña, former senator and Toledo mayor, dies
|
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2021-02-02T23:59:39+08:00
|
In a statement, his sister Annie Osmena-Aboitiz said the former senator and mayor of Toledo City died at 2:45 p.m. on Tuesday at the Maryville Condominium. His remains were immediately cremated.
|
en
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https://www.gmanetwork.com/favicon.ico
|
GMA News Online
|
https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/topstories/nation/774350/john-osmena-former-senator-and-toledo-mayor-dies/story/
|
Former Senator John Henry Osmeña died on Tuesday afternoon, his sister has said.
In a statement, Annie Osmeña-Aboitiz said the former Toledo City mayor died at 2:45 p.m. at the Maryville Condominium.
His remains were immediately cremated.
"Schedule of Holy Masses through zoom will be announced soon," Aboitiz said.
He was the grandson of former President Sergio Osmeña, the brother of former Cebu Governor Emilio Osmeña, and the cousin of former Senator Sergio Osmeña III and former Cebu City Mayor Tomas Osmeña.
Ferliza Calizar Contratista, Sonny Osmeña's media consultant and Toledo City Community Affairs and Development head, said the former senator was diagnosed with stage 2 colon cancer in July 2019. He underwent chemotherapy and responded well to treatment.
In June 2020, he tested positive and recovered from coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19).
Osmeña remained active as he attended celebrations in Toledo, including the launching of Pasko sa Toledo and the gathering with his staff on the 24th of December 2020.
The Senator was hospitalized January 9 and was discharged January 16 by his doctor, nephew Dr Justin Osmena.
He turned 86 last January 17, 2021.
He is survived by son John Gregory Osmena, grandsons, sister Annie Osmena Aboitiz, brother Gov Lito Osmeña.
A senator for three terms, John "Sonny" Osmeña is credited with the creation of the Department of Energy after his Senate bill was signed into law in 1992 by then President Fidel Ramos.
He started out as Cebu City councilor in 1963 before becoming vice mayor in 1968 then he was elected to the House of Representatives in 1969.
Osmeña was also named one of the Ten Outstanding Young Men in 1970 for his government service.
During the regime of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos, Osmeña’s legs were injured in an attack during the Liberal Party’s miting de avance on Plaza Miranda.
He was elected to the Senate in 1971 but went on exile in the United States after Marcos declared martial law.
Osmeña would hold office as senator and congressman several more times in the following years.
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Compadre Colonialism
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Quezon's Role in Philippine Independence
by
Joseph F. Hutchinson, Jr.
On February 10, 1933, a tired, tubercular man delivered to a meeting of Philippine Provincial Governors and Treasurers a succinct denunciation of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act, an act for Philippine Independence which had recently been passed by the United States Congress over President Hoover's veto. The speaker's once jet-black sideburns were now a hoary white, but his elegant style still radiated charm and force. He attacked the trade provisions of the act as unfair to the Philippines; he claimed that the proposed Commonwealth did not give the Filipinos “the opportunity, the means, the power to legislate for themselves"; he denounced the proponents of the act for “behaving as though we are engaged in an electoral campaign, accusing those who do not agree with [them] as traitors to the country.”1 What was remarkable was not the substance of the speech, but the fact that it was made by Manuel Quezon, leader of the Nacionalista Party and symbol of the Philippine demand for independence. Now he stood as an apparent opponent of the independence that had for so long been his publicly avowed goal, stood in opposition not only to the United States Congress but also to his close friends and long-time colleagues in the leadership of the Nacionalista Party.
This paper is not a biography of Manuel Quezon or a chronicle of Philippine independence; it is, rather, a study of how a remarkable man used political power. At one of the most crucial points in Philippine history--when the reality of independence was at hand in 1932-33--Quezon, the leader of that nation, was seemingly willing to block the decades-old dream of attaining independence in order to ensure his continued hegemony in domestic politics. This is a study of how Quezon used this opportunity to strengthen his political position, and how the Filipino socio-political system allowed such an action to occur.
Quezon's most dominant characteristic was his ability to manipulate people; he had a proud, volatile, and charismatic personality which he used skillfully to mobilize Filipinos behind him. His personal flair and political force quickly made him a prominent national figure, and his keen understanding of the intricacies of Philippine politics enabled him to build up a permanently loyal following. By publicly advocating immediate, complete, and absolute independence for the Philippines, he became a national symbol to his people. Filipinos were mobilized into a more viable polity by their admiration for Quezon's dynamic personality. He made himself the embodiment of national unity, will, dignity, and desire for independence, and Filipinos responded by praising his ability to mingle with other world leaders and by reveling vicariously in his political pomp and grandeur.
Quezon's personality was also mercurial, however, and to understand him it is necessary to study the sly, ambivalent, and sometimes ruthless side of his personality. Quezon's private correspondence2 shows how he manipulated the Filipino people so that he could continue his rule over them. He also deceived his own friends and lied to politicians in order to further his political ambitions. But he was extremely careful in his chicanery—he seldom allowed his lies to catch up with him publicly and undermine his position.
This study will focus on Quezon's opposition to the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act, and the explanations he advanced for thus rejecting the very issue he had been publicly advocating for so long. It may lead us closer to an understanding of Quezon's own motivation, his rationalization of his action—was it pure political ambition, or a sincere belief that the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act was inferior to an independence bill he himself might be able to obtain from Congress?
Manuel Quezon was born on August 19, 1878 in the small town of Baler in the province of Tayabas (now Quezon Province). He had a good education, culminating in study at the College of San Juan de Letran in 1894. After fighting the Americans as an insurrecto, Quezon passed his bar exams and was appointed Fiscal (prosecuting attorney) of Mindoro in 1903; in 1904 he was transferred to Tayabas. Later that year he resigned from the bureaucracy and set up a private law practice. At this time, Quezon began his illustrious political career.
There were then in the Philippines several underground pro-independence parties; three of these3 were to merge to form the Partido Nacionalista (Nacionalistas) not long after the ban on such parties was lifted in 1906. Quezon plunged into action in this formative period of Filipino politics and became a close friend of Sergio Osmeña,4 who would emerge as leader of the Nacionalistas. In the 1907 elections for the Philippine Assembly, the Nacionalistas rolled up a decisive plurality over all other parties;5 Osmeña was elected Speaker, with Quezon's backing. Osmeña asserted his claim to leadership in Philippine politics by his fiery invective against American rule, claiming the Filipinos' right to immediate, complete, and absolute independence.6
In 1909 Osmeña sent Quezon to Washington as the Philippine Resident Commissioner to the United States. Quezon disseminated the Filipino desire for immediate independence to both Congress and the American people at large. He created a newspaper, The Filipino People, with the support of the American Anti-Imperialist League and “many important figures in the Democratic Party.”7 When he addressed Congress in 1910, instead of chiding the United States with a frontal attack on colonialism, he praised American conduct in the Philippines, while noting that the Filipinos were capable of controlling their own destiny. In response to a question about the desire of the Filipinos for independence, the young Commissioner replied, “Ask the bird, Sir, who is enclosed in a golden cage if he would prefer the cage and the care of his owner to the freedom of the skies and the allure of the forest.”8
A swing in American politics toward the Democratic Party produced both the “Filipinization” of the Philippine bureaucracy under Governor-General Francis B. Harrison and a growing Congressional sentiment in favor of Philippine independence. In 1912 Democratic Congressman William Atkinson Jones introduced a bill providing for Philippine Independence, but it failed to get out of committee. In 1914 another “Jones Bill” passed the House but was rejected by the Senate. In 1916 it was reintroduced once more, this time with the Clarke Amendment attached, which guaranteed that independence would be granted within five years. Quezon had lobbied for the Jones Bill since 1912 but did not support the Clarke Amendment. In this he was backed by Osmeña; neither politician seemed over-anxious for a definite early date for Philippine independence.9
The private memoranda of General Frank McIntyre, Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs of the War Department, show Quezon's growing concern that immediate independence might be detrimental to the Philippines and to ilustrado control. Despite his public espousals of immediate independence since his rise to national prominence in 1907, Quezon now privately proposed a new organic act which would give the Islands their independence in twenty-five years. McIntyre wrote that Quezon “said that there would perhaps be a little more difficulty in getting an agreement to this now than there would have been a few years ago, in that independence now had acquired an attractive sound to the ears of the Filipinos.” When Quezon had expressed his fear to Congressman Jones that the Jones proposal for independence in three years would give the Philippines independence too early, McIntyre recorded that Quezon “was afraid that he had impressed Mr. Jones unfavorably in standing out against that.”10
Nevertheless, Quezon returned to Manila claiming sole credit for the Jones Act (which had passed without the Clarke Amendment)11 and was greeted as a national hero. The Filipino people believed that Quezon had done his best to obtain immediate independence, but had been limited to the Jones Act by the United States Congress. The credit awarded Quezon for this achievement made him a threat to Osmeña's power, but Osmeña skillfully managed to obtain the leading position in the newly created Council of State, thus reaffirming his control of the party and temporarily thwarting Quezon's advance in domestic politics. In 1919 Quezon returned to Washington as head of the first Philippine Independence Mission, hoping to obtain further concessions from the Democrats which might enable him to supplant Osmeña. He took with him the “Declaration of Purposes” passed on March 17, 1919 by the Philippine Legislature, which reiterated the demand for independence.12 Quezon pleaded the Filipino case to Secretary of War Newton Baker with the help of Governor-General Harrison, then vacationing in the United States. Baker gave the Mission a sympathetic hearing and said that Wilson would work for Philippine independence when he returned from Versailles.13 jn December 1920 Wilson told the Congress (after a Republican electoral landslide) that a “stable” government existed in the Islands, and that it was the duty of the Congress to keep its “promise to the people of those Islands by granting them the independence which they so honorably covet.”14 BUt Wilson's efforts were fruitless, and Quezon found he could do little else to promote the independence issue, so he decided to return to the Philippines to challenge Osmeña directly.
The tactless rule of newly-appointed Governor-General Leonard Wood gave Quezon the opportunity he sought. Wood's constant pressure on the Filipino elite caused dissension within the Nacionalista party. Quezon publicly blamed Osmeña for the disintegration of the party, which, he asserted, stemmed from Osmeña’s pretentious assumption of a dictatorial role in both the party and the Legislature. These attacks upon Osmeña’s ’'unipersonalistic” rule were ultimately successful, and Quezon was elected President of the Senate. He thereupon turned around and obtained a rapprochement with Osmeña which lasted for a decade.
Quezon, now the most powerful Filipino politician, sent several independence missions to Washington, but Presidents Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover were impervious to any such pleas. Late in 1927 Quezon was incapacitated by tuberculosis and he was forced to convalesce at a sanatorium in Monrovia, California. For three years he tried to maintain his power by corresponding from his sick bed to Manila and Washington. His enforced isolation allowed him to take an overview of the Philippine-American situation. During his illness his views on the possible problems of a premature independence began to solidify. A new set of variables complicated the independence issue even more. Quezon watched the growing militarism of Japan and the worsening Depression; he was one of the first Filipinos to recognize that these phenomena had profoundly altered American policy toward the Philippine Islands. Independence was becoming a real possibility, no longer just a political and rhetorical issue.
Before 1929, despite the increasing trade between the United States and the Philippines, Americans tended to overlook the economic realities of imperialism and to see the Philippines primarily in political and administrative terms. But with the coming of the Depression, every sector of the American economy began to suffer. Many Americans began to see the Philippines as a liability; the Islands became a scapegoat for American fears and hostilities. The Western states had begun lobbying to restrict Filipino immigration because their unemployed labor pool already exceeded the critical limits. The large labor organizations not only wanted Filipino immigration halted, but they also proposed that the free entry of Philippine goods be curtailed. Labor felt that any foreign goods successfully competing with the goods produced by the American worker would only add momentum to the snowballing Depression. Certain Congressmen, mainly from the agricultural states, also began to propose tariff and import quotas on Philippine goods. Groups such as dairy farmers, cottonseed oil producers, cane and beet sugar growers, cordage manufacturers, and sundry “patriotic” societies began to lobby for Philippine independence so that the Islands would lose their special status and become a foreign country susceptible to import quotas.
In January, 1930, Senator William King of Utah presented the Senate with a bill for immediate independence. In March, Senator Harry Hawes of Missouri and Senator Bronson Cutting of New Mexico introduced a bill which provided for the popular election of a Philippine constituent assembly to construct a constitution. By the provisions of the Hawes-Cutting Bill the Philippines would remain under lenient American control for five more years, during which time the free trade between the United States and the Philippines would gradually be abrogated by the introduction of steadily increasing tariff walls. A similar bill was introduced in the House by Congressman Butler B. Hare of South Carolina.
Quezon increasingly realized that the Philippine economy would be periled if there was no trade protection by the United States in an independence bill.15 in a letter to Osmeña, Quezon wrote that Philippine free trade with the United States was not resting on a solid foundation, because it “depends not at all upon our will but exclusively on the will of Congress.”16 Although both politicians believed that immediate independence would be a mistake, they dared not abandon their “immediate, complete, and absolute” independence platform at this time, professing instead to educate the Filipino people gradually about the dangers of a premature independence.
Quezon, who had only partially recovered from his illness, had returned to the Philippines late in 1929. Although the political battle wounds of 1922 were not entirely healed, Osmeña and Quezon became extremely close political comrades. Quezon's will was by far the stronger of the two and Quezon could usually get Osmeña to follow his lead. Osmeña and Quezon were intimate enough to trust each other and to exchange private political thoughts. It was not until later that their divergent views on the independence issue drove them to ruthless political slander against each other.
Early in 1930, Osmeña and Manuel Roxas17 had been sent by the Philippine Legislature to Washington to lobby for independence. Osmeña returned to Manila after a brief stay in Washington to confer with Quezon. After discussing the economic issue, Osmeña proposed that he return to Washington to support the Hawes-Cutting Bill and the Hare Bill. Quezon agreed to this plan.
Roxas had remained in Washington to continue the fight for independence and to espouse the Filipino position at the Senate hearings on the Hawes- Cutting Bill. Roxas cabled Osmeña, who was on his way to meet him, a statement made by Henry Stimson which concerned the Senate's possible approval of an independence bill, but Roxas assured Osmeña that no action seemed likely to be taken in Congress in that session. Roxas also met with Secretary of War Hurley and Senator Bingham, Chairman of the Senate Committee on Insular Affairs, and discovered that while both men were apprehensive toward the Hawes-Cutting Bill, the sentiment of Congress was leaning toward independence. Osmeña relayed Roxas' observations to Quezon, who gave Roxas carte blanche in the pending Senate hearings.18
Roxas was the first witness called to testify. He explained that sovereignty over the Philippines was an unnecessary financial burden for the United States. Roxas then claimed that independence was owed to the Filipino people since they had fulfilled the “stable” government provision of the Jones Law. He went on to say that “under the present circumstances, aside from any duty to free the Philippine Islands in accordance with the desire of their people, the United States could be more helpful to them if she were to withdraw her sovereignty, rather than to permit their progress to lurk in stagnation.” But Roxas realized that “with the granting of tariff autonomy serious difficulties may arise.”19 To Roxas, as to Osmeña and Quezon, political independence was desired but economic independence was not. They realized that not only would the Filipino people as a whole be hurt by discontinuing the special trade agreement with the United States, but also that they would personally lose money and status if this relationship with the United States was severed.
American farm and labor leaders were the next to appear before the Committee. Although some of the witnesses demonstrated that their support of Philippine independence was purely on economic grounds, most of the farm and labor witnesses claimed that the group they represented had, in fact, always supported Philippine independence. But the Committee soon realized that many of the farm and labor witnesses only testified because of the worsening economic conditions.20
The Philippines Chamber of Commerce, the American Asiatic Association, and various American exporters to the Philippines spoke out against independence.21 These groups based their arguments on idealistic and moral persuasion, but the Committee continually directed its questions to the economic problem. The Committee had discovered that American concern with independence rested very heavily on the economic issues involved, even though the moral argument had some prominent proponents: A New York Times reporter, Nicholas Roosevelt, argued that the duty of the United States was to watch over and guide the Filipinos to a stable society, and therefore, the United States should not modify the status quo, other than to set a date for eventual independence. A different argument came from Secretary of State Henry Stimson, who claimed that independence would “inevitably create a general unsettlement of affairs in the Far East.”22
Stricken again with illness in the Philippines, Quezon followed the Committee's proceedings by cablegrams from Roxas and Resident Commissioners Guevara and Osias. Early in January, 1930, Quezon decided that a Philippine convention for independence in Manila could be useful in assisting the efforts of the Filipinos in Washington. He wrote Maximo Kalaw, Dean of the University of the Philippines, and Osmeña, suggesting that Kalaw organize an Independence Congress to meet on February 22, Washington's Birthday. Due to Quezon's illness, Osmeña was to take his place.23
The Independence Congress lasted for two days, and was attended by a well-chosen group of two thousand from “all sectors of the Philippine population.”24 The First Independence Congress had two plenary sessions with speeches from various delegates. The Congress authored a unanimous Manifesto, which was subsequently disseminated throughout the Islands. It declared that “no matter how lightly an alien control may rest on a people, it cannot, it will not, make the people happy.”25 The Independence Congress, while discussing the pending difficulties facing the Philippines if independence should be granted, still decided to support an “immediate, complete, and absolute” independence platform. Quezon had submitted a letter to the Independence Congress upon the request of Maximo Kalaw stating that Filipinos should fight heartily for independence, but with “self-control” and “patience.”26 Although this might have seemed like political blasphemy to the delegates of the Congress and a breach of the “immediate” independence proposal which Quezon had publicly professed for so long, the letter seemingly generated no objections, probably because the remainder of the letter was rather vague and Quezon had not really expressed a specific platform.
While the financial crises of the Depression relentlessly intensified, the Senate Committee hearings were drawing to a close. Secretary of War Patrick Hurley, the spokesman of the White House, submitted a report to the Committee on May 19, 1930. He strongly urged that independence not be “tampered with” at this time and that the status quo should prevail.27 He believed that the Filipinos were not ready to govern themselves and said that “it would be inexpedient and hazardous to attempt to ultimate anticipate independence."future developments28 by fixing any future date for
Meanwhile, Senator Hawes, whose bill was under consideration in the Senate Committee, wrote Quezon in disgust concerning an article in the St. Louis Dispatch which quoted Quezon as proclaiming that a protectorate with a thirty-year transition period would be necessary before Philippine independence could be conceivable. Quezon cabled back a denunciation to the accusation and stated that he earnestly hoped Congress would “now enact the laws granting the Islands their independence.” Quezon did not qualify the terms for independence in this correspondence, and Senator Hawes was consequently unaware of Quezon's growing apprehension toward the termination of free trade.29 When the Hawes-Cutting Bill was favorably reported by the Senate Committee, Roxas cabled Quezon that Stimson and Hurley made such damaging reports at this time, that Quezon should cable Hawes and Cutting reassuring them that the Filipino people coveted immediate, complete, and absolute independence. Quezon did this on May 24, saying that Filipinos “crave their national freedom.”30
The Senate Committee, which consisted primarily of farmstate Republicans and Democrats, favorably reported the Hawes-Cutting Bill on June 2.31 The Committee resolved that since “the interests of Americans are concerned in Philippine trade, it will be more simple to grant independence at an early date than when their investments have a deeper and more far-reaching contact with the Philippines.”32 The Bill provided for the drafting of a democratic constitution. Upon ratification of the constitution a Commonwealth government, run exclusively by Filipinos, would function under the ultimate control of the President of the United States. This commonwealth status would exist for nineteen years with gradually increasing tariffs.33 The United States would give independence to the Philippines if a plebiscite, to be taken after the transition period, was affirmative. The Hawes-Cutting Bill was not considered again until December, 1931, due to the more urgent domestic problems that confronted Congress.
In the eighteen-month interim, the severe Depression generated financial chaos and with this development farm and labor lobbying intensified. The Republican setback in the 1930 elections produced a nearly evenly-balanced Congress, the first stage of a political reversal which would reach its peak in the 1936 election.34 During this interim, while the befuddled economists tried to solve the financial dilemma, a portentous incident occurred—Japanese armies attacked Manchuria in September of 1931. United States opinion became emphatically and fervently anti-imperialistic, and many more Americans proposed divestment of the Philippines. Although Japanese aggression did not frighten the mass of the Filipinos, Quezon saw the imminent danger of Japan and accordingly became more overtly against “immediate, complete, and absolute” independence. But throughout 1930 and 1931 (as at other times) Quezon was far from consistent in his public proclamations.
When Congress had adjourned in the summer of 1930, Roxas returned to Manila with a scheme he had devised to strengthen the Philippine argument for independence. Roxas founded an allegedly non-partisan elite group to carry the independence issue directly to the people. The group, called Ang Bagong Katipunan (The New Association), stressed economic progress, racial equality, the unification of a national culture, and the disbanding of political parties so that a unified polity could approach Washington with the plea for independence.35 There was great debate in the Philippine press as to whether this solution should be considered by the Philippine Legislature, but Roxas' faction was not strong enough to sway Osmeña's and Quezon's comrades.36 The Nacionalistas had no intention of disbanding, and Ang Bagong Katipunan died a natural death very shortly after its inception. Roxas was not hurt politically, because the Filipino politicians assumed that he was trying to bolster the Filipino cause rather than attempting a political power play. They automatically assumed that Roxas was too intelligent to attempt a coup of both Osmeña's and Quezon's factions at once.
Although the 71st Congress met in late 1930, Resident Commissioners Osias and Guevara cabled Quezon, who had returned to Monrovia, that there was no chance for any Congressional action on Philippine independence in that short session.37 At this point Quezon wrote the Commissioners that the Hawes-Cutting Bill was “most like” the kind of independence he desired, and that the fight for independence should be vigorously continued by the Commissioners. Quezon also solicited the support of Senator Wheeler. Although Quezon knew there would be no action this session, he asked the Senator to use his influence to bring the Hawes-Cutting Bill up for debate and possible vote.38 it is unclear whether Quezon actually approved of the economic provisions in the Bill, or whether his support of it was a politically expedient move, but it is clear that Quezon came more and more to favor the kind of limited independence that the Hawes-Cutting Bill provided.
As independence increasingly had seemed a tangible reality, uncertainties over what kind of independence bill Quezon wanted became more pronounced. Quezon privately supported the Hawes-Cutting Bill with its transition period and economic provisions but still espoused “immediate” independence in his public political pronouncements.39 He also publicly denied the Philippine press allegations, which had accused him of abandoning “immediate” independence; the opposition press even dared to accuse Quezon of being anti-independence.40 Quezon was not anti-independence, but was merely unsure of the optimum solution to his problem--should he publicly support the relatively conservative economic provisions of the Hawes-Cutting Bill and thus sacrifice his political program by discarding the “immediate” independence issue?41 Should he support the limited independence of the Hawes-Cutting Bill even if this might mean a decline in his political power? It would be several months before he formulated an answer to his dilemma.
In the early summer of 1931, Secretary Hurley and Senator Hawes decided to journey separately to the Philippines to examine the political context upon which successful independence would rely. Quezon and Hurley met several times in Monrovia before Hurley sailed for Manila. Hurley and Quezon came to an agreement which was to be submitted to Congress by Secretary Hurley; both had compromised their seemingly irreconcilable positions. Quezon stood firm as to what kind of independence he considered necessary for the Philippines; he publicly discarded his “immediate” independence platform, and instead offered a plan which had very similar provisions to the Hawes-Cutting Bill. Quezon's plan had political liabilities because it called for a ten-year transition period under a Governor-General. Quezon also agreed to a plebiscite after ten years, a raw sugar quota of 800,000 to 1,000,000 long tons, and the continuation of the present coconut oil quota.42 Since these were high quotas and would essentially constitute free trade, Quezon had clearly sacrificed his political independence platform for more satisfactory economic provisions. Osmeña and Roxas had also agreed to this threefold plan for commonwealth status before Quezon had offered it to Secretary Hurley.43
Quezon, Roxas, and Osmeña had made a negotiation shift; they had publicly become the conservative element in the fight for Philippine independence. Independence was no longer vague political claptrap, but was a concrete proposal with definite economic and political provisions qualifying it. Roxas had said that Filipino leaders were compelled to use “radical statements” for “immediate, complete, and absolute” independence to “maintain hold of the people.”44 Quezon brought the new proposals to the people by reasserting his proposal to the First Independence Congress of a year earlier in more explicit terms; he said that “haste and unreasoning passion will sweep us into danger” and that for this reason the Filipinos must “go slow.”45
Quezon's revised ideas generated sharp criticism from Filipino politicians. General Aguinaldo and Senator Juan Sumulong of the Democratas considered the proposal a breach of the debt of gratitude which the Nacionalistas owed the Filipino people for electing them. The Philippine papers that were not controlled by the Nacionalistas also lashed out against the plan. The Democratas labeled Quezon a “reactionary” and a “traitor to his pristine ideals of complete and immediate independence.”46 But these accusations did not affect the popularity of the Nacionalistas, who were re-elected en masse on July 13, 1931. The entrenched party structure, based on personal loyalties, remained more influential than any issues yet raised in Philippine politics. Quezon was re-elected Senate President, Roxas speaker of the House, and Osmeña Majority Floor Leader.47 The Filipino people had apparently felt that the Nacionalista leaders had not reneged on their commitment.
With Quezon's commonwealth plan as the accepted proposal of the Filipino people, the Philippine Legislature presented the visiting Secretary Hurley with a resolution asking for the “immediate political separation” from the United States.48 The support of Quezon's dominion plan was implicit in this resolution which called specifically for political independence, but no longer called for “absolute” independence. Hurley reported to the President that even though Filipinos wanted independence, it would not be feasible either politically or economically. President Hoover agreed with the report, and on October 26, 1931, Hoover emphasized this attitude in a speech. Hurley's War Department was undoubtedly influenced by the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in September, and he believed that the abandonment of vital military and naval installations in the Pacific would be an incalculable mistake.49
Quezon sent a belated confirmation of the commonwealth proposal to Commissioners Osias and Guevara, who reacted favorably.50 Osmeña and Roxas enjoined the Legislature to finance a trip to Washington to permit them to work with Osias and Guevara for “political independence.”51 Quezon, now back in Manila but still ill, remained at home and rendered no specific instructions to the Mission. While the Mission was in Washington occupying itself with “winning friends for the Filipino cause, in solidifying friendships already won, and in mapping out a thorough campaign for independence,”52 Quezon again changed his mind on the kind of independence he thought the Filipinos needed.
Quezon saw that his people were becoming more “active and radical” and that they really did seem to want absolute independence. He sensed that the increasing number of independence parades and rallies proved the Filipino people's desire for complete and absolute independence.53 As a result, he may have overreacted to this situation, believing that to keep his power and position he needed to maintain a hard-line independence stand. Aside from being influenced by the changing Filipino mood, Quezon was also influenced by the fact that he was sitting on the sidelines watching Roxas and Osmeña sail for Washington and for the resulting glory of success.
Quezon knew that the new American Congress which would take up the Hawes-Cutting Bill in December was very sympathetic to Philippine independence because of the Democratic victories, the worsening Depression, and the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. Quezon saw that there was a good chance that his potential political rivals would receive credit for achieving Philippine independence. When Hurley asked Quezon in December if any solution to the Philippine problem had to include guaranteed independence, Quezon answered affirmatively.54 Quezon had reneged on his commonwealth status agreement of the previous summer with Secretary Hurley.
Quezon's ambition not only prompted him to go back on his agreement with Hurley, but also to turn against the OsRox (the press and cable abbreviation for Osmeña-Roxas) Mission in Washington. Quezon wrote Resident Commissioner Osias that he still favored immediate independence but said he realized the termination of free trade would be disastrous to the Philippine economy. He added, however, that if immediate independence could not be achieved with a proposal for economic protection, then the Philippines would accept independence regardless of the circumstances.55 Quezon said that he would “take independence under the most burdensome conditions if necessary” and if independence were impossible he would take “anything” he could get “that means an advance in our fight for freedom.”56 Quezon assured John Switzer and Senator King that the Philippines would accept independence even if there were no trade agreement at all.57 From the beginning, Quezon had attempted to undermine the position and authority of the OsRox Mission in Washington, but the Mission relentlessly fought for the approval of the Hawes-Cutting Bill in the Senate and the Hare Bill in the House of Representatives.58
When the Hare and the Hawes-Cutting Bills had become the basis for discussion for an independence bill in the American Congress, Quezon had formed two definite concepts about Philippine independence. First, Quezon wanted to be the leader of a politically autonomous Philippine Legislature but wanted the Philippine economy to have United States protection. Second, Quezon was willing to undermine his political comrades' efforts to attain independence because he felt that he alone should liberate his people. Quezon continued undermining the OsRox Mission for the next two years until the political battle between Quezon and the OsRox Mission, called the pro- anti- fight, ensued in 1933.
The pro- anti- fight was waged to determine two things: on the superficial level it was to decide what course Philippine independence would take, and on the more profound level it was to decide who would become the leader of the Filipino people. Whoever brought independence to the people would be able to control the Legislature; for this reason Quezon did not want Osmeña to return to Manila with an independence bill. When this did happen he attacked the bill, claiming that the clause allowing the United States to retain its naval and military bases on the Islands was deleterious to the neutrality of the Filipinos. Quezon contended that a much better bill could be obtained easily from the American Congress which was only beginning to grapple with the consequences of the Depression.
Even before the bill was reintroduced in the American Congress in December, 1932, “Quezon's imagination seized on means not of improving but of defeating the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill.”59 After the Hare Bill had been reported favorably by the House Committee on Territories and Insular Affairs and passed by the House in April,60 Quezon asked the OsRox Mission to return to Manila to explain the issues to the people and to help Quezon in the financial trouble that plagued the Legislature. The OsRox Mission refused to return and said that the independence issue was more important and that they would agree with whatever Quezon decided. Quezon, not wishing to force the issue and cause a public rift with the OsRox Mission at this time, replied, “if you still believe that it is your duty to remain there rather than take part in the discussion of all these matters, I shall defer to your judgment and advise the Legislature accordingly.”61 Encouraged by Quezon's acquiescence, the OsRox Mission and the two Resident Commissioners to the United States asked Quezon to come to Washington to help lobby for the Hare and the Hawes-Cutting Bills, but Quezon did not go.62
Expecting a Democratic victory in the American Congress in November of 1932, Quezon believed that if the Senate did not pass the Hawes-Cutting Bill the new Democratic Senate would pass some kind of independence bill. Quezon realized that OsRox would eventually be successful and that he could not alter this by traveling to Washington. Preparing for a political battle at home, Quezon tried to purge the civil service and judicial systems of Osmeña's followers. The Quezon faction claimed that this was done to increase efficiency, but Osmeña and Roxas correctly saw it as an offensive move to weaken their forces in Manila.63
Both the Hare and the Hawes-Cutting Bills specified that during the Commonwealth the American President would have the right to intervene in case of an emergency, and that American naval and military bases would remain on the Islands. Quezon had never made this a real issue to the OsRox Mission, but early in November, 1932, Quezon publicly denounced the Hare and Hawes-Cutting Bills because they did “not grant independence.” Quezon then noted that he objected chiefly to the intervention and military clauses and the low tariff quotas, but that he would be willing to postpone independence for ten years “provided in the meantime there is established in the Philippine Islands a government autonomous in name as well as in fact.”64 Quezon had set the stage for the political battle. The military and intervention clauses and the low trade quotas were, in fact, somewhat objectionable to Quezon, but he magnified their importance so that he could publicly fight the OsRox Mission and begin to mobilize his political forces.
In the meantime the OsRox Mission said it agreed with Quezon's objections and would “seek further expert opinion and [would] favor wording which most limits power intervention [by the President of the United States].” But later the OsRox Mission noted that for independence to be at all possible in the near future, the naval and military bases would have to remain on the Islands because many members of the House and Senate whose support was “indispensible” believed that these military reservations were “necessary.”65
In late November, Quezon informed the OsRox Mission he was sending Senator Benigno Aquino to Washington “with special instructions.” Although Quezon publicly spoke out against the military provisions of the two bills, he enjoined Aquino to inform Osmeña and Roxas not to accept a bill unless Presidential intervention was restricted and a higher sugar quota was provided (1.2 million tons).66 since Quezon clearly knew that the American Congress would not accept these terms, he was trying to force the OsRox Mission to get the bills tabled. He wrote to a Mr. Ansberry that Aquino was sent with these instructions because Quezon wanted to wait until the Democratic 73rd Congress convened and an independence bill more favorable than the Hawes-Cutting or Hare Bills could be passed.67 With his health slowly returning, Quezon knew he would be well enough by that time to go to Washington and fight for a new independence bill that he could give to his people.68
The Hare and the Hawes-Cutting Bills were both reintroduced into Congress in early December, 1932. There were two amendments to the Hawes-Cutting Bill which genuinely angered Quezon. Senator Hiram Johnson introduced an immigration exclusion amendment and Senator Huey Long proposed an amendment cutting the free trade quota on raw sugar to half of what the Filipinos desired (585,000 tons). Quezon wrote to Osmeña and Roxas that he was sure he was voicing “the unanimous sentiment of our people in urging you to press for immediate independence and if this is impossible let there be no bill” because a better bill would be possible in the new Congress.69 In a press release dated December 16, Quezon said that “the last dispatches from America clearly show that the fight in the Senate is not to give independence and freedom to the Philippines but to close American doors to Filipino labor and Philippine products. . . . America should grant independence to the Philippines at once.”70 But Osmeña and Roxas ignored Quezon and decided to continue lobbying for the acceptance of the Hawes-Cutting Bill.
The lobbying of farm and labor groups pleading for relief from the Depression was a powerful ally for Osmeña and Roxas. The Hawes-Cutting Bill was passed on December 17, 1932, in the Senate without a record vote. In the conference between the House and the Senate on the Hare and Hawes-Cutting Bills the Senate yielded quickly to the Hare Bill provision for a one million ton per year sugar quota, and a token Filipino immigration quota of fifty persons per year. The two Houses also settled on a ten-year transition period,71
After the conference the two bills became known collectively as the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill (abbreviated H-H-C by the press), although many Filipinos continued to refer to it as the Hawes-Cutting Bill. This bill had to be signed by Hoover and accepted by the Philippine Legislature to become law. It stipulated that the Legislature must convene a Constitutional Convention to write a constitution which would be republican in form and would assure American rights and principles of government. The constitution would have to be approved by the President of the United States and, if acceptable to him, would then have to be approved by the Filipino people in a national plebiscite. All American property, except naval and military bases, was to go to the Philippine government. The H-H-C Bill also provided for a ten-year transition period during which time the Philippines would be run under an autonomous Commonwealth government. The President of the United States would have the final say on all foreign policy and would appoint a High Commissioner to the Islands with limited powers. The tariff rates would remain the same for the first five years of the Commonwealth but would increase 5% annually for the second five years. Independence would come on July 4 ten years after the inauguration of the Commonwealth of the Philippines.
Osmeña and Roxas immediately cabled Quezon announcing that they “would not commit ourselves a priori in favor” of the bill so that the Legislature may have an “absolutely free hand to accept or reject” the measure. Quezon cabled back that the H-H-C Bill was not satisfactory to the Filipino people. Quezon wrote that there were no “signs that our people will be discouraged if there is [a] deadlock among [the] conferences or [a] presidential veto because they are ready to force the immediate independence issue upon the next Administration.”72 After Hoover had been handed the H-H-C Bill by Congress, Quezon continued to malign the bill, calling it “the work of the National City Bank” and a “joke that is unfair and harmful to us, but profitable to American manufacturers and exporters, [and] to Cuban sugar and beet sugar interests.” Quezon also said that he would “oppose” the H-H-C Bill if it was “signed by the President.”73
The OsRox Mission tried to persuade Hoover to sign the bill but on January 13 he vetoed it because he considered the bill inconsistent with Republican policy.74 Both houses of Congress passed the H-H-C Bill over the veto on the same day, and the bill became law.75 Osmeña and Roxas had achieved independence for the Filipino people but it was far from the immediate, complete, and absolute independence which Filipino leaders had publicly espoused for the last thirty years and which Quezon now publicly professed.
Even though Osmeña and Roxas knew that Quezon’s forces in Manila had been trying to purge Osmeña’s followers out of the civil service and courts in November and were aware that Quezon had previously accepted the provisions of the H-H-C Act and then came out against them, Osmeña and Roxas were either too slow to act or were naively unaware of Quezon’s motives for rejecting the measure. Since the OsRox Mission felt that Quezon’s objections to the act’s provisions for Presidential intervention, the retention of military and naval bases, the relatively low tariff quota on sugar, and the limited Filipino immigration clause, were the real reasons Quezon castigated the act, the OsRox Mission challenged Quezon to come to Washington and see if he could obtain any further concessions.76 On January 28 Quezon agreed to come to Washington via Europe and arrive in late March.77 It would be several weeks before Osmeña and Roxas realized that Quezon was waging a battle for the leadership of Philippine politics.
In the two-month interim Quezon prepared for the ensuing political battle with Osmeña and Roxas by campaigning against the H-H-C Act. In a radio broadcast transmitted from overseas to the United States, Quezon declared that the H-H-C Act was not really an independence bill but a tariff quota and an immigration exclusion act to help the American citizen. He also broadcast a message on KZRM radio to his own people claiming that “the Philippines would remain a conquered province of the United States, just as we are now, but she [the United States] would be under no moral or legal obligation to look after our interest and to protect us from foreign invasion.”78
Having heard the public attacks Quezon was making against the achievements of the OsRox Mission, Osmeña and Roxas decided to launch a counteroffensive against Quezon. Osmeña entreated his followers in Manila to create a League for the Acceptance of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Law. The League disseminated pamphlets and had Osmeña-controlled newspapers campaign, not only for the acceptance of the H-H-C Act but also against the leadership of Quezon. As a reaction to this Quezon made more and more public appearances denouncing the act and Osmeña's attacks on Quezon's leadership. For the next month there was little correspondence between the Independence Mission and Quezon. In a “heat of temper”79 Quezon wrote a letter to Secretary of War Parker claiming that since the Philippines had a “deficit in legislative appropriation” the OsRox Mission must “return as soon as possible.” He added that Parker should “inform them that their per diems will not be paid after fifteen days of notification.”80
Quezon chose a handpicked mission that was supposedly “mixed” in sentiment over the H-H-C Act to journey to Washington. Quezon suggested that Osmeña and Roxas meet him in Paris and they agreed.81 Quezon and Osmeña and Roxas came to an agreement on board the He de France which was taking them to Washington. On April 25 Quezon, fearing that he could not defeat Osmeña, agreed to accept the H-H-C Act provided that the military and naval bases near Manila be evacuated, and that either the transition period be reduced from ten to five years or the tariff clauses be modified.82 But Quezon reneged and the agreement was dissolved. Quezon did this apparently because the cables sent to him showed that his followers in Manila believed they could easily defeat Osmeña and thus became disenchanted with him for accepting the “common program.”83
José Clarin and Quintin Paredes headed Quezon's faction in Manila and Benigno Aquino and Maximo Kalaw headed Osmeña's. Following the typical pattern of Philippine politics the factions were split according to family and geographic affiliations. José de Jesus, Quezon's personal secretary, wrote that “we can readily see that it is in the Visayas Group [home of Osmeña and Roxas] where the supporters of the bill are centered.” De Jesus also reassured Quezon by telling him that the pros (the name that Osmeña's forces were called because they wanted the H-H-C Act accepted) were waging an “intensive” but “unfruitful” campaign against the H-H-C Act. De Jesus mentioned that Aquino led the most vicious attack by “mercilessly bombasting the opponents of the bill,” and that the battle in the Philippines press between Clarin and Aquino reached a “low level.” He also told Quezon that the National Information Committee on the Hawes-Cutting Bill had been established by one of Quezon's men, Representative Diokno, and that it was working “full blast” and making pamphlets for distribution throughout the Islands.84
The antis (or Quezonistas as Quezon's followers were sometimes referred to by the Philippine press) formed the Anti Hawes-Cutting League which was “to send orators and debaters to all parts of the province around Manila at their own expense to counteract the propaganda launched by the agents of the proponents of the Law.” The League considered the H-H-C Act “an assassination to the hope of Philippine freedom.”85 Paredes cabled Quezon that due to this kind of strenuous campaigning a “majority” of the Legislature was “anxious” to reject the measure but was “awaiting your advice.”86 But Quezon's position was not this strong—his followers had overestimated the effects of their efforts and, in fact, the pro and anti forces at this time were about equal in strength.87 After several public debates between the pros and the antis, the Filipino leaders returned.
The OsRox Mission and the “Mixed Mission” had decided not to go back to the Islands by the same route; but they met in Hong Kong and, refusing to accept the separate receptions prepared by the two camps, returned to Manila together. They did not publicly attack each other until a few days after their arrival.88
The pro- anti- fight was intensified by the return of the leaders of both factions. Before leaving for Europe Quezon had been the first to express publicly an opinion about the H-H-C Act; but Osmeña was the first to use personal slander. Knowing that he had ground to make up after a one-and-a-half-year absence, Osmeña aggressively attacked Quezon's patriotism. To many Filipinos this was seen as an act of walang hiya (base ingratitude); this allowed Quezon “to adopt a stance he loved well: injured innocence defending slandered patriotism.”89
Osmeña obtained the support of a powerful newspaper chain (Tribune-Vanguardia-Taliba), but Quezon had only a few isolated papers supporting him. To remedy this Quezon bought the other major newspaper chain on the Islands (El Debate-Mabuhay-Herald-Monday Mail) for Ꝑ 300,000. The chain had been neutral but Quezon placed Carlos Romulo, an anti, to run it.
Since the University of the Philippines endorsed Osmeña and Roxas, Quezon charged the President of the University, Rafael Palma, with “abusing what should be a neutral office” and cut back the budget of the University by one third. Both Palma and Maximo Kalaw, Dean of the College of Liberal Arts, quickly resigned, and Quezon appointed an anti, Jorge Bocobo, to head the University. Although the newly-appointed American GovernorGeneral, Frank Murphy, did not enter the pro- anti- fight, Quezon had previously persuaded the former Governor-General, Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., to allow the pros to be replaced by antis. Quezon was able to do this because he proposed a reorganization of the courts if the H-H-C were rejected, which Roosevelt believed would save money.90
Quezon not only had the power of his office and of his longstanding political prestige to fight Osmeña, but also the power of his personality and the knowledge of the intricacies of Filipino politics. At this time Quezon solicited the support of a proud independent, Vicente Vera, who was thinking of joining Osmeña. Quezon said, “Look here, chico, your leading opponent for leadership in this region is José Surbito—and he's an Osmeña man. If you go over to Osmeña, I'll take Surbito who, after all, is closely related to my former secretary, Felipe Buencamino. So you might as well join me. “ Not only did Vera join the antis, but Surbito did also. When Quezon was campaigning against the H-H-C Act in Tanawan, Batangas (country dominated by José P. Laurel, of the OsRox faction), he was greeted coolly. Quezon spotted a cross-eyed man and said, “Hey, putang ina mone duling . . . What are you doing here?” People gathered around Quezon, thinking that he knew one of their neighbors. When Quezon was asked later who the cross-eyed man was he said, “I'll be damned if I know his name. . . . This is the first time I've ever seen him in my life!”91 in July, Quezon wrote to ex-Governor-General Harrison asking if Quezon publicly could “refer to Osmeña's visit to you [Harrison] trembling with fear when the Clarke Amendment [1916] was discussed in Congress as something you have told me in a private conversation.”92 Thus, Quezon had not only betrayed his friendship with Osmeña and Roxas when he made public a private conversation over a dead issue, but he also transcended the traditional trust supposedly sacred to ilustrado politicians. Neither Osmeña nor Roxas could compete with Quezon's political skill and they were confounded “by the intricate steps he took in his political dances.”93
In carrying out his political maneuvers, Quezon was able to raise more money from his supporters than was Osmeña. Quezon was successful in raising substantial funds to fight the H-H-C Act. He received over Ꝑ100,000 from his long-time friends, the Elizaldes and Sorianos. Since Quezon publicly claimed that the H-H-C Act did not sufficiently protect Philippine sugar trade he won strong support from “the majority of sugar centralistas.” Senator Claro Recto said later that the antis were able to raise a million pesos in all “to get a new independence bill.” Recto revealed that the largest contributor was the Elizalde family because, he said, “They had to save Quezon's face. They were very close friends of his.”94
Quezon used an entirely different tactic to gain further support. In addition to saying that the H-H-C Act did not do enough to protect the Philippine economy (and in this way winning over the conservative business elements), he also continued to attack the act for failing to grant immediate independence, thus winning the radicals over to his camp. In this way he convinced Judge Sumulong, General Aguinaldo, and Bishop Aglipay, who had all fought for immediate independence throughout the American occupation and who were, unlike Quezon, consistent about its implementation. Since Quezon also strongly influenced a majority of the upper middle-class ilustrado, by the middle of the summer of 1933, he had won out over Osmeña in all sectors of the society. All that Quezon had to do now was to use his power to purge Osmeña and Roxas from the Government, have the Legislature reject the H-H-C Act, and then head his own independence mission to Washington to achieve an independence bill more to his liking and with his name associated with it.
With Quezon holding most of the cards, Osmeña made a final effort to uproot Quezon from the leadership of the Filipinos. He challenged Quezon by suggesting that both combatants resign from the Senate and take the issue to the people. Knowing that he controlled the Senate, on July 20, 1933, Quezon offered his resignation in a speech to the Philippine Senate. He said, “I can not submit my judgment to them nor should they submit theirs to mine,” and added that it was up to the Legislature “which has the authority to determine who should be at the head of our national leadership.”95 Quezon made it clear that he really did not want to take the issue to the people, but was offering his resignation as a political power play so that the Quezon-controlled Senate would make the obvious choice as to who it would keep as head of the Legislature. Osmeña delivered a speech to the Senate demanding that it accept Quezon's resignation. Osmeña used the same line of attack that Quezon had used eleven years earlier to dethrone him—he castigated the autocratic character of Quezon and his presumptuous rejection of the H-H-C Act; he protested against “a personal leadership gained through intrigue and machinations.”96
Osmeña's diatribe did not succeed. The Senate voted 16 to 5 to reject Quezon's resignation and then accepted Osmeña's resignation, 15 to 2. One of Quezon's most ardent followers, Representative Buencamino, led the fight against Roxas in the House. After a frenzied scuffle in the House caused by Roxas' student followers, Roxas was voted out of office by the Quezon-controlled House, 50 to 29. Quezon replaced Osmeña and Roxas with antis--Paredes and Clarin.97 He said that these changes in the leadership of the Legislature were “unpleasant” but that “changes in the national leadership are nothing abnormal in democracies. . . . ”98 gut Osmeña saw Quezon's actions as both abnormal and undemocratic; he said that Quezon was “insistent in the support of his pernicious, anti-democratic and subversive principles of the stability of our institutions.”99
Quezon was genuinely offended by Osmeña's continuous attacks and asked him to leave the Nacionalista party ranks. Quezon said that “as a matter of political honesty I would not have as my associates in the leadership of the Legislature and the Party men who have denounced me in private and in public as conniving with imperialists to deprive my own people of their liberty.” Quezon then challenged Osmeña to form a new party: “Let us have two parties and then the Senator [Osmeña] and I will prove to the country that we mean what we say when we affirm that we believe in the need of two political parties.”100 The pros formed a party called the Partido Pro-Independencia Nacionalista with the same ideology as the Nacionalistas except that the Pros wanted the H-H-C Act accepted. The Pros elected Osmeña as President and Roxas as Vice-President of the Party, which was joined by former members of the recently disbanded Democratas.101
Osmeña directed his minority group against Quezon, who was waiting for the American Congress to settle its pressing domestic problems which were consuming its time,102 before he would direct the Legislature to formally reject the H-H-C Act and head his own independence mission to Washington. Osmeña pressed Quezon to honor his previous agreement to hold a plebiscite so that the Filipino people could decide on the H-H-C Act. Quezon was afraid that the people might accept the H-H-C Act and therefore fomented a fight with Osmeña over the form the plebiscite would take. Osmeña wanted a straight “yes or no” question and Quezon proposed a purposely ambiguous set of questions, both to render the plebiscite useless and to frustrate Osmeña. In effect, Quezon proposed that the plebiscite ask: “Do you want the H-H-C Act or do you want a better independence act?” Osmeña finally conceded and no plebiscite was held. In later years, Osmeña said he did not push the issue because a bitter campaign would have ensued and it would have divided the people.103
After Quezon and Osmeña had signed an agreement that a plebiscite would not be held because they could not agree on the form, the Philippine Senate decided to vote on whether to accept or reject the H-H-C Act. On the morning of October 17, 1933, the Philippine Legislature in a concurrent resolution declined to accept the independence offered by the United States.
Quezon sailed for Washington in November to try to attain the better independence bill he had promised his people. Quezon had written Governor-General Frank Murphy seeking his support for either a change in the H-H-C Act or “new legislation.” Quezon now desired political independence in three years with economic protection. He wanted a yearly quota of not less than one million long tons of sugar, 200,000 tons of oil, and not less than the maximum amount of cordage ever exported to the United States. He also specified that there should be no American “military reservations” in the Philippines but “if the United States should feel that it must have and maintain naval reservations, it should be in common accord with the Philippine Republic and the bay and port of Manila.” Quezon also naïvely desired a treaty between the United States, France, Great Britain, and Japan guaranteeing the neutrality of the Philippines after independence.104
Quezon's aims were not revolutionary; indeed, they were very similar to the provisions of the H-H-C Act. Quezon had apparently suspected all along that Congress might be reluctant to change its mood toward the Islands in less than two years. As a result of this, Quezon still desired a continued economic protection by the United States but political autonomy in the Far East without the interference of Japan. The American Congress proved even more reluctant than Quezon had prognosticated and he, therefore, had to utilize all his skill in political maneuvering and manipulating.
The new Filipino delegation was not greeted enthusiastically in Washington. Since the first New Deal legislation was sputtering, Congress had more urgent measures to consider than Philippine independence. Henry Stimson and Harry Hawes were disillusioned by the rejection of the H-H-C Act and cautioned Quezon not to ask too much of Congress--there might be no independence bill rendered at all.
When Quezon arrived in Washington he discovered that the pros had sent Camilo Osias to talk with President Roosevelt. Osias told Roosevelt that the Filipino people were in favor of the H-H-C Act, but that it was blocked due to Quezon's political maneuvers. Roosevelt gave his support to Quezon, however, and decided to allow Quezon to lobby Congress for the modification of the H-H-C Act.105 Osias was dismissed as Resident Commissioner by Quezon's followers and the antis took complete control of the independence bill negotiations.
Quezon presented a proposal to Senator Millard Tyding Chairman of the Senate Committee on Territories and Insular Affairs. The proposal was very similar to the one he had earlier submitted to Governor-General Murphy. Tydings, having been influenced by Osias, rejected the proposal and stated that the acceptance date for the H-H-C Act would be extended another nine months. Quezon used his dignified charm to win a concession from Tydings. Knowing that better economic provisions were impossible, Quezon emphasized his objection to the military reservations. Tydings soon agreed that the army bases would be expunged and the naval bases would be subject to negotiation at a later date.106
But during this time, Quezon was trying to find a more advantageous avenue to a better independence bill. He told Senator King he would accept King's immediate independence bill. He entreated the support of Joseph Tumulty, Senator Robinson, and former Senator Hawes, who all believed Quezon was in favor of a bill similar to the H-H-C Act. Quezon implored ex-Governor-General Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., who was now in Washington, to support a dominion plan for the Islands. Quezon had not openly reneged on his agreement with Tydings which he later signed. He realized that Tydings held the real power over the fate of Philippine independence and that these other avenues to a better independence would most probably prove to be dead ends.107 The President agreed to the Quezon-Tydings plan and sent a message to Congress asking for a new Philippine independence bill.
The King bill for immediate independence and full tariff, Dickenson's bill with a five year transition period, and Vandenberg's bill with a two-year transition period and eight years of economic protection were all quickly defeated. Congress had failed to change its mood and passed the Tydings bill in the Senate and a similar measure, the McDuffie bill, in the House. President Roosevelt signed the bill on March 24, 1934. The Tydings-McDuffie Act was, despite Quezon's efforts, almost a carbon copy of the rejected Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act. The economic provisions remained the same; the only political change was the abolition of American army installations and the promise of a later review of the naval bases.
Quezon was greeted as a national hero when he returned to Manila. His homecoming was enhanced by a throng of Filipinos shouting “Viva QuezonI” Quezon spoke to the Philippine Legislature shortly after his arrival claiming sole credit for the independence of the Philippines. He said, “There is no other colored people in the Far East that has the same benefits or anything like them that the Filipino people have to-day and this victory of ours will be a stimulus to them. . . . Seven years in the United States have proven to me that America is the best friend that the Filipino people ever had or could ever have.”108 But Osmeña rightly claimed that the Tydings-McDuffie Act was “his” H-H-C Act with Quezon's name associated with it.
Six weeks later the elections determined who the people wanted to rule the Legislature. The antis won a landslide victory over Osmeña's forces. This election was the last political event in the system created by the Jones Law of 1916. Both the antis and pros were now faced with constructing a commonwealth government. Quezon saw that it would be to his and to the country's advantage if a union between the two camps was implemented. At first Osmeña was reluctant, but finally acquiesced for three reasons. He realized that he and Quezon held identical views on almost all political issues and that the pro- anti- fight was really a test to see who would become the political leader. His group loyalties were such that he saw that only harm would come to the ilustrado ruling elite by being bitterly divided at the time of independence. Osmeña also realized that his personal power would be stronger as second in command in a one-party system than head of a relatively weaker opposition party. Many members in the lower tiers of government felt that this was a breach of utang na loob: they had strenuously fought each other at the local level and knew a union would be extremely difficult. Senator Juan Sumulong also vehemently protested the union. But Osmeña was won over, as he had been in 1922, and the Nacionalistas were reunited on June 16, 1935, under the direction of Quezon and Osmeña. The union assured that the existing ilustrado elite would continue to rule unchallenged during the Commonwealth and the future Republic. A formidable ticket of Quezon for President and Osmeña for Vice-President won an overwhelming victory at the polls in the election for the Commonwealth Government of the Philippines in 1935.
This study has attempted to show that Quezon was successful in the pro- anti- fight primarily because he both understood the traditional personalism of Philippine politics and how to manipulate modern political institutions by his charisma and by his astute political judgment. He saw himself as a living bridge for his people between a new, somewhat alien, modern world and a traditional social system based on factions, kinship, and family alliances of his peasant-based society. His success lay in his ability to blend these relationships into a strong and unified leadership. Quezon's mercurial personality and his keen understanding of key issues enabled him to put off independence until a later date, to defeat Osmeña and Roxas, to regain independence, and to continue in power over the Filipino people.
Part of Quezon's success lay in his ability to become the leader of the Filipino politicians. Often resorting to ruthless political trickery or to overt lies, Quezon built up the most-powerful political machine in the Islands. Quezon's ability to detect and thwart any threats guaranteed his position as leader. Perhaps even more important than his political maneuvers was his forceful personality which won much respect and many followers among the ruling elite. Quezon's personality and his use of patronage made most of the other politicians feel they owed him utang na loob.
However, Quezon's role in Philippine independence cannot be seen solely as an ambitious use of power. While it is true that Quezon's ego thrived on ceremonies and the praise political power awarded him, he also loved his people. Quezon delayed independence because he believed, like Louis XIV, that he was the state and that, therefore, he, and only he, should present independence to the people. Quezon realized that his charismatic leadership was the crucial unifying force for his people at the difficult time of formulating a Commonwealth government. Quezon knew how to give the peasant something tangible to believe in and to follow. Since Quezon could mobilize the peasants and unite the politicians, he gave the Philippines the kind of leadership necessary to make a successful transition from a traditional society to a modern political system.
In 1932 and 1933, Quezon was truly a harbinger of how other national leaders might attempt to mobilize their people on a mass basis. Like Quezon, Nkrumah and Sukarno, for example, clamored for independence and, after it was achieved, were able to keep their people united and interested in politics. They did this in part by filling a political void and by projecting their personalities as symbols of their nations. Some leaders were more successful and lasted longer than others; Quezon was one of the first and one of the most successful.
Quezon's achievement in winning independence has not been forgotten in the Philippines. Indeed today, Quezon is more than just a historical hero who brought independence to the Islands; Filipinos now see Quezon as the great emancipator of the Filipino people from the yoke of Western imperialism. Thus, Quezon's proudly dynamic personality has made it possible for him to be remembered and loved for the ends he produced, while the means he used have been largely overlooked by most Filipinos. As one Filipino historian noted: “No Filipino has equalled his oratorical prowess, and his intuitive knowledge of Filipino mass psychology led him from one political triumph to another without meeting a single defeat.”109 Quezon, who was concerned for his historical image, can be said to have fought and won what he called “the good fight.”
Notes
1. Manuel L. Quezon, “Our Peaceful Struggle for Independence,” The Philippine Social Science Review, V–l (1933), 71–86.
2. The Quezon Papers, which consist of Quezon's cablegrams, telegrams, radiograms, letters, and speeches, are at the Philippine National Library and are available on microfilm at the Michigan Historical Collections, The University of Michigan. (Hereinafter referred to as QP.)
3. The Partido Urgentista. the Comité de la Union Nacionalista. and the Partido Independista Inmediatista. Bonifacio S. Salamanca, The Filipino Reaction to American Rule: 1901–1913 ([Hamden, Conn.] 1968), p. 160.
4. Sergio Osmeña was born in Cebu City on the island of Cebu in the Visayas on September 9, 1878. He received his A.B. degree from the College of San Juan de Letrán, and his Bachelor of Laws in 1903. He was elected Governor of Cebu in 1904 and in 1907 was elected the first Speaker in the Philippine Assembly.
5. The election results were: 32 Nacionalistas, 16 Progresistas, 7 Independistas, 4 Inmediatistas, 20 non-partisan, 1 Catholic. See Gregorio F. Zaide and Sonia M. Zaide, Government and Politics of the Government of the Philippines (Quezon City, 1969), p. 46.
6. Ibid., p. 53.
7. Grayson L. Kirk, Philippine Independence (New York, 1936), p. 42. From 1898 on, the Democrats had been the party more inclined to oppose (Republican) imperialism; this had been a major campaign issue in the elections of 1900 and 1902.
8. Manuel L. Quezon, The Good Fight (New York, 1946), p. 117.
9. This seeming anomaly was mentioned in only one important Philippine newspaper, La Nacion. Isabelo Caballero and M. de Garcia Concepcion, Quezon (Manila, 1935), p. 173.
10. Salamanca, pp. 172-73.
11. As it was passed, the Jones Act promised independence but set no specific date. The preamble said that independence would be granted when the Filipinos had formed a “stable” government. The ambiguity of this term proved explosive when the Republicans returned to power in 1921.
12. H. R. Rep. No. 511, 67th Cong., 4th sess., 1920.
13. Quezon, The Good Fight, p. 36.
14. Kirk, p. 48.
15. QP, Quezon to Mr. Pond, undated letter [1930?].
16. QP, Quezon to Osmeña, undated letter [early 1930?].
17. Manuel Roxas, born in 1894, was, like Osmeña, from the Visayan Islands. The youthful Roxas came to national prominence when he was elected Speaker of the House in 1922.
18. QP, Roxas to Osmeña, cables, Jan. 5, 7, 1930; Osmeña to Roxas, cable, Jan. 12, 1930.
19. Hearings Before the Senate Committee on Territories and Insular Affairs. 71st Cong., 2nd sess., 1930, pp. 10–17.
20. Ibid., statements of Chester H. Gray, p. 69; W. C. Hushings, p. 113; C. W. Holman, p. 453; Frederic Brenckman, p. 110; J. S. McDaniel, pp. 293–313.
21. Ibid., statements of Charles P. Perrin, pp. 540-67; Charles D. Orth, p. 179; John M. Switzer, pp. 377–437; D. F. Webster, p. 251; John H. Pardeo, p. 251; A. G. Kempf, p. 216; J. F. Comins, p. 209.
22. Ibid.. statements of Nicholas Roosevelt, pp. 341-77; Henry Stimson, pp. 658-82.
23. QP, Quezon to Maximo Kalaw, letter, Jan. 4, 1930, and Quezon to Osmeña, letter, Jan. 4, 1930.
24. Gregorio F. Zaide, The Republic of the Philippines (Manila, 1963), p. 261.
25. Proceedings of the First Independence Congress (Manila, n. d.)
26. Ibid.
27. Hayden Papers, “Secretary Hurley's report to the Chairman of the Committee on Territories and Insular Affairs.” (Typewritten.) (Hereinafter collection referred to as HP.)
28. Dapen Liang, The Development of Philippine Political Parties (Hong Kong, 1939), p. 209.
29. QP, Quezon to Hawes, letter, Mar. 17, 1930.
30. QP, Roxas to Quezon, letter, May 23, 1930; Quezon to Hawes, letter, May 24, 1930.
31. Sen. Rep. No. 751, 71st Congress, 2nd session, 1932, Part 1.
32. Kirk, p. 107.
33. The transition period was later changed to ten years.
34. Angus Campbell, et al., The American Voter (New York, 1964), p. 277.
35. Maximo Manguiat Kalaw, Introduction to Philippine Social Science (Manila, 1933), pp. 499–500.
36. Joseph Ralston Hayden, The Philippines: A Study in National Development (New York, 1942), p. 349.
37. QP, Osias and Guevara to Quezon, letter, Nov. 28, 1930.
38. QP, Quezon to Osias and Guevara, letter, Nov. 21, 1930, and Quezon to Senator Wheeler, letter, Dec. 3, 1930.
39. QP, Quezon to Guevara, letter (not sent), Mar. 23, 1931.
40. QP, Quezon to Osmeña and Roxas, cable, Mar. 19, 1931.
41. When Senator Bingham asked Quezon if he would accept a “dominion status,” Quezon declined. QP, June 6, 1931; Quezon to Senator Bingham, letter, June 11, 1931.
42. QP, Quezon to Osmeña and Roxas, cable, Aug. 26, 1931.
43. Theodore Friend, Between Two Empires (New Haven, Conn., 1965), p. 65.
44. Carlos Quirino, Quezon: Man of Destiny (Manila. 1935), p. 56.
45. Ibid., p. 69; QP, draft of an interview of Quezon for the Philippine press, Nov. 13, 1931.
46. Friend, p. 60; Quirino, Quezon, p. 65.
47. QP, Osmeña to Quezon, cable, July 13, 1931.
48. New York Times. Sept. 18–20, 1931.
49. Friend, p. 77.
50. QP, Quezon to Guevara, and Quezon to Osias, both letters dated Sept. 18, 1931.
51. QP, joint resolution in both Houses of the Philippine Legislature, Sept. 24, 1931.
52. Caballero and Concepcion, p. 300.
53. QP, M. Kalaw to Quezon, letter, Oct. 5, 1931; Quezon to Osias and Guevara, letter, Nov. 6, 1931.
54. QP, Hurley to Quezon, and Quezon's reply, both letters dated December, 1931.
55. QP, Quezon to Osias, letter, Sept. 17, 1931.
56. QP, Quezon to Guevara, letter (not sent), Dec. 14, 1931.
57. QP, Quezon to John Switzer, letter, Oct. 2, 1931.
58. The major difference between the bills was that the Senate bill provided for a nineteen-year transition period and the House bill called for a five-year transition period.
59. Friend, p. 103.
60. The Hare Bill provided for a five-year transition period under an autonomous commonwealth status with no plebiscite after the five years; it also called for liberal trade relations. See QP, OsRox to Quezon, cable, Mar. 6, 1932. The Senate did not vote on the Hawes-Cutting Bill until December, 1932.
61. QP, Quezon to OsRox, cables, July 6, 9, 11, 13, 1932; OsRox to Quezon, cables, July 6, 13, 18, 1932.
62. QP, OsRox to Quezon, cable, Sept. 10, 1932; Osias to Quezon, cable, Sept. 19, 1932.
63. Hayden, p. 356; Liang, pp. 211-12.
64. QP, Quezon to the Independence Commission, letters, Nov. 3, 5,1932. The Independence Commission consisted of several Philippine legislators who desired the right to vote on any independence bill offered by the United States.
65. QP, OsRox to Quezon, cable, Nov. 7, 1932.
66. QP, Quezon to Aquino, radiogram, Nov. 14, 1932.
67. QP, Quezon to Mr. Ansberry, letter, Nov. 16, 1932.
68. Quezon had chosen Aquino to inform the OsRox Mission of Quezon's instructions because he was an “Osmeña man” and Quezon thought Osmeña and Roxas would listen to him. But Osmeña convinced Aquino that the Hawes-Cutting and Hare Bills were the best possible arrangements for independence. From that time on, Aquino fought with the OsRox Mission versus Quezon. QP, Aquino to Quezon, cable, Dec. 13, 1932.
69. QP, Quezon to OsRox, letter, Dec. 10, 1932.
70. QP, Quezon, press release dated Dec. 16, 1932.
71. Kirk, p. 119.
72. QP, OsRox to Quezon, cable, Dec. 19, 1932; Quezon to OsRox, cables, Dec. 19, 21, 1932.
73. QP, OsRox to Quezon, cable, Dec. 31, 1932; Quezon to OsRox, letter, Jan. 2, 1933.
74. Hoover was also influenced by the report by the War Department which called the H-H-C Bill “fundamentally unsound.” HP, “Report to the President by the Secretary of War on the Hawes-Cutting Bill Granting Philippine Independence,” dated Jan. 11, 1933.
75. Quezon was so much against the H-H-C Bill that he asked Senator King and General Wheeler to vote against the overriding of the veto. QP, Quezon to Senator King, cable, Jan. 16, 1933; Quezon to General Wheeler, cable, Jan. 16, 1933.
76. QP, OsRox to Quezon, cables, Jan. 20, 28, 1933.
77. QP, Quezon to Osias, cable, Jan. 28, 1933. Quezon to Osmeña, letter, Feb. 9, 1933.
78. QP, “A Message to the American People: Speech Delivered by Senate President Quezon over the Columbia Broadcasting Station, transmitted from Station KZRM, Jan. 30, 1933"; “Address of Senate President Manuel L. Quezon over Station KZRM at 9:00 P.M., Mar. 16, 1933.”
79. Liang, p. 213.
80. QP, Quezon to Secretary Parker, letter, undated [Mar. 20, 1933?]; Quezon to Paredes, letter, Mar. 18, 1933. This applied to everyone under Osmeña and Roxas but not to the leaders themselves.
81. QP, OsRox to Quezon, radiogram, Mar. 28, 1933.
82. QP, untitled document on Willard Hotel stationery, April 25, 1933; Quezon to Clarin, cables, April 27, 28, 1933.
83. Quezon later consented to the April 25 agreement but again reneged. See QP, Quezon to de Jesus, letter, May 22, 1933
84. Quezon would often refer in speeches to Osmeña as the Senator or gentleman from Cebu instead of by name. QP, de Jesus to Quezon, letter, April 1, 1933.
85. QP, Hilarion Dugenio to Clarin, letter, April 20, 1933.
86. QP, Paredes to Quezon, cable, April 25, 1933.
87. QP, Clarin to Dugenio, letter, April 29, 1933.
88. Liang, p. 215; Friend, p. 113.
89. Friend, p. 122.
90. Ibid., pp. 114-16.
91. Carlos Quirino, “Anecdotes about Quezon,” Historical Bulletin (Manila). VI-3 (1962), 239-43.
92. QP, Quezon to Harrison, letter, July 2, 1933.
93. Caballero and Concepcion, p. 326.
94. Friend, pp. 117-19.
95. QP, “Speech of Senate President Quezon to the Philippine Senate,” July 20, 1933.
96. Sergio Osmeña, Diario de Sesiones. quoted in Friend, p. 127.
97. QP, Quezon to Governor-General Murphy, letter, Aug. 2, 1933.
98. QP, “Speech by Senate President Quezon to the Philippine Senate,” July 21, 1933.
99. Caballero and Concepcion, pp. 322-23.
100. QP, “Speech by Senate President Quezon to the Philippine Senate,” Aug. 1, 1933.
101. Liang, p. 226. The leader of the Democratas, Juan Sumulong, had disbanded the party in order to j oin with Osmeña and form a viable opposition party.
102. Congress at this time was swamped with Roosevelt’s first New Deal legislation.
103. Friend, pp. 129-31.
104. QP, Quezon to Governor-General Murphy, letter, Nov. 3, 1933.
105. Liang, p. 225.
106. Friend, p. 140.
107. Quirino, Quezon, p. 77; Friend, p. 140; New York Times, Jan. 18, 1934.
108. Caballero and Concepcion, p. 160.
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Messages of the President Book 4: Sergio Osmeña (Volumes 1 and 2) : Office of the President of the Republic of the Philippines : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive
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https://archive.org/services/img/MOPVol1and2SergioOsmena
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This is the first and second volume of President Sergio Osmeña’s official papers, which constitutes the fourth book of the Messages of the President series....
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Internet Archive
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https://archive.org/details/MOPVol1and2SergioOsmena
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This is the first and second volume of President Sergio Osmeña’s official papers, which constitutes the fourth book of the Messages of the President series. The series was started in 1936 by Executive Secretary Jorge B. Vargas, during the first year in office of President Manuel L. Quezon, the first President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines. President Osmeña—the second President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines—assumed office on August 1, 1944, and was President until May 28, 1946. This volume collects the Official Gazette’s chronicling of the President’s principal activities and undertakings. This was called The Official Month in Review, which began in May 1945. This volume also contains the records of President Osmeña’s presidential appointees.
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Presidents of the Philippines
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Filipino leader who fought first against Spain and later against the United States for the Independence of the Philippines.
Born of Chinese and Filipino parentage, Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo, whom providence had placed as the supreme leader of his people at the critical period in their history. He was born in Kawit, Cavite, on March 22, 1869. He was the seventh among eight children of the spouses Carlos Aguinaldo and Trinidad Famy.
He took up his secondary course at the Letran de Manila where he finished only three years of high school. His favorite subject was geography. He did not finish the secondary course education.
At the age of 17, Emilio was elected as cabeza de barangay of Binakayan, the most progressive barrio of Kawit, Cavite. He served for his town-mates for eight years. He also engaged in inter-island shipping, travelling as far as Visayas and even Jolo, Philippines. On January 1, 1895, he was elected capitan municipal of Kawit the first to bear that title in accordance with the Mauro Law. At that time a capitan municipal received no salary except 3% of taxes he could collect. In August 1896 he was the local leader of the Katipunan, a revolutionary society that fought bitterly and successfully against Spanish. In December 1897 he signed an agreement called the Pact of Biac-na-Bato with the Spanish governor-general. He agreed to leave the Philippines and to remain permanently in exile on condition of a substantial financial award from Spain coupled with the promise of liberal reforms. While in Hong Kong and Singapore he made arrangement with representative of the American consulates and of Commodore George Dewey to return to the Philippines to assist the United States in the war against Spain.
Aguinaldo return to the Philippines on May 19, 1898 and announced renewal of the struggle with Spain. Upon the advice of Apolinario Mabini to Aguinaldo he should change the form of dictatorship to president of revolutionary government. The Filipinos, who declared their independence of Spain on June 12, 1898, proclaimed a provisional republic, of which Aguinaldo was to became president, and in September a revolutionary assembly met and ratified Filipino independence. However, the Philippines along with Puerto Rico and Guam were ceded by Spain to the United States by the Treaty of Paris, December 10, 1898.
Relation between the Americans and the Filipinos were unfriendly and grew steadily worse. On January 23, 1899, the Malolos constitution by virtue of which the Philippines was a republic and which he had been approved by the assembly and by Aguinaldo was proclaimed. Aguinaldo, who had been president of the provisional government, was elected president.
Aguinaldo formally established the first Philippine republic. He also designated diplomats who were assigned in the major world capitals to seek recognition of Philippine independence.
In 1935 when the commonwealth government of the Philippines was established in preparation for independence, Aguinaldo ran for president but was decisively beaten. He returned to private life until the Japanese invaded the Philippines in 1941. The Japanese used Aguinaldo as an anti-American tool. They caused him to make speeches, to sign articles, and to address a radio appeal to General Douglas McArthur on Corregidor to surrender in order to spare the flower of Filipino youth.
When the Americans returned, Aguinaldo was arrested and together with the others accused of collaboration with the Japanese was held for several months in Bilibid Prison until released by presidential amnesty. As a token vindication of his honor, he was appointed by president Elpidio Quirino as a member of the Council of State in 1950. In the latter years of his life, he devoted his major attention to veterans affairs, the promotion of nationalism and democracy in the Philippines, and the improvement of relation between the Philippines and the United States.
Aguinaldo resumed his life of retirement. In June 12, 1963, on the occasion of the celebration of Philippine independence, Aguinaldo veiled his historic mansion in Kawit, together with all the relics contained therein, to the Philippine government.
On February 6, 1964, he died at the age of 95 years old.
Filipino statesman, leader of the independence movement, and first president of the Philippine Commonwealth established under United States tutelage in 1935.
Born in the small town of Baler province of Tayabas on August 19, 1878. His parents are Lucio Quezon and Maria Dolores Molina, school teacher and small landholder of Tagalog descent on the part of southern Luzon. Manuel spent the early years of his childhood in his hometown among the common people. His first teacher was his mother. He enrolled at the San Juan de Letran college, one of the leading institutions of learning in the capital city. Quezon years at San Juan de Letran as a self-supporting student brought out of his latent potentialities. He finished Bachelor of Arts degree at the age of sixteen.
He cut short his law studies at the University of Santo Tomas in Manila in 1899 to participate in the struggle for independence against the United States, led by Emilio Aguinaldo. After Aguinaldo surrendered in 1901, however, Quezon returned to the University, obtained his degree (1903), landed fourth place in the 1903 Bar examinations, and practiced law for a year. Convinced that the only way to independence was through cooperation with the United States, he ran for governor of Tayabas province in 1905. Once elected, he served for two years before being elected as representatives in 1907 to the newly established Philippine Assembly.
In 1909, Quezon was appointed resident commissioner for the Philippines,, entitled to speak, but not vote in the U.S. House of Representative; during his years in Washington D.C., he fought vigorously for a speedy grant of independence by the Unites States. Quezon played a major role in obtaining Congress passage in 1916 of the Jones Act, which pledged independence for the Philippines without giving a specific date when it would take effect. The act gave the Philippines greater autonomy and provided for the creation of a bicameral national legislature modeled after the U.S. Congress. Quezon resigned as a commissioner and returned to Manila to be elected to the newly formed Philippines senate in 1916; he subsequently served as its president until 1935. In 1922 he gained control of the Nacionalista party, which had previously been led by his rival Sergio Osmeña.
Quezon fought for passage of the Tydings McDuffie Act (1934) which provided for full independence for the Philippines ten years after the creation of a constitution and the establishment of a commonwealth government that would be the forerunner of an independence republic. Quezon was elected president of the newly formulated commonwealth on November 15, 1935. As president he reorganized the island military defense (aided by General Douglas McArthur as his special adviser). Tackled the huge problem of landless peasants in the countryside who still worked as tenants on large estates, promote the settlement and development of the large southern island of Mindanao, and fought graft and corruption in the government. A new national capital, later known as Quezon City, was build in the suburb of Manila.
Quezon was reelected president in 1941. After Japan invaded and occupied the Philippines in 1942, he went to the United States, where he formed a government in exile, served as a member of the Pacific war council, signed the declaration of the United Nations against the fascist nation, and wrote his autobiography, "The Good Fight" (1946). Quezon died of tuberculosis before full Philippine independence was established.
He died quietly in Saranac Lake, USA on August 1, 1944 at the age of sixty six.
Married to Doña Aurora Aragon Quezon, now deceased. Of their three children, two are alive, they are; Zenaida Quezon Avanceña and Manuel Quezon Jr.
Manuel L. Quezon best remembered as the "Father of Philippine Language" (Ama ng Wikang Filipino).
Become the President of the Philippines during the Japanese occupation of World War II.
Born in Tanawan, Batangas on March 9, 1891. His parents are Sotero Laurel and Jacoba Garcia.
After receiving law degrees from the University of the Philippines (1915) and from Yale University (1920), he was elected to the Philippines Senate in 1925 and appointed associate justice of the Supreme Court in 1936.
After the Pearl Harbor attack. Laurel remained in Manila after President Manuel Quezon escaped first to Bataan and then to the United States. He offered his services to the Japanese; and because of his criticism of U.S. rule of the Philippines, he held a series of high posts in 1942-43, climaxing in his selection as President in 1943. Twice in that year he was shot by Philippine guerrillas but recovered, after the incident Laurel still held his post to served the Filipino people. It adds his eagerness and willingness to be of service to his countrymen.
Laurel administration did not last long because when the Japanese occupation near to collapse, Yamashita, a Japanese leader ordered his troops to bring Laurel out from the Philippines, he was brought to Japan.
In August 15, 1945, Japanese surrendered to Americans. General McArthur order Lt. Col. Turner to arrest Laurel and company for a case of "Collaboration". They finally arrested in the City of Nara, Japan and temporary jailed at Sugano Prison near Tokyo, Japan. In July 1946 he was charged with 132 counts of treason, but was never brought to trial; he shared in the general amnesty in April 1948.
As the Nationalist Party's nominee for the presidency of the Philippines in 1949, he was narrowly defeated by the incumbent president, Elpidio Quirino, nominee of the Liberal Party. Elected to the Senate in 1951, Laurel helped to persuade Ramon Magsaysay, then secretary of defense, to desert the Liberals and join the Nationalist. When Magsaysay became president, Laurel headed an economic mission that in 1955 negotiated an agreement to improve economic relations with the United States. He retired from public life in 1957.
Married to Mrs. Pacencia Hidalgo, of their nine children, most of them are alive and active in politics like, former vice president Salvador P. Laurel, former senator Sotero Laurel and ex-speaker Jose Laurel Jr.
Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946.
He was born in Cebu, on September 9, 1878. Son of Juana Osmeña Y. Suico. His birth place was a medium sized house of wood with tin can roofing. He was brought up in a wholesome atmosphere. He was enrolled by his mother in a private school of Miguel Logarta, a local lawyer-educator, not long before the latter discovered how intellectually gifted his young pupil was, later he entered the Seminary College of San Carlos for his secondary course. In 1892, he finished his studies in San Carlos. To pursue his studies he come to Manila and studied at Letran, he first met Manuel L. Quezon, one of his classmates. He took up law at the University of Santo Tomas, although his studies was interrupted by the war conflict between Spain and America, he and the rest of his classmates were allowed by the Supreme Court to take the examinations in that year of 1903, he got an average of 95.66% second placer in the bar examination.
A lawyer, he espoused the cause of independence through peaceful means as editor of the Cebu newspaper El Nuevo Dia (New Day), which he founded in 1900. Upon the return of governor Climaco from the United States, in 1904 the United States colonial administration appointed him governor of the province of Cebu and fiscal (district attorney) for the province of Cebu and Negros Oriental. Two years later he was elected delegate to the Philippine National Assembly and founded the Nationalist Party, which come to dominate Philippine political life.
Osmeña remained leader of the Naitonalists until 1921, when he was succeeded by Manuel L. Quezon, who had joined him in a coalition. Made speaker of the House of Representative in 1916, he served until his election to the Senate in 1923. In 1933 he went to Washington D.C. to secure passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting independence bill, but Quezon differed with Osmeña over the bill's provision to retain U.S. military bases after independence. The bill, vetoed by the Philippine Assembly, was superseded by the Tydings McDuffie Act of March 1934, making the Philippines a commonwealth with a large measured of independence. The following years Osmeña became vice president, with Quezon as president. He remained vice president during the Japanese occupation when the government was in exile in Washington D.C. On the death of Quezon in August 1944, Osmeña became president. He serve as president until the elections of April 1946, when he was defeated by Manuel Roxas, who became the first president of the independent republic of the Philippines.
Osmeña thereafter retired to his hometown in Cebu, where he spent the remaining of his life, until he died on October 19, 1961 at the age of 83, with his death the nation lost a towering Molave of the race.
First wife Doña Estefania Veloso. Most of their eight children are now deceased. One of those alive is Mrs. Paloming Osmeña Charnley, retired in Cebu City. For his second wife, Doña Esperanza Limjap, are Rosie Osmeña Valencia is involved in Manila Society. Ramon and Victor live in Cebu.
First President of the 3rd Republic of the Philippines
(Term: July 4, 1946- April 15, 1948)
Political leader and first president of the independence republic of the Philippines.
The silver tongued genius- for a genius indeed, was born on January 1, 1892, in Capiz (renamed Roxas City (1949), in his honor).
His parents were Gerardo Roxas Sr. and Rosario Acuna. After graduating his early education in the public school of Capiz. He went to Hong Kong to study for sometime, later he transferred to Manila High School to finish his secondary course. He took up law at University of the Philippines and graduated in 1913.
In 1913 to 1916, after his bar exam whom he got 1st placer, he then became professor at the Philippine Law School and National University. Upon learning the excellent records of Roxas former chief justice Cayetano S. Arellano, offered him to be his secretary of the Supreme Court.
Roxas began his political career in 1917 as a member of the municipal council of his hometown Capiz in Panay Island. He was governor of the province of Capiz in 1919-1921 and was then elected to the Philippine House of Representative, subsequently serving as Speaker of the House and a member of the Council of State. In 1923 he and Manuel Quezon, the president of the senate, resigned in protest from the Council of State when the U.S. governor-general (Leonard Wood), began vetoing bills passed by the Philippine legislature. In 1932 Roxas and Sergio Osmeña, the Nacionalista Party leader, led the Philippine independence mission to Washington D.C., where they influenced the passage of teh Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act. Roxas was later opposed by Quezon, who held that the act compromised future Philippine independence; the Nacionalista Party was split between them on this issue. In 1934, however, Roxas was a member of the convention that drew up a constitution under the revised Philippine Independence and Commonwealth Act (Tydings McDuffie Act). Roxas also served as Secretary of Finance in the Commonwealth government (1938-1940).
During World War II Roxas served in the pro-Japanese government of Jose Laurel by acquiring supplies of rice for the Japanese Army. Although a court was established after the war to try collaborators, Roxas was defended by his friend General Douglas McArthur. Roxas was elected president of the commonwealth in 1946 as the nominee of the liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party (which became the Liberal Party), and when independence was declared on July 4 he became the first president of the new republic.
Although Roxas was successful in getting rehabilitation funds from the United States after independence, he was forced to concede military bases (23 of which were leased for 99 years), trade restriction for the Philippine citizens, and special privileges for U.S. property owner and investor. His administration was marred by graft and corruption; moreover, the abuses of the provincial military police contributed to the rise of the left-wing Hukbalahap (Huk) movement in the countryside. His heavy-handed attempts to crush the Huks led to widespread peasant disaffection.
Roxas did not stay long in office because of heart attack upon a speech in an occassion in the Clark Air Base in April 15, 1948 and was succeeded by his vice president Elpidio Quirino.
Manuel Roxas bereaved wife Doña Trinidad de Leon and children Ruby and Gerardo Roxas who became congressman, senator, and a leader of Liberal Party.
He died at the age of 44.
Married to Doña Trinidad de Leon Roxas. Who is very active in the Philippine society. Their two children Ruby, who is active and involved in functions commemorating the memory of her late father and former senator Gerry Roxas, their only son, died several years ago.
Political leader and second president of the Independence Republic of the Philippines.
He was born on November 16, 1890 in Vigan, Ilocos Sur.
After obtaining a law degree from the University of the Philippines in 1915, Quirino practiced law until he was elected as member of Philippine House of Representative in 1919-25 and as senator in 1925-1931. In 1934 he was a member of the Philippine Independence mission to Washington D.C., headed by Manuel Quezon, which secured the passage in Congress of the Tydings-McDuffie Act, setting the date for Philippine independence as July 4, 1946. He was also elected to the convention that drafted a constitution for the new Philippine Commonwealth. Subsequently he served as secretary of finance and secretary of the interior in the Commonwealth government.
After World War II, Quirino serve as secretary of state and vice president under the first president of the independence Philippines, Manuel Roxas. When Roxas died on April 15, 1948, Quirino suceeded to the presidency. The following years, he was elected president for a four-year term on the Liberal Party ticket, defeating the Nacionalista candidiate.
President Quirino's administration faced a serious threat in the form of the Communist led Hukbalahap (Huk) movement. Though the Huks originally had been an anti-Japanese guerrilla army in Luzon, the Communists steadily gained control over the leadership, and when Quirino's negotiation with Huk commander Luis Taruc broke down in 1948, Taruc openly declared himself a Communist and called for the overthrow of the government. By 1950 the Huks had gained control over a considerable portion of national defense to suppress the insurrection.
Quirino's six years as president were marked by notable postwar reconstruction, general economic gains, and increased economic aid from the United States. Basic social problems, however, particularly in the rural areas, remained unsolved; Quirino's administration was tainted by widespread graft and corruption. The 1949 election, which he had won, were among the most dishonest in the country's history. Magsaysay, who had been largely successful in eliminating the threat of the Huk insurgents, broke with Quirino on the issue of corruption, campaigning for clean elections and defeating Quirino as the Nacionalista candidate in the presidential election of 1953. Subsequently, Quirino retired to private life, in his new country home in Novaliches where he died of heart attack on February 28, 1956. His bereaved wife Alicia Syguia and children Tomas, Victoria and victims of Massacre of World War II: Armando, Norma and Fe. His wife Alicia also died during World War II and already dead when Quirino become president. Of their children only Victoria is alive and re-married to Paco Delgado.
Quirino died at the age of 66.
Best known for successfully defeating the communist led Hukbalahap (Huk) Movement. Idol of the masses, champion of democracy, and freedom fighter.
He was born in the capital of Iba, Zambales on August 31, 1907. His parents are Exequel Magsaysay and Perfecta Del Fiero.
Magsaysay finished his elementary at the Castillejos, However his secondary course at the Zambales Academy both in his hometown Zambales.
Though most Philippine political leaders were of Spanish descent, Magsaysay was of Malay stock, like most of the common people. He took up mechanical engineering at University of the Philippines but ended up with a commerce degree from Jose Rizal College in Manila in 1933 and became general manager of a Try-Tran transportation company before starting as a mechanic. After serving as a guerrilla leader on Luzon during World War II, he was appointed military governor of his home province, Zambales, by MacArthur, when the United States recaptured the Philippines. He served two terms (1946-50) as a Liberal Party congressman for Zambales, his first experience in politics.
President Elpidio Quirino appointed Magsaysay secretary of defense to deal with the threat of the Huks, whose leader, Luis Taruc, in February 1950 established a People's Liberation Army and called for the overthrow of the government. Magsaysay then carried out until 1953 one of the most successful anti-guerrilla campaigns in modern history. Realizing that the Huks could not survive without popular support, he strove to win the trust of the peasants by offering land and tools to those who came over to the government side and by insisting that army units treat the people with respect. Reforming the army, he dismissed corrupt and incompetent officers and emphasized mobility and flexibility in combat operations against the guerrillas. By 1953, Huks were no longer a serious threat, but Magsaysay's radical measures had made many enemies for him within the government, compelling him to resign on February 28, when he charge the Quirino administration with corruption and incompetence.
Although Magsaysay was a Liberal, the Nacionalista Party successfully backed him for the presidency against Quirino in the 1953 elections, winning the support of Carlos P. Garcia, who had organized a third party. Magsaysay promised reform in every segment of Philippine life, but he was frustrated in his efforts by a conservative congress that represented the interest of the wealthy. Despite initial support of Congress in July 1955.
Magsaysay was unable to pass effective land reform legislation; government indifference to the plight of the peasants then undid most of his good work in gaining the support of the people against the Huks. Neverthless, he remained extremely popular and had a well deserve reputation for incorruptibility.
In foreign policy, Magsaysay remained a close friend and supporter of the United States and a vocal spokesman against communism during the Cold War. He made the Philippines a member of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, which was established in Manila on September 8, 1954. Before the expiration of his term as president, Magsaysay was killed when his airplane crashed at Mount Pinatubo in the early morning of March 17, 1957, he was succeeded by the vice president, Carlos P. Garcia. The nation was shocked upon learning of Magsaysay sudden death, most of the Filipino people mourned because the nation lost a well loved leader, who in his lifetime become a legendary figure in Philippine politics.
He left his bereaved wife Luz Banzon, children Teresita, Milagros Magsaysay Valenzuela and Ramon Magsaysay Jr., a proclaim winner in May 8, 1995 Senatorial election.
Magsaysay died at the age of 50 years old.
Filipino reformist president of the Republic of the Philippines.
Best known as the "Champion of the Common Man."
He was born in Barrio San Nicolas, Lubao, Pampanga, on September 28, 1910. His parents are Urbano Macapagal and Romana Pangan, their family was a middle class and a law abiding citizen, Macapagal pursue his studies in order to reach his goal in the future.
Nevertheless, Macapagal finish his elementary at the Lubao Elementary School, he received an honor of being the valedictorian and in 1929 in the Pampanga High School for his secondary course, he is the salutatorian.
He entered Philippine Law School to get his law degree.In this law school he become well-known as the best orator and debater. After two years he transferred to the University of Sto. Tomas.
After receiving his law degree, Macapagal was admitted to the bar in 1936. During World War II, he practiced law in Manila and aided the anti-Japanese resistance. After the war he worked in a law firm and in 1948 served as second secretary to the Philippine Embassy in Washington, D.C. The following year was elected to a seat in the Philippine House of Representatives, serving until 1956. During this time he was Philippine representative to the United Nations General Assembly three times. From 1957 to1961, Macapagal was a member of the Liberal Party and vice president under Nacionalista President Carlos P. Garcia. In the 1961 elections, however he ran against former president Carlos P. Garcia forging a coalition of the Liberal and progressive parties and making a crusade against corruption a principal element of his platform. He was elected by a wide margin.
While president, Diosdado Macapagal worked to suppress graft and corruption and to stimulate the Philippine economy. He placed the Peso in the free currency-exchange market, encouraged wealthiest families, which cost the treasury millions of pesos yearly. His reforms, however, were crippled by a House Representatives and Senate dominated by the Nacionalistas, and he was defeated in the 1965 elections by Ferdinand E. Marcos.
Macapagals administration (1961 - 1965) is best remembered for resetting the date of the celebration of Philippine Independence Day from July 4 when the U.S. turned over the reins of government in 1946 to the more correct date of June 12 when Aguinaldo declared independence in 1898.
In 1972 he chaired the convention that drafted the 1973 constitution only to question in 1981 the validity of its ratification. In 1979 he organized the National Union for Liberation as an opposition party to the Marcos regime. He had two children from first wife Purita dela Rosa (deceased); Maria Cielo and Arturo. For his second wife Doña Evangeline Macaraeg Macapagal, their children are Maria Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, a winner in the 1995 senatorial race and Diosdado Macapagal Jr. who served the government under Corazon's administration.
As of this writing (February 1996) Macapagal is still alive and a regular writer/columnist in a leading newspaper. In his retirement, although he still heartily and devoted a good part of his time to reading and writing.
The good president always remembered those past days serving his country with love and honor with peace in his heart.
Philippine lawyer and politician who, as head of the States from 1966 to 1986.
He was born in Sarrat, Ilocos Norte on September 11, 1917. His parents are; Don Mariano Marcos and Doña Josefa Edralin. His father is a politician, while his mother is a teacher in their hometown.
Marcos attended school at the age of five years old in Sarrat Central School, later he transferred to Manila. According to his scholastic records, Marcos always got an honor from his elementary and secondary course. He is best in oratory speeches as well as in debate and declamatory speeches.
Marcos attended school in Manila and studied law in the late 1930s at the University of the Philippines, in Quezon City. Tried for the assassination in 1933 of a political opponent of his politician father, Marcos was found guilty in November 1939. But he argued his case on appeal to the Philippine Supreme Court, acquittal a year later. He become a trial lawyer in Manila. During World War II he served as an officer with the Philippine Armed Forces. Captured by the Japanese, he survived the Death March from Bataan to Central Luzon and then escaped. Marcos subsequent claims to being an important leader in the Filipino guerrilla resistance movement were a central factor in his later political success, but U.S. government archives revealed that he actually played little or no part in anti-Japanese activities during 1942-45.
From 1946 to 1947 Marcos was a technical assistant to Manuel Roxas, the first president of the independent Philippine Republic. He was a member of House of Representatives (1949-1959) and of the Senate (1959-1965). Serving as Senate President (1963-1965). In 1965, Marcos, who was a prominent member of the Liberal Party founded by Roxas, broke with it after failing to get his party's nomination for president. He then ran as the Nationalist Party candidate for president against the Liberal president, Diosdado Macapagal. The campaign was expensive and bitter. Marcos won and was inaugurated as president. On December 30, 1969, Marcos was reelected, the first he had made progress in agriculture, industry, and education. Yet his administration was troubled by increasing student demonstrations and violent urban-guerilla activities.
On September 21, 1972, Marcos imposed martial law. Holding that communist and subversive forces precipitated the crisis, he acted swiftly; opposition politicians were jailed and the armed forces became an arm of the regime. Opposed by political leaders- notably Benigno Aquino Jr., who was jailed and held in detention for almost eight years, Marcos was also criticized by church leaders and others. In the provinces Maoist communists (New Peoples Army) and Muslim separatist undertook guerrilla activities intended to bring down the central government.
Under Martial Law the president assumed extraordinary powers, including the suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus. Marcos announce the end of Martial Law in January 17, 1981 but still ruled in an authoritarian fashion thereafter under various constitutional formats. He won election to the newly created post of president against only token opposition in June 1981.
Marcos wife from 1954 was Imelda Romualdez Marcos, a former beauty queen. Imelda became a powerful figure in her own right after her husband instituted martial law in 1972. She was frequently criticized for her appointment of relatives to lucrative government and industrial position while she held the post of Governor of Metropolitan Manila (1975-1986) and Minister of Human Settlements and Ecology (1979-1986).
Marcos later years in power were marred by rampant government corruption, economic inequalities between the rich and the poor, and the steady growth of a communist guerrilla insurgency active in the rural areas of the Philippines innumerable islands.
By 1983 Marcos health was beginning to fall, and opposition to his rule was growing. Hoping to present an alternative to both Marcos and the increasingly powerful New Peoples Army. Benigno Aquino Jr. return to Manila on August 21, 1983, only to be shot dead as he stepped off the plane. The assassination was probably the work of the government and touch off massive anti-government protest. An independent commission appointed by Marcos concluded in 1984 that high military officers were responsible for Aquino's assassination. To reassert his mandate, Marcos called for presidential election to be held in 1986. But a formidable political opponent soon emerged in Aquino's widow, Corazon C. Aquino, who became the presidential candidate of the opposition. It was widely asserted that Marcos managed to defeat Aquino and retain the presidency in the election of February 7, 1986, only through massive voting fraud on the part of his supporters. Marcos held to his presidency as the Philippine military split between supporters of his and of Aquino's legitimate right to the presidency. A tense stand off (EDSA Revolution, People's Power) that ensued between the two sides ended only when Marcos fled the country on February 25, 1986 at United States urging, and went into exile in Hawaii, USA.
Evidence subsequently emerged that during his year in power, Marcos, his family, and his close associates had looted the Philippines economy of billions of dollars through embezzlements and other corrupt practices. Marcos and his wife were subsequently indicted by the U.S. government on racketeering charges. After a trial a year later, Imelda won acquittal by the board of jury. Imelda return to the Philippines to face the charges against her and her family.
Marcos died on September 28, 1989 at Waikiki, Hawaii. His bereaved wife, Imelda R. Marcos and children Imee Marcos Manotoc, Irene Marcos Araneta and Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr., a former congressman of Ilocos Sur and a senatorial candidate in May 8, 1995 election. He serve as congressman under Ramos administration.
Ferdinand Marcos died at the age of seventy two (72).
Political leader and president from (1986 to 1992) of the Philippines. In 1983 she succeeded her murdered husband, Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr.(A popular critic of the Marcos administration), as leader of the opposition to President Ferdinand Marcos. No one could have imagined that Cory Aquino would become a president of the Philippines.
Corazon "Cory" Aquino, the first woman to become president of the Philippines, was born in Tarlac on January 25, 1933. Her parents are Don Jose Cojuangco and Doña Demetria Sumulong. Cory was the sixth among the eight children of the Sumulong. Corazon Aquino's children are Maria Elena Aquino, Aurora Corazon, Victoria Eliza, Noynoy and Kris Aquino, her youngest child is a TV and movie personality.
Corazon Cojuangco was born into a wealthy, politically prominent family based in Tarlac province, north of Manila. In 1946, her family left for the U.S. and she enrolled at Ravenhill Academy in Philadelphia. She finished her junior and senior years at Notre Dame College in New York. She entered Mount Saint Vincent College in New York City in 1949 where she finished a Bachelor of Arts, major in French. In 1953, she returned to the Philippines to take up law at the Far Eastern University, but then abandoned further studies in 1955 to marry Benigno Aquino, who was then a promising young politician. Cory remained in the background during her husband's subsequent career, rearing their five children at home and later in exile. Her husband was assassinated upon his return to the Philippines in August 1983.
When Ferdinand Marcos unexpectedly called for presidential election in February 1986, Corazon Aquino become the unified opposition's candidate for the presidency. Though she was officially reported to have lost the election to Marcos, Aquino and her supporters challenged the results, charging widespread voting fraud. High officials in the Philippines military soon publicly renounced Marcos continued rule and proclaimed Aquino the Philippines rightful president. On February 25, 1986, both Aquino and Marcos were inaugurated as president by their respective supporters but that same day Marcos fled the country.
In March 1986 she proclaimed a provisional constitution and soon thereafter appointed a commission to write a new constitution. The resulting document was ratified by a landslide popular vote in February 1987. In spite of her continuous popular support, Aquino faced an ongoing outcry over economic injustice, a problem that was only exacerbated by continuing warfare between the communist insurgency and a military whose loyalties to Aquino were uncertain. In general, her economic policies were criticized for being mixed or faltering in the face of mass poverty.
Aquino children are Maria Elena Aquino, Aurora Corazon, Victoria Eliza, Noynoy and Kris Aquino. Her youngest child is a TV & movie personality.
As head of the State his administration centerpiece program is the Philippines 2000; which aim to uplift the Philippines as a newly industrialized country by the year 2000.
Fidel V. Ramos was born in Lingayen, Pangasinan on February 8, 1928. His parents are Narciso Ramos (A lawyer, a crusading journalist, a legislator and later, secretary of foreign affairs) and Angela Valdez Ramos. Fidel V. Ramos have two sisters, Senator Leticia Ramos Shahani and Gloria Ramos de Rodda, a diplomat.
Become a Valedictorian of his graduating class at the Lingayen Elementary School in Maniboc, Lingayan, Pangasinan, he was the consistent valedictorian of his class, through his elementary grades and through his high school at the University of the Philippines.
In the year 1950, Fidel V. Ramos graduated in the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, New York, a well know military school in the U.S.A. He also acquired his master in Civil Engineering course at the University of Illinois in the year 1951. Another course in associate Infantry Company Officers at Fort Benning at Fort Bragg. In the year 1960 he was the topnotcher of all the 21 graduated for the "Special Forces/Pay Operations/Airborne." Aside from those courses, he took up Command and General Staff at Fort Santiago year 1965, where he became the topnotcher of all 48 graduating students.
During the administration of President Marcos, Fidel V. Ramos became the Presidential assistant of military tactics. (1968-1969); Assistant to the head of State of the Civil Defense July 1, 1969- Nov. 6, 1970. Head of the Intelligence Services of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and Deputy Chief of Staff for Home Defense Activities (1971-1981).
Moreover, he become a delegate of the Philippines to other countries such as: Delegation for the third conference of the Association fo Southeast Asian Nations, held at Malaysia (1969) and the Ministerial conference of Southeast Asian Nations held at Kuala Lumpur (Nov. 1971).
According to his record, FVR receives award, medal and honor for his achievements in Korea and Vietnam. Known for his disciplinarian method in his troop but has a good faith in his heart.
In his administration the good President look forward the dream for the Philippines as an industrialized country towards the year 2000. He also emphasizes for the rebels who are willing to surrender, to achieved the real peace and order in the country.
The Ramos Administration intensify to complete the Program such as; school buildings, roads and bridges, country wide development, country's infrastructure program for Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao and inviting foreign investors to put up business in the country to help the Filipino People.
Ramos married Amelita Martinez on October 21, 1953. They had five children.
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Remembering Don Sergio Osmeña: most illustrious · Rare Periodicals · Open Access Repository @ UPD
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Title
Remembering Don Sergio Osmeña: most illustrious
Creator
Llanto, Geronimo R.
Language
English
Year
1965
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https://pineappleind.com/blogs/about-us/journey-of-the-barong-tagalog-20th-century-philippines-part-4-president-sergio-osmena
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Journey of the Barong Tagalog, 20th Century Philippines, Part 4: President Sergio Osmeña
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2020-11-27T05:27:39+00:00
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Sergio Osmeña, Sr. was a Filipino politician with a long and remarkable career in government. He served as Governor of Cebu (1906 to 1907), member and first speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives (1907 to 1922), and Senator (1922 to 1935). Osmeña served as Vice President under President Manuel L. Quezon f
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Pineapple Industries
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https://pineappleind.com/blogs/about-us/journey-of-the-barong-tagalog-20th-century-philippines-part-4-president-sergio-osmena
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Osmeña addresses an audience in a Barong Tagalog in 1960.
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https://www.philstar.com/the-freeman/opinion/2023/09/09/2294980/remembering-don-sergio-osmeas-integrity-and-selflessness
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Remembering Don Sergio Osmeña’s integrity and selflessness
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[
"Atty Josephus Jimenez"
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2023-09-09T00:00:00
|
Today is the 145th birth anniversary of the greatest Cebuano who ever lived, Don Sergio Osmeña Sr., the fourth president of the Philippines.
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https://www.philstar.com/images/Home/favicon.ico
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Philstar.com
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https://www.philstar.com/the-freeman/opinion/2023/09/09/2294980/remembering-don-sergio-osmeas-integrity-and-selflessness
|
Today is the 145th birth anniversary of the greatest Cebuano who ever lived, Don Sergio Osmeña Sr., the fourth president of the Philippines. He is remembered for his honesty, humility, integrity and selflessness. He could have been the third president after the second president, Manuel L. Quezon died in New York, on August 1, 1944, but the Japanese invaded our country and installed Jose P. Laurel Sr as puppet president. The sterling qualities of Cebu’s grand old man are what our country needs today.
Don Sergio was the father of Serging Osmeña, whose sons Tomas, former city mayor, and Sergio III or Serge, former senator of multiple terms, like their first degree cousins, John “Sonny” Osmeña, former city mayor, congressman and multi-term senators, and Lito Osmeña who became one of Cebu’s best governors. Serging Osmeña and Lito Osmeña both ran for president but were beaten by their opponents. In 1969, Serging of the Liberal Party was badly beaten by the then incumbent candidate of the Nacionalista Party, Ferdinand Marcos Sr. Marcos poured millions into Cebu aiming to defeat Serging here, courtesy of allies led by congressmen Ramon Durano Sr. of the northeast, Tereso Dumon of the northwest, Manuel Zosa of the southwest, and Isidro Kintanar of the southeast, all Nacionalistas.
Don Sergio Osmeña was born on September 9, 1878, in the then Cebu municipality. Just recently it was discovered by DNA test, that Don Sergio was, after all, allegedly the son of Don Antonio Sanson, a socially prominent and wealthy Chinese mestizo businessman and haciendero known for his vast landholdings throughout Cebu. Sanson came from one of Cebu’s oldest and most illustrious families. It is also recorded that Sergio’s mother, Juana Osmeña y Suico, born in 1858 and died in 1941, was reportedly 20 years old at the time she begot Don Sergio. However, since Sanson was already married to another woman, Sergio was considered born out of wedlock. As a result, Don Sergio took on his mother’s surname.
It was in the Colegio de San Carlos that Don Sergio Osmeña received his elementary education. Then he transferred to Manila and enrolled at the San Juan de Letran College where destiny made him meet his long-time political ally, Manuel L. Quezon, from the small town of Baler in what was then called the province of Tayabas. Their other classmates were Juan Sumulong, also a famous politician later who was the great-grandfather of Corazon Sumulong Cojuangco Aquino, eleventh president of the Philippines. One of their classmates was also Emilio Jacinto, the highest-ranking general of the Philippine Revolution and formerly known as the true Brains of the Katipunan. Don Sergio and Quezon transferred to the University of Santo Tomas where he topped the class, Osmeña got second place in the 1903 Bar exam while Quezon placed fourth.
In politics, Don Sergio started as Cebu governor in 1906. In 1907, he was elected congressman and then the House elected him speaker at the age of 29. He was consistently reelected speaker of the House until 1916. He was senator from 1922 to 1935. He was vice president from 1935 to 1944. As such, he was also appointed by Quezon as secretary of Education, then called Department of Public Instruction from 1935 to 1940, then secretary of Public Instruction, Health and Public Welfare (combination of DepEd, DOH, and DSWD) from 1941 to 1944. In 1944, he assumed the presidency, when Quezon died of tuberculosis in Saranac Lake, New York, USA. Don Sergio Osmeña Sr. accompanied General Douglas MacArthur in the famous liberation landing in Palo, Leyte, on October 20, 1944.
Don Sergio and his other friend, Don Manuel Roxas of Capiz, both Nacionalistas entered into a friendly race for standard bearer in 1946. Roxas was beaten overwhelmingly. Roxas then bolted the Nacionalistas and founded the Liberal Party and then ran against Don Sergio. Osmeña was too busy rehabilitating the country after the Japanese devastation. He had no time to campaign. Roxas won by1,333,392 over Osmeña’s 1,129,996. Osmeña’s vice presidential bet Eulogio Rodriguez of Rizal was also beaten by Liberal Party’s Elpidio Quirino of Ilocos Sur. And the rest is history.
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List of Presidents of the Philippines (Twisted Philippines)
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UNDER CONSTRUCTION. This is a list of presidents of the Philippines.
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Alternative History
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https://althistory.fandom.com/wiki/List_of_Presidents_of_the_Philippines_(Twisted_Philippines)
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UNDER CONSTRUCTION.
This is a list of presidents of the Philippines.
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What Was the Independence Act? – AHA
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Later events have not altered the American intention to see that the Philippines become independent, but those events have made desirable some reconsideration of the details of the independence program.
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From GI Roundtable 24: What Lies Ahead for the Philippines? (1945)
In 1934 the vague American promise that some day the Philippine Islands would be set free to govern themselves as an independent nation was put into the relatively exact terms of law. The Tydings-McDuffie or Philippine Independence Act of that year did not give precise and final answers to all the questions of future Philippine-United States relations. But it went very far in laying down the lines of procedure for an orderly and mutually agreeable transfer of the reins of government from American to Philippine hands.
The law called upon the Filipinos to draw up a constitution and submit it to the president of the United States and to the people of the islands for approval. This constitution was required to provide for a republican form of government, to contain a bill of rights, and to guarantee certain things to the United States pending the day of final independence. For instance, the United States retained complete or partial control of foreign relations, finances, defenses, and so on.
After a period of ten years of gradual withdrawal, usually called the “Commonwealth” period, all connection was to be severed. The only exceptions concerned arrangements for continued American use of naval reservations and fueling stations. These were left for negotiation after July 4, 1946, the scheduled day of complete independence. Arrangements for future commercial relations were to be negotiated before that date.
This program was in process of being carried out, with some hitches and some misgivings as to whether it could be really successful, when the outbreak of war and the Japanese invasion put it on the shelf. Later events have not altered the American intention to see that the Philippines become independent, but those events have made desirable some reconsideration of the details of the independence program.
Who were the Philippine leaders?
The story of the American administration in the islands would be incomplete without some account of the Filipinos who co-operated with our officials even while they struggled with the United States to attain their ever desired independence.
The Philippines have produced a number of excellent public servants, but two have stood out all during the years. They are the late president, Manuel L. Quezon, and the present president, Sergio Osmeña.
Manuel Quezon was a major in the Filipino army that fought against the Americans. He was a brilliant young lawyer who left his profession to enter politics. His first office was the governorship of Tayabas, his native province. Up a ladder of other offices he climbed to become, after 1916, the acknowledged leader of the Filipinos at home and the most ardent advocate of their cause before the American Congress and people. He led many missions to the United States, returning from one of them with the Independence Act, which his people readily accepted. Two years earlier he had opposed an almost identical independence measure brought back by Osmeña.
Quezon was a brilliant and courageous man, a keen and resourceful politician, impulsive, generous, and strong-willed. Though vain, his love of country outweighed love of self. He became to his people the symbol of freedom, of Philippine nationalism.
As was to be expected, Quezon was elected the first president of the Commonwealth. When the constitution was amended to shorten the term of the presidency and to permit re-election for one term, he was returned to office. His administration of the Philippine Commonwealth was characterized by the phrase “social justice.” He instituted many reforms and fought to gain better living and working conditions for his people. In many of these he and his government were successful.
Sergio Osmeña, who succeeded to the presidency of the Philippines upon Quezon’s death in August 1944, is a man whose public career paralleled in many ways that of his predecessor. Born in Cebu, he studied law and was for a short time a newspaper editor. He became the first Filipino governor of his province under the Americans. In 1907 he was elected the first Speaker of the Assembly, and was the Number One political figure in the country for the next decade. After 1922 Osmeña took second place to Quezon in national politics.
Naturally these two prominent Filipino leaders opposed each other frequently on minor issues. But they were always united in their desire to secure freedom for their country, and differences between them were always reconciled-to Mr. Quezon’s advantage.
President Osmeña has always had a large following in his own central islands, and is a man who is known and respected throughout the Philippines. Less colorful than his predecessor, he is generally considered more of a statesman, and it is apparent that he has frequently sacrificed personal ambition and prestige in the interest of his country.
At the same time, Osmeña represents the same party and the same interests as Quezon, and is indeed much more conservative than the latter. His relations with the Americans have been very good. This augurs well for continuing relationships between the two countries during a difficult period. The test of his vision and statesmanship is at hand now that General MacArthur has restored to him and his government the control of the Philippines and he must face the old problems and the new.
What’s in the Philippine constitution?
As required by the Independence Act, the Filipinos drafted a constitution in 1934. It was approved by President Roosevelt and by an overwhelming majority of the Filipino people. Competent authorities consider it a workmanlike document and one well suited to Philippine conditions. It is republican in form, contains a bill of rights, and a declaration of principles. It can be amended.
Notable were the provisions for a one-house legislative body—the National Assembly—and for a six-year term of office for the president and vice-president. Re-election of the president was prohibited. The constitution was amended, however, in 1940 to add an upper house and change the presidential term to four years, with re-election for one term being permitted.
Such restrictions as were placed upon the government of the Commonwealth of the Philippine Islands were those deemed necessary in view of the fact that the United States was still sovereign in the islands. Foreign affairs continued under the control of the United States. No acts affecting currency, foreign trade, or immigration could become law without the approval of the president of the United States. The United States retained rights to maintain armed forces and military and other reservations in the Philippines during the Commonwealth period. Decisions of Commonwealth courts were subject to review by the United States Supreme Court. Pending the final withdrawal of the sovereignty of the United States, all citizens and officers of the Commonwealth owed allegiance to the United States.
A United States high commissioner to the Philippines was appointed by the president to represent him in the Philippines. Among his obligations was that of watching over currency matters and financial affairs. The Commonwealth was represented in Washington by a resident commissioner appointed by the Philippine president. He was to be spokesman for his government and people in Washington. He had a seat in our House of Representatives but not the right to vote.
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02) – Manuel L. Quezon III
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Chapter 2: The coming man (1892-1922)
On the first of January 1892, in the town of Capiz in the province of the same name, a posthumous child was born. The child’s mother was Rosario Acuna vda. De Roxas, a widow only 22 years of age, her giving birth shrouded by two tragedies. Her husband, Gerardo, had been assassinated eight months before by guardia civiles whom he had humiliated after they tried to pick a fight with his brothers; her father-in-law, Don Antonio Roxas, died of grief three months after the death of his eldest son.
According to the traditions of the Church, the child, a boy, was baptized Manuel. His mother, his elder brother Mamerto, and Manuel, came under the care, as was the custom, of his paternal grandfather, Eleuterio Acuna, a civil servant.
The circumstances under which Manuel Roxas was born were symptomatic of the twilight of the Age of Spain in the Philippines. The Spaniards were increasingly finding Filipinos — the indios of centuries past, emboldened by education, increased wealth, and a growing sense of nationalism — unwilling to accept the petty abuses and racial tyranny of a regime that hung on, inflexibly, to a social and political system which would make no allowances for Filipino feeling. Within four years of Gerardo Roxas’s death, and when the son he never knew was only four, a revolution had begun; when his son was six, Spain’s three and a quarter centuries of rule had come to an end. Within seven years of Mamerto Roxas’s death, in 1899, the guardia civiles were gone forever, to be replaced by other foreigners: among them, the first American soldier-cum-schoolteacher to step foot in Capiz, Capiz, who made one of his students the young Manuel.
The new century began with the first Filipino Republic in retreat, and that soldier-schoolteacher, George Shoens already in Capiz for a year. The first year of the new century would see the Republic utterly destroyed, its President held captive in Malacañan Palace, its preeminent figures either actively collaborating with the American conquerors or in embittered imprisonment on Guam. The two years of Revolution to create an independent Philippines were washed away by years of bloody warfare between Filipinos and their erstwhile American allies, peaking in 1901, but sputtering on intermittently for over a decade more. And yet, with President Aguinaldo’s capture and subsequent oath of allegiance to the United States, and the official proclamation of the end of ‘the Philippine Insurrection’ by President Theodore Roosevelt the next year, on July 4, 1902, Americans and Filipinos, could look forward—if looking forward could be called that on the part of Filipinos—toward mapping out the future instead of mopping up blood.
In the year of ending and beginning, 1903, one of the greatest minds this nation has ever produced, recently returned home after imprisonment and exile, set down for posterity his thoughts about the future direction his countrymen should take. In a small nipa house not far from the Palace his former chief Aguinaldo had been imprisoned, Apolinario Mabini, reluctant politician, peerless intellectual, with mere months left in his tired and tragic life, was putting the finishing touches to his apologia, La Revolucion Filipina, which analyzed the revolution and republic he had served.
The revolution of 1896, resumed in 1898, was not preordained. Spain, by listening to Jose Rizal’s earnest pleas for reform and reconciliation, for the recognition of Filipino dignity by giving basic political rights and limiting, if not abolishing, the powers abused by the clergy, could have kept Filipinos happy and loyal. Instead, loyal petitions were met with hostility, racial antipathy, and imperial arrogance; abuses, instead of being investigated, were covered up; and while revolution simmered, and then flared, the Spaniards went ahead and made a martyr of that most reluctant of revolutionaries, Jose Rizal.
Still, Spain, with a last exertion of conquistadorial will, suppressed the revolution, Te Deums were being sung at the Manila Cathedral even as General Emilio Aguinaldo sailed into exile to form a poverty-struck junta in Hong Kong. He might have faded away from history in that British colony had not America flexed its new imperialist muscles and sought the destruction of the remainder of Spain’s empire in the New World and the Orient. America was in search of Manifest Destiny and the senile empire of Spain was in the way.
Rizal had foreseen American expansion in Asia, and Mabini had foreseen that the nation that was today’s ally might be tomorrow’s foe; having studied the causes of revolution, Mabini went on to describe the causes for the demise and destruction of that revolution’s child, the first republic.
Impatience, vainglory, a lack of honor and of judgment, Mabini judged, led to the downfall of both the Philippine Revolution and the First Philippine Republic. Filipinos suffered from the petty and violent jealousies of their leaders, as demonstrated by the power struggle which Andres Bonifacio, Supreme Leader of the secret society known as the Katipunan, lost, and Emilio Aguinaldo, a lucky commander and better politician, won; a lack of strategic vision; most of all from a lack of morality at the top which was copied by those under their command, as demonstrated by the abuse of women by Filipino soldiers which Mabini bitterly condemned. The Republic fell, fighting heroically, it was true, but hampered by the naïveté and conceit of its leaders, whom Mabini had tried honorably to serve.
Having penned his analysis for the failures of the past, Mabini set out to pen his hopes and his advice—for the future.
In the tradition of Rizal, Mabini mused on what he thought would arise from the conditions then extant. July 4, 1901 had seen the inauguration as Civil Governor of William Howard Taft, 330 pounds of ponderous politician, who replaced an embittered Lt. Gen. Arthur MacArthur and promptly began to govern with a cabinet-cum-legislature called the Philippine Commission, composed of Americans and cooperative Filipinos. A year later, by the time Theodore Roosevelt declared the ‘insurrection’ officially over, the position of Military Governor had been abolished, and the US Congress had passed legislation calling for a census preparatory to a national election. Municipal governments had been organized, supervised by a national government armed with a Sedition Law that provided for the punishment of dissent. American actions, from overt acts of conquest, now turned to subtler acts of building up of a government in which Filipinos played a greater role than at any time previously. Circumstances were such that, in Mabini’s mind, Filipinos had acquitted themselves honorably enough on the field of battle for the Americans to recognize that they would do best to give the Filipinos some measure of freedom than to try to kill them all. And that the United States, in turn, because of its own traditions and the peculiar characteristics of its leaders and people, would be more inclined to be reasonable, if not pragmatic, when it came to the principles and objectives of their rule in the Philippines.
But still, would America, then, simply baby the Filipinos along, until Mabini’s countrymen would finally forget the freedom they had lived and died to achieve? No — for too much had happened for Filipinos to forget the aspiration that could only have been smothered much earlier, when the Propagandists first petitioned Spain for the rights of a child; the child had matured, and suffered for its ideals. The ideals could not be forgotten.
Mabini was sure, having worked with many of the men now in the good graces of the Americans, that there would be men of position who would not want independence at all, and thus be natural allies of the Americans: in particular to his former colleagues in government, Trinidad H. Pardo de Tavera, Felipe Buencamino, and Pedro Paterno, who had inaugurated Filipino participation in the new American government by demanding annexation—even statehood—by the United States. De Tavera’s party—the Federalistas—was the first organized under the Americans and would be the first to be rejected by its own people.
Instructive is Mabini’s description of his experience with these politicians, and his analysis of why the politicians at the apex of their careers in 1903 would, by 1907, find themselves in retreat before a generation of Filipinos who were their clerks and aides during the revolution.
“Before my deportation to Guam,” Mabini reminisced, “those who had unconditionally taken the Government’s side in order to win the official title of friends of peace tried to organize a political party. Since the Government could not promise more than a future autonomy, which did not and does not satisfy the people, it did not suit them to adopt this objective since very few would join them. They therefore asked for annexation as a territory for the time being, and subsequently as a state. The truth is not only that such an objective found and finds no support in any political party in the United States, but also that no American statesman believes in the possibility that the islands may some day become a state of the union. But this objective was less objectionable to the people, which they considered too ignorant to grow aware of any political game. I had the imprudence to remark that their aspiration was chimerical; that if they wanted something positive, they should work on the Government to give in a little and promise independence in the future; and that I would help them to convince the people that it should also compromise and give up immediate independence.”
Mabini’s vision, then, was clear. Defeated by the sword, Filipinos must try to achieve their independence not through the sword, but with the pen. The campaign would require compromise, tact, a vision for the future which would sustain a long-term plan involving convincing the Americans that their relinquishing the Philippines was only a matter of how and when, and not if; and of convincing Filipinos to follow the judgment of their leaders as to the right time to push, and the right time to bide their time for positive developments.
A few months after finishing his slim book, Apolinario Mabini died. His nation consumed with the excitement of the here and now, barely noticed his passing, choosing to fete the departure, in December of 1903, of William Howard Taft, promoted to Secretary of War.
The here and now, in fact, compared to the miseries of the Filipino-American War, was exciting. The here and now was the schoolhouse, the teachers called Thomasites after the troopship that had brought schoolmasters and schoolmarms to show the flag throughout the archipelago, an archipelago where instead of the din of fighting there now droned the voices of a new generation reciting A is for Apple and tales of George Washington admitting to chopping down the cherry tree. When, years later, Roxas said in a speech, “I learned my ABC’s at the knees of an American soldier,” he was speaking with gratitude and absolute sincerity. Thus might a Filipino of three centuries before have spoken of the missionary who had baptized him and his tribe.
For if Spain had cemented its rule with the bonds of faith, now America cemented its rule with the one thing that Spain had been loath to provide en masse –education. If Filipinos could be ruled by the faith that made them subservient to the friars of the past, they could now be ruled by a glittering new faith — in the schoolteachers of the present. Roxas was one of these boys, still being taught by the same former Private First Class George Shoens who had arrived in Capiz in 1899, befriending the Roxas family. It was symbolic of the new conquista of the Philippines that the Thomasites imported from America had come to join soldiers who had replaced rifles with pieces of chalk.
Filipino appeals for reform under Spain were premised on the colonial policies of many European empires, which was to view its overseas possessions as integral parts of the motherland. This was, at least, the policy of the French, Portuguese and the Spanish. The British, on the other hand, preferred the view that their possessions might be made independent at some unknown future time; American imperialism was to have a similar, though more short-term attitude.
Brought to war against Spain ostensibly to liberate Cuba, Americans were saddled as an imperialist power by their democratic traditions and their own birth as a collection of rebel colonies. The only way American consciences could be assuaged after the initial jingoism of unrepentant imperialists such as Senator Hendry Cabot Lodge and Theodore Roosevelt (who had conspired to send Commodore George Dewey to knock out the Spanish fleet in the Philippines, take over the Philippines, and thus make its annexation by the United States a fait accompli, positioning the new colony as a means to penetrate the China market), was to maintain that America was not in the Philippines to stay for ever, but to extend to them the “blessings” of Anglo-Saxon government, law, and civilization. And the way to do this —and to ensure the Philippines would be retained as long as possible- was through education, a process that would take generations to complete.
As Roxas learned the three “R’s” —‘Readin’ ‘Ritin, ‘Rithmetic — in the new public school system that won the begrudging respect of the generation of his parents, American control was fortified with the collaboration of Filipino leaders. The men of the hour were familiar names from the twilight of the First Republic: Trininad Pardo de Tavera, linguist, friend of Rizal, who looked like a mournful Don Quijote; Felipe Buencamino, jowly-cheeked, with a walrus-like moustache; Benito Legarda, eloquent, with an exalted sense of self, with Chinese eyes and a Kaiser Wilhelm moustache, who had negotiated the truce between Spain and Aguinaldo known as the Pact of Biak-na-Bato in 1897, and who, as Prime Minister in the Aguinaldo Cabinet, led the defection of notables to the American Camp in 1899-1900. These men, dismayed by the outbreak of hostilities, saw the future in collaboration with America, forming expedient friendships with Taft and, for the moment, making themselves the undisputed representatives of Filipino aspirations. In the Republic, they saw a divided, outgunned, institution doomed to defeat; in America they saw a second chance to achieve the gradual reforms and long-term emancipation without radicalization they had once dreamed of from Spain. Pardo de Tavera and Paterno were appointed to the Philippine Commission.
In 1904, Taft’s successor as Civil Governor, Luke E. Wright, was given the glittering title of Governor-General; it seemed all but a return to the days of Spain —with a difference. Here were masters, at least, prepared to advance Filipinos on the way to modernity, through the path of paternal supervision. American proconsuls and Filipinos of influence such as Pardo de Tavera vied to find young talent to groom; among the young people De Tavera in particular spotted and took an interest in was a Spanish mestizo named Manuel L. Quezon; Americans, too, were scouting, as it were, for younger talent, with Harry Bandholz of the Constabulary also taking a shine to Quezon, and a more powerful figure, William Cameron Forbes, member of the Philippine Commission, taking a shine to a young politician from Cebu, Sergio Osmeña.
De Tavera began a style of leadership that proved successful and was watched by younger politicians. A recent survey of his time of leadership paints a picture familiar to present-day Filipinos; it is a picture of a leader who understood what his peers desired in someone holding a position of responsibility.
In her essay “origins of National Politics,” historian Ruby Paredes has this to say of Pardo de Tavera: “In Manila’s colonial politics, [he] was better suited than any other Filipino for the role of people’s advocate.” In response to the backpedaling of Taft’s successor, Governor-General Luke Wright, who tried to slow down the progress of Filipino participation in colonial affairs, and who consulted the Federalistas in government less and less, Paredes writes that De Tavera was “thrust into the center of the controversy, a position which, by virtue of personality and temperament, he held well. As the highest-ranking Filipino official, Pardo de Tavera’s statements were newsworthy and he used the media exposure to good effect. Described in later years as a man who was ‘not afraid to be quoted,’ Pardo de Tavera indeed shirked nothing of the challenges of the Wright administration…
“Pardo de Tavera was also better informed of the overall situation at the time than any other Filipino, official or nonofficial. As head of the government’s committees on provincial and municipal governments, and on education, he made regular visits to the provinces to inspect conditions and make investigations… His official visits… gave him the grasp necessary for an impassioned advocacy.”
When de Tavera found American officials in Manila uncooperative or hostile, he appealed for intervention and support from Americans in Washington, such as Taft, now Secretary of War, and something of a personal friend. His strategy was to remind Washington officials that a lack of understanding and cooperation in Manila would lead to “discontent” and a “resentment” that was “profound and well-founded.” If America was to keep the peace, it had to take Filipino feelings into consideration; De Tavera was doing his countrymen and the Americans, in effect, a favor by reminding them of what was necessary for colonial policy to succeed: this was his strategy, and it would be one future leaders would adopt. In his own words, “I have not accepted American sovereignty for the pleasure of being under the dominion of a foreign nation, but because I thought that such a dominion was necessary to educate us in self-government.”
The position of de Tavera harked back to the reformist aims of Rizal and his fellow Propagandists: the Propaganda Movement sought gradual reforms to avoid the radical upheavals of revolution. The intransigence of Spain had led to more radical element—the plebian, revolutionary, Katipunan of Andres Bonifacio—taking center stage until Bonifacio was eliminated and the conservative, hierarchical leadership of Aguinaldo welcomed the return of the ilustrados and principalia to positions of influence. Thereafter, when Aguinaldo sought to proclaim independence (against the advice of even Mabini, who was no friend of the ilustrados), and the outbreak of war, the ilustrados applied the brakes and sought a return to their original vision of gradual political advancement. After all, the radical, xenophobic nationalism of revolution had been crushed; the time was ripe to attempt to achieve the dream of Rizal.
For leaders like De Tavera, the problem was that once the rhetoric of revolution has been enunciated, it cannot be forgotten; it is always more inspiring, more emotionally satisfying, than drab talk of the rational benefits of a slow climb to progress. Add to this the propensity of intellectuals involved in politics to over-intellectualize matters, to think things through so much that their actions seem hesitant if not craven, and you have the recipe for the inevitable simmering of discontent and the renewed appeal of more drastic methods to achieve the common objective of independence.
This is why, even as De Tavera began to exhibit the sort of leadership that would come to be identified as desirable (because it is popular )with Filipinos, the circumstances that circumscribed that leadership (working within the system established by the Americans), a corresponding revival of radicalism began to reassert itself, in the ill-fated revolts led by General Artemio Ricarte and agrarian uprisings throughout the American period. However, in the political sense, the advantage Filipino leaders would have during the first three decades of American rule was that suffrage was extremely limited. The Americans had set out to duplicate the development of the political system in the United States, and limited the vote to the oligarchy: that is, Filipino men of legal age who had property and paid taxes —and were literate. And they began with local elections first —with the exception of Manila, which did not have local elections until 1908.
Thus, in 1902, 1904 and 1906, gubernatorial elections were held, restricted to candidates being selected by municipal councilors. Propertied men voted for their municipal councilors in December of an election year; and the councilors in turn elected governors in February, the next year. This was a far cry from the more direct democracy practiced later, and resembled American practice in the early decades of their independence. Electorates were so tiny that the governor of Cebu, in 1902, was elected by a constituency of 425 municipal officials; in the first national elections of the American era, in 1907, only 1.4 percent out of a population of 7.6 million Filipinos could vote. This would gradually expand to about 10 percent of Filipinos being able to vote until the introduction of women’s suffrage in 1937, when 15% percent of Filipinos could vote. Still, from the turbulence of war, the landed gentry became accustomed to predictable elections that consumed their energies and gratified their desire for power and prestige.
It is important to emphasize the limited nature of democracy in the Philippines during much of the American period, because it explains many things that affected Filipino leadership until the birth of the Republic in 1946. There was a political cohesion in terms of candidates and leaders being cut from the same cloth as the people that elected them; there was a great gulf between voters and leaders and the majority of the population that had no vote; in turn, there was a constant clash between the interests and aims of the disenfranchised uneducated and poor classes, and the middle and upper classes that had the vote and who provided the leaders. The push and pull of these contending interests, and the frustration that would boil over into resumptions of a radical means of achieving change, would always be evident.
By the year 1905, the Philippines were being subjected to its first census of the modern era, and Roxas was finishing grade school, back in Capiz after a brief period of study at St. Joseph’s Academy in Hong Kong. Youthful rebellion had brought Roxas to Hong Kong in the first place; he was upset over the remarriage of his mother to a local worthy, Eugenio Picazo, member of the provincial board in Capiz and probably the first political influence on young Roxas’s life. Roxas had found out about his mother’s intention to remarry and ran away from home. His mother and grandfather managed to assuage his feelings—the boy was extremely attached to his mother—but finding him unreceptive to the idea of attending the Ateneo de Manila where his brother Mamerto was a student, Roxas’s grandfather decided to send him to school overseas. Young Roxas was a good student but unhappy; he returned to finish second year high school in Capiz, and was subsequently enrolled at the Manila High School in 1907.
It was in that year that Roxas met his first American official at age fifteen, when he was presented before Secretary of War, William Howard Taft. Taft was in the process of a triumphal tour of the country, having come back to inaugurate the First Philippine Assembly; young Roxas was chosen to deliver a speech of welcome which was favorably received by the dignitaries and remembered forty years later.
Roxas’s move to Manila as a student and boarder in Intramuros came at a time when the capital was abuzz with the pomp and rhetoric of a legislature whose lower house was in the hands of Filipinos. The year 1907 saw the changing of the guard; the generation of ilustrados and the old principalia was giving way to a generation of caciques and young men who had come from nowhere to make names for themselves. Manila was giving way to upstarts from the provinces. The leading names from the time of the Malolos Republic were giving way to new names: an illegitimate Chinese mestizo named Sergio Osmeña, from Cebu and a Spanish mestizo of doubtful provenance named Manuel L. Quezon foremost among them.
Both men had been Spanish loyalists at the outbreak of the Philippine Revolution but become supporters of the Republic when the Filipino-American War broke out. After stints as prosecuting attorneys and then governors of their respective provinces, both men were elected to the Philippine Assembly. Quezon, elected as an independent to the Assembly, conveniently joined the Nacionalistas co-founded by Sergio Osmeña to become Majority Floor Leader presided over by Osmeña as Speaker. There, too, was intellectual from Manila named Rafael Palma, brother of the poet who’d composed the lyrics for the now-banned Philippine National anthem. The cast of characters for the first two decades of Roxas’s life was complete. His early youth and entry into politics would be marked by a political triumvirate composed of these three men.
The rising careers of Osmeña, Quezon and Palma represented the assumption of leadership by a generation that was educated by Spaniards, too young to be of consequence during the Revolution and the First Republic, yet ambitious enough to seek power with the opening up of electoral opportunities under the Americans. Having received the support of Americans, they were grateful for American support; having fought against the Americans and been schooled in the Spanish manner, they were culturally and psychologically wary of American officials and motives; having participated in the Filipino-American War, they were conscious of the romantic ideal of independence; having been vanquished by the Americans and taken the oath of allegiance to the United States, they were dedicated to achieving independence within the parameters of the colonial system established by the United States.
The victory of the two also marked the death of Manila as the governing power—theirs were political bases with regional support, not dependent on, or answerable to, cosmopolitan Manila which didn’t even have the basic representation the provinces had. They were young enough and exposed enough to American influence to consider that Manila represented the governing power of the foreigner; a place to be conquered from the provinces in which they were representatives of an upstart class distasteful to the jaded leadership of Manila’s ilustrado’s and American officials.
The Assembly that convened in the Ayuntamiento de Manila was in a sense, a tangible rejection of Manila’s aspirations to run the country; a rejection every bit as firm as that which had met Bonifacio when he tried to retain control over the Katipunan born in Manila but which comprised provincial leaders such as Aguinaldo. No wonder that throughout the American period, indeed to this day, Manila was always contrarian—fiercely oppositionist, regardless of which Johnny-come-lately from Manila was bossing it over national politics. Pardo de Tavera and his Federalistas, after gaining popularity from 1904-1906, hadn’t fared well in the polls; the Nacionalista Party, with 33% of the vote, had control of the Assembly. De Tavera had left government; Pedro Paterno failed in his bid to be elected Speaker. The new generation had the powerful posts, and in 1908, Rafael Palma was appointed to the Philippine Commission, which served as the upper house of the legislature.
IF the triumvirate of leaders in the Assembly were examples of a particular generation of Filipinos, Roxas was representative of another new generation: steeped in Castilian values because of his being born into the Spanish-educated upper class, but too young to have extensive memories of the Spanish era; steeped in the egalitarian, modern educational system established by the Americans, and thus immersed in American values. Spanish was a language that bound leading men like De Tavera to Osmeña and even Roxas; but unlike older leaders, Roxas and his generation would be fluent, from an early age, in the language of the new colonizer, the language of the future, English. He was representative, as well, of a generation who were sent to public schools, which formerly didn’t even exist, and were examples of secular education compared to the Catholic education of their forebears. Roxas was a public school man through and through; a specimen of the New Man molded by educators in the modern, American image.
In 1909, the year Roxas graduated from the Manila High School and enrolled in law school, the politician who would be identified with long periods in Roxas’s future political life, set out for the United States. Manuel L. Quezon had been bitten by the travel bug the year before when he embarked on the first political junket in Philippine political history, sending himself to St. Petersburg in Russia to attend a navigation congress he didn’t even reach in time; now, he was being sent with the durable old Benito Legarda to the United States to sit in the U.S. House of Representatives as one of the Philippine Resident Commissioners, who could sit and debate in Congress but not vote. Quezon would be spending the next few years learning American-style politics.
From age 18 to 22, Roxas was a student in the University of the Philippines’s college of law. From a prospective career in Medicine in the University of Santo Tomas, Roxas shifted to law when his eventual mentor and friend George Malcolm, first dean of the UP law school and later justice in the Philippine Supreme Court, started law classes. He supported himself by studying cases assigned to the class and selling his notes to his classmates. He was evidently an orator, a talent polished over the years, though in 1911 he had already placed fourth as a freshman in a law debate tournament. Malcolm would later write that Roxas was “quickly recognized as a born leader,” becoming president of his class and gaining prestige for the school in 1913 when he placed first in the bar examinations.
This in turn brought Roxas to the attention of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Cayetano Arellano, who made Roxas his chief law clerk, a prestigious appointment for the young man. While working for the Chief Justice, Roxas supplemented his income by tutoring law students, eventually amassing 200 students. After a year working for the Chief Justice, Roxas resigned in order to gain more lucrative private employment in the firm of Juan Sumulong, eventual head of the main opposition party of the 1920s and early 1930s, the Democrata Party (which is what the Federalista Party had been renamed after its terrific loss in the 1907 elections).
Roxas only lasted a year with the Sumulong law office because in 1917, his grandfather Eluterio Acuna died without a will, requiring Roxas to return to Capiz to look after the interests of his mother. Together with his brother Mamerto, Roxas convinced his mother and her siblings to agree to an amicable settlement. Duty to the family being done, Roxas was looking forward to a lucrative practice in Capiz when he was offered, perhaps because of his stepfather’s being a politician, and certainly as token of respect for the memory of his grandfather, an appointive position as a municipal councilor in his hometown. He found politics congenial. By the time the elections of 1919 rolled around, he had decided he was cut out to be a politician. He would run for governor,
The Roxas embarking on a political career was tall for a Filipino of his generation, about 5’9″; his eyes a surprising hazel, with a yellow-tinge of green to them that people found striking; his complexion was dark. A man of good posture, of considerable charm, and attractive to the opposite sex, he enjoyed the sight of a lady’s fine ankle and a good game of cards, either poker, or, much later on, bridge—all assets for a politician.
His voice was memorable. Former Senator Jovito Salonga remembered it as: “spellbinding… his voice, his diction, his gestures, and his stage presence impressed me to no end.” The quality of Roxas’s voice was measured and pleasant to the ears, never sounding pretentious or parvenu, though speechwriters later on did have to occasionally edit his writing for purple prose, an affliction of Filipino politicians then and now.
Normally Roxas’s voice was low and controlled in conversation, but over the airwaves or on film, or while orating in public plazas and in mass rallies, his voice was capable of a fiery vigor that nonetheless remained pleasant to the ears. It was never high-pitched or shrill as Quezon’s tended to be, or slow and plodding as Osmeña’s delivery often was. Unlike his elders, Roxas could speak to the public in Spanish, English and Tagalog and his own native Visayan. As eloquent in Spanish as his older political peers, he was more comfortable than they in English; he could, when called upon to, deliver speeches in Tagalog. Osmeña was always loath to use English, accomplished as he was, as a writer in Spanish. As for Quezon, Roxas had an advantage over him in having learned English early, and not late in life, and thus not having the thick, Filipino-mestizo, even “provincial” accent that Quezon had. In fact Manuel Roxas’s diction was impeccable, his speech having a slight British inflection, possibly picked up his Hong Kong school stint . His speech was devoid of what is considered the usual “Filipino” accent.
Most of all, as orator and politician, Roxas had a priceless advantage: in the estimation of Malcolm, he possessed that “hard to define yet tangible element of personal magnetism,” a characteristic only Roxas from his generation and Quezon from the older generation possessed: “The crowds were with them before they uttered a word” Malcolm would reminisce, and “it was their dynamic daring, coupled with an ability to coin pungent phrases that captured their listeners.” Again one must refer to George Malcolm, for an appraisal of the character of Roxas, succinct and objective: “few of Roxas’s generation approached him in brilliance of mind, in breadth of information, and in gift of charm. Unable to delegate authority, he could, nevertheless, by himself seek solutions to the most intricate problems… Withal, Roxas was passionately devoted to his country… Roxas’s weakness was his utter consideration of everyone. His infinite patience and kindly compassion would not permit him to take action against transgressors. It must, therefore, be conceded that as an administrator Roxas was perhaps less than great.”
In throwing his hat in the ring for the gubernatorial race, Roxas found himself in the curious position of contesting his uncle twice. Judge Conrado Barrios was not only Roxas’s uncle, but was a Judge of the Court of First Instance in Capiz, an experienced politician, but representative of the older generation already losing out throughout the country. Defeating his uncle for the Nacionalista Party nomination, Roxas then had to battle his uncle who became the candidate of the opposition Democratas. Judge Barrios brought with him the old guard; Roxas had on his side youth, vitality, and a reputation as an up-and-coming man earned from having moved in high places in Manila. Roxas won by 60 votes. He was 27.
The next couple of years were spent following the tried and tested path to gaining national recognition: building a local political base, dismantling his opponents’. Most of all, by turning local position into a platform for achieving national prominence. He caught the eye of the national government through a well-phrased and carefully prepared report on provincial conditions which was sent to other governors by the Secretary of the Interior as a model of what provincial reports should be like. Roxas cultivated ties with the leaders of his party, making a favorable impression on Osmeña and an even better one on Quezon, who was methodically scrutinizing up-and-coming leaders in order to build up a political base for challenging Osmeña. It is no coincidence that in 1921, the year the Osmeña-Quezon leadership tandem would be shaken by a major split between the two leaders, Roxas was elected president of the gathering. Osmeña had reached national prominence much in the same way back fourteen years before.
Finally, Roxas entered into an advantageous marriage with a beautiful and wealthy woman, with an impeccable political background. In 1921 he married Trinidad de Leon, only daughter of a Bulacan politician, Ceferino de Leon, a senator at the time. The circumstances surrounding his marriage only served to enhance his reputation: the onetime Manila Carnival Queen (that is, a beauty pageant winner at a time when to be elected Carnival Queen was a great honor and carried social cachet) De Leon and the young governor of Capiz eloped—with Manuel L. Quezon as their godfather.
Quezon had returned from Washington DC in 1916, after seven years of residency there learning the ins and outs of the American political system. He was a national hero for having secured the passage and keeping the credit for it—of an Act of the U.S. Congress that came to be known as the Jones Law, after its sponsor, Rep. William Atkinson Jones of Virginia. The Jones Law served as an Organic Act, or Constitution, for the Philippines, abolishing the appointive, mostly American Philippine Commission with a mostly elective, and wholly Filipino, upper chamber called the Philippine Senate. The Philippine Assembly was expanded and called the House of Representatives. Having studied the American system up close, Quezon believed that with the adoption of the American bicameral system, and with the American governor-general in effect being an unelected Chief Executive, the most powerful and prestigious position for a Filipino to hold would be that of Senate President.
Sergio Osmeña, exposed to the influence of the Anglophile American governor-general William Cameron Forbes, and because of his familiarity with the Spanish legislative system, believed that the lower House, being larger and more representative, would be the more influential and prestigious chamber. Osmeña opted to remain in the lower house, being elected Speaker, while Quezon ran for the Senate, was elected its first President, and proceeded to chafe over the phlegmatic and conservative leadership of Osmeña.
Osmeña, however, increasingly found himself having to adjust to a political system he had misunderstood from the start, and which was being skillfully manipulated by Quezon.
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Join us this afternoon for another lecture that aims to further enlighten us on the man Cebu celebrates and remembers.
Our speaker is Mr. Eufemio...
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https://www.facebook.com/CebuCityCHAOffice/videos/144th-birth-anniversary-of-president-sergio-osme%C3%B1a-sr-lecture/622349962788526/
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https://www.answers.com/history-ec/What_were_the_achievements_of_Sergio_Osmena
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What were the achievements of Sergio Osmena?
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Together with Manuel Roxas, Sergio Osmena went on a mission to
the United States to request the U.S. Congress to grant the
Philippines its independence. The mission was named Mission OSROX.
This mission was successful, and the Philippines was eventually
granted its independence.
Sergio Osmena became the Vice President of the newly formed
Commonwealth.
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https://www.answers.com/history-ec/What_were_the_achievements_of_Sergio_Osmena
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Together with Manuel Roxas, Sergio Osmena went on a mission to the United States to request the U.S. Congress to grant the Philippines its independence. The mission was named Mission OSROX. This mission was successful, and the Philippines was eventually granted its independence.
Sergio Osmena became the Vice President of the newly formed Commonwealth.
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https://www.upi.com/Archives/1984/04/02/The-body-of-Sergio-Osmena-a-popular-opposition-leader/2826449730000/
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The body of Sergio Osmena, a popular opposition leader...
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1984-04-02T00:00:00
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The body of Sergio Osmena, a popular opposition leader who died a 'lonely' man in the United States after fleeing the Philippines on the eve of martial law,...
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https://www.upi.com/Archives/1984/04/02/The-body-of-Sergio-Osmena-a-popular-opposition-leader/2826449730000/
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CEBU, Philippines -- The body of Sergio Osmena, a popular opposition leader who died a 'lonely' man in the United States after fleeing the Philippines on the eve of martial law, today was flown back to his home town.
Osmena, who unsuccessfully challenged President Ferdinand Marcos for the presidency in 1969 and later was charged with plotting to assassinate him, died of a massive heart attack last Sunday in Los Angeles. He was 67.
'He died lonely, wanting to return to this country,' said his tearful daughter, Minnie Osmena, who accompanied her father's body home. 'That's why, in spite of the political risks, I am returning. I know his goals and will pursue them.'
Osmena's father became president of the Philippines in 1944 and ran the government while in exile in the United States during the Japanese occupation in World War II.
U.S. Ambassador Michael Armacost, Philippine opposition leaders and Manila Mayor Ramon Bagatsing were among those who paid final respects at the Manila airport as Osmena's body arrived from the United States.
The body of the former senator, who spent more than 14 years in exile in the United States, was then flown to his home town of Cebu, the nation's third largest city and a traditional opposition stronghold.
A crowd of about 250 people watched as Osmena's coffin, draped with a Philippine flag, was carried off the plane.
Osmena, who also served as mayor of Cebu and provincial governor, is to lie in state at a 16th century Santo Nino church next to the cross of Spanish explorer Ferdinand Magellan, who landed in Cebu in 1521.
Some 5,000 people today filed past the body, laid in a half-open coffin, and 50,000 were expected by the weekend.
Osmena will be buried Saturday at a family mausoleum.
Marcos declared a special public holiday in the city and the province of Cebu, 350 miles south of Manila. Flags were ordered flown at half-mast to honor the opposition leader.
'He was my opponent but we fought without rancor,' Marcos, 66, said in a statement.
Four times elected Cebu mayor, Osmena was seriously wounded in a grenade attack at an opposition rally in April 1971. He fled to the United States on Sept. 15, 1972, seven days before Marcos declared martial law.
The government charged Osmena and some 30 other Filipinos and foreigners with plotting to assassinate Marcos and stage a coup in 1972. It cited at least seven assassination attempts against Marcos and his wife, Imelda, that year as part of the reason for imposing martial law.
Osmena's son also was charged with plotting to kill Marcos and was among thousands arrested in the early days of martial law. But in a daring prison escape in 1976 he was whisked out of the country and has since lived in California.
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Drums for a President
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[
"TIME"
] |
1944-08-14T04:00:00+00:00
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Manuel Quezon, 65, first President of the Philippine Commonwealth, lay in a log house at Saranac Lake, N.Y. He was listening: his physician was reading aloud from the Sermon on the Mount....
|
en
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/favicon.ico
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TIME
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https://time.com/archive/6897991/drums-for-a-president/
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Manuel Quezon, 65, first President of the Philippine Commonwealth, lay in a log house at Saranac Lake, N.Y. He was listening: his physician was reading aloud from the Sermon on the Mount. Tuberculosis had almost conquered his fighting-bantam little body. But he did not believe he could die when the sun was shining, and now it was bright morning. After a while he asked that the radio be turned on. The news: U.S. troops had landed at Sansapor, Dutch New Guinea. Manuel Quezon, who had dreamed of re-entering Manila with General MacArthur, exclaimed: “Just 600 miles!” Then he coughed spasmodically. A hemorrhage began. When his wife, came, summoned from Mass, he waved her away to spare her the sight of his suffering. He was unconscious in a few minutes. In a few more, his dragging breathing stopped.
The Grey Bird. In Washington, Sergio Osmeña, the shrewd, quiet, Chinese mestizo, became President of the Philippines. For almost a half century Osmeña, like Quezon, had dreamed of power. But the impressionable Filipinos, fascinated by Quezon’s impassioned oratory, his imperious political scheming, the glitter of his presence, thought of Sergio Osmeña as a grey bird flying beside a brightly plumaged jungle cock. Osmeña accepted his defeats quietly, finally became Manuel Quezon’s political friend, came with him to the U.S. as confidant and Vice President after the fall of the islands.
In 1943, when Quezon’s term as President expired, Osmeña should have succeeded him, since a Philippine election was obviously impossible. Instead he agreed with the U.S. Administration’s desire to leave the ailing Quezon in office as a symbol of freedom for his conquered countrymen. Now, as President, he was content to walk again obscured by the pomp of Manuel Quezon’s passing.
Quezon, who once planned to costume the attendants at his Philippine mansion like Buckingham Palace guards, went to his grave in somber splendor. All night, after its return to Washington in a dark baggage car, his body lay in state before the flower-banked altar of St. Matthew’s Cathedral off fashionable Connecticut Avenue. White-gloved soldiers stood impassively with rifles grounded as crowds filed past. People of Filipino descent, great men of the U.S. and plain Americans came, paused, passed on, hour after hour. The next morning General Marshall, Admiral King, Interior Secretary Ickes, Senators and Supreme Court justices were in the packed church as a Requiem Mass was said.
Then Manuel Quezon’s funeral procession began, to the throb of muffled drums, the cadenced music of a military band. The casket was borne on a black-wheeled artillery caisson drawn by six white horses. Behind it marched mourners and battalions from the Army, Navy and Marine Corps. The procession wound its way to the highest hill in Arlington National Cemetery, not far from the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, to a tomb beneath the grey steel mast of the U.S.S. Maine. There, to the measured boom of a 19-gun salute and the long, sweet notes of “Taps,” Manuel Quezon was laid to rest.
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https://pepealas.wordpress.com/tag/sergio-osmena/
|
en
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EL FILIPINISMO
|
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[
"Pepe Alas"
] |
2020-11-15T16:40:29+08:00
|
Posts about Sergio Osmeña written by Pepe Alas
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en
|
https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
|
EL FILIPINISMO
|
https://pepealas.wordpress.com/tag/sergio-osmena/
|
TODAY IN FILIPINO HISTORY: 15 November 1935 — the Commonwealth of the Philippines was inaugurated with Manuel L. Quezon serving as its first President while Sergio Osmeña served as his Vice President.
The Commonwealth of the Philippines was an administrative body that governed Filipinas from 15 November 1935 to 4 July 1946, as established by the Tydings–McDuffie Act, replacing the Insular Government of the Philippines Islands (which existed from 4 July 1901 up until the Commonwealth inauguration). The purpose of the Commonwealth was to transition the country to a fully fledged independent state. It followed a unitary presidential constitutional republic. It also marked the first time in Filipino History that a Filipino occupied Malacañang Palace, the country’s seat of power which had been occupied by Spanish and US governors general for more than three centuries.
The Commonwealth had a brief interlude when the country was invaded by Japan on 8 December 1941. Quezon and Osmeña were forced to establish a government in exile in Washington, D.C. (meanwhile, the Japanese established a puppet republic, with José P. Laurel as its president). When Quezon died on 1 August 1944, Osmeña replaced him. The latter thus returned to the country as the new Commonwealth president right after the Japanese were driven away. He briefly served as the third and last President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines from 28 May 1946 to 4 July 1946, also effectively becoming the first President of the independent Third Philippine Republic after the United States ceded its sovereignty over our country.
Follow me on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram.
I have a few complaints on Quezon’s Game after having seen it last night with my wife (to celebrate her 43rd natal day):
1) Las Casas Filipinas de Acuzar was a bit off to be the setting for Manila. It was too wide open to the elements, too much sky to be seen, with even a mountain for a backdrop. Vigan, Ilocos Sur or Intramuros would have been more believable.
2) There was too much English dialogue between Manuel Quezon and Sergio Osmeña, and between Quezon and his wife Aurora. They spoke more in Spanish, of course.
3) Emilio Aguinaldo never conversed in English with fellow Filipinos. In fact, he had a disdain for it.
4) The rather contemptuous observation of a Jewish-run Hollywood is a recent one.
5) I heard Quezon utter “puñeta” only once.
While it has no overall significance to our country’s general history, Quezon’s Game was still a good period film that offered viewers a glimpse on the behind-the-scenes political maneuverings of a US-sponsored Commonwealth of the Philippines, not to mention another least-known human side to Quezon. Raymond Bagatsing showed us another convincing performance, Audie Gemora was a spitting image of Osmeña, and the white actors playing their white historical counterparts were all laudable in their thespian duties.
Also, Quezon’s Game was the second consecutive movie “game” that made my tears roll: the first was Avengers: Endgame. 😂
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https://www.facebook.com/CebuUpdates/videos/105th-birth-anniversary-of-sergio-serging-osme%25C3%25B1a-jr/2514034242066741/
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en
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105th Birth Anniversary of Sergio " Serging" Osmeña, Jr.
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[
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105th Birth Anniversary of Sergio " Serging" Osmeña, Jr.
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de
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https://static.xx.fbcdn.net/rsrc.php/yT/r/aGT3gskzWBf.ico
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https://www.facebook.com/CebuUpdates/videos/105th-birth-anniversary-of-sergio-serging-osme%C3%B1a-jr/2514034242066741/
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2030
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https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/macarthur-manuel-l-quezon/
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en
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American Experience
|
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] | null |
[
"American Experience"
] |
2018-07-05T14:08:02.445366-04:00
|
The friendship between Quezon and MacArthur deepened in Manila in the late 1920s, when MacArthur commanded the Philippine Department.
|
en
|
https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/macarthur-manuel-l-quezon/
|
In 1904, while in the Philippines on his very first assignment out of West Point, Lieutenant Douglas MacArthur wrote a pamphlet on reconnaissance for the Philippine Constabulary, the newly established paramilitary police force. Captain James G. Harbord, head of the Constabulary, was so impressed that he took MacArthur out to dinner at the swank Army and Navy Club, overlooking Manila Bay. When he arrived, MacArthur found Harbord with a pair of young Filipino lawyers, Manuel Quezon and Sergio Osmeña. Although MacArthur could not have known it at the time, both men were destined to become Presidents of the Philippine Commonwealth and major figures in his life. Quezon's destiny, in particular, would be interwoven with MacArthur's in ways profoundly important to both of them.
Manuel Quezon was born to Spanish mestizo parents in the remote town of Baler in Tayabas province, on the east coast of Luzon. His father, a former soldier in the Spanish army, operated a small rice farm, but as mestizos the family enjoyed a higher social status than even wealthy Filipinos. Manuel was sent to school in Manila at the age of nine and remained there through college, where he studied law. Although he had supported the Spanish against Filipino nationalists, in 1899 he joined Aguinaldo's guerrilla war against the Americans, and was eventually jailed for six months for allegedly murdering an American prisoner. After being released for lack of evidence, Quezon's sharp mind and considerable charisma caught the eye of American colonial officials, and his stratospheric political ascent began. After serving as a prosecutor in Mindoro, he was elected governor of Tayabas in 1906; the following year, he and Osmeña helped found the Nacionalista party, which would dominate Philippine politics for decades. By 1916, Quezon had become President of the Philippine Senate and de facto leader of the Philippine independence movement.
The friendship between the Quezon and MacArthur deepened in Manila in the late 1920s, when MacArthur commanded the Philippine Department. In 1929 they lobbied Washington hard for MacArthur to be named the successor to Henry Stimson as governor general of the Philippines. The "New York Times" reported in April that it appeared that "General MacArthur can have the position if he really wants it. It is certain that he stands high in the esteem of Manuel Quezon and other political leaders, who are not averse to seeing him in Malacanan Palace.... Close observers here point to the remarkable intimacy of Gen. MacArthur and Senor Quezon, who often are seen together on terms of close friendship." MacArthur's disappointment at being passed over by President Hoover was assuaged, however, when he was named U.S. Army Chief of Staff the following year.
During MacArthur's long and difficult tenure as Chief, Quezon lobbied for legislation in Washington which would give his country its independence. He succeeded with the passage of the Tydings-McDuffie Act in March of 1934, which granted the Philippines commonwealth status, to be followed by complete autonomy in 1946. Quezon led the Filipino contingent that was present when Franklin Roosevelt signed the new Philippine Constitution in the spring of 1935. Six months later, he was elected the first President of the Philippine Commonwealth. But with his country barely on track toward independence, Quezon confronted a challenge that threatened to undo everything: Japanese imperialism. Having completed its conquest of Manchuria years earlier, Japan clearly had its sights set on further expansion, and the vulnerable Philippines made a tempting target. Predictably, Quezon turned to his old friend. He needed a military advisor, MacArthur needed a job, and Roosevelt wanted MacArthur out of Washington -- so in October 1935 the General set sail for Manila.
Even before he left, MacArthur wrote Quezon, "I am already hard at work drawing up plans and details and by the time I arrive will be able to convince you all that before the close of the ten-year period the Commonwealth, no matter what betides, will be secure from foreign aggression." Such optimism characterized the relationship between the President and his Military Advisor for the first couple of years, as they worked closely together to build an army capable of deterring Japanese aggression. But time worked against them, and by 1938 Quezon had become convinced that Japan might attack long before MacArthur had assembled a respectable force. By the time Quezon made a secret trip to Tokyo that June to discuss neutrality, relations between the two men had deteriorated badly.
But in 1941, necessity drew them back together. With a newly reactivated MacArthur representing American muscle -- the only thing between his country and the Japanese army -- Quezon gravitated back to the General. On the beseiged Corregidor, shared strife and anger toward Washington made for a powerful bond. When Quezon left by submarine on February 20, he gave MacArthur his ring, saying, "When they find your body, I want them to know you fought for my country." Neither man suspected that Quezon would be the first to die. While he led the Philippine government-in-exile in the U.S. for the next two years, Quezon's tuberculosis steadily worsened. He died on August 1, 1944, less than three months before MacArthur's dramatic return to Philippine soil.
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https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/14064282/sergio-osme%25C3%25B1a
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en
|
Sergio Osmeña Sr. (1878-1961) – Find a Grave...
|
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Philippine President. Osmena served as the Vice President of the Philippines from 1935 to 1941, and 1941 to 1944, and then President of the Philippines from August 1, 1944 to May 28, 1946. A native of Cebu City, Cebu, he was a member of the prominent Osmena family which also includes his son Senator Sergio Osmena Jr.,...
|
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https://de.findagrave.com/memorial/14064282/sergio-osme%C3%B1a
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2030
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2
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https://jefmenguin.com/presidents-of-the-philippines/
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en
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17 Presidents of the Philippines
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"Jef Menguin",
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2023-10-03T20:52:58+08:00
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The presidents of the Philippines have been key players in shaping our nation's story. Each one, with its unique flair and decisions, has added a chapter to our country's evolving tale.
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en
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Jef Menguin on Leadership, Teamwork, and Motivation
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https://jefmenguin.com/presidents-of-the-philippines/
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Emilio Aguinaldo (1899-1901)
Emilio Aguinaldo was born on March 22, 1869, in Cavite El Viejo (present-day Kawit), in Cavite province. He hailed from a distinguished family; his parents were of Chinese and Tagalog descent. Emilio was well-educated for his time.
He began his education under private tutors and later attended the public school in Binan, Laguna. Eventually, Aguinaldo decided to cut short his law studies at the University of Santo Tomas to join the fight for independence.
Aguinaldo’s leadership was characterized by its nationalistic fervor and assertiveness. As a young leader, he was resourceful and tactical, leveraging alliances and navigating the complex political landscape of the revolution.
His dedication to the Filipino cause was unwavering, and he rallied his compatriots to push for freedom, often leading from the front.
However, like many revolutionary leaders, his decisions were not devoid of controversy, especially when it came to internal conflicts among the revolutionary factions.
He’s primarily recognized as the first president of the First Philippine Republic and a pivotal leader during the Philippine Revolution against Spanish colonization.
Under his leadership, the most significant achievement was the proclamation of Philippine Independence on June 12, 1898.
Economically, Aguinaldo’s era was marked by the challenges of war, making it difficult for any tangible economic policies to be implemented.
Politically, his time as president was defined by the struggle for recognition of the Philippine Republic and the subsequent conflicts brought about by the American occupation.
As for social transformation, his leadership symbolized the hope of an oppressed nation yearning for freedom, setting the stage for a nationalistic fervor that would shape the country in the years to come.
From Aguinaldo’s leadership, the younger generation can learn about the value of perseverance, dedication, and the significance of fighting for one’s freedom and rights. It’s a testament that even in the face of overwhelming odds, unity and purpose can make a lasting impact.
Manuel L. Quezon (1935-1944)
Born on August 19, 1878, in Baler, Tayabas (now part of Quezon province), Manuel Luis Quezon y Molina was raised in a relatively well-off family. His parents were primary school teachers, which perhaps influenced his value for education.
He pursued his studies in Manila, attending the University of Santo Tomas for law. Before delving into national politics, he served in the revolutionary army against the Spanish, and later against the Americans.
He also became a prosecutor and then a resident commissioner to the U.S. Congress, representing the Philippines for some years.
Quezon’s leadership exuded charisma, vision, and progressiveness. He was an eloquent speaker, capturing the hearts and minds of many with his compelling vision for the Philippines.
Often known as the “Father of the National Language,” he was passionate about creating a unified nation amidst its diverse islands. This desire was evident in his push for a common language and the establishment of a single national identity.
Manuel L. Quezon is celebrated as the first president of the Commonwealth of the Philippines. Under the Tydings-McDuffie Act, the Philippines was set on a path to full independence, and Quezon’s presidency bridged the gap between American rule and complete autonomy.
Economically, he initiated land reforms, aiming to allocate lands to small farmers and breaking the control of large landowners. Politically, he reorganized the islands’ fragmented government system, centralizing it to ensure a more coordinated and effective governance.
But his most lasting legacy is in the realm of social transformation: he designated Filipino as the national language. This move aimed at unifying the diverse archipelago and fostering a strong sense of national identity among Filipinos.
From Quezon’s tenure, the youth can learn the essence of unity in diversity. He emphasized the importance of a national identity while celebrating the diverse cultures and backgrounds that make up the Philippine archipelago.
His leadership teaches us that a united vision, even amidst differences, can lead a nation towards progress.
Jose P. Laurel (1943-1945)
Jose Paciano Laurel y Garcia was born on March 9, 1891, in the historic town of Tanauan, Batangas. Coming from a reputable family lineage, he was exposed to politics early on, as his father served as a municipal captain.
Young Laurel pursued higher education at the University of the Philippines, and later at Yale University and the University of Santo Tomas, where he earned a Doctor of Civil Law degree.
Before his controversial presidency, he built a solid career as a lawyer, scholar, and statesman. He was even once a member of the Philippine Senate.
Laurel’s leadership is a subject of extensive debate among historians and political enthusiasts. His presidency during the Japanese occupation has been described as pragmatic under duress.
While many criticize him for collaborating with the Japanese, others argue that his actions were a necessary compromise to ensure the lesser evil for the Filipinos amidst wartime atrocities.
Jose P. Laurel is most remembered for leading the Philippines during the Japanese occupation. It was an era when the nation faced extreme external pressures, making it one of the most challenging periods in Philippine history.
Economically, the country faced great hardships during his tenure due to the war, so significant economic policies were hardly the focus. However, politically, under Laurel, the 1943 Constitution was framed, albeit heavily influenced by the Japanese.
In terms of social transformation, his term was marked more by the efforts to maintain Filipino unity and morale during a time of adversity, suffering, and resistance against foreign rule.
Laurel’s presidency serves as a poignant lesson about the complexities of leadership, especially when external forces overshadow national sovereignty. His tenure reminds the youth that decisions in governance aren’t always black and white. It underscores the importance of understanding context, the value of sacrifice for the greater good, and the resilience of the Filipino spirit during challenging times.
As we move forward in time, we will explore the life and leadership of Sergio Osmeña, a leader who stepped up amidst crisis and took on the responsibility of guiding the Philippines during the concluding stages of World War II.
Sergio Osmeña (1944-1946)
Sergio Osmeña Sr., born on September 9, 1878, in Cebu City, was a figure deeply rooted in the political landscape of the Philippines even before his presidency. He hailed from an influential Cebuano family, and it seemed almost inevitable for him to venture into the realm of governance.
For his education, he attended the Seminario-Colegio de San Carlos in Cebu and later the University of Santo Tomas where he pursued law. Before his presidency, Osmeña wore multiple hats – as a journalist, lawyer, and politician.
His commitment to public service was evident early on, being elected as the first Speaker of the Philippine Assembly and subsequently as Senate President.
Osmeña was the embodiment of quiet resilience, diplomacy, and dedication. Unlike many of his contemporaries, he wasn’t flamboyant or overtly charismatic. Instead, he was a man of few words, choosing to let his actions speak louder.
His collaborative approach ensured a smoother transition during one of the Philippines’ most tumultuous times.
Osmeña’s role as the Vice President under the Commonwealth government made him the successor of Manuel L. Quezon, becoming the president after Quezon’s death in 1944. This placed him at the helm during the concluding stages of World War II.
Economically, Osmeña had the challenging task of beginning the post-war reconstruction, given the massive destruction that the war brought to the country. Politically, he oversaw the transition of the Philippines from a Commonwealth under the U.S. to a fully independent nation in 1946, although the formal recognition of independence came under his successor.
Socially, his leadership aimed at healing the wounds of war and fostering unity among the Filipinos.
Sergio Osmeña’s story teaches the youth about the value of humble leadership, the kind that operates without the constant need for recognition but for the genuine welfare of the people. It’s a testament that in times of crisis, what the nation needs is calm, steady, and selfless governance.
We now turn our attention to Manuel Roxas, who holds the distinction of being both the last president of the Philippine Commonwealth and the first of the independent Republic of the Philippines.
Manuel Roxas (1946-1948)
Manuel Acuña Roxas was born on January 1, 1892, in the bustling town of Capiz (now Roxas City) in Capiz province. He came from a lineage with a mix of Chinese, Spanish, and Malay heritage.
For his academic pursuits, Roxas attended the prestigious University of the Philippines and later, the College of Law, where he graduated as a valedictorian.
Before stepping into the highest office in the country, Roxas established himself in various roles — as a member of the Philippine House of Representatives, a senator, and even as the Senate President.
Roxas showcased a pragmatic leadership style, prioritizing what he believed was best for a nation trying to stand on its own after the devastating impacts of World War II.
He was a skilled orator and negotiator, using these talents to navigate the tricky waters of post-war reconstruction and the nuances of newly gained independence.
Roxas holds the unique position of being the last president of the Commonwealth and the first president of the Third Republic of the Philippines.
His tenure marked the transition of the Philippines from American oversight to full-fledged independence.
Economically, Roxas sought the rehabilitation of a war-torn country. He was instrumental in obtaining rehabilitation funds from the United States, which helped in post-war reconstruction efforts.
Politically, he navigated the challenges of a newly independent nation, ensuring the establishment of a new republic. His Bell Trade Act agreement with the US, however, became a subject of controversy, with critics viewing it as overly favorable to American interests.
Socially, Roxas worked to restore faith in democracy and governance after the unsettling years of war and occupation.
From Roxas’s leadership, the youth can learn the significance of adaptability and pragmatism. In the face of overwhelming challenges, leaders are often required to make tough decisions, and while they might be subjected to criticism, it’s the long-term vision that counts. Roxas’s story also underscores the importance of national unity and resilience in the face of adversity.
Join us next as we delve into the era of Elpidio Quirino, a leader who took on the reins during a period of national healing and reconstruction.
Elpidio Quirino (1948-1953)
Elpidio Rivera Quirino was born on November 16, 1890, in Vigan, Ilocos Sur, a historic town renowned for its preserved Spanish colonial architecture. Hailing from a modest family, young Quirino faced his share of adversities, including the loss of his father when he was just a child.
This, however, did not deter him from pursuing higher education. He earned his law degree from the University of the Philippines in 1915.
Before his presidential tenure, Quirino made a mark in various roles, such as being a public prosecutor, a member of the Philippine House of Representatives, and the Vice President of the Philippines.
Quirino’s leadership was characterized by a blend of persistence, vision, and pragmatism. He took over the presidency after the sudden death of Manuel Roxas, at a time when the Philippines was still grappling with the aftermath of World War II.
He was firmly committed to restoring stability and accelerating the nation’s recovery.
Quirino’s presidency came during the crucial years of post-war reconstruction. He strived to stabilize an economy in turmoil, ensuring the country embarked on the path of rehabilitation and progress.
On the economic front, Quirino established the Central Bank of the Philippines to stabilize the Philippine peso after post-war inflation.
Politically, he spearheaded the Rural Improvement Club movement, aiming to enhance rural conditions and empower the countryside.
Socially, he launched significant reforms in education, health, and housing. His tenure also saw the establishment of the Integrity Board to monitor and curb corruption within the government, although he faced accusations of corruption himself.
Quirino’s presidency faced challenges, but his commitment to national development was evident in his programs and policies.
From Quirino’s tenure, the youth can imbibe the importance of resilience and determination. His life, marred by personal tragedies including the loss of his wife and three of his children during the liberation of Manila, stands testament to the indomitable spirit of a leader. It’s a reminder that leaders, too, are humans facing personal adversities, yet their dedication to their roles can help uplift an entire nation.
Our journey continues with Ramon Magsaysay, a leader celebrated for his genuine connection with the masses and his deep commitment to public service.
Ramon Magsaysay (1953-1957)
Born on August 31, 1907, in Iba, Zambales, Ramon del Fierro Magsaysay grew up understanding the pulse of the common Filipino. His family was middle-class, and Magsaysay’s early years were spent in direct contact with farmers, fishers, and ordinary citizens.
He pursued mechanical engineering at the University of the Philippines and later shifted to commerce.
Before his ascension to the presidency, Magsaysay served in various capacities: as a guerrilla leader during World War II, a member of the House of Representatives, and as the Secretary of National Defense.
Magsaysay’s leadership was deeply rooted in populism. He was often called the “Champion of the Masses” because of his genuine concern for the common people. His administration was marked by its transparency, inclusiveness, and an open-door policy.
Magsaysay believed in being directly accessible to his constituents, reinforcing his image as a man of the people.
Ramon Magsaysay is remembered fondly for restoring faith in the government. At a time when public trust was waning due to allegations of corruption and elitism, Magsaysay’s genuine, pro-people stance was a breath of fresh air.
Economically, he focused on infrastructural projects and policies aimed at uplifting the lives of the rural population.
He championed land reform and promoted the establishment of the National Resettlement and Rehabilitation Administration, which aimed to help landless peasants.
Politically, his administration was marked by the return of the Barrio Charter, empowering villages with direct funding and decision-making abilities.
Socially, Magsaysay made efforts to integrate the Hukbalahap rebels (a communist guerrilla movement) back into society, rather than suppressing them with military might. This move went a long way in ensuring social harmony and reducing insurgencies.
Magsaysay’s presidency is a testament to the power of genuine public service. His story teaches the youth that leadership isn’t about power or prestige; it’s about serving with integrity, understanding the needs of the people, and making a tangible difference in their lives.
Let’s now traverse the time of Carlos P. Garcia, a president who championed the Filipino spirit and sought to put the Philippines first in every endeavor.
Carlos P. Garcia (1957-1961)
Carlos Polestico Garcia was born on November 4, 1896, in the coastal town of Talibon, Bohol. Immersed in the rich cultural traditions of the Visayan region, Garcia grew up with a strong sense of Filipino identity.
He pursued higher education at Silliman University and later at the Philippine Law School, where he earned his law degree.
Before becoming the nation’s president, Garcia wore multiple hats: as a poet, a teacher, a lawyer, a congressman, a vice president, and a senator.
President Garcia was known for his “Filipino First” policy, emphasizing nationalism and prioritizing Filipino businesses and interests over foreign entities.
His leadership was marked by a sense of traditionalism and a firm belief in the potential and capabilities of the Filipino people.
Carlos P. Garcia is most renowned for his advocacy of the “Filipino First” policy, an economic program that centered on Filipinos being the principal beneficiaries of their country’s resources and economic activities.
Economically, Garcia focused on building national self-reliance. His administration sought to control and limit foreign economic intervention, ensuring that Filipinos would be the main beneficiaries of the nation’s wealth.
Politically, he pushed for the Bohlen–Serrano Agreement, which shortened the lease of the US bases from 99 to 25 years and made it renewable after every five years.
Socially, Garcia emphasized cultural revival and promoted the arts, celebrating the Filipino identity and heritage.
Carlos P. Garcia’s era offers valuable lessons on the importance of national pride and self-sufficiency. It reminds the youth of today that while global cooperation is essential, a nation must prioritize its own interests and value its unique cultural and economic identity.
As we journey further, we come to the era of Diosdado Macapagal, a leader with a vision to uplift the socio-economic conditions of the average Filipino and transform the Philippines into a vibrant, modern nation.
Diosdado Macapagal (1961-1965)
Diosdado Pangan Macapagal, born on September 28, 1910, in Lubao, Pampanga, was the product of humble beginnings. His early life was spent amidst the fields and rivers of Pampanga, where his family earned a modest living. This backdrop crafted a leader deeply sensitive to the plight of the impoverished Filipinos.
For his education, Macapagal first attended the University of the Philippines, and later, the University of Santo Tomas, where he garnered his law degree.
Before his presidency, he served as a diplomat, congressman, vice president, and had various other roles that exposed him to the intricacies of governance.
Macapagal’s leadership revolved around the principles of social justice and economic reform. Often referred to as the “Poor Boy from Lubao”, he championed policies that would bridge the wealth gap and uplift the everyday Filipino from poverty.
Diosdado Macapagal is remembered for changing the date of the celebration of Philippine Independence Day from July 4 (Philippine Republic Day) to June 12, marking the day Emilio Aguinaldo declared independence from Spain in 1898.
This shift aimed to foster a stronger sense of nationalism and pride in the nation’s own history, separate from American influence.
Economically, Macapagal introduced the Agricultural Land Reform Code, an early effort to address land ownership issues and bring justice to tenant farmers.
Politically, his tenure saw the establishment of the Philippine Constitution Convention, an assembly aimed at drafting a new constitution to replace the 1935 version.
Socially, Macapagal was intent on establishing programs to alleviate poverty and enhance social mobility, ensuring that the benefits of development reached all segments of society.
Macapagal’s term underscores the power of empathy in leadership. His policies, rooted in his own experiences of hardship, emphasized the importance of inclusive growth. It’s a lesson for the youth on the significance of understanding and addressing the real challenges faced by ordinary citizens.
As our historical journey continues, it’s worth noting that Diosdado Macapagal’s legacy is intertwined with that of his daughter, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. She would eventually become the president herself, with a long tenure marked by significant achievements and progress. However, her presidency would also be shadowed by serious allegations of corruption. Years later, under the Duterte administration, she would evade imprisonment, further complicating her legacy.
Next, we turn to Ferdinand Marcos, a charismatic leader whose two-decade rule would forever change the Philippine political landscape.
Ferdinand Marcos (1965-1986)
Born on September 11, 1917, in Sarrat, Ilocos Norte, Ferdinand Edralin Marcos hailed from a politically influential family. This early exposure to politics paved his path to leadership.
He showcased his brilliance at a young age, claiming top spots in academic and oratory competitions.
Marcos earned his law degree from the University of the Philippines, and it was during his time there that he gained national attention by defending himself in a complex murder case and securing an acquittal.
Before ascending to the presidency, Marcos was an accomplished military officer (though many of his wartime achievements have been disputed), served in the Philippine House of Representatives, and was a senator.
Marcos’s leadership style can be described as authoritarian. His reign, especially during the Martial Law years (1972-1981), was characterized by a centralized power structure.
While he brought infrastructural and economic development, his tenure is also marked by human rights abuses, media suppression, and political repression.
Ferdinand Marcos is best remembered for declaring Martial Law in 1972, citing the need to suppress communist rebellion and maintain law and order.
Under this proclamation, Marcos effectively dissolved constitutional freedoms, leading to the arrest and detention of thousands, including prominent political opponents.
Economically, Marcos initiated massive infrastructure projects, some of which stand as pillars of Philippine infrastructure today. However, the economic gains during his regime are tainted by allegations of crony capitalism and massive external debt.
Politically, Marcos tried to reshape the Philippine political scene with the introduction of the “Bagong Lipunan” (New Society) concept, which aimed to create a new social order.
Socially, while he championed the role of youth through initiatives like the Kabataang Barangay, his regime’s human rights record remains a dark chapter in Philippine history.
Marcos’s era offers a complex lesson. On the one hand, it showcases the importance of strong leadership in driving development. On the other, it serves as a stark reminder of the perils of unchecked power.
The suppression of freedoms and rights, coupled with the culture of impunity, has lasting implications that a nation grapples with long after such a regime has ended.
On a personal note, I grew up admiring this president, captivated by tales of his achievements and leadership. However, it was during my college years, while researching political leaders in Asia, that I encountered a different narrative. Many of the accomplishments and tales of valor were exaggerated or fabricated.
This realization was both shocking and disillusioning. For me, Marcos will always be remembered as the most corrupt president of the Philippines. Decades after his rule, the nation still seeks to recover the vast wealth illicitly amassed by the Marcos regime, a testament to the depth and scale of the corruption that marked those years.
Next, we explore the life and leadership of Corazon Aquino, a symbol of hope and democracy who rose to power in the aftermath of the tumultuous Marcos era.
Corazon Aquino (1986-1992)
Born on January 25, 1933, in Tarlac, Corazon “Cory” Cojuangco Aquino found herself thrust into the political arena not by ambition, but by tragic circumstances.
The assassination of her husband, Senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr., galvanized a nation’s yearning for change, with Cory emerging as a symbol of hope and resilience against tyranny.
Cory Aquino’s leadership was marked by her unwavering commitment to democracy and her enduring faith in the Filipino people.
Her humility, moral authority, and steadfast belief in non-violent resistance transformed her from a housewife to the leader of a movement that would topple a dictatorship.
Aquino is best remembered for leading the People Power Revolution, a peaceful uprising that resulted in the ousting of Ferdinand Marcos.
Her presidency saw the restoration of democratic institutions, highlighted by the framing of the 1987 Constitution.
Amidst significant challenges, including coup attempts and natural disasters, Aquino strove to stabilize a volatile economy and mend a deeply divided nation.
Internationally, she was heralded as an icon of democracy, with the world looking to the Philippines as a beacon of hope during her tenure.
Cory Aquino’s term illuminates the strength of moral leadership and the power of a united people. She exemplifies the idea that genuine leadership isn’t about personal gain, but about serving the greater good.
On a deeply personal note, Cory Aquino’s relentless fight for democracy did not end with her presidential term. She remained a staunch critic of corruption, raising her voice against the indiscretions observed during the Estrada and Arroyo administrations.
The world didn’t just respect her; they looked up to Filipinos because of Cory Aquino. Yet, her presidency was no cakewalk. While the Marcos family had fled, their political legacy endured, with entrenched dynasties continuing to hold sway across many provinces. Some Marcos loyalists argue that Cory “failed” the promise of EDSA, but the reality is that the battle didn’t end at EDSA.
The political dynasties are a persistent shadow, and their influence was evident in propelling Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. to a significant political stature.
This only reiterates the idea that the struggle for genuine democracy is a continual one, with each generation having its own battles to wage and win.
Following Aquino, we move on to Fidel V. Ramos, a key figure during the People Power Revolution and someone who would lead the Philippines through a period of economic reform and modernization.
Fidel V. Ramos (1992-1998)
Born on March 18, 1928, in Lingayen, Pangasinan, Fidel Valdez Ramos, often referred to as “FVR,” comes from a family deeply entrenched in public service. His father, Narciso Ramos, was a respected lawyer, journalist, and five-term legislator of the House of Representatives.
Ramos’ West Point education and extensive military background, combined with his stint as Defense Secretary under Aquino, primed him for leadership in tumultuous times.
Ramos, with his military discipline and strategic thinking, adopted a pragmatic and consultative leadership style.
He believed in the power of diplomacy, cooperation, and building alliances, both domestically and internationally.-
Ramos will be remembered for his key role during the People Power Revolution, where, as then-Armed Forces Vice Chief of Staff and later as Defense Secretary, he broke away from Marcos and sided with the democratic forces.
His presidency later paved the way for significant economic reforms and initiatives geared towards modernizing the Philippines, which subsequently led to the nation being referred to as Asia’s “Next Economic Tiger.”
Under Ramos, the Philippines experienced a period of economic growth, partly due to his focus on liberalization, deregulation, and privatization.
His administration also witnessed the conclusion of peace talks with the Moro National Liberation Front, leading to the establishment of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).
Politically, he played an instrumental role in expanding the influence of the ASEAN and fortifying relations with neighboring countries.
Fidel V. Ramos’ tenure teaches the importance of adaptability and forward-thinking in leadership. His willingness to break with past affiliations during the People Power Revolution, and later his determined push for economic reforms, showcased his vision for a progressive Philippines.
His leadership underlines the significance of diplomacy and building bridges in fostering peace and development.
From a military man-turned-statesman, the Philippines shifted to a charismatic movie star with populist appeal. Up next, we delve into the life and presidency of Joseph “Erap” Estrada and the challenges and controversies that marked his time in office.
Joseph “Erap” Estrada (1998-2001)
Born on April 19, 1937, in Tondo, Manila, Joseph Ejercito Estrada, fondly known as “Erap,” first gained national prominence as a film actor. He starred in over 100 films, often portraying roles that championed the common man.
This film career, in which he played relatable protagonists, cemented his populist appeal. Before his presidency, Erap transitioned from movies to politics by serving as the Mayor of San Juan, a Senator, and then as Vice President under Ramos.
Estrada’s leadership style was decidedly populist. He was known to frequently make decisions based on his instincts and the pulse of the masses.
His informal demeanor and colloquial speech endeared him to many Filipinos, particularly those from lower-income groups.
Estrada was renowned for his pro-poor policies and initiatives, under the slogan “Erap para sa Mahirap” (Erap for the Poor). However, his presidency was overshadowed by allegations of corruption, which culminated in an impeachment trial.
Economically, the Estrada administration faced the challenge of the Asian Financial Crisis. Despite this, he initiated programs targeting food security, housing, and health services for the poor.
He also established the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act and pursued peace talks with Muslim separatist groups. Politically, however, his term was marked by the impeachment trial, where he was accused of receiving millions in bribes from illegal gambling operations.
Joseph Estrada’s time in office underscores the complexities of populist leadership. While he resonated deeply with a significant portion of the populace, his tenure was riddled with allegations of corruption and mismanagement.
The Erap saga teaches the importance of transparency, accountability, and the intricate balance needed between popular appeal and effective governance.
A tumultuous end to Estrada’s presidency paved the way for his vice president, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, to ascend to the highest office in the land. As the daughter of a former president, Arroyo’s term was marked by its own set of triumphs, challenges, and controversies.
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (2001-2010)
Born on April 5, 1947, in San Juan, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is the daughter of former Philippine President Diosdado Macapagal. An economist by training, she earned a Ph.D. from the University of the Philippines and subsequently taught economics.
Before her ascent to the presidency, Arroyo served as Undersecretary of Trade and Industry, Senator, and Vice President under Estrada.
Arroyo’s background in economics informed much of her decision-making process. She was methodical and data-driven, with a focus on policy formulation and fiscal discipline.
However, her tenure was often described as politically astute, navigating the treacherous waters of Philippine politics with a combination of pragmatism and determination.
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s administration was marked by consistent economic growth, with the Philippines managing to weather the 2008 global financial crisis relatively well. However, her term was also marred by multiple allegations of corruption, election fraud, and human rights abuses.
Economically, under Arroyo, the Philippines enjoyed consistent growth, with efforts directed towards fiscal stability, job creation, and poverty alleviation.
Politically, she passed key legislation, including the Expanded Value Added Tax (EVAT) law. However, her term was beset with challenges, including attempts at Charter Change (often referred to as “Cha-Cha”) and the controversial declaration of a State of Emergency in 2006.
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s presidency offers a study in contrasts. On one hand, her economic acumen delivered consistent growth; on the other, her term was tainted by persistent allegations of impropriety. Her leadership serves as a stark reminder of the importance of public trust and integrity in governance.
On a more personal reflection, the Arroyo era evokes strong sentiments. For many, including myself, the specter of corruption loomed large. The frequent investigations into government agencies and the rise of figures like Napoles, associated with the multi-billion-peso pork barrel scam, left an indelible mark.
The attempted coup d’etats during her reign can be seen as symptomatic of the widespread disenchantment and distrust of her leadership. In terms of corruption, comparing Arroyo to Marcos is challenging, as each era had its own dynamics and intricacies.
However, it’s undeniable that both regimes have left lasting, controversial legacies in the annals of Philippine history.
The transition from Arroyo led to a presidency that sought to reclaim a sense of morality in governance. Up next, we explore the life and leadership of Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III, a man propelled by the legacy of both his parents.
Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III (2010-2016)
Born on February 8, 1960, in Manila, Benigno Simeon “Noynoy” Aquino III was thrust into the national consciousness because of his family’s legacy. Both his parents, Senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr. and President Corazon Aquino, are revered figures in Philippine history.
Noynoy’s early forays into politics saw him serving as a Representative of Tarlac and later as a Senator.
Noynoy Aquino, often referred to as “PNoy”, adopted a leadership style that highlighted good governance and “Daang Matuwid” (Straight Path) – a battle against corruption and for transparency.
He believed in leading by example, a principle symbolized by his refusal to use the ‘wang-wang’ (sirens) to breeze through traffic, a common privilege abused by many politicians.
Aquino is best remembered for his relentless fight against corruption, which saw the prosecution of high-profile figures, including his predecessor.
He championed the Reproductive Health Bill, aiming to provide universal access to birth control and maternal care, and oversaw the Bangsamoro peace process with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).
During Aquino’s time, the Philippines witnessed significant economic growth, gaining investment-grade status from major credit rating agencies.
His term saw a substantial increase in budget allocation for the education sector, which aimed at uplifting the quality of Philippine education. Initiatives such as the K-12 program and the “Ambisyon 2040” – a long-term vision for the Philippines by 2040 – were launched. Unfortunately, some of these initiatives lost momentum or were not prioritized by subsequent administrations.
Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III’s presidency is a testament to the importance of integrity in leadership. His commitment to transparency and accountability brought about positive changes and renewed international confidence in the Philippines.
His leadership teaches us that with genuine intent and a clear vision, meaningful change is achievable. Yet, it also underscores the need for continuity in governance to ensure that long-term visions are realized.
The resounding call for change and the allure of strongman politics ushered in the next leader. The narrative takes a distinct turn as we journey into the term of Rodrigo Duterte, a figure both lauded and criticized for his unorthodox approach.
Rodrigo Duterte (2016-2022)
Rodrigo Roa Duterte was born on March 28, 1945, in Maasin, Southern Leyte. Before he catapulted to the presidency, Duterte was known as the iron-fisted mayor of Davao City for over two decades.
His tenure there was marked by a hardline stance against criminals, which was a preview of the controversial policies he would enact on a national scale.
Populist and often unorthodox, Duterte’s leadership was characterized by his straight-talking, no-nonsense approach. He is a traditional politician.
He portrayed himself as a leader willing to take extreme measures to achieve his goals, even if it meant going against established norms and conventions.
This demeanor garnered him significant popularity among many Filipinos who yearned for a more decisive form of governance.
Duterte’s flagship campaign against illegal drugs garnered international attention. Though meant to address the nation’s drug problem, it became notorious for its heavy-handed tactics, with thousands killed, often without due process.
These killings predominantly targeted the poor and low-level drug users, sparking human rights concerns locally and internationally. However, it’s worth noting that high-profile drug personalities remained largely untouched.
In his bid to decentralize power from Manila, Duterte pushed for the shift to federalism, though this was not fully realized during his term.
He also initiated the “Build, Build, Build” program aimed at infrastructure development. However, critics point out that his administration lacked clear direction in some sectors, notably in foreign policy where there seemed to be a pivot away from traditional allies.
Rodrigo Duterte’s presidency was nothing if not polarizing. His strongman image resonated with many who believed that such a figure was necessary to bring about change. However, his approach also raises crucial questions about the role of the rule of law, human rights, and due process in governance.
Duterte’s leadership underscores the complexities of leading a nation with deep-seated issues and how populism can both galvanize and divide a population.
The culmination of Duterte’s term marked yet another shift in Philippine politics. As the nation looked ahead, it was once again at the crossroads of defining its future. This intricate tapestry of leaders, from Aguinaldo to Duterte, tells a story of a nation’s struggles, triumphs, and the continuous quest for identity and progress.
As we reflect on the past, let’s also look forward to understanding the choices and legacies of those who follow. Sara Duterte, the daughter of Rodrigo Duterte, now stands as Vice President, a significant figure in the next chapter of the Philippines’ political journey.
Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. (2022-Present)
Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. was born on September 13, 1957, in Manila, to former Philippine President Ferdinand E. Marcos and former First Lady Imelda Marcos. Growing up under the shadow of his father’s presidency and martial rule, Bongbong’s early life was shaped by both privilege and controversy.
Educated both in the Philippines and abroad, he studied in institutions such as Oxford University and Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania.
Before his ascent to the presidency, Marcos Jr. held various political positions. He served as the Vice Governor and Governor of Ilocos Norte, then as a Congressman, and later, a Senator.
Each role built upon his family’s enduring legacy in the Ilocos region and gradually expanded his influence on a national level.
It’s still early in his presidency, and much of Marcos Jr.’s leadership style is yet to be fully defined on the national stage. However, he seems to lean towards a more collaborative approach, aiming to unite a country still divided by his family’s controversial past.
Marcos Jr.’s campaign for the presidency echoed themes of unity and progress. While he acknowledges the criticisms of his father’s rule, he often emphasizes the infrastructure projects and initiatives from the Marcos era as the foundation of modern Philippines.
Given the recency of his term, a comprehensive list of achievements is still in the making. However, he has initiated conversations on national unity and economic recovery, especially in the post-COVID scenario.
How these conversations will translate into tangible policies and their subsequent impact remains to be seen.
The election of Bongbong Marcos Jr. reflects the complexities of Philippine political memory and the nation’s ability to look beyond historical grievances for the sake of perceived progress.
It serves as a reminder that the stories of nations are never linear, and the past, present, and future are intricately intertwined.
On a personal note, while one might have reservations based on history, it’s essential to hope for success. After all, the success of a nation’s leader is invariably tied to the welfare of its people. As Bongbong Marcos Jr. takes the helm, the Philippines looks ahead with a mixture of hope, caution, and anticipation.
It’s a unique juncture in the Philippines’ political journey, and the unfolding of Bongbong Marcos Jr.’s term will undoubtedly add another compelling chapter to the nation’s rich tapestry of leadership and governance.
The Legacy of Philippine Presidents
Philippine presidents have always played a pivotal role in shaping the trajectory of the nation. Each leader, with their unique leadership style, vision, and decisions, has left an indelible mark on the tapestry of the country’s history.
As we delve into the narratives of these influential figures, we uncover the evolution of the Philippines through the eyes of its leaders.
Understanding the power and impact of each president is crucial. It’s not just about learning history; it’s about discerning the patterns, choices, and consequences that have led the Philippines to its present state.
The stories of these leaders in the Philippines offer invaluable lessons on governance, resilience, ambition, and the often intricate dance of politics and power.
As you journey through this compilation, you’ll gain insights into their leadership styles, noteworthy achievements, and the essential lessons that their tenures impart.
Leaders Who Shaped Our Nation
It becomes clear just how integral each leader has been in crafting the narrative of our nation.
Their decisions, dreams, and even their flaws have collectively woven the tapestry of the Philippines we know today.
From the revolutionary spirit of Aguinaldo to the call for unity of Marcos Jr., these leaders in the Philippines have showcased the resilience, diversity, and dynamism of the Filipino spirit.
By looking back at their legacies, we’ve not only revisited history but have also gathered insights to inspire our path forward.
Let’s carry forward the lessons from our past Philippine presidents and continue to dream, strive, and build a brighter tomorrow for our beloved Philippines.
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Posts about sergio osmena written by Borbon National High School Alumni Site
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The National Historical Commission of the Philippines highlighted the town of Borbon, Cebu, Philippines in the annals of Philippine History.
It’s when the Grand Old Man of Cebu, President Sergio Osmena went into hiding after the Spaniards identified his involvement in the anti-Spanish uprising in Manila in 1897.
NHCP says, “the outbreak of the Revolution in Manila forced Sergio Osmena to return to Cebu to continue his studies. He worked as a part-time court recorder for the Cebu Audiencia and a personal aide to the Spanish military governor of Cebu. At the same time, he was a contributor of articles to El Boletin de Cebu, the only provincial newspaper at that time; and to the Spanish Manila- based periodical, El Comercio. Sergio’s excellence as a journalist earned him the prestigious Medalla del Merito Civil. Sergio went back to Manila in 1897 to resume his studies. However, new anti-Spanish uprisings forced him to flee to Borbon, Cebu since he was identified with the Spaniards”. You can also follow this link http://www.nhcp.gov.ph/index.php?option=content&task=view&id=709
Many Borbonanons especially young generations doesn’t exactly know this relevant piece of history. What we only learned about the Osmena’s, was that they belong to powerful political clans in Cebu and apparently their influence proliferates to the whole of Cebu and even in neighboring provinces. Evidently in our municipality, we have had a private high school in upland barangay named after Don Emilio Osmena and another elementary school named after Dona Mary Osmena among others, as cenotaphs of their bequest.
Without knowing that no less than the Grand Old Man himself, was for one time, during the Spanish period came to our peaceful little town to take shelter and concealed from the preying eyes of the Spaniards.
We brought up this topic in order to give relevance to one historical account where our town was mentioned by NHCP and for us, Borbonanons to have some sense of personal or rather historical gratifications.
That Borbonanons are proud, warmth and friendly people willing to lend a hand for those who come to our aid.
May it be the most powerful man in the country or the least fortunate in our society.
But who is the Grand Old Man of Cebu?
SERGIO OSMEÑA: REMEMBERING THE GRAND OLD MAN OF CEBU
(1878-1961)
Sergio Osmeña is commonly associated with the Philippine fifty-peso bill since it bears his image. Popularly known as the “Grand Old Man of Cebu”, Osmeña rose from being a newspaper reporter to the Presidency of the Philippine Republic in1944-46.
Juana Suico Osmeña was only fourteen years old when she gave birth to Sergio Osmeña on September 9, 1878. Sergio used Osmeña as family name since Juana was not officially married to anyone. It is no secret in history that he grew up without knowing his father, but it didn’t hinder him from joining the roster of the iconic Filipino leaders.
Sergio obtained his elementary education in a private school administered by Martin Medalle. He later entered the Colegio de Segunda Enseñanza under the supervision of Miguel Logarta. At the age of eleven, he enrolled in the high school of the Seminario Colegio de San Carlos, passing all of his subjects at the end of the year with a grade of sobresaliente. In 1894, Sergio transferred to Manila to study at the Colegio de San Juan de Letran, where he first met Manuel Quezon. He earned a degree in Bachelor of Arts, prior to his Law course in the University of Santo Tomas. He continued to support himself as a working student. In UST, Sergio and Emilio Jacinto were classmates.
The outbreak of the Revolution in Manila forced Sergio to return to Cebu to continue his studies. He worked as a part-time court recorder for the Cebu Audiencia and a personal aide to the Spanish military governor of Cebu. At the same time, he was a contributor of articles to El Boletin de Cebu, the only provincial newspaper at that time; and to the Spanish Manila- based periodical, El Comercio. Sergio’s excellence as a journalist earned him the prestigious Medalla del Merito Civil.
Sergio went back to Manila in 1897 to resume his studies. However, new anti-Spanish uprisings forced him to flee to Borbon in Cebu since he was identified with the Spaniards. Returning to Manila after two years, he covered the retreat of Emilio Aguinaldo for a Cebu newspaper. Sergio gave his support to the besieged republic, providing Aguinaldo updates with the developments in Cebu. He became an associate of Juan Climaco, an influential Cebuano illustrado and a republican.
Before travelling to the north, Sergio met Estefania Chiong Veloso, daughter of Nicasio Chiong Veloso, a business tycoon in Cebu. He generously gave Sergio a capital of 30,000 pesos to establish the first daily periodical in the province; and on April 16, 1900, the first issue of El Nuevo Dia was published. Working with Rafael Palma and Jayme de Veyra, Osmeña put out El Nuevo Dia, not for the purpose of making a profit but to spread the concept of preserving liberty among the Filipinos.
Sergio married Estefania on April 10, 1901. In 1903, he took the examination for aspiring lawyers, and placed second in the overall ranking with an average grade of 95.66, and got 100 percent in Penal Code and Civil Procedure.
Resurfacing in Cebu in May 1903, Sergio was recognized as a nationalist after winning a case in favor of a former Filipino revolutionist who was charged with sedition. In December of the same year, with the support of Governor Juan Climaco, Sergio made his initial entry into politics after winning as municipal councillor. He was re-elected in the 1904 elections. Governor Climaco appointed him as acting provincial governor some time in 1904. Backed with his experience, he was victorious in the gubernatorial race of the 1905 elections. Sergio Osmeña won a seat in the Philippine Assembly in 1907, and was easily proclaimed as its first Speaker at twenty nine. At that time, the Speakership was the highest position that a Filipino could aspire for, being second only to the American governor-general.
In 1916, the passage of Jones Law allowed the Filipinos to have a broader participation in the running of the government. It created a bicameral legislative system, composed of a lower house called the House of Representatives and an upper house known as the Senate. Sergio remained as House Speaker, while Quezon was elected as Senate President.
Two years after Estefania died in 1918, Sergio married Esperanza Limjap who came from a wealthy clan.
A Senator from 1922-35, he joined fellow Senator Manuel Roxas in the United States to lobby for Philippines independence at the American Congress. The OSROX Mission played a vital role in the approval of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act which was eventually replaced by the Tydings-McDuffie Act. Quezon and Osmeña ran as president and vice-president respectively in the 1935 elections for the Commonwealth government, beating their opponents with a huge margin.
Manuel Quezon and Sergio flew to the United States when World War II broke out. The Commonwealth government was suddenly in exile, with Quezon remaining as President and Osmeña as Vice-President.
On August 1, 1944, Manuel Quezon’s death in Saranac Lake, New York put Sergio Osmeña at the helm of a presidency in exile. He was with General Douglas MacArthur and his soldiers, when he returned to the Philippines, landing at the Red Beach, Palo, Leyte on October 20, 1944. The Commonwealth government, headed by Osmeña was re-established temporarily in Tacloban, Leyte on October 23, 1944.
The Second World War ended in 1945. Sergio inherited a devastated country. Nevertheless, he showed that old age was not an obstacle to serve the country. He devoted his short term as president to the restoration of peace and order, providing health services for the Filipinos, handling issues of collaboration, re-establishment of foreign relations and reconstruction of cities destroyed by war.
In the 1946 national elections, Sergio Osmeña lost to Manuel A. Roxas, but his character as a nationalist and statesman never vanished from the memory of the Filipinos. Until now, his descendants are very visible and active in Philippine politics, a manifestation that the Filipino people have trusted the Osmeñas through the decades.
Truly, it is worthy to pay tribute to a man who fought for the liberty we enjoy today.
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The Hukbalahap Insurrection: Between Liberation and Independence
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CHAPTER III
BETWEEN LIBERATION AND INDEPENDENCE
CONDITIONS AT LIBERATION
When General MacArthur stepped ashore on Leyte on 22 October 1944, he was accompanied by Sergio Osmena, the former Philippine vice-president who succeeded President Manuel Quezon who died in August 1944 while in exile in the United States. With U.S. forces pushing the Japanese from the islands, Osmena was brought back to reestablish a legitimate civilian government, to oversee post-war recovery, and to prepare the Philippines for independence. Three days after his arrival in Leyte, MacArthur returned civil control of liberated areas to the commonwealth president and, on 27 February 1945, he granted Osmena civil control over the entire Philippines. Unfortunately, Osmena was considered by many to be a weak and ineffectual leader, lacking the skill and charisma of his predecessor.1
But what of the nation Osmena was given charge of? The islands were devastated. General Eisenhower remarked that, "Of all the wartime capitals, only Warsaw suffered more damage than Manila."2 Essential services were in chaos. Transportation and communication systems were barely operational in most areas, food production was at a standstill, and the health system was horribly overtaxed. The economy was in shambles -- unemployment was epidemic and the nation's export industry had collapsed during the war. In fact, only graft and corruption seem to have
29
increased from pre-war days.3 To accomplish anything, many hands in government had to be crossed with silver and assistance was provided to those with connections, not to those with the greatest need.
In January 1946, Paul V. McNutt, the U.S. High Commissioner to the Philippines, delivered a report to President Truman outlining conditions and their effects on the scheduled independence of the islands that July. "The situation is critical," McNutt reported, "it does not at this moment seem possible for the Filipino people, ravaged and demoralized by the cruelest and most destructive of wars, politically split between loyalists and enemy collaborators, with several well-armed dissident groups still at large, to cope with the coincidence of political independence and the tremendous economic demands of rehabilitation."4
During this trying period the United States Congress made sincere efforts to assist Philippine recovery through economic assistance programs. In October 1945, Senator Tydings (co-author of the 1934 Tydings-McDuffie Act) introduced legislation in the Senate for Philippine rehabilitation. Originally seeking $620 million in emergency economic aid, Tydings' bill was reduced in scope by $100 million.5
The act provided for several important actions to assist reconstruction. The first of these provisions established a Philippine War Damage Commission, chartered by Congress to
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investigate and pay claims for property lost as a result of military action. The commission owed its conception as much to an August 1943 promise by President Roosevelt to "assist in the full repair of ravages caused by war," as it did to concerns about conditions on the islands.6 A second provision authorized the U.S. government to transfer surplus military equipment and property, at cost or as grants, to the Philippine government. Together, Congress hoped that the influx of economic aid and Philippine acquisition of cheap, reliable equipment would speed reconstruction and put the nation's economy back on track.7
This well intentioned program, as well as other smaller ones, however, did little to solve the problems faced by the Philippine people or promote an enlightened climate for political or social reforms. American money, supplies, and equipment were quickly absorbed by an economy starved for even the most basic commodities. Amidst a people hungry for all types of goods, black markets flourished, relief and rehabilitation materials disappeared, and the Osmena administration seemed unwilling to do anything about corruption. War damage claims, administered by a joint U.S.-Philippine War Damage Corporation, began business in June but, soon became hopelessly mired in bureaucratic redtape. Although the U.S. Congress allocated $520 million for Philippine war claims, that figure fell far short of the $1.2 billion estimate made by President Osmena, or even the $800 million estimate submitted by the U.S. War Damage Commission that visited the islands shortly after liberation.8
31
During the corporation's four year life, more than one million private claims were processed. Each of some 685 daily claims had to be validated before payments were made. Although the first payment to the Philippine government was made in December 1946, payment of the first individual claim was not made until April 1947. When the commission finished its work in 1950, it had dispersed only $388 million against claims totaling $1.25 billion.9 Slowness, inefficiency, and overt corruption within the Commission set public feelings against the central government and by extension against the United States. Needless to say, Huk propagandists combined these feelings of neglect and corruption with those about land-tenancy as they rebuilt their popular base. As the people's frustrations grew, so did their affinity for the communist cause -- not so much from an ideological position, as from their desire for change and reform.
UNITED STATES POLICY TOWARD THE PHILIPPINES
The attitudes of U.S. policy-makers toward the islands in the period between liberation and independence was paternalistic, economically based, conservative, and anti-Huk. Post-war policy was aimed at returning the nation to normalcy through economic assistance that would, in essence, reestablish conditions as they existed before 1941. In short, American policy sought to return the status quo and cut the umbilical cord with Manila, by granting the nation independence, just as soon as it could. This policy resulted in the implementation of poorly administered assistance programs that often worked to the Huks' advantage.
Emergency assistance in the forms of food and aid were rushed to the islands on the heels of liberation. By mid-1945,
32
200 million pounds of food were shipped to Manila to relieve shortages caused by the near total breakdown of Philippine agriculture. However promising the effort, emergency programs suffered from a lack of American supervision once the aid reached the Philippines. Once unloaded, the distribution of aid was mismanaged by inept, usually corrupt, Filipino officials. These problems were aggravated by the release of several thousand Filipino collaborators by United States and Philippine authorities when their skills were needed by the Osmena government.10 However, as often is the case involving large sums of money and materiel flooding into an impoverished nation, many local officials took the opportunity to become wealthy through corruption and the black market at the expense of their countrymen.
Based on U.S. wartime experience with the Huk, intelligence reports produced in the closing days of the war by the Southwest Pacific Area staff, and in consultation with President Osmena (who had a narrow understanding of the Huks and their goals), MacArthur ordered the guerrillas disarmed and dispersed. Of all the Huk squadrons that participated in the war, only two from southern Luzon were offered official recognition and promised veteran benefits, back pay, and the opportunity to integrate into the Philippine armed forces. Conversely, most USAFFE veterans were integrated directly into the Philippine Military Police Command, and promised full benefits.11 These seemingly arbitrary actions led to serious confrontations between Huk and U.S. forces and, when coupled with U.S. reluctance to even recognize them as bona fide anti-Japanese guerrillas, the stage was set for longterm disaffections.
33
It became official U.S. policy to ignore the Huks, considering them but bands of armed civilians. Several squadrons offered to join the AFP, but were refused and ordered instead to surrender their arms. In more than one instance, Huks were confronted by armed U.S. and Philippine forces sent to carry out U.S. policy regarding the disarmament of armed civilian groups. In Pampanga Province, American troops surrounded three squadrons who refused to lay down their arms. These Huks were finally disarmed at rifle-point. In mid-February, U.S. troops arrested members of the Huk GHQ and imprisoned them in San Fernando. When Taruc and Alejandrino were arrested, temporary control of the movement fell to Mariano Balges, Huk GHQ political commissar. Balges fled with many of his supporters to the jungles and swamps of central Luzon and began the process of rebuilding the Huk organization. Many local people, who just weeks before had applauded the arrival of U.S. forces, viewed the incarceration of the Huk leadership and other hardhanded American and Filipino actions with disdain and threw-in once again with the guerrillas.12
After twenty-two days of imprisonment, Taruc and Alejandrino were released when mass demonstrations threatened to undermine peace, throughout central Luzon. United States and Philippine government authorities hoped that the two leaders would convince Huks to come-in and surrender their arms. Instead, Taruc reassumed his position as Hukbalahap "El Supremo," this time vowing to continue the fight against the government and the United States. Unfortunately for Taruc and Alejandrino, Huk intelligence suffered seriously during liberation and they were arrested once again by U.S. CIC agents in April. This time, they were sent to Iwahig Prison on the island of Palawan, far from
34
their supporters. As harsh as American actions were toward the Huks, MacArthur had in fact resisted even stronger ones. He held sympathetic feelings for what the Huk were fighting for and told his biographer, William Manchester, that if he (MacArthur) were a Filipino, he would have been a Huk.13
Another problem faced by the government after liberation concerned local governments established by the Huks during the war. These Barrio United Defense Corps (BUDC) maintained a degree of order within the villages and were seen as legitimate by the local populace. In the provinces of Pampanga, Tarlac, Nueva Ecija, Bulacan, Rizal, and Laguna, entire government structures from provincial governor to local postal clerks were held by Huk/CPP officials or their supporters. President Osmena considered these local governments invalid and, with the consent of the U.S. High Commissioner, refused them recognition and ordered them replaced with his own appointees.14
At this critical point in Philippine reconstruction, U.S. policy makers failed to see the Huks and their popular, peasant-based movement for what it really was -- a communist revolutionary struggle capable of mass support under current conditions. Instead, the Huks were treated as bandits, their mass support was seriously underestimated, and no real efforts were pursued to bring about socioeconomic changes or reforms.15 Few Americans understood the Huk movement or what was needed to defeat it. Those who did, men such as then Air Force Major
35
Edward G. Lansdale, were few in number and not politically influentia1.16
American insensitivity to internal Philippine problems continued into 1946 when the U.S. Congress passed two measures that strained Philippine relations and fueled Huk propaganda fires. In February, the Congress addressed the issue of Filipino veteran rights. In a move that shocked people across the Philippines, Congress, initially at least, denied them GI Bill benefits, breaking a promise made to them by General MacArthur as he retreated from Bataan. The American decision also denied back-pay, hospitalization, mustering-out pay, and burial benefits. In the Philippines, this decision met widespread opposition. The U.S. Congress readdressed the veteran issue over the following five years, finally approving money for Philippine veteran hospitals in 1948, burial benefits in 1951, and later paid Filipino veterans $473 million in backpay and allowances.17
A second action that inadvertently aided Huk calls for a Philippines free of U.S. domination was the Philippine Trade Act (or Bell Act) of 1946. Introduced by Missouri Representative C. Jasper Bell in September 1945, the highly controversial act underwent five revisions before being passed in April 1946. Designed to stabilize economic ties with the United States help Philippine recovery, the act formalized pre-war economic trading patterns and ensured U.S. economic hegemony over the country.18 Provisions of the 1946 act fixed the Philippine peso to the dollar and prevented the Philippine government from changing the
36
value of the peso without U.S. consent. As a final insult, the act legislated a twenty-eight year extension for duty-free trade between the nations and mandated equal and free access to Philippine markets by American businessmen and companies.19 The Trade Act was the. subject of hot debate in the Philippine legislature before being ratified on 18 September 1946, primarily due to the efforts of a coalition of local merchants, businessmen, and politicians (those most likely to benefit from a return to the old status quo).20 Huks seized upon this legislation as just another example of the United States acting through the Philippine government to maintain a neo-colonial relationship for the benefit of Filipino landlords, rich businessmen, and corrupt government officials.
THE RESUMPTION OF HUK/CPP ACTIVITY
By summer of 1945, the people of central Luzon had serious doubts about the intentions of their newly reestablished central government. Local authorities were not recognized by President Osmena and Huk friends and relatives were being arrested -- certainly unusual treatment for those regarded as brave, patriotic freedom-fighters. To make matters worse, peasants were now falling victim to government police and troops who often preyed upon the peasants for food and supplies much as the Japanese had done. As lawlessness increased, the peasants were forced to choose between supporting a central government that was legal but could not exert control, or to support the Huks, who
37
although illegal, attempted to provide control and worked to enforce order.21
Sensing the growing climate of disaffection, the CPP moved its base of operations into the Manila barrios and began to organize new labor unions. In July 1945, the CPP formally joined with two of the more successful unions they helped establish before the war -- the National Peasant's Union and the broad, socialist-based Congress of Labor Organizations. Together, the three groups formed the Democratic Alliance (DA). Under Lava's control, the Alliance set to plot a strategy for the upcoming November 1946 general elections as a major opposition party to the ruling Partido Nacionalista.22 At the same time, Democratic Alliance leadership planned the timetable for the eventual overthrow of the Philippine government.
The Democratic Alliance timetable defined three periods in which an alliance of political and military activists would work toward specific goals. The first phase, from 1946-1949, would be devoted to organization. During this preparatory stage, the movement would attempt to win the support of the working and peasant classes. Once this support was well entrenched, they would set up a national revolutionary bloc of workers, peasants, and intellectuals to prevent the capitalist classes from extending their control over the nation.
The second stage of the strategy was to take place between 1949 and 1951, and would focus on the "political offensive." DA leaders planned to couple the mass political base, built during the first phase, with the military wing of the organization, the
38
Hukbalahap. The planning document used for this strategy called for Huk strength to peak at 172,800 members by September 1951. Fin=ally, in 1952, the communists planned to see their strategy through to fruition with the takeover of the government in the third and final stage. This takeover would be accomplished in a mass uprising -- an uprising so grand in scale that the existing capitalist government could not stand in its path.23
Throughout the summer of 1946, the Democratic Alliance organized large demonstrations in Manila to demand the release of Taruc and Alejandrino. In September, following an especially violent and bloody riot, Osmena ordered the two Huk leaders released from Iwahig. They returned home and organized political campaigns for the November elections.
The communist political organization also took advantage of yet another sensitive issue that appeared after the war-collaboration. Questions over who collaborated with the Japanese and why, sparked violent debates and hatred in the post-war Philippines. For many Filipinos who suffered greatly at the hands of the enemy the slightest hint of collaboration by a public official was cause for deep resentment. This problem intensified in cases involving the Philippine Police Constabulary and members of the new government. The police had been used by the Japanese to control the countryside and, although they seldom cooperated fully with the enemy, they did operate under his control. Many members of the reconstruction government had also cooperated with the Japanese and were under similar suspicions.
Manuel Roxas, a politician and army brigadier general before the war, was a government administrator during the Japanese occupation. At liberation, Roxas, along with 5,000 others, was
39
taken into custody by U.S. military authorities and imprisoned for collaboration. Due to his administrative skills, and evidence that he collaborated to minimize violence directed against Filipinos, he was among many former government officials released on the orders of President Osmena and General MacArthur in April 1945.24 Roxas had strong support from MacArthur, and because of his administrative background was appointed to the Osmena administration and soon returned to a position of power in the Nationalist Party from which he challenged President Osema. During the first post-war election in 1945, Roxas was elected president and forty-five members of the occupation government were returned to the legislature.25 The issue of collaboration played heavily on the minds of most Filipinos and quickly became a key element of the Huk propaganda campaign.
When the guerrillas returned to the jungles and swamps of central Luzon, they began to rebuild their wartime organization. Luis Taruc resumed his role as military commander while Jose Lava ran the movement's political campaign. Seeking shelter and protection in the same areas they used so effectively against the Japanese, Taruc's armed guerrillas ventured out to harass government forces, intimidate civilians who favored the Manila government, and raise supplies and money through taxes levied on villages, and an occasional robbery or kidnapping when voluntary contributions failed.26 Concurrently, other armed units were formed that terrorized and murdered landlords returning to lay claim to the lands they abandoned during the war. The Huks received active support from the peasantry for these actions,
40
since most of the peasants remained with the land and attempted to resist the Japanese when the landlords fled.27
Indoctrination and propaganda campaigns were conducted to support the armed struggle at every opportunity. Stalin University was reopened in the Sierra Madres mountains for promising recruits. Huk propagandists were quick to exploit even the most minor case of government abuse or corruption, and there was no difficulty in identifying these. Realizing that most of their support came from the peasant farming class, the movement adopted the slogans "Land for the Landless" and "Prosperity for the Masses".28 This strategy proved most effective in the days prior to independence in 1946 as the people searched for socioeconomic reforms that never came from Manila.
Thus, as the nation approached independence, little constructive change had taken place since 1941. If there was any dramatic change at all, it was a worsening condition for the peasant, brought about by the ravages of war. The Manila government was riddled with corruption and showed no visible concern for the peasant farmer. Landlords and wealthy Filipino businessmen continued to hold firm sway in government and, aided by post-war U.S. policy, had returned the Philippines to the status quo that most favored their own purposes. The peasant felt forgotten, abused, and saw no hope for substantive social or economic change coming from the current government once the islands achieved independence.
41
Notes
1. Leo S. Comish, Jr., The United States and the Philippine Hukbalahap Insurrection: 1946-54, (Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College, [8 March 1971]), pp. 3-6.
2. Robert A. Smith, Philippine Freedom 1946-1958, (NY: Columbia University Press, 1958), p. 115.
3. William B. Steele, Internal Defense in the Philippines: 1946-1954, (Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College, [1967]), p. 2.
4. Comish, The US and the Philippine Hukbalahap Insurrection, p. 8.
5. Ibid., p. 26.
6. Milton W. Meyer, A Diplomatic History of the Philippines, (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1965), p. 5.
7. US Department of State, The Philippine Rehabilitation Program: Report to the President by the Secretary of State, Far Eastern Series, (Washington, D.C.: GPO, [31 August 1954]), p. 3.
8. Robert R. Smith, The Hukbalahap Insurgency: Economic, Political, and Militar Factors, (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Chief of Military History, 1963]), p. 60.
9. Comish, The US and the Hukbalahap Insurrection, p. 27.
10. Ibid. p. 45.
11. Rodney S. Azama, The Huks and the New People's Army: Comparing Two Postwar Filipino Insurgencies, (Quantico, VA: Marine Corps Command an to College, April 1985]), p. 42; and Smith, The Hukbalahap Insurgency, pp. 53-55.
12. Smith, The Hukbalahap Insurgency, pp. 53-58; and Luis Taruc, Born of the People, (Bombay: People's Publishing House, LTD., 1953), p. 173.
13. Ibid., p. 55; and William Manchester, American Caesar, (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1978), p. 4.
14. Lapus, "The Communist Huk Enemy," p. 15; and Reginald J. Swarbrick, The Evolution of Communist Insurgency in the Philippines, (Quantico, VA: Marine Corps Command and Staff College, [7 June 1983]), p. 8.
15. Comish, The US and the Hukbalahap Insurrection, p. 17.
16. Reference Book RB 31-3, Internal Defense Operations: A Case History, The Philippines 1946-1954, (Ft. Leavenworth, KS: U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, [1967]), p. 37.
17. Smith, The Hukbalahap Insurgency, p. 62; and Comish, The US and the Hukbalahap Insurrection, p. 36.
18. Comish, The US and the Hukbalahap Insurrection, p. 31; and Smith, The Hukbalahap Insurgency, p. 62.
19. Azama, The Huks and the N.P.A., p. 43; and Napoleon Valeriano (Colonel, AFP), "Military Operations," in Counter-Guerrilla Operations in the Philippines 1946-53, (Ft. Bragg, NC: U.S. Army Special Forces Center and School, 15 June 1961]), p. 26.
20. Comish, The US and the Hukbalahap Insurrection, p. 34.
21. Center for Research in Social Systems, Internal Defense Against Insurgency: Six Cases, (Washington, D.C.: The American University, [December 1966]), p. 47.
22. Lapus, "The Communist Huk Enemy," p. 16; and Swarbrick, Evolution of Communist Insurgency, p. 10.
23. Donald MacGrain, Anti-Dissident Operations in Philippines, (Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College, [26 March 1956]), p. 6. 39
24. Comish, The US and the Hukbalahap Insurrection, p. 10; and F. Sionil Jose, "The Huks in Retrospect," p. 67.
25. Smith, The Hukbalahap Insurgency, p. 59.
26. Medardo Justiniano (Major, AFP), "Combat Intelligence," in Counter-Guerrilla Operations in the Philippines 1946-53, (Ft. Bragg, NC: U.S. Army Special Forces Center and School, [15 June 1961]), p. 40.
27. Azama, The Huk and the NPA, p. 19.
28. Justiniano, "Combat Intelligence," p. 40.
page created 14 February 2002
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1946 Philippine presidential election
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← 1943 April 23, 1946 1949 →
Nominee Manuel Roxas Sergio Osmeña Party Liberal Nacionalista Running mate Elpidio Quirino Eulogio Rodriguez Popular vote 1,333,392 1,129,996 Percentage 53.94% 45.71%
President before election
Sergio Osmeña
Nacionalista
Elected President
Manuel Roxas
Liberal
The 1946 Philippine presidential and vice presidential elections were held on April 23, 1946, according to Commonwealth Act No. 725. Incumbent president Sergio Osmeña ran for a full term but was defeated by Senator Manuel Roxas. Meanwhile, senator Elpidio Quirino defeated fellow senator Eulogio Rodriguez to become vice president.
Soon after the reconstitution of the Commonwealth government in 1945, Senators Manuel Roxas, Elpidio Quirino, and their allies called for an early national election to choose the president and vice president of the Philippines, as well as the members of Congress. In December 1945, the House Insular Affairs Committee of the United States Congress approved the joint resolution, setting the election date by April 30, 1946.
Prompted by this congressional action, President Sergio Osmeña called the Philippine Congress to a three-day special session. Congress enacted Commonwealth Act No. 725, setting the election date on April 23, 1946. President Osmeña signed the act on January 5, 1946.
Three parties presented their respective candidates for the different national elective positions. These were the Nacionalista Party, the Conservative (Osmeña) Wing, the Liberal Wing of the Nacionalista Party, and the Partido Modernista. The Nacionalistas had Osmeña and Senator Eulogio Rodriguez as their candidates for President and vice president, respectively. The Modernistas chose Hilario Camino Moncado and Luis Salvador for the same positions. On the other hand, the standard bearers of the Liberals were Senators Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino.
On January 3, 1946, President Osmeña announced his candidacy for President. On January 22, 1946, Eulogio Rodriguez was nominated as Osmeña's running mate for Vice President in a convention held at Ciro's Club in Manila. According to the Manila Chronicle:
The convention opened at 10:15 in the morning when the acting secretary of the party, Vicente Farmoso, called the confab to order.
Congressman Jose C. Romero, who delivered the keynote speech, accused Senate President Manuel Roxas and his followers of fanning the flames of discontent among the people, capitalizing on the people's hardship, and minimizing the accomplishment of the [Osmeña] Administration. These men with the Messiah complex have been the country's and world's bane. This is the mentality that produces Hitlers and Mussolinis, and in their desire to climb to power, they even want to destroy the party which placed them where they are today.
Senator Carlos P. Garcia, who delivered the nomination speech for President Sergio Osmeña, recited Osmeña's achievements and virtues as a public official and private citizen.
Entering the convention hall at about 7:30 p.m., President Osmeña, accompanied by the committee on notification, was greeted with cheer and applause as he ascended the platform. President Osmeña delivered his speech, a general outline of his plans once elected. He emphasized that as far as his party is concerned, independence is a close issue. It was coming on July 4, 1946.[1]
On January 19, 1946, Senator Roxas announced his candidacy for President in a convention held in Santa Ana Cabaret in Makati, Rizal. According to the Manila Chronicle:
...more than three thousand (by conservative estimates, there were only 1,000 plus) delegates, party members, and hero worshipers jammed into suburban, well-known Santa Ana Cabaret (biggest in the world) to acclaim ex-katipunero and Bagong Katipunan organizer Manuel Acuña Roxas as the guidon bearer of the Nacionalista Party's Liberal Wing.
The delegates from all over the Islands met in a formal convention from 10:50 a.m. and broke up at about 5:30 p.m.
They elected 1. Mariano J. Cuenco, professional Osmeñaphobe, as temporary chairman; 2. Jose Avelino and ex-pharmacist Antonio Zacarias, permanent chairman and secretary, respectively; 3. nominated forty-four candidates for senators; 4. heard the generalissimo himself deliver an oratorical masterpiece consisting of 50 per cent attacks against the (Osmeña) Administration, 50 per cent promises, pledges. Rabid Roxasites greeted the Roxas acceptance speech with hysterical applause.[2]
President Osmeña tried to prevent the split in the Nacionalista Party by offering Senator Roxas the position of Philippine Regent Commissioner to the United States, but the latter turned down the offer.
As a result of the split among the members of the Nacionalista Party, owing to marked differences of opinion on specific vital issues of which no settlement had been reached, a new political organization was born and named the Liberal Wing of the Nacionalista Party, which would later become the Liberal Party.
The election was generally peaceful and orderly except in some places where passions ran high, especially in Pampanga. According to the "controversial" decision of the Electoral Tribunal of the House of Representatives on Meliton Soliman vs. Luis Taruc, Pampanga "was under the terroristic clutches and control of the Hukbalahaps. So terrorized were the people of Arayat were terrorized; at one time, 200 persons abandoned their homes, work, food, and belongings in a mass evacuation to the Poblacion due to fear and terror."
A total of 2,596,880 voters went to the polls to elect their President and Vice President, who was to be the Commonwealth's last and the Republic's first. President Osmena chose not to actively campaign, saying the Filipinos knew his record of 40 years of loyal service to the country.
Four days after election day, the Liberal candidates were proclaimed victors. Roxas registered a majority of votes in 34 provinces and nine cities: Abra, Agusan, Albay, Antique, Bataan, Batanes, Batangas, Bukidnon, Bulacan, Cagayan, Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, Capiz, Cavite, Cotabato, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Isabela, Laguna, La Union, Leyte, Marinduque, Mindoro, Misamis Oriental, Negros Occidental, Nueva Vizcaya, Palawan, Pangasinan, Rizal, Romblon, Samar, Sorsogon, Sulu, Surigao, Tayabas, Zambales, Manila, Quezon City, Bacolod (Negros Occidental), Iloilo City (Iloilo), Baguio (Mountain Province), Zamboanga City (Zamboanga), Tagaytay (Cavite), Cavite City (Cavite) and San Pablo City (Laguna)
Likewise, the Liberal Party won nine out of 16 contested senatorial seats.
In the House of Representatives, the Liberals achieved a majority with 50 seats won, while the Nacionalistas and the Democratic Alliance were only victorious in 33 and six seats, respectively.
CandidatePartyVotes%Manuel RoxasNacionalista Party (Liberal wing)[a]1,333,00653.93Sergio OsmeñaNacionalista Party[a]1,129,99445.72Hilario MoncadoModernist Party8,5380.35Total2,471,538100.00Valid votes2,471,53895.17Invalid/blank votes125,3424.83Total votes2,596,880100.00Registered voters/turnout2,898,60489.59Source: Nohlen, Grotz, Hartmann, Hasall and Santos[3]
Popular vote Roxas 53.93% Osmeña 45.72% Moncado 0.35%
Province/City Roxas Osmeña Moncado Abra 6,760 3,813 18 Agusan 9,354 9,219 26 Albay 25,940 24,344 13 Antique 18,271 12,952 19 Bataan 9,468 8,309 4 Batanes 1,326 705 20 Batangas 56,410 24,118 37 Bohol 30,592 40,285 308 Bukidnon 3,011 2,451 150 Bulacan 39,799 38,549 38 Cagayan 15,514 25,605 365 Camarines Norte 10,471 5,482 4 Camarines Sur 33,267 24,214 21 Capiz 41,844 18,161 14 Catanduanes 5,477 8,698 4 Cavite 38,111 11,196 19 Cebu 53,848 98,700 792 Cotabato 17,826 16,490 66 Culion Leper Colony 47 420 0 Davao 11,896 19,226 1,536 Ilocos Norte 25,464 12,097 243 Ilocos Sur 30,322 16,530 34 Iloilo 79,136 43,522 25 Isabela 17,431 9,220 437 La Union 22,499 14,845 157 Laguna 36,527 22,246 26 Lanao 17,212 37,101 991 Leyte 64,236 49,965 155 Manila 82,457 31,513 172 Marinduque 10,596 2,487 8 Masbate 9,730 12,207 27 Mindoro 14,025 9,240 6 Misamis Occidental 11,165 15,926 848 Misamis Oriental 14,307 12,737 153 Mountain Province 8,490 11,369 468 Negros Occidental 62,605 52,982 58 Negros Oriental 13,262 25,594 171 Nueva Ecija 29,478 41,616 28 Nueva Vizcaya 7,458 3,664 9 Palawan 6,317 5,164 7 Pampanga 11,296 69,505 42 Pangasinan 82,081 64,794 56 Rizal 60,103 35,418 101 Romblon 9,200 3,560 17 Samar 37,553 30,793 82 Sorsogon 20,715 17,528 6 Sulu 6,833 9,228 6 Surigao 15,053 12,795 85 Tarlac 16,868 26,193 39 Tayabas 50,224 10,954 16 Zambales 15,811 6,853 16 Zamboanga 15,706 19,413 595 Total 1,333,392 1,129,996 8,538 Source: Bureau of the Census and Statistics[4]
CandidatePartyVotes%Elpidio QuirinoNacionalista Party (Liberal wing)[a]1,161,72552.36Eulogio RodriguezNacionalista Party[a]1,051,24347.38Lou SalvadorModernist Party5,8790.26Total2,218,847100.00Valid votes2,218,84785.44Invalid/blank votes378,03314.56Total votes2,596,880100.00Registered voters/turnout2,898,60489.59Source: Nohlen, Grotz, Hartmann, Hasall and Santos[5]
Popular vote Quirino 52.36% Rodriguez 47.38% Salvador 0.26%
Province/City Quirino Rodriguez Salvador Abra 6,894 3,092 7 Agusan 8,540 8,131 11 Albay 23,445 21,696 12 Antique 16,749 12,026 55 Bataan 6,424 8,245 17 Batanes 1,466 221 6 Batangas 32,185 22,195 111 Bohol 26,290 34,296 167 Bukidnon 2,899 2,138 99 Bulacan 29,277 38,881 50 Cagayan 21,826 17,226 238 Camarines Norte 10,013 4,894 4 Camarines Sur 31,282 23,052 24 Capiz 36,845 17,494 11 Catanduanes 5,164 8,645 4 Cavite 22,688 17,882 28 Cebu 50,495 92,253 524 Cotabato 17,366 11,718 68 Culion Leper Colony 100 329 1 Davao 12,015 17,629 1,090 Ilocos Norte 26,727 9,672 109 Ilocos Sur 36,158 9,460 12 Iloilo 68,520 40,343 42 Isabela 19,800 5,786 208 La Union 29,126 6,860 104 Laguna 17,724 30,552 26 Lanao 12,638 26,787 594 Leyte 55,873 43,776 139 Manila 67,228 43,197 139 Marinduque 6,405 4,181 27 Masbate 8,378 10,066 32 Mindoro 12,370 7,423 7 Misamis Occidental 8,835 15,046 334 Misamis Oriental 12,245 10,172 132 Mountain Province 11,340 6,530 221 Negros Occidental 56,527 47,011 63 Negros Oriental 11,869 23,000 83 Nueva Ecija 27,949 38,690 46 Nueva Vizcaya 7,095 3,486 21 Palawan 6,219 4,691 7 Pampanga 9,291 64,566 119 Pangasinan 84,775 56,806 45 Rizal 35,512 54,896 50 Romblon 7,482 3,060 24 Samar 34,920 25,586 140 Sorsogon 19,455 15,980 10 Sulu 5,953 7,640 5 Surigao 13,800 11,768 56 Tarlac 17,523 22,813 50 Tayabas 39,338 15,966 35 Zambales 15,370 4,928 39 Zamboanga 13,317 18,462 433 Total 1,161,725 1,051,243 5,879 Source: Bureau of the Census and Statistics[4]
Commission on Elections
Politics of the Philippines
Philippine elections
President of the Philippines
1st Congress of the Philippines
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Ilustrado' politics: The response of the Filipino educated elite to American colonial rule, 1898-1907.
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dc.description.abstractThrough a detailed reconstruction and analysis of the political relationships and developments during the first decade of the American occupation of the Philippines (1898-1907), this study pursues two major objectives: (1) to achieve a better underst and ing of the responses of educated Filipinos (ilustrados) to the political and institutional changes introduced during this period; and (2) to examine more closely the collaborative interaction between Filipino politicians and American colonial authorities. A basic framework for late 19th century Filipino society is devised in order to analyze the political activities of ilustrados and to place them within the larger context of Filipino elites, who are viewed in four categories: municipal, provincial and urban elites, and urban middle sectors. The study of ilustrado politics is divided into two general areas of development: those in the colonial center (Manila and its environs) and those in the provincial areas. For Manila, particular attention is focused on the formation of the Partido Federal and of the various groups that emerged between 1901 and 1906 to challenge its control of national politics. Stress here is placed on the political activities of urban-based ilustrados who, with no access to elections, competed with one another through a politics of patronage and a range of more radical endeavors that included journalism, "seditious" drama, labor organizing, and the founding of schools and political associations. For the provincial areas, the focus is on the introduction of elections, the key institution in 20th century Filipino politics. Organizing for elections, as early as 1901-02, led to the development of competing political factions and networks within each province. Detailed accounts of the early careers of the two leading provincial politicians, Sergio Osmena and Manuel Quezon, provide case studies of these early developments. By 1906 the provincial politicians, under Osmena and Quezon, took the lead in the formation of the emerging national politics in preparation for the Philippine Assembly. The study concludes with an analysis of the changing political conditions that culminated in 1907 with Osmena and Quezon successfully taking over national politics (as the leaders of the Partido Nacionalista) and replacing the Federalistas as the collaborative partners of the American rulers. The study is based on a range of primary sources that include private papers, personal memoirs, official documents, and newspapers, and careful attention to the biographical materials on the persons concerned.
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https://www.scribd.com/document/429987308/Sergio-Osmen-a
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Sergio Osmeña: Cebu City Nationalist Party President Philippines Manila Cebu
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Sergio Osmeña - Free download as Word Doc (.doc / .docx), PDF File (.pdf), Text File (.txt) or read online for free. Sergio Osmeña was a Filipino statesman who served as president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. He founded the dominant Nationalist Party in 1907 and held several high-ranking positions, including governor of Cebu and speaker of the House of Representatives. Osmeña became vice president under Manuel Quezon and succeeded him as president when Quezon died in 1944. After World War II, Osmeña restored the Commonwealth government and fought for Philippine independence until he was defeated in the 1946 election by Manuel Roxas.
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https://www.scribd.com/document/429987308/Sergio-Osmen-a
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sergio-Osmena
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Sergio Osmeña | Commonwealth leader, independence advocate
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"The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica"
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1998-07-20T00:00:00+00:00
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Sergio Osmeña was a Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. Osmeña received a law degree from the University of Santo Tomás, Manila, in 1903. He was also editor of a Spanish newspaper, El Nuevo Día, in Cebu
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sergio-Osmena
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Sergio Osmeña (born Sept. 9, 1878, Cebu City, Phil.—died Oct. 19, 1961, Manila) was a Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946.
Osmeña received a law degree from the University of Santo Tomás, Manila, in 1903. He was also editor of a Spanish newspaper, El Nuevo Día, in Cebu City. In 1904 the U.S. colonial administration appointed him governor of the province of Cebu and fiscal (district attorney) for the provinces of Cebu and Negros Oriental. Two years later he was elected governor of Cebu. In 1907 he was elected delegate to the Philippine National Assembly and founded the Nationalist Party, which came to dominate Philippine political life.
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Sieh dir auf Facebook Beiträge, Fotos und vieles mehr an.
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https://philippines.michiganintheworld.history.lsa.umich.edu/s/exhibit/page/partisan-politics-and-the-filipino-press
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Partisan Politics and the Filipino Press · The Philippines and the University of Michigan, 1870
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Partisan Politics and the Filipino Press
Leading up to the 1912 U.S. presidential election, Democratic candidate Woodrow Wilson campaigned on the promise of Philippine independence. His stance aligned with the Democratic Party’s goal of divesting U.S. responsibility over the islands, while Republicans sought to maintain U.S. control over the Philippines in order to increase economic development.[1] Following Wilson’s victory over Republican incumbent Taft, the question of Philippine independence regained attention in the media.
Throughout the years following the 1912 election, University of Michigan colonial official Dean Conant Worcester collected a large number of newspaper articles related to The First Philippine Question. Flipping through the scrapbooks that contain Worcester’s clippings, translated editorials from Filipino newspapers consistently showcase the deep connection between partisan politics and the Filipino press.
The Cablenews-American
Worcester’s collection is dominated by clippings from The Cablenews-American, a leading newspaper for English speakers in the Philippines at the turn of the 20th century. Founded as the Cablenews in 1902 by the wealthy American Israel Putnam, the newspaper sought to promote economic development in the Philippines after the U.S. acquired the islands. Following his military service in the Spanish-American War, Putnam returned to the U.S. to recruit a large editorial staff and purchase cutting-edge printing machines that he would bring back to Manila. Although Putnam would later abandon the Cablenews due to expenses, its work continued under new American editors who leased the publication. As other American-run newspapers in the Philippines failed to remain in business, the Cablenews combined with another publication in 1908 to become one of the few lasting American press outlets in the islands: The Cablenews-American.[2] Although this publication maintained an inherently imperialistic tone regarding the Philippines and the question of independence, it also sought to present its American readership (which was concentrated in Manila) with perspectives circulating among Filipino press outlets. Under the recurring column, “The Filipino Press,” The Cablenews-American captured the sentiments of various Filipino newspapers, most consistently reprinting translated editorials from the Filipino press outlet El Ideal.
The Filipino Press: El Ideal within The Cablenews-American
Despite the initial blossoming of Filipino newspapers (thanks to the introduction of an American-style free press), many startup publications failed, and only a handful of Filipino papers gained traction on account of their political alliances. El Ideal was one such publication, officially aligned with the Nacionalista Party since the paper’s foundation in 1907. In fact, the Nacionalista Party leader and future president of the Philippines, Sergio Osmeña, founded the newspaper.[3]
Following the 1912 election in the Philippines, the Nacionalista Party continued to dominate the Philippine Assembly with a platform of increasing Philippine autonomy.[4] Furthermore, this election coincided with the 1912 U.S. presidential election of Democrat Woodrow Wilson, who campaigned on the promise of Philippine independence. In fact, another key Nacionalista official, Manuel Quezon, represented the Philippines at the 1912 Democratic National Convention, at which the goal of Philippine Independence became officially enshrined in the Democratic Party Platform.[5] Thus, while Republicans were frequently criticized for obstructing the road to Philippine independence, Wilson’s 1912 presidential victory offered Filipinos renewed hope for autonomy.
Quezon would remain in Washington following the 1912 Democratic victory, representing Nacionalista goals for independence while developing his relationships within the new Democratic administration. As Quezon worked with Democratic members of congress in D.C. to craft legislation for Philippine independence, El Ideal sought to promote public opinion of Wilson and the Democratic Party within the islands.[6]
Partisan Politics and the Filipino Press
To that effect, El Ideal targeted Republican officials as the administrative transition from President Taft to Democrat Wilson trickled down to affect American officeholders in the Philippines. In an aggressive media campaign targeting former Republican President Taft, El Ideal exclaimed that “there is something truly pathetic in Mr. Taft’s Comical role” as a previous one-term president.[7] El Ideal likewise appeared in The Cablenews-American with unrealistically optimistic characterizations of the new president and his party:
Thanks to the energy of President Wilson and the honesty of democratic legislators, the hands of the great octopus will be tied and the satraps and magnates who thrived because of the weakness of the old rulers (i.e., the former Republican administration) will be subdued.[8]
In another article published several weeks later by The Cablenews-American, El Ideal targeted the former Republican administration more explicitly: “The Filipinos have no dislike for the Americans: the misunderstanding which prevailed in the past was due to the shortsighted policies of the Republican party.”[9] El Ideal further iterated that Filipino public opinion of the U.S. continued to improve on account of the new Democratic administration, calling on the newly Democratic-controlled Congress to work with Wilson in pursuing legislation for Philippine independence. Thus, by consistently intertwining the Philippine Question with partisan rhetoric, El Ideal exemplifies the deep-rooted influence of party politics on the Filipino Press.
El Ideal likewise applied a partisan framework to its editorials on more localized issues occurring in the Philippines. Within these publications, El Ideal frequently singled out Dean Worcester as an emblem for the Republican party’s imperialistic agenda within the islands. More specifically, Republican goals for continued economic exploitation of the Philippines depended on American perceptions of the Filipinos as incapable of self-government. To that end, Worcester authored various ethnological reports on the islands’ inhabitants that sought to mischaracterize and dehumanize the Filipino people. Worcester’s specific attempt to mischaracterize the non-Christian inhabitants of the Moro Province serves as a prime example of his imperialistic agenda that, furthermore, provoked backlash from El Ideal.
Within its editorial on this subject, El Ideal states that “under the late [Republican] regime laws were passed which tended to open a chasm between non-Christian Filipinos and their brothers who enjoy the blessings of civilization” and that “the time has come to inquire into the truth of the story written by Worcester,” which characterized non-Christian Filipinos as irreconcilable with the Christian population. More specifically, El Ideal addresses ongoing hostilities between American administrators and non-Christian groups in the Moro region, explaining that native inhabitants were simply reacting to the “blunders of their rulers,” chiefly Worcester.[10]
Concluding this column with a characteristic reference to U.S. partisanship, El Ideal contends, “we are in the most important period of rectification and vindication introduced by the new [Wilson] administration.” Considering the audience of The Cablenews-American, El Ideal likely sought to reiterate their view that Filipino hostility was not directed at the American population within the islands but, rather, toward the former Republican administration.[11]
However, the voices of the Moro people at the center of both Worcester’s reports and El Ideal’s editorials are overlooked as Worcester and El Ideal seek to confine these non-Christian groups to a narrative that furthers their respective goals concerning Philippine independence. In this sense, even in the rare cases where Filipino voices emerge within the archive, the partisanship embroiling the Filipino press obscures the voices of indigenous and non-elite inhabitants of the islands.
Yet still, in spite of the calculated political considerations that drove the content presented by Filipino press outlets, El Ideal’s editorials served as a means of voicing Filipino dissatisfaction with America’s handling of the Philippine Question. Furthermore, as Filipino publications were translated and reprinted within The Cablenews-American, newspapers such as El Ideal were able to combat Worcester’s media campaign to brand the Filipino people as unfit for self-government. This is most perceptible in El Ideal’s targeted attack on Worcester for his handling of the Moro province and his characterization of the region’s non-Christian inhabitants. Thus, by appearing within The Cablenews-American, El Ideal could target imperialist actors bent on preventing Philippine independence while promoting its Democratic allies to American audiences in the islands. As for The Cablenews-American, by presenting translated editorials from El Ideal in the recurring column, “The Filipino Press,” this newspaper could maintain both its semblance of objectivity and its relationship with Filipino political parties, such as the Nacionalistas, as the prospect of Philippine autonomy became increasingly likely during Wilson’s presidency. More broadly, this intersection of The Cablenews-American and the Filipino press offers insight into the complex, symbiotic relationships involving Filipino newspapers, the politically-active Filipinos who owned them, and their respective partisan allies in Washington, D.C.[12]
Citations
[1] “The Philippines, 1898-1946,” U.S. House of Representatives, Office of the Historian, last modified 2018, https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/APA/Historical-Essays/Exclusion-and-E mpire/The-Philippines/.
[2] Carson Taylor, History of Philippine Press (Manila: s.n., 1927), 41-42.
[3] Carson Taylor, History of Philippine Press (Manila: s.n., 1927), 44.
[4] Philippine Commission, Report of the Philippine Commission to the Secretary of War, 1912 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1912), 45-50.
[5] “The Philippines, 1898-1946,” U.S. House of Representatives, Office of the Historian, last modified 2018, https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/APA/Historical-Essays/Exclusion-and-E mpire/The-Philippines/. Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, “Democratic Party Platforms, 1912 Democratic Party Platform Online, The American Presidency Project,” University of California, Santa Barbara, Accessed 10 Nov. 2022, https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/273201.
[6] “The Philippines, 1898-1946,” U.S. House of Representatives, Office of the Historian, last modified 2018, https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/APA/Historical-Essays/Exclusion-and-E mpire/The-Philippines/.
[7] “The Cablenews-American, Oct. 25, 1913,” vol. 13, Worcester’s Philippine Collection, Clippings, University of Michigan Library (Special Collections Research Center).
[8] “The Cablenews-American, Nov. 27, 1913,” vol. 13, Worcester’s Philippine Collection, Clippings, University of Michigan Library (Special Collections Research Center).
[9] “The Cablenews-American, Dec. 6, 1913,” vol. 13, Worcester’s Philippine Collection, Clippings, University of Michigan Library (Special Collections Research Center).
[10] “The Cablenews-American, n.d.,” vol. 13, Worcester’s Philippine Collection, Clippings, University of Michigan Library (Special Collections Research Center).
[11] Ibid.
[12] Ruby Paredes, Philippine Colonial Democracy (New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, 1988), 6.
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https://www.wikiwand.com/en/List_of_presidents_of_the_Philippines
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List of presidents of the Philippines
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Under the Constitution of the Philippines, the president of the Philippines is both the head of state and government, and serves as the commander-in-chief of the country's armed forces. The president is directly elected by qualified voters to a six-year term and must be "a natural-born citizen of the Philippines, a registered voter, able to read and write, at least forty years of age on the day of the election, and a resident of the Philippines for at least ten years immediately preceding such election". No elected president can seek re-election. Upon resignation, or removal from office, the vice president assumes the post. A president's successor who has not served for more than four years can still seek a full term for the presidency.
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Wikiwand
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https://www.wikiwand.com/en/List_of_presidents_of_the_Philippines
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Under the Constitution of the Philippines, the president of the Philippines (Filipino: Pangulo ng Pilipinas) is both the head of state and government, and serves as the commander-in-chief of the country's armed forces.[3][4] The president is directly elected by qualified voters to a six-year term and must be "a natural-born citizen of the Philippines, a registered voter, able to read and write, at least forty years of age on the day of the election, and a resident of the Philippines for at least ten years immediately preceding such election". No elected president can seek re-election. Upon resignation, or removal from office, the vice president assumes the post. A president's successor who has not served for more than four years can still seek a full term for the presidency.[5]
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2030
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dbpedia
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https://www.rappler.com/philippines/who-is-late-president-sergio-osmena-real-father/
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en
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Who is late president Sergio Osmeña’s real father?
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[
"John Sitchon",
"Victor Barreiro Jr"
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2023-06-04T07:52:49+00:00
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(1st UPDATE) A paternity project reveals a mestizo Chinese businessman named Don Antonio Sanson is the late president Sergio Osmeña's father
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en
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RAPPLER
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https://www.rappler.com/philippines/who-is-late-president-sergio-osmena-real-father/
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CEBU, Philippines – A DNA test commissioned by family members of the Osmeña bloodline revealed the late president Sergio Osmeña Sr.’s biological father was a mestizo Chinese businessman named “Don Antonio Sanson”.
For more than a hundred years, the identity of the late president’s father remained a mystery to archivists and historians alike. Even after his death, records could only narrow down the list of names to two people: “Don Pedro Lee Gotiaoco” and Sanson.
This was the case until a paternity project finally revealed on Friday, June 2, that Sanson was the true biological father of Osmeña after all of these years.
“It’s not a secret that he was an illegitimate child – someone who during Spanish times was identified as a padre no conocido or father unknown, someone who all his life used his mother’s last name: Osmeña,” Marilou Bernardo, a descendant and initiator of the project said.
Bernardo explained that her aunt, Annabelle Osmeña Aboitiz, wished to have the DNA test as the latter was the oldest living grandchild of the late president and wanted to settle questions about family history.
To do so, they acquired the help of forensic genealogist Todd Lucero Sales who used samples from the Gotiaco and Sanson clans. Former Mayor Tommy Osmeña donated a sample to be used as a reference for the Osmeña bloodline.
Who is Antonio Sanson?
“Antonio Sanson was a member of the Sanson Clan of Pari-an, also one of the most prominent families there…they were also merchants, businessmen, and landowners,“ Sales said.
According to Sales, Don Antonio Sanson owned a vast tract of land in Borbon town, Cebu where he spent most of his time with his own family.
Historical records also showed Sanson’s branch of the clan had originated from Surigao del Norte and other parts of Mindanao.
“Sanson was also a Hués de Pas of Borbon which means he was not only wealthy and socially prominent because the position of Hués de Pas, later on during the American period, it became ‘justice of the peace’ – you had to have a certain level of higher education to get that position,” Sales added.
Some archived documents also revealed Sanson married three different women and was believed to have had only one daughter.
Despite not being able to have a legitimate bond with the late president’s mother as the businessman was already married, Sanson’s properties in Borbon were eventually transferred to Osmeña.
Reactions
“The one thing that one can draw from this long-standing mystery, I suppose, is what it says about Don Sergio about himself, as a person, and in my own sense, is that despite being a public figure… he was still essentially a very private person,” Dr. Resil Mojares, National Artist for Literature and historian said during the reveal.
Mojares, a literary critic himself, questioned why the identity of the late president’s father was left unresolved for so long.
“He was very proper, kind of completely devoted to what he had chosen to be his vocation, and yet, he was somewhat distant from things that were purely personal…he was focused on the work of governance and public service,” Mojares added.
Tommy Osmeña, the grandson of the late president, appreciated the efforts that were put into finding the identity of his great-grandfather and emphasized how the revelation would not diminish what the late president had done for his country.
A mother’s story
In a phone interview on June 5, Tommy Osmeña told Rappler that Juana Osmeña was only around 15 years old when she gave birth to the late president.
“I’d like to point out that during that period, society was very conservative. Things like that are scandalous, so I wonder how she was able to cope with that pressure,” the former mayor said.
Based on available records, Juana Osmeña was born around 1863 and died in 1941. Sergio Osmeña was born in 1878.
Despite the challenges she faced, Osmeña said Juana still managed to raise a son who was a bar topnotcher, a rising politician who became a senator, a congressman, and later the first Visayan president.
The former mayor wished to pay tribute to his great-grandmother who he believes is a good example to many single mothers in the country.
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2030
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dbpedia
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https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/policies-and-programs-of-philippine-presidents/14304691
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en
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Policies and programs of philippine presidents
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Policies and programs of philippine presidents - Download as a PDF or view online for free
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1. a. Sergio Osmena b. Manuel Roxas c. Elpidio Quirino d. Ramon Magsaysay e. Carlos. Garcia f. Diosdado P. Macapagal Reporter: Villaceran, Ruth Klaribelle C. BSED 3- English
2. Second President of the Commonwealth Term: August 1, 1944- May 27, 1946 Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and President of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946.
3. Last President of the Commonwealth Term: May 28, 1946- July 4, 1946 First President of the Third Republic of the Philippines Term: July 4, 1946- April 15, 1948 Political leader and first president of the independence republic of the Philippines.
4. Second President, Third Republic of the Philippines Term: April 17, 1948- November 10, 1953 Political leader and second president of the Independence Republic of the Philippines.
5. Third President of the Third Republic of the Philippines Term: December 30, 1953- March 17, 1957 Best known for successfully defeating the communist led Hukbalahap (Huk) Movement. Idol of the masses, champion of democracy, and freedom fighter.
6. Fourth President of the Third Republic of the Philippines Term: March 18, 1957- December 30, 1961 Famous for his austerity program and policy. He maintained the strong tradition ties with the United States and sought closer relation with non- communist Asian countries.
7. Fifth President of the Third Republic of the Philippines Term: December 30, 1961 - December 30, 1965 Poet, politician, lawyer, diplomat, statesman, economist and intellectual. Born to poverty but rose due to diligence and brilliance. Best known as the "Champion of the Common Man."
8. Name Place of Date of Date of Alma Mater Profession Spouse(s) Religion Age Elected Origin Birth Death as President Sergio Cebu City September October 19, •University Lawyer •Estefania Roman 65 years old Osmena 9, 1878 1961 of San Carlos Veloso Catholic •San Juan de •Esperanza Letran Limjap College •University of Santo Tomas Manuel Roxas, Capiz January 1, April 15, •University Lawyer Trinidad de Roman 54 years old Roxas 1892 1948 of Manila Leon Catholic •University of the Philippines College of Law Elpidio Vigan November February 29, •University Lawyer Alicia Syquia Roman 58 years old
9. Name Place of Date of Date of Alma Mater Profession Spouse(s) Religion Age Elected Origin Birth Death as President Ramon Iba, August 31, March 17, Jose Rizal Engineer Luz Banzon Roman 46 years old Magsaysay Zambales 1907 1957 University Catholic Carlos P. Talibon, November June 14, •Siliman •Teacher Leonila Roman 61 years old Garcia Bohol 4, 1896 1971 University •Lawyer Dimataga Catholic •Philippine •Poet Law School •Political Economist •Guerilla Leader Diosdado P. Lubao, September April 21, •University •Lawyer •Purita Dela Roman 51 years old Macapagal Pampanga 28, 1910 1997 of the •Professor Rosa Catholic Philippines •Evita •University Macaraeg of Santo Tomas
10. •Governor of Cebu •October 16 1907-1922 •1904- October 16 1907 •Member of the Philippine House of •Secretary of Public Instruction Representatives from Cebu's 2nd District •1935-1940 •October 16 1907-1922 •Secretary of Public Instruction, Health, and •2nd Senate President pro tempore of the Public Welfare Philippines •1941-1944 •1922-1934 •2nd Vice President of the Philippines •Senator of the Philippines from the 10th •November 15 1935 – August 1 1944 Senatorial District •4th President of the Philippines •1922 – 15 November 1935 •2nd President of the Commonwealth •1st Speaker of the Philippine House of •August 1 1944 – May 28 1946 Representatives
11. •Governor of Capiz •2nd President of the Senate of the •1919–1921 Philippines •2nd Speaker of the Philippine House of •July 9, 1945 – May 25, 1946 Representatives •1922–1933 •1921–1938 •5th President of the Philippines •Secretary of Finance •3rd President of the Commonwealth •August 21, 1941 – December 29, 1941 •1st president of the Third Republic •Senator of the Philippines •May 28, 1946 – April 15, 1948 •July 9, 1945 – May 25, 1946
12. •Member of the Philippine House of •Secretary of Finance Representatives from Ilocos Sur's 1st District •July 25, 1934 – February 18, 1936 •Assumed office •May 28, 1946 – November 24, 1946 •1919 •Secretary of Foreign Affairs •Senator of the Philippines from the First •September 16, 1946 – April 17, 1948 Senatorial District •3rd Vice President of the Philippines •1925–1925 •May 28, 1946 – April 17, 1948 •Senator of the Philippines •6th President of the Philippines •July 9, 1945 – May 28, 1946 •2nd President of the Third Republic •4th President pro tempore of the Senate of •April 17, 1948 – December 30, 1953 the Philippines •July 9, 1945 – May 28, 1946 •Secretary of Interior •1935–1938
13. •Member of the Philippine House of Representatives from Zambales' Lone District •28 May 1946 – 1 September 1950 •Secretary of National Defense •1 September 1950 – 28 February 1953 •1 January 1954 – 14 May 1954 •7th President of the Philippines •3rd President of the Third Republic •30 December 1953 – 17 March 1957
14. •Member of the Philippine House of •5th Vice President of the Philippines Representatives from Bohol's Third District •December 30, 1953 – March 17, 1957 •1925–1931 •1st President of the 1971 Philippine •Governor of Bohol Constitutional Convention •December 30, 1933 – December 30, 1941 •June 1, 1971 – June 14, 1971 •Senator of the Philippines •May 25, 1946 – December 30, 1953 •8th President of the Philippines •Secretary of Foreign Affairs 4th President of the Third Republic •December 30, 1953 – March 17, 1957 March 17, 1957 – December 30, 1961
15. •Member of the Philippine House of Representatives from Pampanga's First District •December 30, 1949 – December 30, 1957 •6th Vice President of the Philippines •December 30, 1957 – December 30, 1961 •2nd President of the 1971 Philippine Constitutional Convention •June 14, 1971 – January 17, 1973 •9th President of the Philippines •5th President of the Third Republic •December 30, 1961 – December 30, 1965
16. Osmeña became president of the Commonwealth on Quezon's death in 1944. He returned to the Philippines the same year with General Douglas MacArthur and the liberation forces. After the war, Osmeña restored the Commonwealth government and the various executive departments. He continued the fight for Philippine independence. For the presidential election of 1946, Osmeña refused to campaign, saying that the Filipino people knew of his record of 40 years of honest and faithful service. He lost to Manuel Roxas, who won 54 percent of the vote and became president of the independent Republic of the Philippines
17. Restoration of the Commonwealth With the city of Manila already liberated, General of the Army, Douglas MacArthur, on behalf of the United States, turned over the reins of government of the Philippines to Commonwealth President, Sergio Osmeña, on 27 February 1945, amidst brief, but impressive, ceremonies held at the Malacañan Palace. President Osmeña, after thanking the United States through General MacArthur, announced the restoration of the Government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines and work out the salvation of the Philippines from the ravages of war.
18. Government reorganization President Osmeña proceeded with the immediate reorganization of the government and its diverse dependencies. On 8 April 1945, he formed his Cabinet, administering the oath of office to its component members. Later, President Osmeña received the Council of State to help him solve the major problems confronting the nation. Government offices and bureaus were gradually reestablished. A number of new ones were created to meet needs then current. Also restored were the Supreme Court of the Philippines and the inferior courts. The Court of Appeals was abolished and its appellate jurisdiction was transferred to the Supreme Court, the members of which were increased to eleven – one Chief Justice and ten Associate Justice – in order to attend to the new responsibilities. Slowly but steadily, as the liberating forces freed the other portions of the country, provincial and municipal governments were established by the Commonwealth to take over from the military authorities.
19. Rehabilitation of the Philippine National Bank Following the restoration of the Commonwealth Government, the Congress was reorganized. Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino were elected Senate President and Senate President pro tempore respectively. At the House of Representatives, Jose Zulueta of Iloilo was elected Speaker and Prospero Sanidad as Speaker pro tempore. The opening session of the Congress was personally addressed by President Osmeña, who reported on the Commonwealth Government in exile and proposed vital pieces of legislation. The First Commonwealth Congress earnestly took up the various pending assignments to solve the pressing matters affecting the Philippines, especially in regard to relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction. The first bill enacted was Commonwealth Act No. 672 – rehabilitating the Philippine National Bank.
20. People's court Yielding to American pressure, on 25 September 1945, the Congress enacted C.A. No. 682 creating the People's Court and the Office of Special Prosecutors to deal with the pending cases of "collaboration"
21. United Nations Charter President Osmeña sent the Philippine delegation, which was headed by Carlos P. Romulo, to the San Francisco gathering for the promulgation of the Charter of the United Nations on 26 June 1945. ▪ Other members of the delegation were Maximo Kalaw,Carlos P. Garcia, Pedro Lopez, Francisco Delegado, Urbano Zafra, Alejandro Melchor, and Vicente Sinco. The 28th signatory nation of the United Nations, the Philippines was one of the fifty-one nations that drafted the UN Charter. Once approved by Philippine delegation, the UN Charter was ratified by the Congress of the Philippines and deposited with the U.S State Department on 11 October 1945.
22. Foreign Relations Office To prepare for the forthcoming independent status of the Philippine, President Osmeña created the Office of Foreign Relations. ▪ Vicente Sinco was appointed as its first Commissioner, with cabinet rank. In this connection, President Osmeña also entered into an agreement with the United States Government to send five Filipino trainees to the U.S. State Department to prepare themselves for diplomatic service. ▪ They were sent by U.S. State Department to the United States embassies in Moscow and Mexico City and consulates in Saigon and Singapore.
23. International banking On 5 December 1945, President Osmeña appointed Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo as his representative to accept Philippine membership in the International Monetary Fund and in the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which bodies had been conceived in the Bretton Woods Agreement, in which the Philippine had also taken part. Romulo signed said membership on 27 December 1945 on behalf of the Philippines.
24. Bell Trade Act On 30 April 1946, the United States Congress, at last approved the Bell Act, which as early as 20 January had been reported to the Ways and Means Committee of the lower house, having been already passed by the Senate. President Osmeña and Resident Commissioner Ramulo had urged the passage of this bill, with United States High Commissioner, Paul V. McNutt, exerting similar pressure. The Act gave the Philippines eight years of free trade with the United States, then twenty years during which tariffs would be upped gradually until they were in line with the rest of the American tariff policy. The law also fixed some quotas for certain products: sugar – 850,000 long tons; cordage – 6,000,000 pounds; coconut oil – 200,000 long tons; cigars – 200,000,000 pounds.
25. Bell Trade Act The great aid this legislation meant for the Philippines was coupled with that to be obtained from the recently passed Tydings Damage bill, which provided some nine hundred million dollars for payment of war damages, of which one million had been earmarked to compensate for church losses. The sum of two hundred and forty million dollars was to be periodically allocated by the United States President as a manifestation of good will to the Filipino people. Additionally, sixty million pieces of surplus property were also transferred to the Philippine Government.
26. Roxas served as the President of the Commonwealth of the Philippines in a brief period, from his subsequent election on May 28, 1946 to July 4, 1946, the scheduled date of the proclamation of Philippine Independence. Roxas prepared the groundwork for the advent of a free and independent Philippines, assisted by the Congress. OnJune 3, 1946, Roxas appeared for the first time before the joint session of the Congress to deliver his first state of the nation address. Among other things, he told the members of the Congress the grave problems and difficulties the Philippines are set to face and reports of his special trip to the United States–the approval for independence.
27. Economy Among the main remedies proposed was the establishment of the Philippine Rehabilitation Finance Corporation. This entity would be responsible for the construction of twelve thousand houses and for the grant of easy-term loans in the amount of 177,000,000 pesos. Another proposal was the creation of the Central Bank of the Philippines to help stabilize the Philippine dollar reserves and coordinate and the nations banking activities gearing them to the economic progress. Concentrating on the sugar industry, President Roxas would exert such efforts as to succeed in increasing production from 13,000 tons at the time of the Philippine liberation to an all-high of one million tons.
28. Reconstruction after the war The postwar Philippines had burned cities and towns, ruined farms and factories, blasted roads and bridges, shattered industries and commerce, and thousands of massacred victims. The war had paralyzed the educational system, where 80% of the school buildings, their equipments, laboratories and furniture were destroyed. Numberless books, invaluable documents and works of art, irreplaceable historical relics and family heirlooms, hundreds of churches and temples were burned. The reconstruction of the damaged school buildings alone cost more than Php 126,000,000.
29. Reconstruction after the war The new Republic began to function on an annual deficit of over Php 200,000,000 with little prospect of a balanced budget for some years to come. Manila and other cities then were infested with criminal gangs which used techniques of American gangsters in some activities– bank holdups, kidnapping and burglaries. In rural regions, especially the provinces of Central Luzon and the Southern Tagalog regions, the Hukbalahaps and brigands terrorized towns and barrios.
30. Agrarian reform In 1946, shortly after his induction to Presidency, Manuel Roxas proclaimed the Rice Share Tenancy Act of 1933 effective throughout the country.However problems of land tenure continued. In fact these became worse in certain areas. Among the remedial measures enacted was Republic Act No. 1946 likewise known as the Tenant Act which provided for a 70–30 sharing arrangements and regulated share-tenancy contracts.It was passed to resolve the ongoing peasant unrest in Central Luzon.
31. Amnesty proclamation President Roxas, on January 28, 1948, granted full amnesty to all so-called Philippine collaborators, many of whom were on trial or awaiting to be tried, particularly former President Jose P. Laurel (1943–1945). The Amnesty Proclamation did not apply to those "collaborators", who were charged with the commission of common crimes, such as murder, rape, and arson. The presidential decision did much to heal a standing wound that somehow threatened to divide the people's sentiments. It was a much-called for measure to bring about a closer unity in the trying times when such was most needed for the progress of the nation.
32. HUKS outlawed Utterly disgusted with the crimes being committed by HUKBALAHAP or HUKS and in possession of the incontrovertible evidence of the subversive character of the same, President Roxas, on March 6, 1948, in a dramatic gesture, issued a Proclamation outlawing Huks' movement, making it a crime to belong to the same.The declaration was hailed by all responsible and peace-loving elements. The same had become imperative in view of the resurgence of Huk depredations, following the unseating of the seven Communists, led by Huk Supremo Luis Taruc through acts of terrorism.
33. Treaty of General Relations On August 5, 1946, the Congress of the Philippines ratified the Treaty of General Relations that had been entered into by and between the Republic of the Philippines and the United States on July 4, 1946. Aside from withdrawing her sovereignty from the Philippines and recognizing her independence, the Treaty reserved for the United States some bases for the mutual protection of both countries; consented that the United States represent the Philippines in countries where the latter had not yet established diplomatic representation; made the Philippines assume all debts and obligations of the former government in the Philippines; and provided for the settlement of property rights of the citizens of both countries.
34. United States Military Bases Although Roxas was successful in getting rehabilitation funds from the United States after independence, he was forced to concede military bases (23 of which were leased for 99 years), trade restriction for the Philippine citizens, and special privileges for U.S. property owner and investor.
35. Parity Rights Amendment On March 11, 1947, the Filipino people, heeding Roxas' persuasive harangue, ratified in a nationwide plebiscite the "parity amendment" to the 1935 Constitution, granting United States citizens the right to dispose and utilize of Philippine natural resources, or through parity rights. ▪ The night before the plebiscite day, Roxas narrowly escaped an assassination by a disgruntled Tondo barber, Julio Guillen, who hurled a grenade on the platform at Plaza Miranda immediately after the President addressed the rally of citizens.
36. Elpidio Quirino's six years as president were marked by notable postwar reconstruction, general economic gains, and increased economic aid from the United States. Basic social problems, however, particularly in the rural areas, remained unsolved, and his administration was tainted by widespread graft and corruption.
37. Economy Upon assuming the reins of government, Quirino announced two main objectives of his administration: first, the economic reconstruction of the nation and second, the restoration of the faith and confidence of the people in the government. ▪ In connection to the first agenda, he created the President's Action Committee on Social Amelioration or PACSA to mitigate the sufferings of indigent families, the Labor Management Advisory Board to advise him on labor matters, the Agricultural Credit Cooperatives Financing Administration or ACCFA to help the farmers market their crops and save them from loan sharks, and the Rural Banks of the Philippines to facilitate credit utilities in rural areas.
38. Social Program Enhancing President Manuel Roxas' policy of social justice to alleviate the lot of the common mass, President Quirino, almost immediately after assuming office, started a series of steps calculated to effectively ameliorate the economic condition of the people. After periodic surprise visits to the slums of Manila and other backward regions of the country, President Quirino officially made public a seven- point program for social security, o wit:
39. Social Program ▪ Unemployment insurance ▪ Old-age insurance ▪ Accident and permanent disability insurance ▪ Health insurance ▪ Maternity insurance ▪ State relief ▪ Labor opportunity
40. Social Program President Quirino also created the Social Security Commission, making Social Welfare Commissioner Asuncion Perez chairman of the same.This was followed by the creation of the President's Action Committee on Social Amelioration, charges with extending aid, loans, and relief to the less fortunate citizens. Both the policy and its implementation were hailed by the people as harbingers of great benefits.
41. Agrarian Reform As part of his Agrarian Reform agenda, President Quirino issued on October 23, 1950 Executive Order No. 355 which replaced the National Land Settlement Administration with Land Settlement Development Corporation (LASEDECO) which takes over the responsibilities of the Agricultural Machinery Equipment Corporation and the Rice and Corn Production Administration.
42. Integrity Board To cope with the insistent clamor for government improvement, President Quirino created the Integrity Board to probe into reports of graft and corruption in high government places. Vice-President Fernando Lopez was most instrumental, through his courageous exposes, in securing such a decision from President Quirino.
43. Quirino's administration excelled in diplomacy, impressing foreign heads of states and world statesmen by his intelligence and culture. In his official travels to the United States, European countries, and Southeast Asia, he represented the Philippines with flying colors. During his six years of administration, he was able to negotiate treaties and agreements with other nations of the Free World. Two Asian heads of state visited Philippines–President Chiang Kai- shek of the Republic of China in July 1949 and President Achmed Sukarno of Indonesia in January 1951.
44. In 1950, at the onset of the Korean War, Quirino authorized the deployment of over 7,450 Filipino soldiers to Korea, under the designation of the Philippine Expeditionary Forces to Korea or PEFTOK.
45. Korean War On June 25, 1950, the world was astonished to hear the North Korean aggression against the independent South Korea. The United Nations immediately took up this challenge to the security of this part of the world. Carlos P. Romulo soon stood out as the most effective spokesman for the South Korean cause. On behalf of our government, Romulo offered to send a Philippine military contingent to be under the overall command of General Douglas MacArthur, who had been named United Nations Supreme Commander for the punitive expedition. The Philippines, thus, became the first country to join the United States in the offer of military assistance to beleaguered South Korea.
46. Korean War President Quirino took the necessary steps to make the Philippine offer. On a purely voluntary basis, the first contingent – the tenth Combat Battalion Team – was formed under Col. Azurin, and dispatched to Korea, where its members quickly won much renown for their military skill and bravery. The name of Captain Jose Artiaga, Jr., heroically killed in action, stands out as a symbol of our country's contribution to the cause of freedom outside native shores. Other Philippine Combat Teams successively replaced the first contingent sent, and they all built a name for discipline, tenacity, and courage, until the truce that brought the conflict to a halt.
47. Quirino-Foster Agreement By the time of the creation of the integrity board, moreover, the Bell Mission, led by Daniel W. Bell, an American banker, and composed of five members, with a staff of twenty workers, following their period of stay in the Philippines, beginning in July 1950, finally submitted its report on October of the same year.
48. Quirino-Foster Agreement The Report made several proposals, most noteworthy, of which were that the United States should give the Philippines 250,000,000 dollars over a period of five years, but the Philippines, in return, ought to reform its tax structure, enact a minimum wage law for agricultural and industrial labor, initiate social and land reforms, as well as a sound planning for economic development, For all the strong language of the Report, which, in some quarters merited bitter opposition, President Quirino gamely and patriotically, took in the recommendations and sought to implement them. Thus in November 1950, President Quirino and William Foster, representing the United States Government, signed an agreement by virtue of which the former pledged to obtain the necessary Philippine legislation, in keeping with the Bell Mission Report, while envoy Foster promised the necessary by the same
49. Quirino-Foster Agreement Thus in November 1950, President Quirino and William Foster, representing the United States Government, signed an agreement by virtue of which the former pledged to obtain the necessary Philippine legislation, in keeping with the Bell Mission Report, while envoy Foster promised the necessary by the same Report.
50. However, much as he tried to become a good president, Quirino failed to win the people's affection. Several factors caused the unpopularity of his administration, namely: Unabated rampage of graft and corruption in his government, as revealed in the Tambobong-Buenavista scandal, the Import Control Anomalies, the Caledonia Pile Mess and the Textbook Racket; Wasteful spending of the people's money in extravagant junkets abroad; Failure of government to check the Huk menace which made travel in the provinces unsafe, as evidenced by the killing of former First Lady Aurora Quezon and her companions on April 28, 1949 by the Huks on the Bongabong-Baler road, Baler, Tayabas (now part of Aurora province).
51. However, much as he tried to become a good president, Quirino failed to win the people's affection. Several factors caused the unpopularity of his administration, namely: Economic distress of the times, aggravated by rising unemployment rate, soaring prices of commodities, and unfavorable balance of trade. Quirino's vaunted "Total Economic Mobilization Policy" failed to give economic relief to the suffering nation. Frauds and terrorism committed by the Liberal Party moguls in the 1947, 1949 and 1951 elections.
52. In the Election of 1953, Magsaysay was decisively elected president over the incumbent Elpidio Quirino. He was sworn into office wearing the Barong Tagalog, a first by a Philippine president. He was then called "Mambo Magsaysay". As president, he was a close friend and supporter of the United States and a vocal spokesman against communism during the Cold War. He led the foundation of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization also known as the Manila Pact of 1954, that aimed to defeat communist-Marxist movements in South East Asia, South Asia and the Southwestern Pacific.
53. During his term, he made Malacañang literally a "house of the people", opening its gates to the public. One example of his integrity followed a demonstration flight aboard a new plane belonging to the Philippine Air Force (PAF): President Magsaysay asked what the operating costs per hour were for that type of aircraft, then wrote a personal check to the PAF, covering the cost of his flight. In history, he is the first Philippine president to wear a barong tagalog in his inauguration. He brought back the people's trust to the military and to the government. His administration was considered one of the cleanest and most corruption- free; his presidency was cited as the Philippines' Golden Years. Trade and industry flourished, the Philippine military was at its prime, and the Filipino people were given international recognition in sports, culture and foreign affairs. The Philippines ranked second in Asia's clean and well-governed countries.
54. President's Action Body Ushering, indeed, a new era in Philippine government, President Magsaysay placed emphasis upon service to the people by bringing the government closer to the former.This was symbollically seen when, on inauguration day, President Magsaysay ordered the gates of Malacañan Palace open to all and sundry, who were allowed to freely visit all the dependencies of the presidential mansion. Later, this was regulated to allow weekly visit.
55. President's Action Body True to his electoral promise, President Magsaysay created the Presidential Complaints and Action Committee. This body immediately proceeded to hear grievances and recommend remedial action. ▪ Headed by soft-spoken, but active and tireless, Manuel Manahan, this committee would come to hear nearly sixty thousand complaints in a year, of which more than thirty thousand would be settled by direct action and a little more than twenty five thousand, referred to government agencies for appropriate follow-up. This new entity, composed of youthful personnel, all loyal to the President, proved to be a highly successful morale booster restoring the people's confidence in their own government.
56. Agrarian Reform President Ramón Magsaysay enacted the following laws as part of his Agrarian Reform Program: ▪ Republic Act No. 1160 of 1954—Abolished the LASEDECO and established the National Resettlement and Rehabilitation Administration (NARRA) to resettle dissidents and landless farmers. It was particularly aimed at rebel returnees providing home lots and farmlands in Palawan and Mindanao. ▪ Republic Act No. 1199 (Agricultural Tenancy Act of 1954) – governed the relationship between landowners and tenant farmers by organizing share-tenancy and leasehold system. The law provided the security of tenure of tenants. It also created the Court of Agrarian Relations.
57. Agrarian Reform President Ramón Magsaysay enacted the following laws as part of his Agrarian Reform Program: ▪ Republic Act No. 1400 (Land Reform Act of 1955) – Created the Land Tenure Administration (LTA) which was responsible for the acquisition and distribution of large tenanted rice and corn lands over 200 hectares for individuals and 600 hectares for corporations. ▪ Republic Act No. 821 (Creation of Agricultural Credit Cooperative Financing Administration) – Provided small farmers and share tenants loans with low interest rates of six to eight percent
58. HUKBALAHAP In early 1954, Benigno Aquino, Jr. was appointed by President Ramón Magsaysay to act as personal emissary to Luís Taruc, leader of the Hukbalahap, a rebel group. ▪ Also in 1954, Lt. Col. Laureño Maraña, the former head of Force X of the 16th PC Company, assumed command of the 7th BCT, which had become one of the most mobile striking forces of the Philippine ground forces against the Huks, from Colonel Valeriano. Force X employed psychological warfare through combat intelligence and infiltration that relied on secrecy in planning, training, and execution of attack. The lessons learned from Force X and Nenita were combined in the 7th BCT.
59. HUKBALAHAP With the all out anti-dissidence campaigns against the Huks, they numbered less than 2,000 by 1954 and without the protection and support of local supporters, active Huk resistance no longer presented a serious threat to Philippine security. From February to mid-September 1954, the largest anti-Huk operation, "Operation Thunder-Lightning" was conducted that resulted to the surrender of Luis Taruc on May 17. Further clean up operations of guerillas remaining lasted throughout 1955, diminishing its number to less than 1,000 by year's end.
60. SEATO The administration of President Magsaysay was active in the fight against the expansion of communism in the Asian region. He made the Philippines a member of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), which was established in Manila on Sept. 8, 1954 during the "Manila Conference". ▪ Members of SEATO were alarmed at the possible victory of North Vietnam over South Vietnam, which could spread communist ideology to other countries in the region. The possibility that a communist state can influence or cause other countries to adopt the same system of government is called the domino theory.
61. SEATO The active coordination of the Magsaysay administration with the Japanese government led to the Reparation Agreement. This was an agreement between the two countries, obligating the Japanese government to pay $800 million as reparation for war damages in the Philippines.
62. Defense Council Taking the advantage of the presence of U.S. Secretary John Foster Dulles in Manila to attend the SEATO Conference, the Philippine government took steps to broach with him the establishment of a Joint Defense Council. Vice-President and Secretary of Foreign AffairsCarlos P. Garcia held the opportune conversations with Secretary Dulles for this purpose. Agreement was reached thereon and the first meeting of the Joint United States-Philippines Defense Council was held in Manila following the end of the Manila Conference. Thus were the terms of the Mutual Defense Pact between the Philippines and the United States duly implemented.
63. Laurel- Langey Agreement The Magsaysay administration negotiated the Laurel-Langley Agreement which was a trade agreement between the Philippines and the United States which was signed in 1955 and expired in 1974. Although it proved deficient, the final agreement satisfied nearly all of the diverse Filipino economic interests. While some have seen the Laurel-Langley agreement as a continuation of the 1946 trade act, Jose P. Laurel and other Philippine leaders recognized that the agreement substantially gave the country greater freedom to industrialize while continuing to receive privileged access to US markets. ▪ The agreement replaced the unpopular Bell Trade Act, which tied the economy of the Philippines to that of United States economy.
64. Bandung Conference Billed as an all Oriental meet and threatening to become a propaganda springboard for Communism, a Conference was held in Bandung (Java) in April 1955, upon invitation extended by the Prime Ministers of India, Pakistan, Burma, Ceylon, and Indonesia. Although, at first, the Magsaysay Government seemed reluctant to send any delegation, later, however, upon advise of Ambassador Carlos P. Romulo, it was decided to have the Philippines participate in the conference. Ambassador Romulo was asked to head the Philippine delegation. At the very outset indications were to the effect that the conference would promote the cause of neutralism as a third position in the current cold war between the democratic bloc and the communist group. John Kotelawala, Prime Minister of Ceylon, however, broke the ice against neutralism. He was immediately joined by Philippine envoy Romulo, who categorically states that his delegation believed that "a puppet is a puppet", no matter whether under a Western Power or an Oriental state.
65. Bandung Conference At one time in the course of the conference, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru acidly spoke against the SEATO. Quick to draw, Ambassador Romulo delivered a stinging, eloquent retort that prompted Prime Minister Nehru to publicly apologize to the Philippine delegation. ▪ Records had it that the Philippine delegation ably represented the interests of the Philippines and, in the ultimate analysis, succeeded in turning the Bandung Conference into a democratic victory against the plans of the Communist delegates.
66. Reparations agreement Following the reservations made by Ambassador Romulo, on the Philippines behalf, upon signing the Japanese Peace Treaty in San Francisco on September 8, 1951, for several years of series of negotiations were conducted by the Philippine government and that of Japan. In the face of adamant claims of the Japanese government that it found impossible to meet the demand for the payment of eight billion dollars by the way of reparations, president Magsaysay, during a so-called "cooling off" period, sent a Philippine Reparations Survey Committee, headed by Finance Secretary Jaime Hernandez, to Japan for an "on the spot" study of that country's possibilities.
67. Reparations agreement When the Committee reported that Japan was in a position to pay, Ambassador Felino Neri, appointed chief negotiator, went to Tokyo. On May 31, 1955, Ambassador Neri reached a compromise agreement with Japanese Minister Takazaki, the main terms of which consisted in the following: The Japanese government would pay eight hundred million dollars as reparations. Payment was to be made in this wise: Twenty million dollars would be paid in cash in Philippine currency; thirty million dollars, in services; five million dollars, in capital goods; and two hundred and fifty million dollars, in long- term industrial loans.
68. Reparations agreement When the Committee reported that Japan was in a position to pay, Ambassador Felino Neri, appointed chief negotiator, went to Tokyo. On May 31, 1955, Ambassador Neri reached a compromise agreement with Japanese Minister Takazaki, the main terms of which consisted in the following: The Japanese government would pay eight hundred million dollars as reparations. Payment was to be made in this wise: Twenty million dollars would be paid in cash in Philippine currency; thirty million dollars, in services; five million dollars, in capital goods; and two hundred and fifty million dollars, in long- term industrial loans.
69. Reparations agreement On August 12, 1955, President Magsaysay informed the Japanese government, through Prime Minister Ichiro Hatoyama, that the Philippines accepted the Neri- Takazaki agreement. In view of political developments in Japan, the Japanese Prime Minister could only inform the Philippine government of the Japanese acceptance of said agreement on March 15, 1956. The official Reparations agreement between the two government was finally signed at Malacañan Palace on May 9, 1956, thus bringing to a rather satisfactory conclusion this long drawn controversy between the two countries.
70. At the time of the sudden death of President Ramon Magsaysay, Vice President and Foreign Affairs Secretary Carlos P. García was heading the Philippine delegation to the SEATO conference then being held at Canberra, Australia. Having been immediately notified of the tragedy, Vice President García enplaned back for Manila. Upon his arrival he directly repaired to Malacañan Palace to assume the duties of President. Chief Justice Ricardo Paras, of the Supreme Court, was at hand to administer the oath of office. President García's first actuations dealt with the declaration of a period of mourning for the whole nation and the burial ceremonies for the late Chief- Executive Magsaysay.
71. Outlawing Communism After much discussion, both official and public, the Congress of the Philippines, finally, approved a bill outlawing the Communist Party of the Philippines. Despite the pressure exerted against the congressional measure, President Carlos P. García signed the said bill into law as Republic Act No. 1700 on June 19, 1957. With this legislative piece, the sustained government campaign for peace and order achieved considerable progress and success. ▪ Republic Act No. 1700 was superseded by Presidential Decree No. 885, entitled "Outlawing Subversive Organization, Penalizing Membership Therein and For Other Purposes." In turn, Presidential Decree 885 was amended by Presidential Decree No. 1736, and later superseded by Presidential Decree No. 1835, entitled, "Codifying The Various Laws on Anti-Subversion and Increasing the Penalties for Membership in Subversive Organization." This, in turn, was amended by Presidential Decree No. 1975. On May 5, 1987, Executive Order No. 167 repealed Presidential Decrees Nos. 1835 and 1975 as being unduly restrictive of the constitutional right to form associations. ▪ On September 22, 1992, Republic Act No. 1700, as amended, was repealed by Republic Act No. 7636.
72. Filipino First Policy President García exercised the Filipino First Policy, for which he was known. This policy heavily favored Filipino businessmen over foreign investors. He was also responsible for changes in retail trade which greatly affected the Chinese businessmen in the country. In a speech during a joint session of the Senate and the House of Representatives on September 18, 1946, President Garcia said the following: ▪ We are called upon to decide on this momentous debate whether or not this land of ours will remain the cradle and grave, the womb and tomb of our race – the only place where we can build our homes, our temples, and our altars and where we erect the castles of our racial hopes, dreams and traditions and where we establish the warehouse of our happiness and prosperity, of our joys and sorrows
73. Austerity Program In the face of the trying conditions of the country, President García initiated what has been called "The Austerity Program". García's administration was characterized by its austerity program and its insistence on a comprehensive nationalist policy. On March 3, 1960, he affirmed the need for complete economic freedom and added that the government no longer would tolerate the dominance of foreign interests (especially American) in the national economy. He promised to shake off "the yoke of alien domination in business, trade, commerce and industry." García was also credited with his role in reviving Filipino cultural arts.
74. Austerity Program The main points of the Austerity Program were: ▪ The government would tighten up its controls to prevent abuses in the over shipment of exports under license and in under-pricing as well. ▪ There would be a more rigid enforcement of the existing regulations on barter shipments. ▪ Government imports themselves were to be restricted to essential items. ▪ The government also would reduce rice imports to a minimum. ▪ An overhauling of the local transportation system would be attempted so as to reduce the importation of gasoline and spare parts. ▪ The tax system would be revised so as to attain more equitable distribution of the payment- burden and achieve more effective collection from those with ability to pay. ▪ There would be an intensification of food production. The program was hailed by the people at large and confidence was expressed that the measures proposed would help solve the standing problems of the Republic.
75. Bohlen–Serrano Agreement During his administration, he acted on the Bohlen–Serrano Agreement which shortened the lease of the US Bases from 99 years to 25 years and made it renewable after every five years.
76. In the 1961 presidential election, Macapagal ran against Garcia's re-election bid, promising an end to corruption and appealing to the electorate as a common man from humble beginnings. He defeated the incumbent president with a 55% to 45% margin. His inauguration as the president of the Philippines took place on December 30, 1961.
77. Republic Act No. 3512 – An Act Creating A Fisheries Commission Defining Its Powers, Duties and Functions, and Appropriating Funds Therefor. Republic Act No. 3518 – An Act Creating The Philippine Veterans' Bank, and For Other Purposes. Republic Act No. 3844 – An Act To Ordain The Agricultural Land Reform Code and To Institute Land Reforms In The Philippines, Including The Abolition of Tenancy and The Channeling of Capital Into Industry, Provide For The Necessary Implementing Agencies, Appropriate Funds Therefor and For Other Purposes. Republic Act No. 4166 – An Act Changing The Date Of Philippine Independence Day From July Four To June Twelve, And Declaring July Four As Philippine Republic Day, Further Amending For The Purpose Section Twenty-Nine Of The Revised Administrative Code. Republic Act No. 4180 – An Act Amending Republic Act Numbered Six Hundred Two, Otherwise Known As The Minimum Wage Law, By Raising The Minimum Wage For Certain Workers, And For Other Purposes.
78. Economy In his inaugural address, Macapagal promised a socio-economic program anchored on "a return to free and private enterprise", placing economic development in the hands of private entrepreneurs with minimal government interference. Twenty days after the inauguration, exchange controls were lifted and the Philippine peso was allowed to float on the free currency exchange market. The currency controls were initially adopted by the administration of Elpidio Quirino as a temporary measure, but continued to be adopted by succeeding administrations. The peso devalued from P2.64 to the US dollar, and stabilized at P3.80 to the dollar, supported by a $300 million stabilization fund from the International Monetary Fund.
79. Socio-economic program The removal of controls and the restoration of free enterprise was intended to provide only the fundamental setting in which Macapagal could work out economic and social progress.A specific and periodic program for the guidance of both the private sector and the government was an essential instrument to attain the economic and social development that constituted the goal of his labors.
80. Socio-economic program Such a program for his administration was formulated under his authority and direction by a group of able and reputable economic and business leaders the most active and effective of which was Sixto Roxas III. From an examination of the planned targets and requirements of the Five-Year program – formally known as the Five-Year Socio-Economic Integrated Development Program – it could be seen that it aimed at the following objectives. ▪ immediate restoration of economic stability; ▪ alleviating the plight of the common man; and ▪ establishing a dynamic basic for future growth.
81. Land reform Like Ramon Magsaysay, President Diosdado Macapagal came from the masses. He savored to call himself the "Poor boy from Lubao". ▪ Ironically, he had little popularity among the masses.This could be attributed to an absence of charismatic appeal of his stiff personality. But despite this, Macapagal had certain achievements.Foremost of these was the Agricultural Land Reform Code of 1963 (Republic Act No. 3844) which provided for the purchase of private farmlands with the intention of distributing them in small lots to the landless tenants on easy term of payment.
82. Anti-corruption drive One of Macapagal's major campaign pledges had been to clean out the government corruption that had proliferated under former President Garcia. The administration also openly feuded with Filipino businessmen Fernando Lopez and Eugenio Lopez, brothers who had controlling interests in several large businesses. The administration alluded to the brothers as "Filipino Stonehills who build and maintain business empires through political power, including the corruption of politicians and other officials".[13] In the 1965 election, the Lopezes threw their support behind Macapagal's rival, Ferdinand Marcos, with Fernando as Marcos' running mate.
83. Independence Day Macapagal appealed to nationalist sentiments by shifting the commemoration of Philippine independence day. On May 12, 1962, he signed a proclamation which declared Tuesday, June 12, 1962, as a special public holiday in commemoration of the declaration of independence from Spain on that date in 1898. The change became permanent in 1964 with the signing of Republic Act No. 4166.For having issued his 1962 proclamation, Macapagal is generally credited with having moved the celebration date of the Independence Day holiday. ▪ Years later, Macapagal told journalist Stanley Karnow the real reason for the change: "When I was in the diplomatic corps, I noticed that nobody came to our receptions on the Fourth of July, but went to the American Embassy instead. So, to compete, I decided we needed a different holiday.
84. Sabah Claim On September 12, 1962, during President Diosdado Macapagal's administration, the territory of North Borneo, and the full sovereignty, title and dominion over the territory were ceded by the then reigning Sultan of Sulu, HM Sultan Muhammad Esmail E. Kiram I, to the Republic of the Philippines. The cession effectively gave the Philippine government the full authority to pursue their claim in international courts. The Philippines broke diplomatic relations with Malaysia after the federation had included Sabah in 1963. It was revoked in 1989 because succeeding Philippine administrations have placed the claim in the back burner in the interest of pursuing cordial economic and security relations with Kuala Lumpur. To date, Malaysia continues to consistently reject Philippine calls to resolve the matter of Sabah's jurisdiction to the International Court of Justice. Sabah sees the claim made by the Philippines' Moro leader Nur Misuari to take Sabah to International Court of Justice (ICJ) as a non-issue and thus dismissed the claim.
85. Maphilindo Maphilindo was described as a regional association that would approach issues of common concern in the spirit of consensus. However, it was also perceived as a tactic on the parts of Jakarta and Manila to delay, or even prevent, the formation of the Federation of Malaysia. Manila had its own claim to Sabah (formerly British North Borneo), and Jakarta protested the formation of Malaysia as a British imperialist plot. The plan failed when Sukarno adopted his plan of konfrontasi with Malaysia. The Konfrontasi, or Confrontation basically aims at preventing Malaysia to attain independence. The idea was inspired onto President Sukarno by the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), or literally the Indonesian Communist Party. The party convinced President Sukarno that the Formation of Malaysia is a form of neo-colonization and will later affect tranquility in Indonesia. The subsequent development of ASEAN almost certainly excludes any possibility of the project ever being revived.
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Nationalist Party | political party, Philippines
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Other articles where Nationalist Party is discussed: Sergio Osmeña: …Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946.
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In Philippines: The period of U.S. influence
…in the 1907 election, the Nacionalista Party, advocating independence, won overwhelmingly. The Federalists survived with a new name, Progressives, and a new platform, ultimate independence after social reform. But neither the Progressives nor their successors in the 1920s, the Democrats, ever gained more than one-third of the seats in the…
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John Henry Osmeña
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John Henry Renner Osmeña, also known as Sonny Osmeña or simply John Osmeña, was the grandson of Philippine President Sergio Osmeña. He served as a senator of the Philippines from 1971 to 1972, 1987 to 1995, and 1998 to 2004. He was the last surviving senator of the 7th Congress, the last Congress before martial law.
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In this Philippine name, the middle name or maternal family name is Renner and the surname or paternal family name is Osmeña.
John Henry Renner Osmeña (January 17, 1935 – February 2, 2021), also known as Sonny Osmeña or simply John Osmeña, was the grandson of Philippine President Sergio Osmeña. He served as a senator of the Philippines from 1971 to 1972, 1987 to 1995, and 1998 to 2004. He was the last surviving senator of the 7th Congress, the last Congress before martial law.
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G.R. No. L
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Philippine Jurisprudence - SERGIO OSMEÑA, JR. vs. SALIPADA K. PENDATUN, ET AL.
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Republic of the Philippines
SUPREME COURT
Manila
EN BANC
G.R. No. L-17144 October 28, 1960
SERGIO OSMEÑA, JR., petitioner,
vs.
SALIPADA K. PENDATUN, LEON Z. GUINTO, JR., VICENTE L. PERALTA, FAUSTINO TOBIA, LORENZO G. TEVES, JOPSE J. ROY, FAUSTINO DUGENIO, ANTONIO Y. DE PIO, BENJAMIN T. LIGOT, PEDRO G. TRONO, FELIPE ABRIGO, FELIPE S. ABELEDA, TECLA SAN ANDRES ZIGA, ANGEL B. FERNADEZ, and EUGENIO S. BALTAO, in their capacity as members of the Special Committee created by House Resolution No. 59, respondents.
Antonio Y. de Pio in his own behalf.
F. S. Abeleda, A. b. Fernandez. E. S. Baltao and Tecla San Andres Ziga in their own behalf.
C. T. Villareal and R. D. Bagatsing as amici curiae.
BENGZON, J.:
On July 14, 1960, Congressman Sergio Osmeña, Jr., submitted to this Court a verified petition for "declaratory relief, certiorari and prohibition with preliminary injunction" against Congressman Salapida K. Pendatun and fourteen other congressmen in their capacity as members of the Special Committee created by House Resolution No. 59. He asked for annulment of such Resolution on the ground of infringenment of his parliamentary immunity; he also asked, principally, that said members of the special committee be enjoined from proceeding in accordance with it, particularly the portion authorizing them to require him to substantiate his charges against the President with the admonition that if he failed to do so, he must show cause why the House should not punish him.
The petition attached a copy of House Resolution No. 59, the pertinent portions of which reads as follows:
WHEREAS, on the 23rd day of June, 1960 , the Honorable Sergio Osmeña, Jr., Member of the House of Representatives from the Second District of the province of Cebu, took the floor of this chamber on the one hour privilege to deliver a speech, entitled 'A Message to Garcia;
WHEREAS, in the course of said speech, the Congressman from the Second District of Cebu stated the following:.
xxx xxx xxx
The people, Mr. President, have been hearing of ugly reports that under your unpopular administration the free things they used to get from the government are now for sale at premium prices. They say that even pardons are for sale, and that regardless of the gravity or seriousness of a criminal case, the culprit can always be bailed out forever from jail as long as he can come across with a handsome dole. I am afraid, such an anomalous situation would reflect badly on the kind of justice that your administration is dispensing. . . . .
WHEREAS, the charges of the gentleman from the Second District of Cebu, if made maliciously or recklessly and without basis in truth and in fact, would constitute a serious assault upon the dignity and prestige of the Office of 37 3 the President, which is the one visible symbol of the sovereignty of the Filipino people, and would expose said office to contempt and disrepute; . . . .
Resolved by the House of Representative, that a special committee of fifteen Members to be appointed by the Speaker be, and the same hereby is, created to investigate the truth of the charges against the President of the Philippines made by Honorable Sergio Osmeña, Jr., in his privilege speech of June 223, 1960, and for such purpose it is authorized to summon Honorable Sergio Osmeña, jr., to appear before it to substantiate his charges, as well as to issue subpoena and/or subpoena duces tecum to require the attendance of witnesses and/or the production of pertinent papers before it, and if Honorable Sergio Osmeña, Jr., fails to do so to require him to show cause why he should not be punished by the House. The special committee shall submit to the House a report of its findings and recommendations before the adjournment of the present special session of the Congress of the Philippines.
In support of his request, Congressman Osmeña alleged; first, the Resolution violated his constitutional absolute parliamentary immunity for speeches delivered in the House; second, his words constituted no actionable conduct; and third, after his allegedly objectionable speech and words, the House took up other business, and Rule XVII, sec. 7 of the Rules of House provides that if other business has intervened after the member had uttered obnoxious words in debate, he shall not be held to answer therefor nor be subject to censure by the House.
Although some members of the court expressed doubts of petitioner's cause of action and the Court's jurisdiction, the majority decided to hear the matter further, and required respondents to answer, without issuing any preliminary injunction. Evidently aware of such circumstance with its implications, and pressed for time in view of the imminent adjournment of the legislative session, the special committee continued to perform its talk, and after giving Congressman Osmeña a chance to defend himself, submitted its reports on July 18, 1960, finding said congressman guilty of serious disorderly behaviour; and acting on such report, the House approved on the same daybefore closing its sessionHouse Resolution No. 175, declaring him guilty as recommended, and suspending him from office for fifteen months.
Thereafter, on July 19, 1960, the respondents (with the exception of Congressmen De Pio, Abeleda, San Andres Ziga, Fernandez and Balatao)1 filed their answer, challenged the jurisdiction of this Court to entertain the petition, defended the power of Congress to discipline its members with suspension, upheld a House Resolution No. 175 and then invited attention to the fact that Congress having ended its session on July 18, 1960, the Committeewhose members are the sole respondentshad thereby ceased to exist.
There is no question that Congressman Osmeña, in a privilege speech delivered before the House, made the serious imputations of bribery against the President which are quoted in Resolution No. 59 and that he refused to produce before the House Committee created for the purpose, evidence to substantiate such imputations. There is also no question that for having made the imputations and for failing to produce evidence in support thereof, he was, by resolution of the House, suspended from office for a period of fifteen months for serious disorderly behaviour.
Resolution No. 175 states in part:
WHEREAS, the Special Committee created under and by virtue of Resolution No. 59, adopted on July 8, 1960, found Representative Sergio Osmeña, Jr., guilty of serious disorderly behaviour for making without basis in truth and in fact, scurrilous, malicious, reckless and irresponsible charges against the President of the Philippines in his privilege speech of June 23, 1960; and
WHEREAS, the said charges are so vile in character that they affronted and degraded the dignity of the House of Representative: Now, Therefore, be it
RESOLVED by the House of Representatives. That Representative Sergio Osmeña, Jr., be, as he hereby is, declared guilty of serious disorderly behaviour; and . . .
As previously stated, Osmeña contended in his petition that: (1) the Constitution gave him complete parliamentary immunity, and so, for words spoken in the House, he ought not to be questioned; (20 that his speech constituted no disorderly behaviour for which he could be punished; and (3) supposing he could be questioned and discipline therefor, the House had lost the power to do so because it had taken up other business before approving House Resolution No. 59. Now, he takes the additional position (4) that the House has no power, under the Constitution, to suspend one of its members.
Section 15, Article VI of our Constitution provides that "for any speech or debate" in Congress, the Senators or Members of the House of Representative "shall not be questioned in any other place." This section was taken or is a copy of sec. 6, clause 1 of Art. 1 of the Constitution of the United States. In that country, the provision has always been understood to mean that although exempt from prosecution or civil actions for their words uttered in Congress, the members of Congress may, nevertheless, be questioned in Congress itself. Observe that "they shall not be questioned in any other place" than Congress.
Furthermore, the Rules of the House which petitioner himself has invoked (Rule XVII, sec. 7), recognize the House's power to hold a member responsible "for words spoken in debate."
Our Constitution enshrines parliamentary immunity which is a fundamental privilege cherished in every legislative assembly of the democratic world. As old as the English Parliament, its purpose "is to enable and encourage a representative of the public to discharge his public trust with firmness and success" for "it is indispensably necessary that he should enjoy the fullest liberty of speech, and that he should be protected from the resentment of every one, however powerful, to whom exercise of that liberty may occasion offense."2 Such immunity has come to this country from the practices of Parliamentary as construed and applied by the Congress of the United States. Its extent and application remain no longer in doubt in so far as related to the question before us. It guarantees the legislator complete freedom of expression without fear of being made responsible in criminal or civil actions before the courts or any other forum outside of the Congressional Hall. But is does not protect him from responsibility before the legislative body itself whenever his words and conduct are considered by the latter disorderly or unbecoming a member thereof. In the United States Congress, Congressman Fernando Wood of New York was censured for using the following language on the floor of the House: "A monstrosity, a measure the most infamous of the many infamous acts of the infamous Congress." (Hinds' Precedents, Vol. 2,. pp. 798-799). Two other congressmen were censured for employing insulting words during debate. (2 Hinds' Precedents, 799-801). In one case, a member of Congress was summoned to testify on a statement made by him in debate, but invoked his parliamentary privilege. The Committee rejected his plea. (3 Hinds' Precedents 123-124.)
For unparliamentary conduct, members of Parliament or of Congress have been, or could be censured, committed to prison3, even expelled by the votes of their colleagues. The appendix to this decision amply attest to the consensus of informed opinion regarding the practice and the traditional power of legislative assemblies to take disciplinary action against its members, including imprisonment, suspension or expulsion. It mentions one instance of suspension of a legislator in a foreign country.
And to cite a local illustration, the Philippine Senate, in April 1949, suspended a senator for one year.
Needless to add, the Rules of Philippine House of Representatives provide that the parliamentary practices of the Congress of the United States shall apply in a supplementary manner to its proceedings.
This brings up the third point of petitioner: the House may no longer take action against me, he argues, because after my speech, and before approving Resolution No. 59, it had taken up other business. Respondents answer that Resolution No. 59 was unanimously approved by the House, that such approval amounted to a suspension of the House Rules, which according to standard parliamentary practice may done by unanimous consent.
Granted, counters the petitioner, that the House may suspended the operation of its Rules, it may not, however, affect past acts or renew its rights to take action which had already lapsed.
The situation might thus be compared to laws4 extending the period of limitation of actions and making them applicable to actions that had lapsed. The Supreme Court of the United States has upheld such laws as against the contention that they impaired vested rights in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment (Campbell vs. Holt, 115 U. S. 620). The states hold divergent views. At any rate, court are subject to revocation modification or waiver at the pleasure of the body adopting them."5 And it has been said that "Parliamentary rules are merely procedural, and with their observancem, the courts have no concern. They may be waived or disregarded by the legislative body." Consequently, "mere failure to conform to parliamentary usage will not invalidate the action (taken by a deliberative body) when the requisited number of members have agreed to a particular measure."6
The following is quoted from a reported decision of the Supreme court of Tennessee:
The rule here invoked is one of parliamentary procedure, and it is uniformly held that it is within the power of all deliberative bodies to abolish, modify, or waive their own rules of procedure, adopted for the orderly con duct of business, and as security against hasty action. (Bennet vs. New Bedford, 110 Mass, 433; Holt vs. Somerville, 127 Mass. 408, 411; City of Sadalia vs. Scott, 104 Mo. App. 595, 78 S. W. 276; Ex parte Mayor, etc., of Albany, 23 Wend. [N. Y.] 277, 280; Wheelock vs. City of Lowell, 196 Mass. 220, 230. 81 N. e. 977, 124 Am. St. Rep. 543, 12 Ann. Cas. 1109; City of Corinth vs. Sharp, 107 Miss. 696, 65 So. 888; McGraw vs. Whitson, 69 Iowa, 348, 28 N. W. 632; Tuell vs. Meacham Contracting Co. 145 Ky. 181, 186, 140 S. W. Ann. Cas. 1913B, 802.) [Takenfrom the case of Rutherford vs. City of Nashville, 78 south Western Reporter, p. 584.]
It may be noted in this connection, that in the case of Congressman Stanbery of Ohio, who insulted the Speaker, for which Act a resolution of censure was presented, the House approved the resolution, despite the argument that other business had intervened after the objectionable remarks. (2 Hinds' Precedents pp. 799-800.)
On the question whether delivery of speeches attacking the Chief Executive constitutes disorderly conduct for which Osmeña may be discipline, many arguments pro and con have been advanced. We believe, however, that the House is the judge of what constitutes disorderly behaviour, not only because the Constitution has conferred jurisdiction upon it, but also because the matter depends mainly on factual circumstances of which the House knows best but which can not be depicted in black and white for presentation to, and adjudication by the Courts. For one thing, if this Court assumed the power to determine whether Osmeña conduct constituted disorderly behaviour, it would thereby have assumed appellate jurisdiction, which the Constitution never intended to confer upon a coordinate branch of the Government. The theory of separation of powers fastidiously observed by this Court, demands in such situation a prudent refusal to interfere. Each department, it has been said, had exclusive cognizance of matters within its jurisdiction and is supreme within its own sphere. (Angara vs. Electoral Commission, 63 Phil., 139.)
SEC. 200. Judicial Interference with Legislature. The principle is well established that the courts will not assume a jurisdiction in any case amount to an interference by the judicial department with the legislature since each department is equally independent within the power conferred upon it by the Constitution. . . . .
The general rule has been applied in other cases to cause the courts to refuse to intervene in what are exclusively legislative functions. Thus, where the stated Senate is given the power to example a member, the court will not review its action or revise even a most arbitrary or unfair decision. (11 Am. Jur., Const. Law, sec. p. 902.) [Emphasis Ours.].
The above statement of American law merely abridged the landmark case of Clifford vs. French.7 In 1905, several senators who had been expelled by the State Senate of California for having taken a bribe, filed mandamus proceeding to compel reinstatement, alleging the Senate had given them no hearing, nor a chance to make defense, besides falsity of the charges of bribery. The Supreme Court of California declined to interfere , explaining in orthodox juristic language:
Under our form of government, the judicial department has no power to revise even the most arbitrary and unfair action of the legislative department, or of either house thereof, taking in pursuance of the power committed exclusively to that department by the Constitution. It has been held by high authority that, even in the absence of an express provision conferring the power, every legislative body in which is vested the general legislative power of the state has the implied power to expel a member for any cause which it may deem sufficient. In Hiss. vs. Barlett, 3 Gray 473, 63 Am. Dec. 768, the supreme court of Mass. says, in substance, that this power is inherent in every legislative body; that it is necessary to the to enable the body 'to perform its high functions, and is necessary to the safety of the state;' 'That it is a power of self-protection, and that the legislative body must necessarily be the sole judge of the exigency which may justify and require its exercise. '. . . There is no provision authority courts to control, direct, supervise, or forbid the exercise by either house of the power to expel a member. These powers are functions of the legislative department and therefore, in the exercise of the power this committed to it, the senate is supreme. An attempt by this court to direct or control the legislature, or either house thereof, in the exercise of the power, would be an attempt to exercise legislative functions, which it is expressly forbidden to do.
We have underscored in the above quotation those lines which in our opinion emphasize the principles controlling this litigation. Although referring to expulsion, they may as well be applied to other disciplinary action. Their gist as applied to the case at bar: the House has exclusive power; the courts have no jurisdiction to interfere.
Our refusal to intervene might impress some readers as subconscious hesitation due to discovery of impermissible course of action in the legislative chamber. Nothing of that sort: we merely refuse to disregard the allocation of constitutional functions which it is our special duty to maintain. Indeed, in the interest of comity, we feel bound to state that in a conscientious survey of governing principles and/or episodic illustrations, we found the House of Representatives of the United States taking the position upon at least two occasions, that personal attacks upon the Chief Executive constitute unparliamentary conduct or breach of orders.8 And in several instances, it took action against offenders, even after other business had been considered.9
Petitioner's principal argument against the House's power to suspend is the Alejandrino precedent. In 1924, Senator Alejandrino was, by resolution of Senate, suspended from office for 12 months because he had assaulted another member of the that Body or certain phrases the latter had uttered in the course of a debate. The Senator applied to this Court for reinstatement, challenging the validity of the resolution. Although this Court held that in view of the separation of powers, it had no jurisdiction to compel the Senate to reinstate petitioner, it nevertheless went on to say the Senate had no power to adopt the resolution because suspension for 12 months amounted to removal, and the Jones Law (under which the Senate was then functioning) gave the Senate no power to remove an appointive member, like Senator Alejandrino. The Jones Law specifically provided that "each house may punish its members for disorderly behaviour, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds votes, expel an elective member (sec. 18). Note particularly the word "elective."
The Jones Law, it mist be observed, empowered the Governor General to appoint "without consent of the Senate and without restriction as to residence senators . . . who will, in his opinion, best represent the Twelfth District." Alejandrino was one appointive Senator.
It is true, the opinion in that case contained an obiter dictum that "suspension deprives the electoral district of representation without that district being afforded any means by which to fill that vacancy." But that remark should be understood to refer particularly to the appointive senator who was then the affected party and who was by the same Jones Law charged with the duty to represent the Twelfth District and maybe the view of the Government of the United States or of the Governor-General, who had appointed him.
It must be observed, however, that at that time the Legislature had only those power which were granted to it by the Jones Law10; whereas now the Congress has the full legislative powers and preprogatives of a sovereign nation, except as restricted by the Constitution. In other words, in the Alejandrino case, the Court reached the conclusion that the Jones Law did not give the Senate the power it then exercisedthe power of suspension for one year. Whereas now, as we find, the Congress has the inherent legislative prerogative of suspension11 which the Constitution did not impair. In fact, as already pointed out, the Philippine Senate suspended a Senator for 12 months in 1949.
The Legislative power of the Philippine Congress is plenary, subject only to such limitations are found in the Republic's Constitution. So that any power deemed to be legislative by usage or tradition, is necessarily possessed by the Philippine Congress, unless the Constitution provides otherwise. (Vera vs. Avelino, 77 Phil., 192, 212 .)
In any event, petitioner's argument as to the deprivation of the district's representation can not be more weightly in the matter of suspension than in the case of imprisonment of a legislator; yet deliberative bodies have the power in proper cases, to commit one of their members to jail.12
Now come questions of procedure and jurisdiction. the petition intended to prevent the Special Committee from acting tin pursuance of House Resolution No. 59. Because no preliminary injunction had been issued, the Committee performed its task, reported to the House, and the latter approved the suspension order. The House had closed it session, and the Committee has ceased to exist as such. It would seem, therefore, the case should be dismissed for having become moot or academic.13 Of course, there is nothing to prevent petitioner from filing new pleadings to include all members of the House as respondents, ask for reinstatement and thereby to present a justiciable cause. Most probable outcome of such reformed suit, however, will be a pronouncement of lack of jurisdiction, as in Vera vs. Avelino14 and Alejandrino vs. Qeuaon.15
At any rate, having perceived suitable solutions to the important questions of political law, the Court thought it proper to express at this time its conclusions on such issues as were deemed relevant and decisive.
ACCORDINGLY, the petition has to be, and is hereby dismissed. So ordered.
Paras, C. J., Bautista Angelo, Concepcion, Barrera, Gutierrez David, Paredes, and Dizon, JJ., concur.
Separate Opinions
REYES, J. B. L., J., dissenting:
I concur with the majority that the petition filed by Congressman Osmeña, Jr. does not make out a case either for declaratory judgment or certiorari, since this Court has no original jurisdiction over declaratory judgment proceedings, and certiorari is available only against bodies exercising judicial or quasi-judicial powers. The respondent committee, being merely fact finding, was not properly subject to certiorari.
I submit, however, that Congressman Osmeña was entitled to invoke the Court's jurisdiction on his petition for a writ of prohibition against the committee, in so far as House Resolution No. 59 (and its sequel, Resolution No. 175) constituted an unlawful attempt to divest him of an immunity from censure or punishment, an immunity vested under the very Rules of the House of Representatives.
House Rule XVII, on Decorum and Debates, in its section V, provides as follows:
If it is requested that a Member be called to order for words spoken in debate, the Member making such request shall indicate the words excepted to, and they shall be taken down in writing by the Secretary and read aloud to the House; but the Member who uttered them shall not be held to answer, nor be subject to the censure of the House therefor, if further debate or other business has intervened.
Now, it is not disputed that after Congressman Osmeña had delivered his speech and before the House adopted, fifteen days later, the resolution (No. 59) creating the respondent Committee and empowering it to investigate and recommend proper action in the case, the House had acted on other matters and debated them. That being the case, the Congressman, even before the resolution was adopted, had ceased to be answerable for the words uttered by him in his privilege speech. By the express wording of the Rules, he was no longer subject to censure or disciplinary action by the House. Hence, the resolution, in so far as it attempts to divest him of the immunity so acquired and subject him to discipline and punishment, when he was previously not so subject, violates the constitutional inhibition against ex post facto legislation, and Resolution Nos. 59 and 175 are legally obnoxious and invalid on that score. The rule is well established that a law which deprives an accused person of any substantial right or immunity possessed by him before its passage is ex post facto as to prior offenses (Cor. Jur. vol. 16-A, section 144, p. 153; People vs. Mc Donnell, 11 Fed. Supp. 1015; People vs. Talklington, 47 Pac. 2d 368; U. S. vs. Garfinkel, 69 F. Supp. 849).
The foregoing also answer the contention that since the immunity was but an effect of section 7 of House Rule XVII, the House could, at any time, remove it by amending those Rules, and Resolutions Nos. 59 and 175 effected such an amendment by implication. the right of the House to amend its Rules does not carry with it the right to retroactive divest the petitioner of an immunity he had already acquired. The Bill of Rights is against it.
It is contended that as the liability for his speech attached when the Congressman delivered it, the subsequent action of the House only affected the procedure for dealing with that liability. But whatever liability Congressman Sergio Osmeña, Jr. then incurred was extinguished when the House thereafter considered other business; and this extinction is a substantive right that can not be subsequently torn away to his disadvantage. On an analogous issue, this Court, in People vs. Parel, 44 Phil., 437 has ruled:
In regards to the point that the subject of prescription of penalties and of penal actions pertains to remedial and not substantive law, it is to be observed that in the Spanish legal system, provisions for limitation or prescription of actions are invariably classified as substantive and not as remedial law; we thus find the provisions for the prescription of criminal actions in the Penal Code and not in the 'Ley de Enjuiciamiento Criminal.' This is in reality a more logical law. In criminal cases prescription is not, strictly speaking, a matter of procedure; it bars or cuts off the right to punish the crime and consequently, goes directly to the substance of the action. . . . (Emphasis supplied.).
I see no substantial difference, from the standpoint of the constitutional prohibition against ex post facto laws, that the objectionable measures happen to be House Resolutions and not statutes. In so far as the position of petitioner Osmeña is concerned, the essential point is that he is being subjected to a punishment to which he was formerly not amenable. And while he was only meted out a suspension of privileges that suspension is as much a penalty as imprisonment or a fine, which the House could have inflicted upon him had it been so minded. Such punitive action is violative of the spirit, if not of the letter, of the constitutional provision against ex post facto legislation. Nor is it material that the punishment was inflicted in the exercise of disciplinary power. "The ex post facto effect of a law," the Federal Supreme Court has ruled, "can not be evaded by giving civil form to that which is essentially criminal" (Burgess vs. Salmon, 97 L. Ed. [U. S.] 1104, 1106; Cummings vs. MIssouri, 18 L. Ed. 276).
The plain purpose of the immunity provided by the House rules is to protect the freedom of action of its members and to relieve them from the fear of disciplinary action taken upon second thought, as a result of political convenience, vindictiveness, or pressures. it is unrealistic to overlook that, without the immunity so provided, no member of Congress can remain free from the haunting fear that his most innocuous expressions may at any time afterwards place him in jeopardy of punishment whenever a majority, however transient, should feel that the shifting sands of political expediency so demand. A rule designed to assure that members of the House of the House may freely act as their conscience and sense of duty should dictate complements the parliamentary immunity from outside pressure enshrined in our Constitution, and is certainly deserving of liberal interpretation and application.
The various precedents, cited in the majority opinion, as instances of disciplinary taken notwithstanding intervening business, are not truly applicable. Of the five instances cited by Deschkler (in his edition of Jefferson's Manual), the case of Congressman Watson of Georgia involved also printed disparaging remarks by the respondent (III Hinds' Precedents, sec. 2637), so that the debate immunity rule afforded no defense; that of Congressmen Weaver and Sparks was one of censure for actual disorderly conduct (II Hinds, sec. 1657); while the cases of Congressmen Stanbery of Ohio, Alex Long of Ohio, and of Lovell Rousseau of Kentucky (II Hinds, sec. 1248, 1252 and 1655) were decided under Rule 62 of the U. s. House of Representatives as it stood before the 1880 amendments, and was differently worded. Thus, in the Rousseau case, the ruling of Speaker Colfax was to the following effect (II Hinds' Precedents, page 1131):
This sixty-second rule is divided in the middle a semicolon, and the Chair asks the attention of the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Wilson) top the language of that rule, as it settles the whole question:
62. If a Member be called to order for words spoken in debate, the person calling him to be order shall repeat the words excerpted to
That is, the "calling to order" is "excepting" to words spoken in debate "and they shall be taken done in writing at the Clerk's table; and no Member shall be held to answer, or be subject to the censure of the House, for words spoken, or other business has intervened, after the words spoken, and before exception to them shall have been taken.
The first part of this rule declares that "calling to order" is "excepting to words spoken in debate." the second part of the rule declares that a Member shall not be held subject to censure for words spoken in debate if other business has intervened after the words have been spoken and before "exception" to them has been taken. Exception to the words of the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Grinnell) was taken by the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Harding), the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Banks), the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rosseau), and also by the Speaker of the House, as the records of the Congressional Globe will show. The distinction is obvious between the two parts of the rule. In the first part it speaks of a Member excepting to language of another and having the words taken down. In the last part of the rule it says he shall not be censured thereafter unless exception to his words were taken; but it omits to add as an condition that words must also have been taken down. The substantial point, indeed the only point, required in the latter part of the rule is, that exception to the objectionable words must have taken.
The difference between the Rules as invoked in these cases and the Rules of our House of Representatives is easily apparent. As Rule 62 of the United States House of Representatives stood before 1880, all that was required to preserve the disciplinary power of the Hose was that exception should have been taken to the remarks on the floor before further debate or other business intervened. Under the rules of the Philippines House of Representatives, however, the immunity becomes absolute if other debate or business has taken place before the motion for censure is made, whether or not exceptions or point of order have been made to the remarks complained of at the time they were uttered.
While it is clear that the parliamentary immunity established in Article VI, section 15 of our Constitution does not bar the members being questioned and disciplined by Congress itself fro remarks made on the floor, that disciplinary power does not, as I have noted, include the right to retroactively amend the rules so as to divest a member of an immunity already gained. And if Courts can shield an ordinary citizen from the effects of ex post facto legislation, I see no reason why a member of Congress should be deprived of the same protection. Surely membership in the Legislature does not mean forfeiture of the liberties enjoyed by the individual citizen.
The Constitution empowers each house to determine its rules of proceedings. If may not by its rules ignore constitutional restraint or violate fundamental rights and there should be a reasonable relation between the mode or method of proceeding established by the rule and the result which is sought to be attained. But within these limitation all matters of method are open to the determination of the House, and it is no impeachment of the rule to say that some other way would be better, more accurate or even more just. (U. S. vs. Ballin, Joseph & Co., 36 Law Ed., 324-325.)
Court will not interfere with the action of the state senate in reconsideration its vote on a resolution submitting an amendment to the Constitution, where its action was in compliance with its own rules, and there was no constitutional provision to the contrary. (Crawford vs. Gilchrist, 64 Fla. 41, 59 So. 963) (Emphasis supplied.).
Finally, that this Court possesses no power to direct or compel the Legislature to act in any specified manner, should not deter it from recognizing and declaring the unconstitutionality and nullify of the questioned resolutions and of all action that has been disbanded after the case was filed, the basic issues remain so important as to require adjudication by this Court.
LABRADOR, J., dissenting:
I fully concur in the above dissent Mr. Justice J. B. L. Reyes, Reyes, and I venture to add:
Within a constitutional government and in a regime which purports to be one of law, where law is supreme, even the Congress in the exercise of the power conferred upon it to discipline its members, must follow the rules and regulation that it had itself promulgated for its guidance and for that of its members. The rules in force at the time Congressman Osmeña delivered the speech declared by the House to constitutes a disorderly conduct provides:
. . . but the Member who uttered them shall not be held to answer, nor be subject to the censure of the House therefor, if further debate or other business has intervened. (Rule XVII, Sec. 7, Rules, House of Representatives.)
Congressman Osmeña delivered the speech in question on June 23, 1960. It was only on July 8, or 15 days after June 23, 1060 when the House created the committee that would investigated him. For fully 15 days the House took up other matters. All that was done, while the speech was being delivered, was to have certains portions thereof deleted. I hold that pursuant to its own Rules the House may no longer punish Congressman Osmeña for the delivered fifteen days before.
The fact that no action was promptly taken to punish Congressman Osmeña immediately after its delivery, except to have some part of the speech deleted, show that the members of the House did not consider Osmeña's speech a disorderly conduct. The idea to punish Congressman Osmeña, which came 15 days after, was, therefore, an afterthought. It is, therefore, clear that Congressman Osmeña is being made to answer for an act, after the time during which he could be punished therefor had lapsed.
The majority opinion holds that the House can amend its rules any time. We do not dispute this principle, but we hold that the House may not do so in utter disregard of the fundamental principle of law that an amendment takes place only after its approval, or, as in this case, to the extent of punishing an offense after the time to punishing an had elapsed. Since the rule, that a member can be punished only before other proceedings have intervened, was in force at the time Congressman Osmeña delivered his speech, the House may not ignore said rule. It is said in the majority opinion that the rule limiting the period for imposition of a penalty for a speech to the day it was made, is merely one of procedure. With due respect to the majority, we do not think that it is merely a rule of procedure; we believe it actually is a limitation of the time in which the House may take punitive action against an offending member; it is alienation (in reference to time) on the liability to punishment. As Mr. Justice J.B.L., Reyes points out, the rule is substantive, not merely a procedural principle, and may not be ignored when invoked.
If this Government of laws and not of men, then the House should observe its own rule and not violate it by punishing a member after the period for indictment and punishment had already passed. Not because the subject of the Philippic is no less than the Chief Magistrate of the nation should the rule of the House be ignored by itself. It is true that our Government is based on the principle of separation of powers between the three branches thereof. I also agree to the corollary proposition that this Court should not interfere with the legislature in the manner it performs its functions; but I also hold that the Court cannot abandon its duty to pronounce what the law is when any of its (the House) members, or any humble citizen, invokes the law.
Congressman Osmeña had invoked the protection of a rule of the House. I believe it is our bounden duty to state what the rule being invoked by him is, to point out the fact that the rule is being violated in meting out punishment for his speech; we should not shirk our responsibility to declare his rights under the rule simply on the board excuse of separation of powers. Even the legislature may not ignore the rule it has promulgated for the government of the conduct of its members, and the fact that a coordinate branches of the Government is involved, should not deter us from performing our duty. We may not possess the power to enforce our opinion if the House chooses to disregard the same. In such case the members thereof stand before the bar of public opinion to answer for their act in ignoring what they themselves have approved as their norm of conduct.
Let it be clearly understood that the writer of this dissent personally believe that vitreous attacks against the Chief Executive, or any official or citizen for that matter, should be condemned. But where the Rules, promulgated by the House itself, fix the period during which punishment may be meted out, said Rules should be enforced regardless of who may be prejudicated thereby. Only in that way may the supermacy of the law be maintained.
Footnotes
1 These, except Congressman Abeleda, share the views of petitioner.
2 Tenney vs. Brandhove, 341 U. S. 367.
3 Kilbourn vs. Thompson, 103 U. S. 189; Hiss. vs. Barlett & Gray. 468, 63 Am. Dec. 768, 770.
4 Rules of the House not the force of law, but they are merely in the nature of by-laws prescribed for the orderly and convenient conduct of their own proceedings. (67 Corpus Juris Secundum, p. 870)
5 Corpus Juris Secumdum, p. 870.
6 South Georgia Power vs. Bauman, 169 Ga. 649; 151 s. w. 515.
7 146 Cal. 604; 69 L. R. A. 556.
8 Canno's Precedents (1936) par. 2497) William Willet, Jr. of New York); par. 2498 (Louis v. Mc Fadden of Pensylvania).
9 Constitution, Jefferson's Manual and the House of Representative by Louis Deschler (1955) p. 382.
10 the Jones Law placed "in the hands of the people of the Philippines as large a control of their domestic affairs as can be given them, without in the meantime impairing the rights of sovereignty by the people of the United States." (Preamble)
11 Apart from the view that power to remove includes the power to suspend asan incident. (Burnap vs. U. s. 252, U. S. 512, 64 L. Ed. 693, 695.) This view is distinguishable from Hebron vs. Reyes, 104 Phil., 175.(See Gregory vs. Mayor, 21 N. E. 120) But we need not explain this now. Enough to rely on congressional inherent power.
12 See appendix par. VII, Cushing.
13 This, apart from doubts on (a) our jurisdiction to entertain original petitions for declaratory judgments, and (b) availability of certiorari or prohibition against respondents who are not exercising judicial or ministerial functions (Rule 67, sec. 1 and 2).
14 See supra.
15 Phil., 83.
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Is It a Democratic Government? – AHA
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The reason for the small electorate is that citizens must meet certain tests of property ownership or literacy in order to vote. Popular elections in the Philippines are not yet fully representative of the people.
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From GI Roundtable 24: What Lies Ahead for the Philippines? (1945)
For the first elections, held in September 1935, there were about 1,600,000 registered voters, of whom over a million actually voted. The population then was estimated at between thirteen and fourteen million people. The reason for the small electorate is that citizens must meet certain tests of property ownership or literacy in order to vote. Popular elections in the Philippines are not yet fully representative of the people.
In November 1935, the Commonwealth of the Philippines was inaugurated with Manuel Quezon as president and Sergio Osmeña as vice-president, and with a National Assembly of ninety-eight members, most of whom had already had years of experience in legislative matters. In the following years the government operated with a degree of cooperation between the United States and Philippine officials which was the natural outgrowth of associations during the preceding decades.
Law and order were maintained; health standards were kept at a high level; the number of schools steadily increased. The administration went on record in a campaign for “social justice,” with minimum wage laws, favorable labor legislation, tenancy laws, and other measures designed to improve the condition of the laborers and tenants and small farmers who make up the bulk of the population.
During the Commonwealth period, one outstanding weakness became apparent. Frequent party splits and subsequent coalitions had led to the development of one strong political party, the Nacionalista. Such a situation was more or less inevitable as long as independence was the main goal of the people. But now that independence was in sight, no strong opposition party developed to bring forward a new platform. Power remained concentrated in the hands of the party leaders who were at the same time the chief officers in the government. The millions of poor and underprivileged were still without a spokesman. Although the president went on record for a better deal for the Filipino tao (peasant), he continued to draw support from the moneyed and landed interests.
The constitution granted the president exceptionally broad powers. Some foreign observers expressed a fear of such developments under the strong hand of President Quezon. The period of emergency preceding the actual outbreak of war justified Quezon’s assumption of many of these powers. It remains to be seen whether the deeply entrenched one-party system and the strength of the presidential office will survive in the new independent government. For the sake of postwar unity and order, a strong hand at the helm may seem necessary. But the dangers for a people not yet as a whole politically conscious are only too apparent.
Have the Filipinos met the test?
When the Japanese struck in December 1941, the Filipinos proved their loyalty to the United States and to the cause for which both countries stood-just as they had in 1917. Immediately after the first attack on the Philippines, the Assembly was called into extraordinary session, and on December 11, 1941, authorized the placing of all resources of the country at the disposal of the United States. Full support was pledged to the United States in the war against Japan.
Some months earlier, thousands of men in the Philippine army had been combined with the United States Army in the Philippines, under the command of General Douglas MacArthur. Many of them had had only a few months’ training; many were poorly equipped. But they fought heroically beside the Americans until surrender became inevitable. Many died on Bataan and Corregidor; many were held as prisoners of the Japanese all during the occupation; and many died in prison camps.
The Japanese occupation interrupted the continuance of the Philippine government on its native soil. Commonwealth officials were brought to Washington where they set up headquarters and continued to work for the eventual liberation of their country, taking part meanwhile in various meetings of the United Nations. When General MacArthur stepped ashore on Leyte, President Osmeña accompanied him.
Independence without security?
The tragedy of Bataan and Corregidor was due to many causes which are understood much better now than they were in December of 1941. One of them, doubtless, was uncertainty—which the Independence Act had failed to clarify—as to the exact extent of our responsibility after 1946.
We were, however, responsible for the protection of the Philippines until 1946 and we did retain military and other reservations and armed forces in the country. After the Commonwealth period such military reservations were to be surrendered to the new nation, with the exception of naval reservations and fueling stations. The question of what to do with these was to be adjusted and settled by the president of the United States and the independent Philippine government within two years after independence was recognized.
Moreover, the president of the United States was requested, by the terms of the Independence Act, to negotiate with foreign powers a treaty for the perpetual neutralization of the Philippines. In view of the serious state of international affairs even when the act was passed, it is not surprising that the neutrality clause was never carried out.
The Philippine government, recognizing its ultimate responsibility for the defense of the country, passed the National Defense Act as its first act, and secured General MacArthur as military adviser to draw up a defense plan and put it into operation. A national army was planned for which 40,000 new recruits would be trained each year, the total reserve to number 400,000 by the middle of 1946. Lack of trained officers and inadequacy of the facilities made it impossible to maintain the training at the pace intended. When war came, after less than six years of preparation, the reserve forces numbered only some 100,000 men, poorly equipped and no match in training for the enemy invaders.
Our own forces in the islands were small, even though they were being reinforced all during 1941. At the beginning of the war, the United States Army in the Philippines numbered only about 19,000, plus 12,000 Philippine Scouts. A large number of the latter were new recruits.
In July 1941, MacArthur was put in command of the combined forces of the United States Army in the Philippines and the Philippine army. The Independence Act contained the authority for the United States to call into service all forces organized by the Philippine government.
Why was this step taken? Had the independence of the Philippines been threatened? Not directly. But it was becoming only too clear that Japan’s path to the south, which had already embraced Indo-China and Hainan and the Spratley Islands as well as the China coast, was directed toward territory where the American flag was still flying. The United States was still responsible for the conduct of Philippine foreign affairs. If the Philippines were threatened, we were automatically involved. Had Japan waited until after 1946 to strike, and had American policy with regard to a free Philippines still not crystallized, our reaction might have been somewhat different.
As American-Japanese relations grew steadily worse, measures taken by the United States Congress to restrict Japan’s activities had repercussions in the Philippines. Export controls to prevent the Axis powers from securing strategic materials had to be extended to Philippine exports because Japan was getting hemp, coconut oil, and important minerals there. The freezing of Japanese funds by the United States in July 1941 likewise touched the Philippines. It was apparent that our fate and that of the Filipinos were still closely interwoven. Japan recognized this, and a few hours after Pearl Harbor struck at the Philippines.
Has the war changed our policy?
Our initial defeats in the early months of the war were the results of many errors in policy and in understanding the nature of Axis aggression. American isolationism, concern with domestic issues, and uncertainty with regard to our future relations with the Philippines all had their share in our reverses. Reviewing these cannot change the history of the past few years, but it can guide our course in the future.
We were unable to protect the valiant Filipinos and our own civilians and fighting men in the islands. Admiration and gratitude for Filipino loyalty and sympathy for the suffering of the people have been abundantly expressed. The stage seems to be set for a sympathetic consideration of the unsolved problems that remain, and a program is gradually unfolding that may set a new standard for the eventual solution of all colonial questions. It is for this reason that the wise implementation of such a program is of such vital importance today.
In the opening days of the war, on December 28, 1941, President Roosevelt broadcast an important message to Manila. A new policy toward the Philippines was declared. It was contained in the following words:
“I give to the people of the Philippines my solemn pledge that their freedom will be redeemed and their independence established and protected. The entire resources, in men and in material, of the United States stand behind that pledge.”
Never before had the United States pledged itself to protect the independence o£ the Philippines. Even in 1934 that had been seen as one of the great problems facing a country attaining freedom in the midst of such unsettled world conditions. Yet at that earlier date it is highly doubtful whether the Congress or people of the United States would have’ been willing to underwrite Philippine independence after 1946.
Born under the stress of war, in one of the grimmest hours of American history, that pledge was honored by new legislation in June 1944, when the United States was beginning to press its attacks closer to the Japanese in the Philippines and in the home islands of Japan itself. The Congress of the United States authorized the president to make arrangements for bases in the Philippines for the mutual protection of both countries. Commonwealth authorities in Washington were quick to proclaim that this legislation had their approval. The same bill made it possible for the president to advance the date of independence of the Philippines, if constitutional processes and normal functions of government had been restored before that date.
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