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Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon, 1992: Aminta Aminte du Tasse. Pastorale, traduite de l'italien en vers françois. Biographie universelle ancienne et moderne... [C. Julii Cæsaris] Carminum libri quatuor Cassini. L. Cossin sulp. Drevet excud.. Cornelius Nepos De Vita Excellentium Imperatorum D. Francisco Salesio panegyricus Dictionnaire critique et documentaire, 1976: Discours sur la science des étymologies [Du Clos] Sébastien Bourdon pinx. L. Cossin sculp.. Les Entretiens d'Ariste et d'Eugène. François Chauveau, de l'Académie Royale, Le Febure pinxit, L. Cossinus fecit. Grand dictionnaire universel du XIXe siècle... Heroicon Histoire de Pierre d'Aubusson Grand-Maistre de Rhodes. [Par le Père Dominique Bouhours, de la Compagnie de Jésus]. Histoire de Theodose le Grand, pour Monseigneur le Dauphin. Par Monsieur Fléchier, Abbé de Saint Severin, de l'Académie Françoise.. Historiae Romanae ad M. Vinicium Cos. libri duo Illustrissimo viro Carolo Mauritio Le Tellier, Remensium archipræsuli, &c. Sorbonæ provisori, cunctis suffragiis electo. Symbolum. Apes in sufficiendo sibi Rege unanimes. Lemma. Illustrissimo viro Joanni Antonio Memmio praesidi infulato in obitu Annae Curtinae conjugis dignissimae symbola duo. Jacobus Nicolaus Colbert arch. Carth. coadjutor Roth &c. de la Borde pin. L. Cossin sculp.. Jan Antonides van der Linden, médecin [Jean Doujat] F. Sicre pinx. L. Cossin sculp.. [Jesus good shepherd] Joan. Babt. Colbert marchio de Croissy. De Troy pinx. L. Cossin sculp.. Leonardi Frizon e Societ. Jesu Opera poetica, libri XXIV. Cum Orationibus Panegyricis III. Louanges de la Sainte Vierge. Composées en rimes latines par S. Bonaventure. Et mises en vers françois par P. Corneille. Louis Roupert, m[aî]tre orfeure a Metz. Ludovico magno theses ex universa philosophia dicat et consecrat Ludovicus a Turre-Arverniae, princeps Turennius. Propugnabit in aula Colleg[ii] claromontani Societ[atis] Jesu, die [12] augusti, anno MDCLXXIX Lyricon Manuel de l'amateur d'estampes... methode facile pour se preparer aux confessions particulieres et generales Missale [Missel, latin, 1713] Missale Cartusiensis Ordinis ex ordinatione Capituli Generalis. Anno Domini MDCCVI... Mr Adrien Gambart decedé le 19e decembre 1668 en reputation d'un tres vertueux prestre aagé de 68 ans. L. Cossinus fecit. Nicolao Serino panegyricus Oeuvres complètes. Oeuvres de François de La Mothe Le Vayer,... Nouvelle édition. Augmentée de plusieurs nouveaux traittez et divisée en quinze petits volumes, avec une table fort ample. Opera. Oraison funèbre de très haut et très puissant prince Henri de La Tour d'Auvergne, vicomte de Turenne, maréchal général des camps et armées du roi, colonel général de la cavalerie légère, gouverneur du Haut- et Bas-Limousin, prononcée à Paris, dans l'église de Saint-Eustache, le 10e de janvier 1676 Origines de la langue française [Ornements d'orfèvrerie] Panégyriques latins. Parthenicon Phædri Augusti Cæsaris Liberti fabularum æsopiarum libri quinque. Interpretatione et notis illustravit Petrus Danetius academicus. Jussu christianissimi Regis, in usum serenissimi Delphini. Nova editio emendata; notis selectissimis, appendice ad ejusdem fabulas, Publii Syri aliorumque veterum sententiis aucta; & tabulis denuò elaboratis ornata. Portrait de J. D. Cassini, en buste, de 3/4 dirigé à gauche Portraits historiques. [Portret Jeana-Baptiste'a Colberta de Torcy]. Pratique de la perfection chrestienne, du R.P. Alphonse Rodriguez, de la Compagnie de Jesus. Traduction nouvelle par M. l'Abbé Regnier des-Marais,... Première [-Troisième partie]. Present state of Russia Principes de l'art des étymologies... [Recueil. Oeuvre de Louis Cossin] [Recueil. Oeuvres d'artistes classés par ordre alphabétique, école française] [de Charles-Nicolas Cochin à Antoine Coypel] [estampe] Relation de plusieurs voyages faits en Hongrie. Servie. Bulgarie. Macedoine-Thesalie. Austriche. Styrie. Carinthi. Carniole. & Friuli. Enrichie de plusieurs observations, tant sur les mines d'or, d'argent, de cuivre, & de vif argent que des bains & eaux minéralles, qui sont dans ces païs. Avec les figures de quelques habits & des places les plus considérables. Traduit de l'anglois du sieur Edouard Brown medecin du College de Londre, un des membres de la Société Royalle, & medecin ordinaire du roy de la grande Bretagne.. Répertoire des artistes ou Recueil de compositions d'Architecture & d'Ornemens antiques & modernes, de toute espece. Par divers Auteurs, dont les principaux sont : Marot, Loire, Du Cerceau, Le Pautre, Cottart, Pierretz, Cotelle, Le Roux, Berain, &c. Avec un Abrégé historique de la vie & des Ouvrages de chacun de ces Artistes. Par Charles-Antoine Jombert. Ouvrage pour servir de suite aux Oeuvres d'Architecture de Jean Le Pautre. Tome Premier [-Second].. [Retrato de Luis XIV de Francia] Serenissimo principi Turennio epicedium [La serpiente de bronce] Theandricon theorique, la positive, et la mechanique, de l'oculaire dioptrique en toutes ses especes Titi Livii historiarum quod exstat, cum integris Joannis Freinshemii supplementis, emendatioribus & suis locis collocatis, tabulis geographicis & copioso indice, recensuit et notulis auxit Joannes Clericus. Tomus I.. Unknown Man La Vierge et l'Enfant apparaissant à un personnage agenouillé
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Ticarətin Rahat Yolu, satış proqramı, anbar proqramı, Special:BookSources/0632061464
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French author and journalist (1844–1924) For the metro station, see Anatole France (Paris Métro). Anatole France (French: [anatɔl fʁɑ̃s]; born François-Anatole Thibault, [frɑ̃swa anatɔl tibo]; 16 April 1844 – 12 October 1924) was a French poet, journalist, and novelist with several best-sellers. Ironic and skeptical, he was considered in his day the ideal French man of letters.[1] He was a member of the Académie Française, and won the 1921 Nobel Prize in Literature "in recognition of his brilliant literary achievements, characterized as they are by a nobility of style, a profound human sympathy, grace, and a true Gallic temperament".[2] France is also widely believed to be the model for narrator Marcel's literary idol Bergotte in Marcel Proust's In Search of Lost Time.[3] Early years [edit] The son of a bookseller, France, a bibliophile,[4] spent most of his life around books. His father's bookstore specialized in books and papers on the French Revolution and was frequented by many writers and scholars. France studied at the Collège Stanislas, a private Catholic school, and after graduation he helped his father by working in his bookstore.[5] After several years, he secured the position of cataloguer at Bacheline-Deflorenne and at Lemerre. In 1876, he was appointed librarian for the French Senate.[6] Literary career [edit] France began his literary career as a poet and a journalist. In 1869, Le Parnasse contemporain published one of his poems, "La Part de Madeleine". In 1875, he sat on the committee in charge of the third Parnasse contemporain compilation. As a journalist, from 1867, he wrote many articles and notices. He became known with the novel Le Crime de Sylvestre Bonnard (1881).[7] Its protagonist, skeptical old scholar Sylvester Bonnard, embodied France's own personality. The novel was praised for its elegant prose and won him a prize from the Académie Française.[8] In La Rotisserie de la Reine Pedauque (1893) France ridiculed belief in the occult, and in Les Opinions de Jérôme Coignard (1893), France captured the atmosphere of the fin de siècle. He was elected to the Académie Française in 1896.[9] France took a part in the Dreyfus affair. He signed Émile Zola's manifesto supporting Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish army officer who had been falsely convicted of espionage.[10] France wrote about the affair in his 1901 novel Monsieur Bergeret. France's later works include Penguin Island (L'Île des Pingouins, 1908) which satirizes human nature by depicting the transformation of penguins into humans – after the birds have been baptized by mistake by the almost-blind Abbot Mael. It is a satirical history of France, starting in Medieval times, going on to the author's own time with special attention to the Dreyfus affair and concluding with a dystopian future. The Gods Are Athirst (Les dieux ont soif, 1912) is a novel, set in Paris during the French Revolution, about a true-believing follower of Maximilien Robespierre and his contribution to the bloody events of the Reign of Terror of 1793–94. It is a wake-up call against political and ideological fanaticism and explores various other philosophical approaches to the events of the time. The Revolt of the Angels (La Revolte des Anges, 1914) is often considered France's most profound and ironic novel. Loosely based on the Christian understanding of the War in Heaven, it tells the story of Arcade, the guardian angel of Maurice d'Esparvieu. Bored because Bishop d'Esparvieu is sinless, Arcade begins reading the bishop's books on theology and becomes an atheist. He moves to Paris, meets a woman, falls in love, and loses his virginity causing his wings to fall off, joins the revolutionary movement of fallen angels, and meets the Devil, who realizes that if he overthrew God, he would become just like God. Arcade realizes that replacing God with another is meaningless unless "in ourselves and in ourselves alone we attack and destroy Ialdabaoth." "Ialdabaoth", according to France, is God's secret name and means "the child who wanders". He was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1921. He died on 13 October 1924[1] and is buried in the Neuilly-sur-Seine Old Communal Cemetery near Paris. On 31 May 1922, France's entire works were put on the Index Librorum Prohibitorum ("List of Prohibited Books") of the Catholic Church.[11] He regarded this as a "distinction".[12] This Index was abolished in 1966. Personal life [edit] In 1877, France married Valérie Guérin de Sauville, a granddaughter of Jean-Urbain Guérin, a miniaturist who painted Louis XVI.[13] Their daughter Suzanne was born in 1881 (and died in 1918). France's relations with women were always turbulent, and in 1888 he began a relationship with Madame Arman de Caillavet, who conducted a celebrated literary salon of the Third Republic. The affair lasted until shortly before her death in 1910.[13] After his divorce, in 1893, France had many liaisons, notably with a Madame Gagey, who committed suicide in 1911.[14] In 1920, France married for the second time, to Emma Laprévotte.[15] France had socialist sympathies and was an outspoken supporter of the 1917 Russian Revolution. However he also vocally defended the institution of monarchy as more inclined to peace than bourgeois democracy, saying in relation to efforts to end the First World War that "a king of France, yes a king, would have had pity on our poor, exhausted, bloodied nation. However democracy is without a heart and without entrails. When serving the powers of money, it is pitiless and inhuman."[16] In 1920, he gave his support to the newly founded French Communist Party.[17] In his book The Red Lily, France famously wrote, "The law, in its majestic equality, forbids rich and poor alike to sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets, and to steal loaves of bread."[18] Reputation [edit] The English writer George Orwell defended France and declared that his work remained very readable, and that "it is unquestionable that he was attacked partly from political motives".[19] Works [edit] Poetry [edit] Les Légions de Varus, poem published in 1867 in the Gazette rimée. Poèmes dorés (1873) Les Noces corinthiennes (The Bride of Corinth) (1876) Prose fiction [edit] Jocaste et le chat maigre (Jocasta and the Famished Cat) (1879) Le Crime de Sylvestre Bonnard (The Crime of Sylvestre Bonnard) (1881) Les Désirs de Jean Servien (The Aspirations of Jean Servien) (1882) Abeille (Honey-Bee) (1883) Balthasar (1889) Thaïs (1890) L'Étui de nacre (Mother of Pearl) (1892) La Rôtisserie de la reine Pédauque (At the Sign of the Reine Pédauque) (1892) Nos Enfants (Our Children: Scenes from the Country and the Town) (1886) illustrated by Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel Les Opinions de Jérôme Coignard (The Opinions of Jerome Coignard) (1893) Le Lys rouge (The Red Lily) (1894) Le Puits de Sainte Claire (The Well of Saint Clare) (1895) L'Histoire contemporaine (A Chronicle of Our Own Times) 1: L'Orme du mail (The Elm-Tree on the Mall) (1897) 2: Le Mannequin d'osier (The Wicker-Work Woman) (1897) 3: L'Anneau d'améthyste (The Amethyst Ring) (1899) 4: Monsieur Bergeret à Paris (Monsieur Bergeret in Paris) (1901) Clio (1900) Histoire comique (A Mummer's Tale) (1903) Sur la pierre blanche (The White Stone) (1905) L'Affaire Crainquebille (1901) L'Île des Pingouins (Penguin Island) (1908) Les Contes de Jacques Tournebroche (The Merrie Tales of Jacques Tournebroche) (1908) Les Sept Femmes de Barbe bleue et autres contes merveilleux (The Seven Wives of Bluebeard and Other Marvelous Tales) (1909) Bee The Princess of the Dwarfs (1912) Les dieux ont soif (The Gods Are Athirst) (1912) La Révolte des anges (The Revolt of the Angels) (1914) Marguerite (1920) illustrated by Fernand Siméon Memoirs [edit] Le Livre de mon ami (My Friend's Book) (1885) Pierre Nozière (1899) Le Petit Pierre (Little Pierre) (1918) La Vie en fleur (The Bloom of Life) (1922) Plays [edit] Au petit bonheur (1898) Crainquebille (1903) La Comédie de celui qui épousa une femme muette (The Man Who Married A Dumb Wife) (1908) Le Mannequin d'osier (The Wicker Woman) (1928) Historical biography [edit] Vie de Jeanne d'Arc (The Life of Joan of Arc) (1908) Literary criticism [edit] Alfred de Vigny (1869) Le Château de Vaux-le-Vicomte (1888) Le Génie Latin (The Latin Genius) (1909) Social criticism [edit] Le Jardin d'Épicure (The Garden of Epicurus) (1895) Opinions sociales (1902) Le Parti noir (1904) Vers les temps meilleurs (1906) Sur la voie glorieuse (1915) Trente ans de vie sociale, in four volumes, (1949, 1953, 1964, 1973) References [edit] [edit]
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https://epdf.pub/sacred-words-and-worlds-geography-religion-and-scholarship-15501700-history-of-s.html
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Sacred Words and Worlds: Geography, Religion, and Scholarship, 1550–1700 (History of Science and Medicine Library 21 : Scientific and Learned Cultures and Their Institutions 2)
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Sacred Words and Worlds History of Science and Medicine Library VOLUME 21Scientific and Learned Cultures and Their ...
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Sacred Words and Worlds History of Science and Medicine Library VOLUME 21 Scientific and Learned Cultures and Their Institutions Editor Mordechai Feingold California Institute of Technology VOLUME 2 The titles published in this series are listed at www.brill.nl/slci Sacred Words and Worlds Geography, Religion, and Scholarship, 1550–1700 By Zur Shalev LEIDEN • BOSTON 2012 Cover illustration: “Antiqvae Vrbis Hierosolymorvm topographica delineato,” Gerard de Jode (Antwerp, 1571?). Source: The Jewish National & University Library, available at http://jnul.huji.ac.il/dl/maps/jer This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Shalev, Zur, 1967– Sacred words and worlds : geography, religion, and scholarship, 1550–1700 / by Zur Shalev. p. cm. — (History of Science and Medicine Library, ISSN 1872-0684 ; v. 21) (Scientific and learned cultures and their institutions ; v. 2) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-20935-0 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Religion and geography. 2. Sacred space. 3. Bible—Study and teaching—History. I. Title. II. Title: Geography, religion, and scholarship, 1550–1700. III. Series. BL65.G4S53 2012 203’.509—dc23 2011029855 ISSN 1872-0684 ISBN 978-90-04-20935-0 Copyright 2012 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. For Ruth CONTENTS List of Figures ..................................................................................... Note on Documentation ................................................................... Abbreviations ..................................................................................... Acknowledgements ............................................................................ ix xv xvii xix 1. Early Modern Geographia Sacra: Themes and Approaches .................................................................................... 1 2. The Antwerp Polyglot Bible: Maps, Scholarship, and Exegesis .................................................................................. 23 3. Antiquarian Zeal and Sacred Measurement on the Road to Jerusalem ............................................................ 73 4. The Phoenicians are Coming! Samuel Bochart’s Protestant Geography ...................................................................................... 141 5. Putting the Church on the Map: Ecclesiastical Cartography across the Denominational Divide ............................................ 205 6. Epilogue .......................................................................................... 259 Appendix Extant Manuscripts of Samuel Bochart ................... Bibliography ........................................................................................ Index .................................................................................................... 271 279 309 LIST OF FIGURES 1. Ph. Galle, engraved portrait of Benito Arias Montano. Galle and Montano, Virorum doctorum de disciplinis benemerentium effigies XLIIII (Antwerp, 1572) .................. 2. Title page, Benito Arias Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), I ............................................... 3. Title page, Benito Arias Montano, Antiquitatum Iudaicarum libri IX (Leiden: Raphelenghius, 1593) ........... 4. Engraving of an ancient Hebrew Shekel. Benito Arias Montano, Antiquitatum Iudaicarum libri IX (Leiden: Raphelenghius, 1593), 126 ...................................................... 5. “Hispania veteris,” dedication to Arias Montano. Abraham Ortelius, Theatrum orbis terrarum (Antwerp: Plantin-Moretus, 1601), Parergon .......................................... 6. Benito Arias Montano following Peter Laickstein, “Antiqua Ierusalem vera icnographia,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Nehemias” ................................................................................ 7. “Antiqvae Vrbis Hierosolymorvm topographica delineatio,” Gerard de Jode following Peter Laickstein (Antwerp, 1571?) ...................................................................... 8. Benito Arias Montano, “Templi icnographia.” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Exemplar” ................................................................................. 9. Temple plan on the map of Jerusalem, Figure 6, detail .... 10. Benito Arias Montano, “Tabula terrae Canaan Abrahae tempore,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Chanaan” ...................................... 11. Benito Arias Montano, “Terrae Israel . . . in tribus undecim distributae accuratissimae,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Chaleb” ............................................................................ 12. “Perseverantiae exitus,” in Benito Arias Montano, Humanae salutis monumenta (Antwerp: Plantin, 1571), sig. F2 .......................................................................................... 24 29 34 38 42 44 45 48 49 50 51 56 x list of figures 13. Benito Arias Montano, “Sacra geographia,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Phaleg” ....................... 14. Benito Arias Montano, “Forma . . . Arcae Noë,” Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), VIII, “Exemplar” .................. 15. Benito Arias Montano, “Sacri Tabernaculi orthographia,” Montano, Antiquitatum Iudaicarum libri XI (Leiden: Antwerp, 1593), “Exemplar” ................................... 16. View of Jerusalem, Giuseppe Rosaccio, Viaggio da Venetia, a Constantinopoli per mare e per terra & insieme quello di Terra Santa (Venice: Giacomo Franco, 1598), 53 ..................................... 17. Equestrian drills in Cairo, Vincenzo Fava, “Relatione del Viaggio di Gierusalemme,” BL Ms. Add. 33,566, f. 20v ....................................................... 18. Title page, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620) ...................................... 19. Perspective of Nativity complex, Bethlehem, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 2 ........................ 20. Foldout manuscript map of Jerusalem and Mt. of Olives, drawn by Gio: Cales, Vincenzo Fava, “Relatione del Viaggio di Gierusalemme,” BL Ms. Add. 33,566, fos. 53v–54r ................................................................................. 21. Plan and elevation of the Edicule over the tomb of Jesus, Church of the Holy Sepulcher, Jerusalem, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 33 ...................... 22. Scale of half foot, Vincenzo Fava, “Relatione del Viaggio di Gierusalemme,” BL Ms. Add. 33,566, f. 158 ...................................................... 23. St. Jerome, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 8 ........................ 59 67 68 91 94 106 111 113 115 119 122 list of figures 24. Title page, vol. 1, Franciscus Quaresmius, Historica theologica et moralis Terræ Sanctæ elucidatio, 2 vols. (Antwerp: Balthasar Moretus, ex Officina Plantiniana, 1639) ..................................................................... 25. Contemporary Jerusalem, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 44 ............ 26. Ancient Jerusalem, Bernardino Amico, Trattato delle Piante & Immagini de Sacri Edifizi di Terra Santa, 2 ed. (Florence: Pietro Cecconcelli, 1620), plate 45 ............ 27. Mt. Calvary, Franciscus Quaresmius, Historica theologica et moralis Terræ Sanctæ elucidatio, 2 vols. (Antwerp: Balthasar Moretus, ex Officina Plantiniana, 1639), II: opposite 448 ............................................................................... 28. Entombment of Jesus, Franciscus Quaresmius, Historica theologica et moralis Terræ Sanctæ elucidatio, 2 vols. (Antwerp: Balthasar Moretus, ex Officina Plantiniana, 1639), II: 529 .............................................................................. 29. Burial cave, Jean Zuallart, Il devotissimo viaggio di Gerusalemme (Rome: F. Z. Zanetti & Gia. Ruffinelli, 1587), bk 3, 143 ......................................................................... 30. Interior of catacombs in Rome, Antonio Bosio, Roma sotterranea (Rome, 1635), lib. II.xxi, 137 .................. 31. Portrait of Samuel Bochart at the age of sixty-four (1663), Samuel Bochart, Opera Omnia, 3 vols. (Amsterdam: Boutesteyn & Luchtmans, 1692), III, frontispiece ............... 32. Title page, Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681), second impression by Zunner .............................................................. 33. Frontispiece of Samuel Bochart’s Opera Omnia (1692), Bochart, Opera Omnia, 3 vols. (Amsterdam: Boutesteyn & Luchtmans, 1692), I ........................................................................... 34. Samuel Bochart’s entry in William Bedwell’s Album Amicorum, 25 March 1623, Leiden UL Ms. BPL 2753, f. 89v ............................................................................................. 35. Map of Phoenician Sicily. Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681), opposite 557 ............................................................................... xi 124 128 129 135 136 137 138 143 144 148 153 165 xii list of figures 36. View of Syracuse, inset in map of Sicily (previous figure). Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681), opposite 557 ............................................................................... 37. Map of Creation based on 2 Esdras. Jacques d’Auzoles Lapeyre, La Saincte Geographie (Paris: A. Estienne, 1629), bk II, p. 77 .................................................................................. 38. Sample page, Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 3 ed. Phaleg, I:2, Opera Omnia (Amsterdam: Boutesteyn & Luchtmans, 1692), cols. 11–12 ............................................... 39. Bochart, “Tabula universalis locorum quae Phoenicum navigationibus maxime frequentata sunt a Taprobana Thulem usque.” Engraved by Sigmund Gab. Hipschman, based on the first edition (1646). Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681) ................................................................... 40. “Taprobanae Insulae descriptio,” inset in general map of Phoenician navigation (previous figure). Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 2 ed. (Frankfurt: Wustius for J. D. Zunner, 1681) ................................................................... 41. “Taprobanae Insulae descriptio,” in Samuel Bochart, Geographia sacra, 3 ed., Opera Omnia (Amsterdam: Boutesteyn & Luchtmans, 1692), opposite col. 693 ............ 42. Map of the suburbicarian regions, Jacques Godefroy, Conjectura de suburbicariis regionibus et ecclesiis (Frankfurt: Unckelius, 1618), opposite 1 .............................. 43. Dedication, Noël le Vacher, “Carte du diocese de Soissons” (Paris: E. Vouillemont, 1656), BN Ge DD 2987 (300) ............................................................................................ 44. Cartouche, Nicolas Sanson, “Senones. Partie septentrionale de l’archevesché de Sens” ([Paris]: [P. Mariette], 1660), BN Ge DD 2987 (268, I) .................... 45. Title page, Aubert Le Mire, Geographia Ecclesiastica (Lyon, 1620) ............................................................................... 46. Franciscus Haereus, “Lumen Historiarum per Orientem,” in Le Mire, Notitia episcopatum orbis christiani (Antwerp, 1613), lib. 5 ............................................................. 47. Franciscus Haereus, “Lumen Historiarum per Occidentem,” in Le Mire, Notitia episcopatum orbis christiani (Antwerp, 1613), lib. 5 ........................................... 166 174 179 182 188 189 225 231 234 235 236 237 list of figures 48. Title page, Augustin Lubin, Orbis Augustinianus (Paris: Baudouyn, 1659) .......................................................... 49. Title page, Augustin Lubin, Topographia Augustiniana, in Orbis Augustinianus (Paris: Baudouyn, 1659) ................ 50. Augustin Lubin, “Vetus Africa Augustiniana,” in Orbis Augustinianus (Paris: Baudouyn, 1659) ................................ 51. Fr. L. de La Salle, “La nouvelle Thébaïde ou la carte très particulière et exacte de l’abbaye de la Maison Dieu nostre dame de la Trappe, de l’estroite observance de Citeaux, située dans la province du Perche, diocesse de Sées/ Dressée sur les lieux par Monsieur de La Salle” ([Paris]: De Fer, 1700), BN Ge DD 2987 (1060) ................................ 52. Title page, Augustin Lubin, Martyrologium Romanum (Paris: Florentinus Lambert, 1660) ........................................ 53. Augustin Lubin, “Tabula Tertia” [Gallia], Martyrologium Romanum (Paris: Florentinus Lambert, 1660) .................... 54. Title page, Thomas Fuller, A Pisgah-Sight of Palestine and the Confines thereof: with the History of the Old and New Testament Acted thereon (London: J.F. for John Williams, 1650) ............................................................... 55. Elevation and plan of the Temple, Thomas Fuller, A Pisgah-Sight of Palestine and the Confines thereof: with the History of the Old and New Testament Acted thereon (London: J.F. for John Williams, 1650), bk 3, 352–53 ....... 56. Thomas Fuller, “Fragmenta Sacra,” in Fuller, A PisgahSight of Palestine and the Confines thereof: with the History of the Old and New Testament Acted thereon (London: J.F. for John Williams, 1650), bk 5, opposite 203 ............................................................................... 57. Map of Ruben’s land, Thomas Fuller, A Pisgah-Sight of Palestine and the Confines thereof: with the History of the Old and New Testament Acted thereon (London: J.F. for John Williams, 1650), opposite bk 2, 54 .............................. xiii 243 244 245 250 252 253 261 263 264 265 NOTE ON DOCUMENTATION All translations are mine unless noted otherwise. In quotations I have kept original spellings and orthography but usually expanded abbreviations. Items on the List of Figures are less detailed than individual captions. Both locations contain full bibliographic data. Biblical passages are cited from the King James Version. All websites were reaccessed in July 2010. ABBREVIATIONS BL BMC BN BHPF ODNB British Library Bibliothèque municipale de Caen Bibliothèque nationale de France Bibliothèque de l’histoire du protestantisme français Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, online edition, 2009 [www.oxforddnb.com] ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am delighted to acknowledge my debt and gratitude to many individuals—teachers, mentors, colleagues, and friends, in Jerusalem, Princeton, Oxford, London, Haifa, and other locations—who have been, in different ways, incredibly helpful and kind to this work and its author. They are listed here by alphabetical order: Sigal Abramovitch, Jim Akerman, Gur Alroey, Sara Alleyn, Ory Amitai, Lisa Bailey, Peter Barber, Adam Beaver, the late Mara Beller, Rami Ben-Shalom, Ayelet Ben-Yishai, Philip Benedict, Daniela Bleichmar, Lior Blum, Karen Bowen, Melanie Bremer, Denver Brunsman, Jed Buchwald, D. Graham Burnett, Charles Burnett, Tony Campbell, Angelo Cattaneo, Yossi Chajes, Joe Cullon, Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, Robert Darnton, Surekha Davies, Catherine Delano Smith, Avner and Yifat De Shalit, Yoav Di Capua, Simon Ditchfield, Eric Dursteler, Matthew Edney, Miri Eliav-Feldon, Ronnie Ellenblum, Tina Erdos, Robert Evans, Moti Feingold, Francesca Fiorani, Yehoshua Frenkel, Robert Frost, Vardit Garber, Claudia Gazzini, Guy Geltner, Vicky Glosson, Dimitri Gondicas, Molly Greene, Ruth HaCohen, Judy Hanson, Kristine Haugen, Michael Heyd, Alfred Hiatt, Dirk Imhof, Martin Jennings, Brendan Kane, Eileen Kane, Robert Karrow, Arnon Keren, Arik Kochavi, Arieh Kofsky, Rachel Kolodny, Lynn Kratzer, Jill Kraye, David Levi-Faur, Ora Limor, Greg Lyon, Merav Mack, Audrey Mainzer, Peter Mancall, Suzanne Marchand, Eti Marom, Tine Meganck, Amos Megged, Margaret Meserve, Peter Miller, Amos Morris-Reich, Stephennie Mulder, Jane Murphy, Yuval Nov, Brian Ogilvie, Yaron Perry, Donald Pohl, Gyan Prakash, Wendy Pullan, Theodore Rabb, Eileen Reeves, Aharon Refter, Elhanan Reiner, Franz Reitinger, Thierry Rigogne, Mark Rosen, Rehav (Buni) Rubin, Alessandro Scafi, Eran Shalev, Jonathan Sheehan, Orit Siman-Tov, Haia Shpayer-Makov, Felix Sprang, Dina Stein, Yael Sternhell, Guy Stroumsa, Naomi Sussmann, Pninit Tal, Robert Tignor, George Tolias, Emmanuelle Vagnon, John Warnock, Jenny Weber, Joanna Weinberg, the late David Woodward, Amanda Wunder, Amit Yahav, Myriam Yardeni, Avihu Zakai, and Yossi Ziegler. From our very first meeting in Jerusalem more than a decade ago and until the present, Anthony Grafton, my adviser at Princeton, is xx acknowledgements a flowing source of inspiration as a scholar and teacher. Tony supervised my work with astonishing erudition, enthusiasm, generosity, and patience, for which I am deeply grateful. The writing of this book has been generously supported by the following institutions and organizations: Princeton University (Department of History, The Graduate School, Association of Princeton Graduate Alumni, Council on Regional Studies, Program in Hellenic Studies, Center for the Study of Religion); The Newberry Library, Chicago; Institute of Historical Research, University of London; Andrew K. Mellon Foundation; The Renaissance Society of America; American Friends of the J. B. Harley Research Fellowships; Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin; The Huntington Library, San Marino; Israeli Higher Education Council; University of Haifa, Faculty of the Humanities; and Yad Handaiv. I have been kindly and patiently helped at the following libraries and collections (staff names mentioned where known): At Princeton University: History Librarians (the late Lara Moore, Elizabeth Bennett), Department of Rare Books and Special Collections (Annalee Pauls, Charles Greene), Marquand Library of Art and Archaeology. Other collections: Special Collections, Henry Luce III Library, Princeton Theological Seminary; New York Public Library; The Newberry Library, Chicago (Robert Karrow); Bibliothèque municipale, Caen (Mme Noëlla Duplessis, Erik Calvet); Musée de Beaux Arts, Caen; Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris (Catherine Hofman); Bibliothèque de la Société de l’Histoire du protestantisme français, Paris (Mme Idelette Beauvais); Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, Paris; Bodleian Library, Oxford; Taylor Institution Library, Oxford; Sackler Library, Oxford; Merton College Library, Oxford (Dr. Julia Walworth); British Library, London (Peter Barber); Warburg Institute Library, London; Institute of Historical Research Library, London; National Archives, Kew; Plantin-Moretus Museum Library, Antwerp; Gennadius Library, Athens; The National Library, Jerusalem; Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin; The Huntington Library; and by correspondence, Pitts Theology Library, Emory University (Armin Siedlecki); Dousa Department, Leiden University Library (Dr. Jan Cramer); Manuscripts and Archives Department, University of Amsterdam (Dr. Jos Biemans). acknowledgements xxi An earlier version of Chapter Two was published as “Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism and Visual Erudition: Benito Arias Montano and the Maps in the Antwerp Polyglot Bible,” Imago Mundi 55 (2003): 56–80. Images are printed with the kind permission of their holders. Finally, very special thanks go to my siblings Refealla and Meir, to my children Ronni, Naomi, and Amos, and above all, to Ruth LibertyShalev, to whom I dedicate this work with love. CHAPTER ONE EARLY MODERN GEOGRAPHIA SACRA: THEMES AND APPROACHES Michael Servetus painfully discovered in 1553 that Jean Calvin and fellow Genevans were not particularly amused by his snide remarks about the fertility of the Holy Land. As editor of Ptolemy’s Geography (Lyon, 1535), Servetus added in the commentary on a contemporary (i.e. non-Ptolemaic) map of the Holy Land: Nevertheless be assured, reader, that it is sheer misinterpretation to attribute such excellence to this land which the experience of merchants and travelers proves to be barren, sterile and without charm, so that you may call it in the vernacular “the promised land” only in the sense that it was promised, not that it had any promise.1 This paragraph, which Servetus in fact took almost verbatim from earlier editors of Ptolemy, was brought as evidence against him in the notorious trial that ended with a public burning (October 27, 1553). Servetus’ explanation that these were not his own words, and that the comment was made regarding the contemporary, not the biblical Holy Land, did not convince Calvin and the court. Although the accusation was dropped from the final sentence, which drew ample material from Servetus’ heretical views on the Trinity and baptism, the Ptolemy 1 “Scias tamen lector optime, iniuria aut iactantia pura, tantam huic terrae bonitatem fuisse adscriptam, eo que ipsa experientia, mercatorum & peraegre profiscentium, hanc incultam, sterilem, omni dulcedine carentem depromit. Quare promissam terram pollicitam, & non vernacula lingua laudantem pronuncies.” Claudii Ptolemaei Alexandrini geographicae enarrationis libri octo . . . (Lyon: Melchior and Gaspar Trechsel, 1535), TAB. TER. SANCTAE. I use the translation, as well as the passionate retelling of the trial in Roland H. Bainton, Hunted Heretic: The Life and Death of Michael Servetus, 1511–1553 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1960), 95, ch. 10. For more documents from the trial see Robert M. Kingdon and Jean-François Bergier, eds., Registres de la Compagnie des pasteurs de Genève au temps de Calvin, Travaux d’humanisme et Renaissance, 55 (Genève: Droz, 1962), II: 3–54. See also Lucien L. J. Gallois, Les géographes allemands de la Renaissance (Paris: E. Leroux, 1890), 67 n. 2; Robert W. Karrow, Jr., Mapmakers of the 16th Century and Their Maps: Bio-Bibliographies of the Cartographers of Abraham Ortelius, 1570 (Chicago: Speculum Orbis Press for the Newberry Library, 1993), s.v. 2 chapter one clause throws early modern sacred geography into dramatic relief.2 The doctrinal rifts opening in Europe and the new worlds opening beyond its horizon placed in doubt traditional certainties, both religious and geographical. Geographia sacra, the subject of this study, stood at the heart of this complex process. Sacred geography is a burning topic in our academic culture, too. Recent scholarship across a wide array of disciplines has rediscovered space, place, and territoriality as fundamental analytical categories in the human sciences. Space is no longer conceived as a neutral continuum of human action and has now become an uneven, value-laden human construct. In the wake of this now vast movement, often referred to as ‘the spatial turn,’ religion and sacred geography have returned to the center of discussion as a crucial mode of perceiving and enacting space. Whereas the process of disenchantment and secularization of space was one of the founding myths of the Enlightenment and modernity (and sometimes bought wholesale by Enlightenment’s critics), interest in the crossings of space and religion is now on the rise.3 Sacred geography, or sacred space, normally refers in current usage to the conscious physical molding of the environment for religious purposes (as in shrine architecture and in ritual setting).4 Even more commonly, especially in anthropological studies, sacred geography denotes a representation of space, or a mentality, that is distinguished from a secular view of the world. In this sense, famously defined by Mircea Eliade, sacred geography is built on a set of symbols and 2 See also George H. Williams, Wilderness and Paradise in Christian Thought (New York: Harper, 1962), 71–72. 3 I have profited, among others, from Arnold van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, trans. M. Vizedom and G. Caffee (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960); Robert D. Sack, Human Territoriality: Its Theory and History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); Edward W. Soja, The Political Organization of Space (Washington: Association of American Geographers Commission on College Geography, 1971); Jonathan Z. Smith, To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989); Katherine Clarke, Between Geography and History: Hellenistic Constructions of the Roman World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999); and from Maurice Halbwachs’ often overlooked La topographie légendaire des Évangiles en Terre Sainte: étude de mémoire collective (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1941), the Conclusion of which was recently translated in Halbwachs, On Collective Memory, ed. and trans. Lewis A. Coser (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992). 4 Andrew Spicer and Sarah Hamilton, eds., Defining the Holy: Sacred Space in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005). early modern geographia sacra 3 meanings shared by a community of believers (as in pilgrimage to a sacred site or founding a temple). Religion thus serves as a model for new or revived understandings of human spatiality. It is this basic recognition which I take with me into the early modern period and into the archaeology of this fruitful and complex notion—sacred geography. For despite its (still) fashionable overtones, the concept has a long history, and a particularly rich one in the early modern period. Geographia sacra—a term coined in the early modern period—was not only a technical expression, but also a rich scholarly genre, which captivated the intellects of many central figures of the European Republic of Letters. It was wholly embedded in a broader learned culture that took a spatial turn long before we did. Increasing numbers of scholars explore various early modern notions of space and geographical ideas, and elucidate the ways in which they are related to major process, such as the rise of territorial states, global trade, the colonization of the New World and the rise of empires. This book attempts to contribute to our understanding of the spatial history and spatial imaginary of early modern Europe by highlighting sacred geography, which was, I argue, a significant contemporary mode of thinking about space, land, history, and their role in a world where the divine had a powerful and immediate presence. I trace, in other words, a vast spatial turn in Christian scholarship that took place during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. At its most basic level, geographia sacra dealt with reconstructing the biblical landscape and often with translating the sacred text into a map. The geographical elaboration of the biblical text was not a new exercise in the Jewish and Christian tradition. In the early fourth century, Eusebius of Caesarea defined the main features of sacred geography in the preface to his Onomasticon, addressed to the Bishop of Tyre, Paulinus: First I shall transliterate into Greek the names for the people of the world which appear in Hebrew in Holy Scripture. Then, I shall make a map of ancient Judaea from the whole book, dividing the allotted territories of the twelve tribes. In addition, I shall trace the representation of their ancient, famous, mother-city, I mean of course Jerusalem, including in this the plan of the Temple, after comparison with the existing remains of the sites. I shall assemble things in line with this, and in accordance with those matters you have suggested already in your proposal for the improvement of the whole subject. I shall set out the cities and villages contained in Holy Scripture in the ancestral tongue, designating what sort of places they are, and how we name them, whether similarly to the 4 chapter one ancients or differently. So, from the whole divinely-inspired Scripture, I shall collect the names that are sought, and set each one down in alphabetical order, for easy retrieval of names when they happen to occur here and there in the readings.5 From late antiquity until today, despite improving cartographic techniques and clearer representational conventions, this technical pursuit as first outlined by Eusebius has been marked by strong continuities. Collecting and representing, both visually and textually, the geographical material in the Bible—the dispersion of peoples in Genesis; the distribution of Canaan among the tribes of Israel in Joshua; the description of Jerusalem and the temple in 1 Kings, 2 Chronicles and Ezekiel; and place-names throughout the Canon—has been and still is the sacred geographer’s job.6 This continuity is easily explained by the essential role played by the canonical text as the primary source of information. Yet behind the façade of smooth, centuries-old continuities and the seemingly straightforward practice of pinning placenames down on a map, many complexities and fractures lie concealed. Sacred geography is not a simple translation of text into tabular or visual form, for by the very act of translation it becomes interpretative and exegetical. Maps, diagrams, and lists relating to sacred geography often appeared in biblical commentaries rather than in the Bible itself, and were not intended as mere illustrations.7 In that sense, the history 5 Palestine in the Fourth Century A.D.: The Onomasticon by Eusebius of Caesarea, ed. Joan E. Taylor, trans. G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville (Jerusalem: Carta, 2003), 11. This is the first translation into English. It is based on Klostermann’s critical edition (Leipzig, 1904) of Eusebius’ Greek text and Jerome’s (free) Latin translation. Of all the proposed items on Eusebius’ program only the list of biblical place names, commonly known as the Onomasticon, has reached us. See also Robert L. Wilken, “Eusebius and the Christian Holy Land,” in Eusebius, Christianity, and Judaism, eds. Harold W. Attridge and Gohei Hata, 736–61 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1992). For a general overview of Christian Palestine in Eusebius’ time, see E. D. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire, AD 312–460 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982). 6 The basic outline is given in Robert G. North, A History of Biblical Map Making (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1979). See Kenneth Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy Land: Images of Terra Sancta through Two Millennia (New York: Abbeville Press, 1986), for good reproductions and informative captions. 7 For example, the diagrammatic maps in Rashi’s commentaries (11th century), which influenced those of Nicholas of Lyra (14th century); see Catherine Delano Smith and Mayer I. Gruber, “Rashi’s Legacy: Maps of the Holy Land,” The Map Collector 59 (1992): 30–35; or Andreas Masius’ map of the land of Ephraim in his controversial commentary on Joshua, Iosuæ imperatoris historia illustrata . . . (Antwerp: Christophe Plantin, 1574), 268. early modern geographia sacra 5 of sacred geography is part of—and as contentious as—the history of biblical scholarship. The early modern period is uniquely rich for exploring contesting notions of geographia sacra, for it is a time during which the understanding of both geography and the Bible were profoundly shaken. With the revival of ancient geography, exploration of the New World, and the emergence of print culture, there occurred in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries a veritable revolution in geographical thinking, as well as in map dissemination and use.8 The introduction of humanistic methods in biblical exegesis and the Reformation’s emphasis on Scripture as the foundation of religion made biblical scholarship a territory disputed as never before, while the Bible became available to more and more lay people in vernacular languages.9 Both geography and sacred scholarship experienced a period of tumultuous efflorescence. As the ecclesiastical geographer Augustin Lubin wrote in 1678, those who read a map enter a foreign country, where they encounter unknown words and symbols.10 Similarly, entering the scholarly gray area stretching between ‘religion’ and ‘geography’ requires us to open our minds to fluid terminology, blurred disciplinary boundaries, and conjunctions which on our map of knowledge may seem awkward. In 8 See Robert W. Karrow, Jr., “Intellectual Foundations of the Cartographic Revolution” (Ph.D., Loyola University, 1999), preface, for a convincing justification of the term. More generally, the relevant chapters in Lloyd A. Brown, The Story of Maps (Boston: Little Brown, 1949), are still useful. The most comprehensive and authoritative survey is in David Woodward, ed., The History of Cartography; Volume 3: Cartography in the European Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007). A general survey of early modern geography (as opposed to cartography) is a desideratum. See Numa Broc, La géographie de la Renaissance (1420–1620) (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1980); for England see Lesley B. Cormack, Charting an Empire: Geography at the English Universities, 1580–1620 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997). 9 Jerry H. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ: New Testament Scholarship in the Renaissance (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983); S. L. Greenslade, ed., The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. 3: The West from the Reformation to the Present Day (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963); François Laplanche, La Bible en France entre mythe et critique (XVIe–XIXe siècle), Evolution de l’humanité (Paris: Albin Michel, 1994); Debora K. Shuger, The Renaissance Bible: Scholarship, Sacrifice, and Subjectivity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Richard A. Muller and John L. Thompson, eds., Biblical Interpretation in the Era of the Reformation: Essays presented to David C. Steinmetz (Grand Rapids, Mich.: W. B. Eerdmans, 1996). 10 “Ils y lisent des mots qu’ils n’entendent pas, ils y voyent des lignes qu’ils ne connoissent point [. . .].” Augustin Lubin, Mercure géographique; ou le guide des curieux des cartes géographiques. Par R. P. A. A. Lubin, Predicateur & Geographe ordinaire du Roy (Paris: Christophle Remy, 1678), 1–2. 6 chapter one the course of this study we shall let a few prominent, self-proclaimed sacred geographers lead us on a perambulation of their field, during which we will often cross into neighboring counties. This crossover is required, first, by the nature of early modern geography itself, which was as much a textual and humanistic as a scientific and empirical discipline (if not more so), and as such a close ally of history and philology. This attentiveness to the period’s own categories is more often than not absent from modern histories of geography. Hence, early modern geographia sacra, as sketched out by Eusebius, functioned in this broader context, and for this reason its scope, aims and sources are hard to define. In a recent overview of religious mapping in the medieval and early modern period, the eminent historian of cartography, Catherine Delano Smith argues that sacred geography is more exclusive than biblical geography. Sacred geography sensu stricto is concerned with places deemed ‘holy’ in the relevant religion. Confusingly, however, the word ‘sacred’ has often been misused as a synonym for biblical geography, especially by eighteenthand nineteenth-century mapmakers, publishers, and writers on the Holy Land.11 Yet this attempt at limitation and delimitation, while useful for today’s geographers, seems to be too rigorous for the early modern period, when sacred geography had an even wider, more flexible usage, and when both terms, ‘sacred’ and ‘geography,’ were applied in a variety of senses. Geographia sacra often meant biblical geography, in the sense that the Bible was its source of information, and that it described the landscapes where biblical events took place. But sacred geography was not limited to the Bible as a sole source—many pagan authors were instrumental in the reconstruction of biblical lands; nor was it limited to a representation of the eastern Mediterranean—scholars such as Benito Arias Montano and Samuel Bochart wrote a global sacred geography. Finally, geographia sacra in early modern usage encompassed ecclesiastical geography as well. Hence any region at any period could have its own sacred geography, relating to ecclesiastical provinces, mission activities, or pilgrimages. Given this diversity, rather 11 Catherine Delano Smith, “Maps and Religion in Medieval and Early Modern Europe,” in Plantejaments i objectius d’una història universal de la cartografia = Approaches and Challenges in a Worldwide History of Cartography, ed. David Woodward, Catherine Delano Smith, and Cordell D. K. Yee, 179–200 (Barcelona: Institut Cartogràfic de Catalunya, 2001), 191. early modern geographia sacra 7 than beginning with a definition of geographia sacra in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, I would like this definition—the contour lines of geographia sacra on the map of early modern scholarship—to emerge as the end product of this study. Those who today we identify as (a term I usually try to avoid) ‘fathers’ of modern geography devoted considerable energy to geographia sacra, and were profoundly religious men—Gerard Mercator, Abraham Ortelius, and many others.12 Moreover, many of those who in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries studied and published geographical works were not geographers per se. An early modern ‘geographer’ may well have been primarily active as a diplomat, artist, printer, natural scientist, linguist, and theologian. We find quite a few churchmen and theologians on Ortelius’ Catalogus auctorum, the list of contributors to his celebrated atlas, the Theatrum Orbis terrarum (1570): the reformer Johann Honter (1498–1549), the “Apostle of Transylvania,” was the author of an extremely popular verse treatise on cosmography; Jacob Ziegler (1480–1549), creator of an influential map of Palestine, was an Erasmian whose theological works were put on the Index. The most conspicuous example is perhaps that of the theologian and Hebraist Sebastian Münster (1489–1552), an editor of Ptolemy’s Geography and author of a famous Cosmography.13 The phenomenon continues through the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, with figures such as Kaspar Peucer (1525–1602), Melanchthon’s son-in-law, the Arminian-turned-Catholic Petrus Bertius (1565–1629), an editor of Ptolemy and an author of many theological works, the Anglican divines Samuel Purchas (c. 1577–1626), Thomas Fuller (1608–61), and Peter Heylyn (1600–1662), to early eighteenth century scholars such as the prominent Orientalist Adriaan Reelant (1676–1718). Another point of contact between religion and geography was institutional. The Church in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was the 12 Mercator, for example, in his celebrated map of Europe (1544, 1572) included three textual cartouches on the peregrinations of Jesus, St. Peter, and St. Paul. See reproductions in Arthur Dürst, “The Map of Europe,” in The Mercator Atlas of Europe: Facsimile of the Maps by Gerardus Mercator Contained in the Atlas of Europe, Circa 1570–1572, ed. Marcel Watelet, 31–41 (Pleasant Hill, OR: Walking Tree Press, 1998). 13 These details are taken from the invaluable work by Robert W. Karrow, Jr., Mapmakers of the 16th Century and Their Maps. See also Matthew McLean, The Cosmographia of Sebastian Münster: Describing the World in the Reformation (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007). 8 chapter one primary patron of geographical learning. In Italy, almost all the significant figures in the recovery of Ptolemy’s Geography and other classical authors were either clerics or scholars who worked under Church patronage. Beyond patronage, the revival of classical geography provided a paradigm of universalism to Catholics in an expanding world.14 The universalizing potential was clearly perceived by churchmen and missionaries, already in the fifteenth century and then by the great ‘geographical corporation,’ the Society of Jesus.15 Thus early modern secular geography at large was ‘sacred’ in the sense that it was mentally conceived and materially produced within a religious framework, both personal and institutional.16 Through these wider developments, the very traditional field of sacred geography made an immense step forward in terms of accuracy and sophistication, benefiting from new methods in geographical as well as biblical scholarship. It had become common understanding among students of Scripture that correct reading must be based on correct geography (as well as botany, zoology, and mineralogy). Erasmus warmly recommended the use of maps and cosmographies for the study and animation of Scripture. He ridiculed those who, shamelessly prognosticating or consulting terrible dictionaries, turned towns to fruits, gems to fish, and stars to birds. After all, as Erasmus said following St. Augustine, the mystical sense of Scripture often depended on the unique qualities of such things. As Kristine Haugen phrased it, Erasmus aspired to create a “multidimensional picture of the world in which Jesus and the Apostles lived.”17 14 John Larner, “The Church and the Quattrocento Renaissance in Geography,” Renaissance Studies 12, no. 1 (1998): 26–39. John M. Headley, “Geography and Empire in the Late Renaissance: Botero’s Assignment, Western Universalism, and the Civilization Process,” Renaissance Quarterly 53 (2000): 1119–55. 15 Steven J. Harris, “Mapping Jesuit Science: The Role of Travel in the Geography of Knowledge” in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540–1773, ed. John W. O’Malley, et al., 212–40 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999). 16 David Livingstone, “Science, Magic, and Religion: A Contextual Reassessment of Geography in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” History of Science 26 (1988): 269–94. 17 “Fit enim ut agnitis ex cosmographia regionibus, cogitatione sequamur narrationem obambulantem, & omnino non sine voluptate, velut una circunferamur, ut rem spectare videamur, non legere. Simulque non paulo tenacius haerent, quae sic legetis. Neque vero raro locorum vocabula suis libris, ceu lumina quaepiam interiiciunt prophetae, quorum allegoriam si quis tractare conetur, nec tuto nec feliciter id fecerit, si locorum situm ignoret. Iam si gentium, apud quas res gesta narratur, sive early modern geographia sacra 9 During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the dictionaries indeed improved. Catholic and Protestant scholars alike strove to perfect the array of study aids—linguistic, historical, and geographical—available for the correct reading of Scripture that they promoted. Joachim von Watt (Vadianus, also an editor of Pomponius Mela), Jakob Ziegler, Robert Estienne, Jacques Bonfrère, and Benito Arias Montano, to name but a few, used philological, historical, and antiquarian tools to survey the landscapes of the Old and New Testaments.18 Comprehensive place-name indices, maps, and textual geographical accounts enriched major Bible editions, and were designed to familiarize the reader with the lay of the land.19 Moreover, particular questions in sacred geography—such as the itineraries of the Patriarchs and the Apostles, the exact location of the Terrestrial Paradise and that of Ophir (the source of Solomon’s gold)—began to receive sustained scholarly attention.20 ad quas scribunt Apostoli, non situm modo, verumetiam originem, mores, instituta, cultum, ingenium, ex historicorum literis didicerimus: dictu mirum, quantum lucis, et ut ita dicam, vitae sit accessurum lectioni, quae prorsus oscitabunda mortuaque sit oportet, quoties non haec tantum, sed & omnium pene rerum ignorantur vocabula. adeo ut nonnunque vel impudenter addiuinantes, vel sordidissimos consulentes dictionarios, ex arbore faciant quadrupedem, e gemma piscem, e citharoedo fluvium, ex oppido fruticem, e sydere avem, ex brassica braccam. Abunde doctum videtur istis, si tantum adiecerint, est nomen gemme, aut, est species arboris, aut, est genus animantis, aut si quid aliud mavis. Atqui non raro ex ipsa rei proprietate pendet intellectus mysterii: Quod evidentius declarat Augustinus libro de doctrina Christiana {bk 2, ch. 16}, exemplis aliquot in eam rem arguendam adductis.” Erasmus, “Ratio seu methodus compendio perveniendi ad veram Theologiam,” in Opera Omnia, 9 vols., V: 63–116 (Basel: Froben, 1540–), 66–77. See Kristine L. Haugen, “A French Jesuit’s Lectures on Vergil, 1582–1583: Jacques Sirmond between Literature, History, and Myth,” Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 4 (1999): 967–85 at 979–80, where Erasmus and other authors are discussed. 18 Watt (Vadianus, c. 1484–1551), Epitome trium terrae partium, Asiae, Africae et Europae: compendiariam locorum descriptionem continens, praecipue autem quorum in Actis Lucas, passim autem euangelistae & apostoli meminere (Zurich: Froschauer, 1534), and further editions; Jacob Ziegler and Wolfgang Wissenburg, Terrae Sanctae, qvam Palaestinam nominant,. . . descriptio (Strasburg: Rihel, 1536); Robert Estienne (1503–59), Hebraea & Chaldaea nomina virorum, mulierum, populorum, idoloru[m],. . ., quae in Bibliis leguntur . . . (Paris: R. Estienne, 1549); Montano (1527–98), Antiquitates Iudaicae (Leiden: Raphelenghius, 1593); Jacques Bonfrère, S.J. (1573–1642), Pentateuchus Moysis commentario illustratus (Antwerp, 1625). 19 Brian Walton, ed., Biblia sacra polyglotta . . . Cum apparatu, appendicibus, tabulis, variis lectionibus, annotationibus, indicibus, &c., 6 vols. (London: Thomas Roycroft, 1657). 20 Heinrich Bünting, Itinerarium et chronicon totius sacrae scripturae (Magdeburg, 1598, first ed., in German, Leipzig, 1585). On Bünting as chronologer see Anthony Grafton, “Some Uses of Eclipses in Early Modern Chronology,” Journal of the History 10 chapter one Even outside the ambit of biblical scholarship, introductions to general geographies and cosmographies frequently noted the crucial importance of geography to divinity. Kasper Peucer, who in 1554 became professor of mathematics in Wittenberg, published in the same year a manual for measuring distances on the surface of the globe. This skill was necessary to any student of history, explained Peucer, but particularly to believers, who wished to understand the locations of the series of divine revelations of God to his Church; who wished to grasp God’s wisdom in placing that Church in a corner of Syria, in the center of the habitable world, so that the propagation of the faith might be quicker; to those who wished to know where Christ first preached, where he performed miracles, and where he died.21 “In such important matters, failure to consider the location of regions and distances between them is not only a rude barbarism, but irreverence,” Peucer thundered.22 The apt companion which Peucer added to his mathematical manual was a description of the Holy Land by Burchard of Mt. Sion, whose thirteenth-century account was regarded as authoritative.23 Like Peucer, William Cuningham explained in the introduction to his Cosmographical Glasse that: Also, as touching the study of diuinitie, it is so requisite, and neadfull, that you shall not vndersta[n]d any boke, ether of th’ old law or Prophets (yea I had almost said, any part of à booke, or Chapter of the same) being in this Art ignoraunt. For what numbre of places, Ilands, Regions, Cities, Townes, Mountains, Seas, Riuers, and such like, is ther to be found in euery Booke? How often doth father Moses in his. v. bookes, make mention of Babilon, Sinehar, Armenia (in whose hilles, of Ideas 64, no. 2 (2003): 213–29. On the cartography of Eden see Alessandro Scafi’s definitive treatment in Mapping Paradise: A History of Heaven on Earth (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2006). See also his earlier “Mapping Eden: Cartographies of the Earthly Paradise,” in Mappings, ed. Denis Cosgrove, 50–70 (London: Reaktion Books, 1999). 21 Kaspar Peucer, De dimensione terrae et geometrice numerandis locorum particularium intervallis ex Doctrina triangulorum Sphaericorum & Canone subtensarum Liber. . . . Descriptio locorum Terrae Sanctae exactissima Autore quodam Brocardo Monacho. Aliquot insignium locorum Terrae Sanctae explicatio & historiae per Philippum Melanthonem (Wittenberg: 1554), 1–3. 22 “In his tantis rebus non regionum situs & intervalla considerare, non solum agrestis barbaries est, sed etiam impietas.” Ibid., 3. 23 For a useful although too rigid introduction to Protestant confessional geographies see Manfred Büttner, “The Significance of the Reformation for the Reorientation of Geography in Lutheran Germany,” History of Science XVII (1979): 151–69. See also Axelle Chassagnette, “La géométrie appliquée à la sphère terrestre: Le De Dimensione Terrae (1550) de Caspar Peucer,” Histoire & Mesure 21, no. 2 (2006): 7–28. early modern geographia sacra 11 Noë his Arke stayed after the vniuersal deludge) Assur, Charan, Caphdorim or Caldaea, Aegipt called of the Hebrues Mizraim, Syria (deuided into thre parts, Mesopotamia, Arabia, and Aethiopia,) with infinite like places, whiche without Cosmographie can nether be rightly vnderstand, or yet trulye expounded? [. . .] These thinges I bring in only as example, to proue the necessarye vse of it in deuinitie, and not to dispute ether of Paradise or his situation, seing it belongeth not to my profession, and office.24 Similar statements can be spotted in the emerging geographical literary canon from the early fifteenth well into the seventeenth century. Studying sacred geography, as Erasmus noted, was part of inquiring into the origins of peoples, their customs, laws, and ritual. Following Vadianus’ and Erasmus’ call, scholars approached the Bible equipped with an expanded corpus of Oriental languages and texts, in an effort to reconstruct the life of past societies in its full spectrum, especially that of the Hebrews in the Holy Land in the time of Christ, and of early Christian communities. This exercise in reconstruction, to apply Arnaldo Momigliano’s famous formulation of 1950, was antiquarian par excellence. In other words, we see here the emergence of sacred antiquarianism, which sprang from traditional exegesis and Christian Hebraism on the one hand, and from the bourgeoning fascination with classical antiquities on the other.25 Momigliano was clear that antiquarianism dealt with the sacred as well as the secular past. One of the main contentions of my study is that sacred geography, both in content and in method, was a central element in this documentary and scholarly effort to recover the past.26 In my view, the study of antiquarianism pioneered by Momigliano and extended by Miller and others should include the world of cartography and geography. Often, the organizing principle of antiquarian works, both secular and sacred, has been spatial-geographical rather than thematic or temporal, as in Leandro Alberti’s influential description of Italy (1550). The itinerary was both a well developed 24 William Cuningham, The Cosmographical Glasse Conteinyng the Pleasant Principles of Cosmographie, Geographie, Hydrographie, or Nauigation (London: In officina Ioan. Daij, 1559), sig. A4v–A5r. 25 Arnaldo Momigliano, “Ancient History and the Antiquarian,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes (1950): 285–315. For the seventeenth century see Peter N. Miller, “The ‘Antiquarianization’ of Biblical Scholarship and the London Polyglot Bible (1653–57),” Journal of the History of Ideas 62, no. 3 (2001): 463–82. 26 See Chapter Two for further discussion and bibliography. 12 chapter one antiquarian practice and a literary format. The scholarly map, it could be argued, enabled a primary mode of antiquarian expression in early modern Europe. It allowed juxtaposing textual and material evidence, and reducing information into tabular form.27 The map was an apt means to place material before one’s eyes or present it to memory, to use common expressions at the time. It displayed detailed, synchronic knowledge about the past; it allowed measured, visual documentation; and it was an antiquarian object in itself—collected, displayed in curiosity cabinets, reproduced, and exchanged. From its earliest manifestations, like Buondelmonti’s early fifteenth-century treatise on the Aegean, the new scholarly interest in antiquities was closely tied to cartography. Figures like Leon Battista Alberti, Angelo Colocci, and later Pirro Ligorio pursued both channels thoroughly, and the list continues to unroll through the names of Konrad Peutinger, Robert Cotton, William Camden, and of course Ortelius.28 Similarly, a map of the Holy Land, a view of Jerusalem, a plan of the Temple and the tomb of Christ, although subjects long central to the Christian tradition, were now antiquarian productions, which were born into an antiquarian milieu. Throughout this study these conceptual as well as social and biographical links between sacred geography and antiquarian practices will continually emerge. Beyond sacred geography, this is a phenomenon that has significance for the understanding of early modern geography as a whole. It awaits further study and elaboration. A related term, ‘devout curiosity,’ will appear several times as well throughout this study. Sacred or devout curiosity, a term coined most probably in the late fifteenth century, is perhaps the most important for understanding the traditions that merged in the workshop of the sacred geographer. This was what the sacred antiquarian practiced when he worked his way through the Talmud to learn about ancient Hebrew measures, when he commissioned a map of a diocese under his care, or when he carefully measured the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem. Whereas the quantification and geometrization of space 27 Ann Blair, The Theater of Nature: Jean Bodin and Renaissance Science (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997), 175. 28 On Ortelius as antiquary see recently Tine L. Meganck, “Erudite Eyes: Artists and Antiquarians in the Circle of Abraham Ortelius” (Ph.D., Princeton University, 2003). See also George Tolias, “Ptolemy’s Geography and Early Modern Antiquarian Practices,” in Ptolemy’s Geography in the Renaissance, eds. Zur Shalev and Charles Burnett, 121–42 (London; Turin: Warburg Institute; Nino Aragno, 2011). early modern geographia sacra 13 were seen by previous scholarship as clear marks of secularization in Renaissance geography and cartography, I argue that this is not necessarily the case. Measurement and accuracy where happily adopted as pious modes of dealing with the sacred, in text and image, because they were not seen by contemporaries as emptying the world of its moral and qualitative properties. Curiosity becomes a devout act in itself. It is employed not in the traditional, pejorative sense of reaching beyond human and moral bounds, but in the evolving contemporary, positive one: examining curious evidence thoroughly, carefully, and patiently—just as Samuel Bochart and Isaac de La Peyrère did when they inspected a whale’s tooth in the curiosity cabinet of Ole Worm.29 Sacred geography thus participated in the emerging culture of curiosity and science in early modern Europe.30 Moreover, the centrality of the notion of devout curiosity in the practice of sacred geography makes its story part of the general phenomenon of pious science in early modern Europe. Antiquarian projects were never detached from present ideas and concerns, and sacred geography was no exception. Devout curiosity meant not only the careful study of biblical and ecclesiastical antiquity, but also mobilizing this study for contemporary devout purposes. The unique mix of devotion and erudition that Simon Ditchfield found in Roman learned circles, pervades the genre of sacred geography.31 Many of the works which this study examines operate on these two levels, with liturgical or polemical goals in mind. Arias Montano (Chapter Two), once he established the historical sense of Scripture, used his meticulous antiquarian images as meditative objects. Franciscan surveys of Jerusalem (Chapter Three) were crafted to defend the authenticity of the holy sites and rejuvenate the traditions attached to them. Protestant legal-historical inquiries about the territory under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Rome in the fourth century aimed to weaken the papacy’s modern claims to supremacy—the map gallery in the Vatican palace aimed to strengthen it (Chapter Five). 29 As related by Pierre-Daniel Huet in his memoire. See below Chapter Four, note 130. 30 See further discussion in Chapter Three. 31 Simon Ditchfield, “Text before Trowel: Antonio Bosio’s Roma sotterranea Revisited,” in The Church Retrospective, ed. R. N. Swanson, Studies in Church History; 33, 343–60 (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press for The Ecclesiastical History Society, 1997). 14 chapter one Thus the confessional battle over sacred geography took place on common antiquarian ground. It is, therefore, impossible to generalize, as some modern interpreters do, about a supposedly necessary connection between sacred geography and literal minded Protestantism.32 Protestants were not so averse to the allegorical or even mystical sense of Scripture, just as Catholics were deeply involved with the historical. More importantly, maps in this period have found uses beyond the strictly geographical. While sacred geography was clearly a subject dear to both camps, and therefore a controversial one, it is hard to reconstruct a neat front line of debate. Biblical geography gripped both Catholic and Protestant scholars, who, to some extent, especially in the seventeenth century, respected and utilized each other’s work.33 Pilgrimage to European shrines was fiercely criticized by Reformers, but their views on the voyage to Jerusalem were ambiguous, and many Protestants simply made the pilgrimage, whatever the official line may have been. Ecclesiastical geography presents the only clear case where Catholic geographers dominated the field and Protestants could produce mostly ‘negative’ geographies. The question of Protestant ecclesiastical geography, however, is still open for further study and debate. This book makes considerable use of maps and some other illustrative material as sources for intellectual history, drawing on the recent awakening of the history of cartography. If previous traditions of scholarship contented themselves with documenting the growing accuracy of maps, or with fine carto-bibliographical inquiry, research in the history of cartography at least since the early 1990’s seeks to interpret maps as objects which operate within specific intellectual and political environments, and thus partake of broader historical contexts. So far, 32 Frank Lestringant, Introduction to André Thevet, Cosmographie de Levant (Geneva: Droz, 1985), lxi–lxiv. 33 As we will see in Chapter Four, Bochart’s Geographia sacra won praise from Protestants and Catholics alike. Similarly, the Jesuit Jacques Bonfrère’s work on Holy Land geography was included in the apparatus of Brian Walton’s London Polyglot. The Anglican Henry Spelman warmly recommended Arias Montano’s and the Geneva Bible’s reconstruction of the Temple, as opposed to that of Adrichem: “See the forme of the Temple in Arias Montan: Antiquitat. Iudaic. lib. Ariel. and in the Geneva Bible I King. cap. 6. and marke well both it, and the notes vpon it; for I find them (above others) most agreeable to the Scriptures, and rely not vpon the figure of the Temple in Adricomius, without good examination; for I perceiue he hath misplaced somethings therein.” De non temerandis ecclesiis, A Tract of the Rights and Respect Due vnto Churches, 2 ed. (London: Iohn Beale, 1616), 74 note b. early modern geographia sacra 15 the scholars practicing the new history of cartography have mainly explored the political, literary, and artistic aspects of early modern mapping, with exciting results.34 The religious aspect of early modern cartography, however, still lags behind. For example, while maps of the Holy Land, are comprehensively catalogued, analyzed, and grouped according to formal and visual criteria, their broader cultural and intellectual contexts have only rarely been explored.35 The situation has changed as regards medieval cartography, especially mappae mundi, which have been studied and carefully placed in exegetical and literary traditions.36 In the early modern period, however, there is still a lot to be desired. In a recent overview of the field, Pauline Moffitt Watts observes that “there has been no comprehensive study of the relationship of cartography to the Protestant and Catholic reform movements of early modern Europe”.37 The recent works of Margriet Hoogvliet on world maps and of Alessandro Scafi on the mapping of Paradise present important steps towards a fuller understanding of the ways in which maps operated within changing religious cultural and intellectual spheres.38 One of the clear marks of this new scholarship is the full recognition that geography and cartography were to a large degree humanistic, text-oriented disciplines that took part in a wider world of early modern scholarship. Like most other branches of knowledge at the time, they were in continual negotiation with a 34 See for example, David Buisseret, ed., Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); Josef W. Konvitz, Cartography in France, 1660–1848: Science, Engineering, and Statecraft (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); Matthew H. Edney, Mapping an Empire: The Geographical Construction of British India, 1765–1843 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997); Tom Conley, The Self-Made Map: Cartographic Writing in Early Modern France (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996); Richard Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood: The Elizabethan Writing of England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); David Woodward, ed., Art and Cartography: Six Historical Essays (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987). 35 See Chapter Two for further discussion and bibliography. 36 See for example, Evelyn Edson, Mapping Time and Space: How Medieval Mapmakers View Their World (London: British Library, 1997); Scott D. Westrem, The Hereford Map: A Transcription and Translation of the Legends with Commentary, Terrarum Orbis; 1 (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2001). 37 Pauline M. Watts, “The European Religious Worldview and Its Influence on Mapping,” in The History of Cartography; Volume 3: Cartography in the European Renaissance, ed. David Woodward, pt. 1, ch. 11 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 387. 38 Margriet Hoogvliet, Pictura et scriptura: Textes, images et herméneutique des “mappae mundi” (XIIIe–XVIe Siècle), Terrarum Orbis; 7 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007); Scafi, Mapping Paradise. 16 chapter one body of textual traditions, both scriptural and classical. I employ this approach when I study maps within the context of religion and scholarship. Jointly analyzing textual and visual sources, I stress both the obvious yet rarely practiced—that reading the texts which accompany a map is crucial—and the less obvious—that the specific intellectual arena into which a map is born should bear upon its interpretation. Moreover, if earlier critics, like J. B. Harley, who established “the power of maps” paradigm and thus redefined the history of cartography, looked at ‘mapping’ as a unified corpus with a clear agenda (power and rule), later map historians have gradually realized that individual maps, just like books, have specific arguments, and that dialogues and debates run through as well as between them.39 It will be noted throughout the following discussions that early modern scholars attentively designed their maps in order to promote particular views in response to other texts and maps. In recent scholarship there has been a real surge, sometimes called a ‘visual turn’, in the study of early modern visual culture.40 In the history of science in particular, images, diagrams, and sketches have assumed center stage in discussions on the production and presentation of knowledge, and on cultures of description.41 Somewhat paradoxically, the new history of cartography has taken a linguistic turn in order to turn maps into more meaningful historical documents. However, for my purposes, the two turns meet mid-way. I adopt the principle that images and maps are never simple descriptions of a natural or geographical reality, but are always mediated and shaped by convention and dialog. One of the more essential, demanding and 39 Valerie A. Kivelson, “Cartography, Autocracy and State Powerlessness: The Uses of Maps in Early Modern Russia,” Imago Mundi 51 (1999): 83–105. 40 David Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989); Robert W. Scribner, For the Sake of Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation, 2 ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994); James Elkins, “Art History and Images That Are Not Art,” The Art Bulletin 77, no. 4 (1995): 553–71; Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, The Mastery of Nature: Aspects of Art, Science, and Humanism in the Renaissance (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993); David Morgan, The Sacred Gaze: Religious Visual Culture in Theory and Practice (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005). 41 David Freedberg, The Eye of the Lynx: Galileo, His Friends, and the Beginnings of Modern Natural History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Barbara M. Stafford, Artful Science: Enlightenment, Entertainment, and the Eclipse of Visual Education (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1994). Wolfgang Lefevre, Jurgen Renn, and Urs Schoepflin, eds., The Power of Images in Early Modern Science (Basel: Birkhauser, 2003). early modern geographia sacra 17 rewarding aspects of dealing with visual sources is the reconstruction of historical discourses about their significance and use.42 Wherever I could, I have highlighted instances where early modern sacred geographers were highly conscious and articulate about maps. Some of them even developed a critical discourse about their use (or their opponents’ perceived misuse) of maps. On the whole, this book’s various chapters demonstrate the increasing and yet complex role played by visualization in early modern European scholarship. It is here that I see this study joining and contributing to current literature on past visual cultures. I have often been asked the very sensible question whether my studies in map history focused on any particular area. Regardless of the variety of evasive answers I have given in the past, I came to realize that indeed it was hard to pin down this project to any particular region. It mentions locations from Ceylon to Peru and from Cairo to Stockholm. It is certainly not tied to the Holy Land. My protagonists lived and acted in widely if not wildly different religious and political local contexts. The particular region I do cover, it would seem, is one province of the European Republic of Letters, that by-definition landless entity. Thus this study is at the same time very broad, hopping from one country and period to another, and very specific, in trying to explore one early modern scholarly genre. A survey of the whole field would have amounted to a frustrating list of authors and titles. I have chosen to avoid that and therefore many significant contributors to geographia sacra are either mentioned in passing or simply neglected. Instead, the book offers case studies, which explore in great detail central scholars and themes of sacred geography in the early modern period, while progressing chronologically from about 1540 to 1690. Together the chapters cover the essential issues which preoccupied sacred geographers at the period, and allow a view of the field from different scholarly perspectives. 42 As, for example, Sachiko Kusukawa amply demonstrated in the case of botanical illustrations: “Leonhart Fuchs on the Importance of Pictures,” Journal of the History of Ideas 58, no. 3 (1997): 403–27. See also Georgia Frank, The Memory of the Eyes: Pilgrims to Living Saints in Christian Late Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000); Peter Burke, “Images as Evidence in Seventeenth-Century Europe,” Journal of the History of Ideas 64, no. 2 (2003): 273–96. 18 chapter one The following chapter examines the biblical maps of the Spanish theologian Benito Arias Montano, editor of the second great Polyglot Bible (Antwerp, 1569–72). Montano, who, so far as I can establish, was the first to use the term geographia sacra, was one of the earliest scholars to have fully realized Eusebius’ blueprint, and thus merits a closer look. Montano authored geographical texts, maps, and architectural designs, which he joined together in the Polyglot’s massive Apparatus. An examination of the Apparatus demonstrates that Montano’s scholarship combined his philological training in Oriental languages and exegesis with a profound antiquarian interest in tabulating and visualizing monuments of the past. A close look at Montano’s Latin texts and at his broader social and intellectual contacts underlines the importance of the antiquarian movement as a major factor in his biblical scholarship, and stresses the centrality of geography and maps in Montano’s religious thought. Geographia sacra, which for Montano encompassed the whole Earth, allowed him to demonstrate the relevance of Scripture to a modern overseas Spanish empire, and to argue enthusiastically for the potential of the text’s mysteries to yield more knowledge in the future. Sacred geography as an antiquarian practice manifested itself most clearly on-site, that is, in Jerusalem itself. The third chapter focuses on learned travel and pilgrimage, or, on what became of Eusebius’ remark that he would offer a representation of Jerusalem and the Temple “after comparison with the existing remains of the sites.”43 Current scholarship is almost united in the view that pilgrimage to Jerusalem died out after 1500. Yet the burgeoning publication of pilgrim accounts during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries calls for a reconsideration. It is shown here, first, that many took the route to the Holy Sepulcher, and second, that devotion to the sacred sites, even if it took a different form than its medieval predecessor, was lively and generated great interest at home in Europe, in both the Catholic and the Protestant worlds. The well-established tradition of pilgrimage was transformed by the growing practice of learned travel in search of curious items and phenomena, and the general scientific and descriptive culture of the time. Franciscan authors, who usually stayed for long periods in the Holy Land, effectively controlled information about the sacred sites, and were engaged in an extensive project of visual and textual 43 Eusebius, Onomasticon, 11. early modern geographia sacra 19 documentation of monuments and traditions. This activity was concurrent with similar efforts in Rome, especially in its catacombs, to document early Christian life and to tie them into contemporary devotion. The third chapter pays special attention to Bernardino Amico’s Trattato de sacri edificii di Terra Santa (1609, 1620). Amico, an Observant Franciscan, produced commentated maps, views, and meticulous scaled architectural plans of the Christian monuments of the Holy Land. His work allows a consideration of the meeting of CounterReform Christian scholarship, antiquarian interest in visualization and measurement, and the tradition of pilgrimage. Chapter Four investigates the scholarship of the Protestant minister and formidable Orientalist Samuel Bochart (1599–1667), and especially his Geographia sacra (Caen, 1646). Bochart’s authority and erudition were widely admired during his lifetime and throughout the eighteenth century,44 yet modern scholarship has so far failed to seriously engage with his oeuvre. I argue that Bochart’s geographical scholarship was distinctly Protestant, while tracing its origins back to the turbulent intellectual and political context of its inception and reception. The chapter also introduces the links between philology and sacred geography, which Bochart, following Montano, brought to perfection. Bochart’s mission in the Geographia was twofold. In Phaleg, following Eusebius and marshaling an intimidating range of sources, Bochart deciphered Genesis 10 and identified the location of each of Noah’s descendents. In Chanaan (both titles were borrowed from Montano) Bochart proceeded to explain the impact of Phoenician navigation on the ancient world. This two-tiered model allowed Bochart to chart human ‘prehistory,’ for which Mosaic geography was the only source, and to link it to the classical tradition of geography. Moreover, working with complex etymologies in European and Oriental languages, Bochart provided countless demonstrations of the Hebraic origins, propagated via the Phoenicians, of languages and cultures in various regions. These regions, significantly, did not include China and the New World. Bochart brought sacred geography to its utmost technical sophistication, while only tacitly admitting that the Bible was not a full account of human history and geography. It was a view that during 44 Bochart was crowned by Pierre Bayle as “un des plus savans hommes du monde.” Dictionnaire historique et critique, ed. Desmaizaux, 5 ed., 4 vols. (Amsterdam: 1740), I:585–87. 20 chapter one these very years another Protestant, Isaac La Peyrère, moving in the same learned circles, would state explicitly in his Praeadamitae. Eusebius, although a pioneer of ecclesiastical history, did not include ecclesiastical geography in his master plan as outlined in the Onomasticon. In the sixteenth century and particularly in the seventeenth geographia sacra developed, as noted above, to include ecclesiastical geography and thus went beyond the strictly biblical to embrace a wholly different register. Chapter Five will explore this largely overlooked early modern development and extension of geographia sacra. Maps were an important tool of administration, and the Church, like the emergent monarchical states, was quick to use them. PostTridentine bishops, encouraged to visit and familiarize themselves with their dioceses, sponsored surveys and maps of the communities under their supervision. It became fashionable among monastic orders to record their origins and geographical spread in earlier periods, for which purpose they commissioned special atlases. Maps not only provided efficiency, but also added glory to the Catholic Church by presenting its ancient and enduring hierarchical structure, global missionary reach, and network of shrines. In this capacity ecclesiastical geography inevitably acquired a polemical edge. Chapter Five brings to light a fierce debate of the 1620s, whose main protagonists were the Genevan jurist Jacques Godefroy and the Jesuit Jacques Sirmond, over the geographical extent of the special diocese of the pope in the fourth century. It is shown that ecclesiastical geography was inseparable from explorations made by church historians and antiquaries into early Christian communities, institutions and material culture.45 The chapter ends with an account of the career in ecclesiastical geography of the Augustinian monk Augustin Lubin, who in the second half of the seventeenth century systematized the field and turned it almost into a technical pursuit. An Epilogue (Chapter Six) will trace the stabilization of geographia sacra in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Once the Bible lost its role as the basic research program of human and natural history, and once confessional debates had fallen out of vogue, sacred 45 Simon Ditchfield, Liturgy, Sanctity and History in Tridentine Italy: Pietro Maria Campi and the Preservation of the Particular (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Ingo Herklotz, Cassiano Dal Pozzo und die Archäologie des 17. Jahrhunderts (München: Hirmer, 1999). early modern geographia sacra 21 geography lost its resonance and significance. Moreover, the field itself had been almost exhausted. With Bochart, the progeny of Noah had been definitively charted; Jacques Bonfrère edited Eusebius’ Onomasticon and perfected the map of Judea; Christian van Adrichem and Louis Cappel fully researched Jerusalem and the Temple, respectively; Franciscus Quaresmius gave an authoritative statement of Christian pilgrimage and the traditions relating to the sacred sites in the Holy Land; with Augustin Lubin, ecclesiastical geography was fully methodized. Until the beginning of Near Eastern scientific archaeology in the late nineteenth century, no major advances would be gained over these fruits of the concentrated effort of scholars all over Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It is during the later phase of that efflorescence that an Anglican preacher and writer, Thomas Fuller, could popularize sacred geography, and use it as a platform from which to comment on current English affairs, or that Friedrich Spanheim, Jr., would publish an introduction to the subject for young students, and that Jean Le Clerc would write a brief history of sacred geography, and thus incorporate it into the historia litteraria of Europe. CHAPTER TWO THE ANTWERP POLYGLOT BIBLE: MAPS, SCHOLARSHIP, AND EXEGESIS The Council of Trent (1545–64), the founding event of the CounterReformation, also marked the beginning of the spectacular ecclesiastical career of Benito Arias Montano (1527–98, Figure 1).1 Poet laureate, member of the Military Order of St. James, Doctor of Theology, Orientalist, and a leading biblical scholar, Montano was chosen by Bishop Martín Peréz de Ayala to join the Spanish delegation to the third session-period of the Council (1562–64), and won praise for his interventions on communion and on marriage.2 For Montano, however, 1 An earlier version of this chapter appeared as “Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism and Visual Erudition: Benito Arias Montano and the Maps in the Antwerp Polyglot Bible,” Imago Mundi 55, no. 1 (2003): 56–80. For a recent reevaluation of the historiographical tradition of Trent and the Counter-Reformation see John W. O’Malley, Trent and All That: Renaming Catholicism in the Early Modern Era (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000). On Montano’s activities in Trent see C. Gutiérrez, Españoles en Trento, Corpus Tridentinum Hispanicum, 1 (Valladolid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Instituto “Jerónimo Zurita” Sección de Historia Moderna “Simancas”, 1951), 180–81, n. 366; Benito Arias Montano, Elucidationes in quatuor euangelia, Matthaei, Marci, Lucae & Johannis. Quibus accedunt eiusdem elucidationes in Acta Apostolorum (Antwerp: Plantin, 1575), 62; T. Gonzáles Carvajal, “Elogio histórico del Dr B. Arias Montano,” Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia VII (1823): 1–199, esp. 32–36. 2 We still lack a full intellectual biography and a full correspondence edition for Montano, a fascinating and central figure of early modern scholarship, though more and more particular studies and modern editions of his works shed light on his work and thought. Rekers’ standard biography is useful mainly as to Montano’s activities, yet less so regarding his works: Ben Rekers, Benito Arias Montano (1527–1598) (London: The Warburg Institute, 1972). See also, among others, Vicente Becares Botas, Arias Montano y Plantino: el libro flamenco en la España de Felipe II (León: Universidad Secretariado de Publicaciones, 1999), Luis Gómez Canseco, ed., Anatomía del humanismo: Benito Arias Montano, 1598–1998 (Huelva: Servicio de Publicaciones Universidad de Huelva, 1998); Sylvaine Hänsel, Der spanische Humanist Benito Arias Montano (1527–1598) und die Kunst (Münster: Aschendorff, 1991); Paul Saenger, “Benito Arias Montano and the Evolving Notion of Locus in Sixteenth-Century Printed Books,” Word & Image 17, no. 1&2 (2001): 119–37. Mark P. McDonald, “The Print Collection of Philip II at the Escorial,” Print Quarterly 15, no. 1 (1998): 15–35. Guy Lazure, “Possessing the Sacred: Monarchy and Identity in Philip II’s Relic Collection at the Escorial,” Renaissance Quarterly 60, no. 1 (2007): 58–93. Benito Arias was educated in Seville, and then in the University of Alcalá de Henares, a center for Hebraic and biblical studies. In 1560 he became a member of the military order of St. James. After 24 chapter two Figure 1. Ph. Galle, engraved portrait of Benito Arias Montano. Galle and Montano, Virorum doctorum de disciplinis benemerentium effigies XLIIII (Antwerp, 1572). Source: Princeton University Library, Rare Books Division. Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, (Ex) CT 206 .G35x 1572q. the antwerp polyglot bible 25 the Council was not only about re-enforcing Catholic doctrine and fighting heretics, but also about scholarly exchange. During his stay in Trent Montano was able to examine ancient coins, buy and translate Hebrew books from Istanbul, and obtain a map of Canaan. Montano later used this map to illustrate the Apparatus sacer of the famous Antwerp Polyglot Bible, printed under Philip II’s auspices by Christophe Plantin, and of which Montano was the chief editor. Montano’s encounter with a map while at Trent and its later reworking into the Antwerp Polyglot opens a window onto the broader question of maps and religion in early modern Europe. When set against the rich intellectual and political context in which they were created and disseminated, prominent examples of geographia sacra such as these enable discussion of several key questions regarding their meaning and contemporary significance: How do maps function within an exegetical framework? What was the significance of the denominational rift in their conception and execution? How did biblical maps relate to the flowering of secular cartography, the geographical revolution, during the early modern period? As discussed in the opening chapter, Abraham Ortelius’ Catalogus auctorum in his celebrated Theatrum orbis terrarum (1570)—that invaluable ‘Who’s Who’ of late sixteenth-century cartography— demonstrates how deeply involved early modern mapmakers were in religious activities and scholarship.3 Like others in Plantin’s circle, Ortelius himself was to some extent sympathetic to the mystical and pietistic ideals of the Family of Love. As Giorgio Mangani has shown, Ortelius’s religious cartography was reflected in his use of the heartshaped projection, which intended to embody the union of Christian charity with Neostoic ideals.4 The authors listed on Ortelius’ Catalogus, his recall from the Low Countries he was the librarian of the Escorial, and then, in 1586, retreated to his estate near Seville, where he died in 1598. 3 Robert W. Karrow, Jr., Mapmakers of the 16th Century and Their Maps: Biobibliographies of the Cartographers of Abraham Ortelius, 1570 (Chicago: Speculum Orbis Press, 1993); Peter H. Meurer, Fontes cartographici Orteliani: Das “Theatrum orbis terrarum” von Abraham Ortelius und seine Kartenquellen (Weinheim: VCH, Acta Humaniora, 1991). 4 Giorgio Mangani, “Abraham Ortelius and the Hermetic Meaning of the Cordiform Projection,” Imago Mundi 50 (1998): 59–83, and Il “mondo” di Abramo Ortelio: misticismo, geografia e collezionismo nel Rinascimento dei Paesi Bassi (Modena: Franco Cosimo Panini, 1998); René Boumans, “The Religious Views of Abraham Ortelius,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes (1954): 374–77; and the essays in Robert W. Karrow, Jr. et al., Abraham Ortelius (1527–1598): cartographe et humaniste 26 chapter two like Jacob Ziegler, Sebastian Münster and Arias Montano himself, were theologians, philologists and historians. Modern scholarship, however, still lacks a comprehensive study that addresses the complex ways in which cartography operated within these religious and scholarly contexts. In the case of Holy Land maps, for example, we have fine albums and carto-bibliographies, yet very little that addresses contemporary discourses about the Holy Land and their relation to its cartography.5 In their survey of maps in Bibles in the sixteenth century, Catherine Delano Smith and Elizabeth Ingram opened the field for new kinds of questions about cartography and religion in the early modern period. Although their focus was on a specific genre in a single century, Delano Smith and Ingram made it clear that it is by no means obvious how maps function in such religious contexts as theology and exegesis, and that the question requires further historical investigation, specifically taking into account the wider social currents that mapmakers and their readers were navigating. Delano Smith’s and Ingram’s bibliographic survey was based on some 1,000 printed sixteenth-century Bibles, of which only 176 include maps. Their research revealed that maps never appear in Bibles printed in Catholic countries such as Spain, Portugal and Italy, and very rarely in Latin and French Bibles.6 (Tournhout: Brepols, 1998). Recent scholarship on The Family of Love tends to circumscribe the group’s extent and influence. See Jason Harris, “The Religious Position of Abraham Ortelius,” in The Low Countries as a Crossroads of Religious Beliefs, eds. Arie-Jan Gelderblom, Jan L. de Jong and M. van Vaeck, 89–139 (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2004). 5 For an album with valuable notes see Kenneth Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy Land: Images of Terra Sancta through Two Millennia (New York: Abbeville Press, 1986); see also Eva Wajntraub and Gimpel Wajntraub, Hebrew Maps of the Holy Land (Wien: Brüder Hollinek, 1992); Eran Laor and Shoshanna Klein, Maps of the Holy Land: Cartobibliography of Printed Maps, 1475–1900 (New York: A. R. Liss, 1986); Rehav Rubin’s pioneering scholarly study of Jerusalem maps pays attention mostly to formalvisual analysis and to map provenance: Image and Reality: Jerusalem in Maps and Views (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University Magnes Press, 1999). 6 Catherine Delano Smith and Elizabeth M. Ingram, Maps in Bibles, 1500–1600: An Illustrated Catalogue (Genève: Droz, 1991). The first printed Bible map appeared with Froschauer’s Old Testament (Zurich, 1525), based on Luther’s translation. Later, the Geneva Bible, which appeared in many editions, contained five maps (Exodus, Eden, Division of Canaan, The Holy Land at the Time of Christ, Eastern Mediterranean). See also their other important contributions: Delano Smith, “Geography or Christianity? Maps of the Holy Land before AD 1000,” Journal of Theological Studies 42 (1991): 143–52; “Maps as Art ‘and’ Science: Maps in 16th Century Bibles,” Imago Mundi 42 (1990): 65–83; “Maps in Bibles in the 16th Century,” The Map Collector 39 (1987): 2–14; Delano Smith and Mayer I. Gruber, “Rashi’s Legacy: Maps of the Holy Land,” the antwerp polyglot bible 27 They were thus able to conclude that “the history of maps in Bibles is part of the history of the Reformation.” According to the authors, the Protestant adoption of humanist historical-philological approaches to texts, emphasizing the literal over the allegorical, “is perhaps the key factor that explains why maps were felt by so many Protestant publishers to be useful adjuncts to printed Bibles.”7 Writing about the Galleria delle carte geografiche in the Vatican, Francesca Fiorani extended the argument by claiming that the Galleria project, which was completed in 1581, was in fact a Catholic cartographic response to the wide Protestant use of maps in Bibles.8 The striking quantitative finding that including maps in Bibles was a predominantly Protestant practice puts Montano’s maps—an exception to what appears to be the rule—in a particularly revealing light. Thus, Montano’s approach to cartography and the reasons for his inclusion of maps in the Apparatus of the Polyglot Bible deserve closer attention. This is enabled by the fact that Montano recorded many of his thoughts on the creation and understanding of maps and images in the text of the Apparatus. The aim of this chapter is to explore further this still largely uncharted terrain, and try to extend and nuance Delano Smith’s and Ingram’s thesis. Rather than attributing the spirit of mapping to a general Protestant mapping ethic, I attempt to reconstruct the ways in which maps, visual erudition, and biblical scholarship interacted in Montano’s world, and to open up the notion of geographia sacra to take account of sacred antiquarianism, both textual and visual. Montano’s thoughts on biblical geography, moreover, lay within a broader movement of pious philosophy that attempted to harmonize knowledge of the natural world with Scripture. The Map Collector 59 (1992): 30–35; Elizabeth M. Ingram, “A Map of the Holy Land in the Coverdale Bible: A Map by Holbein?,” The Map Collector 64 (1993): 26–33; and “Maps as Readers’ Aids: Maps and Plans in Geneva Bibles,” Imago Mundi 45 (1993): 29–44. 7 Delano Smith and Ingram, Maps in Bibles, xvii, xxiv. 8 Francesca Fiorani, “Post-Tridentine geographia sacra: The Galleria delle carte geografiche in the Vatican Palace,” Imago Mundi 48 (1996): 124–48, and more extensively in her The Marvel of Maps: Art, Cartography and Politics in Renaissance Italy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005). See further discussion of the Galleria in Chapter 5. 28 chapter two Montano in Plantin’s Press The story of the Antwerp Polyglot, also known as the Biblia Regia, has been told many times, and the process of its creation is well documented (Figure 2).9 The idea had originated with Plantin, perhaps under the influence of the Orientalist and mystic Guillaume Postel, and was first mentioned in Plantin’s letter to Andreas Masius of February 1565. Plantin was persuaded to embark on such a massive project by the rarity of the previous great polyglot edition, the Complutensian of Cardinal Ximenes (completed 1517, published 1520–22).10 Plantin recruited a group of scholars, and even won German Protestant patronage. Yet, after having been forced to print anti-Catholic material during the outbreak in Antwerp of Calvinist iconoclasm in 1566, Plantin eventually decided to apply for Catholic patronage for the Polyglot in order to save his printing house and his own reputation in the eyes of the King. After Philip and his secretary Zayas had granted permission for the project, Plantin was informed that Benito Arias Montano, the King’s chaplain, would supervise the project. In May 17, 1568, after a tortuous sea journey, Montano reached Antwerp to take charge of the Polyglot, one of the most ambitious printing projects of the time. In Antwerp he spent seven incredibly productive years, and also made some of his most intimate friends.11 9 Basil Hall, “Biblical Scholarship: Editions and Commentaries,” in The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. 3: The West from the Reformation to the Present Day, ed. S. L. Greenslade, 38–93 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963); Rekers, Benito Arias Montano, ch. 3; Léon Voet, “La Bible Polyglotte d’Anvers et Benedictus Arias Montanus. L’Histoire de la plus grande entreprise scriptuaire et typographique du XVIe siècle,” in La Biblia Polyglota de Amberes, eds. Federico Perez Castro and L. Voet (Madrid: Fundación universitaria Española, 1973), 35–53. Montano’s and Plantin’s correspondences concerning the Polyglot are published in “Correspondencia del doctor Arias Montano con Felipe II, el secretario Zayas y otros sugetos, desde 1568 hasta 1580,” in Collección de Documentos inéditos para la Historia de España (Madrid: Viuda de Calero, 1862); Christophe Plantin, Correspondance de Christophe Plantin, eds. Max Rooses and Jean Denucé, 9 vols. (Antwerpen: J. E. Buschmann, 1883–1918); Baldomero Macías Rosendo, ed., La Biblia Políglota de Amberes en la correspondencia de Benito Arias Montano (Ms. Estoc. A 902) (Huelva: Universidad de Huelva, 1998). For an insightful account of the intellectual background of the 17th-century Paris Polyglot see Peter N. Miller, “Les origines de la Polyglotte de Paris: philologia sacra, contre-réforme et raison d’état,” Dix-Septième Siècle 49, no. 1 (1997): 57–66. 10 On the Complutensian see Jerry H. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ: New Testament Scholarship in the Renaissance (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983), 72ff. 11 Montano’s nostalgia for his Antwerp period frequently recurs in his letters to Ortelius. See for example the letter from Rome, 28 February 1576, in Ortelius, the antwerp polyglot bible 29 Figure 2. Title page, Benito Arias Montano, ed., Biblia sacra, 8 vols. (Antwerp: Plantin, 1569–72), I. Source: Princeton University Library, Rare Books Division. Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, (Ex) 5145.1569f. 30 chapter two Plantin, the leading printer of the second half of the sixteenth century, greatly admired his industrious new editor, of whom he noted that, “beside his nobility and rank, is not only so accomplished in the knowledge of Hebrew, Aramaic, Syriac, Greek, Latin, and various other languages, but also endowed with supreme modesty, prudence, [and] love of God.”12 Montano aimed to produce an authoritative Bible edition in five languages, supported by a weighty Apparatus complete with various reading aids. The project involved the concerted and prolonged work of experts in Oriental languages and biblical scholarship—including Masius, Postel’s students, the brothers Guy and Nicolas Lefèvre de la Boderie, and Franciscus Raphelenghius, Plantin’s son-in-law. By the end of two years Montano’s team of scholars and Plantin’s proofreaders, with the collaboration of the Doctors of the Faculty of Theology in Louvain, had the biblical texts ready for typesetting.13 The first four volumes of the Polyglot contain the Hebrew Old Testament, with the Vulgate, Septuagint, and Aramaic translations, while the fifth contains the New Testament in Greek, Latin and Syriac.14 Abrahami Ortelii (geographi Antverpiensis) et virorum eruditorum ad eundem et ad Jacobum Colium Ortelianum (Abrahami Ortelii sororis filium) epistulae. Cum aliquot aliis epistulis et tractatibus quibusdam ab utroque collectis (1524–1628), ed. John Henry Hessels (Cambridge: Typis Academiae, sumptibus Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae, 1887), no. 62: 1–3, 138–40. In September 1592 Montano even went as far as offering Justus Lipsius, one of his Antwerp acquaintances, to be the inheritor of his estate: Ronald W. Truman, “Justus Lipsius, Arias Montano and Pedro Ximenes,” Bulletin de l’Institut Historique Belge de Rome 68 (1998): 367–86. 12 “Estant donc de retour en ceste ville, je trouvay Monsigneur le docteur en théologie Bénédict Arias Montanus, officier de la Sainte Inquisition en Espagne, Chevalier de l’ordre de Saint Jaques, personnage, outre l’estat de noblesse et degré qu’il tient, non seulment autant accompli en la science des langues hébraïcque, chaldaïcque, syrienne, grecque, latine et diverses autres, mais aussi doué d’une autant souveraine modestie, prudence, amour divin, et toutes autres vertues divines qu’oncques j’en ay sceu congnoistre.” Plantin to Maximilian de Berghes, Archbishop of Cambrai, 28 June, 1568, Plantin, Correspondance, I, no. 137. 13 In an often quoted passage Plantin describes how his thirteen-year old daughter, Magdelaine, used to read the biblical texts to Montano: she was in charge of bringing “toutes les espreuves des grandes Bibles Royal au logis de Monsgr le Docteur B. Arias Montanus et de lire, des originaux Hebraïcques, Chaldéens, Syriacques, Grecs et Latins, le contenu desdictes espreuves, tandis que mondict Sr le docteur observe diligemment si nos feilles sont telles qu’il convient pour les imprimer.” Plantin to Zayas, 4 November 1570, Plantin, Correspondance, II: 251, p. 175–76. 14 For a complete bibliographic description of the Polyglot see Léon Voet and Jenny Voet-Grisolle, The Plantin Press (1555–1589): A Bibliography of the Works Printed and Published by Christopher Plantin at Antwerp and Leiden, 6 vols. (Amsterdam: Van Hoeve, 1980), entry 644; Rosendo, La Biblia Políglota de Amberes, Introducción. the antwerp polyglot bible 31 Montano then moved on to prepare the Apparatus, in three volumes. The idea of an apparatus was not new. The old Complutensian had already offered its readers a volume of reading aids, including Greek, Hebrew and Chaldean dictionaries and a Hebrew grammar. As the practice of studying the Holy Scriptures in their original languages became more common during the sixteenth century, other sophisticated tools for precise reading were published, such as biblical name indexes.15 Montano, however, furnished his Polyglot with a selection of study aids unprecedented in quantity and comprehensiveness.16 In the Apparatus volumes one finds, besides dictionaries and grammars for Hebrew, Syriac, and Greek, also a non-Vulgate, literal Latin translation of the Hebrew Old Testament, copious indices, and various methodological essays on translation. For Volume Eight, the third of the Apparatus, Montano composed a number of learned treatises that add up to a complete ethnography of the ancient Hebrews. Montano summed up and elucidated what was then at the forefront of biblical scholarship, and in his view, of scholarship at large. Montano also included four maps—Orbis tabula, Terra Canaan Abrahae tempore, Terra Israel in tribus undecim distributa, Antiqua Ierusalem—and about ten antiquarian illustrations of architectural designs, biblical monuments, and liturgical vestments 15 For example, Robert Estienne’s Hebraea & Chaldaea nomina virorum, mulierum, populorum, idoloru[m], urbium, fluuiorum, montium, caeterorumque locoru[m], quae in Bibliis leguntur, ordine alphabeti Hebraici (Paris: Rob. Stephani, typographi Regii, 1549). An excellent overview with an emphasis on Protestant biblical scholarship in the sixteenth century is Debora K. Shuger, The Renaissance Bible: Scholarship, Sacrifice, and Subjectivity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), ch. 1. See also François Laplanche, Bible, sciences et pouvoirs au XVIIe siècle (Napoli: Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Filosofici, 1997). 16 For example, while Estienne’s Hebraea & Chaldaea nomina gave only Hebrew names and their Latin translations, Montano amplified this format to include, as Plantin duly emphasized in his ‘Preface to the Christian Reader,’ short descriptions of biblical figures’ lives, and geographical descriptions based on classical authors: Montano, ‘Hebraica, Chaldaea, Graeca et Latina nomina virorum, mulierum, populorum, idolorum, urbium, flu
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The Memoirs of Cardinal de Retz, V3 by Jean Francois Paul de Gondi, Cardinal de Retz
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The Memoirs of Cardinal de Retz, V3 by Jean Francois Paul de Gondi, Cardinal de Retz software or any other related product without express permission.] This etext was produced by David Widger [NOTE: There is a short list of bookmarks, or pointers, at the end of the file for those who may wish to sample the author's ideas before making an entire meal of them. D.W.] MEMOIRS OF JEAN FRANCOIS PAUL de GONDI, CARDINAL DE RETZ, v3 Written by Himself Being Historic Court Memoirs of the Great Events during the Minority of Louis XIV. and the Administration of Cardinal Mazarin. BOOK III. MADAME:--Cardinal Mazarin thought of nothing else now but how to rid himself of the obligations he lay under to the Prince de Conde, who had actually saved him from the gallows. And his principal view was an alliance with the House of Vendome, who had on some occasions opposed the interest of the family of Conde. In Paris the people libelled not only the Cardinal, but the Queen. Indeed it was not our interest to discourage libels and ballads against the Cardinal, but it concerned us to suppress such as were levelled against the Queen and Government. It is not to be imagined what uneasiness the wrath of the people gave us upon that head. Two criminals, one of whom was a printer, being condemned to be hanged for publishing some things fit to be burnt and for libelling the Queen, cried out, when they were upon the scaffold, that they were to be put to death for publishing verses against Mazarin, upon which the people rescued them from justice. On the other hand, some gay young gentlemen of the Court, who were in Mazarin's interest, had a mind to make his name familiar to the Parisians, and for that end made a famous display in the public walks of the Tuileries, where they had grand suppers, with music, and drank the Cardinal's health publicly. We took little notice of this, till they boasted at Saint Germain that the Frondeurs were glad to give them the wall. And then we thought it high time to correct them, lest the common people should think they did it by authority. For this end M. de Beaufort and a hundred other gentlemen went one night to the house where they supped, overturned the table, and broke the musicians' violins over their heads. Being informed that the Prince de Conde intended to oblige the King to return to Paris, I was resolved to have all the merit of an action which would be so acceptable to the citizens. I therefore resolved to go to the Court at Compiegne, which my friends very much opposed, for fear of the danger to which I might be exposed, but I told them that what is absolutely necessary is not dangerous. I went accordingly, and as I was going up-stairs to the Queen's apartments, a man, whom I never saw before or since, put a note into my hand with these words: "If you enter the King's domicile, you are a dead man." But I was in already, and it was too late to go back. Being past the guard-chamber, I thought myself secure. I told the Queen that I was come to assure her Majesty of my most humble obedience, and of the disposition of the Church of Paris to perform all the services it owed to their Majesties. The Queen seemed highly pleased, and was very kind to me; but when we mentioned the Cardinal, though she urged me to it, I excused myself from going to see him, assuring her Majesty that such a visit would put it out of my power to do her service. It was impossible for her to contain herself any longer; she blushed, and it was with much restraint that she forbore using harsh language, as she herself confessed afterwards. Servien said one day that there was a design to assassinate me at his table by the Abbe Fouquet; and M. de Vendome, who had just come from his table, pressed me to be gone, saying that there were wicked designs hatching against me. I returned to Paris, having accomplished everything I wanted, for I had removed the suspicion of the Court that the Frondeurs were against the King's return. I threw upon the Cardinal all the odium attending his Majesty's delay. I braved Mazarin, as it were, upon his throne, and secured to myself the chief honour of the King's return. The Court was received at Paris as kings always were and ever will be, namely, with acclamations, which only please such as like to be flattered. A group of old women were posted at the entrance of the suburbs to cry out, "God save his Eminence!" who sat in the King's coach and thought himself Lord of Paris; but at the end of three or four days he found himself much mistaken. Ballads and libels still flew about. The Frondeurs appeared bolder than ever. M. de Beaufort and I rode sometimes alone, with one lackey only behind our coach, and at other times we went with a retinue of fifty men in livery and a hundred gentlemen. We diversified the scene as we thought it would be most acceptable to the spectators. The Court party, who blamed us from morning to night, nevertheless imitated us in their way. Everybody took an advantage of the Ministry from our continual pelting of his Eminence. The Prince, who always made too much or too little of the Cardinal, continued to treat him with contempt; and, being disgusted at being refused the post of Superintendent of the Seas, the Cardinal endeavoured to soothe him with the vain hopes of other advantages. The Prince, being one day at Court, and seeing the Cardinal give himself extraordinary airs, said, as he was going out of the Queen's cabinet, "Adieu, Mars." This was told all over the city in a quarter of an hour. I and Noirmoutier went by appointment to his house at four o'clock in the morning, when he seemed to be greatly troubled. He said that he could not determine to begin a civil war, which, though the only means to separate the Queen from the Cardinal, to whom she was so strongly attached, yet it was both against his conscience and honour. He added that he should never forget his obligations to us, and that if he should come to any terms with the Court, he would, if we thought proper, settle our affairs also, and that if we had not a mind to be reconciled to the Court, he would, in case it did attack us, publicly undertake our protection. We answered that we had no other design in our proposals than the honour of being his humble servants, and that we should be very sorry if he had retarded his reconciliation with the Queen upon our account, praying that we might be permitted to continue in the same disposition towards the Cardinal as we were then, which we declared should not hinder us from paying all the respect and duty which we professed for his Highness. I must not forget to acquaint you that Madame de Guemenee, who ran away from Paris in a fright the moment it was besieged, no sooner heard that I had paid a visit to Mademoiselle de Chevreuse than she returned to town in a rage. I was in such a passion with her for having cowardly deserted me that I took her by the throat, and she was so enraged at my familiarity with Mademoiselle de Chevreuse that she threw a candlestick at my head, but in a quarter of an hour we were very good friends. The Prince de Conde was no sooner reconciled with the Court than he was publicly reproached in the city for breaking his word with the Frondeurs; but I convinced him that he could not think such treatment strange in a city so justly exasperated against Mazarin, and that, nevertheless, he might depend on my best services, for which he assured me of his constant friendship. Moissans, now Marechal d'Albret, who was at the head of the King's gendarmes, accustomed himself and others to threaten the chief minister, who augmented the public odium against himself by reestablishing Emeri, a man detested by all the kingdom. We were not a little alarmed at his reestablishment, because this man, who knew Paris better than the Cardinal, distributed money among the people to a very good purpose. This is a singular science, which is either very beneficial or hurtful in its consequences, according to the wisdom or folly of the distributor. These donations, laid out with discretion and secrecy, obliged us to yield ourselves more and more unto the bulk of the people, and, finding a fit opportunity for this performance, we took care not to let it slip, which, if they had been ruled by me, we should not have done so soon, for we were not yet forced to make use of such expedients. It is not safe in a faction where you are only upon the defensive to do what you are not pressed to do, but the uneasiness of the subalterns on such occasions is troublesome, because they believe that as soon as you seem to be inactive all is lost. I preached every day that the way was yet rough, and therefore must be made plain, and that patience in the present case was productive of greater effects than activity; but nobody comprehended the truth of what I said. An unlucky expression, dropped on this occasion by the Princesse de Guemenee, had an incredible influence upon the people. She called to mind a ballad formerly made upon the regiment of Brulon, which was said to consist of only two dragoons and four drummers, and, inasmuch as she hated the Fronde, she told me very pleasantly that our party, being reduced to fourteen, might be justly compared to that regiment of Brulon. Noirmoutier and Laigues were offended at this expression to that degree that they continually murmured because I neither settled affairs nor pushed them to the last extremity. Upon which I observed that heads of factions are no longer their masters when they are unable either to prevent or allay the murmurs of the people. The revenues of the Hotel de Ville, which are, as it were, the patrimony of the bourgeois, and which, if well managed, might be of special service to the King in securing to his interest an infinite number of those people who are always the most formidable in revolutions--this sacred fund, I say, suffered much by the licentiousness of the times, the ignorance of Mazarin, and the prevarication of the officers of the Hotel de Ville, who were his dependents, so that the poor annuitants met in great numbers at the Hotel de Ville; but as such assemblies without the Prince's authority are reckoned illegal, the Parliament passed a decree to suppress them. They were privately countenanced by M. de Beaufort and me, to whom they sent a solemn deputation, and they made choice of twelve syndics to be a check upon the 'prevot des marchands'. On the 11th of December a pistol, as had been concerted beforehand, was fired into the coach of Joly, one of the syndics, which President Charton, another of the syndics, thinking was aimed at himself, the Marquis de la Boulaie ran as if possessed with a devil, while the Parliament was sitting, into the middle of the Great Hall, with fifteen or twenty worthless fellows crying out "To Arms!" He did the like in the streets, but in vain, and came to Broussel and me; but the former reprimanded him after his way, and I threatened to throw him out at the window, for I had reason to believe that he acted in concert with the Cardinal, though he pretended to be a Frondeur. This artifice of Servien united the Prince to the Cardinal, because he found himself obliged to defend himself against the Frondeurs, who, as he believed, sought to assassinate him. All those that were his own creatures thought they were not zealous enough for his service if they did not exaggerate the imminent danger he had escaped, and the Court parasites confounded the morning adventure with that at night; and upon this coarse canvas they daubed all that the basest flattery, blackest imposture, and the most ridiculous credulity was capable of imagining; and we were informed the next morning that it was the common rumour over all the city that we had formed a design of seizing the King's person and carrying him to the Hotel de Ville, and to assassinate the Prince. M. de Beaufort and I agreed to go out and show ourselves to the people, whom we found in such a consternation that I believed the Court might then have attacked us with success. Madame de Montbazon advised us to take post-horses and ride off, saying that there was nothing more easy than to destroy us, because we had put ourselves into the hands of our sworn enemies. I said that we had better hazard our lives than our honour. To which she replied, "It is not that, but your nymphs, I believe, which keep you here" (meaning Mesdames de Chevreuse and Guemenee). "I expect," she said, "to be befriended for my own sake, and don't I deserve it? I cannot conceive how you can be amused by a wicked old hag and a girl, if possible, still more foolish. We are continually disputing about that silly wretch" (pointing to M. de Beaufort, who was playing chess); "let us take him with us and go to Peronne." You are not to wonder that she talked thus contemptibly of M. de Beaufort, whom she always taxed with impotency, for it is certain that his love was purely Platonic, as he never asked any favour of her, and seemed very uneasy with her for eating flesh on Fridays. She was so sweet upon me, and withal such a charming beauty, that, being naturally indisposed to let such opportunities slip, I was melted into tenderness for her, notwithstanding my suspicions of her, considering the then situation of affairs, and would have had her go with me into the cabinet, but she was determined first to go to Peronne, which put an end to our amours. Beaufort waited on the Prince and was well received, but I could not gain admittance. On the 14th the Prince de Conde went to Parliament and demanded that a committee might be appointed to inquire into the attempt made on his life. The Frondeurs were not asleep in the meantime, yet most of our friends were dispirited, and all very weak. The cures of Paris were my most hearty friends; they laboured with incredible zeal among the people. And the cure of Saint Gervais sent me this message: "Do but rally again and get off the assassination, and in a week you will be stronger than your enemies." I was informed that the Queen had written to my uncle, the Archbishop of Paris, to be sure to go to the Parliament on the 23d, the day that Beaufort, Broussel, and I were to be impeached, because I had no right to sit in the House if he were present. I begged of him not to go, but my uncle being a man of little sense, and that much out of order, and being, moreover, fearful and ridiculously jealous of me, had promised the Queen to go; and all that we could get out of him was that he would defend me in Parliament better than I could defend myself. It is to be observed that though he chattered to us like a magpie in private, yet in public he was as mute as a fish. A surgeon who was in the Archbishop's service, going to visit him, commended him for his courage in resisting the importunities of his nephew, who, said he, had a mind to bury him alive, and encouraged him to rise with all haste and go to the Parliament House; but he was no sooner out of his bed than the surgeon asked him in a fright how he felt. "Very well," said my Lord. "But that is impossible," said the surgeon; "you look like death," and feeling his pulse, he told him he was in a high fever; upon which my Lord Archbishop went to bed again, and all the kings and queens in Christendom could not get him out for a fortnight. We went to the Parliament, and found there the Princes with nearly a thousand gentlemen and, I may say, the whole Court. I had few salutes in the Hall, because it was generally thought I was an undone man. When I had entered the Great Chamber I heard a hum like that at the end of a pleasing period in a sermon. When I had taken my place I said that, hearing we were taxed with a seditious conspiracy, we were come to offer our heads to the Parliament if guilty, and if innocent, to demand justice upon our accusers; and that though I knew not what right the Court had to call me to account, yet I would renounce all privileges to make my innocence apparent to a body for whom I always had the greatest attachment and veneration. Then the informations were read against what they called "the public conspiracy from which it had pleased Almighty God to deliver the State and the royal family," after which I made a speech, in substance as follows: "I do not believe, gentlemen, that in any of the past ages persons of our quality had ever received any personal summons grounded merely upon hearsay. Neither can I think that posterity will ever believe that this hearsay evidence was admitted from the mouths of the most infamous miscreants that ever got out of a gaol. Canto was condemned to the gallows at Pau, Pichon to the wheel at Mans, Sociande is a rogue upon record. Pray, gentlemen, judge of their evidence by their character and profession. But this is not all. They have the distinguishing character of being informers by authority. I am sorely grieved that the defence of our honour, which is enjoined us by the laws of God and man, should oblige me to expose to light, under the most innocent of Kings, such abominations as were detested in the most corrupt ages of antiquity and under the worst of tyrants. But I must tell you that Canto, Sociande, and Gorgibus are authorised to inform against us by a commission signed by that august name which should never be employed but for the preservation of the most sacred laws, and which Cardinal Mazarin, who knows no law but that of revenge, which he meditates against the defenders of the public liberty, has forced M. Tellier, Secretary of State, to countersign. "We demand justice, gentlemen, but we do not demand it of you till we have first most humbly implored this House to execute the strictest justice that the laws have provided against rebels, if it appears that we have been concerned directly or indirectly in raising this last disturbance. Is it possible, gentlemen, that a grandchild of Henri the Great, that a senator of M. Broussel's age and probity, and that the Coadjutor of Paris should be so much as suspected of being concerned in a sedition raised by a hot-brained fool, at the head of fifteen of the vilest of the mob? I am fully persuaded it would be scandalous for me to insist longer on this subject. This is all I know, gentlemen, of the modern conspiracy." The applause that came from the Court of Inquiry was deafening; many voices were heard exclaiming against spies and informers. Honest Doujat, who was one of the persons appointed by the Attorney-General Talon, his kinsman, to make the report, and who had acquainted me with the facts, acknowledged it publicly by pretending to make the thing appear less odious. He got up, therefore, as if he were in a passion, and spoke very artfully to this purpose: "These witnesses, monsieur, are not to accuse you, as you are pleased to say, but only to discover what passed in the meeting of the annuitants at the Hotel de Ville. If the King did not promise impunity to such as will give him information necessary for his service, and which sometimes cannot be come at without involving evidence in a crime, how should the King be informed at all? There is a great deal of difference between patents of this nature and commissions granted on purpose to accuse you." You might have seen fire in 'the face of every member. The First President called out "Order!" and said, "MM. de Beaufort, le Coadjuteur, and Broussel, you are accused, and you must withdraw." As Beaufort and I were leaving our seats, Broussel stopped us, saying, "Neither you, gentlemen, nor I are bound to depart till we are ordered to do so by the Court. The First President, whom all the world knows to be our adversary, should go out if we must." I added, "And M. le Prince," who thereupon said, with a scornful air: "What, I? Must I retire?" "Yes, yes, monsieur," said I, "justice is no respecter of persons." The President de Mesmes said, "No, monseigneur, you must not go out unless the Court orders you. If the Coadjutor insists that your Highness retire, he must demand it by a petition. As for himself, he is accused, and therefore must go out; but, seeing he raises difficulties and objections to the contrary, we must put it to the vote." And it was passed that we should withdraw. Meanwhile, most of the members passed encomiums upon us, satires upon the Ministry, and anathemas upon the witnesses for the Crown. Nor were the cures and the parishioners wanting in their duty on this occasion. The people came in shoals from all parts of Paris to the Parliament House. Nevertheless, no disrespect was shown either to the King's brother or to M. le Prince; only some in their presence cried out, "God bless M. de Beaufort! God bless the Coadjutor!" M. de Beaufort told the First President next day that, the State and royal family being in danger, every moment was precious, and that the offenders ought to receive condign punishment, and that therefore the Chambers ought to be assembled without loss of time. Broussel attacked the First President with a great deal of warmth. Eight or ten councillors entered immediately into the Great Chamber to testify their astonishment at the indolence and indifference of the House after such a furious conspiracy, and that so little zeal was shown to prosecute the criminals. MM. de Bignon and Talon, counsel for the Crown, alarmed the people by declaring that as for themselves they had no hand in the conclusions, which were ridiculous. The First President returned very calm answers, knowing well that we should have been glad to have put him into a passion in order to catch at some expression that might bear an exception in law. On Christmas Day I preached such a sermon on Christian charity, without mentioning the present affairs, that the women even wept for the unjust persecution of an archbishop who had so great a tenderness for his very enemies. On the 29th M. de Beaufort and I went to the Parliament House, accompanied by a body of three hundred gentlemen, to make it appear that we were more than tribunes of the people, and to screen ourselves from the insults of the Court party. We posted ourselves in the Fourth Chamber of the Inquests, among the courtiers, with whom we conversed very frankly, yet upon the least noise, when the debates ran high in the Great Chamber, we were ready to cut one another's throats eight or ten times every morning. We were all distrustful of one another, and I may venture to say there were not twenty persons in the House but were armed with daggers. As for myself, I had resolved to take none of those weapons inconsistent with my character, till one day, when it was expected the House would be more excited than usual, and then M. de Beaufort, seeing one end of the weapon peeping out of my pocket, exposed it to M. le Prince's captain of the guards and others, saying, "See, gentlemen, the Coadjutor's prayer-book." I understood the jest, but really I could not well digest it. We petitioned the Parliament that the First President, being our sworn enemy, might be expelled the House, but it was put to the vote and carried by a majority of thirty-six that he should retain his station of judge. Paris narrowly escaped a commotion at the time of the imprisonment of Belot, one of the syndics of the Hotel de Ville annuitants, who, being arrested without a decree, President de la Grange made it appear that there was nothing more contrary to the declaration for which they had formerly so exerted themselves. The First President maintaining the legality of his imprisonment, Daurat, a councillor of the Third Chamber, told him that he was amazed that a gentleman who was so lately near being expelled could be so resolute in violating the laws so flagrantly. Whereupon the First President rose in a passion, saying that there was neither order nor discipline in the House, and that he would resign his place to another for whom they had more respect. This motion put the Great Chamber all in a ferment, which was felt in the Fourth, where the gentlemen of both parties hastened to support their respective sides, and if the most insignificant lackey had then but drawn a sword, Paris would have been all in an uproar. We solicited very earnestly for our trial, which they delayed as much as it was in their power, because they could not choose but acquit us and condemn the Crown witnesses. Various were the pretences for putting it off, and though the informations were not of sufficient weight to hang a dog, yet they were read over and over at every turn to prolong the time. The public began to be persuaded of our innocence, as also the Prince de Conde, and M. de Bouillon told me that he very much suspected it to be a trick of the Cardinal's. On the 1st of January, 1650, Madame de Chevreuse, having a mind to visit the Queen, with whom she had carried on in all her disgrace an unaccountable correspondence, went to the King's Palace. The Cardinal, taking her aside in the Queen's little cabinet, said to her: "You love the Queen. Is it not possible for you to make your friends love her?" "How can that be?" said she; "the Queen is no more a Queen, but a humble servant to M. le Prince." "Good God!" replied the Cardinal; "we might do great things if we could get some men into our interest. But M. de Beaufort is at the service of Madame de Montbazon, and she is devoted to Vigneul and the Coadjutor; " at the mention of which he smiled. "I take you, monsieur," said Madame de Chevreuse; "I will answer for him and for her." Thus the conversation began, and the Cardinal making a sign to the Queen, Madame de Chevreuse had a long conference that night with her Majesty, who gave her this billet for me, written and signed with her own hand: Notwithstanding what has passed and what is now doing, I cannot but persuade myself that M. le Coadjuteur is in my interest. I desire to see him, and that nobody may know it but Madame and Mademoiselle de Chevreuse. This name shall be your security. ANNE Being convinced that the Queen was downright angry with the Prince de Conde on account of a rumour spread abroad that he had some intriguing gallantries with her Majesty, I weighed all circumstances and returned the answer to the Queen: Never was there one moment of my life wherein I was not devoted to your Majesty. I am so far from consulting my own safety that I would gladly die for your service . . . I will go to any place your Majesty shall order me. My answer, with the Queen's letter enclosed, was carried back by Madame de Chevreuse and well received. I went immediately to Court, and was taken up the back staircase by the Queen's train-bearer to the petit oratoire, where her Majesty was shut up all alone. She showed me as much kindness as she could, considering her hatred against M. le Prince and her friendship for the Cardinal, though the latter seemed the more to prevail, because in speaking of the civil wars and of the Cardinal's friendship for me she called him "the poor Cardinal" twenty times over. Half an hour after, the Cardinal came in, who begged the Queen to dispense with the respect he owed her Majesty while he embraced me in her presence. He was pleased to say he was very sorry that he could not give me that very moment his own cardinal's cap. He talked so much of favours, gratifications, and rewards that I was obliged to explain myself, knowing that nothing is more destructive of new reconciliations than a seeming unwillingness to be obliged to those to whom you are reconciled. I answered that the greatest recompense I could expect, though I had saved the Crown, was to have the honour of serving her Majesty, and I humbly prayed the Queen to give me no other recompense, that at least I might have the satisfaction to make her Majesty sensible that this was the only reward I valued. The Cardinal desired the Queen to command me to accept of the nomination to the cardinalate, "which," said he, "La Riviere has snatched with insolence and acknowledged with treachery." I excused myself by saying that I had taken a resolution never to accept of the cardinalship by any means which seemed to have relation to the civil wars, to the end that I might convince the Queen that it was the most rigid necessity which had separated me from her service. I rejected upon the same account all the other advantageous propositions he made me, and, he still insisting that the Queen could do no less than confer upon me something that was very considerable for the signal service I was likely to do her Majesty, I answered: "There is one point wherein the Queen can do me more good than if she gave me a triple crown. Her Majesty told me just now that she will cause M. le Prince to be apprehended. A person of his high rank and merit neither can nor ought to be always shut up in prison, for when he comes abroad he will be full of resentment against me, though I hope my dignity will be my protection. There are a great many gentlemen engaged with me who, in such a juncture, would be ready to serve the Queen. And if it seemed good to your Majesty to entrust one of them with some important employment, I should be more pleased than with ten cardinals' hats." The Cardinal told the Queen that nothing was more just, and the affair should be considered between him and me. We had several conferences, at which we agreed on gratifications for some of our friends and to arrest the Prince de Conde, the Prince de Conti, and the Duc de Longueville. The Cardinal took occasion to speak of the treachery of La Riviere. "This man," said he, "takes me to be the most stupid creature living, and thinks he shall be to-morrow a cardinal. I diverted myself to-day with letting him try on some scarlet cloth I lately received from Italy, and I put it near his face to know whether a scarlet colour or carnation became him best." I heard from Rome that his Eminence was not behindhand with La Riviere upon the score of treachery. For on the very day he got him nominated by the King, he wrote a letter to Cardinal Sachelli more fit to recommend him to a yellow cap than to a red one. This letter, nevertheless, was full of tenderness for La Riviere, which Mazarin knew was the only way to ruin him with Pope Innocent, who hated Mazarin and all his adherents. Madame de Chevreuse undertook to see how the Duc d'Orleans would relish the design of imprisoning the Princes. She told him that, though the Queen was not satisfied with M. le Prince, yet she could not form a resolution of apprehending him without the concurrence of his Royal Highness. She magnified the advantages of bringing over to the King's service the powerful faction of the Fronde, and the daily dangers Paris was exposed to, both by fire and sword. This last reason touched him as much or more than all, for he trembled every time he came to the Parliament; M. le Prince very often could not prevail upon him to go at all, and a fit of colic was generally assigned as the reason of his absence. At length he consented, and on the 18th of January the three Princes were put under arrest by three officers of the Queen's Guards. The people having a notion that M. de Beaufort was apprehended, ran to their arms, which I caused to be laid down immediately, by marching through the streets with flambeaux before me. M. de Beaufort did the like, and the night concluded with bonfires. The Queen sent a letter from the King to the Parliament with the reasons, which were neither strong nor well set out, why the Prince de Conde was confined. However, we obtained a decree for our absolution. The Princesses were ordered to retire to Chantilly. Madame de Longueville went towards Normandy, but found no sanctuary there, for the Parliament of Rouen sent her a message to desire her to depart from the city. The Duc de Richelieu would not receive her into Havre, and from there she retired to Dieppe. M. de Bouillon, who after the peace was strongly attached to the Prince de Conde, went in great haste to Turenne; M. de Turenne got into Stenai; M. de La Rochefoucault, then Prince de Marsillac, returned home to Poitou; and Marechal de Breze, father-in-law to the Prince de Conde, went to Saumur. There was a declaration published and registered in Parliament against them, whereby they were ordered to wait on the King within fifteen days, upon pain of being proceeded against as disturbers of the public peace and guilty of high treason. The Court carried all before them. Madame de Longueville, upon the King going into Normandy, escaped by sea into Holland, whence she went afterwards to Arras, to try La Tour, one of her husband's pensioners, who offered her his person, but refused her the place. She repaired at last to Stenai, whither M. de Turenne went to meet her, with all the friends and servants of the confined Princes that he could muster. The King went from Normandy to Burgundy, and returned to Paris crowned with laurels of victory. The Princess-dowager, who had been ordered to retire to Bourges, came with a petition to Parliament, praying for their protection to stay in Paris, and that she might have justice done her for the illegal confinement of the Princes her children. She fell at the feet of the Duc d'Orleans, begged the protection of the Duc de Beaufort, and said to me that she had the honour to be my kinswoman. M. de Beaufort was very much perplexed what to do, and I was nearly ready to die for shame; but we could do nothing for her, and she was obliged to go to Valery. Several private annuitants, who had made a noise in the assemblies at the Hotel de Ville, were afraid of being called to account, and therefore, after M. le Prince was arrested, they desired me to procure a general amnesty. I spoke about it to the Cardinal, who seemed very pliable, and, showing me his hatband, which was 'a la mode de la Fronde', said he hoped himself to be comprised in that amnesty; but he shuffled it off so long that it was not published and registered in Parliament till the 12th of May, and it would not have been obtained then had not I threatened vigorously to prosecute the Crown witnesses, of which they were mightily apprehensive, being so conscious of the heinousness of their crime that two of them had already made their escape. The present calm hardly deserved that name, for the storm of war began to rise again in several places at once. Madame de Longueville and M. de Turenne made a treaty with the Spaniards, and the latter joined their army, which entered Picardy and besieged Guise, after having taken Catelet; but for want of provisions the Archduke was obliged to raise the siege. M. de Turenne levied troops with Spanish money, and was joined by the greater part of the officers commanding the soldiers that went under the name of the Prince's troops. The wretched conduct of M. d'Epernon had so confounded the affairs of Guienne that nothing but his removal could retrieve them. One of the greatest mischiefs which the despotic authority of ministers has occasioned in the world in these later times is a practice, occasioned by their own private mistaken interests, of always supporting superiors against their inferiors. It is a maxim borrowed from Machiavelli, whom few understand, and whom too many cry up for an able man because he was always wicked. He was very far from being a complete statesman, and was frequently out in his politics, but I think never more grossly mistaken than in this maxim, which I observed as a great weakness in Mazarin, who was therefore the less qualified to settle the affairs of Guienne, which were in so much confusion that I believe if the good sense of Jeannin and Villeroi had been infused into the brains of Cardinal de Richelieu, it would not have been sufficient to set them right. Senneterre, perceiving that Cardinal Mazarin and I were not cordial friends, undertook to reconcile us, and for that end took me to the Cardinal, who embraced me very tenderly, said he laid his heart upon the table, that was one of his usual phrases,--and protested he would talk as freely to me as if I were his own son. I did not believe a word of what he said, but I assured his Eminence that I would speak to him as if he were my father, and I was as good as my word. I told him I had no personal interest in view but to disengage myself from the public disturbances without any private advantage, and that for the same reason I thought myself obliged to come off with reputation and honour. I desired him to consider that my age and want of skill in public affairs could not give him any jealousy that I aimed to be the First Minister. I conjured him to consider also that the influence I had over the people of Paris, supported by mere necessity, did rather reflect disgrace than honour upon my dignity, and that he ought to believe that this one reason was enough to make me impatient to be rid of all these public broils, besides a thousand other inconveniences arising every moment, which disgusted me with faction. And as for the dignity of cardinal, which might peradventure give him some umbrage, I could tell him very sincerely what had been and what was still my notion of this dignity, which I once foolishly imagined would be more honourable for me to despise than to enjoy. I mentioned this circumstance to let him see that in my tender years I was no admirer of the purple, and not very fond of it now, because I was persuaded that an Archbishop of Paris could hardly miss obtaining that dignity some time or other, according to form, by actions purely ecclesiastical; and that he should be loth to use any other means to procure it. I said that I should be extremely sorry if my purple were stained with the least drop of blood spilt in the civil wars; that I was resolved to clear my hands of everything that savoured of intrigue before I would make or suffer any step which had any tendency that way; that he knew that for the same reason I would neither accept money nor abbeys, and that, consequently, I was engaged by the public declarations I had made upon all those heads to serve the Queen without any interest; that the only end I had in view, and in which I never wavered, was to come off with honour, so that I might resume the spiritual functions belonging to my profession with safety; that I desired nothing from him but the accomplishment of an affair which would be more for the King's service than for my particular interest; that he knew that the day after the arrest of the Prince he sent me with his promise to the annuitants of the Hotel de Ville, and that for want of performance those men were persuaded that I was in concert with the Court to deceive them. Lastly, I told him that the access I had to the Duc d'Orleans might perhaps give him umbrage, but I desired him to consider that I never sought that honour, and that I was very sensible of the inconveniences attending it. I enlarged upon this head, which is the most difficult point to be understood by Prime Ministers, who are so fond of being freely admitted into a Prince's presence that, notwithstanding all the experience in the world, they cannot help thinking that therein consists the essence of happiness. When truth has come to a certain point, it darts such powerful rays of light as are irresistible, but I never knew a man who had so little regard for truth as Mazarin. He seemed, however, more regardful of it than usual, and I laid hold of the occasion to tell him of the dangerous consequences of the disturbances of Guienne, and that if he continued to support M. d'Epernon, the Prince's faction would not let this opportunity slip; that if the Parliament of Bordeaux should engage in their party, it would not be long before that of Paris would do the same; that, after the late conflagration in this metropolis, he could not suppose but that there was still some fire hidden under the ashes; and that the factious party had reason to fear the heavy punishment to which the whole body of them was liable, as we ourselves were two or three months ago. The Cardinal began to yield, especially when he was told that M. de Bouillon began to make a disturbance in the Limousin, where M. de La Rochefoucault had joined him with some troops. To confirm our reconciliation, a marriage was proposed between my niece and his nephew, to which he, gave his consent; but I was much averse to it, being not yet resolved to bury my family in that of Mazarin, nor did I set so great a value on grandeur as to purchase it with the public odium. However, it produced no animosity on either side, and his friends knew that I should be very glad to be employed in making a general peace; they acted their parts so well that the Cardinal, whose love-fit for me lasted about a fortnight, promised me, as it were of his own accord, that I should be gratified. News came about this time from Guienne that the Ducs de Bouillon and de La Rochefoucault had taken Madame la Princesse into Bordeaux, together with M. le Duc, her son. The Parliament was not displeased with the people for receiving into their city M. le Duc, yet they observed more decorum than could be expected from the inhabitants of Gascogne, so irritated as they were against M. d'Epernon. They ordered that Madame la Princesse, M. le Duc, MM. de Bouillon and de La Rochefoucault should have liberty to stay in Bordeaux, provided they would promise to undertake nothing against the King's service, and that the petition of Madame la Princesse should be sent to the King with a most humble remonstrance from the Parliament against the confinement of the Princes. At the same time, one of the Presidents sent word to Senneterre that the Parliament was not so far enraged but that they would still remember their loyalty to the King, provided he did but remove M. d'Epernon. But in case of any further delay he would not answer for the Parliament, and much less for the people, who, being now managed and supported by the Prince's party, would in a little time make themselves masters of the Parliament. Senneterre did what he could to induce the Cardinal to make good use of this advice, and M. de Chateauneuf, who was now Chancellor, talked wonderfully well upon the point, but seeing the Cardinal gave no return to his reasons but by exclaiming against the Parliament of Bordeaux for sheltering men condemned by the King's declaration, he said to him very plainly, "Set out to-morrow, monsieur, if you do not arrange matters to-day; you should have been by this time upon the Garonne." The event proved that Chateauneuf was in the right, for though the Parliament was very excited, they stood out a long time against the madness of the people, spurred on by M. de Bouillon, and issued a decree ordering an envoy of Spain, who was sent thither to commence a treaty with the Duc de Bouillon, to depart the city, and forbade any of their body to visit such as had correspondence with Spain, the Princess herself not excepted. Moreover, the mob having undertaken to force the Parliament to unite with the Princes, the Parliament armed the magistracy, who fired upon the people and made them retire. A little time before the King departed for Guienne, which was in the beginning of July, word came that the Parliament of Bordeaux had consented to a union with the Princes, and had sent a deputy to the Parliament of Paris, who had orders to see neither the King nor the ministers, and that the whole province was disposed for a revolt. The Cardinal was in extreme consternation, and commended himself to the favour of the meanest man of the Fronde with the greatest suppleness imaginable. As soon as the King came to the neighbourhood of Bordeaux the deputies of Parliament, who went to meet the Court at Lebourne, were peremptorily commanded to open the gates of the city to the King and to all his troops. They answered that one of their privileges was to guard the King themselves while he was in any of their towns. Upon this, Marechal de La Meilleraye seized the castle of Vaire, in the command of Pichon, whom the Cardinal ordered to be hanged; and M. de Bouillon hanged an officer in Meilleraye's army by way of reprisal. After that the Marshal besieged the city in form, which, despairing of succour from Spain, was forced to capitulate upon the following terms: That a general pardon should be granted to all who had taken up arms and treated with Spain, that all the soldiers should be disbanded except those whom the King had a mind to keep in his pay, that Madame la Princesse and the Duke should be at liberty to reside either in Anjou or at Mouzon, with no more than two hundred foot and sixty horse, and that M. d'Epernon should be recalled from the government of Guienne. The Princess had an interview with both the King and Queen, at which there were great conferences between the Cardinal and the Ducs de Bouillon and de La Rochefoucault. The deputy from Bordeaux, arriving at Paris soon after the King's departure, went immediately, to Parliament, and, after an eloquent harangue, presented a letter from the Parliament of Bordeaux, together with their decrees, and demanded a union between the two Parliaments. After some debates it was resolved that the deputy should deliver his credentials in writing, which should be presented to his Majesty by the deputies of the Parliament of Paris, who would, at the same time, most humbly beseech the Queen to restore peace to Guienne. The Duc d'Orleans was against debating about the petition to the Queen for the liberation of the Priuces and the banishment of Cardinal Mazarin; nevertheless, many of the members voted for it, upon a motion made by the President Viole, who was a warm partisan of the Prince de Conde, not because he had hopes of carrying it, but on purpose to embarrass M. de Beaufort and myself upon a subject of which we did not care to speak, and yet did not dare to be altogether silent about, without passing in some measure for Mazarinists. President Viole did the Prince a great deal of service on this occasion, for Bourdet a brave soldier, who had been captain of the Guards and was attached to the interest of the Prince-- performed an action which emboldened the party very much, though it had no success. He dressed himself and fourscore other officers of his troops in mason's clothes, and having assembled many of the dregs of the people, to whom he had distributed money, came directly to the Duc d'Orleans as he was going out, and cried, "No Mazarin! God bless the Princes!" His Royal Highness, at this apparition and the firing of a brace of pistols at the same time by Bourdet, ran to the Great Chamber; but M. de Beaufort stood his ground so well with the Duke's guards and our men, that Bourdet was repulsed and thrown down the Parliament stairs. But the confusion in the Great Chamber was still worse. There were daily assemblies, wherein the Cardinal was severely attacked, and the Prince's party had the pleasure of exposing us as his accomplices. What is very strange is that at the same time the Cardinal and his friends accused us of corresponding with the Parliament of Bordeaux, because we maintained, in case the Court did not adjust affairs there, we would infallibly bring the Parliament of Paris into the interest of the Prince. If I were at the point of death I should have no need to be confessed on account of my behaviour on this occasion. I acted with as much sincerity in this juncture as if I had been the Cardinal's nephew, though really it was not out of any love to him, but because I thought myself obliged in prudence to oppose the progress of the Prince's faction, owing to the foolish conduct of his enemies; and to this end I was obliged to oppose the flattery of the Cardinal's tools as much as the efforts made by those who were in the service of the Prince. On the 3d of September President Bailleul returned with the other deputies, and made a report in Parliament of his journey to Court; it was, in brief, that the Queen thanked the Parliament for their good intentions, and had commanded them to assure the Parliament in her name that she was ready to restore peace to Guienne, and that it would have been done before now had not M. de Bouillon, who had treated with the Spaniards, made himself master of Bordeaux, and thereby cut off the effects of his Majesty's goodness. The Duc d'Orleans informed the House that he had received a letter from the Archduke, signifying that the King of Spain having sent him full powers to treat for a general peace, he desired earnestly to negotiate it with him. But his Royal Highness added that he did not think it proper to return him any answer till he had the opinion of the Parliament. The trumpeter who brought the letter gathered a party at Tiroir cross, and spoke very seditious words to the people. The next day they found libels posted up and down the city in the name of M. de Turenne, setting forth that the Archduke was coming with no other disposition than to make peace, and in one of them were these words: "It is your business, Parisians, to solicit your false tribunes, who have turned at last pensioners and protectors of Mazarin, who have for so long a time sported with your fortunes and repose, and spurred you on, kept you back, and made you hot or cold, according to the caprices and different progress of their ambition." You see the state and condition the Frondeurs were in at this juncture, when they could not move one step but to their own disadvantage. The Duc d'Orleans spoke to me that night with a, great deal of bitterness against the Cardinal, which he had never done before, and said he had been tricked by him twice, and that he was ruining himself, the State, and all of us, and would, by so doing, place the Prince de Conde upon the throne. In short, Monsieur owned that it was not yet time to humble the Cardinal. "Therefore," said M. Bellievre, "let us be upon our guard; this man can give us the slip any moment." Next day a letter was sent from the Prince de Conde, by the Baron de Verderonne, to the Archduke, desiring him to name the time, place and persons for a treaty. The Baron returned with a letter from the Archduke to his Royal Highness, desiring that the conferences might be held between Rheims and Rhetel, and that they might meet there personally, with such others as they should think fit to bring with them. The Court was surprised, but, however, did not think fit to delay sending full powers to his Royal Highness to treat for peace on such terms as he thought reasonable and advantageous for the King's service; and there were joined with him, though in subordination, MM. Mole, the First President, d'Avaux, and myself, with the title of Ambassadors Extraordinary and Plenipotentiaries. M. d'Avaux obliged me to assure Don Gabriel de Toledo, in private, that if the Spaniards would but come to reasonable terms, we would conclude a peace with them in two days' time. And his Royal Highness said that Don Gabriel being a lover of money, I should promise him for his part 100,000 crowns if the conference that was proposed ended in a peace, and bid him tell the Archduke that, if the Spaniards proposed reasonable terms, he would sign and have them registered in Parliament before Mazarin should know anything of the matter. Don Gabriel received the overture with joy; he had some particular fancies, but Fuensaldagne, who had a particular kindness for him, said that he was the wisest fool he ever saw in his life. I have remarked more than once that this sort of man cannot persuade, but can insinuate perfectly well, and that the talent of insinuation is of more service than that of persuasion, because one may insinuate to a hundred where one can hardly persuade five. The King of England, after having lost the battle of Worcester, arrived in Paris the day that Don Gabriel set out, the 13th of September, 1651. My Lord Taff was his great chamberlain, valet de chambre, clerk of the kitchen, cup-bearer, and all,--an equipage answerable to his Court, for his Majesty had not changed his shirt all the way from England. Upon his arrival at Paris, indeed, he had one lent him by my Lord Jermyn; but the Queen, his mother, had not money to buy him another for the next day. The Duc d'Orleans went to compliment his Majesty upon his arrival, but it was not in my power to persuade his Royal Highness to give his nephew one penny, because, said he, "a little would not be worth his acceptance, and a great deal would engage me to do as much hereafter." This leads me to make the following digression: that there is nothing so wretched as to be a minister to a Prince, and, at the same time, not his favourite; for it is his favour only that gives one a power over the more minute concerns of the family, for which the public does, nevertheless, think a minister accountable when they, see he has power over affairs of far greater consequence. Therefore I was not in a condition to oblige his Royal Highness by assisting the King of England with a thousand pistoles, for which I was horridly, ashamed, both upon his account anal my own; but I borrowed fifteen hundred for him from M. Morangis, and carried them to my Lord Taff.--[Lord Clarendon extols the civilities of Cardinal de Retz to King Charles II., and has reported a curious conversation which the Cardinal had with that Prince.]--It is remarkable that the same night, as I was going home, I met one Tilney, an Englishman whom I had formerly known at Rome, who told me that Vere, a great Parliamentarian and a favourite of Cromwell, had arrived in Paris and had orders to see me. I was a little puzzled; however, I judged it would be improper to refuse him an interview. Vere gave me a brief letter from Cromwell in the nature of credentials, importing that the sentiments I had enunciated in the "Defence of Public Liberty" added to my reputation, and had induced Cromwell to desire to enter with me into the strictest friendship. The letter was in the main wonderfully civil and complaisant. I answered it with a great deal of respect, but in such a manner as became a true Catholic and an honest Frenchman. Vere appeared to be a man of surprising abilities. I now return to our own affairs. I was told as a mighty secret that Tellier had orders from the Cardinal to remove the Princes from the Bois de Vincennes if the enemy were likely to come near the place, and that he should endeavour by all means to procure the consent of the Duc d'Orleans for that end; but that, in case of refusal, these orders should be executed notwithstanding, and that he should endeavour to gain me to these measures by the means of Madame de Chevreuse. When Tellier came to me I assured him that it was all one, both to me and the Duc d'Orleans, whether the Princes were removed or not, but since my opinion was desired, I must declare that I think nothing can be more contrary to the true interest of the King; "for," said I, "the Spaniards must gain a battle before they can come to Vincennes, and when there they must have a flying camp to invest the place before they can deliver the Princes from confinement, and therefore I am convinced that there is no necessity for their removal, and I do affirm that all unnecessary changes in matters which are in themselves disagreeable are pernicious, because odious. I will maintain, further, that there is less reason to fear the Duc d'Orleans and the Frondeurs than to dread the Spaniards. Suppose that his Royal Highness is more disaffected towards the Court than anybody; suppose further that M. de Beaufort and I have a mind to relieve the Princes, in what way could we do it? Is not the whole garrison in that castle in the King's service? Has his Royal Highness any regular troops to besiege Vincennes? And, granting the Frondeurs to be the greatest fools imaginable, will they expose the people of Paris at a siege which two thousand of the King's troops might raise in a quarter of an hour though it consist of a hundred thousand citizens? I therefore conclude that the removal would be altogether impolitic. Does it not look rather as if the Cardinal feigns apprehension of the Spaniards only as a pretence to make himself master of the Princes, and to dispose of their persons at pleasure? The generality of the people, being Frondeurs, will conclude you take the Prince de Conde out of their hands,--whom they look upon to be safe while they see him walking upon the battlements of his prison,--and that you will give him his liberty when you please, and thus enable him to besiege Paris a second time. On the other hand, the Prince's party will improve this removal very much to their own advantage by the compassion such a spectacle will raise in the people when they see three Princes dragged in chains from one prison to another. I was really mistaken just now when I said the case was all one to me, for I see that I am nearly concerned, because the people--in which word I include the Parliament will cry out against it; I must be then obliged, for my own safety, to say I did not approve of the resolution. Then the Court will be informed that I find fault with it, and not only that, but that I do it in order to raise the mob and discredit the Cardinal, which, though ever so false; yet in consequence the people will firmly believe it, and thus I shall meet with the same treatment I met with in the beginning of the late troubles, and what I even now experience in relation to the affairs of Guienne. I am said to be the cause of these troubles because I foretold them, and I was said to encourage the revolt at Bordeaux because I was against the conduct that occasioned it." Tellier, in the Queen's name, thanked me for my unresisting disposition, and made the same proposal to his Royal Highness; upon which I spoke, not to second Tellier, who pleaded for the necessity of the removal, to which I could by no means be reconciled, but to make it evident to his Royal Highness that he was not in any way concerned in it in his own private capacity, and that, in case the Queen did command it positively, it was his duty to obey. M. de Beaufort opposed it so furiously as to offer the Duc d'Orleans to attack the guards which were to remove him. I had solid reasons to dissuade him from it, to the last of which he submitted, it being an argument which I had from the Queen's own mouth when she set out for Guienne, that Bar offered to assassinate the Princes if it should happen that he was not in a condition to hinder their escape. I was astonished when her Majesty trusted me with this secret, and imagined that the Cardinal had possessed her with a fear that the Frondeurs had a design to seize the person of the Prince de Conde. For my part, I never dreamed of such a thing in my life. The Ducs d'Orleans and de Beaufort were both shocked at the thought of it, and, in short, it was agreed that his Royal Highness should give his consent for the removal, and that M. de Beaufort and myself should not give it out among the people that we approved of it. The day that the Princes were removed to Marcoussi, President Bellievre told the Keeper of the Seals in plain terms, that if he continued to treat me as he had done hitherto, he should be obliged in honour to give his testimony to the truth. To which the Keeper of the Seals returned this blunt answer: "The Princes are no longer in sight of Paris; the Coadjutor must not therefore talk so loud." I return now to the Parliament, which was so moderate at this time that the Cardinal was hardly mentioned, and they agreed, 'nemine contradicente', that the Parliament should send deputies to Bordeaux to know once for all if that Parliament was for peace or not. Soon after this the Parliament of Toulouse wrote to that of Paris concerning the disturbances in Guienne, part whereof belonged to their jurisdiction, and expressly demanded a decree of union. But the Duc d'Orleans warded off the blow very dexterously, which was of great consequence, and, more by his address than by his authority, brought the Parliament to dismiss the deputies with civil answers and insignificant expressions, upon which President Bellievre said to me, "What pleasure should we not take in acting as we do if it were for persons that had but the sense to appreciate it!" The Parliament did not continue long in that calm. They passed a decree to interrogate the State prisoners in the Bastille, broke out sometimes like a whirlwind, with thunder and lightning, against Cardinal Mazarin; at other times they complained of the misapplication of the public funds. We had much ado to ward off the blows, and should not have been able to hold out long against the fury of the waves but for the news of the Peace of Bordeaux, which was registered there on October the 1st, 1650, and put the Prince de Conde's party into consternation. One mean artifice of Cardinal Mazarin's polity was always to entertain some men of our own party, with whom, half reconciled, he played fast and loose before our eyes, and was eternally negotiating with them, deceiving and being deceived in his turn. The consequence of all this was a great, thick cloud, wherein the Frondeurs themselves were at last involved; but which they burst with a thunderclap. The Cardinal, being puffed up with his success in settling the troubles of Guienne, thought of nothing else than crowning his triumph by chastising the Frondeurs, who, he said, had made use of the King's absence to alienate the Duc d'Orleans from his service, to encourage the revolt at Bordeaux, and to make themselves masters of the persons of the Princes. At the same time, he told the Princess Palatine that he detested the cruel hatred I bore to the Prince de Conde, and that the propositions I made daily to him on that score were altogether unworthy of a Christian. Yet he suggested to the Duc d'Orleans that I made great overtures to him to be reconciled to the Court, but that he could not trust me, because I was from morning to night negotiating with the friends of the Prince de Conde. Thus the Cardinal rewarded me for what I did with incredible application and, I must say, uncommon sincerity for the Queen's service during the Court's absence. I do not mention the dangers I was in twice or thrice a day, surpassing even those of soldiers in battles. For imagine, I beseech you, what pain and anguish I must have been in at hearing myself called a Mazarinist, and at having to bear all the odium annexed to that hateful appellation in a city where he made it his business to destroy me in the opinion of a Prince whose nature it was to be always in fear and to trust none but such as hoped to rise by my fall. The Cardinal gave himself such airs after the peace at Bordeaux that some said my best way would be to retire before the King's return. Cardinal Mazarin had been formerly secretary to Pancirole, the Pope's nuncio for the peace of Italy, whom he betrayed, and it was proved that he had a secret correspondence with the Governor of Milan. Pancirole, being created cardinal and Secretary of State to the Church, did not forget the perfidiousness of his secretary, now created cardinal by Pope Urban, at the request of Cardinal de Richelieu, and did not at all endeavour to qualify the anger which Pope Innocent had conceived against Mazarin after the assassination of one of his nephews, in conjunction with Cardinal Anthony. [Anthony Barberini, nephew to Urban VIII., created Cardinal 1628, made Protector of the Crown of France 1633, and Great Almoner of the Kingdom 1653. He was afterwards Bishop of Poitiers, and, lastly, Archbishop of Rheims in 1657. Died 1671.] Pancirole, who thought he could not affront Mazarin more than by contributing to make me cardinal, did me all the kind offices with Pope Innocent, who gave him leave to treat with me in that affair. Madame de Chevreuse told the Queen all that she had observed in my conduct in the King's absence, and what she had seen was certainly one continued series of considerable services done to the Queen. She recounted at last all the injustice done me, the contempt put upon me, and the just grounds of my diffidence, which, she said, of necessity ought to be removed, and that the only means of removing it was the hat. The Queen was in a passion at this. The Cardinal defended himself, not by an open denial, for he had offered it me several times, but by recommending patience, intimating that a great monarch should be forced to nothing. Monsieur, seconding Madame de Chevreuse in her attack, assailed the Cardinal, who, at least in appearance, gave way, out of respect for his Royal Highness. Madame de Chevreuse, having brought them to parley, did not doubt that she should also bring them to capitulate, especially when she saw the Queen was appeased, and had told his Royal Highness that she was infinitely obliged to him, and would do what her Council judged most proper and reasonable. This Council, which was only a specious name, consisted only of the Cardinal, the Keeper of the Seals, Tellier, and Servien. The matter was proposed to the Council by the Cardinal with much importunity, concluding with a most submissive petition to the Queen to condescend to the demand of the Duc d'Orleans, and to what the services and merits of the Coadjutor demanded. The proposition was rejected with such resolution and contempt as is very unusual in Council in opposition to a Prime Minister. Tellier and Servien thought it sufficient not to applaud him; but the Keeper of the Seals quite forgot his respect for the Cardinal, accused him of prevarication and weakness, and threw himself at her Majesty's feet, conjuring her in the name of the King her son, not to authorise, by an example which he called fatal, the insolence of a subject who was for wresting favours from his sovereign, sword in hand. The Queen was moved at this, and the poor Cardinal owned he had been too easy and pliant. I had myself given a very natural handle to my adversaries to expose me so egregiously. I have been guilty of many blunders, but I think this is the grossest that I ever was guilty of in all my life. I have frequently made this observation, that when men have, through fear of miscarriage, hesitated a long time about any undertaking of consequence, the remaining impressions of their fear commonly push them afterwards with too much precipitancy upon the execution of their design. And this was my case. It was with the greatest reluctance that I determined to accept the dignity of a cardinal, because I thought it too mean to form a pretension to it without certainty of success; and no sooner was I engaged in the pursuit of it but the impression of the former fearful ideas hurried me on, as it were, to the end, that I might get as soon as possible out of the disagreeable state of uncertainty. The Cardinal would have paid my debts, given me the place of Grand Almoner, etc.; but if he had added twelve cardinals' hats into the bargain, I should have begged his excuse. I was now engaged with Monsieur, who had, meanwhile, resolved upon the release of the Princes from their confinement. Cardinal Mazarin, after his return to Paris, made it his chief study to divide the Fronde. He thought to materially weaken my interest with Monsieur by detaching from me Madame de Chevreuse, for whom he had a natural tenderness, and to give me a mortal blow by embroiling me with Mademoiselle her daughter. To do this effectually he found a rival, who, he hoped, would please her better, namely, M. d'Aumale, handsome as Apollo, and one who was very likely to suit the temper of Mademoiselle de Chevreuse. He had entirely devoted himself to the Cardinal's interest, looked upon himself as very much honoured by this commission, and haunted the Palace of Chevreuse so diligently that I did not doubt but that he was sent thither to act the second part of the comedy which had miscarried so shamefully in the hands of M. de Candale. I watched all his movements, and complained to Mademoiselle de Chevreuse, but she gave me indirect answers. I began to be out of humour, and was soon appeased. I grew peevish again; and Mademoiselle de Chevreuse saying in his presence, to please me and to sting him, that she could not imagine how it was possible to bear a silly fellow, "Pardon me, mademoiselle," replied I, "we suffer fops sometimes very patiently for the sake of their extravagances." This man was notoriously foppish and extravagant. My answer pleased, and we soon got rid of him at the Palace of Chevreuse. But he thought to have despatched me, for he hired one Grandmaison, a ruffian, to assassinate me, who apprised me of his design. The first time I met M. d'Aumale, which was at the Duc d'Orleans's house, I did not fail to let him know it; but I told it him in a whisper, saying that I had too much respect for the House of Savoy to publish it to the world. He denied the fact, but in such a manner as to make it more evident, because he conjured me to keep it secret. I gave him my word, and I kept it. Madame de Guemenee, with whom I had several quarrels, proposed to the Queen likewise to despatch me, by shutting me up in a greenhouse in her garden, which she might easily have done, because I often went to her alone by night; but the Cardinal, fearing that the people would have suspected him as the author of my sudden disappearance, would not enter into the project, so it was dropped. To return to our negotiations for the freedom of the Princes. The Duc d'Orleans was with much difficulty induced to sign the treaty by which a marriage was stipulated between Mademoiselle de Chevreuse and the Prince de Conti, and to promise not to oppose my promotion to the dignity of a cardinal. The Princes were as active in the whole course of these negotiations as if they had been at liberty. We wrote to them, and they to us, and a regular correspondence between Paris and Lyons was never better established than ours. Bar, [Bar was, according to M. Joly, an unsociable man, who was for raising his fortune by using the Princes badly, and who, on this account, was often the dupe of Montreuil, secretary to the Prince de Conti.--See JOLY'S "Memoirs," vol. i., p. 88.] their warder, was a very shallow fellow; besides, men of sense are sometimes outwitted. Cardinal Mazarin, upon his return with the King from Guienne, was greatly pleased with the acclamations of the mob, but he soon grew weary of them, for the Frondeurs still kept the wall. The Cardinal being continually provoked at Paris by the Abbe Fouquet, who sought to make himself necessary, and being so vain as to think himself qualified to command an army, marched abruptly out of Paris for Champagne, with a design to retake Rhetel and Chateau-Portien, of which the enemy were possessed, and where M. de Turenne proposed to winter. On the feast of Saint Martin, the First President and the Attorney- General Talon exhorted the Parliament to be peaceable, that the enemies of the State might have no advantage. A petition was read from Madame la Princesse, desiring that the Princes should be brought to the Louvre and remain in the custody, of one of the King's officers, and that the Solicitor-General be sent for to say what he had to allege against their innocence, and that in case he should have nothing solid to offer they be set at liberty. The Chambers, being assembled on the 7th of December, to take the affair into consideration, Talon, the Attorney-General, informed the House that the Queen had sent for the King's Council, and ordered them to let the Parliament know that it was her pleasure that the House should not take any cognisance of the Princess's petition, because everything that had relation to the confinement of the Princes belonged to the royal authority. Talon made a motion that the Parliament should depute some members to carry the petition to the Queen, and to beseech her Majesty to take it into her consideration. At the same time another petition was presented from Mademoiselle de Longueville, for the liberty of the Duke her father, and that she might have leave to stay in Paris to solicit it. No sooner was this petition read than a letter from the three Princes was presented and read, praying that they might be brought to trial or set at liberty. On the 9th day of the month an order was brought to the Parliament from the King, commanding the House to suspend all deliberations on this subject till they had first sent their deputies to Court to know his Majesty's pleasure. Deputies were sent immediately, to whom, accordingly, the Queen gave audience in bed, telling them that she was very much indisposed. The Keeper of the Seals added that it was the King's pleasure that the Parliament should not meet at all until such time as the Queen his mother had recovered her health. On the 10th the House resolved to adjourn only to the 14th, and on that day a general procession was proposed to the Archbishop by the Dean of Parliament, to beg that God would inspire them with such counsels only as might be for the good of the public. On the 14th they received the King's letter, forbidding their debates, and informing them that the Queen would satisfy them very speedily about the affair of the Princes; but this letter was disregarded. They sent a deputation to invite the Duc d'Orleans to come to the House, but, after consulting with the Queen, he told the deputies that he did not care to go, that the Assembly was too noisy, that he could not divine what they would be at, that the affairs in debate were never known to fall under their cognisance, and that they had nothing else to do but to refer the said petitions to the Queen. On the 18th news came that Marechal du Plessis had gained a signal victory over M. de Turenne, who was coming to succour Rhetel, but found it already surrendered to Marechal du Plessis; and the Spanish garrison, endeavouring to retreat, was forced to an engagement on the plains of Saumepuis; that about 2,000 men were killed upon the spot, among the rest a brother of the Elector Palatine, and six colonels, and that there were nearly 4,000 prisoners, the most considerable of whom were several persons of note, and all the colonels, besides twenty colours and eighty- four standards. You may easily guess at the consternation of the Princes' party; my house was all night filled with the lamentations of despairing mourners, and I found the Duc d'Orleans, as it were, struck dumb. On the 19th, as I went to the Parliament House, the people looked melancholy, dejected, and frightened out of their wits. The members were afraid to open their mouths, and nobody would mention the name of Mazarin except Menardeau Champre, who spoke of him with encomiums, by giving him the honour of the victory of Rhetel, and then he moved the House to entreat the Queen to put the Princes into the hands of that good and wise Minister, who would be as careful of them as he had been hitherto of the State. I wondered most of all that this man was not hissed in the House, and especially as he passed through the Great Hall. This circumstance, together with what I saw that afternoon in every street, convinced me how much our friends were dispirited, and I therefore resolved next day to raise their courage. I knew the First President to be purblind, and such men greedily swallow every new fact which confirms them in their first impression. I knew likewise the Cardinal to be a man that supposed everybody had a back door. The only way of dealing with men of that stamp is to make them believe that you design to deceive those whom you earnestly endeavour to serve. For this reason, on the 20th, I declaimed against the disorders of the State, and showed that it having pleased Almighty God to bless his Majesty's arms and to remove the public enemy from our frontiers by the victory gained over them by Marechal du Plessis, we ought now to apply ourselves seriously to the healing of internal wounds of the State, which are the more dangerous because they are less obvious. To this I thought fit to add that I was obliged to mention the general oppression of the subjects at a time when we had nothing more to fear from the lately routed Spaniards; that, as one of the props of the public safety was the preservation of the royal family, I could not without the utmost concern see the Princes breathe the unwholesome air of Havre-de-Grace, and that I was of opinion that the House should humbly entreat the King to remove them, at least to some place more healthy. At this speech everybody regained their courage and concluded that all was not yet lost. It was observed that the people's countenances were altered. Those in the Great Hall resumed their former zeal, made the usual acclamations as we went out, and I had that day three hundred carriages of visitors. On the 22d the debate was continued, and it was more and more observed that the Parliament did not follow the triumphant chariot of Cardinal Mazarin, whose imprudence in hazarding the fate of the whole kingdom in the last battle was set off with all the disadvantages that could be invented to tarnish the victory. The 30th crowned the work, and produced a decree for making most humble remonstrances to the Queen for the liberty of the Princes and for Mademoiselle de Longueville staying in Paris. It was further resolved to send a deputation to the Duc d'Orleans, to desire his Royal Highness to use his interest on this occasion in favour of the said Princes. The King's Council having waited on her Majesty with the remonstrances aforesaid, she pretended to be under medical treatment, and put off the matter a week longer. The Duc d'Orleans also gave an ambiguous answer. The Queen's course of treatment continued eight or ten days longer than she imagined, or, rather, than she said, and consequently the remonstrances of the Parliament were not made till the 20th of January, 1651. On the 28th the First President made his report, and said the Queen had promised to return an answer in a few days. It happened very luckily for us at this time that the imprudence of the Cardinal was greater than the inconstancy of the Duc d'Orleans, for a little before the Queen returned an answer to the remonstrances, he talked very roughly to the Duke in the Queen's presence, charging him with putting too much confidence in me. The very day that the Queen made the aforesaid answer he spoke yet more arrogantly to the Duke in her Majesty's apartment, comparing M. de Beaufort and myself to Cromwell and Fairfax in the House of Commons in England, and exclaimed furiously in the King's presence, so that he frightened the Duke, who was glad he got out of the King's Palace with a whole skin, and who said that he would never put himself again in the power of that furious woman, meaning the Queen, because she had improved on what the Cardinal had said to the King. I resolved to strike the iron while it was hot, and joined with M. de Beaufort to persuade his Royal Highness to declare himself the next day in Parliament. We showed him that, after what had lately passed, there was no safety for his person, and if the King should go out of Paris, as the Cardinal designed, we should be engaged in a civil war, whereof he alone, with the city of Paris, must bear the heavy load; that it would be equally scandalous and dangerous for his Royal Highness either to leave the Princes in chains, after having treated with them, or, by his dilatory proceedings, suffer Mazarin to have all the honour of setting them at liberty, and that he ought by all means to go to the Parliament House. The Duchess, too, seconded us, and upon his Highness saying that if he went to the House to declare against the Court the Cardinal would be sure to take his Majesty out of Paris, the Duchess replied, "What, monsieur, are you not Lieutenant-General of France? Do not you command the army? Are you not master of the people? I myself will undertake that the King shall not go out of Paris." The Duke nevertheless remained inflexible, and all we could get out of him was that he would consent to my telling the Parliament, in his name, what we desired he should say himself. In a word, he would have me make the experiment, the success of which he looked upon to be very uncertain, because he thought the Parliament would have nothing to say against the Queen's answer, and that if I succeeded he should reap the honour of the proposition. I readily accepted the commission, because all was at stake, and if I had not executed it the next morning I am sure the Cardinal would have eluded setting the Princes at liberty a great while longer, and the affair have ended in a negotiation with them against the Duke. The Duchess, who saw that I exposed myself for the public good, pitied me very much. She did all she could to persuade the Duke to command me to mention to the Parliament what the Cardinal had told the King with relation to Cromwell, Fairfax and the English Parliament, which, if declared in the Duke's name, she thought would excite the House the more against Mazarin; and she was certainly in the right. But he forbade me expressly. I ran about all night to incite the members at their first meeting to murmur at the Queen's answer, which in the main was very plausible, importing that, though this affair did not fall within the cognisance of Parliament, the Queen would, however, out of her abundant goodness, have regard to their supplications and restore the Princes to liberty. Besides, it promised a general amnesty to all who had borne arms in their favour, on condition only that M. de Turenne should lay down his arms, that Madame de Longueville should renounce her treaty with Spain, and that Stenai and Murzon should be evacuated. At first the Parliament seemed to be dazzled with it, but next day, the 1st of February, the whole House was undeceived, and wondered how it had been so deluded. The Court of Inquests began to murmur; Viole stood up and said that the Queen's answer was but a snare laid for the Parliament to beguile them; that the 12th of March, the time fixed for the King's coronation, was just at hand; and that as soon as the Court was out of Paris they, would laugh at the Parliament. At this discourse the old and new Fronde stood up, and when I saw they, were greatly excited I waved my, cap and said that the Duke had commanded me to inform the House that the regard he had for their sentiments having confirmed him in those he always naturally, entertained of his cousins, he was resolved to concur with them for procuring their liberty, and to contribute everything in his power to effect it; and it is incredible what influence these few words had upon the whole assembly. I was astonished at it myself. The wisest senators seemed as mad as the common people, and the people madder than ever. Their acclamations exceeded anything you can imagine, and, indeed, nothing less was sufficient to give heart to the Duke, who had all night been bringing forth new projects with more sorrowful pangs and throes (as the Duchess expressed it) than ever she had felt when in labour with all her children. When he was fully informed of the good success of his declaration, he embraced me several times before all the company, and M. Tellier going to wait upon him from the Queen, to know if he acknowledged what I had said in his name in the House, "Yes," replied he, "I own, and always will own, all that he shall say or act in my name." We thought that after a solemn declaration of this nature the Duke would not scruple to take all the necessary precautions to prevent the Cardinal carrying away the King, and to that end the Duchess did propose to have all the gates of the city well guarded, under pretence of some popular tumults. But he was deaf to all she said, pretending that he was loth to make his King a prisoner. On the 2d of February, 1651, the Duke, urged very importunately by the Princes' party informing him that their liberty depended on it, told them that he was going to perform an action which would remove all their diffidence. He sent immediately for the Keeper of the Seals, Marechal Villeroi; and Tellier, and bade them tell the Queen that he would never come to the Palais Royal as long as Mazarin was there, and that he could no longer treat with a man that ruined the State. And, then, turning towards Marechal Villeroi, "I charge you," said he, "with the King's person; you shall be answerable for him to me." I was sadly afraid this would be a means to hasten the King's departure, which was what we dreaded most of all, and I wondered that the Cardinal did not remove after such a declaration. I thought his head was turned, and indeed I was told that he was beside himself for a fortnight together. The Duke having openly declared against Mazarin, and being resolved to attack and drive him out of the kingdom, bade me inform the House next day, in his name, how the Cardinal had compared their body to the Rump Parliament in England, and some of their members to Cromwell and Fairfax. I improved upon this as much as possible, and I daresay that so much heat and ferment was never seen in any society before. Some were for sending the Cardinal a personal summons to appear on the spot, to give an account of his administration; but the most moderate were for making most humble remonstrances to the Queen for his removal. You may easily guess what a thunderclap this must have been to the Court. The Queen asked the Duke whether she might bring the Cardinal to his Royal Highness. His answer was that he did not think it good for the safety of his own person. She offered to come alone to confer with his Highness at the Palais d'Orleans, but he excused himself with a great deal of respect. He sent orders an hour after to the Marshals of France to obey him only, as Lieutenant-General of the State, and likewise to the 'prevots des marchands' not to take up arms except by his authority. You will wonder, without doubt, that after all this noise no care was taken of the gates of Paris to prevent the King's departure. The Duchess, who trembled at the thoughts of it, daily redoubled her endeavours to induce the Duke to secure the gates of the city, but all to no purpose; for weak minds are generally deficient in some respect or other. On the 4th the Duke came to the Parliament and assured the assembly of his concurrence in everything to reform the State and to procure the liberty of the Princes and the Cardinal's removal. As soon as his Royal Highness had done speaking, the Master of the Ceremonies was admitted with a letter from the King, which was read, and which required the House to separate, and to send as many deputies as they could to the Palais Royal to hear the King's will and pleasure. Deputies were accordingly sent immediately, for whose return the bulk of the members stayed in the Great Chamber. I was informed that this was one trick among others concerted to ruin me, and, telling the Duc d'Orleans of it, he said that if the old buffoon, the Keeper of the Seals, was concerned in such a complication of folly and knavery, he deserved to be hanged by the side of Mazarin. But the sequel showed that I was not out in my information. As soon as the deputies were come to the Palais Royal, the First President told the Queen that the Parliament was extremely concerned that the Princes were still confined, notwithstanding her royal promise for setting them at liberty. The Queen replied that Marchal de Grammont was sent to release them and to see to their necessary security for the public tranquillity, but that she had sent for them in relation to another affair, which the Keeper of the Seals would explain to them, and which he couched in a sanguinary manifesto, in substance as follows: "All the reports made by the Coadjutor in Parliament are false, and invented by him. He lies!" (This is the only word the Queen added to what was already written). "He is a very wicked, dangerous man, and gives the Duke very pernicious advice; he wants to ruin the State because we have refused to make him cardinal, and has publicly boasted that he will set fire to the four corners of the kingdom, and that he will have 100,000 men in readiness to dash out the brains of those that shall attempt to put it out." These expressions were very harsh, and I am sure that I never said anything like that; but it was of no use at this time to make the cloud which was gathering over the head of Mazarin fall in a storm upon mine. The Court saw that Parliament was assembled to pass a decree for setting the Princes at liberty, and that the Duke in person was declaring against Mazarin in the Grand Chamber, and therefore they believed that a diversion would be as practicable as it was necessary, namely, to bring me upon my trial in such a manner that the Parliament could not refuse nor secure me from the railleries of the most inconsiderable member. Everything that tended to render the attack plausible was made use of, as well as everything that might weaken my defence. The writing was signed by the four Secretaries of State, and, the better to defeat all that I could say in my justification, the Comte de Brienne was sent at the heels of the deputies with an order to desire the Duc d'Orleans to come to a conference with the Queen in relation to some few difficulties that remained concerning the liberty of the Princes. When the deputies had returned to Parliament, the First President began with reading the paper which had been delivered to him against me, upon which you might have read astonishment in every face. Menardeau, who was to open the trenches against me, was afraid of a salvo from the Great Hall, where he found such a crowd of people, and heard so many acclamations to the Fronde, and so many imprecations against Mazarin, that he durst not open his mouth against me, but contented himself with a pathetic lamentation of the division that was in the State, and especially in the royal family. The councillors were so divided that some of them were for appointing public prayers for two days; others proposed to desire his Royal Highness to take care of the public safety. I resolved to treat the writing drawn up against me by the Cardinal as a satire and a libel, and, by some ingenious, short passage, to arouse the minds of my hearers. As my memory did not furnish me with anything in ancient authors that had any relation to my subject, I made a small discourse in the best Latin I was capable of, and then spoke thus: "Were it not for the profound respect I bear to the persons who have spoken before me, I could not forbear complaining of their not crying out against such a scurrilous, satirical paper, which was just now read, contrary to all forms of proceeding, and written in the same style as lately profaned the sacred name of the King, to encourage false witnesses by letters-patent. I believe that those persons thought this paper, which is but a sally of the furious Mazarin, to be much beneath themselves and me. And that I may conform my opinion to theirs, I will answer only by repeating a passage from an ancient author: 'In the worst of times I did not forsake the city, in the most prosperous I had no particular views, and in the most desperate times of all I feared nothing.' I desire to be excused for running into this digression. I move that you would make humble remonstrances to the King, to desire him to despatch an order immediately for setting the Princes at liberty, to make a declaration in their favour, and to remove Cardinal Mazarin from his person and Councils." My opinion was applauded both by the Frondeurs and the Prince's party, and carried almost 'nemine contradicente'. Talon, the Attorney-General, did wonders. I never heard or read anything more eloquent or nervous. He invoked the names of Henri the Great, and upon his knees recommended the kingdom of France in general to the protection of Saint Louis. Brienne, who had been sent by the Queen to desire an interview with the Duc d'Orleans, was dismissed with no other answer than that the Duke would come to pay his humble duty to the Queen as soon as the Princes were at liberty, and Cardinal Mazarin removed from the King's person and Councils. On the 5th of February there was an assembly of the, nobility at Nemours for recovering their privileges. I opposed it to the utmost of my power, for I had experienced more than once that nothing can be more pernicious to a party than to engage without any necessity in such affairs as have the bare appearance of faction, but I was obliged to comply. This assembly, however, was so terrifying to the Court that six companies of the Guards were ordered to mount, with which the Duc d'Orleans was so offended that he sent word to the officers, in his capacity of Lieutenant-General of the State, to receive no orders but from himself. They answered very respectfully, but as men devoted to the Queen's interest. On the 6th, the Duke having taken his place in the Parliament, the King's Council acquainted the House that, having been sent to wait on her Majesty with the remonstrances, her Majesty's answer was that no person living wished more for the liberty of the Princes than herself, but that it was reasonable at the same time to consult the safety of the State; that as for Cardinal Mazarin, she was resolved to retain him in her Council as long as she found his assistance necessary for the King's service; and that it did not belong to the Parliament to concern themselves with any of her ministers. The First President was shrewdly attacked in the House for not being more resolute in speaking to the Queen. Some were for sending him back to demand another audience in the afternoon; and the Duc d'Orleans having said that the Marshals of France were dependent on Mazarin, it was resolved immediately that they should obey none but his Royal Highness. I was informed that very evening that the Cardinal had made his escape out of Paris in disguise, and that the Court was in a very great consternation. The Cardinal's escape was the common topic of conversation, and different reasons were assigned to it, according to the various interests of different parties. As for my part, I am very well persuaded that fear was the only reason of his flight, and that nothing else hindered him from taking the King and the Queen along with him. You will see in the sequel of this history that he endeavoured to get their Majesties out of Paris soon after he had made his escape, and that it was concerted in all probability before he left the Court; but I could never understand why he did not put it into execution at a time when he had no reason to fear the least opposition. On the 17th the Parliament ordered the thanks of the House to be returned to the Queen for removing the Cardinal, and that she should be humbly asked to issue an order for setting the Princes at liberty, and a declaration for excluding all foreigners forever from the King's Council. The First President being deputed with the message, the Queen told him that she could return him no answer till she had conferred with the Duc d'Orleans, to whom she immediately deputed the Keeper of the Seals, Marechal Villeroi, and Tellier; but he told them that he could not go to the Palais Royal till the Princes were set at liberty and the Cardinal removed further from the Court. For he observed to the House that the Cardinal was no further off than at Saint Germain, where he governed all the kingdom as before, that his nephew and his nieces were yet at Court; and the Duke proposed that the Parliament should humbly beseech the Queen to explain whether the Cardinal's removal was for good and all. If I had not seen it, I could not have imagined what a heat the House was in that day. Some were for an order that there should be no favourites in France for the future. They became at length of the opinion of his Royal Highness, namely, to address the Queen to ask her to explain herself with relation to the removal of Cardinal Mazarin and to solicit orders for the liberty, of the Princes. On the same day the Queen sent again to desire the Duc d'Orleans to come and take his place in the Council, and to tell him that, in case he did not think it convenient, she would send the Keeper of the Seals to concert necessary measures with him for setting the Princes at liberty. His Royal Highness accepted the second, but rejected the first proposal, and treated M. d'Elbeuf roughly, because he was very pressing with his Royal Highness to go to the King's Palace. The messengers likewise acquainted the Duke that they were ordered to assure him that the removal of the Cardinal was forever. You will see presently that, in all probability, had his Royal Highness gone that day to Court, the Queen would have left Paris and carried the Duke along with her. On the 19th the Parliament decreed that, in pursuance of the Queen's declaration, the Cardinal should, within the space of fifteen days, depart from his Majesty's dominions, with all his relations and foreign servants; otherwise, they should be proceeded against as outlaws, and it should be lawful for anybody to despatch them out of the way. I suspected that the King would leave Paris that very day, and I was almost asleep when I was sent for to go to the Duc d'Orleans, whom Mademoiselle de Chevreuse went to awaken in the meantime; and, while I was dressing, one of her pages brought me a note from her, containing only these few words: "Make haste to Luxembourg, and be upon your guard on the way." I found Mademoiselle de Chevreuse in his chamber, who acquainted me that the King was out of bed, and had his boots on ready for a journey from Paris. I waited on the Duke, and said, "There is but one remedy, which is, to secure the gates of Paris." Yet all that we could obtain of him was to send the captain of the Swiss Guards to wait on the Queen and desire her Majesty to weigh the consequences of an action of that nature. His Duchess, perceiving that this expedient, if not supported effectually, would ruin all, and that his Royal Highness was still as irresolute as ever, called for pen and ink that lay upon the table in her cabinet, and wrote these words on a large sheet of paper: M. le Coadjuteur is ordered to take arms to hinder the adherents of Cardinal Mazarin, condemned by the Parliament, from carrying the King out of Paris. MARGUERITE DE LORRAINE. Des Touches, who found the Queen bathed in tears, was charged by her Majesty to assure the Duc d'Orleans that she never
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DOUJAT Jean (1609-1688) avocat, jurisconsulte, historiog…
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DOUJAT Jean (1609-1688) avocat, jurisconsulte, historiographe de France (de l'Academie francaise). 2 P.A.S. "Doujat", Paris 1655-1682; woveoveove paper oblong in-12, and 1 page oblong in-8. Rare autograph receipts of the historian and jurist. December 31, 1655. Doujat, " Historiographe du Roy pour escrire l'Histoire de Sa Majté en latin ", receives 600 livres for the first two quarters of the pledges attributed to his charge... August 12, 1681 and January 24, 1682. Receipts as "former Doctor Regent of the Faculty of Civil and Canon Law at the University of Paris" for sums received as a deduction from his annuity .
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A "collège" education followed by law studies (This Musing provides supplementary information about the education that Marc-Antoine Charpentier can be presumed to have received. For information his enrollment in the Law Faculty in 1662, see my Musing on the law school register signed by Charpentier) A brief summary of the type of studies that Marc-Antoine Charpentier had completed by the time he was eighteen will not only help us understand his mature years, it will also shed light on why his contemporaries considered him to be savant -- "savant" primarily in the compositional art, but also far more learned than the typical musician or composer. Law studies, an open-sesame to a career in the Church As a background to our understanding of the family politics underlying Marc-Antoine Charpentier's studies in a collège and his embarking on the three years of university studies that would lead to a doctorate in law, we can profit from Joseph Bergin's tableau of the typical education of seventeenth-century French prelates -- and of their subordinates in the Gallican Church. Indeed, it was during his research for Crown, Church and Episcopate under Louis XIV (New Haven and London, 2004) that Bergin came upon Marc-Antoine Charpentier's inscription in the register of the law faculty. Although his chapter entitled "College, University and Seminary" (especially pp. 81-104) talks primarily about bishops and archbishops, Bergin points out that many of his findings apply not only to prelates and their relatives, but to cathedral canons as well. Since one of Marc-Antoine Charpentier's cousin by marriage was Sevin, bishop of Cahors, and since his paternal uncle, Pierre Charpentier, was a canon at the cathedral of Meaux, Bergin's observations can shed light on why Marc-Antoine -- although not a "younger son" -- may have been directed toward the law by his parents and/or guardian: "Younger sons destined for clerical careers were rarely without uncles or older relatives already in the church, whether bishops, canons, or mere curates. Family understandings ... usually placed some responsibility on those clerical shoulders for educating younger members in due course" (p. 84). By the mid-seventeenth century, university studies -- either a doctorate in theology or a doctorate in law -- had become a prerequisite for advancement in the church (p. 81). Bergin's research revealed that, until the mid- to late-1660s, more future churchmen studied law than theology (pp. 93-95); and that the study of canon law far exceeded the study of civil law. "By choosing canon law for their degree, even those who were steering clear of theology were nevertheless committing themselves to a career in the church" (p. 96). While there is no evidence to suggest that his uncle in Meaux or his Sevin cousins in Cahors shaped Marc-Antoine Charpentier's education in any way, the fact that he signed up to study with Jean Doujat, a respected scholar in canon law, suggests that, at nineteen, Marc-Antoine (or his guardians) was "committing himself to a career in the church" -- or was at least keeping open that possibility. That is to say, once Marc-Antoine had earned his doctorate in law, if he was fortunate enough to be offered a position as "agent" for a powerful churchman, he could take the requisite vows and be tonsured. If ecclesiastical fortune did not smile on him, he could still earn a livelihood in a post requiring an ability to "read" and "write' either canonical or civil law. In this context, Bergin's observations about the role played by the Society of Jesus in educating churchmen are therefore very thought-provoking. The Jesuits were always on the lookout for talented young men to along; and if the collège where a youth began his studies was weak in the subject in which he excelled, arrangements would be made for him to continue his studies elsewhere: "Out of fifty-seven bishops for whom information survives, twenty-eight had been to a Jesuit college ..." (p. 86). "One of the features of these networks of colleges [principally those run by the Doctrinaires, the Jesuits, the Oratorians] was the possibility that individual students could be singled out, sometimes at an early age, for their ability or future prospects, and then 'forwarded' to better-placed or better-known institutions. ... The active 'sponsorship' of their brightest pupils (in the broadest sense) by the Jesuits, Oratorians and other orders cannot be underestimated" (p. 87). Through their family friend, Marie Talon, the Charpentiers had close ties to the Jesuits. (See my Portraits around Marc-Antoine Charpentier, pp. 95-98.) It is therefore quite likely that at some point in his education the Jesuits either "singled him out" or ensured that he would be "forwarded" to an institution where his intellectual and musical talents would be nourished. A "college education" in the 1650s and 1660s For an overview of what was involved in Charpentier's "college education" -- that is, his ten years of study that culminated in his admission to the law faculty at nineteen -- we can scarcely do better than to consult Roland Mousnier's sketch of the course of study and the pedagogy of a Parisian collège and his tableau of the Paris law school, Les Institutions de la France sous la Monarchie absolue ( Paris: PUF, 1974), vol. 1, pp. 552 ff. (Another very useful publication is George Huppert's, Public Schools in Renaissance France, Chicago: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1984, passim.) A summary of the principal points in Mousnier's broadly-brushed tableau follows. The duration of the course of study in a typical collège The basic course of study lasted eight years. After having studied what was known as "grammaire," the student progressed to sixième, cinquième, quatrième, troisième, and finally to the "humanités." After that he moved on the final two years of study, known as the "première" or "rhétorique" At this point, most students left school. In fact, the ones who stayed on for rhétorique were usually those "qui jugeaient nécessaire de conquérir licence et doctorat dans les facultés." These select few took a year of "philosophie," studying "la logique et la morale." During the second year of these supplementary studies, they studied "physique" and "métaphysique." At that point, they were awarded a "maître ès arts" and could be admitted to specialized faculties such as theology, law or medicine. In other words, to be admitted to the Faculté de Droit, Marc-Antoine Charpentier almost certainly had passed the examinations for a maîtrise ès arts, and this accomplishment had been validated by the University of Paris. He clearly had done this by the summer of 1662, when he was still eighteen or had newly turned nineteen. This means that he had mastered the entire cursus of one of the Parisian collèges -- ten years of study. In other words, at the age of eight or nine, he had been enrolled in a collège, perhaps as a boursier, that is, a scholarship student, or perhaps as an externe or non-boarder (the less costly option). The subjects studied, the pedagogy employed The goal of the first six years was to "former le cœur de l'homme, d'exercer et entraîner son esprit" by means of "les humanités, les grands auteurs latins et grecs. Il s'agissait de s'en imprégner, de les imiter, de rivaliser avec eux, de les dépasser et, par de petits changements, de les renouveler. La métaphore des abeilles qui vont puiser le suc des fleurs en en font leur miel est constante chez les auteurs qui préconisent cet enseignement." The pedagogical exercise used for beginners (and for more advanced classes as well) was the "prélection." Students listened as the teacher gave a "leçon magistrale" that would prepare them for studying the text. The teacher himself would read the text aloud, to bring out its meaning; and then he would explain the argument of the selected excerpt within the context of the whole. He would read a phrase in Latin, paraphrase it, and explain difficult passages; he would discuss the style, turn the phrases about, etc. In the lowest classes, the attention was on the words themselves. But the focus gradually moved to syntax, and mythological allusions were explained. When the students had advanced to the "humanities" classes, style and speech rhythms were discussed. "Les humanités reposaient sur l'explication des poètes: beauté des formes, propriété et variété des termes, élégance et originalité de l'expression, éclat et couleur des images, musique des rythmes, qui déchaînent l'émotion, l'enthousiasme, ouvrent l'imagination du cœur." "Rhétorique" brought the study of orators and historians, and the students learned elocution, composition, and oratory. They also analyzed the moral aspects of the text. "Il semble que les régents ne dictaient pas mais qu'il parlaient. Les élèves prenaient des notes. Le texte des auteurs étaient présenté en feuilles, nu, sans note, avec de larges interlignes et des pages intercalaires blanches pour noter." "Apres la prélection, venait le travail personnel de l'élève, la revue." The student studied both his notes and the texts themselves; he noted which passages were not clear to him, so they could be explained again; and he summarized the master's explanations. He copied down the author's text and learned it by heart before going to bed. Every morning the students would declaim the text with the appropriate gestures (this exercise was called the "recitatio"). Then they would re-do the prélection, with the master interrupting to ask questions about grammar, syntax, meaning, etc. All this had to be done with a clear and accurate pronunciation of Latin (Latin pronounced à la française, of course). "Tout l'enseignement était donné en latin. Les élèves parlaient le latin." They likewise wrote their compositions in Latin. In addition, they learned the art of letter-writing, and of writing poems and speeches. We can therefore assume that Charpentier knew Latin quite well (and had mastered some Greek), and that he had studied the principal classical authors for about six years. "Les élèves tenaient des cahiers de loci communes ou sentences, locutions, comparaisons, images, définitions, proverbes, maximes, fables, adages." They carefully selected these "commonplaces" that would serve them later when they were called to reflect upon one theme or another. "Cet enseignement avait des vertus. Il permettait l'acquisition de ce qu'il y a de plus beau et de meilleur dans l'humanité. Il aidait à la libération de ce qu'il y a de meilleur dans l'homme. Il exerçait à pénétrer au plus profond du cœur humain, même des ses replis le plus secrets. Il apprenait toute une méthode pour conduire l'esprit: sous les mots, chercher la pensée et ainsi fuire la psittacisme ["parroting" words, without understanding the ideas the words represent]; sous l'idée, chercher la réalité et ainsi écarter les formules creuses; sous la réalité, chercher les essences et ainsi éviter l'empirisme, ses limites et sa dispersion; poursuivre les rapports multiples entre les objets et les idées, trouver sous ces rapports un monde qui paraissait s'harmoniser et s'unifier à partir d'un centre unique, Dieu. Une recherche de Dieu s'opérait à partir des belles formes et à travers la beauté spirituelle des grandes âmes qui ont voulu s'exprimer par ces formes. -- Toute recherche peut échouer." There were, of course, drawbacks to this approach, so teachers tried to overcome them by livening up the more abstract lessons with practical exercises, for example the astrolabe, measuring devices, the compass, maps, etc. Marc-Antoine Charpentier's use of "Aliquando bonus Homerus..." in the Beretta mass is strong evidence that he had compiled a book of commonplaces. The Law Faculty and the intellectual formation of statesmen and administrators Mousnier addresses the sort of education that was expected of future lawyers -- a category that, we now know, included Marc-Antoine Charpentier. There were, he says, no special schools to train magistrates or civil servants of all sorts. "Les hommes [que l'État] emploie dans ses conseils, ses Cours de justice, ses bureaux reçoivent d'ordinaire la formation commune des collèges, complétée ensuite par des études de droit. Tout le monde a une teinture de théologie, car la religion catholique, apostolique et romaine constitue un fonds commun, qui donne les vues d'ensemble nécessaires sur l'Univers, la destinée de l'homme, sa conduite en ce monde." Some high magistrates, he continues, hired preceptors so that their sons could be taught at home, but what the boys learned at home differed little from the curriculum of the collège -- be the collège a university school or be it run by a religious order. "Les futurs magistrats fréquentaient plus encore les collèges des Jésuites, en particulier le Collège de Clermont à Paris, qui devint Collège Louis-le-Grand en 1682 ..., les collèges des Oratoriens, surtout celui de Juilly, les collèges des Doctrinaires. En fait, tous enseignent à peu près comme les collèges de l'Université de Paris, modo parisiensis." "La plupart des futurs officiers et des grands commis poursuivaient des études de droit, quelques-uns des études de théologie. Turgot estimait que seuls les théologiens savaient raisonner." Law studies -- including those at the Paris faculty, until Doujat began shaking up the moribund institution -- were often "médiocres." Many universities awarded the licence and doctorate in exchange for money. "Mais les étudiants trouvaient beaucoup de leçons données par des docteurs-répétiteurs qui étaient des gens de pratique, évêques, maîtres des requêtes, conseillers au Parlement, aumôniers de la Cour, avocats au Parlement." Ces "siffleurs" enseignaient soit chez eux, où il groupaient jusqu'à vingt élèves, soit en leçons particulières. À la faculté ou en répétitions, c'était presque toujours la même méthode: une demi-heure de dictée, une demi-heure d'explication de la dictée, une demi-heure d'interrogation et de discussion. Des méthodes imprimées donnaient des conseils pour le travail personnel: revoir la dictée et les notes prises au cours des explications, les rédiger, lire les textes citées, les étudier; lire ensemble les codes d'où ces textes étaient tirés et les livres des grands auteurs sur la question; se faire des cahiers d'extraits, méthodiquement classés. En somme tout ceci reposait sur un très bon principe: le recours perpétuel aux sources, leur étude personnelle et directe pour s'en pénétrer. L'enseignement était complété par des discussions, où les antagonistes argumentaient en forme: les disputes." (In short, the pedagogy at the law school was a prolongation of the pedagogy of the collège. Thus a serious nineteen-year-old -- and we assume that Marc-Antoine Charpentier was serious -- would have felt quite a home in his new environment.) French law -- that is, "droit civil" -- did not become part of the curriculum until 1679. In Marc-Antoine Charpentier's day studies focused on canon law and Roman law/customary law. To become a "bachelier en droit, il fallait deux ans d'étude, subir un examen et soutenir une dispute de deux heures; pour devenir licencié, un an de plus, un examen et une dispute de trois heures; pour le doctorat, un an encore, une explication de texte et une dispute de quatre heures." But Marc-Antoine Charpentier withdrew from the faculty without having done more than dip his toe into the deep waters of the law.
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55 • ORIGINE(S) • DEUX MILLE ANS D'ÉCRITS DU PAPYRUS AU LIVRE IMPRIMÉ
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The cult of the nation in France: inventing nationalism, 1680
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Table of contents : Frontmatter Preface (page xi) Introduction: Constructing the Nation (page 1) 1 The National and the Sacred (page 22) 2 The Politics of Patriotism and National Sentiment (page 50) 3 English Barbarians, French Martyrs (page 78) 4 National Memory and the Canon of Great Frenchmen (page 107) 5 National Character and the Republican Imagination (page 140) 6 National Language and the Revolutionary Crucible (page 169) Conclusion: Toward the Present Day and the End of Nationalism (page 198) Notes (page 219) Note on Internet Appendices and Bibliography (page 292) Index (page 293) Citation preview
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Balthazar Baro
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Jean Doujat
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You can help expand this article with text translated from the corresponding article in French. (December 2009) Click [show] for important translation instructions. View a machine-translated version of the French article. Machine translation, like DeepL or Google Translate, is a useful starting point for translations, but translators must revise errors as necessary and confirm that the translation is accurate, rather than simply copy-pasting machine-translated text into the English Wikipedia. Do not translate text that appears unreliable or low-quality. If possible, verify the text with references provided in the foreign-language article. You must provide copyright attribution in the edit summary accompanying your translation by providing an interlanguage link to the source of your translation. A model attribution edit summary is Content in this edit is translated from the existing French Wikipedia article at [[:fr:Jean Doujat]]; see its history for attribution. You may also add the template {{Translated|fr|Jean Doujat}} to the talk page. For more guidance, see Wikipedia:Translation.
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The Dream of Absolutism: Louis XIV and the Logic of Modernity 9780226803975
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The Dream of Absolutism examines the political aesthetics of power under Louis XIV. What was absolutism, and how did it...
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Citation preview The Dream of Absolutism The Dream of Absolutism L ou i s X I V a n d t h e L o g ic of Mode r n i t y Hall Bjørnstad The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London © 2021 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission, except in the case of brief quotations in critical articles and reviews. For more information, contact the University of Chicago Press, 1427 East 60th Street, Chicago, IL 60637. Published 2021 Printed in the United States of America 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21 1 2 3 4 5 ISBN-13: 978-0-226-80366-1 (cloth) ISBN-13: 978-0-226-80383-8 (paper) ISBN-13: 978-0-226-80397-5 (e-book) DOI: https://doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226803975.001.0001 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Bjørnstad, Hall, author. Title: The dream of absolutism : Louis XIV and the logic of modernity / Hall Bjørnstad. Description: Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 2021. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2021005321 | ISBN 9780226803661 (cloth) | ISBN 9780226803838 (paperback) | ISBN 9780226803975 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715. | Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715. Mémoires pour l’instruction du Dauphin. | Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715—Portraits. | Le Brun, Charles, 1619–1690. Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661. | Louis XIV, King of France, 1638–1715—In literature. | Despotism—France—History—17th century. | Monarchy— France—History—17th century. | Power (Social sciences)—France— History—17th century. | France—Politics and government—1643–1715. Classification: LCC DC125 .B56 2021 | DDC 944/.033092 [B]—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021005321 This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper). Contents List of Illustrations * vii On Translations and Spelling * ix Preface * xi Introduction * 1 1. The Problem with Absolutism * 3 2. Beyond Mere Propaganda * 10 3. Approaching Absolutism Differently: Royal Glory and Royal Exemplarity * 21 4. The Dream of Absolutism * 34 Chapter 1 The Grammar of Absolutism * 41 1. Introduction: The Dream of a Book Like No Other * 41 2. Taking Louis XIV’s Mémoires Seriously * 45 3. Absolutism, Explained to a Child: “The first and most important part of our entire politics” * 55 4. The Utility of “These Mémoires” * 66 5. The Paradoxes of Absolutist Exemplarity * 75 6. Conclusion: “So many ghastly examples” * 88 Chapter 2 Mirrors of Absolutism * 93 1. Introduction: Our Body in This Space * 93 2. An Age of Mirrors * 96 3. A Gallery Celebrating Greatness * 107 4. Making the King See What He Felt * 115 5. A Mirror for One * 133 6. In Lieu of Conclusion: Mirrors for a Future without a Past * 149 Chapter 3 Absolutist Absurdities * 151 Exhibit A: The Royal Historiographer and the Unparalleled Greatness of Louis XIV * 154 Exhibit B: Absolutism from the Cabinet of Fairies to the Cabinet of the King * 177 Conclusion: Seven Theses on the Dream of Absolutism * 205 Acknowledgments * 209 Bibliography * 213 Index * 223 Illustrations Color Plates (following page 124) Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 Le Brun, Résolution prise de faire la guerre aux Hollandais, 1671 Le Brun, L’amour simple and Le désir Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 (detail) Le Brun, La tranquillité Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 (extreme detail) Le Brun, Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661, and Faste des puissances voisines de la France Figures 1. Thackeray, The Paris Sketch Book: “Rex. Ludovicus. Ludovicus Rex: An Historical Study” 6 2. Rigaud, Louis XIV 7 3. Merian (after Chastillon), The Cordouan Lighthouse 20 4. Carreño de Miranda, Charles II of Spain 102 5. Le Brun et al., Entrevue de Louis XIV et de Philippe IV d’Espagne . . . 1660 104 6. Le Brun, Project for vault of the Hall of Mirrors, with scenes from the original Apollo design 110 7. Le Brun, Project for the vault of the Hall of Mirrors, with scenes from the life of Hercules 111 8. Le Brun, L’Entrée d’Alexandre le Grand dans Babylone 112 9. Le Brun, Le Ravissement 126 10. Le Brun, Study for Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661 148 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 11. 12. 13. 14. Vertron, Parallèle de Louis le Grand avec les princes . . . (title page) 155 Préchac, “Sans Parangon” (1717) (opening page and detail) 178 Rigaud, Vue de la cascade de Marly 182 Baudoin, Iconologie: “Gloire” and “Gloire des princes” 189 On Translations and Spelling Throughout this book, all translations from the French are mine, unless the name of a translator is indicated. In the interest of consistency, I have modernized the orthography of early modern texts throughout, whether they are quoted from original or modern editions. Preface This is not a book about Louis XIV. Although I invite the reader to join me in close scrutiny of texts and paintings that focus intently on portraying the king, and whose production is often commissioned and supervised— sometimes even in part effectuated—by the king himself, my goal in doing so is not to offer yet another study of the man monumentalized at Versailles. The inquiry will certainly take us to Versailles, to its symbolic core in Charles Le Brun’s paintings on the ceiling of the Hall of Mirrors celebrating the exploits of the king. It will also lead us to the inner secrets of the workings of absolutism as laid out by the king and his team of secretaries in the radically understudied Mémoires written for his oldest son, the Dauphin. Furthermore, we will look closely at some written portraits of the king that may seem so excessive, so outlandish, so absurd to modern readers that it has proved next to impossible for scholars not to take them as subversive mockery. They are not. It is in fact a central claim of this book that these seeming absolutist absurdities are driven by the same logic that we find at the heart of absolutism, both in the king’s secret Mémoires and in its public self-expression in the Hall of Mirrors. Their absurdity, rather than a deviation or failure of the logic of absolutism, is constitutive of political absolutism itself. However, instead of measuring them anachronistically against modern standards of political rationality, I argue that we as modern readers can see them much more meaningfully as different expressions of the same dream. A dream propelled by its own logic, shot through with ideals about glory, exemplarity, and excess. A dream of absolutism that the king, his image-makers, the court, if not the whole nation, dreamt together collectively and that perhaps remains latent in the collective political imaginary today to a larger extent than we would like to think. Rather than about Louis XIV, this book is about that dream. xii Preface On the face of it, the project of this book is thus quite straightforward: an exploration of three very different yet complementary windows into the dream and logic of absolutism—namely, the king’s Mémoires (chapter 1), Le Brun’s paintings in the vault of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles (chapter 2), and two particularly exuberant written portrayals of the king (chapter 3). In this sense, the proof is in the pudding: the import and impact of the project depends mainly on the execution of these analyses and on the pertinence of what they yield. However, as an intervention in the scholarship on the culture of French absolutism widely construed, my enterprise is more controversial, more provocative than this description makes it seem. The book asks us, as modern readers, to suspend for a moment what we think we know not only about absolutism but also about these artifacts and their way of communicating. My premise is that in order to discern the logic of absolutism, we need to analyze closely those cultural expressions that might sit uncomfortably with our modern democratic sensibility. These are cultural artifacts that inevitably strike a post-Romantic observer as lacking in originality and serving as mere propaganda. To our cognitive categories, they register, as if by default, either as expressions of unapologetic subservience or, conversely, as subversive vehicles. But they are neither. Instead, they are witnesses to a still-premodern way of figuring the authority of the monarchical ruler, a figuring that needs to be approached as expression and manifestation— what I call here the dream of absolutism—rather than as the more familiar representation, construction, or fabrication. • Introduction • The first plate of this book takes us directly to the heart of its argument.1 Seemingly, the inscription under this famous painting by Charles Le Brun captures the essence of absolutism: “Le Roi gouverne par luimême, 1661” (The King governs on his own, 1661). The image condenses this essence in the gesture of the king’s right hand, firmly holding the rudder of the ship of state after the death of Cardinal Mazarin in 1661. It showcases the foundational moment of French absolutism, while itself being a monument of this very moment displayed at the heart of absolutist France: the central detail of the central painting in the vault of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles. However, as I argue in chapter 2, the simplicity in the message is itself a retroactive projection. It is so, first of all, in the sense that the king’s 1661 decision only became decisive in retrospect, while the contemporary sources tell a much more complex story. Designed in the late 1670s and completed in the early 1680s, this painting’s imposition of 1661 as an absolute beginning is therefore itself already a dream. A dream about absolutist self-creation dreamt collectively by painter, court, king—reemerging across media in all the other sources this book explores and repeated by modern scholars. But the simplicity of the message is also complicated by the painting itself, and even by its original inscription. The pithy line is another retroactive projection from the following century, while the long-lost original tripartite Latin inscription shifts our attention to the king’s attention: his gesture, as condensed in the reach of his left arm and the direction of his gaze, is directed toward what drives him to his foundational action. As he seizes the helm of the state, the king is “burning with love for glory” (“gloriæ amore incenditur”)—entirely consumed by future glory, as figured in the painting by the Roman god of war, Mars, pointing to the female 1. See the color gallery following page 124. 2 Introduction allegory of glory up on the cloud. That cloud itself belongs more properly to the realm of dreams, and the ex nihilo origin of absolutism emerges from this dream, is this dream. We join the dream when our retrospective gaze on the painting somehow mirrors the king’s prospective one in the painting, as he looks longingly toward the future, which is the present of the beholder at Versailles (including, as we shall soon see, the present of the king himself)—if not the past, as in our case. The dream of absolutism is, in other words, there from the beginning; it is itself the beginning, but at the same time also already ours, in our willingness to dream along. This first glimpse at the central constellation of Charles Le Brun’s iconographic project in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles is not yet an interpretation or even the beginning of an analysis, which will have to wait until chapter 2. But it already bears the promise of a layered complexity and conceptual richness to be explored. There is a peculiar logic at work here, which I call “the dream of absolutism”: a dream that is not only displayed but also enacted, a dream that the painting itself dreams. But if this is so, why haven’t the conceptual complexity and richness at the symbolic center of Versailles already been examined? Indeed, how to explain that none of the artifacts of absolutism analyzed in this book have been taken seriously by the rich scholarship on the culture of absolutism in France? This book is born from the realization that these questions have a very simple answer: The material is virtually unexplored because it is almost unthinkable that it has anything pertinent to tell us. Taken out of context, such a statement could perhaps come off as polemical, controversial, or confrontational, but as formulated here, it serves as a mere observation of fact. And yet, this unthinkability needs to be thought through and understood before turning to the exploration of absolutist artifacts in the later chapters of the book. Therefore, the first half of this introduction proposes something quite different from a traditional survey of the scholarship on absolutism and absolutist culture: rather than situating the project in a wider field, my goal is to uncover habits of thought that foreclose the possibility of submitting this corpus of absolutist artifacts to serious analysis. Less than an introduction proper, doing preliminary groundwork, the aim of the first two sections is a clearing of the ground—in this case the groundwork for a very different kind of approach, presented in the second half of the introduction. The intervention this book seeks to make is therefore not limited to the outcome of the specific explorations in its three chapters. Beyond the individual conclusions, what is at stake is the status of the artifacts, the methodology used to examine them, and ultimately the concept of abso- Introduction 3 lutism itself. In what follows I start with the latter, making my case for the “problem” of absolutism in the way that the concept is normally deployed, arguing that its analytical application relies on an already modern—and, as I shall demonstrate, therefore contradictory—apprehension of absolute kingship. Paradoxically, this approach has led to an inability to engage seriously with the corpus discussed here and, even more importantly, to an inability to reckon with the phantasmal or dreamlike compulsion that may yet draw us in the twenty-first century toward absolutism even after absolutism. Second, I make a more technical argument about how this misconception positions the modern observer or scholar in relation to the culture of absolutism in a way that will easily lead us to reduce absolutism’s artifacts to mere propaganda. As I argue, this reduction to propaganda is so omnipresent that we do it without noticing and without weighing what we thereby exclude from our thinking about absolutist culture. For example, this reduction may take the form of a seemingly innocent application of a modern communication model (analyzing the artifact as the communication of a message), without taking proper consideration of questions of diffusion and intended recipients. This is the surprising case of the Cordouan Lighthouse discussed later in the introduction (19–20) and much of the material in the following chapters. The two incursions into the concepts of absolutism and propaganda in the first half of the introduction are necessary in order to open a space for thinking differently and non-reductively about what I call expressions of absolutism in the second half of the introduction. Importantly, the framework brought forth here is not at all of my own making. Instead, it implies a return to the period’s own thinking about kingship through the radically under-explored categories of royal glory and royal exemplarity (section 3) and, finally, the notion of the dream (section 4). 1. The Problem with Absolutism The main problem when discussing absolutism is not so much that modern scholars and observers don’t really know what it is about—or better, what it was about—but rather that we are so convinced that we do. Absolutism is something of the past, to be sure, but we relate to it as a close and recognizable past. Unlike modes of governing from an unequivocally premodern era or from a non-Western culture, we approach absolutism with the assumption that our modern political conceptual categories are applicable when we make sense of it. It is the past’s moment of becoming modern, as characterized in the specific context of absolutism in the age of Louis XIV through a long series of processual nouns, including 4 Introduction modernization, secularization, rationalization, instrumentalization, bureaucratization, centralization—if not as a more abrupt transition, as in revolutions in communication, in the management of information, in the control of human life processes, in the waging of war, and so on. All of these processes and developments are certainly well documented and their study important; however, it is my claim that it is not obvious that they promote our understanding of absolutism as such. What if absolutism were not really the fixed, fetishized moment constructed by these processes (so familiar to us because already carried by a modern rationality)? What if these modernizing constructions in fact impede or preclude our access to what absolutism was? What if absolutism were located in the unfamiliar moment prior to the temporal block constituted by this modernization, driven by a premodern logic from whence all these processes flow? This series of questions lies at the heart of a central paradox in the scholarship on French absolutism. As modern historians have long noted, the study of the reign of Louis XIV has resulted in “the contradiction of an absolutism that we know incomparably well in its [historical] details but without a good grasp of its [conceptual] totality and coherence.”2 Yet this absent “totality and coherence” will not, cannot be found either in the political treatises of the period (there is no theory of absolutism) or through an abstraction from the details on the ground (which do not, in any meaningful way, constitute an archive of absolutism). Absolutism has no room for prehistory; it emerges, as shown in my first brief look at the central painting in the Hall of Mirrors, from a retrospectively constructed point of origin, erasing not only what came before it but also the historicity of its actual process of becoming. As I show repeatedly throughout this book, absolutism writes, paints, dreams its own origin.3 As an analytical 2. “[O]n en est arrivé à cette contradiction d’un absolutisme qu’on connaît incomparablement dans son détail, sans qu’on en saisisse bien l’ensemble et la coherence.” Cosandey and Descimon, L’absolutisme en France, 296. For three important contributions to the scholarship on French absolutism from recent years, see Drevillon, Les rois absolus; Jouanna, Le Pouvoir absolu; and Jouanna, Le Prince absolu. 3. This statement does not imply, of course, that French absolutism is not part of a larger history. There is certainly a French theorization of sovereignty in the century before Louis XIV (most importantly by jurists like Jean Bodin and Cardin Le Bret) that can be—and has indeed been—considered to prepare for the advent of absolutism. However, the realization of absolutism with Louis XIV transcends the prior theorization of sovereignty to such an extent that the “totality and coherence” of absolutism need to be sought elsewhere. In other words, the prehistory of absolutism becomes visible as such only through the reign of Louis XIV, whose absolutist “totality and coherence” are, in part, predicated upon the erasure of this prehistory. Introduction 5 tool, therefore, absolutism is useful because it brings into focus the practices of monarchical power’s self-representation, rather than because of its indexical value, pointing to a stable definition or sparking discussion on what that definition should be. Indeed, the only place where absolutism incontestably exists is in its manifestations, in the image of itself that royal power projects both outward and inward, in the dream that absolutism is. What I call “the problem with absolutism” has its origin in a temporal disjunction in the concept of absolutism itself, between what is being observed and the point of observation. Scholars know that the term has always been used retrospectively, since a first attested use by François-René de Chateaubriand in 1797. It later came to prominence in the nineteenth century both in French and English, generally as part of an opposition to what came after it, be it enlightenment, revolution, modernity, or later forms of un-absolute (constitutional) monarchy. It is true that the use of the nominalized form “absolutism” is so close to actual seventeenthcentury French political uses of the adjective absolu (with pouvoir absolu [absolute power] and roi absolu [absolute king] attested as early as 1636) that the imposition of the noun might feel like only a very light anachronism, naming a practice of government that was incontestably there at the time. Nevertheless, the specific emergence of the term still bears the risk of reducing the phenomenon observed to a less advanced, less rational, or less modern precursor of what it is opposed to. Confined to its place in prehistory, it is defined mainly by what it is lacking, as compared to more recent modes of governing. This is still the case in the way the term is used today, starting with the nearly identical primary definitions in the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) and the French Grand Robert: “The practice of absolute government; absolute authority, despotism.”4 To our modern sensibility, there is only a comma separating “despotism” and “absolutism.” At the same time, any informed observer is of course aware of what is missing here, as spelled out in the much more historically accurate definition of absolutism in the French Trésor de la langue française (TLF): “System of government where the sovereign holds 4. OED, “absolutism.” The definition in the Grand Robert runs as follows: “Système de gouvernement, régime politique où le pouvoir du souverain est absolu, n’est soumis à aucun contrôle.” (System of government, political regime where the power of the sovereign is absolute, not subject to any control.) The proximity to despotism is highlighted by a list of cross-references including terms such as “autocracy,” “despotism,” “dictatorship,” “tyranny.” Grand Robert, “absolutisme.” The wider discussion of the conceptual history of the notion of absolutism in this paragraph relies on the sources mentioned in n. 2 above (particularly the introduction in Cosandey and Descimon, L’absolutisme en France), in addition to the dictionaries quoted in this and the following note. 6 Introduction Figur e 1. “Rex. Ludovicus. Ludovicus Rex: An Historical Study,” illustration in William Makepeace Thackeray [Mr. Titmarsh, pseud.], The Paris Sketch Book, vol. 2 (London: John Macrone, 1840). The “exact calculation” of absolutism, according to Thackeray. Photograph © The Trustees of the British Museum. divine-right power without constitutional limits.”5 However, the historical self-evidence of the divine-right paradigm is unavailable to our retrospective gaze: invisible to us, even unthinkable to us, yet very much a lived experience for them. Or at least, unthinkable for the concept of absolutism. Indeed, it is as if the concept’s temporal disjunction itself served to obfuscate the premodern foundation of the structure it describes, as if the core of the historical phenomenon the term is meant to describe were excluded from its very concept. The result is a contradiction rendered visible in a well-known drawing by William Makepeace Thackeray (fig. 1). From the vantage point of 1840, Thackeray decomposes a representation of King Louis (“Ludovicus Rex”) in all his splendor, clearly inspired by Hyacinthe Rigaud’s 1701 iconic painting (fig. 2), into the royal adornment and finery on the one hand (“Rex”) and the unadorned old man on the other (“Ludovicus”). The drawing appears in Thackeray’s Paris Sketch Book, where he comments upon it at length in the essay “Meditations at Versailles” in the following way: 5. “Système de gouvernement où le souverain possède une puissance de droit divin et sans limites constitutionnelles.” TLF, “absolutisme”; my emphasis. Introduction 7 In Louis [XIV], surely, if in any one, the majesty of kinghood is represented. But a king is not every inch a king, for all the poet may say; and it is curious to see how much precise majesty there is in that majestic figure of Ludovicus Rex. In the plate opposite [here, fig. 1], we have endeavoured to make the exact calculation. The idea of kingly dignity is equally strong Figur e 2. Hyacinthe Rigaud, Louis XIV (ca. 1701). Oil on canvas. Musée du Louvre, Paris, France. Photograph: Wikimedia Commons. 8 Introduction in the two outer figures; and you see, at once, that majesty is made out of the wig, the high-heeled shoes, and cloak, all fleurs-de-lis bespangled. As for the little, lean, shrivelled, paunchy old man, of five feet two, in a jacket and breeches, there is no majesty in him, at any rate; and yet he has just stept out of that very suit of clothes. Put the wig and shoes on him, and he is six feet high;—the other fripperies, and he stands before you majestic, imperial, and heroic! Thus do barbers and cobblers make the gods that we worship: for do we not all worship him? Yes; though we all know him to be stupid, heartless, short, of doubtful personal courage, worship and admire him we must; and have set up, in our hearts, a grand image of him, endowed with wit, magnanimity, valour, and enormous heroical stature.6 Thackeray’s passage further develops the point made so boldly in the drawing through the emphasis placed on “equally strong.” The sense of majesty and dignity associated with the king is not only supported by “the wig, the high-heeled shoes, and cloak, all fleurs-de-lis bespangled”; the trappings and fripperies of majesty are all there is. His “majestic figure” is only figure, in the archaic sense of external form or shape, without any underlying substance. By way of decomposition and analysis, the inquiry into “how much precise majesty” there is in the king’s “majestic figure” leaves Thackeray with the conclusion that “there is no majesty in him, at any rate.” But is this really “the exact calculation” of absolutism, as Thackeray implies? It is, but only after the fact, only after absolutism. What is missing is the idea—and more than the idea, the lived experience—of the incarnation of a divinely invested dignity in the king. Thackeray’s “exact calculation” is possible only after the loss of faith in a god whose ways were not so mysterious that absolutist theologians couldn’t identify his will and decipher his hand in history all the way up to Louis XIV. Therefore, while the Rigaud painting depicts what absolutism was, within the present of its existence, Thackeray’s drawing only shows what absolutism looked like in retrospect, from an external perspective, somewhere between them and us in time. It is my contention that much of the scholarship on absolutism remains within the mode of Thackeray’s “exact calculation,” viewing its object of study with a modern demystifying gaze, as if the decomposition that it performs and that the drawing illustrates so starkly were valid in Louis XIV’s time, as if this truly were all that absolutism was.7 Such an ap6. Thackeray, The Paris Sketch Book, 2:281–82. 7. For a similar argument regarding the modern scholarly approach to the Holy Roman Empire, see Stollberg-Rilinger, The Emperor’s Old Clothes, esp. the introduction. Introduction 9 proach is exactly that: a calculation, and more precisely a calculation that cuts down any element to fit into its model and measurement. If majesty and royal dignity were nothing more than their external trappings, scholars could analyze the whole of absolutist culture in modern terms as an instrument of manipulation, as propaganda. But not so as long as the subjects (and the king) still believed in the divine investment in their king and kingdom; not so in a world where royal dignity was still perceived as a given—or more precisely, a pregiven—truth prior to any legitimizing act or calculation. This, then, is the exact nature of the contradiction central to the enterprise given flesh and form in Thackeray’s drawing: it is an attempt at calculating the truth of a time before calculation. The result is certainly a truth, but our truth, not their truth, about absolutism. A few precisions are in place at this point. I do not claim, of course, that calculations into the communicative effect of absolutist expressions were absent from the politics of a Colbert or any skillful operator of absolutist politics. On the contrary, they were all accomplished practitioners of the art of rhetoric and persuasion. Nor do I exclude the possibility that the analysis of specific practices or artifacts could fruitfully mobilize a framework relying on concepts like manipulation, instrumentalization, or even propaganda. I do claim, however, that by resorting to such a framework by default, we risk uncritically reiterating the reduction inherent in the concept of absolutism itself, without even considering whether our modern analytical categories are appropriate when making sense of absolutism’s premodern logic. As if expressions of absolutism could be nothing but mere propaganda. Such a reduction to propaganda is somewhat of an unquestioned commonplace in much of the current scholarship on the culture of absolutism, and this default is interrogated in the next section. There is, however, another layer to my argument about the problem with absolutism. I contend that when we let Thackeray’s “exact calculation” be our only guiding approach to absolutism, we avoid confronting something that perhaps makes us uncomfortable in its unruly excess, something awkwardly close to the pleasure or joy that propels the dream of absolutism. Yet grasping the “totality and coherence” of absolutism itself requires grappling with that excess and recognizing its alterity. Interestingly, this last perspective is very much present in the passage from Thackeray, which is in reality richer and less reductive than what a first reading might indicate. There is, in the quoted passage and in the essay to which it belongs, an exuberant fascination with all things related to the king and Versailles. Even while disparaging him, the text betrays a very detailed historical knowledge. “[F]or do we not all worship him,” 10 Introduction despite having performed “the exact calculation,” despite knowing the truth that his majesty is consubstantial with its trappings and “fripperies,” produced in its entirety by “barbers and cobblers”? “Yes,” Thackeray answers, thereby attesting to a continued effectiveness of absolutism after absolutism. It is as if Thackeray were writing—and drawing—to convince himself of what his reason knows very well, but that his heart refuses to accept. Here is the dream of absolutism: “in our hearts, a grand image of him, endowed with wit, magnanimity, valour, and enormous heroical stature.” Approached this way, the passage from Thackeray invites the reader to reflect on this post-absolutist admiration and worship of absolutism, then and now, as well as on the nature of the compulsion to give in to it (“worship and admire him we must”; my emphasis). A compulsion that, despite the author’s demystifying calculation, brings us full circle from the critical “no majesty in him, at any rate” (Thackeray’s emphasis) back to the final “grand image of him” (my emphasis) “in our hearts,” an image that, importantly, we ourselves “have set up.” Although the materials analyzed here all date from the reign of Louis XIV (with one notable exception), this book aims nonetheless to extend a similar invitation to the reader to reflect on the post-absolutist afterlife of the dream of absolutism. 2. Beyond Mere Propaganda What does it mean to approach a cultural artifact celebrating the glory of Louis XIV in terms of propaganda? Propaganda certainly is glorification; so why shouldn’t glorification be considered propaganda? While circumspect scholars of an earlier generation have voiced their hesitations and qualms in regard to its applicability, the term seems to have imposed itself as a natural part of the current critical vocabulary, in no need of any provisos or reservations. Already in 2000, Pierre Zoberman observed in regards to the age of Louis XIV that “[c]onfronted with the elaboration of a positive image of the King and Monarchy, and with a program for the inscription and diffusion of such an image, the period’s historians [i.e., the present-day historians of the period]—whether they concentrate on the Monarchy itself, on mentalities, or on literature—routinely identify this process as propaganda.”8 While the adverb “routinely” is used by the author to stress this identification as something that happens “regularly” or “typically,” the routine qualification is nonetheless already marked in the more precise sense of happening “without proper thought” or “unthink- 8. Zoberman, “Eloquence and Ideology,” 303. Introduction 11 9 ingly,” as the OED explains. Today, “propaganda” functions as a critical shorthand, useful because of its seeming clarity and self-evidence. The category is seldom central enough to be thematized or reflected upon. Instead it tends to appear as part of assertive qualifications and striking formulations made in passing, and even more often in blurbs, introductions, conclusions, or section titles. The term’s trenchant and pugnacious qualities make it particularly effective for programmatic statements. It is a critical shorthand that will lend a critical edge to a critical juncture. But exactly because of that, it also risks saying more and doing more than what is immediately obvious. Notice the slight unease in the following observation by Ellen Welch at a crucial point of her magisterial 2017 inquiry into the intersection of performance and diplomacy in seventeenthcentury France: “In describing the form and content of these entertainments of the height of Louis XIV’s reign, it is difficult to avoid painting them as displays of force and pieces of effective propaganda.”10 Although Welch’s subtle analysis questions the effectiveness of these performances, and at times is close to inquiring whether effectiveness was their purpose in the first place (at least in the current sense of the term), the language of propaganda seems to impose itself, malgré elle. It is as if the notion itself exerts the force that it pinpoints.11 It is against the background of this self-producing force in the concept’s routine applications that it becomes important to take a step back and interrogate the meaning of the gesture of labeling something as propaganda.12 9. All these synonyms are taken from OED, “routinely.” 10. Welch, A Theater of Diplomacy, 148; my emphasis. The example quoted above is one of at least three occasions where Welch registers unease with the “traditional characterization [of practices like these] as propaganda” (85 and 106; 106 for the quotation). 11. This sense of the category of propaganda imposing itself is confirmed by a quick consultation of a select corpus of important books exploring the culture of absolutism published during the last decade or two. In none of these books is the notion of propaganda in any way close to the central argument being made, but the survey still reveals a diffuse yet rather uniform presence of an unquestioned use of the term. Indeed, it is my contention that it is difficult today to write about cultural expressions of absolutism at any length without at some point making the appeal to propaganda. 12. This paragraph has been sharpened by the many stimulating insights in Evonne Levy’s reflection on the function of labeling something as propaganda in art history, in the introduction to Propaganda and the Jesuit Baroque, 7–10. Otherwise, the project of Levy’s book is in many ways the opposite of mine here: a valiant attempt at “mak[ing] propaganda a productive and appropriate tool of art historical analysis” (12), while I seek to demonstrate that the routinely deployed notion of propaganda is an unproductive and inappropriate tool for the material I will look at. 12 Introduction In the context of absolutism, qualifying an artifact as “propaganda” in an open, unqualified sense—which normally means as “mere propaganda,” “nothing but propaganda”—implies diverting the critical attention away from the artistic object in front of us toward the message it is carries: a message that is considered clear-cut and unambiguous, preexisting the artifact. In other words, it is a way of indicating that the signifier and the signifying gesture that brings it about can both safely be ignored in favor of the pregiven signified. Eminently expected, the message conveyed by the propagandistic object can, by definition, never surprise the modern scholar. It is always a repetition or confirmation of a predetermined meaning. Using the label of propaganda is therefore a way of, if not a cue for, closing down the inquiry. It implies the tacit permission to put the artifact safely away, discreetly indicating that it is time to move on to something more worthy of our critical energy. It is always the last word about the artifact, rarely the beginning of a further discussion, and even less the subject of a detailed analysis. As such, it is the not exactly analytical category for that which does not need analysis. Although much of the scholarship on the cultural production under Louis XIV’s personal rule in the past two decades has deployed propaganda as a ready-at-hand, unanalyzed critical term, it wasn’t always this way. In preparing the ground for moving beyond the paradigm of propaganda, it is therefore worth attending to the reservations and hesitations of an earlier generation of scholars. The two English-language classics in the field are both interesting for the way in which they betray an attraction to the potency of the concept while also marking a critical distance. Orest Ranum’s monumental study of the career of five different writers who toiled for the seventeenth-century Bourbon kings in Artisans of Glory (1980) is particularly important in this regard. Writing in the years following the publication of two more pointed examinations of French absolutist culture in terms of royal propaganda, the concept is certainly on his radar.13 The fullest formulation of his book’s project immediately follows an initial observation regarding the trivial results that an analysis guided by the notion of propaganda will often lead to when applied to a corpus like his: Very quickly we realize the impossibility of deciding what is propagandistic and what is not, unless it is possible to discern the conscious acts of a 13. See Solomon, Public Welfare, Science, and Propaganda; and Klaits, Printed Propaganda; both referred to by Ranum, Artisans of Glory, 253n61, and 294 and 315, respectively. Introduction 13 writer who knew he was publishing a work intended to influence public opinion in an ideological way. Instead of taking this approach, I hope to capture the feelings and expressions of dependency among writers.14 Throughout his book, the notion of propaganda occasionally reappears in the discussion of certain aspects of the dependency of the writers in question.15 But so, too, do Ranum’s reservations as to the pertinence of the category widely construed, especially regarding the contributions by Paul Pellisson, Jean Racine, and Nicolas Boileau to the history of Louis XIV.16 There is thus a deep ambivalence running through the text, since it is not at all obvious that the instances of a more specific analytical use of the term would withstand the broader critique voiced elsewhere. Ranum’s methodological qualms and reservations only take on their full meaning when approached in light of the striking endpoint of his own inquiry, which runs as follows: The inflated claims by the men of letters may not have seemed so inflated during the long reign of Louis XIV, for they restated French family history in ways that obliged the monarch to carry out politics he could never empirically examine. There was literally no language or conception of kingship or of the state beyond those webs of myths and facts spun by writers, webs that bound the prince to the pursuit of gloire.17 What looks inflated to us may not have been perceived as such at the time. In a certain sense, this is of course just another reminder of the danger of 14. Ranum, Artisans of Glory, 22–23. 15. See, for example, Ranum, 149, 253, 260–64, 270, 294. 16. Regarding the case of Pellisson: “It is anachronistic to refer to this literature [the writing of history to the glory of the king]—when its principal subject is the head of state—as propaganda. As a descriptive term, ‘propaganda’ does not help to define the nature of either historical or other literary genres in the reign of Louis XIV; for in a sense fidélités—royal, aristocratic, and parlementaire—encompassed virtually all literary activity.” Ranum, 252. And more hard-hitting still, regarding the charges of propaganda and naïveté from modern readers of Racine: “Propaganda his history is, but only in the sense that it conformed to the dominant beliefs and aspirations of the political culture of which he was part. By standing for the principle of recording only the truth, Racine and Boileau sincerely hoped to curb the excessive praise that writers were heaping on the Sun King. Their results, with all the restraints imposed by the ars historica, would have been no more and no less propagandistic than histories written by others whose political cultures sustained ideological perspectives on the past.” Ranum, 315. 17. Ranum, 337. 14 Introduction anachronism: we cannot necessarily trust the pertinence of our own precritical affective reaction to the material at hand from where the charge of propaganda first emerges.18 But it is only now, at the end of the journey, that the reader fully realizes the extent to which the title of the book, Artisans of Glory, points from the outset to something empirically more elusive than what notions such as propaganda can possibly seize. Other tools are needed in order to even start analyzing the stakes of the “webs of myths and facts” structuring the symbolic reality and aspirations of prince and writers alike. In his seminal study The Fabrication of Louis XIV (1992), Peter Burke shares with Ranum the explicit methodological ambivalence toward the concept of propaganda. The concept first occurs in a wider discussion of the dangers and benefits of anachronism, when Burke states that “[a]nother modern way of describing this book would be to call it a study of ‘propaganda’ for Louis XIV.” However, although Burke stresses that “[i]f the term propaganda is defined broadly enough, for example as ‘the attempt to transmit social and political values,’ it is difficult to object to its use about the seventeenth century,” he is quick to stress the risk that such a use can lead to reductionism by “encouraging author [Burke himself] and readers alike to interpret the poems, paintings and statues representing the king as if they were nothing but attempts to persuade.” Although Burke concludes that “ ‘[p]ropaganda’ is one useful modern concept [among] others,” he largely refrains from using it in the rest of the book, adding in his introductory discussion that “[i]t might be more exact to say that the representations of Louis were commissioned to add to his glory.”19 This last remark, reminiscent of Ranum’s work, seems to have inspired the choice of title for the 1995 French translation of Burke’s book: Louis XIV: Les stratégies de la gloire (Louis XIV: the strategies of glory).20 However, unlike Ranum, Burke in the end opts resolutely and un18. In Ranum’s stark formulation: “our own repugnance for Ludovician political culture” (24). 19. Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV, 4–6. 20. Burke, Louis XIV: Les stratégies de la gloire. In the 2010 Festschrift for Burke, Nicole Hochner criticizes the title of the French translation in the following way: “The book in French surprisingly became Louis XIV: les stratégies de la gloire, wrongly alluding to a warlike tactic of glory and pomp, concealing the fact that Peter Burke had made only a limited case for propaganda.” Hochner, “Against Propaganda,” 235. This characterization is based on a surprising conflation of glory and propaganda, which is not reflected in Burke’s book. Hochner goes on to comment on “the very different connotations of the two titles: the English suggests a process of making, while the French evokes more a propaganda device” (235n22). However, it could be argued that the change of semantic field from fabrication to glory rather brings the Introduction 15 apologetically for an anachronistic approach. He distinguishes between two rival models in the approach to rulers and their images: on the one hand, what he calls a “cynical” view (whose demystifying gaze identifies instrumentalism and manipulation, but at the risk of reductionism), and, on the other, an “innocent” view (taking the royal image seriously at its face value, but at the risk of suppressing actual manipulation, instrumentalism, and dissent).21 Could there possibly be a third way that would resolve the tensions and oppositions between these two models toward a productive synthesis? Yes, Burke seems to imply, through an approach like the one he is adapting in his book: The king and his advisers were well aware of the methods by which people can be manipulated by symbols. After all, most of them had been trained in the art of rhetoric. However, the aims in the service of which they manipulated others were of course chosen from the repertoire offered by the culture of their time. The aims as well as the methods are part of history, and part of the story told in this book.22 Their aims and their methods were certainly part of history, but Burke’s own aims and methods were not. With the final programmatic statement of his introduction, Burke aligns himself with “the analysts of communication in our time,” marking as his goal “the attempt to discover who was saying what about Louis to whom, through what channels and codes, in what settings, with what intentions, and with what effects.”23 Therefore, it is not immediately clear how this approach is different from the “cynical” view evoked by Burke himself, except that the execution of the study of manipulation here is carefully, comprehensively, and masterfully historicized. Unlike Ranum, Burke’s choice of title firmly situates the book within the cynical paradigm. It is true that Burke tries to have it both ways in the introduction, by insisting that the word “fabrication” is meant to point to the processual character of image-making across time and media. Yet the need to disclaim other interpretations of the title before making this statement suggests that the natural way to understand it might be different: the word “fabrication” was chosen not “to deconstruct or demolish the king” nor “to imply that Louis was artificial while other people are title further away from propaganda, as suggested, for example, by Ranum’s analyses in The Artisans of Glory. 21. Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV, 11–13. 22. Burke, 13. 23. Burke, 13. 16 Introduction 24 natural.” However, the book tells a slightly different story, starting well before the disclaimers in the introduction. Just after the title page and dedication, on the left page opposite (hence before) the table of contents, the reader encounters Thackeray’s drawing discussed above. It appears above the following truncated quotation from Thackeray’s text, which takes on the function of a caption: “You see, at once, that majesty is made out of the wig, the high-heeled shoes, and cloak . . . Thus do barbers and cobblers make the gods that we worship.” Burke never comments upon this visual and verbal deconstruction of the king, with a function halfway between frontispiece and epigraph, in the main body of the text, despite a second full-page inclusion of the drawing halfway through the book.25 This is not exactly an omission, since in a certain sense the whole book is a comment on and a working out of what Thackeray called “the exact calculation” of absolutism. At the very least, such is the impact it has had on a generation or two of scholars for whom it has been and still is the main introduction into the making of the image of Louis XIV. Within this framework, the output from the royal image-makers is nothing but communication, nothing but persuasion, nothing but propaganda. What precedes is in no way meant to detract from the synthetic force of the exposition nor from the immense richness of the materials analyzed by Burke. The Fabrication of Louis XIV certainly is a summa and a most influential work in the field. Rather, my point here has been to bring attention to the largely unnoticed way in which this force has itself contributed in shaping the field in the following decades through its framework and approach. In many contexts, Burke’s unquestioned reliance on the communication model does not make much of a difference, while in some cases the cynical view is certainly warranted and serves to sharpen the analysis. At other points, however, it leads to a slippage, a lack of nuance, to interpretive possibilities being excluded without consideration. Here is one example of such a blind spot from the very last paragraph of the book: “Louis claimed to derive his power from God, not from the people.”26 Is Burke’s claim about this being Louis’s own claim as unproblematic as this sentence makes it seem? Indeed, doesn’t the word “claim” shift the source of Louis’s authority from the realm of self-evidence to the realm of persuasion?27 24. Burke, 10–11. 25. Namely, Burke, 124, opposite the first page of chapter 9, “The Crisis of Representation.” 26. Burke, 203. 27. For a second example of such a blind spot, see the following slippage in a programmatic paragraph from chapter 2, titled “Persuasion”: “As for the function of the image [of the king], . . . the aim was to celebrate Louis, to glorify him, in other words Introduction 17 But what more, what else could there possibly be? What is it that we do not see when we only see propaganda and persuasion? What is it that may be lost by automatically characterizing the cultural expressions of absolutism as propaganda or even as modern political communication? To begin answering these questions, I make a quick detour by way of methodological discussions related to the celebration of power in imperial Rome. The prominent French historian of ancient Rome, Paul Veyne, draws attention to the way in which Trajan’s Column in Rome poses a radical challenge to the communication model: modern scholars had long interpreted its famous spiral bas-relief, commemorating Trajan’s victory in the Dacian Wars, as imperial propaganda, in spite of being for the greater part invisible from the ground. How to make sense of a message without an actual audience? The reason for this radical indifference to the legibility of the monument is simple, Veyne explains, once we liberate ourselves from the blinders of the communication model: “the column is an expression of imperial pomp and not a piece of propagandistic information communicated to the spectator.”28 The same holds for premodern mobilizations of the arts for the celebration of monarchic glory all the way to Versailles, Veyne adds in the following sweeping statement: The cult, the incense, the “flattery” that surrounded Elizabeth I or Louis XIV officiated the celebration of their glory [célébraient l’office de leur gloire] without serving to place them on the throne; the palace of Versailles may have made Louis XIV a greater king than the others, but it could not make him more of a king: if it can be said, he was king “always already.”29 Through this “always already,” the king’s dignity is never in doubt or at stake: “Pomp is an expression of self that does not seek to make an to persuade viewers, listeners and readers of his greatness.” Burke, 19; my emphasis. Does the reduction of glorification to persuasion go without saying? 28. “[L]a colonne est une expression de faste impérial et non une information de propagande communiquée au spectateur.” Veyne, “Buts de l’art, propagande et faste monarchique,” 389. Burke alludes to an early version of Veyne’s argument in The Fabrication of Louis XIV: “As the ancient historian Paul Veyne recently suggested, some works of art are created to exist rather than to be seen. The reliefs on Trajan’s Column, for example, are invisible from the ground” (5). 29. “Le culte, l’encens, la ‘flatterie’ qui entouraient Élisabeth d’Angleterre ou Louis XIV célébraient l’office de leur gloire et ne se proposaient pas de les installer sur le trône; le château de Versailles pourra faire de Louis XIV un roi plus grand que les autres, mais non pas le rendre plus roi: il l’était, si l’on peut dire, ‘toujours déjà.’ ” Veyne, “Buts de l’art, propagande et faste monarchique,” 412. 18 Introduction impression and that, precisely because of this, makes one, appearing to be a product of royal nature, indifferent, like nature, to the existence of spectators.”30 Such a gesture can of course still be considered as communication, and nothing stops a modern observer from trying to nail down a message. However, the nature of what is communicated refuses to enter into the framework of the modern “analysts of communication,” as invoked by Burke. In effect, what is communicated is in part this refusal itself: a communication that doesn’t care about its immediate recipient, a message that declares loudly but without a precise audience in mind, “Because I can.” Two recent revisionary monographs confirm in unexpected ways the pertinence of Veyne’s insight for the monarchical culture of seventeenthcentury France. Both explore the notion of “visual history” but are otherwise extremely different both in approach and scope. On the one hand, Robert Wellington’s Antiquarianism and the Visual Histories of Louis XIV (2015) is itself an antiquarian inquiry without any pretension to challenge the way we think about the political dimension of absolutism.31 Nevertheless it does exactly that through the compelling case it makes for the “visual histories” produced by Louis XIV’s image-makers as being intended not for a contemporary audience but for posterity. These objects are “artifacts for a future past,” as the subtitle of the book puts it. It is not that the production of the king’s visual history was not part of a tightly supervised plan, coordinated by Jean-Baptiste Colbert and the Petite Académie; it was, but in a very different way than what our modern tools and categories allow us to seize. On the other hand, in the supremely ambitious Les rois imaginaires (2016), Yann Lignereux pursues the role of the imaginary as a constitutive dimension of monarchical French politics from the late fifteenth century through the reign of Louis XIV. In the final synthesizing chapter, the diachronic analysis brings Lignereux to a conclusion along the lines of Wellington’s: “The first and true audience of the royal imaginary is posterity.”32 Importantly, however, this is not Lignereux’s final word. Rather, it is the point where he radically 30. “Le faste est une expression de soi qui ne cherche pas à faire de l’effet et qui, précisément pour cela, en fait, parce qu’il semble être une production de la nature royale, indifférente, comme l’est la nature, à l’existence de spectateurs.” Veyne, 413. 31. “This study looks beyond a self-evident political reading of the iconography of Louis XIV to discover an artistic process deeply entrenched in a sophisticated intellectual and connoisseurial culture.” Wellington, Antiquarianism, 4. 32. “Le premier et le véritable public de l’imaginaire royal, c’est la postérité.” Lignereux, Les rois imaginaires, 293. Introduction 19 expands, if not explodes, the framework by reawakening the question of audience in Veyne’s reflection while replacing the latter’s main point of reference in Trajan’s Column in second-century imperial Rome with an underestimated monument of French absolutism itself. Located at the Cordouan plateau four miles into the sea off the mouth of the Gironde estuary, just north of Bordeaux, the Cordouan Lighthouse was built in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century on the order of Henri III and Henri IV, then carefully maintained through the reigns of Louis XIII and Louis XIV (fig. 3). It is a richly ornamented edifice that in its original design stood nearly forty meters tall, with exterior circular galleries, a sculpted front, and a monumental entrance leading into a lavishly decorated interior, with an “apartment of the king” on the first floor and a vaulted chapel on the second, above which the lighthouse proper sat.33 Although no French king ever visited the lighthouse, the edifice is a celebration of royal glory, as is legible in the decorative program, from the omnipresence of royal emblems, monograms, and initials to the sculptures of Louis XIV and Louis XV. It was at once a “wonder of the world” and a “monarchical monument.”34 But—and this is the exact place of Lignereux’s intervention—for whom? Who is saying what to whom by way of this monarchical monument whose exterior is inaccessible and whose interior is entirely invisible, to say nothing of the symbolic message inscribed in its details? One could certainly try to make the case that this is a magnificent piece of royal propaganda, expertly diffused by engravings like the one reproduced in figure 3, but only to be left wondering about its rhetorical efficacy. As Lignereux points out, these images “shut the public out from the splendor of its sacrosanct.”35 Sometimes called the “Versailles of the seas,” the Cordouan Lighthouse still stands today, less out of sight and reach to us thanks to modern technology than it was back then, and so all the more present as a monumental reminder of the limitations of our modern methods for thinking about royal monuments of the past. 33. This description follows closely the one given by Lignereux (294–96). See also the references given in the next footnote. Most of the structure described here still stands today, but the part above the chapel was radically expanded in the late eighteenth century so that the edifice now measures sixty meters. The lighthouse is still in operation, fully automatized since 2006. For further information and sources, see also the official website of the lighthouse: https://www.phare-de-cordouan.fr. 34. Guillaume, “Le phare de Cordouan.” See also Grenet-Delisle, Louis de Foix; and Castaner Muñoz, “L’exhaussement du phare de Cordouan.” 35. “[. . .] taisent au public la splendeur de son sacro-saint.” Lignereux, Les rois imaginaires, 297. 20 Introduction Figur e 3. Mathieu Merian (after a drawing by Claude Chastillon), The Cordouan Lighthouse (engraving). From Topographie française, ou Représentations de plusieurs villes . . . (Paris: Louys Boussevin, 1655). Photograph: Wikimedia Commons. There is, however, one sense in which the term “propaganda” is pertinent both for this wider discussion of methodology and for my specific analysis of royal imagery under Louis XIV. In the original etymological meaning of the term as “that which should be propagated,” the emphasis remains, importantly, on the entity that is to be propagated, broadcast, diffused, expressed—and not yet on the recipient. But this Introduction 21 is not to say that the modern meaning of persuasion and even manipulation is not latent, especially since the term emerged in the very precise institutional setting of the Catholic Counter-Reformation.36 This more neutral use of the term is still possible today, with an emphasis on the propagating mission as an obligation toward the entity in need of propagation: in the original use, the Christian faith; in the absolutist context, the glory of the king. However, as I have shown, the word resonates today so strongly with the instrumental focus on manipulative impact alone that such a rehabilitated notion would hardly be an adequate conceptual tool. Hence the need to move beyond the traditional framework of propaganda, which can now no longer be more than mere propaganda. 3. Approaching Absolutism Differently: Royal Glory and Royal Exemplarity How to home in on the dream of absolutism, then? How to approach the most extravagant artifacts of absolutism in a less reductive manner than what an approach in terms of propaganda or any modern communication model would entail? How might these artifacts be taken up in a way that allows us to get at the “totality and coherence” of absolutism (per Fanny Cosandey and Robert Descimon)? Indeed, how to start accounting for the force and efficacy of the dream of absolutism, not only in its time but long after it? The analyses in this book rely on the recuperation of the premodern categories of “royal glory” and “royal exemplarity.” Although both these expressions make intuitive sense at a surface level, the conceptual work they refer to may be less than obvious, even to seasoned students of early modernity, due to a systematic neglect in the scholarship. The reason for this scholarly disregard is related to the discussion above. Modern scholars have ignored them for the same reason as the corpus I am studying here, in which they feature prominently: an uncomfortable whiff (to a 36. The modern word has its faraway origin in the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, founded in 1622 by Pope Gregory XV in the context of the Catholic Counter-Reformation and often known quite simply as Propaganda Fide (from the Latin title: Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide). The term wasn’t politicized in the precise technical sense of manipulation until the French Revolution. Therefore, it should not be surprising to find the term used by Voltaire in its original meaning of “toute institution qui a pour but la propagation d’une croyance religieuse” (every institution which has as its purpose the propagation of a religious belief). Quoted here from Lignereux, Les rois imaginaires, 286n15. 22 Introduction modern nose) of subservience, manipulation, and propaganda. And yet, if we modern readers look more closely, as I will in what follows, it becomes obvious as we move beyond the framework of mere propaganda that royal glory and royal exemplarity are of paramount importance in understanding the dynamics of symbolic authority at work in the wider culture. They are central categories in the cultural practices undergirding the strict verticality of the absolutist society’s symbolic hierarchy, contributing decisively in the processes that make power real in the person of the king. In short, they are the stuff of which the dream of absolutism is made. I will tease out the exact function and working of the two categories in the course of the chapters through close scrutiny of central absolutist artifacts across different media. But before turning to the analysis, it is necessary to prepare the ground by introducing the two categories in some depth. In the case of royal exemplarity, this is essential since the concept may seem somewhat abstract and technical at the outset. As for royal glory, the situation is, in a certain sense, the opposite. It seems to speak with a self-evidence fueled by the pomp and splendor of Versailles, but it is in reality a complex and multilayered concept. Although the two categories are not exactly overlapping, they converge incessantly in the material studied here in the exuberant celebration of the glorious royal exemplar. In light of the discussion above, the notion of royal glory would seem like a promising place to start looking for alternatives to propaganda when discussing artifacts of absolutism. After all, the writers and artists whose work is analyzed in what follows were all “artisans of glory” in the way examined by Orest Ranum, and they were instrumental in redeploying “those webs of myths and facts [. . .] that bound the prince to the pursuit of gloire”37—webs of examples within a culture of exemplarity, as I shall soon return to. My starting point is a privileged testimony from Louis XIV himself about the extent to which the importance of this pursuit was on his mind from the early years of his personal reign. Here is his often-quoted statement to the members of the Petite Académie in charge of overseeing the production of the royal image across media: Vous pouvez, Messieurs, juger de l’estime que je fais de vous, puisque je vous confie la chose du monde qui m’est la plus précieuse, qui est ma gloire: je suis sûr que vous ferez des merveilles; je tâcherai de ma part de 37. Ranum, Artisans of Glory, 337, as discussed above, 13–14. Introduction 23 vous fournir de la matière qui mérite d’être mise en œuvre par des gens aussi habiles que vous êtes.38 (You may, Gentlemen, judge the appreciation I have for you, since I entrust you with the thing in the world which is the most precious to me, namely my glory. I am sure you will do marvels; I will try on my side to provide you with matter which deserves to be given form [mise en œuvre] by people as competent as you are.) This assertion is important not only for its brazen expression of youthful confidence anticipating glorious exploits ahead of him, but also for the place accorded to the arts in this enterprise. In the dichotomy between form and content that the king suggests, there is an implicit promise about artistic glory to come for the academicians: by giving shape to his glorious exploits, they will achieve their own. It could therefore be tempting to read the statement as the recognition of a transactional interdependence; for all practical purposes, couldn’t the royal glory at stake here be reduced to the construction and propagation of reputation or renown? Nothing is less sure. Rather, one could wonder whether the brazenness of the royal utterance is carried by a sense of heaven-sent entitlement. “Ma gloire”: instead of reputation to be established or fabricated, this would be a preexisting glory to be made visible and given form, to be expressed, externalized, and confirmed by further glorious exploits. It is “the thing in the world which is the most precious to [him],” but that might be so precisely because it is not entirely of this world. The glorious matter to be provided by the king calls for the making of “marvels.” Although this marvel-making task—which is thus both the king’s and the artists’—is formulated in the future tense, the glory of the king exists here, now, in the promise (or the dream) of marvels to come. The scene is thus structurally similar to the one in the central painting in the Hall of Mirrors, evoked in the opening of the introduction, where the king is not looking out in the world but into himself, with a gaze that itself dreams the glorious dream of absolutism.39 The concept of royal glory needs to be front and center in any discussion of French absolutism’s self-image and processes of self-representation. It 38. The anecdote is reported by Charles Perrault in Mémoires, xxv–xxvi; my emphasis. The anecdote is quoted by Ranum, 279. 39. For a further discussion of this anecdote, see chapter 3, 184. It also occurs in passing in chapter 2, 129. 24 Introduction is therefore not at all controversial to speak of the Petite Académie as a “ministry of glory,” although, importantly, this does not make it a “historical research team for political propaganda,” as Jacob Soll would have it.40 And yet, a synthetic work proposing a thorough exploration of the concept in the context of French absolutism still seems far away. Significant preparatory work has certainly already been done within more widely defined projects, most prominently by Robert Morrissey on the historical side and by Giorgio Agamben in political theology.41 Olivier Chaline also covers important ground in his landmark biography on Louis XIV (2005).42 It is a testimony to the difficulty and urgency of the task that the perspectives of Morrissey, Chaline, and Ranum, on the one hand, and of Agamben, on the other, seem incompatible, if not mutually exclusive. If analyzed at all, the early modern logic of royal glory is generally reduced to remnants of aristocratic notions of feudal honor or a nostalgic revival of a Roman culture of renown. The crucial theological impulse behind the pursuit of royal glory—which, as Agamben shows, is much more than (indeed, fully independent of) the moralist denunciation of vainglory—is still largely unaccounted for in the scholarship. My aim here is hardly one of filling this lacuna. However, the importance of the task and its first outline can be suggested already by a quick incursion into a key resource from late seventeenth-century France— namely, the rich and evocative article on the term in Antoine Furetière’s 1690 dictionary. According to Furetière, the first meaning of the word gloire is “Majesté de Dieu, la vue de sa puissance, de sa grandeur infinie” (God’s majesty, the sight of his power or infinite greatness).43 This is the theological concept of glory, from the Latin gloria, which itself is a translation of the ancient Greek doxa (and kabod in Hebrew). Notably, Furetière uses a political language here, with terms such as “majesty” and “power.” In the context of this discussion of royal glory specifically, I would like to insist on a layer of meaning in the Greek term that remains implicit in the Latin (and thus in the French and also the English) translation but is explicit in the German. The term Herrlichkeit’s root, hehr, evokes a general idea of highness but is at the same time closely linked 40. Chaline, Le règne de Louis XIV, 1:354; Soll, The Information Master, 128. 41. Morrissey, The Economy of Glory; Agamben, The Kingdom and the Glory. 42. Chaline, Le Règne de Louis XIV; the first volume of this two-volume work carries the subtitle Les rayons de la gloire (The rays of glory). See especially the sections “La gloire du roi” (The glory of the king) and “Les institutions de la gloire” (The institutions of glory) (156–77 and 354–87). See also by Chaline the important article “De la gloire” and the edited volume La gloire à l’époque moderne. 43. Furetière, Dictionaire universel, “gloire.” Introduction 25 to the two substantives Herr (master, lord) and Herrscher (sovereign), in such a way that (divine) glory literally evokes the manifestation of God’s absolute lordliness and sovereignty.44 In the second definition of the term gloire, Furetière evokes man’s duty to God: “gloire, se dit aussi de l’honneur qu’on rend à Dieu, des louanges qui lui sont dues.” (glory is also said about the honor one gives to God, the praise due to him.) This is glory as rendered to God by the faithful in adoration through an act of glorification. Again, the German term Verherrlichung serves to make explicit the vertical positioning of this activity: it necessarily happens from an inferior position. It is an act of subjection, the celebration of vertical inferiority. Furetière’s third definition finally reaches the human level and, as the last of a series of examples, royal glory: gloire, se dit par emprunt et par participation, de l’honneur mondain, de la louange qu’on donne au mérite, au savoir et à la vertu des hommes. La gloire du monde n’est qu’une fumée. Ce Triomphateur est revenu comblé, tout couvert de gloire. Cet ouvrage a acquis beaucoup de gloire à son Auteur. Ce Prince a tiré beaucoup de gloire de cette action de clémence, de justice.45 (glory is said, by borrowing and participation, about worldly honor, praise of the worth, knowledge and virtue of men. Worldly glory is only smoke. The Victor returned replete with, wholly covered in glory. This work has earned much glory for its Author. The Prince garnered much glory from this act of clemency and justice.) Here, the primary meaning of the word gloire is obviously very close to notions of honor, praise, renown, and reputation. This is certainly the case in the final example from the princely realm. The glory of this exemplary prince is attributed to his virtuous act and to the specific virtues it demonstrates (his clemency and justice). At the same time, the exact formulation of the sentence may appear perplexing in that it seems to invite a suspicion as to his motives. To a modern reader, the verbal locution “tirer gloire” already gives off a whiff of hypocrisy: there seems to be an indication of agency and intention that would risk turning a virtuous act into a mere superficial and virtuoso show of virtue. This would be Furetière’s fourth definition of gloire, which establishes the link to vain44. Schlüter, “Herrlichkeit. I,” 1079–80. 45. Furetière, Dictionaire universel, “gloire.” 26 Introduction glory and boasting: “gloire, signifie quelquefois, Orgueil, présomption, bonne opinion qu’on a de soi-même. [. . .] On dit, qu’un homme fait gloire d’une chose, lorsqu’il s’en vante, qu’il s’en fait honneur.” (glory, meaning sometimes Vainglory, presumption, high self-regard. [. . .] One says that a man glorifies himself in a thing when he brags about it or honors himself with it.) However, at the time, “tirer gloire” still tended to qualify the objective outcome of an action rather than its intention. Therefore, the glorious act of the prince in the example is an objective reason for praise and even pride; it is exemplary not only in the trivial sense that it serves as an example in a dictionary, but also with the full moral weight of the term. That said, it should be added that the difference between the positive “tirer gloire de” and the negative “faire gloire de” from the fourth definition was subtle already at the time (while the reflexive form “se faire gloire de” didn’t appear until the twentieth century). Furthermore, the place of the princely example as the last element in the enumeration, and in that sense closer to the fourth definition than to the third that it serves to exemplify, seems to accentuate the slipperiness of judgment of his action. It is as if this example stages the ambiguity of worldly glory— and also, as I will soon return to, the ambiguity of princely exemplarity as such. The concept of worldly glory, as it is presented in the definition and examples from Furetière, may seem far removed from the theological sense given as the first meaning of the term. Indeed, there appears to be a rift in the French concept of gloire, harking back to a similar tension between theological and pre-Christian moralist layers of meaning in the Latin gloria, closer in meaning to the Latin notion of fama (itself closer in meaning to the Greek concept of kleos) than to the theological concept. Hence a tendency in the scholarship on early modern France in general and on absolutist culture in particular to ignore the theological layer of meaning all together and reduce the discussion of glory to a problem of heroic virtue and renown within—and more precisely, toward the peak of—a social hierarchy. This is certainly a rich and rewarding topic, as demonstrated most recently in Robert Morrissey’s magisterial exploration of the cultural and literary history of glory in the long eighteenth century, from Louis XIV to Napoleon, unearthing “the ‘economy of glory’ Napoleon sought to implement in an attempt to heal the divide between the Old Regime and the Revolution.”46 And yet, as Morrissey himself observes early in his inquiry in relation to Louis XIV, there is another conceptual layer beyond the tradition of glory as fama discussed in his 46. The quotation is from the dust jacket of Morrissey, The Economy of Glory. Introduction 27 book: “An essential element of this configuration [of court society]: the glory of the king of France is the reflection of that of God.”47 Furetière’s article on gloire announces this same ontological analogy in the concept of glory itself: human glory signifies “par emprunt et par participation” (by borrowing and participation) from the primary sense of divine glory, a theological Herrlichkeit that, as I just have shown, resonates with an otherworldly majesty, lordliness, and sovereignty. Glory as such is thus closely linked at once to the essence of God and the essence of kingship, first in its theological formulation, which is already political, and then a second time in the divine right invested in the French crown. It is therefore not surprising that the most exuberant and excessive celebrations of French absolutism under Louis XIV seem to be carried by a concept of royal glory that sits uneasy with the traditional framework of human glory understood as merely renown (fama), as will be shown repeatedly in the close analyses in this book. At this point, I would like to shift attention to an overlapping concept that better catches the participatory, collective aspect of absolutism and that is of crucial importance in understanding the continued fascination with the dream of absolutism even after absolutism. Again, my starting point is a privileged testimony attributed to the king himself, this time regarding the political importance of exemplarity under absolutism. The following remarkable passage appears in the Mémoires that Louis XIV (assisted by his ghostwriters) wrote for the instruction of his oldest son, the Dauphin, in a discussion of the political importance of the royal display of religious humility. It is thus the king who says “je” (I), and the possessive pronoun “notre” (our) that opens the quotation englobes himself and his son: Notre soumission pour lui [Dieu] est la règle et l’exemple de celle qui nous est due. Les armées, les conseils, toute l’industrie humaine seraient de faibles moyens pour nous maintenir sur le trône, si chacun y croyait avoir même droit que nous, et ne révérait pas une puissance supérieure, dont la nôtre est une partie. Les respects publics que nous rendons à cette 47. Morrissey, 38. The theological perspective opened by this sentence is brought back to the ethical discussion of glory as a heroic ideal of virtue with the observation that this “vision was perfectly compatible with the ideal of the profane hero developed by the Catholic Reformation” (38). Such a delimitation makes sense within the project of Morrissey’s book, but it also leaves the question about the deeper politico-theological implications of the reflections of God’s glory on to the king’s largely unexplored. 28 Introduction puissance invisible, pourraient enfin être nommés justement la première et la plus importante partie de notre politique, s’ils ne devaient avoir un motif plus noble et plus désintéressé. (Our submission to Him [God] is the rule and the example for that which is due to us. Armies, councils, all human industry would be feeble means for maintaining us on the throne if everyone believed he had as much right to it as we and did not revere a superior power, of which ours is a part. The public respects that we pay to this invisible power could indeed justly be considered the first and most important part of our entire politics if they did not require a more noble and more disinterested motive.)48 This paragraph and its context pose arguably the politically most complex yet most significant passage of the whole Mémoires and will be analyzed at length in chapter 1. The stakes of the lesson couldn’t be higher. As the royal father points out, the stability of the societal hierarchy hinges on the subjects’ belief in the king’s divine right to his position. Hence the urgency of the visible example of “submission” and “public respects” offered by the king and his son to a higher invisible power: it becomes exemplary of the submission to figures of authority in general. In this sense, exemplarity is “the first and most important part” of absolutist politics insofar as it is the principle that grounds and conserves orderly, hierarchical life in the polis. In other words, the main lesson from father to son is that the force of exemplarity is the glue that holds the ancien régime society together. The last sentence quoted betrays an unease with the seeming instrumentality in this example of religious humility. Isn’t the public royal submission recommended here itself close to propagandistic manipulation in its emphasis on royal self-interest? It is, but as will be demonstrated in the detailed analysis, the king himself here shows an acute awareness of the dangers of what modern readers would call a propagandistic approach and of anything close to Thackeray’s “exact calculation.” Somewhat surprisingly to a modern reader, according to the royal father, the crucial sincere bottom-up buy-in by the subjects seems to depend on the sincerity of the prior submission of the sovereign. Hence the necessity of 48. Louis XIV, Mémoires, suivis de Manière de montrer les jardins, 104–5; Louis XIV, Mémoires for the Instruction of the Dauphin, 57. Throughout these pages, I have sometimes modified the translation to bring it closer to the original. Introduction 29 “a more noble and more disinterested motive,” although even this disinterest remains ambiguous, as I will show in chapter 1. It is important to stress that my emphasis on royal exemplarity in this book does not at all mean the introduction of a new concept. Rather, it is an attempt at recovering a way of thinking that was ubiquitous and unavoidable at the time but lost to us. According to John D. Lyons, the “period from the fifteenth through the early seventeenth centuries [merits] the appellation ‘the age of exemplarity.’ ”49 This is certainly true if one looks at elite culture and the ways in which ancient examples were at the heart of the humanist project as a source of political, ethical, and aesthetic models (in the mode of the Ciceronian historia magistra vitae). Lyons’s scholarship on the topic belongs to a first wave of research exploring early modern exemplarity that revealed the extent to which Renaissance texts by authors such as Montaigne, Erasmus, and Machiavelli not only belong to such a culture of exemplarity, but at the same time profoundly question it. Inside such a framework, the late Renaissance is marked by a “crisis of exemplarity,” most prominently voiced by Montaigne, and the end of the period indicated by Lyons coincides with René Descartes’s radical rejection of ancient books and examples in Discours de la méthode. This model of crisis, however, neglects to note the continued centrality of exemplarity for absolutist political culture of the late seventeenth century. Absolutist culture under Louis XIV was incontestably a culture of exemplarity in the sense that at once political, moral, and artistic choices were still largely justified through reference to the authority of concrete models from the past. Despite scholarly reports about an earlier “Renaissance crisis of exemplarity,” the example remained the crucial figure in the cultural construction of authority, the way in which the past is extended into the future through actions in the present. And within this broader culture of exemplarity, the glorious royal exemplar occupied a more central place than ever.50 In this light, it is not surprising that many of the most important cultural polemics of the age, known as Querelles, can in fact be viewed as 49. Lyons, Exemplum, 12. 50. For “the Renaissance crisis of exemplarity,” see the special issue of the Journal of History of Ideas with that title (59, no. 4), especially the introduction by Rigolot, but also important articles by Cornilliat, Hampton, Lyons, Stierle, and others. See also Hampton, Writing from History. For Descartes’s position, see Lyons’s subtle reading of the new exemplarity of the Discours in chapter 4 of Exemplum (156–70). See also the more recent collective volume Giavarini, Construire l’exemplarité. For the lack of emphasis on royal exemplarity within this rich body of scholarship, see my discussion below. 30 Introduction battles in an ongoing cultural war about the way in which exemplarity is constructed. This is the case for the Querelles on theater, monuments, inscriptions, and even the notorious polemics opposing Jesuits and Jansenists. And most of all, it was the case for the most notable one, the “Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes” (the Battle of the Books). Here, the point of contention was precisely the status of the ancient example, not only when it came to the choice of models for artistic creation, but also in terms of authority and legitimacy more broadly construed. Indeed, chapter 3 argues that what was at stake among the learned men of the French Academy and beyond can productively be approached as a polemics about how best to celebrate the royal glory of Louis XIV. I read the Querelle as a symptom of a wider cultural unease about exemplarity and argue that for the notion of a “crisis of exemplarity” to be fruitful, it needs to be recast as a crisis of royal exemplarity and studied in the most potent self-justifications of absolutism.51 These observations are all indications that the logic of exemplarity is under a certain pressure, with a constant need to be renegotiated. They do not mean, however, that the dominant role of exemplarity is diminishing or that the absolutist “siècle de Louis XIV” breaks with an exemplary culture. In a society more and more turned toward the example of the court, behavior and desires were increasingly modeled inside a rigorous hierarchy of curial exemplarity under labels such as etiquette, politeness, and civility. This brings me back to the above quotation from Louis XIV’s Mémoires and the position of the initial royal submission as at once the linchpin and the apex of exemplarity’s hierarchy. At this point, it is interesting to observe that the logic of exemplarity itself is in fact dependent on a similar structural elevation or exception as the one conserved through the royal example here. In an important sense, all exemplarity is royal, and the logic of exemplarity itself stands in a relation of solidarity with that of kingship. This solidarity between exemplarity and kingship can first of all be observed in treatises of rhetoric and logic, where the exemplarity of examples (what turns a sample into a model) is likened to the exemplarity of kings. The figure of the great king is omnipresent in theoretical de51. For the political implications of the “Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes,” see the chapter “Modernity and Monarchy,” in Norman, The Shock of the Ancient, 89–98. For the two other related Querelles, see, for example, Vuilleumier Laurens and Laurens, L’Âge de l’inscription; and Blanchard, “Ménestrier and the ‘Querelle des Monuments.’ ” Introduction 31 scriptions of the rhetoric of example from Aristotle’s Rhetoric through Antoine Arnauld and Pierre Nicole’s Logique de Port-Royal (1662) to Jacques Bénigne Bossuet’s Logique du Dauphin (1677). In both Aristotle and Bossuet, the king appears as the very first example of how reasoning through example works. Here is the example given by Bossuet after a short initial statement linking example to induction in moral matters, in a sentence that recalls the quotation from the Mémoires above: [A]insi, pour faire voir à quels désordres l’amour porte les hommes, on représente ce qu’il a fait faire à Samson, à David, à Salomon, comme il a pensé faire périr César dans Alexandrie, comme il a fait périr Antoine, et mille autres événements semblables.52 (Thus, in order to show the types of disorder to which love carries men, one represents what it made Samson, David, and Salomon do, how it nearly made Cesar perish in Alexandria, how it made Anthony perish, and a thousand other similar events.) The same point could certainly have been conveyed through “mille autres événements semblables”—by a thousand other examples. And yet, the royal example still seems to stand out as more representative, not only for Bossuet, who here writes for the Dauphin, but also for ordinary people, as expressed through the use of the French impersonal subject pronoun “on”: one turns to Samson, David, and Salomon. Somehow, this series of royal examples seems to communicate more efficiently the general rule, which the reader is made to see (faire voir). Therefore, the choice of examples here undermines the conception that examples are mere induction. Rather, it would be tempting to speak of a certain solidarity between kingliness and exemplarity, both implying, as Alexander Gelley has said about the example, “the elevation of a singular to exemplary status.”53 It is as if the exemplarity of examples were most forcefully communicated by analogy with the exemplarity of the great king, just like in the political realm, where the elevation of the king above his subjects is most efficiently justified through exemplarity, as Louis XIV explained to his son. Whereas early modern exemplarity in general has given rise to an impressive body of scholarship in the last few decades,54 the question of royal exemplarity as such has remained virtually unexplored. While 52. Bossuet, Logique du Dauphin, 142. 53. Gelley, Unruly Examples, 2. See 32n55 for the relevance of this quotation. 54. By scholars such as Lyons, Hampton, Rigolot, and many others, cf. 29n50. 32 Introduction the scholarship just mentioned has been immensely helpful for a broad understanding of the early modern culture of exemplarity, the insights most important to understanding the logic of royal exemplarity can be found in a transhistorical analysis, namely, in Gelley’s introduction to a collective volume entitled Unruly Examples from the mid-1990s. Gelley’s decisive intervention consists in his distinction between two competing impulses in the workings of exemplarity: on the one hand, an Aristotelian impulse, a descriptive, “horizontal” understanding (example as sample or induction); and, on the other hand, a Platonic movement, which elevates a normative, “vertical” dimension (example as the exemplary status of an elevated entity). Gelley’s work does not address the political value of exemplarity as such, but to me it is obvious that in an early modern context these two impulses converge in the body of the royal exemplar.55 In other words, in my reading, the symbolic relationship between kingship and exemplarity maps onto the two impulses of exemplarity studied by Gelley. The king is an individual among many, who through his exemplarity appears as chosen, elevated, fated, in a way that erases the traces of contingency, the inductive and the empirical in this selection. The absolutist king is always already exemplary through his elevation. This means that the constructed nature of this royal exemplarity is invisible, unthinkable not only for the king’s subjects but also, crucially, for himself (as least as long as the new king follows the advice of his father, as discussed above and in more detail in chapter 1)—an important point that gets lost inside a modern framework where we consider the production of the royal image as nothing but propaganda and conscious manipulation. Through the power of example, the dignity of the king appears as given by nature, or even by God: an evident royal power, the rule of one, instituted by the One. Royal exemplarity is thus the process through which the sovereign naturally appears as the temporal incarnation of the eternal sovereign principle, or, expressed through the language of another passage from Louis XIV’s Mémoires to which I will return, as the living image of the almighty, in a way that leads his subjects to spontaneously express that “Le caractère de la divinité est empreint sur son visage, etc.” (“The character of 55. The juxtaposition of kingliness and exemplarity is thus mine; in its original context, the quotation from Gelley above only refers to the workings of exemplarity. The juxtaposition could easily be extended to the two sentences following the quotation: “Is the example [or the king] merely one—a singular, a fruit of circumstance—or the One—a paradigm, a paragon? The tactic of exemplarity [or kingliness] would seem to be to mingle the singular with the normative, to mark an instance as fated.” Gelley, Unruly Examples, 2; author’s emphasis. Introduction 33 divinity is stamped on his face, etc.”), as Blaise Pascal famously observed.56 And conversely, it is only when exemplarity is reduced to mere induction and representation, without carrying the imprint of divine choice and the aura given by fate—in other words, when the celebration of his royal glory appears as mere pomp and propaganda—that the contingency of the selection becomes visible as such. In this instance, and only in this instance, the subjects can see that the king (or the emperor) has no clothes, in the manner of Thackeray’s “exact calculation”: that he is a partly exemplary, partly non-exemplary human being like themselves. The French Revolution becomes conceivable once the king’s body loses its exemplary glory, once the character of divinity is no longer stamped on his face, and all of a sudden he is one body among many, as a sample or representative, but without the authority of his God-given elevation. Royal glory and royal exemplarity coincide in the celebration of the glorious royal exemplar and never have they coincided more perfectly than in the case of Louis XIV. But this is also the point where exemplarity threatens to break down. I already discussed how in Louis XIV’s Mémoires the example of royal submission to the divine was presented as a model for imitation. But what are we to make of depictions of the royal exemplar that are so glorious, so exemplary that he becomes inimitable and incomparable? In the corpus discussed in this book, there is a recurrent emphasis on—and a phantasmal pull toward—the point where the king takes the place of all other examples. Read in sequence, the three chapters trace a progression from center to periphery, from the sublime to the seemingly banal, in their examination of this absolutist obsession. In the first chapter, I analyze closely such a moment in the opening of the king’s own Mémoires, when he suggests to his son that his book might very well replace all other books in the Dauphin’s education. In the second chapter, I explore the choice of decorative program for the vault of the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, when the plan to portray the king’s glorious exploits in the guise of Apollo or Hercules was replaced by a direct depiction of the king himself. In both cases, a direct and literal mirroring of the king in his own (textual or visual) portrait replaces the passage by the tradition of examples from the past (known as “mirrors for princes”). As I shall argue, this new pedagogical mirror structure is actually thematized 56. Pascal, Pensées, fragment 59. The italics are introduced by Pascal’s modern editor as a way of indicating the presence of a citation or quasi-citation. Pascal’s inclusion of the final “etc.” is significative, since it suggests that this specific utterance is only one of many similar examples. 34 Introduction at the symbolic center of the Hall of Mirrors, in a surprising—and surprisingly understudied—mirror scene included in the depiction of the birth of absolutism in Le Roi gouverne par lui-même, 1661, first mentioned in the opening of this introduction. But it is in the seeming “absolutist absurdities” discussed in chapter 3 that this coincidence is explored the most forcefully. On the one hand, in Claude-Charles Guyonnet de Vertron’s 1685 Parallèle de Louis le Grand avec les princes qui ont été surnommés grands (Parallel between Louis the Great and the other princes who have been named great), whose curious conclusion runs as follows: “Louis resembles all the Great princes, although none of these Greats resemble him, because only he is similar to himself, and the Great prince par excellence.” On the other, in Jean de Préchac’s 1698 fairy tale “Sans Parangon” (“Without equal” or “Without example”), which recounts the life of Louis XIV very thinly veiled as that of Prince Sans Parangon, whose actions are dictated by increasingly difficult challenges from an invisible Princess Belle Gloire (Beautiful Glory). These texts may seem so exuberant as to be completely over-the-top, but in their very excess they provide a window to the inner workings of absolutism. 4. The Dream of Absolutism So far in this introduction, the term “dream” has been used in a loose, intuitive, metaphorical sense. From the outset, the “dream of absolutism” points to a conception that is more capacious and supple than the modern scholarly concept of absolutism. The logic at work in the absolutist expressions analyzed here is dreamlike in that it seems to imply the dimming of certain rational exigencies and allows for the integration of contradictions. Or better, with a tiny twist on a well-known aphorism: like the heart in Pascal’s original coinage, the dream, too, has its reasons that reason doesn’t know.57 This rewriting is very much faithful to the meaning of the original, despite the rosy romantic connotations the latter may have for modern readers. Read in context, it is clear that Pascal posits the heart as the site of an extra-rational cognition operating according to a different logic and oriented by a higher principle of love, either divine love or self-love. In the present case, the dream is the site for a similarly larger extra-rational realignment; one where thought and feeling, reason and emotion square off differently; one where bodies move and are moved in a numinous setting, where strong visual manifestations impose 57. “Le cœur a ses raisons que la raison ne connaît point.” (“The heart has its reasons, which reason does not know.”) Pascal, Pensées, fragment 680. Introduction 35 themselves as if scripted from the outside and given from above; one where a space is opened for a phantasmagoric sense of truth outside any fixed experience of time. In this sense, the dream carries an extra-rational, premodern knowledge. The dream here stands for the other of demystification and of Thackeray’s “exact calculation”; the other of the modern reduction of absolutist artifacts to mere propaganda. At the same time, it is important to emphasize that the idea of absolute power is itself dreamlike. Only a dream? Putting it that way would disregard the force of imagination and phantasmagoria at work in any conception of politics. Theoretically speaking, the reality of omnipotence is problematic already at the metaphysical level of a divine creator and a contradiction in terms for any creature through its very creatureliness. However, on the practical level of lived experience, it is not. On the contrary, as the king reminds his son in the passage from the Mémoires quoted above, there is a generally shared belief about royal participation in an invisible superior power, perceptible as royal glory and upheld through royal exemplarity; an enabling dream without which “[a]rmies, councils, all human industry would be feeble means for maintaining us on the throne.”58 Within such a framework, the two possible meanings of the genitive construction in the nominal syntagm “the dream of absolutism” come together in a third, richer sense. First of all, the locution will appear to most as an objective genitive, evoking a dream about absolutism, a dream that has absolutism as its content, its subject matter, its mental ideation, and that could be dreamt by anybody, any agent. Second, read as a subjective genitive, the construction assigns agency, ownership, belonging; it is the dream dreamt by absolutism, a phantasmagoric content that belongs to abs
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https://clyx.com/books/lambley/the_teaching_and_cultivation_of_the_french_language_in/chapter_i_french_at_the_courts_of_james_i_and_charles_i-french.htm
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With an Introductory Chapter on the Preceding Period :: CHAPTER I FRENCH AT THE COURTS OF JAMES I. AND CHARLES
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The king's eldest son, Henry, made acquaintance with French at a very early age. In 1600, when only seven years old, he addressed a letter in French to the States-General of Holland. He calls this epistle "les primices de nostre main,"[717] and probably received some help in its composition. He also wrote in French to Henry IV., who had recommended to him his riding master, FRENCH STUDIES OF THE STUART FAMILYM. St. Antoine,[718] and to the Dauphin, offering him two bidets.[719] At this time many of the riding-masters in England were Italians, but almost all the dancing-masters were Frenchmen.[720] The young prince, however, had a French master for both these exercises.[721] One of his language masters was John Florio, best known by his translation of Montaigne's Essais, published in 1600, who taught both French and Italian and was the author of several books for teaching the latter. Florio had spent many of his earlier years at Oxford, and at the beginning of the seventeenth century was in London, teaching languages, and well acquainted with many of the chief men of the day. It is uncertain at what date he became tutor to Prince Henry,[722] but in 1603 he was appointed Reader in Italian to Queen Anne, and in the following year "Gentleman extraordinary and Groom of the Privy Chamber." His royal pupil was a great lover of Pibrac's Quatrains, popular among teachers of French. The prince wrote to his mother in 1604, sending her a copy of one of the quatrains, and telling her that if she likes he will undertake to learn the whole by heart before the end of the year; and, in reminding his father of a promise to give ecclesiastical preferment to his tutor, Mr. Adam Newton, he quotes one of them as appropriate:[723] Prince Charles, afterwards Charles I., seems to have been the most accomplished of James's family in so far as French is concerned. He was able to carry on a conversation in it with his father and the Duke John Ernest of Saxe-Weimar when he was thirteen years old.[724] Evidence of his fluency is provided by the well-known episode of his visit to Spain to see the Infanta. The Queen of Spain, daughter of Henry IV. and sister of Henrietta Maria, was delighted when the English prince, on his arrival at the Spanish Court, addressed her in her native idiom. She warned him not to speak to her again without permission, as it was customary to poison all gentlemen suspected of gallantry towards the Queen of Spain. She managed to obtain leave to speak with Charles, however, and had a long conversation with him in her box at the theatre, in the course of which, it is said, she confided to him her desire for his marriage with her sister.[725] When Charles married Henrietta she was quite ignorant of English, and his knowledge of French was again put to the test. He was also called upon to employ French with his mother-in-law, Marie de Medecis, during her stay in England. His letters to her show how accomplished a writer of French he was. He possessed a more elegant style than his French wife, thanks largely to Guy Le Moyne,[726] who was also French tutor to the Duke of Buckingham[727] and other members of the nobility. Among the French masters employed in the family of Charles I. was Peter Massonnet, a native of Geneva, who attended the princes, Charles (II.) and James (II.), in the capacity of sub-tutor, writing-master, and French teacher. We have no details as to how he taught them, nor do we know if Charles learnt from one or other of the French manuals which had been dedicated to him. Massonnet received a salary and pension from Charles I., in whose service he remained for thirty-two years, first as French tutor to his children and then, in the time of his adversity, as clerk to the Patents, and Foreign Secretary. During the Commonwealth he spent some time at Oxford, and was created D.Med. on the 9th of April 1648, being described as second or under tutor to James, Duke of York.[728] At the time of the Restoration Massonnet was in a very destitute condition. His pension had not been paid during the troubled period of the Civil Wars and the Commonwealth, and to crown all he was outlawed for debt. He had to petition Charles II., his former pupil, several times for the payment of his salary and arrears before his appeal had any real effect. From time to time he received instalments, but in 1668 he was still "the saddest FRENCH TUTORS AT COURTobject of pity of all the king's servants, and ready to perish."[729] In 1633 Sir Robert le Grys, Groom of the Chamber to James I. and Charles I.,[730] offered his services as tutor to Prince Charles (II.), then three years old. He undertook to make Latin the prince's mother tongue by the age of seven, using an easy method, not "dogging his memory with pedantic rules, after the usual fashion." French was to be the language first studied, and Italian and Spanish also entered the programme.[731] What sort of reception these proposals met with is not known, but in May of the same year Sir Robert was granted the office of captain of the Castle of St. Mewes for life.[732] Another tutor, named Lovell, taught French and Latin to two of Charles I.'s children during the Civil War. He was employed at Penhurst by the Countess of Leicester, to whose care the children had been committed.[733] Ladies were among the most eager lovers of the French language at the Court of the early Stuarts, and were noted for their proficiency in that tongue. We hear that wealthy ladies go to Court, "and there learn to be at charge to teach the paraquetoes French."[734] Not only was he that could not parlee not considered a gentleman, but the ladies had to talk French if they wished to play a part at Court. French had entirely supplanted Euphuism, the high-flown, bombastic speech which had held sway in polite circles after the appearance of Lyly's Euphues in 1579. "Now a lady at Court who speaks no French," wrote Th. Blount in 1623,[735] "is as little regarded as she who did not parley euphuisme" in the earlier days. Girls, to be considered well brought up, had to "speak French naturally at fifteen, and be turned to Spanish and Italian half a year later."[736] It is improbable that Spanish was learnt in any but a few exceptional cases. Italian, however, was fairly widely learnt for purposes of reading as we may conclude from the title of a book printed at London in 1598 by Adam Islip—The Necessary, Fit and Convenient Education of a young Gentlewoman, Italian, French, and English.[737] John Evelyn's favourite daughter, Mary, was as familiarly acquainted with French as with English. Her knowledge of Italian was limited and characteristic of the general attitude taken up towards that language; she understood it, and was able "to render a laudable account of what she read and observed." His other daughter, Susanna, was also a good French scholar, but apparently knew no Italian, though she had read most of the Greek and Roman authors. Sir Ralph Verney, who dissuaded women from deep study, recognised that French was indispensable, and encouraged them to read French romances especially. While Italian was sometimes read, French was almost always spoken in polite circles. Milton's avowed preference for Italian forms a noticeable exception to the general rule, and even he acquired some knowledge of French at an early age.[738] There were also many more facilities for learning French than there were for Italian. It is certain—some of the dialogues of the French text-books prove it—that many ladies picked up a conversational knowledge of the language from their French maids. This was how the young daughters of Lord Strafford acquired their knowledge, as we see from the following account of their progress which he sent to their grandmother: "Nan, I think, speaks French prettily ... the other (Arabella) also speaks, but her maid, being of Guernsey, her accent is not good."[739] Women, however, had had at all times no small influence on the production of French text-books. One of the first written in England, the Treatyz of Walter de Bibbesworth, was composed in the first place for the use of Lady Dionysia de Mounchensy. The two chief grammars of the early sixteenth century, the Introductorie of Duwes and the Esclarcissement of Palsgrave, both owed their origin to royal princesses, and early in the seventeenth century there appeared a grammar written specifically to enable women to "match old Holliband" and "parlee out their part" with men—The French Garden for English Ladyes and gentlewomen to walke in, or a Summer dayes labour, by Peter Erondell or Arundell, LADIES STUDY FRENCHa native of Normandy, and one of the group of refugee Huguenots, who taught the French language in London. Erondell informs us he had long felt the urgent need of such a book in his own teaching experience. "It is to be wondered," he writes, "that among so many which (and some very sufficiently) have written principles concerning our French Tongue (making the dialogues of divers kinds), not one hath set forth any respecting or belonging properly to women, except in the French Alphabet,[740] but as good never a whit as never the better; not that I finde faulte with it, but it is so little, as not to contayne scarce a whole page, so that it is to be esteemed almost as nothing. I knowe not where to attribute the cause, unles it be to forgetfulnes in them that have written of it. For seeing that our tongue is called Lingua Mulierum, and that the English ladyes and gentlewomen are studious and of a pregnant spirits, quicke concertes and ingeniositie, as any other country whatsoever, me thinketh it had been a verie worthie and specious subject for a good writer to employ his Pen." Accordingly Erondell undertook "to break the yce first," as he puts it. He opens his Garden with some rules of pronunciation in English, "as a gate through the which wee must (and without the which we cannot) enter into our French Garden." He acknowledges that he has selected these rules "out of them which have written thereof." Many are taken from De la Mothe's French Alphabet, and Holyband, as well as Bellot, are also reckoned amongst those "which have written best of it." On one point, however, Erondell claims to make an observation "never noted before in any book." This had to do with the change in pronunciation of the diphthong oi.[741] "Whereas our countrymen were wonte to pronounce these words connoistre ... as it is written by oi or oy; now since fewe yeeres they pronounce it as if it were written thus, conÈtre." Erondell reduces the grammar rules to the smallest possible number. "He wishes the student to learn by heart" the first two verbs avoir and estre, and for the rest to "help him selfe by the treatise that M. Holliband made thereof,[742] as being the best (French and English) that I have yet seen, notwithstanding it is not amisse to make you knowe our persons and the number of our conjugations, which M. Bellot, in his French Guide,[743] saith to be sixe, and I can number no more." In dealing with grammar, Erondell claims to correct a gross error common in England—the use of de for the preposition from before a masculine noun preceded by le; "because that in English it is said ... I come from the country, so the English students do commonly say, insteade of Je viens du pays, ... Je viens de le pays.... But why should I finde faulte in the English students," says Erondell, "whereas I my selfe have heard the French teachers (I mean of our language) commit commonly that error?" Erondell's grammar rules occupy but ten pages. They contain a few observations on the gender and number of nouns, on verbs, notes on du, au, de la, a la, en, y, and on the negative and degrees of comparison. He considers that the rules usually contained in French text-books are too many. Except for a few indispensable rules, "without the which our language can never be intelligiblie spoken," the rest are "rather a trouble and discouragement to the student then any furtherance." He compiled his book "for them of judgement and capacity only, which may far sooner attaine to the perfect knowledge of our tongue, by reason of cutting off those over-many rules, wherein the student was overmuch entangled." His first idea, indeed, had been to make a set of dialogues for women without any rules, but he realised that to do this would have been like building a "house without a doore"; "and so, the gate being wider open, they may walke in who will." Gentlemen also may find some "flowers" to please them, and the garden is an "arbour for the child": The dialogues, thirteen in number, and all of considerable length, form the main part of the work. As usual they are in French and English, and, in addition, the pronunciation of the more PETER ERONDELLdifficult French words is given in English spelling in the margin. They deal with the events in the daily life of a lady, from her rising in the morning till bed-time. The first portrays the lady, who is of a rather pedantic turn of mind, rising and dressing. The second introduces her two daughters and their French governess. There is much talk on the education of children, and we are spectators of the French tutor's (Erondell) arrival and of the French lesson, which forms the fourth dialogue. Each of the two girls in turn reads in French and then translates. The more advanced is given some English to translate into French, and the beginner is asked to conjugate certain French verbs. This is how the lesson opens: At the end of her lesson, Florimond has to point out her younger sister's mistakes; for, says Erondell, "in teaching others, one learns oneself." His rule for learning to read was, "observe your rules and read as you do in English"—a method which explains his system of guides to pronunciation. From the dialogues the student passes to the reading of French literature. The girls' French tutor came between seven and eight in the morning, the dancing-master at nine, the singing-master at ten, and another music-master at four in the afternoon. In the following dialogues the lady visits first the nursery, and next her sons and their tutors. She is then pictured receiving guests, going out shopping, presiding at the dinner-table,[744] and taking part in the conversation. Finally, in the evening, the company take a walk by the Thames, and the thirteenth and last dialogue "treateth of going to bed, prayers (including the Creed), and night-clothes." In order to give students an introduction to French verse as well as prose, Erondell adds to his book the story of the Centurion in the New Testament put into French verse by himself. He does not provide any English translation, and considers that the pupil who has progressed so far in the study of the language can very well do without it. For the same reason he here omits, as he does in the last dialogue also, the guides to pronunciation. For a time Erondell had been tutor in the Barkley family, and dedicated the Garden to the Lady Elizabeth Barkley, with an expression of his gratitude for the many favours he had received from her. The verses on the Centurion are dedicated to Thomas Norton, of Norwood, whom he calls his "trÈs intime et trÈs honorÉ amy." As was usual at this time, Erondell's book is preceded by commendatory poems, including lines by William Herbert, author of Cadwallader, and by Nicholas Breton. There is also a sonnet by the "Sieur de Mont Chrestien, Gentilhomme franÇois," possibly the famous Antoine de MontchrÉtien, who in about 1605 was forced to leave France on account of a duel, and visited both England and Holland. Erondell appears to have been many years in England before he produced his Garden. At this date he had a large clientÈle, including "many honourable ladies and gentlemen of great worth and worship." In about 1613 he engaged an assistant to help him, one John Fabre, a Frenchman, "born in the precinct of Guyand, a town of Turnon"; in 1618 Fabre was still "professeing the teaching of the French tongue with Mr. Peter Arundell."[745] In addition to compiling the French Garden, Erondelle prepared four new editions of Holyband's French Schoolemaister. Although they are said to be "newly corrected and emended by P. Erondell," he made no noticeable changes. The first of these editions appeared in 1606, and the others in 1612, 1615, and 1619. This last date is the latest at which we hear of him. ERONDELL'S WORKS The earliest notice we have of Erondell is found in 1586, when he published a Declaration and Catholic Exhortation to all Christian Princes to succour the Church of God and Realme of France,[746] faithfully translated out of French, and printed side by side with the original—another of the many similar pamphlets in French and English. He had thus been in England at least twenty years when his book for teaching French was published, and its tardy appearance led one of his admirers to ask: In earlier years Erondell had no doubt made use of Holyband's works; he evinces a high esteem for the sixteenth-century teacher, and shows intimate acquaintance with his Schoolemaister and his Treatise on Verbs. It is an interesting fact that until the middle of the seventeenth century and probably much later Holyband's sixteenth-century French was still being taught in England; as late as 1677 the French Schoolemaister was among the books advertised for sale by Thomas Passenger at the sign of the Three Bibles on London Bridge.[747] The great changes taking place in the evolution of the French language reached England but slowly. Erondell translated another French work into English.[748] One day Richard Hakluyt, the geographer, brought him the whole volume of the Navigations of the French Nation to the West Indies to translate. From this Erondell selected the Nova Francia, or the Description of that part of New France, which is one continent with Virginia, described in the three late voyages ... made by M. de Monto, M. du Pont Grave, and M. de Poutrincourt, into the countries called by the French men La Cadre, lying to the southwest of Cape Breton ..., which was published in 1609 and dedicated to the "Bright Starre of the North, Henry, Prince of Great Britaine." The arrival of the French Queen of England, Henrietta Maria, in 1625, gave further stimulus to the already strong French influence at the Court. When she came she knew no English, and for many years after her arrival waywardly refused to study the language. Her numerous suite of French ladies and gentlemen, including Mme. Georges, the Duc and Duchesse de Chevreuse, and PÈre Sancy, shared her ignorance, as indeed did practically all foreigners. The English Court was thus called upon to exercise its French to the uttermost. The small French colony in London managed to make itself very unpopular, not only with the King but also with the whole Court. Their ignorance of English and English ways caused them to commit blunders which prejudiced people against them. Such was the case when Henrietta and her suite strolled, chattering and making a great noise, through an assembly of English people listening to a sermon. The preacher asked if he must stop, but no notice was taken, and soon the whole retinue returned in the same fashion, evidently not understanding a word of what was going on.[749] Within a year of their arrival, however, most of the French attendants were dismissed. Four years after the arrival of the French queen, who had a passion for the theatre, a French company arrived in London and acted before an English audience.[750] They first played a farce at Blackfriars on the 17th of November, but did not meet with much success, being "hissed, hooted, and pipinpelted." This hostile reception was partly due to the fact that women[751] took part in the acting—a thing hitherto unknown in England—and partly because the play was a "lascivious and unchaste comedye," and the company was formed of "certain vagrant French players who had beene expelled from their owne country." No wonder that they gave "just offence to all vertuous and well disposed persons in the town." Yet the French actors were not discouraged. They waited a fortnight, and then obtained a licence to play at the Red Bull. This second attempt does not appear to have been more successful than the first. After some three weeks had elapsed, however, the company decided to make a last effort. This time they acted at the Fortune, but with so little success, that the Master of the Revels refunded them half his fee "in respect of their ill-fortune." The failure of the venture was due largely to its novelty, and the popular dislike of the French. FRENCH PLAYERS IN LONDONThough we are told that there was a "great resort" to the French plays,[752] apparently people went more for the sake of rioting than for the pleasure of hearing the French plays. The stormy reception of 1629 did not, however, hinder other French actors from coming to our country. In 1635 a new company arrived, this time under the special patronage of the Queen.[753] They first played before Her Majesty, who recommended them to the King. Through his influence they were allowed the use of the Cockpit Theatre in Whitehall. There, on the 17th of February, they presented a French comedy called MÉlise—either Corneille's MÉlite, or more probably Du Rocher's comic pastoral, La MÉlize, ou les Princes Reconnus.[754] The King, Queen, and Court were present. The acting met with approval and the players received £10. There was no repetition of the riotous behaviour which had characterised the performances of 1629, probably because there were no women in the company, and also because the players were specially patronised by the Court and the aristocracy. A few days after the King gave orders to the Master of the Revels, Sir Henry Herbert, brother of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, that the French company should be allowed to act at Drury Lane Theatre on the two sermon days of each week during Lent, and through the whole of Passion week, when they would avoid rivalry with Beeston's English players, who did not perform on those days. Sir Henry Herbert, himself a good French scholar, tells us he "did all these courtesies to the French gratis," wishing to render the Queen his mistress an acceptable service. The French actors now enjoyed increasing popularity. When, at the end of Lent, they had to relinquish the Cockpit, Drury Lane, to the English players, their services were still in demand. On Easter Monday they acted before the Court in a play called Le Trompeur puny, no doubt the tragi-comedy of that name by Georges de ScudÉry.[755] Their success was even greater than on the occasion of the Court performance of MÉlise, and on the 16th of April following, they presented Alcimedor,[756] under the same circumstances, and "with good approbation." These three plays acted at the Court are the only part of their repertoire that is named in the record of the Master of the Revels. On the 10th of May they received £30 for three plays acted at the Cockpit, probably that in Whitehall, where they first acted MÉlise before the Court, nearly four months earlier, and not the Cockpit, Drury Lane, where they had played during Lent. The question now arose of providing the French players with a special theatre of their own. Arrangements were made for converting part of the Riding School in Drury Lane into a play-house, and on the 18th of April the King signified to Sir Henry Herbert his royal pleasure that "the French comedians should erect a stage, scaffolds and seats, and all other accommodations." On the 5th of May following a warrant was granted to Josias d'Aunay and Hurfries de Lau (so Sir Herbert spells their names)[757] and others, empowering them to act at the new theatre "during pleasure." How long the French company, whose director was Josias Floridor, continued to act in London is not known. But it is a striking fact that in 1635 there was a regular French theatre established in the city, and its presence must have had considerable effect. The French company under Floridor again appeared before the Court, in December 1635; we do not know what they played, beyond the fact that it was a tragedy. On the twenty-first of the same month, the Pastoral of FlorimÈne was acted in French at Whitehall by the French ladies who attended the Queen. The King, the Queen, Prince Charles, and the Elector Palatine, were present, and the performance was a great success. The Queen did not persist in her obstinate refusal to learn English. When she had been in the country about seven years, she began to study the language seriously. Mr. Wingate was her tutor, and her love of the theatre was put to practical use by the performance of long masques and pastorals in English in which she took part. It is not surprising that Henrietta Maria was ignorant of English, for our language was ENGLISH IGNORED ON THE CONTINENTpractically unknown in France in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Italian and Spanish were the fashionable modern foreign languages in France. English was either entirely ignored or regarded as barbarous, and since French was widely spoken at the English Court, and Latin was used by scholars, the need for it was not felt.[758] No foreign ambassador ever knew English. Of the Frenchmen who visited England,[759] only a few learnt the language. Chief among these were the French teachers, the pioneers among Frenchmen in the study of the English tongue. Of individuals, the Sieur de la Hoquette, man of letters and traveller, is said to have visited England to see Bacon, and learnt English in order to read the Chancellor's works in the original. He discussed Bacon's works and English novels with J. Bignon, and was surprised to find that scholar acquainted with them. Jean Doujat also knew English, as did La Mothe le Vayer, who married a Scotchwoman, and also perhaps Regnier Desmarais, who draws a few comparisons with it in his grammar.[760] But these were isolated exceptions. Among the languages in which Panurge addresses Pantagruel on their first meeting, English has a place, but is hardly recognisable in its Scottish dress.[761] And the MarÉchal de Villars relates in his memoirs[762] that the Duc de la FertÉ, "quand il avait un peu bu," would break out in English to the great astonishment and amusement of all who were present. There is a tradition that Corneille kept a copy of the English translation of the Cid, which he showed to his friends as a curiosity. Yet the general ignorance of English outside England did not discourage English actors from making professional tours abroad. They seem to have enjoyed considerable popularity in Germany and the Low Countries,[763] where they played at first in English. No doubt dancing, mimicry, and music had much to do with their success, and the clown probably took advantage of his position to offer interpretations from time to time. However, the actors soon learnt some German by mixing with German actors. A band of English acrobats had performed at Paris in 1583. Some years later, in 1598, a troupe of English comedians hired the HÔtel de Bourgogne,[764] the only theatre in Paris, from the ConfrÉrie de la Passion, who usually played there. The English actors, at whose head was one Jehan Sehais, got into trouble for playing outside the HÔtel, contrary to the privileges of the ConfrÉrie, and had to pay an indemnity. How much these actors made use of their language for attracting an audience is not certain. At a somewhat later date, another company played at Fontainebleau before Henry IV. and his son, afterwards Louis XIII. The "wild dramas" acted by the English players seem to have made a great impression on the young prince, who afterwards would amuse himself by dressing as a comedian and crying in a very loud voice, "Toph, toph, milord!" pacing about with great strides in the fashion of the English actors.[765] But it is highly probable that these few words were all the English the future king of France could muster. Like the language, English literature was generally ignored in France. Those men of letters who wrote Latin—More, Camden, Selden, etc.—were known under their Latin names. In the early years of the seventeenth century, however,[766] the French began to take an interest in English literature, and a few translations of prose works appeared, though English poetry and drama remained unnoticed. The first French version of an English work was that of Bishop Hall's Characters of Vertues and Vices which appeared in 1610, and again in 1612 and 1619, and may have had some influence on NEGLECT OF ENGLISHLa BruyÈre's CaractÈres. It is also interesting to note that this enterprising translator was no other than J. L'Oiseau de Tourval, Parisien, who wrote so enthusiastically of Cotgrave's dictionary, which appeared in the following year (1611).[767] In the course of the next twenty years about a score of other translations saw the light, including versions of Greene's Pandosta (1615), of Sidney's Arcadia, and of Bacon's Essays. The translation of the Arcadia was the subject of a violent literary quarrel. Two versions came out at the same time, and both claimed priority. One was due to J. Baudouin, who had lived two years in England learning the language. He was also responsible for the translation of Bacon.[768] His rival was one Mlle. Chappelain. "English is a language that will do you good in England, but past Dover it is worth nothing," wrote John Florio the language teacher, in his First Frutes (1578). And more than half a century later English was still despised in foreign countries. While French was of use "in all furthest parts of Europe," English still served "but in the Brittaine lland,"[769] and even there did not receive due homage. English, we are told by an indignant upholder of the claims of our language,[770] was left for him who drives the plough; all the scholars, all the courtiers you passed in the street, were good scholars in foreign tongues; many of them chatted French as glibly as parrots, but could not write a single English line without a solecism. But in the meantime the study of English had had its advocates.[771] Richard Mulcaster has already been mentioned as the first Englishman who emphatically urged that English should be studied as thoroughly as foreign languages. "What reason is it," he asked, "to be acquainted abrode and a stranger at home? to know foreign things by rule, and our own but by rote? If all other men had been so affected, to make much of the foren and set light by their own, we should never by comparing have discerned the better. They proined their own speche, both to please themselves and to set us on edge." This was in 1582. Scholars took up the defence of the claims of English against French, just as they did the claims of Latin. Camden seeks to prove that English contains as many Greek words as French,[772] and so is as worthy of respect. And Osborne, in his Advice to a Son, tells the young diplomat to employ an interpreter in his dealings with these foreigners who refused to recognize the value of English, "it being too much an honouring of their Tongue, and undervaluing of your owne, to propose yourself a master therein, especially since they scorn to learn yours." There were, however, a few facilities for learning English at the disposal of foreigners, in addition to residence in England. The marriage of Charles I. with Henrietta Maria had been hailed both in France and England by books which taught the languages of the two countries conjointly, and so strengthened the new bond between them. In England appeared a new edition of Du Bartas, in French and English, for teaching "an Englishman French, or a Frenchman English." Wodroeph's Marrow of the French Tongue (1625), which saw the light at the same time, was said to be "aussi utile pour le FranÇois d'apprendre l'Anglois que pour l'Anglois d'apprendre le FranÇois," though only the dialogues in French and English could serve this purpose, as, indeed, they might in any other French text-book.[773] This notice is evidently added merely as a concession to topical events; it had not figured in the earlier edition (1623). In France, on the other hand, was published a work in which English was treated more seriously. This was a Grammaire Angloise pour facilement et promptement apprendre la langue angloise. Qui peut aussi aider aux Anglois pour apprendre la langue FranÇoise: Alphabet Anglois contenant la pronunciation des lettres avec les declinaisons et conjugaisons, dedicated to Henrietta Maria, and probably arranged by one of the professors of the CollÈge de Navarre, from which it is dated. We are informed that the princess, and those intending to accompany her to her new home, studied English daily. These lessons, if they were really given, were no doubt a matter of form, and we may judge from the results that they were not taken seriously. ENGLISH GRAMMARS This grammar issued in 1625 was not original; it had appeared at Rouen in 1595,[774] and before that date there had been several other editions. The 1595 edition was enlarged and corrected by a certain E. A., who, for about ten years previously, had spent much of his time translating French pamphlets on topical events and similar works from French into English.[775] E. A., who was probably the original compiler of the work, dedicated it to Queen Elizabeth. He says he had collected the material from different authors in the leisure time allowed him by his studies. In its contents the work resembles the usual French manuals produced in England. It opens with rules for the pronunciation of English, followed by grammar rules for the same language, all given in French and English. Then come the dialogues, taken textually and without acknowledgement from Holyband's French Littleton, and one dialogue specially for courtiers, which may have been original.[776] The book closes with the vocabulary of Holyband's French Schoolemaister. The grammatical part of the work is also taken from one of the productions of the French teachers in England—the Maistre d'escole anglais (1580), written by Jacques Bellot for teaching English to foreigners in England and dedicated to a member of the royal family of France. Bellot protests against the general neglect of the English language, rich enough in his opinion to rank with the most famous living tongues. He claims to be the first to draw up precepts for teaching it. There is little exaggeration in Bellot's claim, for hardly any works on English had as yet been written, and these were chiefly treatises on the orthography, more scholastic than pedagogic in intention.[777] At the close of the year in which Bellot's work was published, however, appeared the first work on English by an Englishman, designed to give instruction to foreigners as well as his own countrymen. This was William Bullocker's Booke at large for the Amendment of Orthographie for English Speech, to which was added "a ruled grammar ... for the same speech to no small commoditie of the English Nation, not only to come to easie, speedie and perfect use of our owne language, but also to their easie and speedie and readie entrance into the secrets of other Languages, and easie and speedie pathway to all strangers, to use our language, heretofore very hard unto them." Two years later came Mulcaster's Elementarie, urging the claims of the vernacular, and expounding his method for teaching it. Other grammars followed, some in Latin, some in English,[778] but in hardly any of them is any attention paid to foreigners—a striking contrast with those published in France, in which foreigners were always an important consideration. In 1632, however, appeared Sherwood's English-French Dictionary, of which, it is said, the French were "great buyers." Towards the middle of the seventeenth century foreigners received more and more attention in such books, as English became better known. Simon Daines's Orthoepia anglicana,[779] for instance, intended for the use of both natives and foreigners, was published in 1640, as was also The English grammar made by Ben Jonson for the benefit of all strangers out of his observation of the English language now spoken and in use.[780] Ben Jonson had made a collection of grammars, and he speaks of a most ancient work written in the Saxon tongue and character. "The profit of grammar is great to strangers, who have to live in communication and commerce with us," he wrote, "and it is honourable to ourselves." In 1644 another work of like aim was issued under one of the usual florid titles affected at that time: The English Primrose far surpassing others of this kind that ever grew in any English garden. It professed to teach "the true spelling, reading and writing of English," and was "planted" by Richard Hodges, schoolmaster in Southwark, "for the exceeding great benefit both of his own countrymen and strangers." Similarly J. Wharton's grammar of 1655 claimed to be "the most certain guide that ever yet was extant" for strangers that desire to learn our language. ENGLISH GRAMMARS FOR FOREIGNERS Thus travellers to England would find some provision for learning English. In the early seventeenth century several French teachers in London undertook to teach English to foreigners, and these were the earliest professional teachers of the language. They had all learnt English after their arrival in the country on very practical methods, an experience which must have reacted on their methods of teaching French. Most of them wrote English with ease, if not always idiomatically. As time advanced, especially in the latter part of the seventeenth century, they composed several English grammars for teaching the language to their pupils. Merchants as well as French teachers were pioneers in advancing the study of English by foreigners. In 1622 George Mason, one of the merchants in London skilled in the French tongue, wrote a Grammaire Angloise, contenant reigles bien exactes et certaines de la Prononciation, Orthographie et construction de nostre langue, en faveur des estrangers qui en sont desireux, but especially, he tells us, for the use of "noz franÇois tant a leur arrivÉe en ce pais, que en leur demeure en iceluy." This English grammar[781] is written in French, and gives rules for pronunciation and the parts of speech. It is followed by dialogues[782] in French and English, in the usual style, bearing much resemblance to the Latin colloquies and the dialogues of De la Mothe's French Alphabet. A new edition was issued at London in 1633. The earliest conversation books in French and English printed by Caxton, Wynkyn de Worde, and Pynson are called books for teaching English as well as French. They were indeed equally adapted for either language, but it is very improbable that at this early date even the most enterprising merchants learnt English. Yet the first foreigners to recognize the importance of English were merchants. English was given a place by the side of Latin, French, Spanish, Italian, and German in the edition of the polyglot dictionary for the use of merchants and travellers, printed at Venice in 1540,[783] and at a later date in the polyglot collection of dialogues which developed from the French and Flemish dialogues of Noel de Barlement; not, however, till 1576, when the book had been in vogue for about three-quarters of a century. Gabriel Meurier, schoolmaster of Antwerp, who taught French to many of the numerous English merchants always in the town, was acquainted with our language, but does not appear to have had any opening for teaching it, as he did French, Flemish, Italian, and Spanish. At a later date, however, we find an Englishman gaining his livelihood by teaching his own language in the Netherlands. In 1646 he published at Amsterdam The English schole-master; or certaine rules and helpes, whereby the natives of the Netherlands may be in a short time, taught to read, understand and speake the English tongue, by the helpe whereof the English may be better instructed in the knowledge of the Dutch tongue, than by any vocabulars, or other Dutch and English Books, which hitherto they may have had for that purpose. This work contains an English grammar, followed by selections from the Scriptures, moral and familiar sayings, proverbs, dialogues, letters in English and Dutch. The "Vocabulars" to which he refers furnished him with most of his dialogues. A new edition appeared in 1658. Rouen, ever a busy centre for merchants, was the place where provision for teaching English was first made in France. Editions of the polyglot dictionary, which included English in the edition of Venice in 1540, were printed at Rouen in 1611 and 1625, and again at Paris in 1631. The 1595 edition of E. A.'s English grammar appeared at Rouen, as had probably the earlier editions. This compilation of the English grammar of Bellot and the dialogues of Holyband was in vogue for a very long time. In addition to the Paris issue on the occasion of the marriage of Henrietta Maria with Charles I. (1625), editions appeared at Rouen in 1639, 1668, 1670, 1679, and most probably at other dates also; another was issued at London, 1677. Perhaps the first book for teaching English printed in France was a TraictÉ pour apprendre a parler FranÇoys et Anglois, published at Rouen in 1553, apparently an early edition of Meurier's work, printed at Rouen in 1563 as a TraitÉ pour apprendre a parler franÇois et anglois, ensemble faire missives, obligations, etc., and again at Rouen in 1641. It was long before English won recognition from foreigners other than merchants. Not until the eighteenth century was it learnt for the sake of its literature, and as a means of intercourse with the people who spoke it. This state of things made it incumbent on Englishmen to equip themselves with some foreign tongue, and they naturally chose French, the most universal language at that time.
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Les antiquités romaines de Denys d'Halicarnasse
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Translated by François Bellenger. Vol. 1: [6], lxxij, 38, [1], 575, [1] p., [5] folded leaves of plates; v. 2: xxxix, [1], 694 p., [3] folded leaves of plates. Sowerby, E.M. Cat. of the Lib. of Thomas Jefferson, 49 Includes bibliographical references (v. 1, p. xxiij-xxiv). Errata: v. 1, p. lxxij, 38 (3rd group of paging), [1] at end. LC copy forms part of the Jefferson Exhibit Collection. LC copy is initialled by Thomas Jefferson at signatures I and T in both volumes. Each volume has the Library of Congress 1815 bookplate. LAC tnb 2019-12-04 no edits (1 card) LAC ael 2019-03-13 no edits (1 card)
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Jean Doujat Books - Books By Jean Doujat
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https://www.everand.com/book/593769996/Tacitus-and-Bracciolini-The-Annals-Forged-in-the-XVth-Century
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Tacitus and Bracciolini. The Annals Forged in the XVth Century by John Wilson Ross (Ebook)
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Read Tacitus and Bracciolini. The Annals Forged in the XVth Century by John Wilson Ross with a free trial. Read millions of eBooks and audiobooks on the web, iPad, iPhone and Android.
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John Wilson Ross Tacitus and Bracciolini. The Annals Forged in the XVth Century EAN 8596547235545 DigiCat, 2022 Contact: DigiCat@okpublishing.info Table of Contents PREFACE BOOK THE FIRST. TACITUS AND BRACCIOLINI. CHAPTER II. CHAPTER III. CHAPTER IV. CHAPTER V. BOOK THE SECOND. CHAPTER I. CHAPTER II. CHAPTER III. CHAPTER IV. BOOK THE THIRD. CHAPTER I. CHAPTER II. CHAPTER III. CHAPTER IV. CHAPTER V. BOOK THE FOURTH. CHAPTER I. CHAPTER II. CHAPTER III. CHAPTER THE LAST. PREFACE Table of Contents The theory broached in this book involves a charge of the grossest fraud against a most distinguished man, who rose to high posts in public affairs and won imperishable fame in letters. There being blots on his moral character, it would be censurable to fasten upon his memory this new imputation of dishonesty, were it not substantiated by irresistible evidence. The title of this book quite explains what its design is,—to contribute something towards settling the authorship of the Annals of Tacitus, which encomiastic admirers imagine to be the most extraordinary history ever penned, and the writer but one degree removed from inspiration, if not inspired. This wondrous writer I assert to be the famous Florentine of the Renaissance, Poggio Bracciolini, in favour of which view I have tried to make out a case by bringing forward a variety of passages from the History and the Annals to show an extensive series of contradictions as to facts and characters, departures from truth about matters connected with ancient Roman life, laches in grammar and use of words that never could have proceeded from any patrician or plebian of the world-renowned old Commonwealth, with a number of other things that will readily strike the intelligent and sober mind as utterly inconsistent with the existing belief of the Annals being the production of Tacitus. All this is case in the shade for the fullest light to be thrown on the subject, when not wishing to make my theory a matter of speculation but founded in common sense, I give a detailed history of the forgery, from its conception to its completion, the sum that was paid for it, the abbey where it was transcribed, and other such convincing minutiae taken from a correspondence that Poggio carried on with a familiar friend who resided in Florence. A reader of acumen and critical faculty following a writer in an inquiry of this nature places himself in the position of a lawyer who will not accept the interpretation of an Act of Parliament, or even a clause in it, as correct, except,—as his phrase goes,—it runs upon all fours: he knows that it is with a speculation in a literary matter as with a chapter of a statute: he struggles to raise only a single valid objection against what is advanced: if successful he at one destroys the whole of the theory, from thus exposing it to view as not running upon all fours; the fabric is, in fact, discovered to be reared on a false foundation; it must, therefore, fall as at the slightest breath a child's house built of cards; and the theory becomes one more added to the list of those that are apocryphal. If on examination it should be agreed that the theory in this book is without a flaw, I conceived that I shall have done not a small, but a considerable service to the cause of true history. LONDON, April 3, 1878. BOOK THE FIRST. TACITUS. CHAPTER I. TACITUS COULD BARELY HAVE WRITTEN THE ANNALS. I. From the chronological point of view. II. The silence preserved about that work by all writers till the fifteenth century. III. The age of the MSS. containing the Annals. CHAPTER II. A FEW REASONS FOR BELIEVING THE ANNALS TO BE A FORGERY. I. The fifteenth century an age of imposture, shown in the invention of printing. II. The curious discovery of the first six books of the Annals. III. The blunders it has in common with all forged documents. IV. The Twelve Tables. V. The Speech of Claudius in the Eleventh Book of the Annals. VI. Brutus creating the second class of nobility. VII. Camillus and his grandson. VIII. The Marching of Germanicus. IX. Description of London in the time of Nero. X. Labeo Antistius and Capito Ateius; the number of people executed for their attachment to Sejanus; and the marriage of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius, to the Elder Antonia. CHAPTER III. SUSPICIOUS CHARACTER OF THE ANNALS FROM THE POINT OF TREATMENT. I. Nature of the history. II. Arrangement of the narrative. III. Completeness in form. IV. Incongruities, contradictions and disagreements from the History of Tacitus. V. Craftiness of the writer. VI. Subordination of history to biography. VII. The author of the Annals and Tacitus differently illustrate Roman history. VIII. Characters and events corresponding to characters and events in the XVth century. IX. Greatness of the Author of the Annals. CHAPTER IV. HOW THE ANNALS DIFFERS FROM THE HISTORY. I. In the qualities of the writers; and why that difference. II. In the narrative, and in what respect. III. In style and language. IV. The reputation Tacitus has of writing bad Latin due to the mistakes of his imitator. CHAPTER V. THE LATIN AND THE ALLITERATIONS IN THE ANNALS. I. Errors in Latin, (a) on the part of the transcriber; (b) on the part of the writer. II. Diction and Alliterations: Wherein they differ from those of Tacitus. BOOK THE SECOND. BRACCIOLINI. CHAPTER I. BRACCIOLINI IN ROME. I. His genius and the greatness of his age. II. His qualifications. III. His early career. IV. The character of Niccolo Niccoli, who abetted him in the forgery V. Bracciolini's descriptive writing of the Burning of Jerome of Prague compared with the descriptive writing of the sham sea fight in the Twelfth Book of the Annals. CHAPTER II. BRACCIOLINI IN LONDON. I. Gaining insight into the darkest passions from associating with Cardinal Beaufort. II. His passage about London in the Fourteenth Book of the Annals examined. III. About the Parliament of England in the Fourth Book. CHAPTER III. BRACCIOLINI SETTING ABOUT THE FORGERY OF THE ANNALS I. The Proposal made in February, 1422, by a Florentine, named Lamberteschi, and backed by Niccoli. II. Correspondence on the matter, and Mr. Shepherd's view that it referred to a Professorship refuted. III. Professional disappointments in England determine Bracciolini to persevere in his intention of forging the Annals. IV. He returns to the Papal Secretaryship, and begins the forgery in Rome in October, 1423. CHAPTER IV. BRACCIOLINI AS A BOOKFINDER I. Doubts on the authenticity of the Latin, but not the Greek Classics. II. At the revival of letters Popes and Princes offered large rewards for the recovery of the ancient classics. III. The labours of Bracciolini as a bookfinder. IV. Belief put about by the professional bookfinders that MSS. were soonest found in obscure convents in barbarous lands. V. How this reasoning throws the door open to fraud and forgery. VI. The bands of bookfinders consisted of men of genius in every department of literature and science. VII. Bracciolini endeavours to escape from forging the Annals by forging the whole lost History of Livy. VIII. His Letter on the subject to Niccoli quoted, and examined. IX. Failure of his attempt, and he proceeds with the forgery of the Annals. BOOK THE THIRD. THE LAST SIX BOOKS OF THE ANNALS. CHAPTER I. THE CHARACTER OF BRACCIOLINI. I. The audacity of the forgery accounted for by the mean opinion Bracciolini had of the intelligence of men. II. The character and tone of the last Six Books of the Annals exemplified by what is said of Sabina Poppaea, Sagitta, Pontia and Messalina. III. A few errors that must have proceeded from Bracciolini about the Colophonian Oracle of Apollo Clarius, the Household Gods of the Germans, Gotarzes, Bardanes and, above all, Nineveh. IV. The estimate taken of human nature by the writer of the Annals the same as that taken by Bracciolini. V. The general depravity of mankind as shown in the Annals insisted upon in Bracciolini's Dialogue De Infelicitate Principum. CHAPTER II. THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. I. The intellect and depravity of the age. II. Bracciolini as its exponent. III. Hunter's accurate description of him. IV. Bracciolini gave way to the impulses of his age. V. The Claudius, Nero and Tiberius of the Annals personifications of the Church of Rome in the fifteenth century. VI. Schildius and his doubts. VII. Bracciolini not covetous of martyrdom: communicates his fears to Niccoli. VIII. The princes and great men in the Annals the princes and great men of the XVth century, not of the opening period of the Christian aera. IX. Bracciolini, and not Tacitus, a disparager of persons in high places. CHAPTER III. FURTHER PROOFS OF FORGERY. I. Octavianus as the name of Augustus Caesar. II. Cumanus and Felix as joint governors of Judaea. III. The blood relationship of Italians and Romans. IV. Fatal error in the oratio obliqua. V. Mistake made about locus. VI. Objections of some critics to the language of Tacitus examined. VII. Some improprieties that occur in the Annals found also in Bracciolini's works. VIII. Instanced in (a) nec—aut. (b) rhyming and the peculiar use of pariter. IX. The harmony of Tacitus and the ruggedness of Bracciolini illustrated. X. Other peculiarities of Bracciolini's not shared by Tacitus: Two words terminating alike following two others with like terminations; prefixes that have no meaning; and playing on a single letter for alliterative purposes. CHAPTER IV. THE TERMINATION OF THE FORGERY. I. The literary merit and avaricious humour of Bracciolini. II. He is aided in his scheme by a monk of the Abbey of Fulda. III. Expressions indicating forgery. IV. Efforts to obtain a very old copy of Tacitus. V. The forgery transcribed in the Abbey of Fulda. VI. First saw the light in the spring of 1429. CHAPTER V. THE FORGED MANUSCRIPT. I. Recapitulation, showing the certainty of forgery. II. The Second Florence MS. the forged MS. III. Cosmo de' Medici the man imposed upon. IV. Digressions about Cosmo de' Medici's position, and fondness for books, especially Tacitus. V. The many suspicious marks of forgery about the Second Florence MS.; the Lombard characters; the attestation of Salustius. VI. The headings, and Tacitus being bound up with Apuleius, seem to connect Bracciolini with the forged MS. VII. The first authentic mention of the Annals. VIII. Nothing invalidates the theory in this book. IX. Brief recapitulation of the whole argument. BOOK THE FOURTH. THE FIRST SIX BOOKS OF THE ANNALS. CHAPTER I. REASONS FOR BELIEVING THAT BRACCIOLINI WROTE BOTH PARTS OF THE ANNALS. I. Improvement in Bracciolini's means after the completion of the forgery of the last part of the Annals. II. Discovery of the first six books, and theory about their forgery. III. Internal evidence the only proof of their being forged. IV. Superiority of workmanship a strong proof. V. Further departure than in the last six books from Tacitus's method another proof. VI. The symmetry of the framework a third proof. VII. Fourth evidence, the close resemblance in the openings of the two parts. VIII. The same tone and colouring prove the same authorship. IX. False statements made about Sejanus and Antonius Natalis for the purpose of blackening Tiberius and Nero. X. This spirit of detraction runs through Bracciolini's works. XI. Other resemblances denoting the same author. XII. Policy given to every subject another cause to believe both parts composed by a single writer. XIII. An absence of the power to depict differences in persons and things. CHAPTER II. LANGUAGE, ALLITERATION, ACCENT AND WORDS. I. The poetic diction of Tacitus, and its fabrication in the Annals. II. Florid passages in the Annals. III. Metrical composition of Bracciolini. IV. Figurative words: (a) pessum dare (b) voluntas V. The verb foedare and the Ciceronian use of foedus. VI. The language of other Roman writers,—Livy, Quintus Curtius and Sallust. VII. The phrase non modo—sed, and other anomalous expressions, not Tacitus's. VIII. Words not used by Tacitus, distinctus and codicillus IX. Peculiar alliterations in the Annals and works of Bracciolini. X. Monotonous repetition of accent on penultimate syllables. XI. Peculiar use of words: (a) properus (b) annales and scriptura (c) totiens XII. Words not used by Tacitus: (a) addubitare (b) extitere XIII. Polysyllabic words ending consecutive sentences. XIV. Omissions of prepositions: (a) in. (b) with names of nations. CHAPTER III. MISTAKES THAT PROVE FORGERY I. The gift for the recovery of Livia. II. Julius Caesar and the Pomoerium. III. Julia, the wife of Tiberius. IV. The statement about her proved false by a coin. V. Value of coins in detecting historical errors. VI. Another coin shows an error about Cornatus. VII. Suspicion of spuriousness from mention of the Quinquennale Ludicrum. VIII. Account of cities destroyed by earthquake contradicted by a monument. IX. Bracciolini's hand shown by reference to the Plague. X. Fawning of Roman senators more like conduct of Italians in the fifteenth century. XI. Same exaggeration with respect to Pomponia Graecina. XII. Wrong statement of the images borne at the funeral of Drusus. XIII. Similar kind of error committed by Bracciolini in his Varietate Fortunae. XIV. Errors about the Red Sea. XV. About the Caspian Sea. XVI. Accounted for. XVII. A passage clearly written by Bracciolini. CHAPTER THE LAST. FURTHER PROOFS OF BRACCIOLINI BEING THE AUTHOR OF THE FIRST SIX BOOKS OF THE ANNALS. I. The descriptive powers of Bracciolini and Tacitus. II. The different mode of writing of both. III. Their different manners of digressing. IV. Two statements in the Fourth Book of the Annals that could not have been made by Tacitus. V. The spirit of the Renaissance shown in both parts of the Annals. VI. That both parts proceeded from the same hand shown in the writer pretending to know the feelings of the characters in the narrative. VII. The contradictions in the two parts of the Annals and in the works of Bracciolini. VIII. The Second Florence MS. a forgery. IX. Conclusion. BOOK THE FIRST. Table of Contents TACITUS. "Allusiones saepe subobscurae … mihi conjectandi aliquando, et aliquando exploratae veritatis fundamento innitendi materiam praebuere." DE TONELLIS. Praef. ad Poggii Epist. TACITUS AND BRACCIOLINI. Table of Contents CHAPTER I. TACITUS COULD BARELY HAVE WRITTEN THE ANNALS. I. From the chronological point of view.—II. The silence preserved about that work by all writers till the fifteenth century.—III. The age of the MSS. containing the Annals. I. The Annals and the History of Tacitus are like two houses in ruins: dismantled of their original proportions they perpetuate the splendour of Roman historiography, as the crumbling remnants of the Coliseum preserve from oblivion the magnificence of Roman architecture. Some of the subtlest intellects, keen in criticism and expert in scholarship, have, for centuries, endeavoured with considerable pains, though not with success in every instance, to free the imperfect pieces from difficulties, as the priesthood of the Quindecimvirs, generation after generation, assiduously, yet vainly, strove to clear from perplexities the mutilated books of the Sibyls. I purpose to bring,—parodying a passage of the good Sieur Chanvallon,—not freestone and marble for their restoration, but a critical hammer to knock down the loose bricks that, for more than four centuries, have shown large holes in several places. Tacitus is raised by his genius to a height, which lifts him above the reach of the critic. He shines in the firmament of letters like a sun before whose lustre all, Parsee-like, bow down in worship. Preceding generations have read him with reverence and admiration: as one of the greatest masters of history, he must continue to be so read. But though neither praise nor censure can exalt or impair his fame, truth and justice call for a passionless inquiry into the nature and character of works presenting such difference in structure, and such contradictions in a variety of matters as the History and the Annals. The belief is general that Tacitus wrote Roman history in the retrograde order, in which Hume wrote the History of England. Why Hume pursued that method is obvious: eager to gain fame in letters,—seeing his opportunity by supplying a good History of England,—knowing how interest attaches to times near us while all but absence of sympathy accompanies those that are remote,—and meaning to exclude from his plan the incompleted dynasty under which he lived,—he commenced with the House of Stuart, continued with that of Tudor, and finished with the remaining portion from the Roman Invasion to the Accession of Henry VII. But why Tacitus should have decided in favour of the inverse of chronological order is by no means clear. He could not have been actuated by any of the motives which influenced Hume. Rome, with respect to her history, was not in the position that England was, with respect to hers, in the middle of the last century. All the remarkable occurrences during the 820 years from her Foundation to the office of Emperor ceasing as the inheritance of the Julian Family on the death of Nero, had been recorded by many writers that rendered needless the further labours of the historian. Tacitus states this at the commencement of his history, and as a reason why he began that work with the accession of Galba: Initium mihi operis Servius Galba iterum, Titus Vinius consules erunt; nam post conditam urbem, octingentos et viginti prioris aevi annos multi auctores retulerunt. (Hist. I. 1.) After this admission, it is absolutely unaccountable that he should revert to the year since the building of the City 769, and continue writing to the year 819, going over ground that, according to his own account, had been gone over before most admirably, every one of the numerous historians having written in his view, with an equal amount of forcible expression and independent opinion—pari eloquentia ac libertate. Thus, by his own showing, he performed a work which he knew to be superfluous in recounting events that occurred in the time of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero. What authority have we that he did this? Certainly, not the authority of those who knew best—the ancients. They do not mention, in their meagre accounts of him, the names of his writings, the number of which we, perhaps, glean from casual remarks dropped by Pliny the Younger in his Epistles. He says (vii. 20), I have read your book, and with the utmost care have made remarks upon such passages, as I think ought to be altered or expunged. Librum tuum legi, et quam diligentissime potui, adnotavi, quae commutanda, quae eximenda arbitrarer. In a second letter (viii. 7) he alludes to another (or it might be the same) book, which his friend had sent him not as a master to a master, nor as a disciple to a disciple, but as a master to a disciple: neque ut magistro magister, neque ut discipulo discipulus … sed ut discipulo magister … librum misisti. That Tacitus was not the author of one work only is clear from Pliny in another of his letters (vi. 16) speaking in the plural of what his friend had written: the immortality of your writings:— scriptorum tuorum aeternitas; also of my uncle both by his own, and your works:—avunculus meus et suis libris et tuis. In the letter already referred to (vii. 20), Tacitus is further spoken of as having written, at least, two historical works, the immortality of which Pliny predicted without fear of proving a false prophet: auguror, nec me fallit augurium, historias tuas immortales futuras. From these passages it would seem that the works of Tacitus were, at the most, three. If his works were only three in number, everything points in preference to the Books of History, of which we possess but five; the Treatise on the different manners of the various tribes that peopled Germany in his day; and the Life of his father-in-law, Agricola. Nobody but Fabius Planciades Fulgentius, Bishop of Carthage, supposes that he wrote a book of Facetiae or pleasant tales and anecdotes, as may be seen by reference to the episcopal writer's Treatise on Archaic or Obsolete Words, where explaining Elogium to mean hereditary disease, he continues, as Cornelius Tacitus says in his book of Facetiae; 'therefore pained in the cutting off of children who had hereditary disease left to them': Elogium est haereditas in malo; sicut Cornelius Tacitus ait in libro Facetiarum: 'caesis itaque motum elogio in filiis derelicto.' (De Vocibus Antiquis. p. 151. Basle ed. 1549). Justus Lipsius doubts whether the Discourse on the Causes of the Corruption of Latin Eloquence proceeded from Tacitus, or the other Roman to whom many impute it, Quintilian, for he says in his Preface to that Dialogue: What will it matter whether we attribute it to Tacitus, or, as I once thought, to Marcus Fabius Quinctilianus? … Though the age of Quinctilianus seems to have been a little too old for this Discourse to be by that young man. Therefore, I have my doubts. Incommodi quid erit, sive Tacito tribuamus; sive M. Fabio Quinctiliano, ut mihi olim visim? … Aetas tamen Quinctiliani paullo grandior fuisse videtur, quam ut hic sermo illo juvene. Itaque ambigo. (p. 470. Antwerp ed. 1607.) Enough will be said in the course of this discussion to carry conviction to the minds of those who can be convinced by facts and arguments that Tacitus did not write the Annals. Chronology, in the first place, prevents our regarding him as the author. Though we know as little of his life as of his writings— and though no ancient mentions the date or place of his birth, or the time of his death,—we can form a conjecture when he flourished by comparing his age with that of his friend, Pliny the Younger. Pliny died in the year 13 of the second century at the age of 52, so that Pliny was born A.D. 61. Tacitus was by several years his senior. Otherwise Pliny would not have spoken of himself as a disciple looking up to him with reverence as to a master; the duty of submitting to his influence, and a desire to obey his advice:—tu magister, ego contra—(Ep. viii. 7): cedere auctoritati tuae debeam (Ep. i. 20): cupio praeceptis tuis parere (Ep. ix. 10); nor would he describe himself as a mere stripling when his friend was at the height of fame and in a proud position: equidem adolescentulus, quum jam tu fama gloriaque floreres (Ep. vii. 20); nor of their being, all but contemporaries in age: duos homines, aetate propemodum aequales (Ep. vii. 20). From these remarks chiefly and a few other circumstances, the modern biographers of Tacitus suppose there was a difference of ten or eleven years between that ancient historian and Pliny, and fix the date of his birth about A.D. 52. This is reconcilable with the belief of Tacitus being the author of the Annals; for when the boundaries of Rome are spoken of in that work as being extended to the Red Sea in terms as if it were a recent extension—"claustra … Romani imperii, quod nunc Rubrum ad mare patescit (ii. 61),—he would be 63, the extension having been effected as we learn from Xiphilinus, by Trajan A.D. 115. It is also reconcilable with Agricola when Consul offering to him his daughter in marriage, he being then a young man: Consul egregiae tum spei filiam juveni mihi despondit (Agr. 9); for, according as Agricola was Consul A.D. 76 or 77, he would be 24 or 25. But it is by no means reconcilable with the time when he administered the several offices in the State. He tells us himself that he began holding office under Vespasian, was promoted by Titus, and still further advanced by Domitian: dignitatem nostram a Vespasiano inchoatam, a Tito auctam, a Domitiano longius provectam (Hist. i. 1). To have held office under Vespasian he must have been quaestor; to have been promoted by Titus he must have been aedile; and as for his further advancement we know that he was praetor under Domitian. By the Lex Villia Annalis, passed by the Tribune Lucius Villius during the time of the Republic in 573 after the Building of the City, the years were fixed wherein the different offices were to be entered on—in the language of Livy; eo anno rogatio primum lata est ab Lucio Villio tribuno plebis, quot annos nati quemque magistratum peterent caperentque" (xl. 44); and the custom was never departed from, in conformity with Ovid's statement in his Fasti with respect to the mature years of those who legislated for his countrymen, and the special enactment which strictly prescribed the age when Romans could be candidates for public offices: "Jura dabat populo senior, finitaque certis Legibus est aetas, unde petatur honos." Fast. v. 65-6. After the promulgation of his famous plebiscitum by the old Tribune of the People in the year 179 A.C., a Roman could not fill the office of quaestor till he was 31, nor aedile till he was 37,—as, guided by the antiquaries, Sigonius and Pighius, Doujat, the Delphin editor of Livy, states: quaestores ante annum aetatis trigesimum primum non crearentur, nec aediles curules ante septimum ac trigesimum;—and the ages for the two offices were usually 32 and 38. From Vespasian's rule extending to ten years we cannot arrive at the date when Tacitus was quaestor; but we can guess when he was aedile, as Titus was emperor only from the spring of 79 to the autumn of 81. Had his appointment to the aedileship taken place on the last day of the reign of Titus, he would then be but 29 years old; and though in the time of the Emperors, after the year 9 of our aera, there might be a remission of one or more years by the Lex Julia or the Lex Pappia Poppaea, those laws enacted rewards and privileges to encourage marriage and the begetting of children; the remission could, therefore, be in favour only of married men, especially those who had children; so that any such indulgence in the competition for the place of honours could not have been granted to Tacitus, he not being, as will be immediately seen, yet married. In order, then, that he should have been aedile under Titus,—even admitting that he could boast, like Cicero, of having obtained all his honours in the prescribed years—omnes honores anno suo—and been aedile the moment he was qualified by age for the office,—he must have been born, at least, as far back as the year 44. This will be reconcilable with all that Pliny says, as well as with his being married when young; for he would then be 32 or 33, and his bride 22 or 23; for the daughter of Agricola was born when her father was quaestor in Asia—sors quaesturae provinciam Asiam dedit … auctus est ibi filiâ. (Agr. 9). Nor let it be supposed that a Roman would not have used the epithet young to a man of 32 or 33, seeing that the Romans applied the term to men in their best years, from 20 to 40, or a little under or over. Hence Livy terms Alexander the Great at the time of his death, when he was 31, a young man, egregium ducem fuisse Alexandrum … adolescens … decessit (ix. 17): so Cicero styles Lucius Crassus at the age of 34;—talem vero exsistere eloquentiam qualis fuerit in Crasso et Antonio … alter non multum (quod quidem exstaret), et id ipsum adolescens, alter nihil admodum scripti reliquisset. (De Orat. ii. 2): so also does Cornelius Nepos speak of Marcus Brutus, when the latter was praetor, Brutus being then 43 years of age:—sic Marco Bruto usus est, ut nullo ille adolescens aequali familiarius (Att. 8); to this passage of Nepos's, Nicholas Courtin, his Delphin editor, adds that the ancients called men young from the age of 17 to the age of 46; notwithstanding that Varro limited youth to 30 years:—a 17 ad 46 annum, adolescentia antiquitus pertingebat, ut ab antiquis observatum est. Nihilominus Varro ad 30 tantum pertingere ait. But Tacitus being born in 44 is not reconcilable with his being the Author of the Annals, as thus:— Some time in the nineteen years that Trajan was Emperor,—from 98 to ll7,—Tacitus, being then between the ages of 54 and 73, composed his History. He paused when he had carried it on to the reign of Domitian; the narrative had then extended to twenty-three years, and was comprised in thirty books, if we are to believe St. Jerome in his Commentary on the Fourteenth Chapter of Zechariah: Cornelius Tacitus … post Augustum usque ad mortem Domitiani vitas Caesarum triginta voluminibus exaravit. [Endnote 013] It was scarcely possible for Tacitus to have executed his History in a shorter compass;—indeed, it is surprising that the compass was so short, looking at the probability of his having observed the symmetry attended to by the ancients in their writings, and having continued his work on the plan he pursued at the commencement, the important fragment which we have of four books, and a part of the fifth, embracing but little more than one year. Whether he ever carried into execution the design he had reserved for his old age,—writing of Nerva and Trajan,—we have no record. But two things seem tolerably certain; that he would have gone on with that continuation to his History in preference to writing the Annals; and that he would not have written that continuation until after the death of the Emperor Trajan. He would then have been 73. Now, how long would he have been on that separate history? Then at what age could he have commenced the Annals? And how long would he have been engaged in its composition? We see that he must have been bordering on 80, if not 90: consequently with impaired faculties, and thus altogether disqualified for producing such a vigorous historical masterpiece; for though we have instances of poets writing successfully at a very advanced age, as Pindar composing one of his grandest lyrics at 84, and Sophocles his Oedipus Coloneus at 90, we have no instance of any great historian, except Livy, attempting to write at a very old age, and then Livy rambled into inordinate diffuseness. II. The silence maintained with respect to the Annals by all writers till the first half of the fifteenth century is much more striking than chronology in raising the very strongest suspicion that Tacitus did not write that book. This is the more remarkable as after the first publication of the last portion of that work by Vindelinus of Spire at Venice in 1469 or 1470, all sorts and degrees of writers began referring to or quoting the Annals, and have continued doing so to the present day with a frequency which has given to its supposed writer as great a celebrity as any name in antiquity. Kings, princes, ministers and politicians have studied it with diligence and curiosity, while scholars, professors, authors and historians in Italy, Spain, France, England, Holland, Germany, Denmark and Sweden have applied their minds to it with an enthusiasm, which has been like a kind of worship. Yet, after the most minute investigation, it cannot be discovered that a single reference was made to the Annals by any person from the time when Tacitus lived until shortly before the day when Vindelinus of Spire first ushered the last six books to the admiring world from the mediaeval Athens. When it appeared it was at once pronounced to be the brightest gem among histories; its author was greeted as a most wonderful
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This index refers to page numbers in the published volumes. Documents subsequently added to the digital editions are marked with a +. Copies of the published volumes are available at a library near you, or may be purchased through this website or from Princeton University Press. The volumes are also available via two online platforms, the Rotunda version through the University of Virginia Press (subscription required) and the Founders Online version (free). A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z [jump to top] [jump to bottom] Laban (Old Testament figure), 6:564 Labaume, Eugène Relation Circonstanciée de la Campagne de Russie, 10:214–10:215, 10:215n La Bedoyere, Charles Angelique execution of, 9:391–9:392 La Bergerie (J. Armstrong’s Hudson River estate), 5:8n Labernardière, Mr. French public official, 7:489 Labigarre. See Delabigarre, Peter Labouchere, John Peter identified, 15:478–15:479n introduced to TJ, 15:478 letter from accounted for, 15:459n Labouchère, Pierre César as banker, 2:9, 2:245, 3:54, 3:105–3:106 family of, 15:478 La Brousse, Mr. de Traité de la Culture du Figuier, suivi d’observations & d’expériences sur la meilleure maniere de cultiver, 2:82, 2:83n, 11:165 Lacépède, Bernard Germain Étienne de La Ville-Sur-Illon, comte de analyzes bones for Institut de France, 1:101n, 1:250n and Buffon’s Histoire Naturelle, 7:626 Histoire naturelle de l’homme, 1:250n identified, 1:250n letter from accounted for, 9:400n letter from, 1:248–1:250 letter to, 8:321–8:323 mentioned, 3:221n, 5:601, 14:387, 17:98 rumored immigration to U.S. of, 9:359, 9:360n sends greetings to TJ, 1:629, 20:446 and Société Linnéenne de Paris, 19:610 TJ forwards letter from, 1:249, 1:417 TJ introduces B. S. Barton to, 8:321, 8:325 TJ sends greetings to, 20:282 and TJ’s health, 20:99 Lacey, David R. and University of Virginia, 17:636, 19:189 Lachryma Christi (wine), 13:28 Lackington, George bookseller, 17:418, 17:420n, 18:459 Lackington, James bookseller, 17:418, 17:420n Lackington, Hughes & Company (London firm) book catalogues of, 17:419, 17:419, 17:419 and books for TJ, 17:42–17:43, 17:196, 17:196n, 17:417–17:418, 17:419, 17:562, 17:562n, 18:71, 18:251 and books for University of Virginia, 17:418 identified, 17:197n invoice from, 17:196–17:197, 17:563, 18:71, 18:203, 18:251 receipt from, 17:562n Laclotte, Jean Hyacinthe, 2:445n, 5:86n Lacon: or Many Things in Few Words; addressed to Those Who Think (C. C. Colton), 18:65, 18:119–18:120 Lacretelle, Jean Charles Dominique Histoire de France, pendant Le Dix-Huitième Siècle, 15:26, 19:506 lectures of, 11:634 La Croix, Mr. Abridgment of Universal History, 8:629, 8:632n Lacroix, Irenée Amelot De, Baron de Vanden Boègard identified, 4:375–4:376n letters from accounted for, 4:376n letters to, 4:375–4:376 seeks military appointment, 4:375–4:376, 4:376 Lacroix, Sylvestre François Complément des élémens d’algèbre, 4:79, 4:80n Cours de Mathematiques à l’usage de l’École Centrale des Quatres-Nations, 4:71–4:72, 4:72n, 4:79, 5:14, 5:36, 8:640, 8:670, 8:685, 8:686, 9:60 Traité élémentaire de trigonométrie rectiligne et sphérique et d’application de l’algèbre à la géométrie, 4:79, 4:80n writings of, 4:370, 14:168, 20:469 Lactantius, Lucius Caecilius Firmianus (early Christian author), 7:25, 16:189, 16:196, 16:258 Lacy, Benjamin and Limestone Survey lawsuit, 18:373, 19:64, 20:171n Lacy, David R. and University of Virginia, 20:195 Lacy, Stephen H. and P. Piernet’s estate, 3:466–3:467, 3:467–3:468, 3:472n, 3:652–3:653, 4:42, 4:43n, 4:81–4:82, 4:166n, 5:99, 5:116–5:118, 5:217, 5:333–5:334 and P. Piernet’s will, 5:332 Ladd, Thomas and Gilliam v. Fleming, 1:304, 1:305, 1:306–1:307, 1:329–1:330, 1:331, 1:362–1:363, 1:364–1:365, 1:591, 1:608, 2:123, 2:368, 2:396–2:397, 2:403, 2:407, 2:425, 2:447, 2:448, 2:464–2:465, 2:465–2:466, 2:674–2:675, 3:44–3:45, 3:45, 3:84, 3:85–3:86 identified, 1:307n letters from, 1:329–1:330, 2:674–2:675 letters from accounted for, 3:45n letters to, 1:306–1:307, 2:464–2:465, 3:45 Ladvocat, Jean Baptiste Dictionnaire Historique et Bibliographique Portatif, 1:580, 10:234, 10:237n, 12:582 Lady Monroe (brig), 15:63, 15:119, 15:120, 15:262, 15:300, 15:362, 15:362n “The Lady of the Wreck; or, Castle Blarneygig: a poem” (G. Colman), 7:60, 7:62n lady-slipper, 1:436–1:437n Laertius. See Diogenes Laertius Laet, Joannes de Nieuwe wereldt, ofte Beschrijvinghe van West-Indien, 2:503n, 2:503n, 2:511 “Lætitia Lookabout” (pseudonym) A Sketch of the Rights of Boys and Girls, 18:228, 18:229n La Fare, Charles Auguste, 7:665 Lafayette, Adrienne de Noailles, marquise de (Lafayette’s wife) dowry of, 2:10, 2:12, 2:13 mentioned, 2:16, 12:300n Lafayette, Françoise Émilie Destutt de Tracy (Lafayette’s daughter-in-law), 2:17, 9:664n, 10:509n, 18:428, 19:230 Lafayette, George Washington (Lafayette’s son) family of, 9:69, 17:254, 17:255 inheritance of, 2:14 as legislator, 9:68, 9:69n, 18:427, 18:428 marriage of, 2:16, 2:17, 9:664n, 10:509n mentioned, 3:447 sends greetings to TJ, 3:106, 4:359, 17:255 Lafayette, Gilbert Motier de (1380-1462) , 2:12–2:13 Lafayette, Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, marquis de J. Adams on, 6:287 aids L. Pio, 14:259–14:260 and American Revolution, 2:10–2:11, 3:314, 3:315n, 4:434, 8:266, 11:283, 12:247, 15:277, 19:101, 19:118, 19:122, 19:130, 19:131n attempts to emancipate African slaves, 2:11 and C. G. G. Botta, 20:369, 20:370, 20:498 and Bureaux de Pusy family, 4:155, 5:71, 5:72n bust of, at Monticello, 15:li, 15:383 and chestnuts, 4:322 and I. A. Coles, 1:269–1:270, 1:528 correspondence with S. Bernard, 18:300 correspondence with TJ, 17:278, 19:230, 20:289 description of his finances, 2:10–2:26, 3:213, 3:214n, 3:446, 3:447n, 12:248 and Destutt de Tracy, 1:270, 8:266, 9:484, 9:663–9:664, 10:289, 10:291, 10:323–10:324, 10:603, 11:283, 12:248, 13:414, 14:108, 16:137, 16:420, 16:485, 18:428–18:429, 19:101, 20:288, 20:369–20:370 and Destutt de Tracy’s commentary on Montesquieu, 4:54, 4:202, 4:446, 9:377, 10:61–10:62, 10:62n, 10:62, 10:80, 10:81, 10:154, 10:290, 12:248, 14:108 and P. S. Du Pont de Nemours, 9:484 as electoral candidate, 12:38–12:39, 12:246, 12:248n, 13:568 and events in Europe, 16:135–16:136, 16:493, 17:253–17:254, 18:426, 18:426–18:427, 18:427, 19:489, 20:285, 20:368–20:369 and events in France, 7:536–7:541, 9:67–9:68, 9:376–9:377, 10:323, 10:324, 11:281–11:282, 12:245–12:247, 14:108, 16:135–16:137, 16:493, 17:254, 18:426, 18:427, 20:368–20:369 and events in U.S., 19:101–19:102, 20:285–20:286, 20:368 family of, 1:629, 5:212, 5:215n, 7:349, 7:537, 7:542, 9:69, 9:484, 9:664n, 10:323, 10:392, 10:507, 10:509n, 10:549–10:550, 12:248, 16:137, 17:254, 17:369, 18:428, 19:230, 20:369–20:370, 20:370, 20:370n as farmer, 9:484, 9:667 finances of, 1:376, 1:628, 2:8–2:9, 2:10–2:18, 2:243–2:245, 2:287–2:288, 2:310, 2:418, 3:54–3:55, 3:212, 3:213, 3:445–3:446, 7:15, 7:349, 20:482 on freedom, 10:324 and French Revolution, 8:262, 17:363, 17:366, 17:366, 17:370–17:371, 17:371 friendship with F. Wright, 18:429, 19:609, 20:286–20:287, 20:370 and A. Gallatin, 10:323, 18:429–18:430 and J. Garnett’s family, 20:514 and Greek independence, 18:427–18:428 and R. H. Harrison’s Revolutionary War service, 18:134, 18:135n, 18:160–18:161 health of, 10:392, 12:38, 17:254, 19:102 identified, 1:270–1:271n and Indian vocabularies, 9:373n, 12:294, 12:295–12:296n introduces R. A. Barba, 17:255, 17:540, 17:541, 17:559, 17:559n introduces S. Bernard, 10:391–10:392, 11:139–11:140, 11:180 introduces F. S. Constancio, 19:229, 19:230, 19:230 introduces J. Corrêa da Serra, 4:359 introduces M. L. Descaves, 11:282 introduces E. de Vendel, 16:521, 16:521n introduces G. Flower, 9:679, 10:299, 10:559, 10:560, 10:560, 10:592, 11:124 introduces E. Grouchy, 9:13, 12:105–12:106 introduces M. A. Jullien, 7:215, 12:229 introduces J. Lakanal, 9:300, 10:276, 18:580 introduces Montlezun, 10:396 introduces E. Vail, 18:299–18:300, 18:302n and M. A. Jullien’s proposed biography of T. Kosciuszko, 14:50, 16:87 and T. Kosciuszko monument, 17:415n land of, in La., 1:270n, 1:529, 1:628, 2:8, 2:9, 2:15, 2:16, 2:17–2:18, 2:33–2:34, 2:72–2:73, 2:243, 2:244, 2:245, 2:418, 3:54, 3:105–3:106, 3:212–3:213, 3:248, 3:314, 3:445, 4:29–4:31, 4:359, 4:649–4:650, 5:68–5:69, 5:69n, 5:212–5:214, 5:215n, 7:541, 9:301n, 12:248 on Latin American revolutions, 4:359, 7:14–7:15 and J. B. Lefevre, 2:74, 2:75n as legislator, 9:68, 9:69n, 9:376–9:377, 14:260, 17:254, 17:255n, 18:428 letter from to an Unidentified Correspondent, 7:542–7:544 letters from, 1:269–1:271, 1:528–1:530, 1:627–1:629, 2:7–2:9, 2:242–2:246, 2:287–2:288, 2:310, 3:54–3:55, 3:105–3:106, 3:211–3:214, 3:444–3:447, 4:155, 4:358–4:359, 4:649–4:650, 5:68–5:69, 5:212–5:215, 7:215, 7:536–7:542, 9:13–9:14, 9:67–9:69, 9:300–9:301, 9:376–9:377, 9:484, 9:679, 10:323–10:324, 10:391–10:392, 11:281–11:283, 12:245–12:249, 16:135–16:137, 17:253–17:255, 18:425–18:431, 19:230–19:231, 19:609, 20:367–20:370 letters from accounted for, 18:302n, 19:609n letters from TJ forwarded to, 14:107, 14:202, 17:65 letters from mentioned, 2:512, 9:304, 11:528, 11:581, 13:254 letters to, 3:313–3:315, 4:29–4:31, 4:36, 7:13–7:16, 8:261–8:268, 8:478–8:479, 10:62–10:64, 11:353–11:355, 13:413–13:415, 14:108, 16:493–16:494, 17:50, 17:114–17:115, 17:219, 19:101–19:102, 20:285–20:287 letters to mentioned, 4:33 T. Lyman introduced to, 11:294, 11:294n, 11:355, 11:357, 11:360 and J. Madison, 18:429 medallion of, 18:162 memoir of, 8:478 mentioned, 3:114, 3:512, 3:538, 5:189, 9:96, 9:201, 10:253, 12:105, 12:230, 16:27, 17:265, 17:347 and merino sheep, 2:39, 7:404 on neutral powers, 2:242 and D. Parker (of Paris), 10:323 plans to visit U.S., 18:300 plans to write TJ, 4:325, 7:505 and P. Poinsot’s consular ambitions, 16:52 and J. L. Poirey’s military service claims, 12:299, 12:300n, 12:355n, 13:140, 13:141n, 13:414, 13:435, 14:108, 14:111, 14:199, 16:494 portraits of, 8:239, 10:398, 18:162 proposed biography of, 8:478–8:479, 19:427 recommends L. P. G. de Lormerie, 1:342 recommends F. De Masson, 8:250, 8:251n retirement of, 9:69, 9:300, 9:301n, 9:377, 10:323 and B. Rivadavia, 12:621 sends dogs, 1:376, 1:457, 6:511 sends greetings to TJ, 3:198 sends merino sheep, 1:529, 1:537–1:538, 1:629 sends works to TJ, 16:137, 19:609, 20:286 and W. Short, 5:215n, 19:230 and slavery in U.S., 16:493–16:494, 17:254–17:255, 18:425–18:426 and South American independence, 9:391, 11:354–11:355, 12:247–12:248, 16:493, 18:425, 20:369 speeches of, 16:137, 17:254, 17:255n Madame de Staël Holstein on, 5:450, 11:117, 11:118n and Madame de Tessé, 1:528, 1:593–1:594, 1:627, 7:35, 7:536 G. Ticknor carries letter to, 9:560, 11:281 TJ forwards letter of , 8:482 TJ introduces T. P. Barton to, 17:98, 17:114–17:115, 17:115 TJ introduces L. H. Girardin to, 8:478–8:479 TJ introduces W. B. Lawrence to, 17:219, 17:219–17:220 TJ introduces Mr. Wilson to, 17:50 TJ on, 3:504, 11:174, 14:108, 17:219–17:220, 17:340, 19:101 TJ sends greetings to, 3:443, 3:444n and TJ’s health, 14:31, 16:135, 16:493, 20:285, 20:287, 20:370 toasts honoring, 17:289 travels of, 2:11, 2:13, 2:16 and U.S. peace commission, 7:542–7:543 visits U.S., 20:482 works sent to, 13:568n Lafayette, Oscar Thomas Gilbert du Motier de (Lafayette’s grandson) birth of, 9:69 Laffitte, Jacques election of, 12:39 Laffitte, Jacques, & Compagnie (Paris firm). See Jacques Laffitte & Compagnie (Paris firm) Lafitau, Joseph François Mœurs des Sauvages Ameriquains, 5:122–5:123, 5:125n, 5:182, 6:324 Lafite, Château (wine), 9:513 Lafões, João Carlos de Bragança de Sousa Ligne Tavares Mascarenhas da Silva, duque de, 12:153 Lafolie, Charles Jean Mémoires Historiques relatifs a la fonte et a l’élévation de la Statue Équestre de Henri IV sur le terre-plein du Pont-Neuf a Paris, 15:393n Lafon, Bartholemew “Plan of the City and Environs of New Orleans,”, 2:525, 3:486, 3:488n La Fontaine, Jean de in collegiate curriculum, 7:665 fables of, 14:614, 14:615n, 19:147, 19:149n on Plato, 7:454 La Forest. See Mathurin, Antoine René Charles, comte de La Forest La Gasca y Segura, Mariano seeks professorship in U.S., 15:156–15:157n Lagrange. See Bouillon-Lagrange, Edme Jean Baptiste La Grange (Lafayette’s French estate), 1:270n, 1:529, 2:15, 2:17, 7:540, 7:541, 9:69, 10:323, 18:302n Lagrange, Joseph Louis praised, 7:661 referenced, 20:581 Théorie des Fonctions Analytiques, 13:314n, 20:292 La Grange, Nicolas de edits and translates Lucrece, [De la Nature des Choses] Traduction Nouvelle, avec des Notes (Lucretius), 14:511 translates Oeuvres de Séneque le philosophe (Seneca), 10:233, 10:236–10:237n, 12:534, 14:511 La Grange et de Fourilles, Adélaïde Blaise François Le Lièvre, marquis de, 1:372 La Harpe, Benard de “Journal historique Concernant l’Etablissement des françois à la Louisianne” , 9:445–9:446, 9:447n, 9:516, 9:518, 9:518n, 9:658, 9:658–9:659n, 9:710, 12:156, 12:157n, 12:294–12:295, 12:295, 12:296n, 12:331–12:332, 12:371 Journal Historique de l’Établissement des Français a la Louisiane (ed. A. L. Boimare), 9:659n La Harpe, Frédéric César de as educator, 16:60 tutor of Alexander I, 7:506, 8:671n, 9:110–9:111 La Harpe, Jean François de J. Adams reads, 11:268 Correspondance Littéraire, 10:589 criticism of, 10:13 Lycée ou Cours De Littérature Ancienne Et Moderne, 7:26 writings of, 6:302, 7:481, 10:306 Lahay (Lahy), Michael and University of Virginia, 16:308, 17:623, 17:629n Lahontan, Louis Armand de Lom d’Arce, baron de New Voyages to North-America, 10:486 Laibach, Congress of, 17:253, 17:253, 17:255n Lakanal, Joseph identified, 9:268n introduced by Lafayette, 9:300, 10:276, 18:580 introduced by A. Thoüin, 9:267–9:268 letter from, 10:107–10:109 letter to, 10:276–10:277 moves to Ky., 9:267–9:268, 9:300, 10:107, 10:276 as president of Orleans College, 18:580 proposed book of, 10:107–10:108, 10:276–10:277 Lake Champlain fort on, 11:568, 11:569n natural history of, 7:357 proposed canal to, 11:219n, 11:259, 11:280–11:281 Vt. militia crosses, 8:112, 8:112n Lake Erie O. H. Perry’s naval victory on, 6:524, 6:524n, 6:531, 6:546n, 7:11, 7:14, 7:56, 7:57n, 7:88, 7:89n, 8:259, 8:263 proposed canal to, 3:459–3:460, 3:597–3:598, 4:160, 4:161n, 11:219n, 11:259, 11:280–11:281, 11:339, 11:357–11:358, 11:358n, 11:360, 11:364–11:365, 11:376–11:377, 11:415, 11:434–11:435, 11:448 steamboats on, 12:401, 12:402n survey on, 3:437 and War of 1812, 7:531, 18:311, 20:488, 20:566 Lake George, N.Y. W. Short on, 8:687 Lake Ontario proposed canal to, 3:459–3:460 and War of 1812, 7:10, 7:14, 7:531 Lake Superior copper mines along, 12:411, 12:453–12:454, 12:454n Lalande, Joseph Jérôme Le Français de J. Adams on, 9:527, 10:7 Astronomie, 4:244, 4:244n, 7:626, 10:235 as educator, 16:325 Histoire des Mathématiques, 6:381, 7:250, 7:626, 10:235, 12:344 and W. Lambert’s calculations, 4:253, 4:260, 5:249 mentioned, 7:480, 18:356 praised, 7:661 Tables de Logarithmes pour les Nombres et Pour les Sinus, 13:342–13:343n, 13:358, 13:394, 13:394, 13:474, 13:474, 13:474, 13:474–13:475n, 13:476, 13:477n, 13:524, 13:561, 13:561, 14:215, 15:133, 15:160 TJ on, 15:232 Lallemand, François Antoine, baron, 1:372 La Luzerne, Anne César, chevalier de, 10:115, 10:117n, 17:330, 17:344, 17:376n, 17:377n La Luzerne, César Henri, comte de as government minister, 17:357, 17:364, 17:364, 17:364, 17:368–17:369, 17:369, 17:377n Lamarck, Jean Baptiste Pierre Antoine de Monet de Encyclopédie Méthodique: Botanique, 17:546, 17:546–17:547n Histoire Naturelle des Animaux sans Vertèbres, 12:33, 14:168 praised, 7:661 works of, 11:192, 12:33 La Marck, Marie Françoise Augustine Ursule Le Danois de Cernay, comtesse de, 2:10 lamb, 14:383, 14:632 Lamb, George translates The Poems of Caius Valerius Catullus (G. V. Catullus), 17:535 Lamb, John Fergusson identified, 18:105n letter from, 18:105 and medical education at University of Virginia, 18:105 Lambarde, William Archaionomia, 7:126, 7:127 Eirenarcha: or Of the office of the Iustices of peace, 3:546 Lambert, John letters to, 4:164 as U.S. senator, 4:163, 4:164n, 11:182 Lambert, William Abstracts of Calculations, to ascertain the Longitude of the Capitol, in the City of Washington, 12:86, 13:314, 13:314n, 18:505 and American Philosophical Society, 5:251, 5:311, 7:436, 7:437n, 7:486 astronomical calculations, 2:54, 2:55n, 4:634–4:637, 5:311, 18:505, 18:505–18:510, 18:528, 18:539, 19:628 calculates latitude and longitude of U.S. Capitol, 4:275, 4:651–4:660, 12:86, 18:287, 18:314, 18:505, 18:508, 18:528, 18:539, 18:539–18:545, 19:628 calculates Monticello’s longitude, 4:235–4:236, 4:239, 4:246, 4:247–4:266, 4:276, 4:368, 4:369, 4:402–4:406, 4:407, 8:455, 8:456n clerk of the House of Representatives, 1:275, 1:359n, 1:512 congratulates TJ, 1:54–1:55, 1:237–1:238 and domestic manufactures, 1:560–1:562 on House of Representatives, 1:274–1:275, 1:534–1:535 identified, 1:54–1:55n and latitude calculations, 3:367n letters from, 1:54–1:55, 1:274–1:276, 1:356–1:359, 1:489–1:498, 1:534–1:535, 1:539–1:540, 1:560–1:562, 2:54–2:55, 2:60–2:68, 2:337–2:338, 2:398–2:399, 2:566, 3:285, 4:235–4:236, 4:275–4:276, 4:402–4:406, 4:407–4:408, 4:634–4:637, 4:651–4:660, 5:245–5:251, 7:436–7:437, 12:86, 14:559, 18:287, 18:505, 18:528–18:529, 18:539, 19:33, 19:208–19:209, 19:210–19:211, 19:628–19:629 letters from accounted for, 2:68n letters to, 1:237–1:238, 1:511–1:512, 2:541, 4:368–4:369, 18:314, 18:515, 19:197–19:201 letters to accounted for, 2:54–2:55n, 14:559n lunar calculations, 1:539–1:540, 1:540–1:554, 2:54, 2:60–2:68, 5:245–5:251, 18:505, 18:505–18:510, 18:528, 18:539, 18:539–18:545 and Message from the President of the United States, transmitting a Report of William Lambert, on the subject of the Longitude of the Capitol of the United States. January 9, 1822, 18:287, 18:314, 18:508, 18:543–18:544, 19:211, 19:211n ode for Fourth of July by, 2:399, 2:400–2:401 and prime meridian, 1:275–1:276, 1:356–1:358, 1:359n, 1:489–1:498, 1:511–1:512, 1:534–1:535, 2:54, 2:55n, 2:337–2:338, 2:398–2:399, 2:541, 2:566, 3:285, 3:367n, 18:314, 19:211, 19:628–19:629 proposes reformation of Gregorian calendar, 7:436–7:437, 7:486 as State Department clerk, 14:559 Table for Computing the Moon’s Motion, with Explanations, 1:540–1:554, 1:571–1:572, 1:608–1:609, 1:609n Table of Logarithms, 19:33, 19:33–19:36 and TJ’s method of calculating longitude and latitude, 19:197–19:201, 19:208–19:209, 19:210–19:211 To the Critical Reviewers of Boston, 3:285 and University of Virginia, 18:287, 18:505, 18:510, 18:515, 18:528–18:529, 18:539, 19:33 and western exploration, 19:211 Lamberti, Thomas letter from, 14:271 plans trip to New Orleans, 14:271 requests loan from TJ, 14:271 Lambrecht, Mr. and Lafayette, 7:537 Lameth, Alexandre Théodore Victor and French Constitution of 1791, 17:370 and French Revolution, 8:504, 8:508n Lameth, Charles Malo François, 8:504, 8:508n Lamétherie, Jean Claude de as geologist, 2:551, 2:552n Théorie de La Terre, 8:429, 8:429, 8:429–8:430n writings of, 14:168 Lamoignon, Chrétine François de as keeper of the seals, 17:358, 17:378n La Motte, François Claude Adam. See Delamotte, François Claude Adam La Motte, Jeanne de Saint Remy de Valois, comtesse de Vie de Jeanne de St. Remy de Valois, ci-devant Comtesse de La Motte (included in Book of Kings compiled by TJ; see also Book of Kings), 8:33, 8:34n, 8:240 works on, 8:309, 8:310n lampblack, 16:8, 17:7, 18:50, 19:15 Lampredi, Giovanni Maria, 7:688 lamps alabaster, 1:190, 1:309, 20:126 at Bell Rock lighthouse, 4:362–4:363 W. Lewis’s, 12:378, 12:380n, 13:5 used in lighthouses, 18:185, 18:216 safety, 11:501 as scientific equipment, 20:611, 20:611, 20:612, 20:612, 20:637, 20:638 spirit, 20:612, 20:613n Lancaster, Joseph The British System of Education, 9:443n, 9:502, 9:503n, 9:529 educational system of, 10:45, 10:336, 10:338, 10:390–10:391, 10:481, 10:482n, 12:39, 12:402n, 16:29n, 16:60, 16:325, 17:388, 18:142, 20:375 Improvements in Education, 1:662, 1:662n, 9:530n Lancaster Schuylkill Bridge, 16:34, 16:34–16:35n Lance, William identified, 4:106n letters from, 4:105–4:107 letter to, 4:175+ letters to accounted for, 4:107n An Oration, delivered on the Fourth of July, 1816, In St. Michael’s Church, S. C. by appointment of the ’76 Association, 11:530n and Seventy-Six Association, 4:105, 4:106n, 4:175+ Lancelot, Claude as grammarian, 19:407, 19:409n, 20:546, 20:548n Le Jardin des Racines Greques, 10:234 A New Method Of learning with Facility the Latin Tongue (trans. T. Nugent), 17:536, 17:537n A New Method Of learning with greater Facility the Greek Tongue (trans. T. Nugent), 17:536, 17:537n, 20:527, 20:527n The Primitives of the Greek Tongue (trans. T. Nugent), 10:358, 12:313, 12:356, 17:536, 17:537n land conveyances. See indentures Landon, Charles Paul Description de Paris et de ses Édifices, 12:107 edits Annales du Musée et de l’école moderne des beaux-arts, 12:107 Landriot French publisher, 13:343n Landrum, Mr. and J. Monroe’s Highland estate, 19:397 Landsdown, Lord. See Lansdowne, Henry Petty-Fitzmaurice, 3d Marquess of Lane, Mr. (boatman), 20:252, 20:382 Lane, John death of, 17:609n visits J. W. Eppes, 12:7 Lane, Ralph, 11:293+, 11:293n+ Lane, Sally (Sarah) Eppes (John Wayles Eppes’s sister; John Lane’s wife) business affairs of, 17:608, 17:609n visits J. W. Eppes, 12:7 Lane, Samuel assaulted by J. Dougherty, 14:544–14:545 as commissioner of public buildings, 12:196, 12:278, 12:278, 12:520, 12:641, 14:545, 15:320–15:321n Lane & Smiths (Baltimore firm), 20:633 Lane’s Ordinary (Fairfax Co.), 1:52n, 8:290 Langdon, John biography of proposed, 15:546–15:547 correspondence with TJ, 15:496, 15:497, 15:510–15:511, 15:546 correspondence with S. Ringgold, 19:331, 19:332n death of, 15:235 family of, 20:631 as governor of N.H., 2:348 identified, 2:231–2:232n letters from, 2:230–2:232 letters to, 2:274–2:277, 7:365 as member of Continental Congress, 6:184n and political situation, 2:230–2:231, 2:274–2:277 TJ introduces W. C. Rives to, 7:365 TJ on, 13:25 TJ sends batture pamphlet to, 4:624 Lange, Abraham Augusta Co. innkeeper, 13:230, 13:231, 13:232, 13:519 identified, 13:519–13:520n letter from accounted for, 13:599n letters to, 13:519–13:520, 13:599 letter to accounted for, 13:520n and seeds for TJ, 13:519, 13:599 Langhorne, Frances Steptoe, 12:237n Langhorne, John Letters Supposed to have passed between M. De St. Evremond and Mr. Waller, 19:506, 19:509n translates Lives (Plutarch), 1:580 Langhorne, William translates Lives (Plutarch), 1:580 Langland, William The Vision of Pierce Plowman, 1:390, 1:397n, 9:633, 9:633n Langley, Batty Pomona: or, The Fruit-Garden Illustrated, 2:82, 11:165 Langon (wine), 9:513 language See also Anglo-Saxon (Old English) language; English language; French language; German language; Greek language; Italian language; Latin language; Spanish language Arabic, 8:3, 8:5 books on books on French, 2:27n, 5:557 books on Spanish, 2:32n bound pamphlets on, 13:456, 13:457n Catalan, 12:47 Chinese, 1:518, 1:518n, 7:480, 13:124, 13:124n, 13:142 collegiate education in, 12:3–12:4, 12:76, 12:76, 12:85, 12:120, 12:124, 12:150, 12:201, 12:204, 12:467, 13:301, 14:150, 14:345–14:346, 14:347–14:348, 14:517, 14:519, 14:589–14:590, 16:628, 16:629n, 19:558–19:559, 19:570, 20:154, 20:457, 20:512 Coptic, 8:3 Danish, 13:237 Erse, 16:85n French training of T. J. Randolph, 1:520, 1:557 Gaelic, 7:560, 7:561n, 8:3 Hebrew, 7:715, 8:5, 9:652, 13:570, 13:570n, 14:269, 17:466 Indian (American), 1:205, 1:269, 1:520–1:521, 1:555–1:557, 1:599n, 1:651–1:652, 3:596, 3:596, 3:596–3:597, 3:616, 7:181, 7:182n, 7:243, 7:281, 9:65, 9:65–9:66, 9:372–9:373, 9:373n, 10:377, 10:377, 10:444, 10:445, 11:126–11:127, 11:454, 12:171, 12:172, 12:236, 12:250, 12:250–12:251, 12:294, 12:295n, 12:295–12:296n, 12:331, 12:385–12:386, 12:386n, 12:636n, 12:637, 13:90, 13:90, 13:90, 14:132n, 16:79, 16:79–16:85, 16:107–16:109, 16:109–16:110, 16:118, 16:118–16:120, 16:132–16:133, 16:133, 16:261–16:262, 16:459, 18:198, 18:225, 18:356, 19:348, 20:514n Irish, 16:85n neology, 7:209, 7:514, 9:632–9:633, 13:96, 16:194–16:195, 16:571 Persian, 8:6, 11:351, 11:351n, 11:441 philosophy of, 15:223–15:224 and phonics, 2:306–2:307, 2:308n Portuguese, 13:238 Punic, 7:560, 7:561n Russian, 1:556, 7:480 Sanskrit, 7:480, 8:3 sign, 1:662, 1:662n study of, 5:359+, 7:357, 7:480, 7:481n, 7:658, 7:660–7:661, 7:666, 7:686, 8:3, 10:370–10:372, 10:516, 10:542, 12:15–12:16, 12:249–12:250, 12:259, 12:291–12:292, 16:29n, 16:65, 16:65, 16:77, 16:325, 18:9, 18:225, 20:87, 20:292, 20:292 Swedish, 13:237, 16:109, 16:109–16:110 TJ on study of, 4:162–4:163, 7:243, 7:447, 7:637, 7:638, 7:640, 7:641, 8:13, 8:341, 9:372–9:373, 9:626 TJ on translation, 9:353, 9:354n translations by TJ, 3:11–3:15, 3:21–3:23, 3:652, 10:594 translations by D. B. Warden, 1:142 Welsh, 16:85n Lania (TJ’s slave; b. 1805) on Monticello slave lists, 4:388, 12:303 L. Annæi Flori Epitome Rerum Romanarum (L. A. Florus; ed. J. G. Graevius), 14:511 Lannes, Jean, Duc de Montebello, 1:371, 1:372 Lannes, Louise Antoinette, Duchesse de Montebello and D. B. Warden, 7:490, 7:491n Lansdowne, George Granville, Baron correspondence of, 17:460n Lansdowne, Henry Petty-Fitzmaurice, 3d Marquess of British politician, 7:541, 15:469, 15:470n Lansdowne, William Petty, 2d Earl of Shelburne and 1st Marquess of family of, 15:469, 15:470n, 15:470n on taxation, 7:299 lanterns, 1:303, 12:378, 12:380n, 13:5, 18:185, 18:216 Lantier, Étienne François Voyages d’Antenor en Grèce et en Asie, avec des notions sur l’Égypte, 20:115n, 20:282 Lanusse, Paul, 6:436 Lapa, Manoel de Almeida e Vasconcellos, Visconde da Portuguese official, 19:356 La Pérouse, Jean François de Galalup, comte de Voyage de La Pérouse autour du Monde, 1:445–1:449 Lapie, Pierre Carte réduite de la Mer Méditerranée et de la mer Noire, 1:247–1:248, 15:579, 15:579n Laplace, Pierre Simon, marquis de Americans correspond with, 4:196 Analyse du Traite de Mécanique Céleste de P. S. Laplace (J. B. Biot), 13:314n as astronomer, 9:85, 12:442, 12:619, 14:153 error of detected, 4:634 Exposition du Systême du Monde, 1:348, 1:349n, 1:357, 1:491, 13:342, 13:359, 13:494, 13:525, 20:500, 20:520, 20:530 mentioned, 14:323, 20:292, 20:581 praised, 7:661 Traité de Mécanique Céleste, 12:566n, 13:342, 13:359, 13:494, 13:525, 14:45, 17:410, 20:469 A Treatise of Celestial Mechanics (trans. H. H. Harte) , 20:633 J. Wood’s book sent to, 2:171 works of, 20:582 Laporte, Alexander letter from accounted for, 14:273n Laporte, Arnaud de as government minister, 17:364 Laporte, E. letter from accounted for, 18:257n Laporte, Peter (Victoire Laporte’s husband) See also Laporte’s boardinghouse (Charlottesville) family of, 14:210, 14:274, 14:294, 14:425, 14:425, 14:438, 15:239, 15:239n, 15:243, 15:484, 17:119–17:120, 17:231–17:232 finances of, 16:77, 16:78n, 16:190n, 18:256 health of, 15:484 and J. B. Herard, 15:266 identified, 14:273n letters from, 14:383, 14:528, 14:571–14:572, 15:270, 15:484 letters to, 14:272–14:273, 14:382–14:383, 15:280 patents of, 17:119–17:120, 17:149–17:150, 17:232n T. M. Randolph as security for, 17:156 requests loan of carriage, 15:484 tavern of, 13:230, 13:230, 13:231, 13:232, 14:425, 15:141, 15:142n TJ as security for, 15:270, 15:280, 15:379n, 15:397, 15:397n, 17:156, 17:176 TJ’s debt to, 15:425, 15:426, 16:366n, 16:376n travels of, 17:119–17:120 and University of Virginia, 16:475, 16:479 visits Monticello, 15:141 Laporte, Victoire (Peter Laporte’s wife) identified, 17:120n letters from, 17:119–17:120, 17:231–17:232, 18:256–18:257 letters from accounted for, 17:120n, 17:232n, 18:257n letter to, 17:149–17:150 requests assistance from TJ, 18:256–18:257 seeks information on husband, 17:119–17:120, 17:149–17:150, 17:231–17:232 TJ provides credit for, 17:176, 17:212n, 17:232 Laportea canadensis. See nettle, wood La Porte Du Theil, François Jean Gabriel de translates Théatre d’Æschyle (Aeschylus), 15:26, 15:490, 15:491n Laporte’s boardinghouse (Charlottesville) See also Laporte, Peter advertisement for, 14:425, 15:109, 15:109n bedding for, 14:383n, 14:425, 14:528, 15:378 boarders at, 14:210, 14:268, 14:274, 14:294, 14:383n, 14:472, 14:517, 14:519, 14:525–14:526, 14:640, 15:12, 15:270, 15:280, 16:24 charges for boarding at, 14:272, 14:294, 14:383n, 14:425, 14:439, 15:270, 15:280, 15:378, 15:379n, 16:24 closing of, 16:77, 16:190n fare served at, 14:382, 14:383n, 14:383, 14:425, 14:425 French language spoken at, 14:210, 14:274, 14:294, 14:425, 14:425, 14:438–14:439, 14:512, 14:517, 14:519, 14:525–14:526, 14:571, 15:141, 15:241, 15:243 location of, 16:26n misbehavior of boarders, 15:140–15:141, 15:500n opening of, 14:210, 14:261, 14:272–14:273, 14:294, 14:383n, 14:383n, 14:425 Laporte’s Tavern (Augusta Co.), 13:230, 13:230, 13:231, 13:232, 14:425 lard in New Englanders’ diet, 14:420 price of, 17:26 as scab remedy, 5:182n sent to TJ, 12:324, 13:566, 15:311, 16:470–16:471 La Révellière Lépeaux, Louis Marie de, 10:44 Large, Daniel and hydrostatic engines, 7:232 La Rivière. See Le Mercier de La Rivière, Paul Pierre La Roche, Martin Lefèbvre de (abbé), 3:9, 3:17, 3:87, 3:89n, 3:330 La Rochefoucauld, Alexandrine Charlotte Sophie de Rohan-Chabot, duchesse de. See Castellane, Alexandrine Charlotte Sophie de Rohan-Chabot, marquise de La Rochefoucauld, François de J. Adams on, 6:228, 6:287, 6:296 criticized, 7:220 on marriage, 7:403, 7:405n maxims of, 9:433, 9:434n, 19:505 La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, François Alexandre Frédéric, duc de friendship with J. L. Guillemard, 9:134, 9:135n friendship with J. de Lespinasse, 14:30 reports to Louis XVI, 17:366, 17:378n La Romana, José Caro, marquês, 2:247, 2:248n La Rouërie, Armand Charles Tuffin, marquis de, 2:74 La Rue, Charles de edits Opera. Interpretatione et Notis (Virgil; Delphin edition), 8:660, 9:274, 9:464, 9:538, 9:639, 13:33, 13:33, 13:47, 13:47 Lasalle, Philippe de, 2:591 La Salle, René Robert Cavelier de and settlement of La., 9:445, 9:479, 10:627, 11:460n travels of, 20:164 Las Cases, Emmanuel Auguste Dieudonné Marin Joseph, comte de (A. Le Sage) Atlas Historique, Généalogique, Chronologique et Géographique, 3:552, 3:552n, 3:578 Genealogical, chronological, historical, and geographical atlas, 4:325–4:326, 4:326n, 5:7, 5:83, 5:114, 5:211, 5:436, 7:90 Memorial de Sainte Helene. Journal of the Private Life and Conversations of the Emperor Napoleon at Saint Helena, 19:546, 19:547n, 19:569, 19:584, 19:669, 20:329, 20:348, 20:349, 20:349n, 20:481 Mémorial de Sainte-Hélène, ou Journal ou se trouve consigné, jour par jour, ce qu’a dit et fait Napoléon durant dix-huit mois, 19:517, 19:517n, 19:546, 20:155 work of sent to M. J. Randolph, 5:7, 5:436, 7:90 La Serna de Santander, Carlos Antonio Catalogue des Livres de la Bibliotheque de M. C. de la Serna Santander, 8:559, 8:561, 8:562n owns Bollandist manuscript, 8:559, 8:561 Last Day. A Poem In Three Books (Young), 6:297 Lasteyrie du Saillant, Louis, marquis de (Lafayette’s son-in-law), 2:17 Lasteyrie du Saillant, Virginie, marquise de (Lafayette’s daughter) family of, 17:254, 17:255n, 18:428, 19:230, 19:231n sends greetings to TJ, 4:359 Lasteyrie-Dusaillant, Charles Philibert, comte De agricultural report of, 2:83 Du Cotonnier et de sa Culture, 1:37, 2:83, 11:164 Du Pastel, de l’indigotier, 3:461–3:462, 10:471 identified, 3:115n introduces G. Flower, 9:667, 10:299, 10:559, 10:560, 10:592, 11:124 letters from, 3:114–3:115, 3:461–3:462, 9:667–9:669 as lithographer, 9:667 sends books on arts and sciences, 3:114, 3:115n, 3:461–3:462 sends greetings to TJ, 1:141 Traité sur les Bêtes-à-Laine d’Espagne, 2:83, 11:164 A Treatise on the Culture, Preparation, History and Analysis of Pastel, or Woad (trans. H. A. S. Dearborn), 3:462n, 10:471 Lastri, Marco Antonio Corso di agricoltura, 11:164 Latham, William identified, 17:97n letter from, to W. Maury, 17:97 and J. Maury’s consulship, 17:96, 17:97, 17:509 as J. Maury’s partner, 5:253, 5:253n, 17:96 Latimer, George recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461 Latimer (Latemer), W. G. and University of Virginia, 19:54 Latin America religion in, 16:590 revolutions in, 4:359, 7:14–7:15, 7:29, 12:247–12:248, 16:528–16:529 TJ on liberation of, 7:14–7:15, 7:29–7:30, 10:373–10:375 in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:506, 4:508 Latin and English Dictionary abridged (R. Ainsworth), 1:35, 17:221 Latin language applicants to teach at University of Virginia, 16:426, 16:502, 19:443, 20:414 of G. Buchanan, 2:215 collegiate education in, 12:3–12:4, 12:33, 12:120, 12:120, 12:509, 13:195, 13:195–13:196, 13:214, 13:215–13:216, 13:218, 13:233, 13:278, 13:402, 14:132, 14:551, 14:589, 17:376n, 19:42, 19:44n, 20:458 dictionaries, 6:387, 8:660, 9:274, 9:274, 9:276, 9:277n, 10:235, 10:235, 10:237n, 10:358, 12:439, 14:193, 14:221, 14:240, 14:258, 14:265, 14:266, 14:286, 15:450, 15:452n, 17:211, 17:221 documents in, by T. de Bry, 7:614–7:615 T. J. O’Flaherty, 19:443–19:444 S. G. Tucker, 1:617–1:619 elementary education in, 13:195–13:196, 13:215, 17:231, 17:541, 19:590 and etymology, 16:224, 16:257 E. Everett on, 20:546–20:547 glossaries, 13:342, 13:358, 13:394, 13:474, 13:494, 13:561 letters in, from F. Glass, 18:552–18:554 pronunciation of, 14:153 and Randolph family, 19:454n study of, 3:327–3:328, 3:372, 3:501, 4:131, 4:372, 4:648, 6:65, 7:447, 7:658, 7:659, 7:660–7:661, 7:662–7:663, 7:666, 7:685–7:686, 8:13, 8:200, 8:446–8:447, 8:449n, 8:482, 8:482, 8:513, 8:514, 9:251, 9:607, 9:626, 10:358, 10:358, 10:664, 11:112, 11:233, 11:261, 11:409, 11:625, 11:626–11:627, 13:237, 13:537, 14:251, 14:257–14:258, 14:276, 14:280, 14:294, 14:323, 14:351, 14:425, 14:438, 14:516, 14:519, 14:566n, 15:242n, 16:29n, 16:280, 16:329, 16:329–16:330, 18:79n, 18:161, 18:399, 18:556, 18:659, 20:279, 20:364 thesauri, 17:535 TJ on, 7:447, 9:607–9:608, 11:252, 12:206, 14:629–14:631, 18:79n TJ quotes proverb in, 19:112n TJ studies, 17:309–17:310 verses in requested, 9:264–9:266, 9:374–9:375 works in, 16:208–16:209, 16:219, 16:236–16:237, 16:258, 16:290, 16:290n, 16:330, 16:393, 16:530, 18:32, 18:242n, 18:278, 18:552–18:553, 18:554n, 18:583–18:584, 19:478, 19:669, 19:696, 20:323 latitude and calculation of longitude, 15:288, 18:505, 19:199, 19:208 calculations for Monticello, 9:70, 9:415, 11:40, 12:618 calculations for Natural Bridge, 9:26n, 9:36, 9:36n calculations for Peaks of Otter, 9:18, 9:36, 9:36, 9:36–9:37n, 9:173, 13:385, 13:385n calculations for Poplar Forest, 3:361–3:367, 3:563+, 9:245–9:246, 10:514–10:515 calculations for U.S. Capitol, 18:287, 18:540, 18:543–18:544, 18:545, 19:35–19:36 calculations for Willis’s Mountain, 10:xlvii–10:xlviii, 10:571–10:572 W. King’s method of calculating, 12:643–12:644, 13:84–13:85, 13:119–13:120 logarithms for calculating, 19:35–19:36 and maps of Va., 16:99, 16:100 of Norwich, Vt., 9:241 and political boundary lines, 15:276n, 19:23, 19:66–19:67, 19:67, 19:68n TJ’s method for calculating, 19:200–19:201 and western exploration, 19:197, 19:198, 19:211 Latour, Chatêau (wine), 9:513 Latour, Géraud Calixte Jean Baptiste Arsène Lacarrière Historical Memoir of the War in West Florida and Louisiana in 1814–15, 9:129n identified, 9:103n letter from, 9:103 letter to, 9:128–9:129 Proposals, for Publishing by Subscription, The History of the War in Louisiana & West Florida, 9:103, 9:103n, 9:128–9:129 witnesses deed, 3:478n La Tour-du-Pin Gouvernet, Jean Frédéric, comte de as government minister, 17:368 La Tour-Maubourg, Anastasie, comtesse de (Lafayette’s daughter) family of, 18:428, 18:428 inheritance of, 2:17 marriage contract with, 2:16 sends greetings to TJ, 4:359 La Tour-Maubourg, Célestine de (Lafayette’s granddaughter) , 17:254, 17:255n La Tour-Maubourg, Charles, comte de (Lafayette’s son-in-law), 2:17 La Tour-Maubourg, Marie Charles César de Fay, comte de and French Constitution of 1791, 17:370, 17:378n Latreille, Pierre André, 14:387 La Trémoïlle, Marie Geneviève de Durfort, duchesse de, 2:10, 2:15 Latrobe, Benjamin J. Bruce introduced to, 11:613 Latrobe, Benjamin Henry and alterations to U.S. Capitol’s design, 8:595–8:596, 8:596n and Annapolis naval depot, 12:519 Anniversary Oration, 3:624, 3:625n and J. Barlow’s letter, 5:576, 5:577n and E. F. Bond’s application, 5:525, 5:526n and builders’ prices, 12:159, 12:196, 12:278, 12:519–12:520, 13:612 and capitals (architectural), 1:473, 1:475n, 1:595, 10:xlvii, 10:350, 10:350 (illus.) , 10:350, 10:351n, 10:510–10:511, 10:511 (illus.) , 11:xlv–11:xlvi, 11:232 (illus.) , 11:481, 11:481n, 11:481n, 11:535, 11:572, 12:143 and carving for TJ, 4:66, 4:459, 5:206–5:207 and Central College craftsmen, 11:535, 11:571, 11:571, 11:602, 11:610–11:611 and Central College design, 11:315, 11:431–11:432, 11:453, 11:479–11:480, 11:481n, 11:535, 11:563, 11:564–11:565, 11:586–11:587, 11:610–11:612, 11:649–11:650, 12:72–12:73, 12:94, 12:143, 12:638, 13:57–13:58 and Chesapeake and Delaware Canal, 16:33 and Columbian Institute for the Promotion of Arts and Sciences, 11:144n, 11:144n on conflict with TJ, 8:592–8:593 death of, 19:90 designs houses in Philadelphia, 4:63–4:64 designs Richmond penitentiary, 17:326 drawings by, 2:39, 2:40n, 2:106, 3:535–3:536, 3:537n, 3:581–3:582, 3:590–3:591, 8:594 (illus.) , 8:595 (illus.) , 12:72–12:73, 12:94, 12:143 edits J. Bruce’s work, 11:612–11:613, 11:614n and expenses at U.S. Capitol, 5:205, 5:207n, 5:238, 5:239n family of, 11:613, 11:614n, 12:72, 12:94, 12:519 to find work for J. Dougherty, 1:199 furnishes President’s House, 1:43n health of, 10:510, 12:519, 12:639 identified, 1:474–1:475n letters from, 1:473–1:475, 3:534–3:538, 3:624–3:625, 4:63–4:67, 5:205–5:207, 8:591–8:596, 10:510–10:511, 11:453, 11:479–11:481, 11:563–11:565, 11:571–11:572, 11:610–11:615, 12:72–12:73, 12:143, 12:196, 12:278, 12:519–12:521, 12:638–12:639 letters to, 1:595–1:596, 3:555–3:557, 4:459, 5:238–5:239, 8:479–8:480, 10:350–10:351, 11:431–11:432, 11:534–11:536, 11:586–11:588, 11:602, 11:649–11:650, 12:94, 12:159, 13:57–13:58 letter to, from W. Thackara, 12:278–12:279 mentioned, 6:216, 12:166 and J. Monroe, 12:520, 12:638–12:639, 12:639 Opinion on a Project for Removing the Obstructions to a Ship Navigation to Georgetown, Col., 12:521 oversees work at Washington Navy Yard, 4:64, 5:206 and payment for Italian sculptors, 1:78n, 1:113, 1:114n A Private Letter to the Individual Members of Congress, 3:537n and proposed marine hospital, 5:178, 5:179n, 5:206 proposed visit to Monticello, 1:366, 1:474, 1:595–1:596, 11:535, 11:565 as reference, 14:652 relocates to Washington, 8:591 resigns from work on U.S. Capitol, 12:196, 12:278, 12:638, 12:639, 12:643n, 13:58 seeks office, 7:165–7:166 and steamboats, 7:56–7:57, 8:591, 11:565, 11:565n students of, 7:165–7:166, 7:166n TJ recommends carpenters to, 8:479–8:480, 8:592 and TJ’s sundial, 10:xlvii, 10:350, 10:350 (illus.) , 10:350, 10:510, 11:432 and window glass for TJ, 2:80, 2:188, 2:346, 2:362, 5:298 works on Baltimore Merchants’ Exchange, 12:196 works on U.S. Capitol, 1:65, 1:92, 1:474n, 3:534–3:537, 3:555–3:556, 4:64–4:66, 4:67n, 5:205–5:206, 5:238, 5:359+, 8:479–8:480, 8:591–8:596, 10:510–10:511, 11:480–11:481, 12:143, 12:520–12:521, 12:638, 12:639–12:643, 19:226 Latrobe, Henry Sellon Boneval as assistant clerk, 1:65n death of, 12:72, 12:94 Latrobe, Mary Elizabeth Hazlehurst (Benjamin Henry Latrobe’s wife) greetings from, 5:207, 8:596 Lattimer, Nancy signs petition, 18:146 Lattimore, Hannah signs petition, 18:146 Latting, Jacob claims of against Spain, 12:142 identified, 12:142n letter from, 12:142 Laud, William, archbishop of Canterbury, 5:387, 5:389, 6:145, 6:228 Lauffeld, Battle of (1747) in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:504 Launay, Bernard René Jourdan de execution of, 17:365, 17:366 “Launcelot Light” (pseudonym) A Sketch of the Rights of Boys and Girls, 18:228, 18:229n Laurence, Mr. (sloop captain), 11:204 Laurence, John and University of Virginia, 20:204, 20:226, 20:230 Laurens, Henry diplomatic service of, 17:329 family of, 7:28 relationship with B. Franklin, 13:466 Laurent, Simon, 3:235, 3:237n, 3:484 Laurentii Vallæ de linguae Latinae Elegantia (L. Valla), 17:535 Laurie, Robert A New Juvenile Atlas, and familiar introduction to the use of maps, 8:76, 8:77n, 8:78n Laurie & Whittle (London firm) map engravers, 7:70n Laval, John account with TJ, 14:384, 14:423, 14:467–14:468, 14:472, 15:425, 15:440, 15:463, 15:490, 16:40n, 17:403, 17:443, 17:526, 17:535, 18:358, 18:375, 18:376, 18:447, 18:529, 19:696, 20:481, 20:520 and books for TJ, 11:283–11:284, 14:221–14:222, 14:240, 14:266, 14:276, 14:351, 14:384, 14:423, 14:467–14:468, 14:505, 14:552, 15:440, 15:490, 15:503–15:504, 15:594, 15:607, 16:25, 16:40, 17:403, 17:443, 17:526, 17:535, 17:535–17:537, 18:73, 18:123, 18:197, 18:202, 18:358, 18:375, 18:376, 18:439, 18:447, 18:487, 19:517, 19:546, 19:569, 19:584, 19:669, 19:696, 19:696n, 20:64, 20:100, 20:101, 20:158–20:159, 20:182, 20:186, 20:329, 20:330n, 20:348–20:349, 20:349n, 20:481, 20:500, 20:520, 20:530 and N. G. Dufief’s business, 11:241, 11:247, 11:283–11:284, 13:513, 14:221–14:222, 14:467–14:468, 14:505, 18:376 identified, 11:284n letter from accounted for, 15:504n letters from, 11:283–11:284, 13:513, 14:240–14:241, 14:351, 14:467–14:468, 14:552, 15:440, 15:503–15:504, 15:607–15:608, 16:40, 17:443, 17:535, 18:123–18:124, 18:202, 18:375–18:376, 18:447, 18:529, 19:546–19:547, 19:584, 19:696, 20:158–20:159, 20:329–20:330, 20:481, 20:520 letters to, 14:221–14:222, 14:266, 14:276, 14:384, 14:423, 14:505, 15:463, 15:481, 15:490–15:491, 15:594, 16:25, 17:403, 17:526, 18:73, 18:197, 18:358, 18:439, 18:440, 18:487, 19:517, 19:569, 19:669, 20:101, 20:182, 20:348–20:349, 20:500, 20:530 letters to accounted for, 14:552n, 19:696n, 20:330n payment made for TJ, 20:159, 20:329 as publisher, 19:546–19:547, 19:569 TJ pays, 15:481, 18:487, 18:487, 18:491, 19:696n, 20:500 TJ’s correspondence with, 18:440 Lavalette, Antoine Marie Chamans, comte de escapes from prison, 12:95 La Vallière, Françoise Louise de la Baume Le Blanc de print of, 11:403 La Vauguyon, Paul François de Quélen de Stuer de Caussade, duc de as government minister, 17:357, 17:364 in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:504 lavender alternative names for, 10:215, 10:218n grown in France, 10:216 qualities of, 10:216, 10:217 sent by S. Cathalan, 10:215, 10:216, 11:406, 11:531, 13:565, 13:585 Lavergné, Celestino , 5:85n Lavoisier, Antoine Laurent theories of, 10:68–10:69, 12:518, 18:625, 18:626n Traité Élémentaire de Chimie, 7:626, 10:234, 20:469 law See also Virginia: laws of agrarian, 4:168 books on, 1:158, 1:416, 2:28, 2:51, 2:103, 2:104n, 2:420, 2:521, 2:676, 2:676, 2:677, 3:173–3:176n, 3:236–3:237n, 3:546–3:547, 5:176, 5:176n, 5:245, 6:45, 6:122, 6:372, 6:374, 6:412–6:413, 6:445, 6:477, 6:479, 6:598, 7:125–7:127, 7:146–7:148, 7:228, 7:249, 7:249–7:250, 7:257–7:258, 7:292, 7:292n, 7:627–7:628, 7:683, 8:40, 8:151, 8:152n, 8:175, 8:179, 8:231, 8:235, 8:244, 8:285, 8:301, 8:328, 8:348–8:349, 8:388, 8:399, 8:630, 8:630, 8:630, 8:672, 8:672, 8:673n, 9:107, 9:107n, 9:129, 10:235, 10:390, 10:404, 10:404n, 10:417, 10:417, 10:428–10:429, 10:438, 10:452, 10:457, 10:486, 10:557n, 10:564–10:565, 10:569, 10:572, 10:617, 10:625, 11:352, 12:291, 12:291, 12:291, 12:337, 12:337, 12:364, 12:364, 12:400, 13:33, 13:47, 13:53, 13:53, 13:100, 13:107, 13:368–13:369, 13:369n, 14:78, 14:133, 14:146, 14:147n, 14:165, 14:166, 14:219, 14:222, 14:240, 14:445, 15:340, 15:391, 16:45, 16:162, 16:168–16:169, 16:211–16:212, 16:239, 16:240, 16:240, 16:241, 16:241, 16:260–16:261, 16:286, 16:364, 16:486, 16:499, 16:504n, 16:615, 16:640–16:642, 17:197, 17:210, 17:233, 17:402, 17:402n, 17:419, 17:419, 17:450, 17:450n, 17:538, 17:563, 18:239, 18:329, 18:330n, 18:334, 18:334–18:335, 18:335, 18:362, 18:367, 18:374, 18:381, 18:418n, 18:418n, 18:418n, 18:442–18:443, 18:446, 18:446n, 18:463, 18:467, 18:468n, 18:473, 18:473, 18:475, 18:488, 18:559, 18:580, 19:116, 19:402, 19:436, 19:437, 19:453, 19:459–19:460, 19:460–19:461n, 19:488–19:489, 19:672, 19:684, 19:687, 20:115n, 20:118, 20:118–20:119, 20:165–20:166, 20:261, 20:282, 20:288, 20:308n, 20:312, 20:314, 20:373n, 20:410, 20:411, 20:422 bound pamphlets on, 8:630, 13:456 British, 5:135–5:136, 7:125–7:127, 7:146–7:148, 7:190–7:191, 7:257, 7:688, 10:101, 10:557n, 10:564–10:565, 10:625, 11:369–11:370, 11:433, 16:640–16:642, 18:531, 19:97–19:98, 19:100n, 19:420 British sympathies of attorneys, 7:57–7:58, 7:248–7:249 chancery, 16:641 civil, 2:357, 2:521, 2:522, 2:526, 2:527, 2:678, 2:679, 3:31, 4:477, 7:688, 8:483–8:484, 10:302 collegiate education in, 7:480, 7:663, 7:668, 12:4, 12:26, 12:27, 12:76, 12:124, 12:333, 13:195, 13:195, 13:214, 13:214, 13:298–13:299, 13:403, 14:459, 16:628, 16:629n, 17:101, 17:328, 17:328, 19:570, 19:583, 19:633 common, 1:381–1:382, 2:357, 2:521, 2:522, 2:527, 2:532, 3:117, 3:144, 3:165, 4:293, 4:296–4:297n, 4:297–4:298, 4:300–4:301, 5:58–5:59, 5:135–5:136, 7:125–7:127, 7:146–7:148, 7:190–7:191, 7:217, 10:190–10:191, 11:369–11:370, 11:433, 14:219, 18:467, 18:468n, 20:473 compilations proposed, 7:257–7:258 and constitutions, 20:534–20:544 criminal, 1:382, 1:384n, 7:374–7:378 of distribution, 10:190–10:191, 10:192n doom book, 7:125 P. S. Du Pont de Nemours on, 4:330–4:332 ecclesiastical, 16:642, 19:165 endorsement, property, and replevin, 9:277–9:278, 9:278n, 9:279–9:280, 10:190–10:191, 10:302, 18:364, 18:365–18:366n, 18:550, 18:576n estate, 19:413–19:414, 19:649–19:650 feudal, 3:174–3:175n, 7:688 French, 2:676, 2:678, 3:47–3:48, 3:71, 3:73n, 3:130–3:132, 3:159–3:160, 3:203, 3:226–3:227, 3:236–3:237n, 4:477, 4:643n, 5:45–5:47, 5:576, 5:576–5:577n, 7:688 on gambling, 18:460, 18:580–18:581 Gentoo Code, 7:219, 7:221n of Great Britain, 1:382, 1:424, 4:293, 4:294, 4:296–4:297n, 4:297–4:298, 4:299–4:300, 4:302n, 5:137n, 8:525, 8:526, 8:527n, 16:196, 16:603 and habeas corpus, 20:280 insolvency, 14:237 international, 16:296n, 16:642, 19:165, 19:406–19:407 Jewish, 3:124–3:125, 3:165 and judicial review, 1:380, 8:525–8:526, 16:287, 16:288, 16:288, 16:289n, 16:353–16:354, 16:483, 16:489, 18:364–18:365, 18:365–18:366n, 18:367, 18:367n, 18:378–18:379, 18:550–18:551, 18:576n, 18:576n, 20:119n jurisprudence, 11:368–11:370, 11:432–11:434, 16:603 jus gentium principle, 10:627 and Latin writings, 14:630 Laws of Manu, 7:219, 7:221n legal profession, 7:273, 12:465, 13:50, 16:557, 16:603, 20:414 legal writing, 12:16 Magna Carta, 7:67, 7:125, 7:126, 16:619 marital, 8:374, 8:376n maritime, 7:688, 7:688n, 16:642, 19:165, 20:299n, 20:304n martial, 1:571, 3:120–3:121, 10:422–10:423, 10:423n, 18:384 medical, 17:236 natural, 3:138–3:139, 3:142, 3:144, 10:557–10:558, 10:594, 12:441, 14:43, 16:296n and perjury, 10:428–10:430, 10:497–10:499 professional education in, 7:639, 7:640, 7:688 and punishment of criminals, 12:484, 12:517, 14:78, 16:499, 20:164–20:165 T. M. Randolph on careers in, 17:304–17:305 Roman, 2:676, 3:47–3:48, 3:130–3:131, 3:133, 3:151n, 3:174n, 3:175n, 3:176n, 3:236n, 3:237n, 3:546, 4:502, 4:643n, 16:641, 19:165 Salic, 9:317 Spanish, 2:471, 2:678, 3:71, 3:160–3:161, 3:175n, 4:477, 4:643n, 18:239 study of, 3:276, 7:688, 8:341, 8:341, 8:342, 11:11, 14:550, 16:162, 16:495, 17:275–17:276, 17:493, 18:230n, 18:303, 18:475, 18:488, 18:488–18:489, 18:580, 19:116, 19:164–19:165, 19:166n, 19:436, 19:608n, 19:645n, 20:146, 20:261, 20:261, 20:499, 20:632 TJ on attorneys, 7:129, 7:248–7:249, 19:650 TJ on study of, 4:162, 7:626, 7:627–7:628, 7:628, 16:65, 16:640–16:642, 17:494, 18:334–18:335, 19:488–19:489, 20:410 TJ provides legal advice, 9:27–9:28, 9:42–9:43n, 9:44, 9:72–9:73, 9:93–9:94, 9:120–9:121, 10:190–10:191, 11:146–11:147, 11:478, 11:479, 11:485, 11:486, 11:514–11:520, 11:520n, 11:538, 11:538–11:539, 11:542, 14:246, 14:251, 14:254, 14:255, 14:646, 17:269–17:270, 19:649–19:650 TJ provides training in, 1:245, 1:389, 1:416, 2:28, 2:51, 2:77n, 2:259, 2:420 TJ refuses to intervene in case, 10:406–10:407 TJ studies, 17:310, 17:311 TJ’s legal commonplace book, 7:125, 7:130n, 7:151n, 7:190–7:191 and tyranny, 14:201 University of Virginia professorship of, 20:290, 20:297, 20:303, 20:322, 20:322, 20:322–20:323, 20:340–20:341, 20:363, 20:458, 20:468, 20:473–20:474 usury, 15:260, 15:261, 15:350–15:351, 15:352n, 16:445, 16:491 in utopian societies, 19:378–19:380 in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502, 4:503 and the West, 3:423–3:424 Law, Edmund and Columbian Institute for the Promotion of Arts and Sciences , 11:144n health of, 19:431 Law, Edward, 1st Earl of Ellenborough and alleged remarks on TJ by C. J. Fox, 3:261n, 3:261–3:262, 4:234 family of, 3:261n, 3:262n Law, Elizabeth Parke Custis (Thomas Law’s wife), 3:209n Law, John (d. 1729) Mississippi scheme of, 6:586, 6:593n, 9:407 Law, John (d. 1822), 19:431, 19:431n Law, Jonathan identified, 1:95n letters from, 1:95 letters to, 1:126–1:127 and meeting of Conn. Republicans, 1:95, 1:126–1:127 Law, Thomas Additional Facts, Remarks, and Arguments. Illustrative of the Advantage to the People of the United States, of a National Circulating Medium, 19:202, 19:202n, 19:225 amanuensis for, 19:202, 19:225 on Anglo-American relations, 4:234 on banks and banking, 6:578, 6:592, 6:594, 6:649, 6:649, 7:468, 8:475 on British economy, 7:468 and Columbian Institute for the Promotion of Arts and Sciences, 11:143, 11:148–11:149 on education, 7:342 on European political economy, 7:467–7:468 family of, 19:431, 19:431n and Federalist criticism of TJ, 4:234 Homo’s Letters on a National Currency, addressed to the People of the United States, 11:61, 11:62n identified, 3:209n on interest-bearing treasury notes, 6:534, 6:578, 6:592, 6:594, 6:649, 7:468 introduces J. J. Chapman, 19:431 introduces C. D. Crommelin and J. van Lennep, 16:564 introduces F. Hall, 10:594 letter from to J. Wagner, 3:261–3:262 letters from, 3:209, 3:261, 3:552, 4:234–4:235, 6:534, 6:649, 7:342, 7:467–7:469, 8:231–8:232, 8:475, 10:594, 11:61–11:62, 11:143–11:144, 11:165–11:166, 16:564–16:565, 19:431 letters to, 3:298–3:299, 3:578–3:579, 6:594, 7:412–7:416, 11:148–11:149, 19:225 and National Institution for the Promotion of Industry, 16:564 and New York Unitarians, 16:170 and promotion of domestic interests, 19:431 Second Thoughts on Instinctive Impulses, 7:342, 7:342n, 7:412, 7:468n sends letter to TJ, 8:231 sends prospectus to TJ, 3:552, 3:552n, 3:578–3:579 sends respects to TJ, 7:308–7:309 sends works to TJ, 11:61, 11:165–11:166, 19:202, 19:225 taxation policy of, 4:234, 4:235n Thoughts on Instinctive Impulses, 3:209, 3:261, 3:298, 3:578, 3:579n, 7:467, 7:468n Law Academy of Philadelphia, 17:141 Lawfeld. See Lauffeld, Battle of Lawler, James wheat of, 11:537n Lawler, Matthew recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461 Law of Nations. See Le Droit des Gens, ou, Principes de la loi naturelle, appliqué à la conduite & aux affaires des nations & des souverains (E. von Vattel) The Law of Nature (Volney), 8:668, 8:669n, 18:75, 18:126, 18:167, 18:176 Law of Orleans. See A Digest of the Civil Laws Now in Force in the Territory of Orleans (L. Kerr and L. Moreau Lislet) Law, or, A Discourse Thereof, In foure Bookes (H. Finch), 7:147–7:148 Lawrance, John and University of Virginia, 16:479 Lawrence, Abraham R. and New York City customhouse, 19:499n Lawrence, David (sloop captain), 11:216 Lawrence, Esther R. Gracie (William Beach Lawrence’s wife) travels of, 17:202–17:203, 17:203n Lawrence, James biography of proposed, 19:427 quoted, 18:57, 18:60n TJ quotes, 9:330, 9:331n, 18:333, 18:334n Lawrence, John and University of Virginia, 19:47, 19:52n, 20:556 Lawrence, Sir William Lectures on Physiology, Zoology, and the Natural History of Man, 17:535, 17:537n Lawrence, William Beach identified, 16:555n introduced to TJ, 16:555 letter from, 17:202–17:203 letter to, 17:219–17:220 seeks letters of introduction from TJ, 17:202–17:203, 17:219–17:220 TJ introduces to Lafayette, 17:219 visits Monticello, 16:555, 17:202–17:203 Laws of Harvard College, 20:377, 20:378n The Laws of Las Siete Partidas (trans. L. Moreau Lislet and H. Carleton), 3:53n, 3:160–3:161, 3:168, 18:239 Laws of the College of South-Carolina, 19:450, 19:450–19:451n, 19:539 Laws of the State of New-York, respecting Navigable Communications between The Great Western and Northern Lakes and the Atlantic Ocean, 11:281n The laws of the United States of America (Z. Swift), 2:521 Laws of the United States of America, from the 4th of March, 1789, to the 4th of March, 1815 (J. B. Colvin), 8:151, 8:152n, 8:179, 12:400 Lawson, Alexander engraving by, 9:352n, 10:200 (illus.) , 10:201n identified, 10:201n Lawson, Robert Revolutionary War service of, 15:193, 15:194 Lawson, Sarah boardinghouse of, 3:552 Lawur, Peter letters from accounted for, 1:677 laxatives, 7:387 Lay, Amos Map of the Northern Part of the State of New York, 5:263n, 5:306n, 5:581 Lazaria (Maria) (TJ’s slave; b. 1797) on Monticello slave lists, 4:388, 12:303 Lazzerini, Bartolommeo and P. Mazzei’s will, 9:675 Lea, Isaac See also H. C. Carey & I. Lea (Philadelphia firm) identified, 18:481–18:482n Leach, William Elford as reference for C. S. Rafinesque, 17:89, 17:89 as zoologist, 16:568 lead architectural ornaments of, 18:494, 18:494, 18:630, 19:liii, 19:277, 19:477, 19:488, 19:513, 19:514–19:515, 19:520, 19:520–19:522, 19:523, 19:567, 20:219 bar, 18:43, 19:13 as building material, 15:96, 15:100, 19:185, 19:189, 19:191n, 20:555 from Great Britain, 13:381 manufacture of, 2:376 mines, 12:544n in N.Y., 8:209n sheet, 19:185, 19:189, 19:191n for shot, 8:96, 8:113n+, 8:120, 8:121, 8:121, 12:544 for sundials, 11:176 tubing, 20:638 white, 1:55n, 1:77, 5:33, 6:111, 15:101, 17:6, 17:7, 18:44, 18:174, 19:15, 19:277, 19:277, 19:277 Leake, Josiah as subscription agent, 15:452–15:453n, 16:363 Leake, Mask, 16:646 Leake, Samuel identified, 16:647n land claim of, 16:646–16:647, 17:30 letter from, 16:646–16:647 letter to, 17:30 Leake, Walter, 2:211 Leake, William Martin Researches in Greece, 9:197n Leamy, John recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461 Leander (British warship), 1:228n Lear, Benjamin Lincoln education of, 6:158–6:159, 6:208 identified, 17:500n and T. Kosciuszko’s estate, 12:315n, 17:443, 17:485, 17:497, 17:497n, 17:498–17:500, 17:501n, 17:510, 17:513, 17:533, 17:533n, 17:550, 20:52 letter from, 17:498–17:501 letter to, 17:513–17:514 visits Monticello, 20:52 Lear, Frances Dandridge Henley (Tobias Lear’s wife) mentioned, 6:208, 6:208 sends greetings to TJ, 6:159 TJ sends greetings to, 6:209 Lear, Tobias as consul at Algiers, 6:159–6:160n, 6:164, 11:661, 11:663n, 20:578–20:579 death of, 10:496, 10:496n identified, 6:159n letters from, 6:157–6:160 letters to, 6:208–6:209 and proposed visit to TJ, 6:158, 6:208 son’s education, 6:158–6:159, 6:208 A learned commendation of the politique lawes of England (J. Fortescue), 17:419 leather buckskin clothing, 20:452 for chairs, 16:573 hides, 15:451 map drawn on, 8:238, 16:36 shaving machines, 11:240 for shoes, 6:345, 6:345, 6:346, 6:346, 6:347, 6:348, 8:234, 18:410 tanning, 8:411, 9:29, 9:30n, 16:460, 16:589, 18:410 TJ buys, 9:254, 9:604, 18:49, 18:318n for University of Virginia, 15:97, 15:100, 20:210, 20:212 Leavenworth, Mark, 3:542, 3:543n Leavitt, Dudley identified, 7:407–7:408n letters from, 7:407–7:408 Table for Determining the Moon’s Quarters, 7:407, 7:408–7:409 Le Baron, Francis appointment of, 6:28n Leblanc, Guillaume translates Dionis Nicæi, rerum Romanarum a pompeio magno, ad Alexandrum Mamææ filium Epitom (Cassius Dio; ed. J. Xiphilinus), 10:233 le Blanc (Siblong) de Villeneufve, Paul Louis La Fête du Petit Blé; ou, L’Heroisme du Poucha-Houmma, 1:202, 1:203n, 1:509 LeBourdais, Mr., 1:557 Le Bourgeois, Mr., 2:244 Le Breton, John British army officer, 8:221 Le Breton Deschapelles, Louis Césaire and batture controversy, 10:668–10:669 identified, 10:669n letter from, 10:668–10:669 Le Breton D’orgenoy, Francis Joseph. See D’orgenoy, Francis Joseph Le Breton Le Brun, Charles identified, 18:96–18:97n letter from, 18:95–18:97 letter to, 18:156 recommended by T. Kosciuszko, 18:95, 18:97n translates B. Barère’s La Libertád de los Mares, ó el Gobiérno Inglés descubiérto, 18:95–18:96, 18:156 translates A. Pope’s Essay on Man, 18:96 Lebrun, Ponce Denis Écouchard, 7:665 Lechevalier, Jean Baptiste as librarian, 10:311, 11:632 Voyage de La Troade, Fait dans les années 1785 et 1786, 11:632, 12:112 Leclerc, Georges Louis, 5:452n Leclerc, Jean (Johannes Clericus) edits Æschinis Socratici Dialogi Tres Græce et Latine, ad quos accessit quarti Latinum Fragmentum (Aeschines Socraticus), 10:233 edits Titi Livii Historiarum quod exstat (Livy), 5:501, 5:594, 5:594–5:595n, 5:625, 6:157, 7:286, 10:233, 11:414, 12:576, 14:510, 17:106 and Hesiodi Ascraei Quae Exstant (Hesiod), 9:196 Leçons d’Anatomie Comparée (G. Cuvier), 8:429, 8:429n Leçons d’Histoire (Volney), 1:580 Le Conte, John Eatton, 10:287, 10:288n Le Coulteux, Mr., 2:13 A Lecture, introductory to a Course of Lectures, now delivering in the University of Maryland (D. Hoffman), 20:372, 20:373n A Lecture, introductory to a Course of Lectures on the Cause, Seat and Cure of Diseases (J. Crawford), 4:336, 4:338n, 4:394 Lectures on History, and General Policy (J. Priestley), 19:505 Lectures on Mechanics (Helsham), 1:581 Lectures on Natural and Experimental Philosophy (G. Adams), 1:581, 14:375, 14:378n, 19:505 Lectures on Physiology, Zoology, and the Natural History of Man (W. Lawrence), 17:535, 17:537n Lectures on Political Principles (D. Williams), 3:38, 3:40n, 3:87, 3:189, 3:334 Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres (H. Blair), 1:576, 7:629, 7:662, 12:576, 16:5, 16:381, 16:458, 19:505 Lectures on Rhetoric and Oratory (J. Q. Adams), 4:390, 4:391n, 4:428, 4:430n, 4:435, 4:473, 4:483, 12:576 Lectures on Select Subjects in Mechanics, Hydrostatics, Pneumatics, and Optics (J. Ferguson) , 1:581, 6:380, 9:638n, 19:506 Lectures on the adulteration of food and culinary poisons (J. Cutbush), 20:6, 20:37 Lédenon, France wine from, 10:170, 10:170, 10:338, 11:246, 11:404, 11:404, 11:404, 11:405, 11:407, 11:531, 11:653, 12:374, 12:515, 12:566, 12:580, 13:10, 13:302, 14:327, 14:328, 14:328, 14:328, 14:329, 15:120, 15:262, 16:117, 16:117, 16:117, 16:425, 16:510, 17:139, 17:140, 18:457, 19:641–19:642 Ledlie, Elizabeth signs petition, 18:146 Le Duc, Marie Pierre as notary, 7:366n Ledyard, Isaac and J. Ledyard (1751–89), 12:281 Ledyard, John (1751–89) biography of, 12:188, 12:280–12:281, 16:272, 16:273n A Journal of Captain Cook’s last Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, and in quest of a North-West Passage, between Asia & America, 12:188, 12:189n, 16:272, 17:341 and western exploration, 6:417, 6:420, 9:650, 12:280–12:281, 17:341–17:342, 19:197, 19:201n Ledyard, John (of Connecticut) letters from, 2:419, 2:423–2:424 seeks TJ’s assistance, 2:419, 2:423–2:424 Lee, Arthur and cession of Northwest Territory, 4:567 as diplomat, 17:329 The Farmer’s and Monitor’s Letters, 6:440 as member of Confederation Congess, 17:333, 17:333 relationship with B. Franklin, 8:23, 13:466 as writer, 6:440 Lee, Arthur (1779–1828) as Va. legislator, 19:284 Lee, Charles, 12:427 Lee, Charles (1731–82) accused of desertion, 18:138 Lee, David B. flying machine of, 18:344–18:345, 18:346, 18:347–18:348, 18:349n, 18:359 identified, 18:348–18:349n letter from, 18:344–18:349 letter to, 18:359–18:360 petitions Congress, 18:345, 18:349n rivalry with J. Bennett, 18:345–18:346, 18:349n Lee, Edmund Jennings, 1:516 Lee, Eliza Collins given portrait of J. Madison, 12:li Lee, Francis Lightfoot and Va. Committee of Correspondence, 9:367, 17:312 as Va. legislator, 17:313, 17:314 Lee, Henry (1756–1818) and American Revolution, 13:115, 19:122, 19:130 criticism of, 19:215, 19:216, 19:428 as defense witness, 1:277, 1:278–1:279n funeral oration for G. Washington, 19:441n and P. Henry, 4:604 introduces I. McPherson, 6:353, 6:354n medal voted for, 2:104–2:105, 2:106n, 2:125–2:126, 2:224, 2:253 Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States, 6:122, 8:178, 8:179n, 19:96–19:97, 19:97, 19:100n and TJ’s remark on G. Washington, 10:423n Lee, Henry (1787–1837) and father’s medal, 2:104–2:105, 2:106n, 2:224, 2:253 Lee, Henry (of Winchester) and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 11:334, 16:303 Lee, James as trustee for J. Paradise and L. L. Paradise, 9:283, 9:284, 9:284 Lee, James (of England) patents machine, 10:548n Lee, John and University of Virginia, 16:307, 17:632, 19:47 Lee, Rachel Fanny Antonina An Essay on Government, 1:123–1:124, 3:116, 3:117n Lee, Richard Bland and assumption of Revolutionary War debts, 12:424 and W. Bentley, 2:170n as commissioner of public buildings, 8:596n, 12:641 given portrait of J. Madison, 12:li identified, 14:581–14:582n letter from, 14:581–14:582 letter to, 14:603–14:604 An Oration, delivered July 5, 1819, In the Chamber of the House of Representatives, 14:581–14:582, 14:603 Lee, Richard Evers identified, 6:364n introduced to TJ, 6:364 Lee, Richard Henry and G. R. Clark’s 1779 expedition, 4:378 on Declaration of Independence, 20:124 family of, 10:421, 10:423n and P. Henry, 4:378 as member of Continental Congress, 4:600, 4:601, 4:602, 6:440, 6:612, 6:612, 6:613, 8:620, 8:626, 8:626n, 8:643–8:644, 10:421, 11:202, 13:331, 17:316, 17:317, 20:138, 20:138n oratorial skills of, 2:156 and J. Otis, 13:618–13:619 recommends W. Kendall, 18:138 reputed speech of, 8:626, 8:626n, 8:643–8:644, 14:138, 16:441, 16:472–16:473 and Stamp Act Resolutions, 8:642 TJ on, 7:411, 7:411, 8:642, 16:472–16:473 and J. Trumbull’s Declaration of Independence, 13:329, 13:330n and Va. Committee of Correspondence, 9:367, 9:369n, 17:312 as Va. legislator, 17:313, 17:314 Lee, Thomas Ludwell biography of proposed, 8:619 and revision of Va. laws, 1:381–1:382, 3:570, 5:136, 7:549, 17:322, 17:322, 17:323 and Stamp Act Resolutions, 8:642 Lee, Thomas Sim death of, 15:235 Lee, Tom (Shackelford estate’s slave), 3:36, 3:37n, 3:529 Lee, William (1739–95) and L. L. Paradise estate, 11:59, 11:59n Lee, William (1772–1840) assists J. Ronaldson in Paris, 2:163 and J. M. Baker, 12:93, 12:473, 12:473–12:474 and bust of G. Washington, 8:161 and commercial agent for Le Havre, 9:363n consul at Bordeaux, 1:118, 1:121n, 3:166, 3:178, 3:442, 3:599, 4:189, 4:529–4:530, 4:530n, 7:428n, 7:428n, 7:491n, 8:37, 8:571, 9:388, 9:389–9:390n, 9:421, 9:570, 9:573n, 9:655, 9:656n, 10:215, 10:489, 10:632, 12:567 Les États-Unis et L’Angleterre, 8:150–8:151, 8:151n, 10:342, 10:489 family of, 8:151 forwards letters to TJ, 2:672, 10:39 on France, 10:490 and F. Gard, 10:39, 10:489 identified, 2:672n and immigration, 10:489–10:491 introduces J. Achard, 15:448, 15:484 introduces C. Lowell, 12:102 introduces J. A. Pénières-Delors, 10:491 letters from, 2:672, 8:150–8:151, 10:39–10:40, 10:489–10:491, 11:449–11:450, 11:506–11:507, 12:102, 12:260, 12:354, 15:448 letters to, 10:342–10:343, 10:670–10:671, 11:413, 11:471–11:472, 11:602, 12:185–12:186, 12:339, 15:484 and manufacturing in U.S., 10:489 plans visit to Monticello, 10:491, 10:516 recommends A. and C. de Montcarel, 13:419, 13:441 and Société Agricole et Manufacturière Française, 10:632, 10:635, 10:670–10:671 and C. Stewart’s apprenticeship, 12:185, 12:186, 12:257, 12:260, 12:338, 12:339, 12:354, 12:396 as War Department accountant, 10:496n weaving enterprise of, 11:413, 11:449–11:450, 11:463–11:464, 11:470, 11:471–11:472, 11:506–11:507, 11:602, 12:338, 12:339, 12:354 Lee, William Raymond forwards items to TJ, 4:4, 4:215, 4:220, 6:163 identified, 4:220n letters to, 4:220 and G. H. Ward, 12:379, 13:5 Leedes, Edward edits De Vero Usu Verborum Mediorum (L. Küster), 10:358 Leeds, Francis Osborne, Marquess of Carmarthen, 5th Duke of, 1:516, 10:116, 10:117n, 17:339 Lee family and Port Folio, 7:318 TJ on, 7:548 Leesburg, Va. convention of Protestant Episcopal Church of Virginia held in, 20:5, 20:5n Republican mechanics of, address TJ, 1:89–1:90 Leeson, Thomas as builder for University of Virginia, 15:385, 15:386n, 16:310 letter from, 15:385–15:386 Lefevre, Jean Baptiste land warrant issued to, 2:74, 2:75n, 2:94 Leforest, A., 2:154 Leftwich, Jabez , 5:339 Leftwich, Joel military service of, 7:227 as sheriff, 12:29n, 14:114n and TJ’s land dispute with S. Scott, 5:339 Leftwich’s Mill (Bedford Co.) on route to Natural Bridge, 9:35 Legaré, Hugh Swinton An Oration, delivered on the Fourth of July, 1823; before the ’76 Association, 20:16, 20:16n Legare, John Berwick identified, 13:158n letter from, 13:157–13:159 and Seventy-Six Association, 13:157 Legaux, Pierre and Alexander grape, 4:524, 4:525n Legendre, Adrien Marie Éléments de Géométrie, 13:394, 13:413, 13:428, 13:474, 13:561, 14:215, 19:617, 20:469 Le Gendre, Louis, 3:235, 3:237n Leges Anglo-Saxonicæ Ecclesiasticæ & Civilies (D. Wilkins), 7:126, 7:127, 16:364, 17:197 Leghorn (Livorno), Italy. See Appleton, Thomas Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliæ (H. de Bracton), 1:383, 3:546, 7:125–7:127, 7:257, 7:627, 16:640, 16:641, 18:335, 18:336n The Legislatorial Trial of Her Majesty Caroline Amelia Elizabeth, Queen of England, Consort of George the Fourth, for the alleged Crime of Adultery with Bartolomeo Bergami (E. Barron), 17:536 Lego (TJ’s Albemarle Co. estate) acreage of, 4:387 hogs at, 5:545 lease of, 1:488n, 3:522, 12:301–12:305, 13:355, 15:545 livestock at, 12:303–12:304 and W. McClure’s weaving establishment, 4:143 overseers at, 1:137–1:138n, 3:180, 3:181n, 3:196, 3:642, 4:101, 9:604n, 10:387, 10:388n, 12:167n, 13:476n sale of proposed, 15:614, 15:614n, 16:110 slaves at, 3:37, 3:180–3:181, 3:196, 6:181, 12:303, 14:476, 14:477n, 14:494, 14:555 surveys of, 2:107–2:108, 2:109n, 3:570–3:573, 5:362 and TJ’s lease dispute with E. Alexander, 2:85–2:86, 2:150–2:151, 2:199, 2:200, 2:212–2:213, 2:239–2:240, 2:240, 2:277–2:281, 2:282, 2:286, 2:286–2:287, 2:294 tobacco grown at, 2:86, 2:200, 2:239, 2:240 wheat grown at, 2:239, 2:240, 3:191, 9:152, 16:444 Legrand, Jacques Guillaume Description de Paris et de ses Édifices, 12:107 Le Havre, France consul at, 10:9–10:10, 10:21, 10:22n Lehré, Thomas appointed loans commissioner, 6:113n, 14:301 and appointment as federal marshal, 6:28, 6:29, 6:29n, 6:63–6:64, 6:64, 6:113 and celebration of Revolutionary War victory, 6:250 desires TJ’s opinion on foreign affairs, 7:459, 13:130 on J. W. Eppes’s election, 6:80 and Fourth of July celebration, 20:15, 20:16 and P. Freneau, 6:611, 6:636 on Great Britain, 6:80 identified, 5:244n introduces J. Bellinger, 6:317 letters from, 5:243–5:244, 5:284–5:286, 5:329–5:330, 5:332, 5:355–5:356, 5:393–5:394, 5:680–5:681, 6:28–6:29, 6:80, 6:113, 6:250–6:251, 6:317, 6:611, 6:636, 7:459, 13:129, 13:130, 14:300–14:302, 20:15–20:16 letters to, 5:303–5:304, 6:63–6:64, 7:524–7:525, 13:142–13:143, 20:64–20:65 and opinion of TJ in S.C., 20:15–20:16, 20:64 on Republicans, 5:244 and S.C. politics, 5:243–5:244, 5:284–5:285, 5:285–5:286n, 5:303–5:304, 5:329, 5:329–5:330n, 5:332, 5:393, 5:680–5:681, 5:681n, 6:317, 7:459, 13:129, 13:130, 13:142–13:143 seeks federal appointment, 14:300–14:301 supports TJ and J. Madison for president, 6:28 on War of 1812, 6:250–6:251, 6:636 Leib, Michael appointed postmaster of Philadelphia, 7:196, 7:197n and A. Gallatin, 1:598, 1:599n identified, 4:174n introduces J. Ronaldson, 18:521 letters from, 4:173–4:175 letters to, 4:164 recommends A. Macaulay, 2:304 sends respects to TJ, 7:308–7:309 supports W. Duane, 4:174, 4:174n as U.S. senator, 4:163, 4:164n, 4:173, 6:241 Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm in collegiate curriculum, 7:480, 7:667 philosophy of, 7:557, 9:651, 11:268, 11:270n in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502, 4:506 works of, 11:383 Leigh, Benjamin Watkins aide to J. Barbour, 7:632, 7:633n as attorney, 19:92–19:93, 20:146 Leigh, Sir Egerton (1733–1781) family of, 7:28 Leigh, Sir Egerton (1762–1818) health of, 7:68–7:69, 7:143 identified, 7:69n introduced by D. Ramsay, 7:28, 7:68, 7:143, 7:143 letters from, 7:68–7:69 letters to, 7:143 proposed visit to Monticello, 7:68–7:69, 7:143 Leiper, Elizabeth Coultas Gray (Thomas Leiper’s wife), 18:360 “Leiper, George G.” (pseudonym) letters from, 18:341, 18:342 TJ’s loan to, 18:341, 18:342, 18:343, 18:350, 18:352, 18:352, 18:353, 18:357, 18:360–18:361, 18:363 visits Monticello, 18:341, 18:352, 18:360 Leiper, George Gray (Thomas Leiper’s son), 18:352, 18:363, 19:623 Leiper, Samuel McKean, 19:623 Leiper, Thomas and agriculture, 19:591, 19:606–19:607, 19:624, 19:635, 19:636 on Alexander I, 7:104, 7:298, 9:217–9:218 criticizes Great Britain, 7:36–7:37, 7:298–7:299 and J. Delaplaine’s Repository, 11:203 and W. Duane, 3:450–3:451, 3:452n, 3:506, 3:507, 3:585 and election of 1800, 18:247–18:248 family of, 18:363, 19:623, 19:635 finances of, 19:622–19:623, 19:635–19:636, 20:586 and “George G. Leiper”, 18:341, 18:343n, 18:350, 18:352, 18:352, 18:353, 18:357, 18:360–18:361, 18:363 identified, 7:37n and internal improvements, 19:622, 19:624 letters from, 7:36–7:38, 7:104–7:105, 7:297–7:300, 9:216–9:218, 18:352–18:353, 18:363, 19:591–19:592, 19:606–19:607, 19:621–19:625, 20:585–20:588 letters to, 7:96–7:99, 8:531–8:534, 12:558–12:559, 17:578–17:579, 18:352, 18:360–18:361, 19:635–19:637 on Napoleon, 7:37, 7:298, 7:298, 7:298, 7:299, 9:216–9:217, 9:217 and politics, 19:623–19:624, 19:635, 20:585–20:587 and portraits of Napoleon, 19:623, 19:625n, 19:636 on prophecy, 7:36–7:37 purchases TJ’s tobacco, 4:593 quarry of, 18:360, 19:623 recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461 and religion, 19:623, 19:636 and Second Bank of U.S., 12:558 sends works to TJ, 19:591, 19:606, 19:635 and taxes, 9:217 TJ introduces F. Watson to, 17:578–17:579 TJ reports on politics and international affairs to, 8:531–8:534 and TJ’s letter to G. Logan, 7:36–7:37, 7:96–7:99, 7:104–7:105 and F. Watson, 18:352, 18:363 Leiper, William Jones, 19:623 Leipzig, Battle of (Battle of the Nations) (1813), 6:637n, 7:158n, 14:415, 14:416n Leitch, A. and University of Virginia, 16:310 Leitch, James See also Samuel & James Leitch (Charlottesville firm) accepts draft, 2:234n account with TJ, 1:64, 1:65n, 8:48, 9:565–9:566, 9:597, 9:656, 11:426n, 12:644, 12:644, 13:165, 13:528n, 14:472, 15:450, 16:363, 16:624, 17:8, 17:8, 17:8, 17:9, 17:36, 17:37n, 17:47n, 17:285, 18:44, 18:623n, 19:8, 19:8, 19:8, 19:11, 19:12, 19:13, 19:14, 19:14, 19:15, 19:69 agent for TJ, 3:83, 4:77, 5:394, 6:431, 9:267, 9:269, 11:452, 16:270, 16:274, 17:68, 17:83 and Albemarle Academy, 7:267, 7:282, 7:293, 7:335, 7:339, 7:427, 7:535, 7:570, 7:571 C. L. Bankhead’s debt to, 8:394 and Central College, 11:322, 11:329, 11:565, 12:274, 12:292, 12:301, 12:646, 15:91, 15:91, 15:93, 15:93, 15:94, 15:95, 15:100, 15:101 and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 13:161, 13:164, 13:164n, 15:97, 16:476, 17:620, 20:195 and Charlottesville Female Academy, 16:26n and currency for TJ, 12:45+ extracts from daybook of, 15:449–15:453, 16:5–16:14, 16:191n, 16:289n, 16:363n, 16:470n, 17:4–17:11, 17:234n, 17:291n+, 18:40–18:51, 18:174n, 18:225n, 18:280n, 18:319n, 19:8–19:16 and gunpowder sales, 3:583 identified, 1:65n introduces Mr. Logan, 10:673 as juror, 5:278, 5:279 letters from, 1:64–1:65, 1:458, 2:40, 2:77, 5:394, 6:431, 8:48, 9:656, 10:673, 11:470–11:471, 12:186, 12:274, 12:502, 12:555, 12:646 letters from accounted for, 19:16n, 20:576n letters to, 1:302–1:303, 4:182, 4:358, 4:477, 4:496, 4:647, 4:686–4:687, 5:119, 5:133, 5:394, 8:380, 8:570, 12:45+, 12:454, 13:32+, 13:64–13:65, 13:92, 13:166–13:167, 14:379–14:380, 15:71, 15:134, 15:144, 15:315, 15:453, 15:475, 15:479+, 15:485, 16:191, 16:289, 16:363, 16:470, 17:234, 17:291+, 18:174, 18:225, 18:280, 18:319, 18:368 letters to accounted for, 5:394n, 12:626n, 20:576n and loan to J. Gorman, 20:123, 20:123n makes payments for TJ, 12:lii, 12:614n, 12:614n, 13:169, 14:295, 14:295n, 14:549n, 15:451, 18:41, 18:368, 18:435n, 18:647–18:648, 18:648n, 19:8, 19:8, 19:11, 19:14, 20:383n mentioned, 20:30 and nails from TJ, 2:77 and packages for TJ, 13:327, 13:327n, 14:97, 16:126–16:127, 16:131, 16:140, 16:326, 16:366, 16:375, 16:376, 16:389, 17:110–17:111, 17:147, 17:224, 18:118, 18:298 petition to General Assembly, 5:378–5:380 provides postal services, 16:382 requests payment from TJ, 2:40, 2:52–2:53, 2:77, 2:80 returns papers to TJ, 12:502, 12:555 sells knives, 14:20 store of, 14:8, 14:8–14:9, 14:10n, 16:363, 18:604n, 18:642, 18:647 and timothy seed, 4:156, 4:194 TJ orders clothes from, 4:496, 8:380, 8:570, 9:566, 9:566, 12:45+, 18:225 TJ orders goods from, 1:302–1:303, 4:182, 4:209, 4:210, 4:211, 4:358, 4:477, 4:647, 4:686, 5:119, 5:133, 5:394, 9:565–9:566, 9:597, 9:656, 12:454, 13:32+, 13:64–13:65, 13:92, 14:636, 15:71, 15:134, 15:144, 15:315, 15:449–15:453, 15:475, 15:479+, 15:485, 16:5–16:14, 16:191, 16:289, 16:470, 17:4–17:11, 17:234, 17:291+, 18:40–18:51, 18:174, 18:225n, 18:280, 18:319, 18:643, 19:8–19:16 TJ pays, 12:541, 12:541n, 12:613, 12:614, 12:633, 12:656, 13:141, 13:142n, 13:356, 13:393, 13:475, 13:476n, 14:42, 14:220, 14:244, 14:244, 14:296, 14:309, 14:318, 14:318, 14:319, 14:354, 14:380, 14:415, 14:473, 14:473, 14:473, 14:474, 14:474, 14:549, 14:549n, 14:571, 15:450, 15:483, 15:483n, 15:513, 16:363, 16:366, 17:46, 17:47n, 17:531, 17:532n, 18:623, 19:38n, 20:382, 20:383n, 20:405, 20:576 TJ’s debt to, 13:142n, 13:166–13:167, 13:415n, 13:595n, 14:295, 14:295n, 14:316, 14:379–14:380, 15:425, 15:453, 16:363, 16:649, 16:649, 19:495, 19:496n trades nails for goods, 1:64, 1:303, 1:458 and University of Virginia, 15:96, 15:96, 15:97, 15:101, 15:103, 16:303, 16:303, 16:303, 16:304, 16:310, 16:319, 16:475, 16:476, 16:478, 16:478, 16:480, 16:481, 17:627, 17:631, 17:632, 17:637, 17:642, 17:650, 19:46, 19:185, 20:197, 20:199, 20:215, 20:216, 20:219, 20:220 vouches for O. Norris, 3:465 and weaver, 11:463–11:464, 11:470, 11:602, 12:185, 12:186, 12:274, 12:338–12:339, 12:339, 12:396 witnesses warrant, 5:280 works sent to, 14:215 Leitch, Samuel (d. 1841) See also Samuel & James Leitch (Charlottesville firm) and Albemarle Volunteer Company subscription, 5:344 and Central College–University of Virginia, 15:95, 16:308, 16:309, 16:314, 16:316 and Central College subscription, 13:162 identified, 3:242n letter from accounted for, 9:719 petition to General Assembly, 3:253–3:254 Leitch, Samuel (1790–1870) and University of Virginia, 16:307, 16:307, 16:309, 17:636, 19:51 Leitch, Samuel & James (Charlottesville firm). See Samuel & James Leitch (Charlottesville firm) Leitch, William and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 11:324, 11:329, 13:162, 15:98 Leith, Dr. and cheese-making, 15:418n Leith threshing machine, 5:444–5:445, 5:445n Leland, John A View Of the Principal Deistical Writers, 6:302 Leland, Thomas translates All the Orations of Demosthenes (Demosthenes), 19:505 Lemaire, Étienne death of, 12:176, 12:273 identified, 1:56n and kitchen inventory of President’s House, 1:43n, 1:155, 1:155, 1:156n letters from, 1:59–1:60, 1:71–1:72, 1:188–1:189, 1:222 letters to, 1:55–1:56, 1:161–1:162 maître d’hôtel, 1:42 offered employment by W. Short, 7:469 offers to run errands in Philadelphia, 1:60, 1:71 sends oil and syrup to TJ, 1:161, 1:188, 1:188, 1:222, 1:245, 1:257 TJ pays, 1:41, 1:293–1:294 TJ praises, 1:55–1:56, 1:71 Le Maire, Jacques, 1:450 Lemaire, Santiago, 3:478n, 5:85n Le Mercier de La Rivière, Paul Pierre in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502 Le Mierre, Antoine Marin La Veuve du Malabar, 7:77, 7:78n Le Monnier, Pierre Charles translates Institutions Astronomiques, 7:626 lemons acid, 7:594, 7:602, 8:613, 8:627, 8:641 juice, 20:189 Lemosy, Auguste and J. David, 9:199 Le Moyne, Jean Baptiste, sieur de Bienville French colonial governor of La., 9:479, 9:480n Le Moyne, Pierre, sieur d’Iberville French colonial governor of La., 9:479, 9:480n Lemprière, John A Classical Dictionary, 14:276, 14:351 Universal Biography, 12:534 Leney, William Satchwell engraver, 6:125, 9:405n, 9:459, 9:461, 9:461n, 10:493, 10:493n L’Enfant, Peter (Pierre) Charles and Society of the Cincinnati, 12:430 Lenglet du Fresnoy, Nicolas Tablettes Chronologiques de L’Histoire Universelle, 10:234, 19:510 Lenni Lenape Indians clothing and implements of, 16:155 history of, 16:107–16:109, 16:131–16:132, 16:133 language of, 16:108–16:109 mentioned, 16:154 and Moravian missionaries, 9:65 works on, 13:89, 14:132n, 16:181 Lenoir, Étienne scientific-instrument maker, 9:223 Lenox, Peter identified, 5:178–5:179n letters from, 5:177–5:179 seeks position at Washington, 5:177–5:178, 8:592, 8:592 TJ pays, 1:41 Lenthall, John clerk of works at U.S. Capitol, 1:92, 5:205 death of, 1:65n lentils sent to TJ, 13:278, 20:605 Lentz, John, 6:83n Leo X, pope, 7:74, 9:432, 14:78 “Leolin.” See Austin, James Trecothick Leonard, David Augustus identified, 7:94n letters from, 7:93–7:94, 7:105–7:106 letters to, 7:141–7:142 and westward relocation, 7:93–7:94, 7:105, 7:141–7:142 Leonard, George and University of Virginia, 16:307, 17:625 Leonard, Jonathan letter from accounted for, 10:79n Leonard, Uriah as blacksmith at University of Virginia, 17:650, 19:48, 19:63, 19:238, 20:197, 20:197, 20:209, 20:209, 20:214, 20:215, 20:215, 20:216, 20:219, 20:220, 20:227, 20:232 and University of Virginia, 19:47, 19:48, 19:48, 19:49, 19:54, 19:56, 19:186, 19:187, 19:189, 19:190, 20:555 Leonardo da Vinci and portrait of A. Vespucci, 7:613 Leoni, Giacomo The Architecture of A. Palladio, 14:480+, 17:133, 17:133–17:134, 19:552, 20:237, 20:237, 20:238 Leonidas, king of Sparta, 12:518, 20:24 León y Gama, Antonio de Descripción histórica y cronológica de los piedras, 1:521, 1:521n, 1:556 Leopard, HMS and Chesapeake incident, 2:261n, 16:465–16:466, 17:518–17:519 Leopold II, Holy Roman Emperor and Declaration of Pillnitz, 7:299–7:300n permits P. Mazzei’s immigration to U.S., 9:115 in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502, 4:507 Léoville (wine), 9:513 Le Page du Pratz, Antoine Simon The History of Louisiana, or of the Western Parts of Virginia and Carolina, 17:536 Le Peletier de Rosanbo, Antoinette de Lamoignon de Malesherbes, madame de, 14:203–14:204 Lepidium officinale. See water cress Lepidium sativum. See garden cress Lepidus, Junia (Marcus Aemilius Lepidus’s wife), 17:73n Lerasle Encyclopédie Méthodique: Jurisprudence, 3:130, 3:174n, 3:175n, 3:546 Leray de Chaumont, Jacques Donatien, 2:13 Le Ray de Chaumont, James An Address, delivered at the meeting at the Agricultural Society of Jefferson County, December 29, 1817, 13:71, 13:72n, 13:172n and agricultural societies, 13:71, 13:172 carries TJ’s letters, 5:449 identified, 13:71–13:72n introduces M. A. Jullien, 12:229, 12:232n letter from, 13:172 letter to, 13:71–13:72 and Lafayette, 3:446 and D. B. Warden, 7:506n, 7:506n wealth of, 17:585, 17:603, 19:468 LeRoy, Herman See also LeRoy, Bayard & Company (New York firm); LeRoy, Bayard & McEvers (New York firm) and mortgage to T. M. Randolph, 20:366, 20:366n Leroy, Lewis (d. 1843) family of, 12:478 identified, 12:480n letter from, 12:477–12:480 recommendations for, 12:478 seeks TJ’s assistance, 12:477–12:478 Leroy, Lewis, Jr. education of, 12:478 Leroy, Louis Les politiqves d’Aristote, 3:546 LeRoy, Bayard & Company (New York firm) identified, 9:580n letters from, 10:302–10:303, 11:366–11:367, 11:419, 13:88, 14:73, 14:432, 15:481+, 17:117, 18:494–18:495, 18:537, 20:29, 20:57–20:58 letters to, 10:319, 11:293, 11:381, 13:43–13:44, 14:53–14:54, 14:354, 15:471–15:472, 17:21, 18:458, 18:526–18:527, 20:20, 20:46, 20:300–20:301 and TJ’s debt to P. Mazzei’s estate, 12:74 and TJ’s debt to N. & J. & R. van Staphorst, 10:302–10:303, 10:319, 11:290–11:291, 11:293, 11:304, 11:362, 11:366, 11:379, 11:380n, 11:380, 11:381n, 11:381, 11:395, 11:419, 11:419n, 12:613, 12:613, 13:42–13:43, 13:43–13:44, 13:88, 14:53–14:54, 14:73, 14:316, 14:354, 14:354, 14:415, 14:432, 14:473, 14:474, 14:483–14:484, 15:426, 15:471–15:472, 15:481+, 15:518, 15:538, 15:541, 15:590, 16:640n, 16:648, 16:649, 17:16, 17:21, 17:36, 17:46, 17:47, 17:117, 18:458, 18:458, 18:484, 18:494–18:495, 18:526–18:527, 18:537, 19:494, 20:20, 20:29, 20:46, 20:47, 20:54, 20:57, 20:143, 20:300–20:301, 20:301, 20:302, 20:302 and TJ’s lines of credit in Europe, 13:31, 13:79 LeRoy, Bayard & McEvers (New York firm) identified, 9:580n letters from, 9:579–9:580, 9:662–9:663, 9:679–9:680 letter to, 9:644 and TJ’s debt to N. & J. & R. van Staphorst, 9:579–9:580, 9:580–9:581, 9:644, 9:662–9:663, 9:679–9:680, 10:303 Le Sage, A. See Las Cases, Emmanuel Auguste Dieudonné Marin Joseph, Comte de (A. Le Sage) Le Sage, Alain René Le Diable Boiteux, 7:665 Histoire de Gil Blas de Santillane, 4:163n, 7:665, 9:598, 9:600n, 10:573, 12:534, 14:258, 19:508, 19:509n Lescallier, Daniel and J. Corrêa da Serra, 5:7–5:8 The Enchanted Throne, An Indian Story translated from the Persian Language, 11:351, 11:351n, 11:441 identified, 1:184n introduces Quinette de Rochemont, 11:351, 11:352n letters from, 1:184, 11:351–11:352 letter to, 11:441 and A. M. Rochon, 5:301 sends publication to TJ, 1:184, 11:351, 11:351n Le Trône Enchanté, Conte Indien traduit du Persan, 11:351n Vocabulaire des Termes de Marine Anglais et Français, 1:36, 1:184n Leschot, Louis A. Charlottesville house of, 19:634 friendship with H. Roi, 19:375 identified, 11:365–11:366n letters to, 11:365–11:366, 13:527–13:528 payment to, 11:539, 11:539n, 13:528n and stoves for University of Virginia, 14:214, 14:229 TJ invites to Monticello, 13:528 TJ’s debt to, 12:644, 16:648 as watchmaker, 10:578–10:579, 11:198–11:199, 11:199n, 11:365, 11:374, 11:374n, 11:413, 11:413n, 11:507–11:508, 12:137–12:138, 12:396, 13:156, 13:527, 13:537, 15:305, 15:320 Leschot, Sophie Montandon (Louis A. Leschot’s wife) TJ invites to Monticello, 13:528 TJ sends greetings to, 11:365 Leslie, Charles A Short and Easie Method with Deists, 3:590, 3:590n Leslie, Charles Robert as portrait painter, 20:50 Leslie, Sir John and Central College–University of Virginia, 12:193, 12:201, 12:227, 13:510, 15:303 defended in A Short Statement of some important facts, relative to the late election of a Mathematical Professor in the University of Edinburgh (D. Stewart), 15:140 inquires about TJ’s family, 8:38, 8:244 introduction to sought, 13:485, 13:510 as professor at University of Edinburgh, 16:207–16:208, 16:208, 16:208 as scientist, 14:313 sends greetings to T. M. Randolph, 8:244 solicits article from D. B. Warden, 8:420 Le Souef, Jeremiah as vice consul at London, 17:562n, 17:562n, 18:79 Lespinasse, Jeanne Julie Éléonore de J. Adams on, 10:306, 14:30–14:31 Lettres de Mademoiselle de Lespinasse, 14:30, 14:31 Lesseps, Mathieu Maximilien Prosper, comte de identified, 15:146n recommended to TJ, 15:145 Lessi, Bernardo and C. Bellini estate, 7:693–7:694, 9:113 Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim popularity of, 9:84 Lesslie, John and TJ’s flour, 4:12, 4:58, 10:671 Lessons to a Young Prince, by an Old Statesman (D. Williams), 15:337, 15:338n L’Estrange, Sir Roger translates Seneca’s Morals (Seneca), 19:505 Lesueur, Charles Alexandre French naturalist, 12:516, 12:516n, 14:442–14:443, 14:489, 14:569 Le Tellier, François Michel, marquis de Louvois in F. A. Van der Kemp’s proposed book, 4:502 Le Tellier, John identified, 2:316n and Jefferson Cups, 2:xlii, 2:315–2:316, 2:316n, 2:474, 3:83, 3:154, 3:168, 3:177 letters from, 2:474, 11:604–11:605 letters to, 2:315–2:316, 11:548–11:549 and silversmith for Charlottesville, 11:548–11:549, 11:604–11:605 Létombe, Philippe André Joseph de, 1:256+, 5:266 Le Tourneur, Étienne François Louis Honoré, 10:44 Le Trosne, Guillaume François French economist, 9:630 Letter, Addressed to the Most Reverend Leonard Neale, Arch Bishop of Baltimore (J. F. Oliveira Fernandes), 11:28, 11:28n, 11:28n, 11:63, 11:63–11:64n A Letter concerning Toleration (J. Locke), 19:505 Letter from Alexander Hamilton, concerning the Public Conduct and Character of John Adams (A. Hamilton), 19:367n A Letter, from Germany, to the Princess Royal of England; on the English and German languages (H. Croft), 16:193–16:194 Letter from the Secretary of State Accompanied with a List of the Names of Persons who have Invented any New and Useful Art, Machine, Manufacture or Composition of Matter, 6:282, 6:282n Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of Persons who Have Made Any New and Useful Invention, and for which Patents Have Been Obtained, from thirty-first December, 1813, to the first January, 1815, 8:408, 8:408n Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting a List of the Names of Patentees, their Places of Residence, and the Nature of their Inventions or Improvements, 6:362 Letter from the Secretary of State, Transmitting a List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Issued, 6:282, 6:282n Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Issued … from January 1, 1812, to January 1, 1813, 8:195, 8:196n, 8:253 Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Issued … from January 1st, 1813, to January 1st, 1814, 8:195, 8:196n, 8:253 Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Granted, … from the 1st of January, 1815, to the 1st of January, 1816, 9:592, 9:593n Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting A List of the Names of Persons to whom Patents have been Issued, … from January 1st, 1816, to January 1st, 1817, 11:135, 11:136n Letter from the Secretary of State, transmitting a list of the names of Persons to whom Patents have been issued … For one year, prior to the 1st January, 1822, 18:292–18:293, 18:303, 18:304n A Letter on the Genius and Dispositions of the French Government (R. Walsh), 3:190n, 3:199, 3:200n letter press (copying device), 17:45, 17:45n, 18:449, 19:32, 19:32n, 19:91–19:92, 19:256 letter press (furniture), 3:xlvii, 3:358 (illus.) Letters addressed to the people of Virginia (S. Kercheval writing as “H. Tompkinson”), 10:162–10:163, 10:323, 10:367, 10:434 Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania (J. Dickinson), 8:643, 8:645n Letters From Paris (W. C. Somerville), 19:630 Letters from Paris, Written During the Period of the late Accession and Abdication of Napoleon (T. B. Robertson), 14:583–14:584, 15:184 Letters from Washington, on the Constitution and Laws; with Sketches of some of the prominent public characters of the United States (G. Watterston), 16:168–16:169 Letters of Abbe Salemankis to a Friend in Ireland (“Salemankis”), 2:263, 2:296 Letters of Paul and Amicus, 19:612–19:613, 19:613n, 19:629 The Letters of the British Spy (W. Wirt), 4:471, 4:472n, 4:560, 8:140, 8:671, 8:672n, 19:505, 19:509n Letters of the late Lord Lyttelton (G. Lyttelton), 19:505 Letters Of the Right Honourable Lady M—y W—y M—e: Written, during her Travels in Europe, Asia and Africa (M. W. Montagu), 19:506 Letters on England (J. E. White), 15:126 Letters on Political Liberty (D. Williams), 3:189, 3:190n, 3:207 Letters on Several Subjects (“T. Fitzosborne” [W. Melmoth]), 19:506 Letters on the Ministry, Ritual, and Doctrines of the Protestant Episcopal Church (J. Sparks), 16:272, 16:394, 18:37–18:38, 18:564, 19:75, 19:75n Letters on the Natural History and Internal Resources of the State of New-York (“Hibernicus” [D. Clinton]), 19:171, 19:171n, 19:224–19:225 Letters on The Subject of The Catholics (S. Smith), 2:161, 2:161n Letters Supposed to have passed between M. De St. Evremond and Mr. Waller (J. Langhorne), 19:506, 19:509n Letters to A Young Lady on a Course of English Poetry (J. Aikin), 7:664 Letters to Friends (Cicero), 1:386, 1:386n, 17:490, 17:490–17:491n Letters to the Directors of the Banks of Philadelphia, on the Pernicious Consequences of the Prevailing System of Reducing the Amount of Bills Discounted (M. Carey), 19:591, 19:592n Letters to the Inhabitants of Northumberland and its neighbourhood (J. Priestley), 1:119, 1:121–1:122n, 7:224, 7:225n Letters to The Jews; inviting them to an Amicable Discussion of the Evidences of Christianity (J. Priestley), 9:651–9:652, 9:652n Letters written by the late right honourable Philip Dormer Stanhope, Earl of Chesterfield, to His Son, Philip Stanhope, Esq. (Lord Chesterfield), 19:505 Letters Written from the Mountain (J. J. Rousseau), 7:665 A Letter to a member of the General Assembly of North Carolina (G. Tucker), 5:458, 5:458n A Letter to Harrison G. Otis, Esquire (J. Q. Adams), 4:435n Letter to Henri Gregoire (J. Barlow), 1:588, 1:590n Letter to James Monroe, Esq. President of the United States, on the State of the Country: with a plan for improving the condition of society (J. Melish), 15:359, 15:359n, 15:384 A Letter to the Honorable John Randolph (“Numa”), 2:264, 2:290 A Letter to The Reverend Mr. Cary (G. B. English), 7:435n Lettre a M. Jean Baptiste Say (P. S. Du Pont de Nemours), 9:231–9:232, 9:234n, 9:304–9:305, 9:306 Lettre Intéressante adressee à S. A. R. le Prince Régent d’Angleterre (Orvault), 15:574, 15:574–15:575n, 15:598–15:599 Lettre Intéressante adressée à son excellence, le comte Bathurst, ministre des colonies Britanniques (Orvault), 15:574, 15:574–15:575n, 15:598–15:599 Lettres a Eugénie (Holbach), 15:26 Lettres de Ciceron a Atticus (Cicero; trans. N. H. Mongault; ed. Goujon), 9:354, 9:420, 12:112, 14:511 Lettres de Cicéron a M. Brutus, et de M. Brutus a Ciceron (Brutus; Cicero; trans. A. F. Prévost; ed. Goujon), 9:354, 9:420, 12:112, 14:511, 15:258 Lettres de Ciceron, Qu’on nomme vulgairement Familières (Cicero; trans. A. F. Prévost; ed. Goujon), 9:354, 9:354, 9:355n, 9:420, 9:420, 12:112, 14:511, 15:258 Lettres de La Marquise du Deffand, 17:536 Lettres de Mademoiselle de Lespinasse (J. de Lespinasse), 14:30, 14:31 Lettres de Pline le Jeune, en Latin et en Français, Suivies du Panégyrique de Trajan (Pliny the Younger; trans. L. de Sacy), 13:342, 13:343n, 13:391, 13:394, 13:413, 13:474, 13:494, 13:561, 14:215 Lettres d’un Bourgeois de New-Heaven (Condorcet), 5:595, 5:595–5:596n Lettres D’Un Voyageur Anglois Sur La France, La Suisse Et L’Allemagne (J. Moore), 7:389 Lettres Patentes du Roy J. Armstrong sends, 5:8, 5:8n, 5:8–5:9n Lettres sur la Vieillesse (J. H. Meister), 3:137, 3:137n, 3:393 Lettsom, John Coakley collaboration with B. Waterhouse, 6:39n, 19:362 introduces W. Thornton, 16:530, 16:531n memoirs of, 18:655 lettuce cultivation of, 8:305 impact of drought on, 4:38 mentioned, 6:187 seeds, 4:527, 5:31, 5:490, 8:258, 8:272, 20:605 tennis ball, 5:307, 5:307n Letty (C. L. Bankhead’s slave), 8:395 Leturcq, François Charles Michel family of, 16:325 Leuba, Claude Victoire Herard family of, 15:265–15:266 identified, 15:268n letter from, 15:265–15:268 letter to, 15:276 seeks recommendation from TJ, 15:265–15:266, 15:276 Leunclavius, Johannes Ivris Græco-romani tam canonici qvam civilis, 3:546 Leusden, Johannes works of, 18:242n Le Vaillant, François Second Voyage Dans L’Intérieur De L’Afrique, Par Le Cap De Bonne-Espérance, Dans Les Années 1783, 84 et 85, 7:389 levers, 14:167, 16:29 Levi, David Dissertations on the Prophecies of the Old Testament, 9:651–9:652, 9:652n Levi, Nathan as U.S. consul at Saint Thomas, 13:123n, 14:98, 14:99 Leviathan, HMS, 16:15 Levy, J. B. (ship captain), 13:530, 13:557 Levy, Uriah Phillips commissions statue of TJ, 20:399, 20:402n Lewis (H. Chisholm’s slave), 18:472, 20:30, 20:30 Lewis (E. Randolph’s slave), 4:231–4:232n Lewis (TJ’s slave; b. ca. 1760) health of, 18:501 on Monticello slave lists, 4:386, 16:648 Lewis (TJ’s slave; b. 1788) given to T. J. Randolph, 6:36 mentioned, 16:264n on Monticello slave lists, 4:387 Lewis (African American) and University of Virginia, 17:627 Lewis, Capt. master of schooner Liberty, 1:307, 2:349 Lewis, Mr. seeks position at University of Virginia, 17:496 Lewis, Ann Marks (TJ’s niece) finances of, 3:90–3:91, 6:358 identified, 3:91n letters from, 3:90–3:91 property dispute with C. Peyton, 11:520n sends greetings to TJ, 6:358 Lewis, Charles (George Washington’s grandnephew) impressed into British navy, 6:145n Lewis, Charles (Meriwether Lewis’s uncle) and Poplar Forest land, 19:203 Revolutionary War service of, 6:418–6:419 Lewis, Charles (TJ’s uncle) family of, 1:168n mentioned, 13:435 Revolutionary War regiment of, 7:280, 7:356 Lewis, Charles (d. 1806) (TJ’s nephew) dispute with C. Peyton, 11:478, 11:478n, 11:479n, 11:485, 11:486, 11:514–11:520, 11:520n, 11:520–11:521n, 11:538, 11:538–11:539, 11:542, 13:284 Lewis, Charles Lilburne (TJ’s brother-in-law) dispute with C. Peyton, 7:535, 11:478, 11:478n, 11:479, 11:479n, 11:485, 11:486, 11:514–11:520, 11:520n, 11:520–11:521n, 11:538, 11:538–11:539, 11:542, 13:284 family of, 1:167, 1:168n, 1:415n, 8:647, 11:520n, 11:538, 11:538n finances of, 3:90–3:91, 3:242–3:243, 6:358 identified, 3:92–3:93n and Jefferson v. Michie, 6:477, 6:479, 6:480, 6:481–6:482n on Ky. life, 3:92 letters from, 3:91–3:93, 6:358 requests money from TJ, 6:358 Lewis, David Jackson attests document, 11:243n and Central College cornerstone laying, 12:62, 12:67 identified, 5:281n letters to accounted for, 5:281n and J. M. Perry, 16:550, 16:559 petition to General Assembly, 4:346–4:349 and warrant for restitution of land, 5:280–5:281, 6:215, 6:216n, 6:554, 6:555 Lewis, Edwin complaints against H. Toulmin, 16:461, 16:462–16:464, 16:464–16:465n identified, 16:462n letter from, 16:461–16:462 letter from, to H. Toulmin, 16:462–16:465 Lewis, Fielding (Meriwether Lewis’s granduncle), 6:418 Lewis, Figures, 16:462 Lewis, Francis signer of Declaration of Independence, 13:331 Lewis, Henry, 1:27 Lewis, Howell and Central College subscription, 11:325, 11:329 petition to General Assembly, 3:253–3:254 TJ’s debt to, 15:425 Lewis, Isham (TJ’s nephew) identified, 1:168n letters from, 1:167–1:168 letters of introduction for, from TJ, 1:215, 1:216 letters to, 1:181–1:182 and murder of slave, 1:168n seeks TJ’s assistance, 1:167–1:168 TJ offers to teach surveying to, 1:181–1:182 Lewis, James account of, 4:9 and deposition in Henderson case, 5:179, 5:180, 5:192–5:198, 6:153, 6:198, 6:199, 6:199, 6:200, 6:200, 6:200, 6:200, 6:479 and deposition in Jefferson v. Michie, 7:597, 9:3 desires appointment as Indian agent, 8:32 and Henderson lands, 1:440, 1:454, 1:459, 5:139–5:141, 6:197, 6:197, 6:197, 6:478, 6:479, 6:572, 6:574n, 7:673, 7:673, 7:673, 7:674, 7:674, 11:209 identified, 5:197n letters from accounted for, 5:198n letters to accounted for, 5:180n tends to ill slave, 3:283, 3:367–3:368, 3:529 and TJ’s land dispute with D. Michie, 5:139–5:141, 5:261, 7:597, 7:673, 7:673, 7:673, 7:674, 7:674 Lewis, Jane Woodson (Robert Lewis’s wife), 3:179 Lewis, Jesse petition to General Assembly, 5:378–5:380 petition to James Monroe Lewis, Jesse Pitman and Central College–University of Virginia, 15:91, 15:95, 15:96, 15:96, 15:97, 15:100, 16:303, 16:312, 16:320, 17:625, 17:628, 17:630, 19:55, 20:202, 20:222, 20:225, 20:555 and Central College–University of Virginia subscription, 11:330, 16:304, 17:620 house of, burns, 14:270n and Jefferson v. Rivanna Company, 14:368 petition to General Assembly, 3:253–3:254, 5:378–5:380 Lewis, John petition to General Assembly, 4:346–4:349 Lewis, John (of Albemarle Co.) land grant to, 11:560–11:561 Lewis, John (of Charleston) as merchant, 13:530–13:531n Lewis, John (Col.) land claims of, 11:560–11:561 Lewis, John (George Washington’s grandnephew) impressed into British navy, 6:145n Lewis, John (Meriwether Lewis’s granduncle), 6:418 Lewis, Joseph Saunders recommends J. L. Cathcart, 17:461 Lewis, Joshua, 2:443n Lewis, Lawrence estate of, 11:389, 11:391n Lewis, Lillburne (TJ’s nephew) family of, 3:90–3:91 and murder of slave, 1:168n Lewis, Lucy B. See Griffin, Lucy B. Lewis (TJ’s niece) Lewis, Lucy Jefferson (TJ’s sister; Charles Lilburne Lewis’s wife) death of, 3:90 family of, 1:168n, 1:415n, 3:90–3:91, 6:611n, 11:520n, 11:538, 11:538n and property conveyances, 11:479n, 11:479n Lewis, Lucy Meriwether, 2:120, 2:241, 2:340 Lewis, Martha Amanda Carr. See Monroe, Martha Amanda Carr Lewis (TJ’s niece; Daniel Monroe’s wife) Lewis, Mary Walker (Nicholas Lewis’s wife) and apples for TJ, 7:78 family of, 20:306 gives apples to TJ, 5:357 health of, 18:255, 18:654, 20:306 identified, 2:291–2:292n letters from, 2:291–2:292, 5:357 letters to, 4:38, 7:78, 18:255, 20:306 letters to accounted for, 2:38n property of, 8:394, 8:423 M. J. Randolph plans visit to, 20:306 seeks appointment for Wood, 4:186–4:187 sells victuals to TJ, 2:37–2:38, 2:291, 2:292n, 4:210 TJ gives wine to, 18:255, 20:306 TJ makes payment for, 7:708, 12:614n TJ pays, 6:338n, 7:45, 7:45n TJ sends figs to, 4:38 and vegetables for TJ, 18:255 Lewis, Meriwether and artifact collection of W. Clark, 1:510 death of, 1:436n, 1:602–1:603, 1:606–1:608, 1:632, 1:668, 2:30, 2:35, 2:42, 2:42, 2:44, 2:120–2:121, 2:121, 2:191–2:192, 2:208, 6:423–6:424, 7:63, 7:64n, 10:444 education of, 6:419, 6:421–6:422, 6:424n, 6:426, 6:426 executor of, 2:123, 2:336, 2:567, 3:110, 3:166 family of, 6:418–6:419 health of, 6:423–6:424 as hunter, 6:419, 6:426 identified, 1:436n and Indian dialects, 1:520, 1:556, 12:171, 12:172, 12:294, 12:331, 12:637 land warrant granted to, 2:121, 2:122n, 6:424n letters to, 1:435–1:437 Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1:603, 1:607, 1:630n, 1:668–1:669, 2:30, 2:31, 2:34, 2:72, 2:123, 2:140, 6:417–6:418, 6:422–6:424, 7:31, 7:34–7:35, 7:244–7:245, 8:449n, 9:605n, 9:680–9:681, 9:704–9:706, 10:256–10:257, 11:43, 11:43–11:44n, 11:220, 12:171–12:172, 12:235–12:236, 13:344, 15:288, 19:197–19:198 makes payment for TJ, 6:506, 6:506n military career of, 6:419, 6:426 and J. Neelly, 2:30–2:31, 2:34, 2:73n, 2:121, 2:191–2:192, 6:423–6:424 papers of, 2:31, 2:34, 2:35n, 2:72, 2:121, 2:122, 2:123–2:124, 2:127, 2:140, 3:181–3:182, 9:704–9:706, 10:40, 10:125, 10:164, 10:256–10:257, 10:377, 10:377, 10:444, 10:445, 10:445, 11:454, 11:486–11:487, 11:574, 12:171–12:172, 12:235–12:236, 12:295, 12:331, 12:463n, 12:636, 12:636n, 12:637, 12:638n J. Pernier’s claim against estate of, 2:34, 2:192, 2:208–2:209, 2:364, 2:672, 2:673n, 3:49, 3:110 personal belongings of, 2:34, 2:121, 2:123–2:124, 2:191–2:192, 2:192, 2:208, 2:241, 2:340 plants discovered by, 2:90–2:91, 2:140, 4:523–4:524 prepares for Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1:101n, 1:194n, 6:421–6:422 and publication of journals, 1:249, 1:412n, 1:436, 1:443, 1:668–1:669, 3:33, 3:150, 3:166–3:167, 3:181–3:182, 4:147, 6:417, 6:427, 6:429, 6:430, 6:430, 6:531–6:532, 7:63–7:64, 7:244–7:245, 7:244–7:245, 7:245n, 9:309, 9:310n, 9:467, 9:605, 9:704–9:706, 10:377 seeds brought by from the West, 1:192n, 3:150, 3:150n, 3:166, 6:152 and stone block for TJ, 4:66 TJ introduces J. Bradbury to, 1:435–1:436 TJ on, 2:336, 2:340, 6:417–6:418 TJ’s biography of, 6:357, 6:418–6:424, 6:427, 6:429, 6:430, 6:531, 6:532, 7:63, 7:318, 7:319n, 10:257, 10:257n, 10:377, 12:188, 12:281, 16:272, 17:307, 17:342, 17:377n TJ’s claim against estate of, 2:294, 2:294n, 2:294 TJ sends greetings to, 1:511 TJ’s
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Dictiounari Moundi De Jean Doujat De Là Oun Soun Enginats Principalomen Les Mouts Les Plus Escarriés An L'esplicaciu Francezo: Empéoutad Del Biradis ... Abant
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Dictiounari Moundi De Jean Doujat De Là Oun Soun Enginats Principalomen Les Mouts Les Plus Escarriés An L'esplicaciu Francezo: Empéoutad Del Biradis ... Abant-prépaous Boutad Per... (French Edition) by Doujat, Jean; Sirven, Gabriel; Jeanroy, Alfred - ISBN 10: 1274535794 - ISBN 13: 9781274535795 - Nabu Press - 2012 - Softcover
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Synopsis This is a reproduction of a book published before 1923. This book may have occasional imperfections such as missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. that were either part of the original artifact, or were introduced by the scanning process. We believe this work is culturally important, and despite the imperfections, have elected to bring it back into print as part of our continuing commitment to the preservation of printed works worldwide. We appreciate your understanding of the imperfections in the preservation process, and hope you enjoy this valuable book. ++++ The below data was compiled from various identification fields in the bibliographic record of this title. This data is provided as an additional tool in helping to ensure edition identification: ++++ Dictiounari Moundi De Jean Doujat De Là Oun Soun Enginats Principalomen Les Mouts Les Plus Escarriés An L'esplicaciu Francezo: Empéoutad Del Biradis Des Mots Ancièns As Tipiques Dires D'aouèi Per G. Visner [pseud.] ... Am'un Abant-prépaous Boutad Per L'empéoutaïre Pèï La Préfaço D'en A. Jeanroy ... Jean Doujat, Gabriel Sirven, Alfred Jeanroy Bureaux de "Lé Gril", 1897 Foreign Language Study; Miscellaneous; Foreign Language Study / Miscellaneous; Foreign Language Study / Romance Languages; Occitan language; Provençal language "synopsis" may belong to another edition of this title.
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55 • ORIGINE(S) • DEUX MILLE ANS D'ÉCRITS DU PAPYRUS AU LIVRE IMPRIMÉ
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Law Faculty Register: Marc-Antoine Charpentier enters law school, October 1662 Thanks to historian Joseph Bergin, we now know that, for a very short while, Marc-Antoine Charpentier had enrolled for a training in the law, perhaps for a career on the margins of the Parlement or the Châtelet, or perhaps in the Church where canon law was a key to advancement. The inscription in the Law Faculty register On October 24, 1662, Charpentier wrote out the following statement in the inscription register of the Paris Law Faculty, la Faculté de Droit (AN, MM 1059, p. 11). He apparently was so nervous that he misspelled his name: Anthonicus -- which he then corrected, trying not to call attention to the mistake by crossing something out. The result was closer to Anthoniust than to Anthonius. Ego Marcus Anthonius Charpentier cœpi excipere scripta et lectiones DD Phylippi de Buzines et Joannes Doujat cæleb. anteces. die 24 oct. an 1662 M A Charpentier Pari. That is to say: "I, Marc Anthoine Charpentier undertake to receive writing and reading [in law] from Dom Philippe de Buzines and Dom Jean Doujat, celebrated professors [caelebrium antecessorum], on the 24th day of October of the year 1662. M. A. Charpentier, Parisian" These twenty-seven words teach us so much! Thanks to this document we can infer that: --- on the eve of his nineteenth year, Marc-Antoine Charpentier, who would become an acknowledged master at setting Latin devotional texts to music (http://www.cmbv.com/fr/edit/livres/cmbv-hc2.htm), was conversant in Latin and knew at least a modicum of Greek; --- he had completed the cursus in one of the Parisian collèges and had been awarded the degree of maître ès arts; --- the Talon-Voisin family, who had attended the wedding of Marc-Antoine's sister only a few months earlier, was watching over Marc-Antoine; --- Marc-Antoine may have entered into contact with Armand-Jean de Riants as early as 1662; and --- Marc-Antoine reveals some of his career aspirations as he began his twentieth year. Let us look more closely at the information provided by this document. Marc-Antoine Charpentier's education The statutes of the Faculté de Droit stipulated that students "ne peuvent commencer l'étude de Droit qu'après la maîtrise-ès-arts, c'est-à -dire après avoir acquis les connaissances philosophiques et des éléments de la langue grecque et latine." (Marie-Antoinette Lemasne-Desjobert, La Faculté de Droit de Paris aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, Paris: Cujas, 1966, p. 74.) To earn a maîtrise, the student had to complete some ten years of study in a collège and then pass an examination by which the University of Paris validated his accomplishments. (Students who had spent less than ten years in formal studies were sometimes permitted to take this examination.) From the very first, a student at a collège was taught in Latin, spoke in Latin, wrote in Latin; he committed to memory a host of "commonplaces," lieux communs, and he then declaimed them in class. In other words, by the time he was eighteen, Marc-Antoine Charpentier had not only studied the classics, he had also acquired considerable proficiency in Latin grammar and had learned to declaim the language according to the rhetorical practices of his day. Several Parisian collèges provided this sort of education and were preferred by parents who were planning a legal career for their child, as were either Marc-Antoine's late parents or the guardian appointed by the officials at the Châtelet. There were the Oratorian schools (especially the collège of Juilly, located just to the west of today's Charles de Gaulle Airport); the collèges run by the Doctrinaires (but these schools were primarily located in the South); and the Jesuit Collège de Clermont in Paris, renowned for its pedagogy. The course of study known as the modo parisiensis, which was observed in the collèges of the University of Paris, was adhered to by these schools administered by religious orders. (Roland Mousnier, Les Institutions de de France sous la Monarchie absolue, Paris: PUF, 1974, vol. 1, p. 552.) There were certain tacit prerequisites for admission to a law school. Law students must have "natural intelligence and disposition, must have received instruction from childhood on, must have a correct knowledge of the law, must work tirelessly, must spend the appropriate amount of time on their studies, ... and must have a place to study that is convenient and favorable to working." (Lemasne-Desjobert, p. 79.) Should we assume that Marc-Antoine Charpentier met all these requirements -- and that a quiet corner for studying was made available to the him somewhere, perhaps in his linener sister's left-bank lodgings? (The education typically acquired in a collège and at the law faculty is summarized on a separate page of this site: the college and the law school) Yet another link to the Talon family In October 1662, only two months after Élisabeth Charpentier signed her wedding contract in the presence of Dame Marie Talon, Marc-Antoine became a student of Marie's maternal cousin, Jean Doujat, a professor of canon law at the Collège Royal (today's Collège de France). Profoundly upset by the moribund situation at the law faculty, where Philippe de Busine was the sole teacher in the Écoles du décret -- that is, the only professor who directed the "readings" from the Decretals that were an essential part of the curriculum (Lemasne-Desjobert, p.59). Busine was determined to remain unique, the better to pocket all inscription fees for himself. After a struggle pitting the Parlement against Busine, Jean Doujat was named to the faculty by the Parlement in 1655. Himself a judge in the Parlement and a member of the French Academy, Doujat soon became one of the central figures at the law school and did much to give the establishment renewed vigor. (Lemasne-Desjobert, pp. 17, 45-46, 58, 61, 87, 89ff.; and Dictionnaire de biographie française, "Doujat.") When Marc-Antoine Charpentier began his studies in the fall of 1662, Jean Doujat was teaching canon law, that is, the Decretals, the papal decrees. Author of a Spanish grammar, a method for learning foreign languages, a Latin treatise on Christian marriage, and a variety of Latin "oratii," Doujat had been selected to fulfill a clause in the will of Jean d'Artis, his late predecessor (and supporter in the nomination struggle.) D'Artis had bequeathed 1,000 livres to cover the costs of a folio edition of his writings on canon law. (The volume was published in 1656.) When Charpentier signed up to study with Doujat, the latter was doubtlessly at work on the two-volume study of French canon law that would be published in 1671. (Another clause in d'Artis' will is of particular interest. He provided money for scholarships to poor law students. Here is some evidence that, after 1651, a fund existed so that regents could award scholarships to needy young men.) Celibacy was an issue in the appointment of a professor. That is, Doujat's predecessor, Jean d'Artis, had long argued that the only way to reverse the decline at the law school was to select unmarried men as regent-antecessors. Thus, "pour affirmer une dernière fois ses convictions de célibataire, d'Artis rendit dans ce testament le mariage des régents responsable de la décadence des études à la faculté de droit canon, et il voulut exclure de son legs les régents mariés ou même qui se marieraient après l'expiration de leurs fonctions." (Dictionnaire de biographie française, "Artis"). Therefore when Doujat was nominated to succeed d'Artis in 1651, one of the principal points in his favor had been the fact that "being unmarried, Doujat would occupy one of the chairs with great dignity," Doujat n'étant pas marié, remplirait très dignement une des chaires (Lemasne-Desjobart, p. 59). Doujat was also the scindic of the faculty -- which now totaled six "regents," plus an undetermined number of agrégés appointed by the Parlement of Paris to ensure a more comprehensive course of study. As scindic, Doujat verified the accuracy of the record books, to ensure that the candidates for exams had completed the requirements; he signed all theses, having first verified that there were no errors or faulty principles; he also took minutes of faculty meetings. (Lemasne-Desjobert, pp. 21-22, 38-39; see also the article on Doujat at Wikipedia.fr.) Voltaire suggests that Doujat eventually married and fathered children (Le Siècle de Louis XIV : Catalogue de la plupart des écrivains français qui ont paru dans le Siècle de Louis XIV, pour servir à l’histoire littéraire de ce temps, 1751). How was Jean Doujat related to Marie Talon? In the mid-sixteenth century a certain Louis Doujat had left Toulouse to establish himself in Parisian legal circles. One of his sons remained in Toulouse, where he was a councillor in the Parlement of Toulouse. Another son, Jean Doujat, joined his father in Paris and served as avocat général to Catherine de Médicis. The granddaughter of this Jean Doujat, Françoise Doujat, would marry Omer Talon, the renowned avocat général in the Parlement of Paris. By 1662 their daughter, Marie Talon, would befriend Marc-Antoine Charpentier's sister Élisabeth. Meanwhile, the Toulouse branch of the family had produced the Jean Doujat with whom Marc-Antoine would study in 1662. This particular Jean Doujat -- like Françoise Doujat-Talon -- was the great-grandchild of the Louis Doujat who had gone to Paris in the mid-sixteenth century. In other words, Françoise Doujat-Talon and Professor Jean Doujat were cousins issus de germains, blood relatives in the "third-degree"; and Marie Talon was Jean's blood relative to the "fourth degree." (BnF, ms. Dossiers bleus, 241, "Doujat," no. 6214, fol. 11; and Louis Moreri, Grand dictionnaire, ed. of 1745, "Doujat, Jean.") Marie Talon was the wife of Daniel Voisin (Patricia Ranum, Portraits around Marc-Antoine Charpentier, Baltimore, 2004, pp. 95-98). Daniel's brother was a Jesuit, having followed the path taken earlier by his maternal uncle, Pierre de Verthamon, one of the leading Jesuits in France. There presumably is a cause and effect between these two Jesuits and the gratitude later expressed by Marc-Antoine Charpentier's sister, Étiennette, for the instruction she had received as a child from the Jesuits at the Noviciate. I have hypothesized elsewhere that, thanks to Father Verthamon's protection, Marc-Antoine Charpentier may well have been educated at the Jesuit Collège de Clermont, as what we today would call a "scholarship student." Whatever the merits of that hypothesis, in 1662, at this crucial moment in Marc-Antoine's education, we encounter Jean Doujat, a member of the Talon-Voisin-Verthamon clan. The fees imposed by the law faculty could mount quickly: 25 livres for an inscription, 16 livres for an examination, 15 livres for defending a thesis, and 150 livres for a doctorande (Lemasne-Desjobert, pp. 22-23). Since orphaned Marc-Antoine had inherited only a few hundred livres from his father, the cost of a law-school education would have had to be paid by his guardian or by well-to-do family friends. The only other option was to get one or both professors to renounce some or all of the fees due, or to convert someone's bequest into a scholarship. (The testament of d'Artis, 1651, immediately comes to mind.) We can, of course, merely hypothesize about the financial arrangements surrounding Marc-Antoine Charpentier's matriculation at the law faculty, but it seems likely that his guardian was consulting Marie Talon, and that a financial arrangement had been worked out so that this talented, but nearly penniless youth could continue his studies. Armand-Jean de Riants We cannot be sure whether, in October 1662, Armand-Jean de Riants was one of the agrégés who were being imposed upon stubborn Philippe de Busines by the Parlement and the royal administration. That Lemasne-Desjobert's study does not mention Riants' name, is no proof that he was not involved at the law faculty in 1662. These aggrégés where not faculty members, they were adjuncts who taught a specialization sporadically and for short periods of time. (For Riants, see Ranum, Portraits, pp. 262-267.) On the other hand, we know that in January 1664 Riants went through the inscription register for the Faculty that bears Marc-Antoine Charpentier's inscription. He marked large X's through the blank columns so that names could not be entered fraudently, and on the first page of the register he noted that these modifications had been made by "me, Armand Jean de Rians Villeray, doctor of canon law agrégé." With a colleague named Louis Laurens, Riants added a similar statement at the bottom of each page for the period 1662-1664, and each time he signed his name. In other words, there is a strong possibility that Armand-Jean de Riants was a parlement-appointed agrégé at the law faculty as early as 1662, and that there he crossed paths with Marc-Antoine Charpentier. Or did Riants already know the Charpentier family through the Châtelet? Was he the godfather of Marc-Antoine's younger brother, Armand-Jean Charpentier? Marc-Antoine's statement in the register That October day in 1662, Marc-Antoine Charpentier did not simply copy out and sign a routine, formulaic statement provided by the law faculty. He clearly drew it up himself, for into it he wove some expressions rarely found in his classmates' statements. For example, Marc-Antoine's use of scripta is very unusual: most students simply refer to the texts, lectiones, that their professor would be reading aloud and commenting upon. A noteworthy exception is a student-priest who stated that he was going to "write and listen to the readings by Dom Philippe de Busine," scribere et audire lectiones D. Ph. de Busine (MM 1059, p. 13). Does this allusion to "writing" mean that friends of the Charpentier family were giving Marc-Antoine reason to hope that he would one day not only "read" and interpret the law, but play a role in actually writing it in a more professional legal capacity? Another intriguing word is woven into Marc-Antoine's statement: unlike his classmates, he emphasizes that both Busine and Doujat were "celebrated." (Influenced by the argument about celibacy, I initially read "cæleb" as an abbreviation for "celibate," rather than "celebrated," which it clearly is. I thank my Latinist reader for setting me straight!) His motivations for paying this unexpected compliment can only be guessed. That October day in 1662, when Marc-Antoine Charpentier signed the register, several dozen young men wrote out similar statements of intention and signed their names. Some of them stated that they had earned a baccalauréat, that is, had completed their first year of study and had passed a one-hour exam on Justinian's Institutes. That Marc-Antoine did not use this title suggests that he was a first-year student. Not every student signed up to study with the same pair of professors. It is not clear how much choice Marc-Antoine had, in becoming Doujat's student, rather than Hallé's or Cottin's or Le Blanc's or Deloy's. But in so doing, he was putting himself under the wing of one of the most respected scholars of canon law in the realm. Canon law -- that branch of law that, as Joseph Bergin points out, provided a key to open the doors to a career in the Church (see my Musing on the college and the law school. As for Busines, he might be described as an illustre inconnu, that is, his name crops up in sources but he left no imprint upon history: for example, the Dictionnaire de biographie française does not devote so much as a paragraph to him, and no published works (if they existed) found their way into the catalogue of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. The course of study on which Marc-Antoine was embarking would last three years (Lemasne-Desjobart, pp. 66, 119). Every trimester -- that is, in late October, early January, and early June -- the students renewed their commitment and named the professors with whom they would be studying. Thumbing through this register, one can pick out students who return from trimester to trimester. For example, Nicolas Rousseau, who inscribed his name just after Marc-Antoine's in October 1662, returned in January 1663, as did Patrick Kearny, the Irishman from the diocese of Cloyne in County Cork, who signed immediately after Rousseau in October 1662. The inevitable attrition also can be noted. In fact, Marc-Antoine Charpentier was among the drop-outs. When January 1663 rolled around, he did not sign the register, and his name does not reappear. Did he drop out because he had done so poorly that his name had been entered in the register of the refusés (since lost)? Did he rebel against the career plans that had been worked out for him? Or, circa January 1663, did a different career opportunity open to him? So many questions that cannot be answered!
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Putting the Church on the Map: Ecclesiastical Cartography across the Denominational Divide
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"Putting the Church on the Map: Ecclesiastical Cartography across the Denominational Divide" published on 01 Jan 2012 by Brill.
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Carol I of Romania
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Carol I (20 April 1839 – 27 September (O.S.) / 10 October (N.S.) 1914), born Prince Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen was the ruler of Romania from 1866 to 1914. He was elected Ruling Prince (Domnitor) of the Romanian United Principalities on 20 April 1866 after the overthrow of Alexandru Ioan...
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Military Wiki
https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/Carol_I_of_Romania
"Carol I" redirects here. For the 2009 film, see Carol I (film). Carol I (20 April 1839 – 27 September (O.S.) / 10 October (N.S.) 1914), born Prince Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen was the ruler of Romania from 1866 to 1914. He was elected Ruling Prince (Domnitor) of the Romanian United Principalities on 20 April 1866 after the overthrow of Alexandru Ioan Cuza by a palace coup. After the defeat of the Ottoman Empire (1878) in the Russo-Turkish War, he declared Romania a sovereign nation (the country had been under the nominal suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire until then). He was proclaimed King of Romania on 26 March [O.S. 14 March] 1881. He was the first ruler of the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen dynasty, which ruled the country until the proclamation of a republic in 1947. During his reign, Carol I personally led Romanian troops during the Russo-Turkish War and assumed command of the Russo/Romanian army during the siege of Plevna. The country achieved full independence from the Ottoman Empire (Treaty of Berlin, 1878) and acquired the Cadrilater from Bulgaria in 1913. Domestic political life, still dominated by the country's wealthy landowning families organized around the rival Liberal and Conservative parties, was punctuated by two widespread peasant uprisings, in Wallachia (the southern half of the country) in April 1888 and in Moldavia (the northern half) in March 1907. He married Elisabeth of Wied in Neuwied on 15 November 1869. They only had one daughter, Maria, who died at the age of three. Carol never produced a male heir, leaving his elder brother Leopold next in line to the throne. In October 1880 Leopold renounced his right of succession in favour of his son William, who in turn surrendered his claim six years later in favour of his younger brother, the future king Ferdinand. Early life[] Prince Karl Eitel Friedrich Zephyrinus Ludwig of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen was born in Sigmaringen, the second son of Prince Karl Anton of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen and his wife, Princess Josephine of Baden. After finishing his elementary studies, Karl entered the Cadet School in Münster. In 1857 he was attending the courses of the Artillery School in Berlin. Up to 1866, when he accepted the crown of Romania, he was a Prussian officer. He took part in the Second Schleswig War, including the assault of the Fredericia citadel and Dybbøl, an experience which would be very useful to him later in the Russo-Turkish war. Although he was quite frail and not very tall, prince Karl was reported to be the perfect soldier, healthy and disciplined, and also a very good politician with liberal ideas. He was familiar with several European languages. His family being closely related to the Bonaparte family (one of his grandmothers was a Beauharnais, Joséphine's niece-in-law, and the other a Murat, Joachim's niece Marie Antoinette Murat), they enjoyed very good relations with Napoleon III of France. Romania was at the time under the influence of French culture, and Napoleon's recommendation of Prince Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen weighed heavily with Romanian politicians of the time, as did his blood relation to the ruling Prussian family. Ion Brătianu was the Romanian politician who was sent to negotiate with Karl and his family the possibility of installing him on the Romanian throne. On the way to Romania[] The former Romanian ruler, Alexandru Ioan Cuza, had been expelled from the country by the leading noblemen and Romania was in a political chaos. Cuza's double election, both in Wallachia and in Moldavia) had been the basis on which the Romanian Principalities' unification was recognized by the European powers. With him gone, the country was in danger of disintegration. Due to the political conflict between Prussia and the Austrian Empire, Karl travelled incognito by railroad from Düsseldorf to Budapest, under the name of Karl Hettingen. From Budapest he travelled by carriage, as there was no railroad to Romania. As he crossed the border onto Romanian soil, he was met by Brătianu, who bowed before him and asked Karl to join him in his carriage. On 10 May 1866 (22 May 1866 N.S.), Karl entered Bucharest. The news of his arrival had been transmitted by telegraph and he was welcomed by a huge crowd eager to see the new ruler. In Băneasa he was given the keys to the capital city. Eventually it was a rainy day after a long period of drought, apparently a very favorable sign. As he was crowned, Karl swore this oath: "I swear to guard the laws of Romania, to maintain the rights of its People and the integrity of its territory." He spoke in French, as he did not speak Romanian. However, he endeared himself to his adopted country by adopting the Romanian spelling of his name, Carol. The Constitution[] Immediately after arriving in the country, the Romanian parliament adopted, on 29 June 1866, the 1866 Constitution of Romania, one of the most advanced constitutions in that time. This constitution allowed the development and modernization of the Romanian state. In a daring move, the Constitution chose to ignore the nominal suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, which paved the way towards a full independence. Article 82 stated that "The ruler's powers are hereditary, starting directly from His Majesty, prince Carol I of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, on the male line through the right of first-born, with the exclusion of women and their issue. His Majesty's descendants will be raised in the Eastern Orthodox Religion." In 1877, Romania was proclaimed independent, making Carol fully sovereign over Romania. From 1878, Carol held the title of Royal Highness (Alteță Regală). On 15 March 1881, the constitution was amended to proclaim Romania a kingdom. Carol became the first king, while the heir would be called Prince Royal. On 10 May, Carol was crowned king. (The basic idea of all the royalist constitutions in Romania was that the king reigned, but did not rule.) A devoted King[] King Carol was reported to be a cold person. He was permanently concerned with the prestige of the dynasty he had founded. His wife, Elizabeth, claimed he 'wore the crown in his sleep'. He was very meticulous and he tried to impose his style upon everyone that surrounded him. Though he was devoted to his job as a Romanian prince and king, he never forgot his German roots. In 48 years of rule—far and away the longest in Romanian history—he helped Romania gain its independence, he raised its prestige, he helped redress its economy and he established a dynasty. In the Carpathian mountains, he built Peleş Castle, still one of Romania's most visited touristic attractions. The castle was built in German style, as a reminder of the king's origin. After the Russo-Turkish war, Romania gained Dobrogea and Carol ordered the first bridge over the Danube, between Fetești and Cernavodă, linking the newly acquired province to the rest of the country. As a member of the German higher landed aristocracy (Fürst), Carol never managed to follow the much-needed liberal and poor-friendly policies initiated by his predecessor, Alexandru Ioan Cuza. Left unsolved, the grave social problems caused by the inequity of land ownership, ignited peasant uprisings throughout the reign of Carol I. The peasant class was suppressed during 1907 revolt, at the cost of 10,000 lives.[1][2] Being under the influence of local landlords, the king failed to put together a sound administration, as envisioned by Prince Cuza.[3][4] The end of the reign[] The long rule of Carol helped the quick development of the Romanian state. But, towards the end of his reign and the start of the World War I, Carol wanted to enter the war on the side of the Central Powers. However, Romanian public opinion was overwhelmingly Francophile and sided with the Triple Entente. Carol had signed a secret treaty in 1883 which had linked Romania with the Triple Alliance (1882). Although the treaty was to be activated only if Russia attacked one of the signatories, Carol was convinced that the honourable thing to do was to enter the war supporting the German Empire and his cousin, Emperor William II. In 3 August [O.S. 21 July] 1914, an emergency meeting was held with the Crown Council, where Carol told them about the secret treaty and shared his opinion with them. However, most of the Crown Council members strongly disagreed, opting for neutrality. King Carol died in 10 October [O.S. 27 September] 1914. The future King Ferdinand, under the influence of his wife, Marie of Edinburgh, a British princess, was more willing to listen to public opinion. Life and family[] When he was elected prince of Romania, Carol was unmarried. In 1869, the prince started a trip around Europe and mainly Germany, to find a bride. During this trip he met and married Princess Elizabeth of Wied at Neuwied on 15 November 1869. Their marriage was one of the most unfit matches in history, with Carol being a cold and calculated man while Elizabeth was a notorious dreamer. They had one child, Princess Maria, born in 1871, who died on the 24th of March 1874. She had no prospect of inheriting her father's throne; as mentioned above the Constitution limited succession to the male line. This led to the further estrangement of the royal couple, Elizabeth never completely recovering from the trauma of losing her only child. After the proclamation of the Kingdom (1881), the succession was a very important matter of state. Since Carol's brother, Leopold, and his oldest son, William, declined their rights, the second son of Leopold, Ferdinand, was named prince of Romania and heir-presumptive to the throne. Towards the end of Carol's life, though, Carol and Elizabeth finally found a way to understand each other and were reported to have become good friends. Ancestors[] 8. Anton Aloys, Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen 4. Charles, Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen 9. Amalie Zephyrine of Salm-Kyrburg 2. Karl Anton, Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen 10. Peter Murat 5. Marie Antoinette Murat 11. Louise d'Astorg 1. Carol I of Romania 12. Karl Ludwig, Hereditary Prince of Baden 6. Karl, Grand Duke of Baden 13. Amalie of Hesse-Darmstadt 3. Josephine of Baden 14. Claude de Beauharnais, comte of Les Roches-Baritaud 7. Stéphanie de Beauharnais 15. Claude Françoise de Lezay See also[] Commissions of the Danube River Sources[] Boris Crǎciun – "Regii şi Reginele României", Editura Porţile Orientului, Iaşi Notes[] [] Online edition of Carol's 1899 book Reminiscences of the King of Roumania
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Music Inspired by Carmen Sylva, the Poet Queen
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2018-06-13T16:40:09+00:00
We look at musical works inspired by the writing of Queen Elisabeth of Romania, who went by the pen name Carmen Sylva.
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https://interlude.hk/queen-writer-elisabeth-wied-carmen-sylva/
Queen and Writer: Elisabeth of Wied and Carmen Sylva by Maureen Buja Pauline Elisabeth Ottilie Luise zu Wied (1843– 1916), the Queen of Romania as the wife of King Carol I of Romania, led her literary life as the author Carmen Sylva. She wrote across a wide number of genres, including poems, plays, novels, short stories, religious meditations, and essays. She wrote in German, Romanian, English, and French. In her youth, she had been considered as a possible bride of Albert Edward, the future Edward VII, but he married Alexandra of Denmark instead. She married Prince Carol of Romania in 1869 and she was crowned Queen of Romania in 1881. Her poem “Der Kuss” was set by Austrian composer Wilhelm Kienzl in 1883. Her poem was based on a text in Romanian by Theodor Şerbănescu. Kienzl: 3 Volkslieder, Op. 31: No. 2. Der Kuss (Norbert Ernst, tenor; Kristin Okerlund, piano) Sylva’s 1880 epic poem Sappho was the source of the text for Hans Sommer’s Songs of Sappho (Sapphos Gesänge), it made Sommer’s name as a composer. Sommer brought these songs to Franz Liszt when he was attending one of his masterclasses in Weimar. Liszt said, “While the songs are certainly very dramatic, they are done with ability and taste. Carry on like that!” These songs meld the lied from the hands of Schumann with the declamatory style of Wagner. Liszt also suggested that the songs be orchestrated, thus this 1884 setting pre-dates the popularity of the orchestral lied of the 1890s. Sapphos Gesänge, Op. 6: No. 2. Wozu soll ich reden? (Elisabeth Kulman, mezzo-soprano; Bamberg Symphony Orchestra; Sebastian Weigle, cond.) Sylva’s collection Höhen und Tiefen (1885) was the source for “Gipfelndes Glück” which Henri Marteau set in 1923 as part of 8 Songs collection, where he set a number of different German poets (and 1 Romanian queen consort). The song is a celebration of nature, starting with a scent on the air, the sound of a bell, and the buzz of bees in a lime tree – as the sun rises, all fall silent in happiness. Marteau: 8 Gesange, Op. 28: No. 5. Gipfelndes Glück (Vesselina Kasarova, mezzo-soprano; Galina Vracheva, piano) Composers Julius Sachs and Georg Schumann both set her poem “Die Bitte,” which had appeared in 1885 as part of Meine Ruh. Mutter und Kind. The song is about a tired child, asking his mother to take him on her lap, and to scare him with a fairy tale. Georg Schumann: 5 Lieder, Op. 11: No. 4. Die Bitte (Mary Nelson, soprano; Mark Ford, piano) It’s difficult to tell from these examples how important her poetry was. The Romanian composer George Enescu set, for example, over 20 of her poems, but none have been recorded. Her 1882 collection of aphorisms, Les Pensées d’une reine was given the Prix Botta in 1888 by the Académie Française. Her works have been translated into the principal European languages and Armenian. We don’t often have queens who are also accomplished poets, so we should celebrate Queen Elisabeth of Romania for her breadth of accomplishement. More Inspiration A New Setting of Familiar Lyrics: Corigliano and Dylan Corigliano Jr.: Mr. Tambourine Man Classical composer meets folk legend! Reorchestration for Greatness Béla Bartók: String Quartet No. 3, BB 93 Discover how violist Stanley Konopka breathed new life into Bartók's String Quartet No. 3 Gabriel Fauré and His Circle of Friends II Discover Fauré's relationship with Aaron Copland, Elisabeth de Caraman-Chimay, André Messager and more The Mistress of Versailles Millöcker/Mackeben: Die Dubarry A tale of intrigue, deceit, promiscuity and self-promotion
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https://timenote.info/en/Elisabeth-of-Wied
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Elisabeth of Wied
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2024-08-21T14:36:49-04:00
Pauline Elisabeth Ottilie Luise of Wied (29 December 1843 – 2 March 1916) was the first queen of Romania as the wife of King Carol I from 15 March 1881 to 27 Se
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https://timenote.info/en/Elisabeth-of-Wied
Pauline Elisabeth Ottilie Luise of Wied (29 December 1843 – 2 March 1916) was the first queen of Romania as the wife of King Carol I from 15 March 1881 to 27 September 1914. She had been the princess consort of Romania since her marriage to then-Prince Carol on 15 November 1869. Elisabeth was born into a German noble family. She was briefly considered as a potential bride for the future British king Edward VII, but Edward rejected her. Elisabeth married Prince Carol of Romania in 1869. Their only child, Princess Maria, died aged three in 1874, and Elisabeth never fully recovered from the loss of her daughter. When Romania became a kingdom in 1881, Elisabeth became queen, and she was crowned together with Carol that same year. Elisabeth was a prolific writer under the name Carmen Sylva. Family and early life Born at Castle Monrepos in Neuwied, she was the daughter of Hermann, Prince of Wied, and his wife Princess Marie of Nassau. Elisabeth had artistic leanings; her childhood featured seances and visits to the local asylum for the mentally ill. Marriage When she was about 16, Elisabeth was considered as a possible bride for Albert Edward, Prince of Wales ("Bertie"), the eldest son and heir apparent of Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom. The Queen strongly favored Elisabeth as a prospective daughter-in-law and urged her daughter Victoria, Princess Royal, to look further into her. Elisabeth was spending the social season at the Berlin court, where her family hoped she would be tamed into a docile, marriageable princess. Princess Victoria told the Queen, "I do not think her at all distinguée looking—certainly the opposite to Bertie's usual taste", whereas the tall and slender Alexandra of Denmark was "just the style Bertie admires". The Prince of Wales was also shown photographs of Elisabeth, but professed himself unmoved and declined to give them a second glance. In the end, Alexandra was selected for Albert Edward. Elisabeth first met Prince Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen in Berlin in 1861. In 1869, Karl, who was now Prince Carol of Romania, traveled to Germany in search of a suitable consort. He was reunited with Elisabeth, and the two were married on 15 November 1869 in Neuwied. Their only child, a daughter, Maria, died in 1874 at age three — an event from which Elisabeth never recovered. She was crowned Queen of Romania in 1881 after Romania was proclaimed a kingdom. In the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878, also known as the Romanian War of Independence, she devoted herself to the care of the wounded, and founded the Decoration of the Cross of Queen Elisabeth to reward distinguished service in such work. She fostered the higher education of women in Romania, and established societies for various charitable objects. She was the 835th Dame of the Order of Queen Maria Luisa. She died at the Golescu Mansion in Bucharest. She founded the National Society for the Blind and was the first royal patron of the Romanian Red Cross. Early distinguished by her excellence as a pianist, organist and singer, she also showed considerable ability in painting and illuminating; but a lively poetic imagination led her to the path of literature, and more especially to poetry, folk-lore and ballads. In addition to numerous original works she put into literary form many of the legends current among the Romanian peasantry. Literary activity As "Carmen Sylva", she wrote with facility in German, Romanian, French and English. A few of her voluminous writings, which include poems, plays, novels, short stories, essays, collections of aphorisms, etc., may be singled out for special mention: Her earliest publications were "Sappho" and "Hammerstein", two poems which appeared at Leipzig in 1880. In 1888 she received the Prix Botta, a prize awarded triennially by the Académie française, for her volume of prose aphorisms Les Pensees d'une reine (Paris, 1882), a German version of which is entitled Vom Amboss (Bonn, 1890). Cuvinte Sufletesci, religious meditations in Romanian (Bucharest, 1888), was also translated into German (Bonn, 1890), under the name of Seelen-Gespräche. Several of the works of "Carmen Sylva" were written in collaboration with Mite Kremnitz, one of her maids of honor; these were published between 1881 and 1888, in some cases under the pseudonyms Dito et Idem. These include: Aus zwei Welten (Leipzig, 1884), a novel Anna Boleyn (Bonn, 1886), a tragedy In der Irre (Bonn, 1888), a collection of short stories Edleen Vaughan, or Paths of Peril (London, 1894), a novel Sweet Hours (London, 1904), poems, written in English. Among the translations made by "Carmen Sylva" include: German versions of Pierre Loti's romance Pecheur d'Islande German versions of Paul de St Victor's dramatic criticisms Les Deux Masques (Paris, 1881–1884) and especially The Bard of the Dimbovitza, an English translation of Elena Văcărescu's collection of Romanian folk-songs, etc., entitled Lieder aus dem Dimbovitzathal (Bonn, 1889), translated by "Carmen Sylva" and Alma Strettell. The Bard of the Dimbovitza was first published in 1891, and was soon reissued and expanded. Translations from the original works of "Carmen Sylva" have appeared in all the principal languages of Europe and in Armenian. A book of reminiscences From Memory's Shrine was published in 1911. Văcărescu Affair In 1881, due to the lack of heirs to the Romanian throne, King Carol I adopted his nephew, Ferdinand. Ferdinand, a complete stranger in his new home, started to get close to one of Elisabeth's ladies in waiting, Elena Văcărescu. Elisabeth, very close to Elena herself, encouraged the romance, although she was perfectly aware of the fact that a marriage between the two was forbidden by the Romanian constitution. The result of this was the exile of both Elisabeth (in Neuwied) and Elena (in Paris), as well as a trip by Ferdinand through Europe in search of a suitable bride, whom he eventually found in Queen Victoria's granddaughter, Princess Marie of Edinburgh. The affair helped reinforce Elisabeth's image as a dreamer and eccentric. Quite unusually for a queen, Elisabeth of Wied was personally of the opinion that a republican form of government was preferable to monarchy—an opinion which she expressed forthrightly in her diary, though she did not make it public at the time: I must sympathize with the Social Democrats, especially in view of the inaction and corruption of the nobles. These "little people", after all, want only what nature confers: equality. The Republican form of government is the only rational one. I can never understand the foolish people, the fact that they continue to tolerate us. Honours National Germany: Dame of the Order of Louise Hohenzollern: Dame of the House Order of Hohenzollern Romania: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Crown Romania: Knight Grand Cross with Collar of the Order of Carol I Romania: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Star of Romania Romania: Grand Master Knight of the Decoration of the Cross of Queen Elisabeth Romania: Recipient of the Ruby Jubilee Medal of King Carol I Foreign Austria-Hungary: Dame of the Order of the Starry Cross, 1st Class Decoration of Honour for Arts and Sciences, in Brilliants, 1896 Grand Cross of the Imperial Austrian Order of Elizabeth, 1913 Portugal: Dame of the Order of Queen Saint Isabel Russia: Grand Cross of the Imperial Order of Saint Catherine Serbia: Grand Cross of the Royal Order of Saint Sava Spain: Dame of the Order of Queen Maria Luisa, 26 December 1884 United Kingdom: Royal Order of Victoria and Albert, 1st Class Württemberg: Dame of the Order of Olga, 1880 Legacy The Bucharest-born colonizer of Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego, Julius Popper, was a fan of her work and named some features after her.
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https://www.bibelotslondon.com/queen-elisabeth-of-romania-carmen-sylva-1913-to-baroness-deichman-signed-letter-4000-p.asp
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Queen Elisabeth of Romania Carmen Sylva 1913 to Baroness Deichman Signed Letter
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Fine typed letter dated October 21st 1913 accompanied by its original envelope sent registered from Castel Peles from Pauline Elisabeth Ottilie Luise
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Bibelots London
https://www.bibelotslondon.com/queen-elisabeth-of-romania-carmen-sylva-1913-to-baroness-deichman-signed-letter-4000-p.asp
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https://www.werelate.org/wiki/Person:Elisabeth_of_Wied_%25281%2529
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https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Queen_Elisabeth_of_Romania
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Category:Queen Elisabeth of Romania
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https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Queen_Elisabeth_of_Romania
German writer (1843-1916), queen consort of Romania as the wife of King Carol I of Romania Award received Order of Queen Maria Luisa Royal Order of Victoria and Albert laureate of the Consistori del Gay Saber (1883) Order of Olga Grand Cross of the Order of the Crown (Romania) Order of Louise
29369
yago
0
96
https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen-13
en
Karl Eitel Friedrich Zephyrinus Ludwig Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (1839-1914)
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[]
[ "Karl Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen genealogy" ]
null
[]
1839-04-20T00:00:00
Is this your ancestor? Explore genealogy for Karl Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen born 1839 Sigmaringen, Germany died 1914 Sinaia, Romania including ancestors + children + 1 photos + more in the free family tree community.
en
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https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen-13
Ancestors This page has been accessed 1,189 times. Biography "Carol I (20 April 1839 – 27 September (O.S.) / 10 October (N.S.) 1914), born Prince Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, was the monarch of Romania from 1866 to 1914. He was elected Ruling Prince (Domnitor) of the Romanian United Principalities on 20 April 1866 after the overthrow of Alexandru Ioan Cuza by a palace coup d'état. In May 1877, he proclaimed Romania an independent and sovereign nation. The defeat of the Ottoman Empire (1878) in the Russo-Turkish War secured Romanian independence, and he was proclaimed King of Romania on 26 March [O.S. 14 March] 1881. He was the first ruler of the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen dynasty, which ruled the country until the proclamation of a republic in 1947. During his reign, Carol I personally led Romanian troops during the Russo-Turkish War and assumed command of the Russo/Romanian army during the siege of Plevna. The country achieved internationally recognized independence via the Treaty of Berlin, 1878 and acquired Southern Dobruja from Bulgaria in 1913. Domestic political life was organized around the rival Liberal and Conservative parties. During Carol's reign Romania's industry and infrastructure improved a lot, but the country still had an agrarian economy and the situation of the peasantry failed to improve. He married Princess Elisabeth of Wied in Neuwied on 15 November 1869. They only had one daughter, Maria, who died at the age of three. Carol never produced a male heir, leaving his elder brother Leopold next in line to the throne. In October 1880 Leopold renounced his right of succession in favour of his son William, who in turn surrendered his claim six years later in favour of his younger brother, the future king Ferdinand" (wikipedia excerpt). Sources Carol I of Romania - wikipedia article, more sources here.
29369
yago
0
79
https://theconversation.com/three-forgotten-women-who-wrote-fairytales-which-subverted-the-grimms-gender-norms-233931
en
Three forgotten women who wrote fairytales which subverted the Grimms’ gender norms
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[ "" ]
null
[ "Anja Rekeszus" ]
2024-08-07T11:37:05+00:00
These stories address the needs and assert the agency of women.
en
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The Conversation
https://theconversation.com/three-forgotten-women-who-wrote-fairytales-which-subverted-the-grimms-gender-norms-233931
Rapunzel, Cinderella, Sleeping Beauty – these well-known stories and others, first published by the Brothers Grimm in Kinder- und Hausmärchen (Children’s and Household Tales, 1812), have become shorthand for what we collectively think of as fairytales. They are stories with a strong moralistic undertone in which humble and obedient women are rewarded while transgressive women suffer – all before an interchangeable background of castles, kings and sorcery. But these stories are only one iteration of fairytales. Stories that were collected and continuously edited by men to reinforce bourgeois values, which often marginalised women. In the ongoing success story of the Grimms’ fairytales, repopularised by big film corporations such as Disney, women who collected and wrote fairytales have long been overlooked. Three such authors were Karoline von Woltmann, Carmen Sylva, and Laura Gonzenbach. Their stories are a far cry from the Grimms’, asserting women’s agency and addressing their needs. 1. Karoline von Woltmann (1782-1847) Born the daughter of a Prussian privy councillor in Berlin and highly educated, Woltmann spent most of her life writing historical fiction as well as works on social propriety. In these works, Woltmann presented herself in a light that would not be seen as particularly enlightened in our time. She endorses a gendered division of societal roles, and advocates for the importance of marriage as a societal institution. But her fantastical writings give us a more nuanced insight into her views. In Der Mädchenkrieg (The Girls’ War), from her collection Volkssagen der Böhmen (Folk Tales of the Bohemians, 1815), Woltmann retells a bohemian legend following the death of the legendary queen Libuše. The women of the court, led by Wlastislava, oppose the men’s wish to rule Bohemia and use women solely as wives and servants. An increasingly violent conflict between the sexes ensues, which ends in a final battle in which Wlatislava dies. But through the diplomatic efforts of two peace-loving couples, the conflict is ended. Wives return to their husbands, and the husbands vow to honour their wives. While the status quo is restored at the end of this tale, Woltmann’s main message is that marriage is built upon equity and respect. She criticises those men who use it as a tool of oppression, and asserts that the sexes must cooperate in matters of governance. 2. Carmen Sylva (1843-1916) Elisabeth zu Wied – more widely known under her pen name, Carmen Sylva – was a German princess who, through the coronation of her husband Carol I, became the first queen of Romania in 1881. The new dynasty, however, got off to a troubled start. Their rule was repeatedly questioned, and the queen and king faced a series of droughts and social unrest. It was during this time that Sylva published Pelesch-Märchen (Peleş Fairy Tales, 1882) – a collection of 12 fairytales, largely of her own invention. In these stories, Sylva fashions herself as a mothering “poet queen” who, by befriending the Romanian river Peleş and writing down its stories, is able to compile a collection of fairytales taken directly from the Romanian landscape’s mouth. The tales function as a guide to the most prominent features of the landscape of the Peleş region. Each story explains how a certain landmark, for example, a local mountain or a valley, came by its name. The tales also subvert gendered stereotypes employed by the Grimms: instead of meek and well-behaved girls, Sylva’s protagonists are often queens or hard-working, courageous peasant women. Through these tales, the queen signalled to her readership that she had a special relationship with the Romanian landscape. She was therefore able to assert herself as a female ruler, and provide a new collection of national tales that conveniently circumnavigated her foreign origin. 3. Laura Gonzenbach (1842-1878) Very little is known about Laura Gonzenbach’s life and circumstances. According to the few sources that exist, she was born into a Swiss-German mercantile family in Messina, in Sicily. Gonzenbach was highly educated and spoke multiple languages. Much of her young life was spent in the rural countryside of Sicily, where she was most likely taught the Sicilian dialect by servants as one of her first languages. It was for this reason that the prominent German fairy tale scholar Otto Hartwig approached her and asked her to collect and translate local fairy tales for him to publish in a collection – the Sicilianische Märchen (Sicilian Fairy Tales, 1870). At a first glance, these 92 tales appear close in tone and format to those of the Grimms. They imitate an oral style and use similar vocabulary. However, it quickly becomes apparent that not only are the protagonists overwhelmingly female, but they also challenge patriarchal power structures. In Zafarana, for example, a cross-dressing heroine gives such a convincing impression of being male that the resident princess falls in love with her. Taken together with Gonzenbach’s informants being overwhelmingly female, these tales present as “Grimmian”, in their style, language and structure, while in fact undermining the exact societal models the Grimms promoted.
29369
yago
0
5
https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/elisabeth-of-wied.html
en
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[ "Alamy Limited" ]
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Find the perfect elisabeth of wied stock photo, image, vector, illustration or 360 image. Available for both RF and RM licensing.
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Alamy
https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/elisabeth-of-wied.html
Alamy and its logo are trademarks of Alamy Ltd. and are registered in certain countries. Copyright © 21/08/2024 Alamy Ltd. All rights reserved.
29369
yago
3
94
https://www.everand.com/book/439670771/The-Life-of-Carmen-Sylva-Queen-of-Roumania
en
The Life of Carmen Sylva (Queen of Roumania) by Natalie Stackelberg (Ebook)
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[ "Natalie Stackelberg" ]
2021-05-19T00:00:00
Read The Life of Carmen Sylva (Queen of Roumania) by Natalie Stackelberg with a free trial. Read millions of eBooks and audiobooks on the web, iPad, iPhone and Android.
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https://s-f.scribdassets.com/everand.ico?775752107?v=5
Everand
https://www.everand.com/book/439670771/The-Life-of-Carmen-Sylva-Queen-of-Roumania
Discover millions of ebooks, audiobooks, and so much more with a free trial Only €10,99/month after trial. Cancel anytime.
29369
yago
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https://eurohistoryjournal.blogspot.com/2022/05/
en
⭐EURO HISTORY⭐
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[ "euro history", "euro journal", "erhj", "perry pearson", "princess elizabeth of yugoslavia", "peregrine pearson" ]
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The European Royal History Journal
en
https://eurohistoryjournal.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
https://eurohistoryjournal.blogspot.com/2022/05/
My very dear Lady Harcourt, I found your most kind and affectionate note on my table late night on my return from Windsor. I never could doubt all your kind feelings on hearing of my intended marriage; and I am unhappy I did not write myself to you, as I look upon you quite as a 2nd mother, & respect you as such; but the real truth is, that, though the Q. and Prince gave their consent on Saturday, & felt satisfied all was settled, I was not quite so myself untill last night. However, I started a subject to the D. of Gloucester that required a very decided answer, before I could make up my mine to change my intention. I got a satisfactory answer last night through the D. of York, therefore I can now say we compleatly understand each other. When I see you I will explain this. I don't know what other people feel when going to be married, but as yet I have done nothing but cry. I have been half killed with the kindness of the Queen and all my Brothers & Sisters, & such a day as I passed at Windsor yesterday is more than I can describe. That dear Castle, which contains all I value in this world; that dear place, in which I have passed so many happy days; that spot in which my most valuable & respectable Father is incircled. That, Alass, I am not to receive his Blessing and approbation, with those of all the rest of the family, half kills me; and the idea of heaving that House at Moments half breaks my heart. But the D. of Gloucester has so kindly entered into all my feelings, so faithfully promised that I shall be as much with my family as possible, and is so convinced how it is in my power to do my duty as his wife, as well as to do my duty at Windsor (to a certain degree), that it makes me thank God. His house is so near, only 3 miles, as to admit of all this. Yours affectionally, Mary. My very dear Lady Harcourt, I found your most kind and affectionate note on my table late night on my return from Windsor. I never could doubt all your kind feelings on hearing of my intended marriage; and I am unhappy I did not write myself to you, as I look upon you quite as a 2nd mother, & respect you as such; but the real truth is, that, though the Q. and Prince gave their consent on Saturday, & felt satisfied all was settled, I was not quite so myself untill last night. However, I started a subject to the D. of Gloucester that required a very decided answer, before I could make up my mine to change my intention. I got a satisfactory answer last night through the D. of York, therefore I can now say we compleatly understand each other. When I see you I will explain this. I don't know what other people feel when going to be married, but as yet I have done nothing but cry. I have been half killed with the kindness of the Queen and all my Brothers & Sisters, & such a day as I passed at Windsor yesterday is more than I can describe. That dear Castle, which contains all I value in this world; that dear place, in which I have passed so many happy days; that spot in which my most valuable & respectable Father is incircled. That, Alass, I am not to receive his Blessing and approbation, with those of all the rest of the family, half kills me; and the idea of heaving that House at Moments half breaks my heart. But the D. of Gloucester has so kindly entered into all my feelings, so faithfully promised that I shall be as much with my family as possible, and is so convinced how it is in my power to do my duty as his wife, as well as to do my duty at Windsor (to a certain degree), that it makes me thank God. His house is so near, only 3 miles, as to admit of all this. Yours affectionally, Mary.
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https://theconversation.com/three-forgotten-women-who-wrote-fairytales-which-subverted-the-grimms-gender-norms-233931
en
Three forgotten women who wrote fairytales which subverted the Grimms’ gender norms
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[ "" ]
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[ "Anja Rekeszus" ]
2024-08-07T11:37:05+00:00
These stories address the needs and assert the agency of women.
en
https://cdn.theconversat…0245d4685946.png
The Conversation
https://theconversation.com/three-forgotten-women-who-wrote-fairytales-which-subverted-the-grimms-gender-norms-233931
Rapunzel, Cinderella, Sleeping Beauty – these well-known stories and others, first published by the Brothers Grimm in Kinder- und Hausmärchen (Children’s and Household Tales, 1812), have become shorthand for what we collectively think of as fairytales. They are stories with a strong moralistic undertone in which humble and obedient women are rewarded while transgressive women suffer – all before an interchangeable background of castles, kings and sorcery. But these stories are only one iteration of fairytales. Stories that were collected and continuously edited by men to reinforce bourgeois values, which often marginalised women. In the ongoing success story of the Grimms’ fairytales, repopularised by big film corporations such as Disney, women who collected and wrote fairytales have long been overlooked. Three such authors were Karoline von Woltmann, Carmen Sylva, and Laura Gonzenbach. Their stories are a far cry from the Grimms’, asserting women’s agency and addressing their needs. 1. Karoline von Woltmann (1782-1847) Born the daughter of a Prussian privy councillor in Berlin and highly educated, Woltmann spent most of her life writing historical fiction as well as works on social propriety. In these works, Woltmann presented herself in a light that would not be seen as particularly enlightened in our time. She endorses a gendered division of societal roles, and advocates for the importance of marriage as a societal institution. But her fantastical writings give us a more nuanced insight into her views. In Der Mädchenkrieg (The Girls’ War), from her collection Volkssagen der Böhmen (Folk Tales of the Bohemians, 1815), Woltmann retells a bohemian legend following the death of the legendary queen Libuše. The women of the court, led by Wlastislava, oppose the men’s wish to rule Bohemia and use women solely as wives and servants. An increasingly violent conflict between the sexes ensues, which ends in a final battle in which Wlatislava dies. But through the diplomatic efforts of two peace-loving couples, the conflict is ended. Wives return to their husbands, and the husbands vow to honour their wives. While the status quo is restored at the end of this tale, Woltmann’s main message is that marriage is built upon equity and respect. She criticises those men who use it as a tool of oppression, and asserts that the sexes must cooperate in matters of governance. 2. Carmen Sylva (1843-1916) Elisabeth zu Wied – more widely known under her pen name, Carmen Sylva – was a German princess who, through the coronation of her husband Carol I, became the first queen of Romania in 1881. The new dynasty, however, got off to a troubled start. Their rule was repeatedly questioned, and the queen and king faced a series of droughts and social unrest. It was during this time that Sylva published Pelesch-Märchen (Peleş Fairy Tales, 1882) – a collection of 12 fairytales, largely of her own invention. In these stories, Sylva fashions herself as a mothering “poet queen” who, by befriending the Romanian river Peleş and writing down its stories, is able to compile a collection of fairytales taken directly from the Romanian landscape’s mouth. The tales function as a guide to the most prominent features of the landscape of the Peleş region. Each story explains how a certain landmark, for example, a local mountain or a valley, came by its name. The tales also subvert gendered stereotypes employed by the Grimms: instead of meek and well-behaved girls, Sylva’s protagonists are often queens or hard-working, courageous peasant women. Through these tales, the queen signalled to her readership that she had a special relationship with the Romanian landscape. She was therefore able to assert herself as a female ruler, and provide a new collection of national tales that conveniently circumnavigated her foreign origin. 3. Laura Gonzenbach (1842-1878) Very little is known about Laura Gonzenbach’s life and circumstances. According to the few sources that exist, she was born into a Swiss-German mercantile family in Messina, in Sicily. Gonzenbach was highly educated and spoke multiple languages. Much of her young life was spent in the rural countryside of Sicily, where she was most likely taught the Sicilian dialect by servants as one of her first languages. It was for this reason that the prominent German fairy tale scholar Otto Hartwig approached her and asked her to collect and translate local fairy tales for him to publish in a collection – the Sicilianische Märchen (Sicilian Fairy Tales, 1870). At a first glance, these 92 tales appear close in tone and format to those of the Grimms. They imitate an oral style and use similar vocabulary. However, it quickly becomes apparent that not only are the protagonists overwhelmingly female, but they also challenge patriarchal power structures. In Zafarana, for example, a cross-dressing heroine gives such a convincing impression of being male that the resident princess falls in love with her. Taken together with Gonzenbach’s informants being overwhelmingly female, these tales present as “Grimmian”, in their style, language and structure, while in fact undermining the exact societal models the Grimms promoted.
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https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/108S2N
en
[Elisabeth of Wied, Queen of Romania] (The J. Paul Getty Museum Collection)
https://media.getty.edu/…00/0/default.jpg
https://media.getty.edu/…00/0/default.jpg
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[ "Getty Museum collections", "artworks", "art works", "art history", "video", "interpretation of art", "acquisitions", "artists", "Getty art", "collections Getty", "collezioni Getty", "colecciones Getty", "Sammlung Getty", "Getty exhibits", "Getty current exhibitions", "Getty Museum exhibits", "los angeles collections", "antiquities", "decorative arts", "sculpture", "manuscripts", "photography", "paintings", "drawings" ]
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Explore the collection of the J. Paul Getty Museum at the Getty Center and the Getty Villa.
en
/art/collection/favicon.ico
The J. Paul Getty Museum Collection
https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/108S2N
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https://www.rct.uk/collection/2908544/queen-elisabeth-of-romania-1843-1916
en
Queen Elisabeth of Romania (1843
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Carte-de-visite head and shoulders photograph of Queen Elisabeth of Romania. The subject is shown in three quarter view, facing the right of the image, with her head turned towards the viewer. Her hair is curled and arranged in a chignon. She is wearing a pale coloured silk gown whose sleeves are trimmed with gathered white lace and whose bodice is decorated with appliqued dark coloured velvet leaves, embroidered with metallic thread.Elisabeth was the daughter of Prince Hermann of Wied and...
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https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/7989372/carol-eitel_frederick-hohenzollern-sigmaringen
en
Carol Eitel Frederick Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen I...
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[ "" ]
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Romanian Royalty. He was the Prince of Romania from 1866 to 1881 and king of Romania from 1881 to 1914. Born Karl Eitel Friedrich, Prinz Von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, he was the first independent modern king of Romania. After having his childhood and education in Germany, he served as an officer in the Prussian army in...
de
/assets/images/fg-icon.svg
https://de.findagrave.com/memorial/7989372/carol_eitel_frederick-hohenzollern-sigmaringen
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https://www.inyourpocket.com/bucharest/Carol-I:-Romanias-First-King_72707f
en
Carol I: Romania's First King
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Few visitors to Bucharest will leave without seeing the enormous horseback statue of Carol I - the first king of modern Romania - which appeared in front of the University Library in Piata Revolutiei at the end of 2010.Looking directly at the former Royal Palace (now the National Art Museum), the st
en
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https://www.inyourpocket.com/bucharest/Carol-I:-Romanias-First-King_72707f
Few visitors to Bucharest will leave without seeing the enormous horseback statue of Carol I - the first king of modern Romania - which appeared in front of the University Library in Piata Revolutiei at the end of 2010. Looking directly at the former Royal Palace (now the National Art Museum), the statue is one of the largest in the city and unquestionably the most prominently positioned. But who was this Carol chap? Born Karl Eitel Friedrich Zephyrinus Ludwig of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen in Sigmaringen in southern Germany in 1839, Karl was an officer in the Prussian army until being invited by Romanian politician Ion Brătianu in 1866 to become the nascent country’s king. Romania’s own royal, the authoritarian Prince Alexandru Ioan Cuza, had been exiled after falling out with the country’s politicians and most powerful families earlier in 1866. Scouring Europe for a suitable (non-Romanian) replacement, Brătianu sought the advice of Napoleon III, a relative by marriage of the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen family. It was - allegedly - on Napoleon III’s recommendation that the young Karl was approached. Though reluctant, Karl was encouraged by his family to accept the offer, and Bratianu returned to Romania to make preparations. Karl’s trip to Romania the next month was as bizarre as his somewhat random selection as the country’s king. Due to ongoing conflict between Prussia and the Austrian Empire, Karl travelled incognito by railroad from Düsseldorf to Budapest, under the name of Karl Hettingen. From Budapest he travelled by carriage, as there was no railroad to Romania. As he walked across the border onto Romanian soil, he was met by Brătianu, who bowed before him and asked Karl to join him in a carriage. On 10 May 1866, Karl entered Bucharest. The news of his arrival had been transmitted through telegraph and he was welcomed by a huge crowd eager to see the new ruler. In Băneasa he was given the key to the city. That day, rain fell, ending a long period of drought – a favourable sign. As he was crowned, Karl swore ‘to guard the laws of Romania, to maintain its rights and the integrity of its territory.’ Not yet able to speak Romanian, he took the oath in French, but adopted the Romanian version of his name, Carol. In his 48 years on the throne, Carol can be considered to have done rather well. He greatly assisted the cause of Romanian independence from the Ottoman Empire - which came in 1878 - raised the country’s prestige (not least at the 1906 Grand Exhibition, held in the Bucharest park which now carries his name), and - in the main - allowed politicians to run the economy without interference. He never forgot he was German, however, and his pet project, the Peles Castle, Sinaia, was quite deliberately built in German style, as a reminder of the king’s origin. Carol’s German roots also caused much tension at the outbreak of World War I: his subjects were by and large sympathetic to the French. As a result, Romania kept out of the war until Carol died, in 1916.
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https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Carmen_Sylva
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Elisabeth of Wied
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Elisabeth of Wied was the first queen of Romania as the wife of King Carol I from 15 March 1881 to 27 September 1914. She had been the princess consort of Romania since her marriage to then-Prince Carol on 15 November 1869.
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Wikiwand
https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Elisabeth_of_Wied
"Carmen-Sylva" and "Queen Elisabeth of Romania" redirect here. Not to be confused with Carmen Silva. For the Romanian town formerly called Carmen-Sylva, see Eforie. For the consort of George II, King of the Hellenes, see Elisabeth of Romania. Elisabeth of Wied (Pauline Elisabeth Ottilie Luise; 29 December 1843 – 2 March 1916) was the first queen of Romania as the wife of King Carol I from 15 March 1881 to 27 September 1914. She had been the princess consort of Romania since her marriage to then-Prince Carol on 15 November 1869. Elisabeth was born into a German noble family. She was briefly considered as a potential bride for the future British king Edward VII, but Edward rejected her. Elisabeth married Prince Carol of Romania in 1869. Their only child, Princess Maria, died aged three in 1874, and Elisabeth never fully recovered from the loss of her daughter. When Romania became a kingdom in 1881, Elisabeth became queen, and she was crowned together with Carol that same year.
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https://www.unofficialroyalty.com/elisabeth-of-wied-queen-of-romania/
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Elisabeth of Wied, Queen of Romania
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2016-03-21T00:00:10+00:00
by Scott Mehl © Unofficial Royalty 2016 Princess Elisabeth of Wied, Queen of Romania Queen Elisabeth of Romania was the wife of Romania’s first king, Carol I. She was born Princess Pauline Elisabet…
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Unofficial Royalty
https://www.unofficialroyalty.com/elisabeth-of-wied-queen-of-romania/
by Scott Mehl © Unofficial Royalty 2016 Princess Elisabeth of Wied, Queen of Romania Queen Elisabeth of Romania was the wife of Romania’s first king, Carol I. She was born Princess Pauline Elisabeth Ottilie Luise of Wied on December 29, 1843, at Schloss Monrepos in Neuwied, Principality of Wied, now in Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany. Her parents were Hermann, Prince of Wied and Princess Marie of Nassau, and she had two younger brothers: Wilhelm, Prince of Wied (1845-1907) – married Princess Marie of the Netherlands, had issue Prince Otto of Wied (1850-1862) – unmarried Through her mother, Elisabeth’s first cousins included Grand Duke Guillaume IV of Luxembourg, Queen Emma of the Netherlands, Princess Helena, Duchess of Albany, and King Gustaf V of Sweden. As a child, Elisabeth was educated at home by tutors, including German linguist Georg Sauerwein and famed pianist Clara Schumann. Elisabeth was an avid student, and for some time wanted to become a teacher. Her love of music and the arts – particularly writing – would shape the woman she would become as an adult. It was even during her early years studying with Sauerwein that her pseudonym ‘Carmen Sylva’ was born. In the late 1850s, Elisabeth was considered as a prospective bride of the future King Edward VII of the United Kingdom, but he was not interested. In 1861, she first met her future husband, Prince Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. Several years later, he was later elected Ruling Prince of the United Principalities of Romania, taking the name Prince Carol I. After meeting again in 1869 when Carol was touring Europe in search of a bride, the couple was married in Neuwied on November 15, 1869. They had one daughter – Maria – born in September 1870. Maria died of scarlet fever in 1874, and Elisabeth never fully recovered from the loss of her only child. Soon the country was embroiled in the Russo-Turkish War, and Elisabeth worked tirelessly to care for the wounded, arranging for hospitals, ambulance services, and medicine. She later went on to establish the Queen Elisabeth Society which provided free medical care for the needy, and the Queen Elisabeth Blind Asylum in 1909, for the visually impaired. In addition, she became an ambassador of sorts, promoting Romanian culture and arts throughout the country and Europe. At a time when traditional Romanian costume was often considered ‘peasants garments’, Elisabeth and her ladies-in-waiting often dressed in the outfits for public appearances. She arranged for exhibits of Romanian crafts at the Universal Exhibitions in Paris in 1867,1889 and 1900, as well as holding an exhibit – Women in the Arts and Crafts – in Berlin in 1912. When Romania was not quite part of the normal ‘tourist circuit’, Elisabeth promoted the country and would even receive travelers on the Orient Express when they would stop in Sinaia. A relentless patron of the arts, she often hosted writers, composers, and musicians, and helped promote their works. In later years, she had a concert hall built near Peleș Castle specifically for George Enescu, the famed Romanian musician. But her true passion was writing. Under the pseudonym Carmen Sylva, she wrote hundreds of poems, plays, novels, short stories and essays, and thanks to her fluency in several languages, published numerous translations of other works. Shortly after becoming Queen of Romania in 1881, Elisabeth was embroiled in controversy. Having no children, King Carol had adopted his nephew, the future King Ferdinand, as his heir. Ferdinand soon became involved with one of Elisabeth’s ladies-in-waiting, Elena Văcărescu. The Queen encouraged the relationship, despite the fact that a marriage would be forbidden under the Romanian constitution which stated that the heir was not permitted to marry a Romanian citizen. The scandal resulted in Elena, Ferdinand, and Queen Elisabeth all being sent out of the country. The Queen returned for some time to Neuwied, while Ferdinand was sent on a tour of Europe to find an appropriate wife. In her later years, Elisabeth continued to support and promote the arts and continued with her writing. She died on March 2, 1916, and is buried beside her husband at the Cathedral of the Curtea de Argeş Monastery. This article is the intellectual property of Unofficial Royalty and is NOT TO BE COPIED, EDITED, OR POSTED IN ANY FORM ON ANOTHER WEBSITE under any circumstances. It is permissible to use a link that directs to Unofficial Royalty. Romania Resources at Unofficial Royalty
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https://kids.kiddle.co/Elisabeth_of_Romania
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Elisabeth of Romania facts for kids
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Learn Elisabeth of Romania facts for kids
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https://kids.kiddle.co/Elisabeth_of_Romania
For Queen Elisabeth of Romania, wife of Carol I, see Elisabeth of Wied. Elisabeth of Romania (full name Elisabeth Charlotte Josephine Alexandra Victoria: Romanian: Elisabeta a României, Greek: Ελισάβετ της Ρουμανίας; 12 October 1894 – 14 November 1956) was a princess of Romania and member of the House of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen and by marriage Queen of Greece during 1922–1924, as the wife of King George II of Greece. Raised by her grand-uncle King Carol I of Romania and his wife Queen Elisabeth, she was an introvert and socially isolated. Married to Prince George, the heir-apparent to the Greek throne in 1921, she felt no passion for him and underwent the political turmoil in her adopted country after World War I. When her husband succeeded to the throne in 1922, Elisabeth was involved in assisting refugees who arrived to Athens after the disaster of the Greco-Turkish War. The rise of the revolutionary climate, however, affected her health and with great relief she left the Kingdom of Greece with her husband in December 1923. The royal couple then settled in Bucharest, and King George II was deposed on 25 March 1924, upon the abolition of the Greek monarchy. In Romania, Elisabeth and George II's relationship deteriorated and the couple divorced in 1935. Very close to her brother, King Carol II of Romania, the former queen amassed an important fortune, partly due to financial advice given by her lover, the banker Alexandru Scanavi. After the death of her mother, Queen Marie, in 1938 and the abdication of King Carol II in 1940, Elisabeth took up the role of First Lady of Romania. At the end of World War II, she established close links with the Romanian Communist Party and openly conspired against her nephew, the young King Michael I, earning the nickname of "Red Aunt" of the sovereign. However, her communist links did not prevent her from being expelled from the country when the Romanian People's Republic was proclaimed in 1947. Exiled, the former queen moved to Switzerland and then to Cannes, in southern France. She had a romantic relationship with Marc Favrat, a would-be artist almost thirty years younger, whom she finally adopted just before her death in 1956. Early years Second child and first daughter of Crown Prince Ferdinand and Crown Princess Marie of Romania (a member of the British royal family and later Princess of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha), Elisabeth (nicknamed Lisabetha or Lizzy by her family) was born on 12 October 1894 at Peleş Castle, Sinaia. Named after her paternal great-aunt, Queen Elisabeth of Wied, shortly after birth she was removed from her parents. With her older brother Prince Carol, she was raised by King Carol I and his wife. In her memoirs, Marie described her eldest daughter as "a lovely solemn-faced child who had a strong sense of rectitude." Over the years, Elisabeth developed a cold character and a volatile temperament which socially isolated her. Considered "vulgar" by her mother, she was, however, considered a classic beauty. Marriage An undesired engagement In 1911, Prince George of Greece, then second-in-line to the throne and his future wife's second cousin, met Elisabeth for the first time. After the Balkan Wars, during which Greece and Romania were allied, the Greek prince asked for the hand of Elisabeth, but, advised by her great-aunt, she declined the offer, saying that her suitor was too small and too English in his manners. Disdainful, the princess even said on the occasion, that "God began the prince but forgot to finish him" (1914). During World War I, Elisabeth was involved in helping wounded soldiers. She made daily visits to the hospitals and distributed cigarettes and comforting words to the victims of the fighting. In 1919, Elisabeth and her sisters Maria and Ileana accompanied their mother, now Queen Marie, to Paris at the Peace Conference. The sovereign hoped that during her stay there she could find suitable husbands for her daughters, especially Elisabeth, already aged twenty-five. After a few months in France, the Queen and her daughters decided to return to Romania in early 1920. On the way back, they made a brief stop in Switzerland, where they found the Greek royal family, who lived in exile since the deposition of King Constantine I during the Great War. Elisabeth then met again Prince George (now Diadochos and heir of the throne), who asked again her hand. Now more aware of her own imperfections (her mother described her as fat and of very limited intelligence), Elisabeth decided to accept the marriage. However, at that time the future of the Diadochos was far from certain: displaced from the throne with his father and replaced by his younger brother, now King Alexander I, George was forbidden to stay in his country, penniless and without any prospects. Nevertheless, the engagement satisfied both Elisabeth and George's parents. Delighted to have finally found a husband for her eldest daughter, the Queen of Romania soon invited the prince to travel to Bucharest in order to publicly announce the engagement. George agreed but soon after his arrival in the country of his fiancée, he learned of the accidental death of Alexander I and the ensuing political turmoil that erupted in Greece. Life in Greece Restoration of the Greek royal family. Wedding of George and Elisabeth On 5 December 1920 a referendum of disputed results called the Greek royal family to return home. King Constantine I, Queen Sophia and Diadochos George therefore returned to Athens on 19 December. Their return was accompanied by a significant jubilation. A huge crowd surrounded the sovereign and the heir to the throne through the streets of the capital. Once at the palace, they appeared repeatedly on the balcony to greet the people who cheered them. Wedding However, a few weeks later George returned to Romania to marry Elisabeth. The wedding took place with great pomp in Bucharest on 27 February 1921. Shortly after on March 10, Crown Prince Carol of Romania, Elisabeth's elder brother, married George's younger sister, Princess Helen of Greece.> Crown princess In Greece, Elisabeth had great difficulty integrating into the royal family, and her relationship with Queen Sophia was particularly awkward. From an introverted temperament that could be mistaken as arrogance, Elisabeth felt displaced by her in-laws, who regularly spoke in Greek in her presence, because she had not yet mastered the language. Only King Constantine I and his sister, the Grand Duchess Maria Georgievna of Russia, found favor in her eyes. Indeed, even the shy Diadochos disappointed his wife, who wanted to share with him a more passionate relationship. Regretting not having her own home and being forced to constantly live with her in-laws, Elisabeth spent the already little revenues of her husband into redecorating their apartments. In addition, her family delayed in paying her dowry and the savings that she left in Romania were soon lost because of the poor investments made by the manager of her fortune. Facing a very difficult political situation, due to the Greco-Turkish War, Elisabeth quickly understood that her space to maneuver was limited in her new country. However, she integrated the Red Cross, which was overwhelmed by the arrival of wounded coming from Anatolia. The Crown Princess also occupied her free time practicing gardening, painting and drawing. She illustrated a book of poems written by the Belgian author Emile Verhaeren. She also liked writing and producing some new books of low value. Finally, she spent long hours studying the Modern Greek, a language that was extremely hard for her to learn. Disappointed by the mediocrity of her daily routine, Elisabeth began to nourish jealousy for her sister Maria, married to King Alexander I of Yugoslavia, and her sister-in-law Helen of Greece, wife of her brother Crown Prince Carol of Romania. With the war and the revolution, the everyday life of the Greek royal family was indeed increasingly difficult, and the pension received by the Diadochos George didn't allow her to buy the clothes and jewelry that she wanted. Already strained by the war, the relations of the Diadochos and his wife were clouded by their inability to give an heir to the Kingdom of Greece. Elisabeth became pregnant a few months after her marriage, but she suffered a miscarriage during an official trip to Smyrna. Deeply affected by her miscarriage, the crown princess became sick with typhoid soon followed by pleurisy and worsened by depression. She found refuge with her family in Bucharest, but despite the efforts of her mother and husband, neither Elisabeth's health nor her marriage fully recovered from the loss of her child. Queen of the Hellenes Meanwhile, the disaster of the Greco-Turkish War forced King Constantine I to abdicate, which pushed George on to the throne (27 September 1922). The new king, however, had no power, and he and his queen were unable to resolve the repression organized by revolutionaries who took power against the representatives of the old regime. The new royal couple saw with anguish the near execution of Prince Andrew (the king's uncle) at the Trial of the Six. Despite this difficult context, Elisabeth tried to make herself useful to her adopted country. To respond to the influx of refugees originating from Anatolia, the Queen had built shacks on the outskirts of Athens. To carry out her projects, she mobilized her family and asked her mother, Queen Marie, to send wood and other materials. However, Elisabeth found it increasingly difficult to cope with Greece and its revolutionary climate. Her love for George II was over, and her letters to her mother show how much she worried for her future. Her correspondence also revealed that she had no desire to have children. After an attempted monarchist coup d'état in October 1923, the situation of the royal couple became even more precarious. On 19 December 1923 King George II and his wife were forced into exile by the revolutionary government. With Prince Paul (the king's brother and heir-presumptive to the throne), they then departed for Romania, where they learned of the proclamation of the Second Hellenic Republic on 25 March 1924. Return to Romania Queen in exile In Romania, George II and Elizabeth moved to Bucharest, where King Ferdinand I and Queen Marie gave to them a wing of Cotroceni Palace. After a few weeks, the couple moved to a modest villa in the Calea Victoriei. Regular guests of the Romanian sovereigns, the exiled Greek royal couple participated in court ceremonies. But despite the kindness shown by his mother-in-law, the exiled King of Greece in Bucharest felt aimless and barely concealed the boredom that he felt at the Romanian court. Unlike her husband, Elisabeth was delighted with her return to Romania. Her relationship with her mother was sometimes stormy, even if their literary collaborations were successful. In the mid 1920s, Elisabeth illustrated the latest work of her mother, The Country That I Love (1925). The links with Crown Princess Helen of Romania (wife of Crown Prince Carol of Romania and sister of King George II of Greece) remained complicated due to the jealousy that the exiled Queen of the Hellenes still continued to feel against her sister-in-law. Exacerbated by the humiliations of exile, financial difficulties and the lack of offspring, the relations between George II and Elisabeth deteriorated. After initially alleviating her weariness with too much rich food and gambling, the former Queen of the Hellenes began a series of extramarital relationships with several married men. She even flirted with her brother-in-law King Alexander I of Yugoslavia when she visited her sister Queen Maria during an illness in Belgrade. Later, she entered into an affair with the banker of her husband, a Greek-Romanian named Alexandru Scanavi, who was appointed her chamberlain to cover up the scandal. ..... In May 1935, Elisabeth heard from a Greek diplomat that the Second Hellenic Republic was on the verge of collapse and that the restoration of the monarchy was imminent. Frightened by this news, the exiled Queen of the Hellenes then launched divorce proceedings without informing her husband. Charged with "desertion from the family home", George II saw his marriage dissolved by a Bucharest court without being really invited to speak on the matter (6 July 1935). An ambitious princess After the death of King Ferdinand I in 1927, Romania began a period of great instability. After Crown Prince Carol renounced his rights to be able to live with his mistress Magda Lupescu, his son ascended to the throne as King Michael I under the direction of a Council of Regency. Nevertheless, a significant part of the population supported the rights of Carol, who finally managed to take the crown in 1930. Very close to her brother, Elisabeth actively supported his return to Romania. She kept him daily informed of the country's political life during his years of exile. Once on the throne, Carol II maintained stormy relations with the members of his family but retained his confidence in Elisabeth, who was the only member of the royal family who accepted his mistress. Thanks to the inheritance received from her father, the financial advice of her lover, the banker Alexandru Scanavi, and her good relations with her brother, the princess managed to live in great style in Romania. In March 1935, she acquired the large domain of Banloc, near the border with Yugoslavia, a mansion in Sinaia and an elegant villa of Italian style, called Elisabeta Palace, located in the Șoseaua Kiseleff in Bucharest. After the death of the Queen Mother Marie in 1938 and the deposition of Carol II in 1940, Elisabeth played the role of First Lady of Romania. Ambitiously, the princess had indeed no remorse to follow her brother's policy, even when she showed herself tyrannical with other members of the royal family. After the return to the throne of Michael I and the establishment of the dictatorship of Marshal Ion Antonescu, Elisabeth stayed out of politics. However, from 1944, she forged links with the Romanian Communist Party and openly conspired against her nephew, who now considered her a spy. In early 1947, she received in her domain of Banloc the Marshal Tito, who deposed another of her nephews, the young King Peter II of Yugoslavia. Finally, through Alexandru Scanavi, the Princess participated in the financing of the guerrilla who fought against her former brother-in-law, the now King Paul I, in Greece. However, Elisabeth wasn't the only member of the Romanian royal family who had friendly relations with the communists: her sister Ileana did the same in the hope of putting her eldest son, Archduke Stefan of Austria, on the throne. For these reasons, the two princesses then received the nickname of "Red Aunts" of King Michael I. Last years Despite her links with the Romanian Communist Party, Elisabeth was forced to leave the country after the proclamation of the Romanian People's Republic, on 30 December 1947. The new regime gave her three days to pack her belongings and the Elisabeta Palace was ransacked. However, before she went into exile, the princess had time to burn her archives in the domain of Banloc. On 12 January 1948 she left Romania with her sister Ileana aboard a special train provided by the Communists. The Scanavi family accompanied them, but both princesses lost much of their property after being expelled from the country. Elisabeth settled firstly in Zurich and then in Cannes, at the Villa Rose Alba. ..... Having fallen in love with the young man, the princess wished to marry him and asked her cousin, Frederick, Prince of Hohenzollern, to bestow a title on him, but Frederick refused. The princess then decided to adopt her lover; which she did three months before her death. She died at her home on 14 November 1956. The body of the princess was transferred to the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen crypt, the Hedinger Kirche of Sigmaringen. Archives Young Princess Elisabeth's letters to her grandfather, Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, are preserved in the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen family archive, which is in the State Archive of Sigmaringen (Staatsarchiv Sigmaringen) in the town of Sigmaringen, Baden-Württemberg, Germany. Arms and monogram Royal Monogram as Princess Elisabeth of Romania Coat of Arms of Queen Elisabeth of Greece Royal Monogram of Queen Elisabeth of Greece See also
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European Royal History
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Posts about Carol I of Romania written by liamfoley63
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European Royal History
https://europeanroyalhistory.wordpress.com/tag/carol-i-of-romania/
Carola of Vasa (Caroline Frederikke Franziska Stephanie Amalia Cecilia; 5 August 5, 1833 – December 15, 1907) was a titular Princess of Sweden, and the Queen Consort of Saxony. She was the last Queen of Saxony. Background Carola was the daughter of the former Crown Prince Gustaf of Sweden and Princess Louise Amelie of Baden, and a granddaughter of King Gustaf IV Adolf of Sweden who had been deposed in 1809. In the early 1850s, she was considered one of the most beautiful princesses of Europe. Suitors were not lacking, and there had been plans for her to marry Napoléon III, Emperor of the French. She was a cousin of the Emperor’s through her maternal grandmother Stéphanie de Beauharnais, also the adoptive daughter of Napoleon I and a Princess of the First French Empire. Her father was against the marriage due to the volatile political situation in France and his dynasty’s historical dispute with the Bonaparte dynasty. 20 years later, when Napoleon III fell from power, her father is quoted as saying, “I foresaw that correctly!” In 1852, against her father’s wishes, Carola converted to Catholicism. On June 18, 1853, Carola married in Dresden, Crown Prince Albrecht of Saxony. Their marriage was childless, although she suffered many miscarriages. Her closest heirs were: in paternal side, Friedrich II, Grand Duke of Baden (1857–1928), son of her first cousin; and her first cousin King Carol I of Romania (1839–1914) in maternal side. She had a good relationship with her parents-in-law and was described as their support during difficult times. Already as a crown princess, Carola began the activity within social issues which she would continue as a queen. In 1866, she visited Saxony’s field hospitals in Vienna, where she made herself known as a good samaritan. In 1867, she founded the Albert commission, which contributed to the medical care of the German army during the war of 1870–71. For her work, she was decorated with the Prussian Luisen-Orden and the Saxon Order of Sidonia. In 1871, she accompanied Albert to Compiègne after the defeat of France, where she entertained the officers of the victorious armies as a popular hostess. Queen In 1873, her spouse succeeded his father as King Albrecht I, making Carola queen. In 1884, the deposed Swedish branch of the House of Oldenburg made peace with the new Swedish Bernadotte dynasty through her and her first cousin once removed Crown Princess Victoria of Sweden, when the remains of Carola’s grandfather, king Gustaf IV Adolf of Sweden, her father and her brother Ludvig were taken to Stockholm and interred in the royal crypt. In 1888, Carola and her spouse made an official visit to Sweden. Queen Carola made an important contribution to the health care organisation in Saxony. In 1867, as Crown princess, she and Marie Simon founded the Albert-Verein. She founded a wet nurse school at Leipziger Tor (1869), the hospital “Carola-Haus” (1878), the women employment agency Johannes-Verein (1876), a women’s school in Schwarzenberg (1884), the home “Gustavheim” for the old, sick and weak in Niederpoyritz (1887), the school Lehrertöchterheim Carola-Stift Klotzsche (1892) and the home for handicapped Amalie hus Löbtau, Friedrichstadt (1896). Carola was a popular queen. She was widowed in 1902. She was the 499th Dame of the Royal Order of Queen Maria Luisa. At the time of her death, she was the last surviving grandchild of Gustaf IV Adolf. Marie of Edinburgh (Marie Alexandra Victoria; October 29, 1875 – July 18, 1938) Born into the British royal family, she was titled Princess Marie of Edinburgh at birth. Her parents were Prince Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh (later the reigning Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha) and Grand Duchess Maria Alexandrovna of Russia. Marie of Edinburgh The Duke of Edinburgh was the second son and fourth child of Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. He was known as the Duke of Edinburgh from 1866 until he succeeded his paternal uncle Ernst II as the reigning Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha in the German Empire. Grand Duchess Maria Alexandrovna of Russia was the fifth child and only surviving daughter of Emperor Alexander II of Russia and his first wife, Princess Marie of Hesse and by Rhine. She was the younger sister of Alexander III of Russia and the paternal aunt of Russia’s last emperor, Nicholas II. George of Wales Marie of Edinburgh grew into a “lovely young woman” with “sparkling blue eyes and silky fair hair”; she was courted by several royal bachelors, including Prince George of Wales, the second son of Prince Albert Edward, Prince of Wales (future King Edward VII), and Princess Alexandra of Denmark. As a young man destined to serve in the navy, Prince George served for many years under the command of his uncle, Prince Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh, who was stationed in Malta. There, he grew close to and fell in love with his cousin, Princess Marie of Edinburgh. It was Prince George’s desire to marry Princess Marie. Marie of Edinburgh Queen Victoria, the Prince of Wales and the Duke of Edinburgh all approved of the match but the Princess of Wales and the Duchess of Edinburgh did not. The Princess of Wales disliked the family’s pro-German sentiment. The Danish Royal Family had been strongly anti-German ever since Denmark ‘s war with Prussia in 186? The Duchess of Edinburgh did not wish for her daughter to remain in England, which she resented. The Duchess of Edinburgh never liked her husbands native land. She felt ill treated there. This dislike of England began when the Duchess, the only daughter of Alexander II of Russia, resented the fact that, as the daughter of an Emperor and wife of a younger son of the British sovereign, she had to yield precedence to George’s mother, the Princess of Wales, whose father, Christian IX, had been a mere minor German prince before being called unexpectedly to the throne of Denmark. Another reason the Duchess of Edinburgh was against the idea of the marriage between George and Marie was due to the fact that they were first cousins. Although first cousin marriages were acceptable in many European Royal Houses, first cousin unions were not allowed in the Russian Empire because it was against the teachings of the Russian Orthodox Church. Thus, when George officially proposed to her, Marie informed him that the marriage was impossible and that he must remain her “beloved chum”. Queen Victoria would later comment that “Georgie lost Missy by waiting & waiting”. Ferdinand and Marie as Crown Prince and Princess, 1893 Around this time, King Carol I of Romania was looking for a suitable bride for his son and heir, Crown Prince Ferdinand. As a young kingdom King Carol was looking for a princess with strong connections throughout Europe’s Royal Families in order to secure the succession and assure the continuation of the House of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. Possibly motivated by the prospect of removing tensions between Russia and Romania on the subject of control over Bessarabia, the Duchess of Edinburgh suggested that Marie meet Crown Prince Ferdinand. Marie and Ferdinand first became acquainted during a gala dinner and the pair conversed in German. She found him shy but amiable, and their second meeting went just as well. Once the pair were formally engaged, Queen Victoria wrote to another granddaughter, Princess Victoria of Hesse and by Rhine, that “[Ferdinand] is nice & the Parents are charming–but the country is very insecure & the immorality of the Society at Bucharest quite awful. Of course the marriage will be delayed some time as Missy won’t be 17 till the end of October!” Marie in traditional Romanian dress. German Empress Victoria, Marie’s aunt, and Queen Victoria’s eldest daughter, wrote to her daughter, Crown Princess Sophia of Greece, that “Missy is till now quite delighted, but the poor child is so young, how can she guess what is before her?” In late 1892, King Carol visited London in order to meet the Duke of Edinburgh and Queen Victoria, who eventually agreed to the marriage and appointed him a Knight of the Garter. On January 10, 1893, Marie and Ferdinand were married at Sigmaringen Castle in three ceremonies: one civil, one Catholic (Ferdinand’s religion) and one Anglican. On October 11, 1914, Ferdinand and Marie were acclaimed as King and Queen of Romania in the Chamber of Deputies, one day after Ferdinand’s uncle, Carol I, died without surviving issue. Though rejected Prince George of Wales still sought the hand of an eligible princess. Victoria Mary of Teck In November 1891, George’s elder brother, Albert Victor, Duke of Clarence and Avondale and second in line to the British throne after his father the Prince of Wales, became engaged to his second cousin once removed Princess Victoria Mary of Teck. Known as “May” within the family. Her parents were Prince Francis, Duke of Teck (a member of a morganatic, cadet branch of the House of Württemberg), and Princess Mary Adelaide of Cambridge, a male-line granddaughter of King George III and a first cousin of Queen Victoria. On January 14, 1892, six weeks after the formal engagement, Albert Victor died of pneumonia, leaving George second in line to the throne, and likely to succeed after his father. George had only just recovered from a serious illness himself, after being confined to bed for six weeks with typhoid fever, the disease that was thought to have killed his grandfather Prince Albert. Queen Victoria still regarded Princess May as a suitable match for her grandson, and George and May grew close during their shared period of mourning. George and Mary on their wedding day George was created Duke of York, Earl of Inverness and Baron Killarney by Queen Victoria on 24 May 1892. A year after Albert Victor’s death, George proposed to May and was accepted. They married on July 6, 1893 at the Chapel Royal in St James’s Palace, London. Throughout their lives, they remained devoted to each other. George was, on his own admission, unable to express his feelings easily in speech, but they often exchanged loving letters and notes of endearment. On the death of Queen Victoria on January 22, 1901, George’s father ascended the throne as King Edward VII. George then inherited the title of Duke of Cornwall, and for much of the rest of that year, he was known as the Duke of Cornwall and York. Later that year, on November 9, 1901, George was created Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester by his father. George V, King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, Emperor of India. On 6 May 1910, Edward VII died, and became King George V. George had never cared for double names and therefore disliked his wife’s habit of signing official documents and letters as “Victoria Mary” and insisted she drop one of those names. They both thought she should not be called Queen Victoria, and so she became Queen Mary.
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https://kids.kiddle.co/Elisabeth_of_Romania
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Elisabeth of Romania facts for kids
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Learn Elisabeth of Romania facts for kids
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https://kids.kiddle.co/Elisabeth_of_Romania
For Queen Elisabeth of Romania, wife of Carol I, see Elisabeth of Wied. Elisabeth of Romania (full name Elisabeth Charlotte Josephine Alexandra Victoria: Romanian: Elisabeta a României, Greek: Ελισάβετ της Ρουμανίας; 12 October 1894 – 14 November 1956) was a princess of Romania and member of the House of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen and by marriage Queen of Greece during 1922–1924, as the wife of King George II of Greece. Raised by her grand-uncle King Carol I of Romania and his wife Queen Elisabeth, she was an introvert and socially isolated. Married to Prince George, the heir-apparent to the Greek throne in 1921, she felt no passion for him and underwent the political turmoil in her adopted country after World War I. When her husband succeeded to the throne in 1922, Elisabeth was involved in assisting refugees who arrived to Athens after the disaster of the Greco-Turkish War. The rise of the revolutionary climate, however, affected her health and with great relief she left the Kingdom of Greece with her husband in December 1923. The royal couple then settled in Bucharest, and King George II was deposed on 25 March 1924, upon the abolition of the Greek monarchy. In Romania, Elisabeth and George II's relationship deteriorated and the couple divorced in 1935. Very close to her brother, King Carol II of Romania, the former queen amassed an important fortune, partly due to financial advice given by her lover, the banker Alexandru Scanavi. After the death of her mother, Queen Marie, in 1938 and the abdication of King Carol II in 1940, Elisabeth took up the role of First Lady of Romania. At the end of World War II, she established close links with the Romanian Communist Party and openly conspired against her nephew, the young King Michael I, earning the nickname of "Red Aunt" of the sovereign. However, her communist links did not prevent her from being expelled from the country when the Romanian People's Republic was proclaimed in 1947. Exiled, the former queen moved to Switzerland and then to Cannes, in southern France. She had a romantic relationship with Marc Favrat, a would-be artist almost thirty years younger, whom she finally adopted just before her death in 1956. Early years Second child and first daughter of Crown Prince Ferdinand and Crown Princess Marie of Romania (a member of the British royal family and later Princess of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha), Elisabeth (nicknamed Lisabetha or Lizzy by her family) was born on 12 October 1894 at Peleş Castle, Sinaia. Named after her paternal great-aunt, Queen Elisabeth of Wied, shortly after birth she was removed from her parents. With her older brother Prince Carol, she was raised by King Carol I and his wife. In her memoirs, Marie described her eldest daughter as "a lovely solemn-faced child who had a strong sense of rectitude." Over the years, Elisabeth developed a cold character and a volatile temperament which socially isolated her. Considered "vulgar" by her mother, she was, however, considered a classic beauty. Marriage An undesired engagement In 1911, Prince George of Greece, then second-in-line to the throne and his future wife's second cousin, met Elisabeth for the first time. After the Balkan Wars, during which Greece and Romania were allied, the Greek prince asked for the hand of Elisabeth, but, advised by her great-aunt, she declined the offer, saying that her suitor was too small and too English in his manners. Disdainful, the princess even said on the occasion, that "God began the prince but forgot to finish him" (1914). During World War I, Elisabeth was involved in helping wounded soldiers. She made daily visits to the hospitals and distributed cigarettes and comforting words to the victims of the fighting. In 1919, Elisabeth and her sisters Maria and Ileana accompanied their mother, now Queen Marie, to Paris at the Peace Conference. The sovereign hoped that during her stay there she could find suitable husbands for her daughters, especially Elisabeth, already aged twenty-five. After a few months in France, the Queen and her daughters decided to return to Romania in early 1920. On the way back, they made a brief stop in Switzerland, where they found the Greek royal family, who lived in exile since the deposition of King Constantine I during the Great War. Elisabeth then met again Prince George (now Diadochos and heir of the throne), who asked again her hand. Now more aware of her own imperfections (her mother described her as fat and of very limited intelligence), Elisabeth decided to accept the marriage. However, at that time the future of the Diadochos was far from certain: displaced from the throne with his father and replaced by his younger brother, now King Alexander I, George was forbidden to stay in his country, penniless and without any prospects. Nevertheless, the engagement satisfied both Elisabeth and George's parents. Delighted to have finally found a husband for her eldest daughter, the Queen of Romania soon invited the prince to travel to Bucharest in order to publicly announce the engagement. George agreed but soon after his arrival in the country of his fiancée, he learned of the accidental death of Alexander I and the ensuing political turmoil that erupted in Greece. Life in Greece Restoration of the Greek royal family. Wedding of George and Elisabeth On 5 December 1920 a referendum of disputed results called the Greek royal family to return home. King Constantine I, Queen Sophia and Diadochos George therefore returned to Athens on 19 December. Their return was accompanied by a significant jubilation. A huge crowd surrounded the sovereign and the heir to the throne through the streets of the capital. Once at the palace, they appeared repeatedly on the balcony to greet the people who cheered them. Wedding However, a few weeks later George returned to Romania to marry Elisabeth. The wedding took place with great pomp in Bucharest on 27 February 1921. Shortly after on March 10, Crown Prince Carol of Romania, Elisabeth's elder brother, married George's younger sister, Princess Helen of Greece.> Crown princess In Greece, Elisabeth had great difficulty integrating into the royal family, and her relationship with Queen Sophia was particularly awkward. From an introverted temperament that could be mistaken as arrogance, Elisabeth felt displaced by her in-laws, who regularly spoke in Greek in her presence, because she had not yet mastered the language. Only King Constantine I and his sister, the Grand Duchess Maria Georgievna of Russia, found favor in her eyes. Indeed, even the shy Diadochos disappointed his wife, who wanted to share with him a more passionate relationship. Regretting not having her own home and being forced to constantly live with her in-laws, Elisabeth spent the already little revenues of her husband into redecorating their apartments. In addition, her family delayed in paying her dowry and the savings that she left in Romania were soon lost because of the poor investments made by the manager of her fortune. Facing a very difficult political situation, due to the Greco-Turkish War, Elisabeth quickly understood that her space to maneuver was limited in her new country. However, she integrated the Red Cross, which was overwhelmed by the arrival of wounded coming from Anatolia. The Crown Princess also occupied her free time practicing gardening, painting and drawing. She illustrated a book of poems written by the Belgian author Emile Verhaeren. She also liked writing and producing some new books of low value. Finally, she spent long hours studying the Modern Greek, a language that was extremely hard for her to learn. Disappointed by the mediocrity of her daily routine, Elisabeth began to nourish jealousy for her sister Maria, married to King Alexander I of Yugoslavia, and her sister-in-law Helen of Greece, wife of her brother Crown Prince Carol of Romania. With the war and the revolution, the everyday life of the Greek royal family was indeed increasingly difficult, and the pension received by the Diadochos George didn't allow her to buy the clothes and jewelry that she wanted. Already strained by the war, the relations of the Diadochos and his wife were clouded by their inability to give an heir to the Kingdom of Greece. Elisabeth became pregnant a few months after her marriage, but she suffered a miscarriage during an official trip to Smyrna. Deeply affected by her miscarriage, the crown princess became sick with typhoid soon followed by pleurisy and worsened by depression. She found refuge with her family in Bucharest, but despite the efforts of her mother and husband, neither Elisabeth's health nor her marriage fully recovered from the loss of her child. Queen of the Hellenes Meanwhile, the disaster of the Greco-Turkish War forced King Constantine I to abdicate, which pushed George on to the throne (27 September 1922). The new king, however, had no power, and he and his queen were unable to resolve the repression organized by revolutionaries who took power against the representatives of the old regime. The new royal couple saw with anguish the near execution of Prince Andrew (the king's uncle) at the Trial of the Six. Despite this difficult context, Elisabeth tried to make herself useful to her adopted country. To respond to the influx of refugees originating from Anatolia, the Queen had built shacks on the outskirts of Athens. To carry out her projects, she mobilized her family and asked her mother, Queen Marie, to send wood and other materials. However, Elisabeth found it increasingly difficult to cope with Greece and its revolutionary climate. Her love for George II was over, and her letters to her mother show how much she worried for her future. Her correspondence also revealed that she had no desire to have children. After an attempted monarchist coup d'état in October 1923, the situation of the royal couple became even more precarious. On 19 December 1923 King George II and his wife were forced into exile by the revolutionary government. With Prince Paul (the king's brother and heir-presumptive to the throne), they then departed for Romania, where they learned of the proclamation of the Second Hellenic Republic on 25 March 1924. Return to Romania Queen in exile In Romania, George II and Elizabeth moved to Bucharest, where King Ferdinand I and Queen Marie gave to them a wing of Cotroceni Palace. After a few weeks, the couple moved to a modest villa in the Calea Victoriei. Regular guests of the Romanian sovereigns, the exiled Greek royal couple participated in court ceremonies. But despite the kindness shown by his mother-in-law, the exiled King of Greece in Bucharest felt aimless and barely concealed the boredom that he felt at the Romanian court. Unlike her husband, Elisabeth was delighted with her return to Romania. Her relationship with her mother was sometimes stormy, even if their literary collaborations were successful. In the mid 1920s, Elisabeth illustrated the latest work of her mother, The Country That I Love (1925). The links with Crown Princess Helen of Romania (wife of Crown Prince Carol of Romania and sister of King George II of Greece) remained complicated due to the jealousy that the exiled Queen of the Hellenes still continued to feel against her sister-in-law. Exacerbated by the humiliations of exile, financial difficulties and the lack of offspring, the relations between George II and Elisabeth deteriorated. After initially alleviating her weariness with too much rich food and gambling, the former Queen of the Hellenes began a series of extramarital relationships with several married men. She even flirted with her brother-in-law King Alexander I of Yugoslavia when she visited her sister Queen Maria during an illness in Belgrade. Later, she entered into an affair with the banker of her husband, a Greek-Romanian named Alexandru Scanavi, who was appointed her chamberlain to cover up the scandal. ..... In May 1935, Elisabeth heard from a Greek diplomat that the Second Hellenic Republic was on the verge of collapse and that the restoration of the monarchy was imminent. Frightened by this news, the exiled Queen of the Hellenes then launched divorce proceedings without informing her husband. Charged with "desertion from the family home", George II saw his marriage dissolved by a Bucharest court without being really invited to speak on the matter (6 July 1935). An ambitious princess After the death of King Ferdinand I in 1927, Romania began a period of great instability. After Crown Prince Carol renounced his rights to be able to live with his mistress Magda Lupescu, his son ascended to the throne as King Michael I under the direction of a Council of Regency. Nevertheless, a significant part of the population supported the rights of Carol, who finally managed to take the crown in 1930. Very close to her brother, Elisabeth actively supported his return to Romania. She kept him daily informed of the country's political life during his years of exile. Once on the throne, Carol II maintained stormy relations with the members of his family but retained his confidence in Elisabeth, who was the only member of the royal family who accepted his mistress. Thanks to the inheritance received from her father, the financial advice of her lover, the banker Alexandru Scanavi, and her good relations with her brother, the princess managed to live in great style in Romania. In March 1935, she acquired the large domain of Banloc, near the border with Yugoslavia, a mansion in Sinaia and an elegant villa of Italian style, called Elisabeta Palace, located in the Șoseaua Kiseleff in Bucharest. After the death of the Queen Mother Marie in 1938 and the deposition of Carol II in 1940, Elisabeth played the role of First Lady of Romania. Ambitiously, the princess had indeed no remorse to follow her brother's policy, even when she showed herself tyrannical with other members of the royal family. After the return to the throne of Michael I and the establishment of the dictatorship of Marshal Ion Antonescu, Elisabeth stayed out of politics. However, from 1944, she forged links with the Romanian Communist Party and openly conspired against her nephew, who now considered her a spy. In early 1947, she received in her domain of Banloc the Marshal Tito, who deposed another of her nephews, the young King Peter II of Yugoslavia. Finally, through Alexandru Scanavi, the Princess participated in the financing of the guerrilla who fought against her former brother-in-law, the now King Paul I, in Greece. However, Elisabeth wasn't the only member of the Romanian royal family who had friendly relations with the communists: her sister Ileana did the same in the hope of putting her eldest son, Archduke Stefan of Austria, on the throne. For these reasons, the two princesses then received the nickname of "Red Aunts" of King Michael I. Last years Despite her links with the Romanian Communist Party, Elisabeth was forced to leave the country after the proclamation of the Romanian People's Republic, on 30 December 1947. The new regime gave her three days to pack her belongings and the Elisabeta Palace was ransacked. However, before she went into exile, the princess had time to burn her archives in the domain of Banloc. On 12 January 1948 she left Romania with her sister Ileana aboard a special train provided by the Communists. The Scanavi family accompanied them, but both princesses lost much of their property after being expelled from the country. Elisabeth settled firstly in Zurich and then in Cannes, at the Villa Rose Alba. ..... Having fallen in love with the young man, the princess wished to marry him and asked her cousin, Frederick, Prince of Hohenzollern, to bestow a title on him, but Frederick refused. The princess then decided to adopt her lover; which she did three months before her death. She died at her home on 14 November 1956. The body of the princess was transferred to the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen crypt, the Hedinger Kirche of Sigmaringen. Archives Young Princess Elisabeth's letters to her grandfather, Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, are preserved in the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen family archive, which is in the State Archive of Sigmaringen (Staatsarchiv Sigmaringen) in the town of Sigmaringen, Baden-Württemberg, Germany. Arms and monogram Royal Monogram as Princess Elisabeth of Romania Coat of Arms of Queen Elisabeth of Greece Royal Monogram of Queen Elisabeth of Greece See also
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https://travelmakertours.com/the-story-of-the-romanian-royal-family-a-journey-into-the-past/
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The Story of the Romanian Royal Family – a Journey into the Past
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[ "Raluca Ursu" ]
2020-10-14T13:52:08+00:00
Romania has quite an interesting history. This is why we decided to write an article and walk you through the history of the Romanian royal family.
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https://travelmakertours…-zmeu2-32x32.png
TravelMaker
https://travelmakertours.com/the-story-of-the-romanian-royal-family-a-journey-into-the-past/
The Romanian Royal Family, a branch of the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen dynasty, has a fascinating history that many foreign tourists are unaware of. We have decided to write an article to take you through the history of the Romanian Royal Family. Romania was a constitutional monarchy from 1881 until 1947 when it was proclaimed a socialist republic. But let’s begin from the very start, shall we? How Carol I Became the First King of Romania On February 23rd, 1866, the Conservatives and radical Liberals forced Alexandru Ioan Cuza, the prince of Moldavia and Wallachia, to abdicate. At that time, Romania stood as a principality with Bucharest as its capital. This significant event prompted Romanian politicians to initiate a search for a replacement for Alexandru Ioan Cuza. The liberals and conservatives jointly determined that, in order to maintain the country’s stability and unity, established in 1859, they must select a foreign prince. When Philip of Flanders declined the offer, liberal leaders Ion C. Brătianu and C.A. Rosetti traveled to Germany, where Carol, the son of Prince Karl Anton Carol of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, accepted their proposal to become the prince of Romania. This decision was supported by France, through Napoleon, and also by the King of Prussia. On May 10th, 1866, Carol, a member of the Romanian Royal Family, arrived in Bucharest, marking the commencement of Romania’s National Day during the years 1866-1916 and 1918-1947. Although Carol, a German by origin, faced opposition from some due to his foreign heritage, several significant contributions to the nation can be attributed to his rule. His chief achievements encompassed the construction of a vital rail link connecting Fetesti and Cernavoda across the Borcea arm and the Danube, the establishment of a comprehensive railway system, the creation of agricultural credit banks, the expansion and modernization of the military, and the construction of schools, churches, and royal estates. Path to Independence and Legacy Prince Carol I played a pivotal role in Romania’s victory in the Independence War against the Ottoman Empire in 1877, as he commanded the troops. Following Romania’s independence, the country proclaimed itself a kingdom in 1881, with Carol I assuming the position of the first king of Romania. Carol I’s reign spanned 48 years, making it the lengthiest reign in Romanian history. He passed away in 1914. He was married to Elisabeth of Wied, who became the queen and was also renowned by her literary name, Carmen Sylva. Regrettably, their sole child, a daughter, passed away before reaching the age of four. In the absence of a male heir, the succession to the throne had to be determined from among Carol’s family members. Ferdinand I: The Second King of Romania and His Role in the Romanian Royal Family Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, Carol’s brother, had three sons: Wilhelm, Ferdinand and Karl. Because Leopold and Willhelm renounced their succession rights to the throne, Ferdinand, the nephew of King Carol I, became the heir to the throne. British princess Marie of Edinburgh, Queen Victoria’s granddaughter, was his spouse, and they had six children: Carol, Nicolae, Elisabeth, Maria, Ileana, and Mircea. Ferdinand initiated his rule at the onset of World War I, a tumultuous period for Romania. A mere two months prior to King Carol I’s demise, he expressed his desire for Romania to align with Germany at the war’s outset. At that time, the Romanians already had a history with the Entente, which consisted of the French Republic, the British Empire, and the Russian Empire. Nevertheless, Carol found himself compelled to embrace a policy of neutrality. The Decision to Join the Allies Nonetheless, this represented only a temporary resolution, as Romania was destined to take a side one way or another. Ferdinand I faced mounting pressure, both from the populace and his wife. Marie actively championed the Entente cause, and in the summer of 1916, Ferdinand declared war on Germany and chose to align Romania with the Allied Powers. Romania lost a lot of people during the war because the army lacked a solid strategy. By 1917, the only territory which was left for them to protect was the region of Moldavia. At the end of WWI, Romania became Greater Romania by becoming united with Transylvania, Bukovina, and Bessarabia, which was an outcome not many people believed could happen. It was all due to the Treaty of Versailles. In 1922, Ferdinand I and Marie were officially crowned King and Queen of Greater Romania. Ferdinand died in 1927, which meant the throne would go to his eldest son, Carol II. But things got a little complicated. Michael I’s Ascension to the Romanian Throne at the Age of 6 Carol II, Ferdinand’s son, held the most controversial history within the Romanian Royal Family. First, the Romanian Supreme Court annulled his secret marriage to Zizi Lambrino. Then, external pressure compelled him to wed Greek princess Elena, who gave birth to their son, Michael. Carol II, eventually, renounced the throne in favor of Elena Lupescu, a socialite with whom he had an affair in the 20s. In 1925, he relocated to Paris with her, and a parliamentary act designated Michael, his son, as the heir to the throne. This is the tale of how, following Ferdinand’s demise, Michael ascended to the Romanian throne at the tender age of six. Carol II, the Third Real King of Romania Because Michael was a child at that time, the law required a board of regents to govern the country. Prince Nicholas (Carol II’s brother), Patriarch Miron Cristea, and the first president of the Court of Cassation, Gheorghe Buzdugan, formed this board. A long regency’s potential impact on the country’s stability prompted a group of politicians to pressure Carol II to return to Romania in 1930. June 8th, 1930, Carol II is proclaimed king He aggressively approached the democratic system and, in 1938, he established Romania as an absolute monarchy by dissolving the political parties. He also transformed the 1923 Constitution to grant the king more power. Under Carol II’s reign, Romania achieved its highest economic development. Nevertheless, the Soviet Union acquired Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina from Romania due to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, also known as the Nazi-Soviet Pact. General Ion Antonescu forced Carol II to abdicate during this period. As a result, Michael reclaimed the throne as king once again. Michael’s Second Reign At that time, he was 19 years old and, on the first day, he signed a decree granting General Ion Antonescu full powers to govern the country. As previously mentioned, the king had to attain maturity of both mind and age to participate in political affairs. Additionally, Antonescu held the belief that Michael lacked the necessary experience to make decisions during wartime, which prompted him to seize control. In 1941, Romania declared war on the Soviet Union to reclaim Bessarabia. By 1944, King Michael I sought to negotiate peace with the Allies due to the inevitability of Soviet conquest. He initiated a coup against Antonescu, resulting in his arrest. Despite Michael’s attempts to reinstate democratic rule in Romania, he proved unable to do so because of the stronger presence of the Communist Party. In 1945, the king was forced by the Soviet Union to appoint a government ruled by Petru Groza. Michael remained more of a figurehead until the end of his reign. Because the communists gained enough power, they were able to force the king to abdicate and leave the country. Michael I’s Forced Abdication by Communists In November 1947, he traveled to London for a wedding and met his wife, Princess Anne of Bourbon-Parma. Although he was offered asylum, he declined and returned to Romania. However, on December 30th, Petru Groza summoned him to Bucharest. Upon his arrival, troops surrounded the Elisabeta Palace in Bucharest, and Groza and Communist Party leader Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej were waiting for him. At that moment, Michael was compelled to abdicate as they held a gun to his head. The communists also issued threats, stating that the 1,000 students they had in prison would die if he refused, and they would order a bloodbath. Following his exile, he married Princess Anne of Bourbon-Parma in Athens and had five daughters. King Michael I was finally allowed to return to Romania In 1990, the people removed the communists from power, and King Michael came to Romania to visit his family’s tomb. However, authorities stopped him on the highway and compelled him to leave the country. It was only in 1997 that Emil Constantinescu, the president at that time, allowed Michael to return to the country by granting him Romanian citizenship and reinstating his visa. Michael, the last king of the Romanian royal family, passed away on December 5th, 2017, at his residence in Switzerland at the age of 96. Now, let’s explore the royal family’s residences over the years, which have since become popular tourist attractions steeped in history. Elisabeta Palace. This is the official residence and it’s located in Bucharest. The Royal Domain of Sinaia. It includes Peles Castle, Pelisor Castle, Foisor Castle, a royal sheepfold, and a large forest area. Cotroceni Palace. Today, it serves as the official residence of the President of Romania. Bran Castle. In 1920, it was gifted to Queen Marie of Romania by Brasov’s Town Council. Balchik Palace. This is located in Bulgaria and it was the summer residence of Queen Marie. Thousands of eager tourists visit these attractions every year to learn more about the history of the Romanian royal family. We encourage all of you to explore these incredible places on your next trip to Romania, selecting one or more of the numerous tours we provide. We have ensured the inclusion of the remarkable residences that are or have been a part of the royal family.
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https://carmenresidence.com/en/about-us/
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Carmen Residence
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2021-05-22T11:24:01+00:00
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Carmen Residence
https://carmenresidence.com/en/about-us/
Interesting and rich history makes this town so special, so the history behind the origin of the name of our Residence is interesting too. Carmen Sylve is the pseudonym for Elisabeth of Wied (1843.) the first Queen of Romania, writer and admirer of Opatija. Born into a powerful aristocratic family in the German town Neuwied placed on the east bank of Rhine. In 1869. she married the Romanian regent, prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, who in 1881. became the first king of Romania. So fond of Opatija, Elizabeth spend her time on a bench carved into stone, on the promenade Carmen Sylve, seeking inspiration for the poetry, dramas and novels for which she got various international literary awards. Since our facility is located nearby this promenade we would like to share a part of history of this place with you. By staying in our Residence you will get to meet Carmen Sylve trough her lyrics and portraits.
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https://www.unofficialroyalty.com/elisabeth-of-wied-queen-of-romania/
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Elisabeth of Wied, Queen of Romania
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2016-03-21T00:00:10+00:00
by Scott Mehl © Unofficial Royalty 2016 Princess Elisabeth of Wied, Queen of Romania Queen Elisabeth of Romania was the wife of Romania’s first king, Carol I. She was born Princess Pauline Elisabet…
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Unofficial Royalty
https://www.unofficialroyalty.com/elisabeth-of-wied-queen-of-romania/
by Scott Mehl © Unofficial Royalty 2016 Princess Elisabeth of Wied, Queen of Romania Queen Elisabeth of Romania was the wife of Romania’s first king, Carol I. She was born Princess Pauline Elisabeth Ottilie Luise of Wied on December 29, 1843, at Schloss Monrepos in Neuwied, Principality of Wied, now in Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany. Her parents were Hermann, Prince of Wied and Princess Marie of Nassau, and she had two younger brothers: Wilhelm, Prince of Wied (1845-1907) – married Princess Marie of the Netherlands, had issue Prince Otto of Wied (1850-1862) – unmarried Through her mother, Elisabeth’s first cousins included Grand Duke Guillaume IV of Luxembourg, Queen Emma of the Netherlands, Princess Helena, Duchess of Albany, and King Gustaf V of Sweden. As a child, Elisabeth was educated at home by tutors, including German linguist Georg Sauerwein and famed pianist Clara Schumann. Elisabeth was an avid student, and for some time wanted to become a teacher. Her love of music and the arts – particularly writing – would shape the woman she would become as an adult. It was even during her early years studying with Sauerwein that her pseudonym ‘Carmen Sylva’ was born. In the late 1850s, Elisabeth was considered as a prospective bride of the future King Edward VII of the United Kingdom, but he was not interested. In 1861, she first met her future husband, Prince Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. Several years later, he was later elected Ruling Prince of the United Principalities of Romania, taking the name Prince Carol I. After meeting again in 1869 when Carol was touring Europe in search of a bride, the couple was married in Neuwied on November 15, 1869. They had one daughter – Maria – born in September 1870. Maria died of scarlet fever in 1874, and Elisabeth never fully recovered from the loss of her only child. Soon the country was embroiled in the Russo-Turkish War, and Elisabeth worked tirelessly to care for the wounded, arranging for hospitals, ambulance services, and medicine. She later went on to establish the Queen Elisabeth Society which provided free medical care for the needy, and the Queen Elisabeth Blind Asylum in 1909, for the visually impaired. In addition, she became an ambassador of sorts, promoting Romanian culture and arts throughout the country and Europe. At a time when traditional Romanian costume was often considered ‘peasants garments’, Elisabeth and her ladies-in-waiting often dressed in the outfits for public appearances. She arranged for exhibits of Romanian crafts at the Universal Exhibitions in Paris in 1867,1889 and 1900, as well as holding an exhibit – Women in the Arts and Crafts – in Berlin in 1912. When Romania was not quite part of the normal ‘tourist circuit’, Elisabeth promoted the country and would even receive travelers on the Orient Express when they would stop in Sinaia. A relentless patron of the arts, she often hosted writers, composers, and musicians, and helped promote their works. In later years, she had a concert hall built near Peleș Castle specifically for George Enescu, the famed Romanian musician. But her true passion was writing. Under the pseudonym Carmen Sylva, she wrote hundreds of poems, plays, novels, short stories and essays, and thanks to her fluency in several languages, published numerous translations of other works. Shortly after becoming Queen of Romania in 1881, Elisabeth was embroiled in controversy. Having no children, King Carol had adopted his nephew, the future King Ferdinand, as his heir. Ferdinand soon became involved with one of Elisabeth’s ladies-in-waiting, Elena Văcărescu. The Queen encouraged the relationship, despite the fact that a marriage would be forbidden under the Romanian constitution which stated that the heir was not permitted to marry a Romanian citizen. The scandal resulted in Elena, Ferdinand, and Queen Elisabeth all being sent out of the country. The Queen returned for some time to Neuwied, while Ferdinand was sent on a tour of Europe to find an appropriate wife. In her later years, Elisabeth continued to support and promote the arts and continued with her writing. She died on March 2, 1916, and is buried beside her husband at the Cathedral of the Curtea de Argeş Monastery. This article is the intellectual property of Unofficial Royalty and is NOT TO BE COPIED, EDITED, OR POSTED IN ANY FORM ON ANOTHER WEBSITE under any circumstances. It is permissible to use a link that directs to Unofficial Royalty. Romania Resources at Unofficial Royalty
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https://en.peles.ro/historical-figures/king-carol-i/
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King Carol I – Peles National Museum
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https://en.peles.ro/historical-figures/king-carol-i/
Carol I of Hohenzollern – Sigmaringen, the first King of Romania, was born in Germany, in the Sigmaringen castle, on 23 April 1839, as the second son of Prince Karl – Anton of Hohenzollern – Sigmaringen and of Josephine of Baden, daughter of Grand Duke of Baden. On 20 april 1866, the Romanian politicians elected him as Rulling Prince of the United Principalities. After finishing his elementary studies, Carol entered the Cadet School in Münster. In 1857, he attended the courses of the Artillery School in Berlin and took art history classes at Berlin University under the guidance of the aesthetician Anton Springer. Up to 1866, when he accepted the crown of Romania, he was a Prussian officer and took part in the Second Schleswig War, including the assault of the Fredericia citadel, an experience which would be very useful to him, later, in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877/78. On 10 May 1866, Carol entered Bucharest, the capital of United Principalities. As he was crowned, Carol swore this oath: “I swear to guard the laws of Romania, to maintain the rights of its people and the integrity of its territory.” He spoke in French, as he did not yet speak Romanian. However, he endeared himself to his adopted country by adopting the Romanian spelling of his name, Carol. He learned to speak Romanian not long after that, taking classes with the Romanian historian August Treboniu Laurian. On the 1st of July, two months after his arrival, the Romanian Parliament adopted the 1866 Constitution of Romania, one of the most modern constitutions of that time. Inspired by the Belgian Constitution, it guaranteed private propriety, freedom of speech, total freedom of the press, it abolished the death penalty during peace time, and established separation of powers. In 1869, Carol married the German princess Elisabeth of Wied. Their only daughter, princess Marioara, died at four years old. In order to ensure the succession, prince Ferdinand of Hohenzollern – Sigmaringen, Carol’s nephew, was named Prince of Romania and heir to the throne. On 10 May 1877, the Principality of Romania, which was under formal Turkish rule, declared its independence. The declaration was put forward and voted on by the Parliament, being then promulgated by Prince Carol. Romania participated at the Russo-Turkish War and Carol was named Commander in charge the of the combined Russian and Romanian forces that were surrounding the town of Pleven which surrendered on 28 November 1877. After the war, on 13 July 1878, the Treaty of Berlin recognized Romania as an independent state. On 15 March 1881, the constitution was amended to proclaim Romania a kingdom. Carol became the first King of the Romanians. On 10 May, he was crowned as king. The crown that was used in the coronation of Carol was forged from the steel of one of the Ottoman cannons captured by the Romanian Army at the Pleven. On October 1883, King Carol signed a secret political-military Treaty with the Austro – Hungarian Empire whereat Germany and Italy adhered to afterward. The Treaty was, at that moment, the only solution to counter an eventual Russian offensive against Romania. The Romanian policy at the end of the 19 century and the beginning of the 20th, promoted by King Carol I, pursued the consolidation of the independence and the defence of territorial integrity. Romania’s purpose was to remain, as much as possible, outwards an European conflict, Carol’s objective being the country’s neutrality. However, on 3 August 1914, the Crown Council held at the Peles Castle, decided the neutrality of the country for the first two years of the World War I. King Carol I died on September 1914. His reign is characterized by a remarkable political stability, prosperity and progress; he is seen as the founder of modern Romania and one of the most revered personality in the country’s history.
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https://royalromania.wordpress.com/2009/01/26/carmen-sylva-on-bucharest/
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Queen Elizabeth of Romania on Bucharest
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[ "Diana Mandache" ]
2009-01-26T00:00:00
Queen Elisabeta of Romania on Bucharest  ©Diana Mandache Elizabeth of  Wied (Carmen Sylva) married King Carol in November 1869 in Germany. Shortly after, they came to Romania. Here are some of the first impressions of Elizabeth about Bucharest, the capital of her new country: Tens of thousands of new houses have been added to the city.…
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Diana Mandache's Weblog
https://royalromania.wordpress.com/2009/01/26/carmen-sylva-on-bucharest/
Queen Elisabeta of Romania on Bucharest ©Diana Mandache Elizabeth of Wied (Carmen Sylva) married King Carol in November 1869 in Germany. Shortly after, they came to Romania. Here are some of the first impressions of Elizabeth about Bucharest, the capital of her new country: Tens of thousands of new houses have been added to the city. The thatched roofs are things of the past, the streets are paved with granite blocks, and electric lights have taken the place of the torches and lanterns of the night-watchman. The palace has been completely transformed. The same old walls, it is true, are standing, but the interior has been entirely remodelled and rebuilt. It is now a palace in very truth, a regular domicile of rare beauty. The Throne-Room has been transformed into a library, the cabinet of the king into a veritable museum of art, while my own apartments have been adorned with choice paintings and rich furnishings, in which I delight…. The city then was a constant surprise to me. The streets were picturesque, and entirely unlike any others I had ever seen. In one portion of the town the houses seemed more fit for dolls than human beings, dainty and inviting, nestled among the trees… The streets have a decidedly Oriental appearance which renders them both novel and bizarre to the traveller. Amusements are plenty among these people, who are very sociable and hospitable; almost every family has two or three extra covers laid at each meal for any chance guest that may drop in. All are cordially invited to share the repast even of the poorest labourer, be it only two onions or a dish of watery stew, although social gayety and hilarity are rarely seen. Never in my life have I observed a people so sad as are the Romanians at heart. The children even have an air of gravity and sadness far beyond their tender years; their little figures are frequently pale and wan; their great eyes, fringed with long silken lashes, beam with intelligence, but also with a glance of unaccountable melancholy. But during King Carol’s reign Bucharest became a modern city, as Elisabeta noted: “Bucharest has been transformed into a modern metropolis, and one of the scientific centres of the world. Our government has, I am proud and happy to say, been successful, for we have accomplished in twenty five years what our predecessors failed to do in centuries. When my husband ascended the throne there was but one battery of artillery; now there are seven hundred cannon. Railways and bridges have been built all over the country and its riches have increased ten-fold. Still we push on to further progress, for Romania is a country of the future as well as of the past.” Contemporary Bucharest has lost the old royal lustre, going backward in many aspects, like in 1854, before the modernisation undertaken by the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen dynasty. The journalists of the period describe mid-19th century Bucharest in the following words: “Though the residence of the Prince and the seat of Government, as well as of a Greek Archbishopric, and covering a considerable space, measuring four miles from north to south, and three from east to west, it is, in appearance, little better than an overgrown and straggling village. The dwelling, with few exceptions, are mud and brick cabins, of the most barbarous construction; and the streets are unpaved, but many of them rudely crossed by trunks of trees. The Princes’ palaces, and many of the residences of the boyards, or nobles, are handsome structures of stone, which contrast strangely with the wretched hovels by which they are surrounded”. What remained from the old Bucharest now is in very bad state, deteriorating continously because of by the indifference of the authorities. The irony is that the communit regime managed to preserve, even in less than prime state, many of the buildings of the old royal Bucharest, which is now crumbling right before our eyes in a time when Romania is supposed to adhere to the heritage conservation ethos of the other European Union countries. ©Diana Mandache
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https://rebeccastarrbrown.com/2018/05/01/from-kent-to-bucharest-marie-of-edinburgh-queen-of-romania/
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From Kent to Bucharest: Marie of Edinburgh, Queen of Romania
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https://rebeccastarrbrow…5/missy-1900.jpg
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2018-05-01T00:00:00
In the middle of World War I, Queen Marie of Romania wrote to her first cousin, King George V of Great Britain: "I never imagined that it would be the lot of our generation, we who are children together, to see this great war and in a way to have to remodel the face of…
en
https://i0.wp.com/rebecc…it=32%2C32&ssl=1
Rebecca Starr Brown
https://rebeccastarrbrown.com/2018/05/01/from-kent-to-bucharest-marie-of-edinburgh-queen-of-romania/
In the middle of World War I, Queen Marie of Romania wrote to her first cousin, King George V of Great Britain: “I never imagined that it would be the lot of our generation, we who are children together, to see this great war and in a way to have to remodel the face of Europe.” Grandchildren of Queen Victoria alongside the Kaiser of Germany, the Queen of Norway, the Queen of Spain, the Tsarina of Russia, the Queen of Greece, the Crown Princess of Sweden and countless German royals, that is in fact very much with what George and Marie were tasked in the 20th century. For the royal men, they at least had something approaching an education and training to complement such a job, but for Queen Victoria’s granddaughters, born and raised in the height of the Victorian Era, it was by far easier to stumble as they were dropped in the midst of increasingly politicized foreign courts with few tools to leverage. As for Marie, Bucharest was far from home and her husband a far cry from her first love (George V), but despite a tyrannical father-in-law, an unstable mother-in-law, a series of affairs, illegitimate children, proximity to Russia and a shared heritage with Germany, she established herself as a popular and effective queen consort to the Romanian people. Marie, always known as Missy, was born on October 29, 1875 to Queen Victoria’s second son, Prince Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh, and his wife, Grand Duchess Marie of Russia. Her parents’ marriage had begun as a love affair, one for which Alfred had fought any number of roadblocks to see through, but Marie found life in England onerous and her English in-laws even worse. The beloved daughter of the Russian Tsar, Marie was horrified that she was preceded in the court hierarchy by her husband’s female relations. Over the years she developed a strong antipathy to anything British, much in the way that her sister-in-law, the Princess of Wales, was similarly prejudiced against the Germans. Missy’s early years were spent in her parents’ estate in Kent, Eastwell Manor, surrounded by her siblings. Her elder brother, Alfred, was a year older, while they were joined in the nursery by Victoria Melita (“Ducky”), Alexandra and Beatrice. The family split their time between Kent, Clarence House in London (now the home of today’s Prince of Wales) and Osborne Cottage on the Isle of Wight. Summers at Osborne and frequent visits to Windsor ensured that the Edinburgh children saw much of their august grandmother, Queen Victoria, who Missy referred to later as her “wonderful little old Grandmamma.” Alfred’s naval career demanded that his time be spent away from home and so it was that Marie was the central figure in her children’s lives. She was an attentive and loving mother, if strict, and even as her children grew older she continued to both fiercely protect and berate them in equal measure. In 1886 Alfred took up command of the Royal Navy’s Mediterranean Squadron and moved his family to Malta. It was the end of Missy’s residence in England, but for the next three years she was able to enjoy a private, informal existence during which she became a skilled horsewoman and enjoyed more freedom than she ever would again. In 1889, following the death of the childless Duke Ernest of Saxe-Coburg, older brother to Queen Victoria’s late husband, Prince Albert, the Edinburgh family moved once more to Coburg, with Alfred and Marie its new Duke and Duchess. By then, however, Missy had already attracted her first suitor – the second son of the Prince of Wales, Prince George. Like Alfred (another second son), George was also a Navy man and had been stationed in Malta at the same time as the Edinburghs. He was a frequent visitor and often played the role of companion to Missy and Ducky, though his preference for the older sister was clear. They began writing letters to one another, screeds that grew more emotional as Missy grew older and they were separated by distance. Early in 1891 he wrote: “It is nearly nine months since I have seen you, but you are constantly in my thoughts.” The proposed match between the cousins was blessed by both of their fathers, but the mothers in question had never gotten along and Marie was horrified by the idea of her daughter marrying into the British Royal Family. She ordered her daughter to make clear that there could never be an engagement between them, which she dutifully did. Only 16 at the time, we have no way of knowing the depth of Missy’s feelings, but she kept gifts that George gave her during their courtship until her death and they remained close friends for the whole of their lives. In 1901, well after they had both married other people, she wrote to him that those years in Malta were the happiest she ever had. Then destiny took over – in January 1892 George’s elder brother passed away and the following year he became engaged to his brother’s fiancee, Mary of Teck. It’s hard not to wonder if Missy or her parents ever kicked themselves thinking of how close she had come to being Britain’s queen. The suitor Marie chose for her daughter instead was Ferdinand, Crown Prince of Romania. Nephew of the childless King Carol I, Ferdinand was in desperate need of a wife following his scandalous affair with a lady-in-waiting of his aunt, Queen Elisabeth. The relationship caused an uproar in Bucharest and, because the Queen encouraged it, resulted in the exile of both women. Both Carol and Ferdinand were members of the junior branch of the Hohenzollern royal family (the ruling family of Germany of which Kaiser Wilhelm II was then head) – as such, it was deemed a respectable opportunity for Missy by her mother despite the faint trace of “foreignness” with which most of western Europe still regarded Romania. The couple met in Germany, seated beside each other at a dinner party, and quickly got along, Ferdinand attracted to Missy’s beauty and extroverted personality and Missy to his kindness. They were swiftly engaged, news of which dismayed most of the BRF. Queen Victoria commiserated with George, who she knew to be heartbroken – for that matter, perhaps it’s unsurprising that he and Mary of Teck were engaged within months – and referred to Missy as “a great victim … to be enormously pitied.” Meanwhile, the Duke of Cambridge (Queen Victoria’s cousin), wrote that he was “disgusted to see the announcement of the marriage of poor pretty nice P. Marie of Edinburgh to the Prince of Romania!! It does seem too cruel a shame to cart that nice pretty girl off to semi-barbaric Romania and a man to the knowledge of all of Europe desperately in love with another woman.” Missy’s aunt, the Dowager Empress of Germany, wrote to her daughter, the Crown Princess of Greece: “Aunt Beatrice [Queen Victoria’s youngest daughter[ is not at all delighted at Missy of Edinburgh’s engagement, and thinks about Ferdinand as we all do. Neither my Mama nor Uncle Afred seem much pleased. It seems Marie was perplexed and did not know what to do. There were different suitors, and this was thought the best way to solve the question. Still my family regrets it. Missy is till now quite delighted, but the poor child is so young, how can she guess what is before her?” Vicky’s words were prescient, as time would tell, but in the meantime the young couple were married on January 10, 1893 at Sigmaringen Castle overlooking the Danube River, less than three months after Missy’s 17th birthday. The honeymoon came as a shock to the new Crown Princess, who had never been informed of exactly what marriage entailed – nor what came of it. Of that time, she later wrote: “He was terribly, almost cruelly in love. In my immature way I tried to respond to his passion, but I hungered and thirsted for something more.” Or, as Queen Victoria wrote to Vicky: “Yesterday poor little Missy was married – the irrevocable step taken ‘for better, for worse.’ I ought not to tell you now, who have this so soon before you, what I feel about a daughter’s marrying, but to me there is something so dreadful, so repulsive in that one has to give one’s beloved and innocent child, whom one has watched over and guarded from the breath of anything indelicate [that she] should be given over to a man, a stranger to a great extent, body and soul to do with what he likes. No experience in life will ever help me over that.” Missy’s first few weeks in Bucharest were dismal. In addition to feeling desperately homesick and finding her new home in the royal palace dark and depressing, she also wasn’t feeling well and couldn’t figure out why. It fell to one of her ladies, upon being told the girl’s symptoms, to tell her that she was pregnant. When Missy responded by looking panicked and confused, the woman said, “You don’t mean to say no one ever told you?” And so it was that Missy learned from where babies came already expecting her first. Missy gave birth nine months after her wedding to a son named Carol after his great-uncle. Queen Victoria and Marie had to directly intervene with the Romanian court to insist that she be given chloroform to help with labor – Romanian doctors firmly believed that “women must pay in agony for the sins of Eve.” While Ferdinand and King Carol were overjoyed that the succession had been secured, Missy, unsurprisingly, felt little attachment to her newborn. Depressed and isolated of all society, she was in no shape to take to motherhood. Unfortunately for her, within three months she was pregnant again, this time delivering a daughter, Elisabeth, in the autumn of 1895. Shortly after this, Queen Elisabeth finally returned to Romania following a three-year exile. Where her husband was a cold, stern and militant, Elisabeth was dramatic, colorful and eccentric…but not in a good way. She held grand salons for poets and artists, basking in the attention of her audience, which often veered into the bizarre and absurd. She often took sitting at an open widow of the royal palace where she would speak to passersby of her husband, her spirituality and other personal, private matters. Despite needing a friend and confidante, Missy never took to her and the feeling was mutual. The other factor at play was the presence of Missy’s cousin, Princess Charlotte of Prussia, eldest daughter of Vicky and sister of the Kaiser. Married to Bernhard of Saxe-Meiningen and always known to be difficult (in fact, she suffered from mental illness at various points in her life), Charlotte was on the outs with her brother thanks to losing her diary and its contents having been read by him. She spent her time in Bucharest schmoozing with the King and Queen and, jealous of her younger, prettier cousin, making up lies about Missy that further soured relations. The Princess’s only respite came from trips abroad when she could visit her mother and Ducky, the latter already trapped in her own unhappy marriage with another first cousin, Duke Ernst of Hesse (eldest son of Queen Victoria’s second daughter, Alice). In May 1896, the two sisters went to Moscow for the coronation of Alix of Hesse and Nicholas II as the Tsar and Tsarina of Russia. Missy later wrote: “I was enjoying myself with all my heart. In fact, the joy of it all, the glamour, the beauty, the atmosphere of constant admiration which surrounded me, had slightly gone to my head. My suppressed youth and spirits were responding almost dangerously to all this spoiling and adulation…This was indeed an inebriating contrast to the life I led at Uncle Carol’s court.” Both women had such a good time that they in fact began affairs with two Russian brothers – Grand Dukes Boris and Kyril, the former of which became attached to Missy. Upon her return to Bucharest, King Carol finally relented and allowed the younger couple their own private residence – Cotroceni Palace – on the outskirts of the city. The move not only allowed Missy more privacy, but greater autonomy, including the ability to socialize with Romanian nobility freely. Perhaps Carol’s initial hesitancy to permit this access is understandable given that his own wife once said that Romania was “a country where one was not even ashamed, but rather proud, of one’s immorality.” Missy became the toast – and indeed head, in many ways – of Romanian society. Her fixation on socializing, her new friendships and continued “foreign” habits and mannerisms finally prompted the King and Queen to take custody of Missy’s young children, insisting that they were able to provide them with the stability and education they would need later in life. Missy fought back, but she had little leverage and few friends positioned to help. The Queen’s worst tactic was spreading gossip and innuendo to the children themselves, particularly Prince Carol. In 1897 Ferdinand grew ill with Typhoid seriously enough that Missy was called to his bedside to say goodbye. His months of illness and convalescence briefly brought the couple closer, but by the end of the year she had embarked on a second affair, this time with Lieutenant Zizi Catacuzene, a member of the Hussar regiment. The relationship wasn’t a secret, nor was the sorry state of the royal marriage itself. In the end, it was the King who intervened and insisted that it was broken off – and it was the King who found himself on the receiving end of an upbraiding from none other than Missy’s mother, Marie, who wrote of her son-in-law: “Worst of all [his faults was] his sensual passion for Missy [which] finished by…repulsing her…Nando will himself avow that he treated his wife like a mistress, caring little for her emotional well-being in order to constantly assuage his physical passions.” Indeed, Missy had written to her mother: “All intimate life with a man is difficult for me. My husband sees me cry…he is awfully sorry, he wants to console me, he has every intention to do so, his heart is full of love, he begins to kiss me then he forgets that, and tries to console me by giving way to just that which I dread most on earth.” And lest we feel too sorry for Ferdinand, he was in fact carrying on his own extramarital affairs, only the King didn’t care about those too much. Unfortunately for everyone involved, Missy became pregnant in 1897 and it wasn’t clear who the father was. The scandal broke and Bucharest erupted, prompting the Princess to flee for her mother’s house in Coburg. Incredibly, we don’t know what happened next. Missy returned to Bucharest after several months without a child. Historians have speculated that the child was either stillborn or anonymously placed in an orphanage, but however that pregnancy ended, Missy never told a soul outside of the family, and whoever she did tell never kept their mouths shut. If that wasn’t enough intrigue, it nearly happened again two years later. By now, Prince Carol and Princess Elisabeth were five and four, thus creating a gap in Missy and Ferdinand’s nursery that spoke to their difficult relationship. When Missy became pregnant for a fourth time in 1899, Marie wrote to her daughter, “My plan is to take you immediately to Coburg, where we cant wait until you give birth. I will take care of the rest.” Except the King wouldn’t hear of it and insisted the Princess remain in Romania. The stand-off ended when Missy finally confronted him face-to-face and told him that not only did she want a divorce, but the child she was carrying was the son of the Russian Grand Duke Boris. The King relented, Missy gave birth to a daughter in Coburg in January 1900 and, scared by the thought of divorce, the young couple entered a new phase of their marriage – one in which they settled into at least some sort of resigned friendship and partnership. And the child, Marie, but always called Mignon, was acknowledged by Ferdinand as his daughter, whoever her father truly was. Six months later, Missy’s father, Alfred, died of cancer. The family had already been wracked with grief when the only son and brother, Affie, committed suicide in February 1899 at the age of only 24. Missy returned to Coburg once more to grieve with her mother and sisters, during which time the below photo was taken: The next death came in January 1901, this time on the Isle of Wight, when Queen Victoria passed away at Osborne House, ending her 63-year reign at the age of 81. Missy later wrote: “In a way she was the arbiter of our different fates. For all members of her family her ‘yes’ and ‘no’ counted tremendously. She was not averse from interfering in the most private questions. She was the central power of directing things…and her palaces, whilst she breathed within their walls, had something of shrines about them, which were approached with awe not unmixed with anxiety.” In the summer of 1902 Missy returned to England for the coronation of her uncle, King Edward VII, at which point she was reunited with her cousin, George, the new Prince of Wales. During her stay she accepted a brunch invitation at Cliveden, the Buckinghamshire estate of the Astor family where she met the siblings Pauline and Waldorf and quickly struck up a close friendship. In the coming weeks and months, Missy repeatedly returned to Cliveden and when she finally returned to Bucharest, the trio kept in touch via letters and the Astors made an annual trip to see her. It was Waldorf, in particular, with whom Missy grew attached. Even so, she gave a full endorsement of Nancy Shaw when she arrived on the scene in 1906, even going so far as to write to the near stranger that she should accept Waldorf’s marriage proposal. We don’t know Nancy’s reaction to the note, but though the two women were friendly, they never grew close despite Missy’s attempts. Nancy found the Princess strange, and worse she found her too close for comfort with her new husband. The letters stopped, but the friendship continued. When Nancy gave birth to her first child, William Waldorf Astor, in 1907, Waldorf made Missy a godmother despite his wife’s protests. In the midst of all of this, two more family developments occurred. Missy’s sister, Ducky, divorced Duke Ernst of Hesse, a rare formalization of an unhappy marriage within the extended Royal Family. The separation was procured in 1901 after Queen Victoria’s death – the couple finally feeling free to do so – and four years later, Ducky married Grand Duke Kyril of Russia, the same man she began a relationship with when in Moscow with Missy in 1896. Missy was hardly one to judge a family member for being embroiled in scandal, but as the future queen of Romania she decided to commit to staying in her marriage and fulfilling her duty. On August 18, 1903 she gave birth to another child, Prince Nicholas, and though there was speculation that Waldorf Astor was the father (this being before his marriage to Nancy), Ferdinand acknowledged the infant as his own. In fact, Nicholas was almost certainly Ferdinand’s son and the two resembled one another in looks. In February 1907 the Romanian Peasants’ Revolt broke out and Missy and her children, alongside a number of noble families, fled Bucharest for the safer distance of Sinaia. There, she took to spending time with her friend, Nadeje Stirbey, and it was via these trips that she struck up a friendship with her husband, Prince Barbo Stirbey. The Revolt ended in April, but her association with the Stirbeys endured. It was under Barbo’s tutelage that Missy began to show a distinct interest in politics and it wasn’t long before the mutual admiration turned into a passionate love affair. The relationship, as with Missy’s previous extramarital adventures, was hardly a secret, but this time the King didn’t attempt to stand in her way – instead, he encouraged it on the grounds that a highly-educated, decisive and discreet third party in the marriage may well be to everyone’s advantage. Barbo and the King were in agreement that Missy had the makings of a great queen and leader, but that her time was mostly squandered thanks to boredom. Barbo wrote to Carol, “It’s essential not to break her will, but if we can persuade her to take herself and her duties more seriously, her natural intelligence will do the rest.” The dynamic wasn’t lost on outsiders either. One observer wrote in January 1907: “It is often said that when Prince Ferdinand comes to the Throne it will be the Princess who will be the true Ruler, but I feel sure that Her Royal Highness will be far too clever to step outside her own role, and that she will know how to supplement any possible deficiencies of her husband by the savoire-faire and tact which she has inherited from her father and the Royal Family of England.” On January 5, 1909 Missy gave birth to another child, Ileana, who quickly became her mother’s favorite. Dark where her siblings were fair, many speculated that the girl was in fact the daughter of Barbo, not Ferdinand. Missy gave birth one last time four years later in 1913 when she produced a son, Mircea, on January 3. One of Missy’s biographers speculates that it was this child who was almost certainly sired by Barbo, not Ileana, based on how differently he spoke of the boy in his letters to Missy. Unfortunately, it’s all guess work – both children were, once again, acknowledged by Ferdinand as his own. In June 1914 it was Prince Carol who became the center of attention when the Russian Royal Family descended on the Port of Constanza on the Black Sea. Ostensibly a family visit, the real intent was to secure an engagement between the 21-year-old Carol and Grand Duchess Olga, eldest daughter of Nicholas II & Alexandra. Olga was horrified by the idea of leaving Russia and the young people showed little interest in one another – the match came to naught. By then, however, Europe was poised to embark on World War I. Archduke Franz Ferdinand was assassinated on June 28 and a month later war was formally declared. Romania was in a tricky position and found itself having to decide whether to align itself with the Germany-led Central Alliance or the Triple Entente. Missy, though the daughter of a former Duke of Coburg, considered herself British and the idea of opposing herself to her beloved cousin, now King George V, was abhorrent. She was, however, outnumbered – King Carol, Queen Elisabeth and Ferdinand were staunchly German and, to a certain extent, considered German domination a foregone conclusion. In the end, fate was decided by King Carol’s passing on October 9, 1914 – the decision had been left for Ferdinand and Missy to decide as their first act as king and queen. Away from Bucharest when the news came, the couple returned to shouts of “Regina Maria!” Missy later wrote, “I knew that I had won, that the stranger, the girl who had come from over the seas, was a stranger no more; I was theirs with every drop of my blood!” And Missy, as everyone well knew, was well-equipped to handle her husband. In August 1916, Romania entered the War alongside the Allies. To Ferdinand’s government Missy said, “Gentlemen, no one of you realizes so well as I what this has cost him. I am proud of him. And Romania should be.” To George, she wrote: “I always knew it would end like that. Indeed I was confident that it would not end otherwise, but the struggles were hard and Nando has made a tremendous sacrifice – the greatest that can be asked of a King and a man, to against his own brothers, again the country he was born in, that he loved…We are separated from England by the whole of Europe, yet we feel that England can be our great support and it is England that we trust.” Two months later tragedy struck when Mircea died just shy of his fourth birthday from Typhoid. Missy and Barbo, who had stayed by the child’s sick bed through the worst of it, were plunged into grief. Shortly after the funeral the Germans descended on Romania and Missy and her five remaining children were evacuated to Jassy. In the first days of December they were joined by Ferdinand and the whole of the Romanian government. Bucharest fell to the Germans on December 6 and refugees flooded Jassy. Shortages of housing, fuel and food affected everyone, including the Royal Family. Indeed, the country’s petroleum reserves came into play when Missy approved the burning of the oil fields, so afraid was the government of the commodity ending up in enemy hands. The ramifications of that move were devastating – the fire created uncontrollable flames and poisonous smoke, and Romania had in fact destroyed its own income. As for Marie, she devoted herself to nursing, going in person to the hospital in Jassy to attend to the sick and wounded. Of that time, she said: “The remembrance of I keep of those days is of a suffering so great that it almost blinded me…black waves seemed to be rushing in upon me threatening to drown me, yet I was quite calm and continued living and working as though my heard had not been torn from my breast.” In February 1917, in one of her last acts as Tsarina, Alexandra sent five wagons of supplies to Jassy. “Another beautiful present arrived for me from Empress Alexandra, a quantity of linen, medicines and provisions for the hospitals.” Five months later, Alexandra, alongside Nicholas, Olga and her four other children, would be brutally assassinated. Per Missy’s biographer, Julia Gelardi: “The queen often traveled over difficult terrain to reach her destinations, then disembarked from her automobile and trampled through mud, snow or parched and dusty ground to battle typhus, depression and death. The stench and mangled bodies she encountered everywhere were enough to turn the stomachs of the hardiest men. One one such visit, Queen Marie was moved to tears by the sight of hundreds of emaciated men lying outdoors near a church under a scorching sun. Carefully, she moved among the ‘parade of skeletons,’ as she called them, touching them as they cried out for her, bony hands thrust forth to grasp her. Marie was deeply moved when one…pulled himself to his feet to thanks his queen for ‘coming down’ from her palace ‘towards their misery, on this Easter Sunday.'” If there was one silver lining for Ferdinand and Missy during World War I it was that they became immensely popular with their people, their proximity to them in Jassy making it clear that the Royal Family was similarly affected. As for the royal couple, they settled into a healthy, albeit abnormal, dynamic. They celebrated their 25th wedding anniversary in January 1918 at which Barbo gave a speech. Missy wrote: “Today Nando and I, hand-in-hand, confess to each other that at this hour, in spite of our misfortunes, or should I say because of them, we have become the firmest possible friends, attached to our country in ways not often given to sovereigns.” Unfortunately, the Central Powers had Romania surrounded and in May Ferdinand signed a peace treaty with them. During the negotiations Missy was beside herself, telling her husband, “If we are to die, let us die with heads high, without soiling our souls by putting our names to our death warrant. Let us die protesting, crying out to the whole world our indignation against the infamy which is expected.” When Barbo sided with Ferdinand, Missy exclaimed that there were “no men in this country.” The deal was signed that May and included surrendering the country’s oil reserves for 90 years, giving up the Dobruja region and sending away all Allied soldiers. The next few months were a blur of activity, but they started with the news that 24-year-old Prince Carol had eloped with his girlfriend, Joana Marie Valentina Lambirno, or “Zizi” as she was called, a 19-year-old Moldavian who had long moved through Romania’s social circles. In order to marry her, Carol deserted his regiment and fled Jassy for Odessa, defying Romanian law. The family was dumbstruck and Missy wrote: “I felt myself turn very sick. Carol! My honest big boy, at such a moment when the country is in such a state, when all our moral courage is needed, when we, the Royal family, are the only thing that holds it together. I was completely crushed…only Boyle [a friend and councilor] and Barbu [Barbo] knew.” Ferdinand responded by imprisoning his son for two-and-a-half months at a remote monastery, a stint that ended in a meeting during which the King called his heir a traitor. Missy visited Carol and begged him to agree to an annulment, but Carol refused. In the end, it was only Boyle who was able to convince Carol to give in. The marriage was annulled in March 1919, but the relationship was far from over. In the meantime, the political tides were turning in Romania’s favor as the Central Alliance was weakening. On November 8, 1918 Ferdinand declared war on Germany and on November 11, the War was finally over. That same month Missy wrote to her cousin, George: “Your dear letter…you cannot imagine the pleasure it gave me. I never doubted but that you would be a faithful friend and uphold our country and its interests, but to hear it again from you yourself after the awful silence that had fallen upon us for about 9 months was a wonderful moment of happiness. “I can only tell you dear George that I held firmly as only a born Englishwoman can. Nothing shook me, neither threats, nor misery, nor humiliation nor isolation. At the darkest hours when no news reached us I clung firmly to my belief in your strength and fidelity. I knew you would win and I kept my people from giving way even at a moment when many had become doubters, luck having been from the beginning so dead set against us. And even if you had not been victorious, I would have stuck to you, for me there are not two forms of fidelity. Forgive me for talking so much of myself, but I have been so insulted and flouted since were given over into the enemy’s hands that really it is my hour now!” Ferdinand and Missy returned to Bucharest, but in March 1919 the popular queen was summoned to Paris where Romania was being beaten up by the United States, Britain, Italy and France for having signed a separate treaty with the enemy during the War. Missy arrived with her three daughters – 24-year-old Elisabeth, 19-year-old Mignon and 10-year-old Ileana – wearing a French blue gown over a petticoat of silver brocade. Face-to-face with George Clemenceau, she smiled when he said shortly, “I don’t like your Prime Minister,” and responded, “Perhaps you’ll like me better.” After a week of lobbying, she traveled on to London where she stayed at Buckingham Palace as a guest of George and his wife, Queen Mary. There she went about visiting old friends like the Waldorfs and charming the likes of Winston Churchill. She also visited her 15-year-old son, Nicholas, who was studying at Eton College. Of course the heart of the trip was her reunion with George, who never failed to be delighted by his beloved cousin, even as he was bemused by her now foreign customs. She returned to Paris in the end to continue her work, though one person who never took to her was U.S. President Woodrow Wilson. In one meeting she picked up a photograph of Ileana and said: “This, Mr. President, is a picture of my youngest daughter, Ileana. My love child I call her. Is she not lovely? My other girls are blonde, like me; but she – oh she is dark and passionate.” Needless to say, this wasn’t well-received by the Americans. Even so, Missy left Paris with fresh supplies for Romania. A few months later, the country was granted everything it wanted, including a “Greater Romania,” which doubled its size thanks to the absorption of Banat, Bukovina, southern Dobruja, Bessarabia and Transylvania. As one observer put it: “I know of no one who went away from Paris with more satisfactory annexations than did Marie of Romania…The Queen arrived at the Peace Conference from a kingdom numbering eight million subjects. She departed the ruler of eighteen million.” As for Carol, he continued to be a problem. Though he temporarily gave up Zizi, he took up with an ambitious lower-class girl who so horrified his parents that they were relieved when he returned to his former wife. When ordered by his parents to go on an overseas trip, he shot himself in the leg. When ordered to join his regiment, he refused. In August 1919 he renounced his right to the throne and in January 1920 Zizi gave birth to a son named Carol Mircea. A month later, Carol left Zizi and returned to his family asking to be reinstated as Crown Prince. Missy, needless to say, was unimpressed. In the midst of this, Missy lost Barbo. Unpopular and viewed with suspicion, he chose to resign his position in the royal household and left with his family for an extended visit to Italy. The royal couple, but particularly the Queen, were devastated after 12 years of trusted council. Then it was time for dynasty making – or at least attempts at it. Missy’s first cousin was Queen Sophie of Greece, younger sister of the once troublesome Charlotte of Prussia and the former Kaiser Wilhelm II. When Missy was returning to Bucharest from Paris she stopped with her daughters in Switzerland where Sophie and her family were then living in exile. The families had known each other for years and Sophie’s eldest son, Prince George, was in love with Missy’s daughter, Elisabeth. Back in 1911 he had proposed marriage to her and been abruptly turned down on the grounds that she found him unattractive. At the time she said, “God began the Prince but forgot to finish him.” Carol and Elisabeth had long been Missy’s problem children – not for nothing, but they were the same children who had been taken from her in their youth and raised in large part by the old King and Queen. Lazy and self-indulgent, neither was interested in the duties associated with their positions. Less attractive than her sisters and approaching spinsterhood, when George proposed again in 1920, Elisabeth accepted. George accompanied the Romanian family back to Bucharest and Missy, delighted by the match, invited his sisters, Helen (“Sitta”) and Irene to join. Back home, the young people socialized and went on excursions until the holiday was cut short by news that George’s younger brother, Alexander, had died. Missy accompanied the Greek royals back to Switzerland, as did Carol. He had taken a liking to Sitta and during this time proposed. Sitta, still grieving, accepted, later saying: “I could not face Athens and Tatoi again. To marry Carol and go to Romania, and not to have to live in the place would constantly wound me with memories, seemed in those days of sorrow a kind of deliverance…It was my mother who was so upset, chiefly because of the differences of upbringing and background, and also because she was in despair at the idea of losing me so soon after the grievous loss of Alexander. But I insisted and for some time my mother tried pleading with me, and using every argument to induce caution. I little realized then how true were her warning words. Had I listened, I would have been spared years of misery.” The marriage, as we will see, was obviously not a happy one, but Missy was delighted by it. “Carol is saved!” she wrote. “She is sweet and she is a lady. Besides, she’s one of the family, since we’re all descended from Grandmamma Queen.” In December 1920 a referendum brought the Greek Royal Family back to Athens, and George back to his position as its future king. On February 27, 1921 George and Elisabeth were married in Bucharest; one week later, Carol and Sitta were married in Athens. It was the latter couple, however, who made their home in Romania. On September 27, 1922, King Constantine was once again ousted from power, however this time George did not follow them, but instead succeeded as king, making Elisabeth queen. This was followed less than a month later by the solidification of Missy and Ferdinand’s power when, on October 15, they were re-crowned king and queen of “Greater Romania.” The ceremony was held in Dacia and Missy insisted that it be fully Medieval, embracing the ancient history of the region. Sitta attended the ceremony, but left soon after for Sicily to visit her aggrieved parents. From their house she wrote to Carol: “Mama’s state simply breaks my heart. I could not possibly leave her just now, I really honestly do not find her well enough, her nerves are in a pitiable state and a mere nothing would cause an absolute breakdown…This suspense is so ghastly, we have meals in Mama’s salon, not feeling at all inclined to sit in a room crowded with strangers who stare so…it’s too too cruel…You can imagine the state we are in and I simply could not leave mama just now, I am so terrified of her getting ill.” Constantine passed away on January 11, 1923. When Sitta returned to Bucharest she brought Sophie with her and Missy noted, “Yesterday our poor Sitta returned at last, still horribly sad. The death of her father was a terrible and sudden shock, and her poor mother is a sad, penniless, homeless, country-less exile. Too sad.” Unfortunately the marriage of Carol and Sitta was fast deteriorating. Carol blamed his wife’s many Greek relations, including Sophie, for interfering, but in reality they were a welcome relief for a young woman tied to a serial adulterer whose experience would likely only have been worse had she been isolated in a foreign country. Their only child, Michael, was born on October 25, 1921, however the experience was so physically arduous on his mother that she was forbidden by doctors from conceiving again. The situation only made Carol’s straying worse. Meanwhile, Missy’s third child, Mignon, married King Alexander of Yugoslavia on June 8, 1922, leaving Bucharest for Belgrade. Once Mignon gave birth to a son and heir, Peter, in September 1923, Missy was given the moniker “Mother-in-law of the Balkans.” The only thorn in her side was Elisabeth, who was falling far short of the task ahead of her as queen of the Hellenes. Missy noted of her daughter: “She seems to me in every way utterly unprepared for such an event. She has as yet neither interest nor love for the country. She has studiously refused to have a child, she knows no one, she cares for no one, she trusts no one.” Part of her problem was certainly serious mental health issues, including severe depression. Unfortunately no one around her was equipped to help her, including her once loving husband, George. It was a relief to her when, in December 1923, George was forced to abdicate and the two fled Athens for Bucharest, essentially showing up on her parents’ doorstep. The forced dependence on his in-laws placed further strain on George, who already growing fed up with his wife. This was further magnified when Elisabeth struck up a series of extramarital affairs, at one point even making a play for Mignon’s husband, Alexander. As the years wore on, George began to spend more and more time in Britain. By the end of 1925, it was Carol who was once more causing problems when he left his wife, fleeing for Italy with his mistress, Magda Lupescu. Horrified, Sitta offered to follow him and try to reason with him, but Ferdinand had had enough of his son. In December Carol wrote to Missy: “I’ve had some time to think things over, my decisions have become firm. The best solution I’ve been able to imagine is that one should find a way of declaring that I’ve been killed in a motor accident, let’s say drowned in the Lago Maggiore, so as to make things pass without any scandal…As I’ll be dead for many, let me dead for everybody. I’ll know how to disappear without leaving a trace.” Missy wrote back: “What can I say to you, Carol my boy? What can a mother say to a son who is stabbing her in the heart for a second time? You have everything: a country that needs you, a grand future to make yours, a lovely home, a beautiful and good wife, an adorable child, parents who loved you, whose right hand you ought to have been, parents who are going towards old age, who have given their lives to a mission you were to have completed. All this you give up, tear to pieces, throw away as though it were so much rubbish, and for what? “Love, Carol, does not mean the blind giving-in to all a man wants…As I told you during that sad interview in Sinaia, what I cannot understand is what is your conception of life? What is your conception of duty? What is your idea of love? Is love for you simply indulgence, simply a letting yourself go to your animal appetites till you are sick of the one who satisfies you, and then you pass on? Is there no fidelity in your code, no restraint…Nothing, noting at all? No ideal, no vision, no dream of the future, only lust, only giving way to each passion which flits across your path? “Then, my boy, you are right to go, then we cannot understand one another, for we speak different languages, then indeed you are not worthy of standing above others, of being chosen as a leader for a people who need a shepherd.” And so it was done. Within days Ferdinand had Carol struck from the succession, his heir becoming his four-year-old grandson, Michael. His health however wasn’t helped by the stress of his son’s desertion. Sitta, meanwhile, left for a long stay with her mother in Italy. To recover, Missy undertook an extended holiday in the United States with 23-year-old Nicholas and 17-year-old Ileana. On her way there she made a brief stop in Paris where she saw Carol, now going by the surname “Caraiman.” She returned in the early months of 1927 to find Ferdinand dying of cancer. She was with him when he passed away on July 20 in Sinaia at the age of 61. The new king was five years old and as such a regency council was formed, which included Nicholas. As for Missy, she was genuinely saddened by the loss of her husband, but could find some comfort from the return of Barbo to help counsel her through the coming months and years. The following summer, Sitta finally agreed to divorce Carol after his years of pleading. Never given the opportunity to be queen, she settled in as the “Queen Mother.” Carol, meanwhile, decided he wanted to come home. With the regency government unpopular, Missy relegated to the sidelines and suspicion from every corner, Nicholas finally agreed in 1930 to let Carol return. It was an unmitigated disaster. While many had assumed he would return to Sitta he instead placed her under glorified house arrest, limited her money and reduced her access to Michael, now stripped of his kingship. Instead, he brought Magda into Romania and openly flouted her as his mistress. Finally, in the summer of 1931, they reached an arrangement in which Sitta left Romania, returning once a year for Michael’s birthday while Michael could make two trips per year to see his mother. As for Marie, he was less public in his revenge, but he took seeming delight in stripping her of the inheritance left by Ferdinand and exiling Barbo from Romania. Ileana was Carol’s favorite sibling, but when she showed signs of siding with Missy and Sitta over him, he retaliated. He purposefully threw her in the path of Anton of Habsburg-Lothringen and the two became engaged. Carol blessed the match, but forbade them from living in Romania and thus, from July 1931 on, Missy was deprived of her youngest daughter. The next blow would come from Nicholas. On November 7, 1931 he married his Romanian girlfriend, Dumitrescu-Doletti, who Missy described as a “hardhearted, painted little hussy whose on idea is money and luxury in every form, and who is eating up his fortune so that soon he will have nothing but debts.” Though the marriage was again encouraged by Carol, as soon as it was done he divested Nicholas of his military rank and banished the couple from the country. Missy wrote to George around this time: “Lately I have been living in a world which I no more understand and which has become very lonely; Ileana married, Sitta gone, Nicky banished, but I struggle on, I look beaten, but am I really beaten? I was always a good fighter you remember. But fight against one’s own flesh and blood?” When Ileana was pregnant with her first child and denied permission to give birth in Romania, George wrote to Missy: “What a terribly sad letter yours is. In reading it tears came into my eyes, as I fully realise all the misery you have gone through during the last two years. I have seen Sitta and George, and they have both told me of the many insults and unkindnesses that have been heaped upon you; even this last curel act, that Ileana was forbidden to enter the country to have her baby in your house is cruel and disgraceful. I do hope that some day soon we may meet and then you will able to pour your heart out to me.” Instead, Missy traveled to Austria in August 1932 when Ileana gave birth to a son, Archduke Stefan. Over the years she traveled between Austria and Belgrade frequently visiting Ileana and Mignon and getting to know her multitude of grandchildren. Ileana and Anton went on to have four more children, while Mignon and Alexander had two more sons after Peter. It was in October 1934, during a visit to England, when news reached her that Mignon’s husband had been assassinated. Eleven-year-old Peter was now king, but he was in school in England, allowing Missy to bring him to her in the immediate aftermath of his father’s death. She traveled with him to Belgrade to be by Mignon’s side. She returned to England again the following year for George’s Silver Jubilee. She wrote: “England was a joy, a deep joy. I love it with the love the roots of a tree have for their own soil, something deeper than reason, something fundamental, so to say – basic. Something deep down within me responds to England as it does to nothing else. To the soil, to the people…a sort of delicious, warm pride bubbles up from my depths when I think of England. Everything in me agrees with it, feels at home, at peace…My love for Romania in no way makes me less proud of being English, of feeling English, with every drop of my blood.” She was heartbroken by George’s death in January 1936 and utterly unsympathetic when she heard of Edward VIII’s abdication that December. “Personally, I am too royal not to look upon David as a deserter,” she said. “There is too much poetry in my heart and soul to be touched by this love story. She is an uninteresting heroine.” Closer to home, Greece recalled its monarchy in 1935 and summoned Missy’s son-in-law George back to Athens. By then, however, he was technically Missy’s ex-son-in-law, for he and Elisabeth finally divorced that summer, three years after he had thrown in the towel and permanently set up camp in England. The divorce was in fact prompted by Elisabeth hearing rumors that he might be reinstated and, horrified by the thought of returning to Greece, she initiated proceedings in Romania. He returned to Greece in time for World War II, but never remarried. Instead, the throne passed to his younger brother, Paul, upon his death in 1947. As for Elisabeth, she continued to live comfortably in Romania greatly favored by Carol. Nicholas returned to Romania in 1935 after his brief exile, but left again in 1937 when he once more fell out with his brother. Indeed, in Missy’s last years her closest comforts were her two youngest daughters, Mignon and Ileana – ironically, the two most likely to have been fathered by men other than Ferdinand. In Romania, she was devoted to her grandson, Michael, in whom she invested much hope for overseeing the future of Romania. Missy finally passed away on July 18, 1938 in Sinaia of pancreatic cancer at the age of 62. She is buried in Curtea de Argeș Cathedral. Never reconciled with his mother, Carol was in fact forced to abdicate just two years later. He died in Portugal in 1953, though his remains were eventually returned to Romania. Earlier this year, it was announced that he would be re-interred in the Royal Cathedral, as will Sitta and the youngest of Missy’s children, Prince Mircea. In the 1940s Elisabeth became a devoted ally of the Communist Party though she would eventually be exiled in 1947. She ended up in Cannes with yet another one of her lovers. When he was denied a title she ended up legally adopting him three months before her death. She passed away in 1956. Nicholas spent the rest of his life on the continent, splitting his time between Spain and Switzerland. He eventually married a second time, but that union was also childless. He died in Madrid in 1978 and is buried in Prilly. The Yugoslavian monarchy ended in 1945 and thus Mignon ended her days in England, as was perhaps befitting for one of Missy’s daughters. She was initially buried in Frogmore, Windsor until her remains were transported to Serbia in 2013. As for Ileana, like Elisabeth, she too grew an affinity for communism that soon soured. She, Anton and their children moved to Switzerland, then Argentina and then finally settled in the United States. She passed away in Youngstown, Ohio in 1991. Finally, Michael – he succeeded his father in 1940 at the age of 26. He was forced to abdicate by the communist party in 1947, though he stated as early as 1948 the act was illegal and he was still the rightful king. He never saw Carol again after his father’s abdication and didn’t attend his funeral in 1953 – instead, he remained dedicated to Sitta until her death. As for himself, he only recently passed away in December 2017. For the last 20 years of his life he split his time between Switzerland and Romania once he was allowed to re-enter the country. He is buried near Missy, his formiddable grandmother. Missy is a popular figure in Romanian history, deservedly so. Her legacy is sadly eclipsed by the exploits of her offspring, which she noted at one point by admitting, “I have put queer children into the world.” Even so, she was a good and dutiful queen and a stalwart of her generation of royals. And despite her love for Romania, it is still a little intriguing to think what might have had happened had she and George V ended up married after all.
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Carol I | Modernization, Unification & Reformation
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[ "Carol I", "encyclopedia", "encyclopeadia", "britannica", "article" ]
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[ "The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica" ]
1998-07-20T00:00:00+00:00
Carol I was the first king of Romania, whose long reign (as prince, 1866–81, and as king, 1881–1914) brought notable military and economic development along Western lines but failed to solve the basic problems of an overwhelmingly rural country. As a German prince, Carol was educated in Dresden and
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Encyclopedia Britannica
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Carol-I
Carol I (born April 20, 1839, Sigmaringen, Prussia [now in Germany]—died October 10, 1914, Sinaia, Romania) was the first king of Romania, whose long reign (as prince, 1866–81, and as king, 1881–1914) brought notable military and economic development along Western lines but failed to solve the basic problems of an overwhelmingly rural country. As a German prince, Carol was educated in Dresden and Bonn and in 1864 served as an officer of the Prussian army in the war against Denmark. With the tacit approval of his cousin, the French emperor Napoleon III, he was offered the throne of Romania after the deposition of the reigning prince, Alexandru Cuza (February 1866), and in April 1866 was elected prince by plebiscite. In 1869 he married the princess Elizabeth of Wied, who later gained fame as the poetess Carmen Sylva. His Germanophile sentiments caused him to be domestically unpopular during the Franco-Prussian War (1870–71), and in 1871 unrest almost forced his abdication; but he regained popular support for his military leadership at the Battle of Plevna during the Russo-Turkish War (1877–78), and, with Romania’s complete independence from the Ottoman Empire, he was finally crowned king (May 1881). In 1883 he concluded an alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary, which remained a closely guarded state secret until the outbreak of World War I. He fostered the development of urban industrial and financial interests with a large measure of success and significantly built the national military establishment; but his neglect of rural problems—especially peasant land hunger—found its issue in the bloody peasant rebellion of 1907, which claimed perhaps several thousand lives. His rule brought a great measure of dignity and stability to the administration of government, but his manipulation of political parties also perpetuated some of the worst features of Romanian public life. He favoured entrance into World War I on the side of the Central Powers but accepted the decision of the Crown Council to declare neutrality.
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https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo-elisabeth-of-wied-1843-1916-queen-consort-of-romania-through-her-marriage-141276845.html
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1916), Queen Consort of Romania through her Marriage to King Carol I, Portrait Stock Photo
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[ "Alamy Limited" ]
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Download this stock image: Elisabeth of Wied (1843-1916), Queen Consort of Romania through her Marriage to King Carol I, Portrait - J5RM1H from Alamy's library of millions of high resolution stock photos, illustrations and vectors.
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https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1740513/
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Le roi et la reine de Roumanie et leur escorte (Short 1897)
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1897-06-19T00:00:00
Le roi et la reine de Roumanie et leur escorte: With Elisabeth of Wied, King Carol of Romania, King Ferdinand of Romania. Passage of Queen Elisabeth of Wied in a carriage escorted by horsemen, followed by King Charles I and Prince Ferdinand of Hohenzollern on horseback, whom the crowd greets.
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IMDb
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Passage of Queen Elisabeth of Wied in a carriage escorted by horsemen, followed by King Charles I and Prince Ferdinand of Hohenzollern on horseback, whom the crowd greets.Passage of Queen Elisabeth of Wied in a carriage escorted by horsemen, followed by King Charles I and Prince Ferdinand of Hohenzollern on horseback, whom the crowd greets.Passage of Queen Elisabeth of Wied in a carriage escorted by horsemen, followed by King Charles I and Prince Ferdinand of Hohenzollern on horseback, whom the crowd greets.
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https://www.unofficialroyalty.com/april-20-1839-birth-of-king-carol-i-of-romania/
en
King Carol I of Romania
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2014-04-20T00:00:21+00:00
by Scott Mehl  © Unofficial Royalty 2014 King Carol I of Romania was born on April 20, 1839, at Sigmaringen Castle in Sigmaringen, Principality of Hohenzollern, now in the German state of Baden-Wür…
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Unofficial Royalty
https://www.unofficialroyalty.com/april-20-1839-birth-of-king-carol-i-of-romania/
by Scott Mehl © Unofficial Royalty 2014 King Carol I of Romania was born on April 20, 1839, at Sigmaringen Castle in Sigmaringen, Principality of Hohenzollern, now in the German state of Baden-Württemberg. At the time, he was Prince Karl Eitel Friedrich Zephyrinus Ludwig of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, second son of Karl Anton, The Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen and Princess Josephine of Baden. Carol had five siblings: Leopold, Prince of Hohenzollern (1835–1905), married Infanta Antónia of Portugal, daughter of Queen Maria II of Portugal, had three children including King Ferdinand of Romania Stephanie of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (1837–1859), married King Pedro V of Portugal, no children Anton of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (1841–1866), died in battle at age 24 Friedrich of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (1843–1904), married Louise of Thurn and Taxis, no children Marie of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (1845–1912), married Philippe of Belgium, Count of Flanders, had five children including Albert I, King of the Belgians When Karl was 11 years old, his father abdicated as the sovereign Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, and the principality was annexed by Prussia. Karl embarked on a military career, becoming an officer in the Prussian forces. Due to political unrest in what was then called the Romanian United Principalities, the former Ruling Prince (Domnitor) – Alexander Ioan Cuza – was forced to abdicate in February 1866. Due largely to the familial relationship with the French Emperor Napoleon III and the Prussian monarchs, Karl was elected by the Romanian government to become the new Ruling Prince on April 20, 1866 – his 27th birthday. Karl arrived in Romania on May 10, 1866, and declared his allegiance to his new country, taking on the more Romanian spelling of his name – Carol. Soon after the country established its first Constitution, and formally changed the name to Romania – beginning the steps toward eventual independence from the Ottoman Empire. In 1861, while he was still Prince Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, Carol had met Princess Elisabeth of Wied. After meeting again in 1869 when Carol was touring Europe searching for a bride, the couple was married in Neuwied, Principality of Wied, now in Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany on November 15, 1869. They had one daughter – Maria – born on September 8, 1870. Maria died of scarlet fever on April 9, 1874, and Elisabeth never fully recovered from the loss of her only child. In the Russo-Turkish War of 1877, Romania declared independence from the Ottoman Empire and joined forces with Russia. The following year, Romania was formally established as an independent nation under the Treaty of Berlin. Three years later, on March 15, 1881, the Romanian parliament declared Romania a Kingdom, and Karl became King Carol I. His coronation was held on May 10, 1881, the 15th anniversary of his arrival in Romania. He was crowned with the Steel Crown, made from the steel of a cannon captured from the Ottomans during the Russo-Turkish War. Following a reign of more than 48 years, King Carol I died on October 10, 1914, in Sinaia, Romania. He is buried in the royal crypt at the Monastery of Curtea de Argeș in Curtea de Argeș, Romania. King Carol I was succeeded by his nephew, King Ferdinand I, the second son of his elder brother Leopold. This article is the intellectual property of Unofficial Royalty and is NOT TO BE COPIED, EDITED, OR POSTED IN ANY FORM ON ANOTHER WEBSITE under any circumstances. It is permissible to use a link that directs to Unofficial Royalty. Romania Resources at Unofficial Royalty
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https://trashyroyals.com/elisabeth-of-wied-first-queen-of-romania-and-literatures-carmen-sylva/
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54. Elisabeth of Wied, First Queen of Romania, and Literature’s Carmen Sylva – Trashy Royals
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2024-04-11T00:01:00+00:00
en
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However much ‘protocol’ may attempt to intervene, the truth is that eccentricity is a trait that even royals have. This is certainly the case for Elisabeth of Wied, a German princess who became Romania’s first queen, wife of Romania’s King Carol I. Politics in Europe were extra complex in the latter half of the 19th century. In Russia, Tsar Alexander II had concluded his father’s Crimean War in 1856, but even with the defeat of Russia in the conflict, the Ottoman Empire was in retreat. As Ottoman influence waned, former vassal states, including what would become modern Romania, were shaped by the other great powers and their own internal politics, which led to the unification of several formerly Ottoman principalities into what is now Romania. And what does a newly independent player on the European stage need? A royal house, of course! And wouldn’t you know it – the Germans had so many of those lying around that it was easy pickings to find some stuffy but qualified guy to ‘elect’ king. King Carol I was both a liberalizing influence on the new nation’s politics, as well as personally fastidious and, according to accounts, quite humorless. Which must have been tough on his wife, Elisabeth, a flamboyant writer with an artist’s temperament who is better known by her nom de plum, Carmen Sylva. She was enough of a handful in the Romanian court that her husband once exiled her back to Germany for a couple of years, from which she sent letters to the Romanian Crown Prince’s wife, Marie of Edinburgh, that she hoped Marie’s forthcoming baby would turn out to be a girl! Listen ad-free at patreon.com/trashyroyalspodcast. Sources Americans and Queen Marie of Romania: A Selection of Documents, by Diana Fotescu (Amazon.com) The Story of my Life, by Marie Queen of Romania (Amazon.com) The First King of Romania: King Carol I (tourinromania.com) Elisabeth of Wied – The Princess of the Wild Rose (Part one) – History of Royal Women Elisabeth of Wied – The Princess of the Wild Rose (Part two) – History of Royal Women Elisabeth of Wied – The Princess of the Wild Rose (Part three) – History of Royal Women HM King Ferdinand I of Romania – Henry Poole
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Sieh dir auf Facebook Beiträge, Fotos und vieles mehr an.
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https://hetalia-oc-character.fandom.com/wiki/Alexandra_Feodorovna_(Caroline_Amalia_of_Romania)
en
Alexandra Feodorovna (Caroline Amalia of Romania)
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[ "Contributors to Hetalia Oc Character Wiki" ]
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This article is about Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, wife of Rudolph III of Austria. For Empress Alexandra Feodorovna (1798-1860), the wife of Rudolph I of Austria, see Alexandra Feodorovna (Marie of Romania). Alexandra Feodorovna (6 June [O.S. 25 May] 1872 – 17 July 1918) was Empress of Austria...
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Hetalia Oc Character Wiki
https://hetalia-oc-character.fandom.com/wiki/Alexandra_Feodorovna_(Caroline_Amalia_of_Romania)
This article is about Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, wife of Rudolph III of Austria. For Empress Alexandra Feodorovna (1798-1860), the wife of Rudolph I of Austria, see Alexandra Feodorovna (Marie of Romania). Alexandra Feodorovna (6 June [O.S. 25 May] 1872 – 17 July 1918) was Empress of Austria, Queen of Bohemia and Queen of Hungary by virtue of her marriage to Emperor Rudolph II on 26 November 1894 until his abdication on 16 March [O.S 3 March] 1918, in favor of their eldest son; Nicholas I. Originally Princess Caroline Amalia of the Kingdom of Romania at birth, she was given the name and patronymic Alexandra Feodorovna when she converted and was received into the Austrian Orthodox Church. She and most all of her immediate family were all killed while held in communist Romanian captivity in 1911, during the Romanian revolution. In 2000, the Romanian Orthodox Church canonized her as Saint Alexandra the Holy Martyr. A favorite granddaughter of Prince Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen of the Grand Duchy of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, Alexandra was, like her grandfather, one of the most famous Prussian royals to reign over a country. She was also one of the most famous royal carriers of hemophilia, though it was vastly less severe than the cases of the hemophiliac heir apparent of Imperial Russia. Several of her children had shown traces of both hemophilia A and B, though only one of her children, (Tsesarevich Rudolph of Austria), was proven to have hemophilia. Her reputation for encouraging her husband`s resistance to the surrender of autocratic authority and her known faith in the Russian mystics Grigori Rasputin and Elisabeth Rasputin, a niece of Grigori Rasputin, severely damaged her popularity and that of the Hapsburg monarchy in its final years. Appearance and personality Alexandra was a noted beauty. The youngest of her maternal aunts, Empress Josephine praised her as "a most lovely child." Her friend Anna Bohemia described her as "tall... and delicately, beautifully shaped with an exquisitely white neck and shoulders. Her abundant hair, red gold, was so long that she could easily sit upon it when it was unbound. Her complexion was clear and as rosy as a little child`s. The Empress had large eyes, deep gray and very lustrous." In 1896, Martha Bohemia (a sister of the late Anna Bohemia), described her as "a tall, slight girl, with straight long features, a classical profile and a lovely figure... [and] fair hair that shone like gold in the sun. Bohemia further said, "I remember thinking that I had never yet seen anyone more beautiful than this girl. The general impression she produced was that of a superb woman." Another lady-in-waiting Baroness Sophie Buxhoevden, said that she was "a tall, slim girl" with "beautiful luminous eyes," "regular features," a "very good complexion," and "beautiful golden hair." An Imperial courtier favorably commented on her "expressive eyes", commenting on how expressive they were and how "the Empress could be understood surely by gazing into her eyes." In 1905, the President at the time visited the Austrian Empire and met Empress Alexandra later describing her as "a beautiful woman, hardly aging or becoming older. Her gentle, expressive eyes told of her quiet nature and mirrored her emotions, telling a far more different story then what people see. She was quite the sensitive soul." Alexandra was shy and highly introverted, being more of a wallflower than her older sister (Princess Marie). Like Empress Alexandra of Russia, she hated being thrust into the spotlight and enjoyed to do her favorite things in private rather than out in public. When she was Empress, a page in the Imperial household described her as "so obviously nervous of conversation" and claimed that "moments when she needed to show some social graces or a charming smile, her face would become suffused with little red spots and she would look intensely serious." Archduke Claimer of Austria noted that she "is terribly shy... Its noticeable that she does not have her mother-in-law's charm and still does not, therefore inspire general adulation. Miriam Bohemia, her lady-in-waiting, noted that she was "extremely shy even at such an informal event such as receiving" Miriam Bohemia and her mother to tea. An Imperial courtier notes that "when she was conversing or grew tired, her face was covered in red blotches [and] her hands were red and fleshy. She herself admitted that during social functions, "she long[ed] to disappear into the ground." She told her friend Maria Brandenburg that "I am not made to shine before an assembly-- I was meant to merely serve as a figurehead for my husband, a confidant for my country and an inspiration for Austrian pride. Nothing more, nothing less." Alexandra's natural shyness was mistaken for coldness and haughtiness. Her uncle, Prince Leopold of Romania described a habit of her`s: "she would unassumingly tilt her head to one side as if something displeased her, with the result that people thought that she was unhappy, or bored, or simply capricious." Her husband reflected that "the reserved nature which some many people had taken as an affront and had made her so many enemies was rather the effect of a natural timidity, as it were--- as a mask covering her sensitivity." Even from a young age, Alexandra was serious, hard-working and melancholy. Her first cousin and childhood friend Princess Marie Louisa said that she had "a curious atmosphere of fatality." Princess Marie Louisa allegedly asked her, "Carly, you always play at being sorrowful; one day the Almighty will send you some real crushing sorrows, and then what are you going to do?" Lady Marie Bohemia, who was a diplomat for Alexandra's grandmother Empress Josephine, reflected that Alexandra had "a sad and pathetic expression; barely fit for a Queen to display openly on her face, even more unsightly for an Empress to express her woes and toils on her face." Alexandra was not religious; she reportedly was even recorded saying "religion is worthless, it tears nations asunder and causes conflicts between people who are alike. What good is religion if it causes conflict? It is better that we forget, Humanity-- we never change as a race, constantly fighting. Religion is at the core of every single conflict that has been lauded on these lands." The Princess was so reportedly against the Austrian Orthodox Church (whom she viewed as an obstacle) that she never "truly" converted to the Austrian Orthodox Church, acting out her part but resenting being forced into the marriage, as well as being made to repudiate her former religion and faith (she had grown attached to both), as well as having her name changed against her willing consent. She was so demeaning towards her new religion that she only attended Church when it fit her liking, with her refusing to even let any of her children be baptized by a chief priest, as was expected by all wives of Austrian Emperors. She even told her paternal grandfather that "even thought it grieves me to be forced into a marriage, I must accept this unlawful union for the sake of preserving the freedom of both Romania and Prussia; I will not allow either nation to become subordinates to my new husband's Empire. If I have to spill the blood of my new husband and his relatives then I shall!" Alexandra was generous to both her friends and enemies, often trying to help other people despite their questionable morals. She was kind to her servants when they suffered a loss or an illness. She was also receptive towards her new Austrian relatives-in-laws and was one of the driving factors behind the immense popularity of sharp hat pins, always carrying one of them on her person to ward off unwanted advances. She admitted that "I am of the thought that sharpened hat pins of any length make a wonderful weapon to carry on my person, should I be attacked by some unsavory individual, I can defend myself; simple and quite pleasing to me." Her new male Austrian relatives-in-laws called the new sharp hat pin trend a "tad bit extreme" and often discussed the ethics of such a weapon. Alexandra was intellectual and well-read. In her first years as Empress, she translated over thirty-thousand Austrian writings and studied Austrian philosophy to improve her command of the language. One of her new male Austrian relatives-in-laws, Archduke Charles was fond of Alexandra, becoming devastated after learning of her death. Consequently, the only two of Alexandra and Leopold`s children to escape the massacre appeared at the court of Archduke Charles to plead for shelter but was refused shelter by an armed barrage of soldiers, eventually being taken in by the ambassadors of would later become known as the League of Nations, they would settle down in the United Kingdom, with the Romanian, Austrian and British royal families being joined together in matrimony. Early life Alexandra was born on 6 June 1872 in Bucharest, Romania as the second Princess of Romania that was also of the House of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, on 6 June [O.S. 25 May] 1872. She was born as Princess Caroline Amalia Alix Viktoria Helene Luise Beatrix Marie Wilhelmine Friederike Elisabeth of the Kingdom of Romania. She was the second child and second daughter among the seven children of King Carol I of Romania and his wife, Queen Elisabeth of Wied, the only daughter of Hermann, Prince of Wied and of his wife, Princess Marie of Nassau. Caroline Amalia was baptized on 1 July 1872 (her paternal aunt`s tenth wedding anniversary) in the Romanian Orthodox Church and given the names of her paternal aunt, each of her mother's four sisters, as well as all of the names of her maternal grandmother, most of which were transliterated into German. Her mother wrote to Princess Marie of Nassau (Caroline`s maternal grandmother), "‘Our darling daughter is named after you, dear mother. I am ever so grateful that I have been blessed with not one but two daughters.” Her mother later wrote that, "‘Our dear second-born child was meant to bear the name of ‘Alix’, much easier to pronounce for native German speakers than the standard British ‘Alice’ that is stated to be ever the rage in the British Empire these days." Her mother gave her the nickname of "Draco", due to her fierce temper, a name adopted later by her husband. Her father called her "buttercup", which Caroline called "simply quite mortifying", and her siblings affectionally teased her about. Her German relatives nicknamed her as "Ava", to distinguish her from the eldest of her maternal aunts, Caroline Amalia, Queen of Spencer and Falling Water, who was known within the family as Caroline Amalia. Caroline Amalia`s godparents were the Prince and Princess of Wied (her maternal grandfather and grandmother), Princess Caroline Amalia of Wied (the eldest of her maternal aunts), the Queen of Sri Lanka (her great-grandaunt), the Crown Prince and Crown Princess of Austria (her future parents-in-law), and Princess Ava of Romania (her younger fraternal twin sister). Caroline Amalia`s uncle Archduke Ferdinand of Romania ("Fern") suffered from a form of cancer, which Caroline Amalia was believed to have died from. Of her siblings, Caroline was closest to Princess Maria ("Mary"/"Merry"), who was about two years older; Princess Maria was born on 8 September 1870 while Caroline had been born on 6 June 1872; they were noted to be "inseparable". In November 1878, diphtheria swept through the House of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen; Caroline Amalia, her six sisters, her uncle Ferdinand, ad their father fell ill. Their mother, possessing a strong immune system eventually fell ill with the disease and quickly recovered. Elizabeth ("Ellie"/"Ella"/"Eliza"), the youngest of Caroline Amalia`s younger sisters, was visiting their maternal aunts and uncles when the disease swept through her homeland, successfully escaping the outbreak entirely. Her mother completely left her children`s care to nurses and doctors, leaving to visit Elizabeth where she had isolated herself in the court of Elisabeth`s relatives (her sisters and brothers-in-law). Her favorite maternal aunt, Princess Maximillia of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (born Princess Maximillia of Wied) fell ill and died on 14 December 1878, when Caroline Amalia was six years old. Consequently, this was the 17th anniversary of Princess Maximillia`s own husband`s death. Princess Maria had died years prior to the outbreak of the diphtheria disease among the House of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen and the date itself caused great pain to her family. Elizabeth during her stay at the court of her mother, Elisabeth`s sisters and brothers-in-law had drank out of a contaminated stream of water, eventually falling ill and dying of typhoid fever on 26 September 1879 (exactly one year after Princess Maximillia of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha had died of diphtheria. With the losses accumulated during the course of the outbreak of the disease happening mostly among the royal family of Romania; the court entered a long period of mourning that in the words of Caroline Amalia, "seemed endless. They seemed as if they would go on forever, never ending and never stopping; an eternal mourning for the family members we had lost until the end of time." She would later go onto to describe her childhood in her various diary entries as "unclouded, happy babyhood, of perpetual sunshine. I wished for everything in the world to be mine", adding onto that sentence, "the life that I knew after was..troubled; filled with sorrow and anguish. In essence like a great cloud suffocating me and seeking me to bury me underneath the weight of my duties. Truly I never wanted to get married to my husband; I really and truly despised him. If I had the guts to kill him, I would have done so long ago. Alas, I don`t. This is simply a marriage of political alliances, nothing more, nothing less." Princess Maximillia`s eldest daughter Princess Penelope of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha doted on her maternal first-cousin and became a surrogate mother to Caroline Amalia. She felt highly protective of Caroline and acted as a "barrier" alongside her husband Prince Victor Emmanuel of Prussia to wade off the advances of foreign princes for the hand of Caroline. Caroline in turn referred to Penelope as "mama" and Victor as "papa"; a fact which her own parents (whom Caroline held a distant relationship with) were appalled. Caroline`s own younger siblings followed Caroline`s example and began referring to Penelope as "mama" and Victor as "papa"; as they also (like Caroline) held a distant relationship with their parents. They handpicked Caroline`s tutors and instructed them to send detailed reports back to the couple`s court every month. They invited Caroline, her remaining siblings, their parents and their surviving relatives to their court for their holidays, and they grew close to their Saxe-Coburg and Gothan cousins. Every birthday and Christmas, they sent Caroline and her younger siblings gifts of dresses, jewelry, lace, and weapons. Unlike her other siblings, Caroline signed herself "your loving daughter," rather than first-cousin, in her letters. Caroline reflected that she saw Princess Penelope and Prince Victor as "the best and greatest of parents," "very august people," and "the dearest and kindest People alive." When she was betrothed to Rudolph, Caroline assured her surrogate parents that "my marrying will [not], will [never] change the immense love and gratefulness I feel towards you for raising me. Nobody can even compare to you, for you raised me to do right, say right, and speak for myself. It will never make a difference to my love for You." When her surrogate parents died in 1901, Caroline openly wept at her memorial service in Germany and shocked the Austrian courtiers who considered her cold and unfeeling. One of them would later remark that "she seemed so stoic, so cold, and so unfeeling, that she almost seemed as if she was carved out of literal stone. It shocked us when she started crying." Along with her sister, Princess Irene, Caroline was a bridesmaid at the 1885 wedding of her godmother and maternal aunt, Princess Beatrix to Prince Alfred of the United Kingdom. At the age of 15, she attended Queen Victoria's Golden Jubilee celebrations in 1887, where she met the future Empress Alexandra Feodorovna of Russia (then only Princess Alix of Hesse and by Rhine). Caroline was escorted to Queen Victoria's Golden Jubilee celebrations by her future husband, Rudolph. She described the experience as "nerve-ending" and "highly mentally disturbing." In March 1892, when Caroline was just nineteen years old, she bent to the pressure of her new family-in-law and the Austrian Government to finalize her engagement proceedings for her future marriage to the heir apparent to the Austrian throne, Rudolph II. According to her biographer, Baroness Buxhoeveden, Caroline regarded the new familial pressure as "so stifling; I felt as if my lungs were contracting and I was unable to breath". Buxhoeveden recalled in her 1928 biography that "for years she would not speak of her husband and long after when she was in Austria, anything that reminded her of her husband drove her to the brick of greatly repressed anger". This rage was so noticeable that even Caroline`s husband refused to get to know Caroline and the two slept in different beds for the course of their entire marriage. Proposed matches Princess Penelope and Prince Victor greatly favored Caroline and they wanted Caroline to become the Queen Consort of the United Kingdom, a position which Queen Victoria was considering for Princess Alix of Hesse and by Rhine (one of the Queen`s remaining Hessian grandchildren). On 2 March 1888, Princess Penelope wrote to Caroline`s youngest sister Elizabeth that "My heart and mind are bent on securing dear Carly for either Prince Albert Victor or his younger brother Prince George, the dynastic ties that would be offered with such a marriage, think of it. The Great Kingdom of Romania united in matrimony with the British Empire!" Caroline was not amused and wrote to both of them, "My heart and mind is centered on another figure of interest; a Prince of the Kingdom of Spain, Infante Ferdinand Carla. May God bless my chosen union." The Prince additionally sent a letter in which he directly asked for the hand of the Romanian Princess, "I truly and dearly love HRH Princess Caroline Amalia, so I do ask permission to wed the woman who has entrapped my heart so. For if I cannot have her, I may very well die from despair!" Caroline Amalia was ecstatic upon hearing the news of Infante Ferdinand writing a letter to her surrogate parents asking for their permission to marry her, and wrote to him, "Oh! My heart is abound with joy! The emotions I feel; I feel such happiness! So long have I wanted to marry you, my darling. Now I may finally have the chance to marry you, like I have always wanted." Her surrogate parents eventually acquiesced to the two becoming engaged to marry, the couple were happy. Her fiancée's siblings were less happy and considered her to not be a worthy match for their younger brother; this caused tension between them all, her fiancée ultimately sided with Caroline. The announcement of their engagement was put off in order to resolve tensions between the two ruling houses. In May 1890, the two of them visited the lowlands of Austria for a picnic and quickly bonded over their shared love for hunting. Engagement In 1884, Caroline attended the double-wedding of her and her fiancée's adoptive 19-year-old daughter Princess Clémentine of Romania to Prince Richard of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha and her 17-year-old adoptive son Prince Palatine of Romania to Grand Duchess Maria Alexandrovich in St. Petersburg. At this wedding, the 12-year-old met the 16-year-old Archduke Rudolph, nephew of Grand Duchess Maria Alexandrovich and heir-apparent to the imperial throne of Austria. Caroline was not attracted to Rudolph and made no attempts to get to know him, she would later write to her beloved Infante Ferdinand Carla, "he dares to court me?! The nerve of such a man; absolutely disgusting. I love no man but you, my dearest love are the only exception. For my love for you knows no bounds." Archduke Rudolph was instantly enamored with the Romanian princess and later wrote to his mother, "Oh! I have found my future love; a fair and most gracious Princess of the Kingdom of Romania. I desire to marry her, sweet dear Caroline Amalia." He gave her a brooch as a sign of his affection, though Caroline refused the gift, leaving the Archduke heartbroken and in absolute tears. Nevertheless, he endeavored to marry Caroline at any cost, refusing to acknowledge that she was promised to another man and stomping on her rights. In January 1890, Archduke Rudolph`s mother; Empress Elisabeth of Austria visited Caroline in her family`s seaside palace in Romania. The Princess was infuriated by the insolence of the Archduke and refused to even as much as even speak with the Empress, with the situation threatening to escalate into a serious international diplomatic issue. The Austrian Empress was eventually allowed to enter the chambers of the Princess, with the Princess being openly hostile towards the very thought of marrying Archduke Rudolph. The Empress later wrote, "she is strong-willed; a fierce fighter. My dear Rudolph wants to marry her but it is quite clear to me, that Princess Caroline Amalia does not return his feelings. She holds love towards another man; somebody she believes is better than my Rudolph. I pity her, my son doesn`t know when to stop and when enough is enough. However, I do support a marriage between the two; she makes my son happy." Princess Mary (a first-cousin) declared, "If that disgusting Archduke does not leave dear sweet Carly alone, I might just poison him!" Empress Elisabeth of Austria was extremely reluctantly in favor of the match between Rudolph and Caroline. The Empress` children were enthusiastically in favor of the match between the two as well, though they worried about the completability between the two. Rudolph and Caroline were not related; something which the relatives of Caroline enjoyed, as they favored other men to marry their relative that were not Rudolph himself. Princess Clémentine opposed the match to Rudolph. Though he was attractive, his personality let much to be desired, though the Hapsburgs were a prominent reigning dynasty, the House of Hohenzollern`s members collectively as a group disapproved of the Archduke and refused to allow him to court the Princess. After the betrothal was announced, she reflected: “The more I think about mother Caroline`s marriage the more unhappy I am. My father held a deep and true love for her, so for her to be coerced into a marriage of loveless proportions, I feel enraged on her behalf, for I truly wanted her to marry our dear, sweet Papa.” King Carol and Queen Elisabeth were both vehemently anti-Austrian and did not want Nicholas as a son-in-law. Queen Elisabeth told her adoptive granddaughter Princess Clémentine that the Austrian Archduke was not a worthy match for Clementine's mother, and both of the women believed that Nicholas was too tactless and unlikeable to be a successful ruler. While Carol favored the suit of Prince Prince Philippe, Duke of Orléans, the tall, dark-haired son of Philippe, Comte de Paris, pretender to the throne of France, the Queen favored the suit of the Infante Ferdinand Carla; a Spanish Prince and second-born of the King and Queen of Spain. Neither Prince Prince Philippe, Duke of Orléans or Caroline Amalia were attracted to each other. Philippe later wrote: "I am not attracted to HRH Caroline Amalia in any way, she doesn`t seem as if she would be interested in me either." Caroline Amalia wrote: "Though it pains me to pain you, I only see you as a mere childhood companion and the dearest of my friends, thus I cannot consciously marry you for it would not be a happy marriage I fear. And for you, my childhood friend, nothing is more valuable than having you advise me in manners of the heart. It is one of your talents after all." Carol sent emissaries to Yolande, Duke of Swann, brother of German Emperor Wilhelm II, and a grandson of Queen Victoria. Caroline declared that she would rather be disowned from the royal family than marry somebody in a loveless marriage; he in turn was unwilling to convert to the Romanian Orthodox Church from being Protestant. Left without a lot of options; the King and Queen of Romania finally realized the daunting situation in which they were thrust with little preparation. Eventually Empress Elisabeth of Austria began reluctantly exerting pressure on the Romanian Government and the Romanian royal family to marry her son (Rudolph) to Caroline Amalia. The House of Hohenzollern fiercely resisted having one of their own relatives be married off to an Austrian Archduke; Prince Yolande of Prussia put for a suit for the Romanian Princess, so that she would not be forced to marry the Austrian Archduke, Rudolph. The Princess refused the suit but thanked him for the offer, telling him that she would consider him as a possible marriage prospect for one of her own maternal relatives. In 1894, the engagement she had with Infante Ferdinand Carla of Spain was broken off on the strict demands of the Austrian Government and she was then engaged to Archduke Rudolph of Austria.
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https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/108S3Q
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[Portrait of Princess Elisabeth of Wied] (The J. Paul Getty Museum Collection)
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Explore the collection of the J. Paul Getty Museum at the Getty Center and the Getty Villa.
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/art/collection/favicon.ico
The J. Paul Getty Museum Collection
https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/108S3Q
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https://www.rct.uk/collection/2908545/king-karl-i-of-romania-1839-1914
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King Karl I of Romania (1839
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Carte-de-visite half length photograph of King Karl I of Romania. The subject is shown in three quarter view, facing towards the left of the image. He has dark hair arranged in a centre parting and a full beard and moustache. He is wearing military uniform adorned with various insignia and a row of eight medals on his left breast, a mandarin collar, epaulettes and fastened up the front with a row of gilt buttons.Karl was the second son of Prince Karl Anton of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen and Princess...
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https://www.album-online.com/detail/en/ZjViYTg2MA/elisabeth-wied-1843-1916-queen-consort-romania-as-wife-king-alb1708585
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1916). Queen consort of Romania as the wife of King Carol I of Romania. Known by her literary name of Carmen Sylva.
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Download this stock image (alb1708585) from album-online.com - Elisabeth of Wied (1843-1916). Queen consort of Romania as the wife of King Carol I of Romania. Known by her literary name of Carmen Sylva.
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Album
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https://www.united-archives.de/id/02733869
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Pauline Elisabeth Ottilie Luise of Wied the first queen of Romania
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2022-04-20T00:00:00+02:00
Pauline Elisabeth Ottilie Luise of Wied (29 December 1843 - 2 March 1916) was the first queen of Romania as the wife of King Carol I from 15 March 1881 to 27 September 1914. She had been the princess consort of Romania since her marriage to then-Prin
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UNITED ARCHIVES GmbH
https://www.united-archives.de/id/02733869
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elisabeth_of_Romania
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Elisabeth of Romania
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2004-08-01T16:49:05+00:00
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elisabeth_of_Romania
Queen of Greece from 1922 to 1924 "Elizabeth of Greece" redirects here. For the granddaughter of George I, King of the Hellenes, see Princess Elizabeth of Greece and Denmark. For the queen consort of Carol I, King of Romania, see Elisabeth of Wied. Elisabeth of Romania (Elisabeth Charlotte Josephine Alexandra Victoria) Romanian: Elisabeta, Greek: Ελισάβετ; 12 October 1894 – 14 November 1956) was the second child and eldest daughter of King Ferdinand I and Queen Marie of Romania. She was Queen of Greece from 27 September 1922 until 25 March 1924 as the wife of King George II. Elisabeth was born when her parents were crown prince and crown princess of Romania. She was raised by her great-uncle and great-aunt, King Carol I and Queen Elisabeth. Princess Elisabeth was an introvert and socially isolated. She became crown princess of Greece when she married George in 1921, but she felt no passion for him and underwent the political turmoil in her adopted country after World War I. When her husband succeeded to the Greek throne in 1922, Elisabeth was involved in assisting refugees who arrived to Athens after the disaster of the Greco-Turkish War. The rise of the revolutionary climate, however, affected her health and with great relief she left the Kingdom of Greece with her husband in December 1923. The royal couple then settled in Bucharest, and George was deposed on 25 March 1924, upon the abolition of the Greek monarchy. In Romania, Elisabeth and George's relationship deteriorated, and they divorced in 1935. Very close to her brother Carol II of Romania, the former queen amassed an important fortune, partly due to financial advice given by her lover, the banker Alexandru Scanavi. After the death of her mother in 1938 and the abdication of King Carol II in 1940, Elisabeth took up the role of First Lady of Romania. At the end of World War II, she established close links with the Romanian Communist Party and openly conspired against her nephew, the young King Michael I, earning the nickname of "Red Aunt" of the sovereign. However, her communist links did not prevent her from being expelled from the country when the Romanian People's Republic was proclaimed in 1947. Elisabeth moved to Switzerland and then to Cannes, in southern France. She had a romantic relationship with Marc Favrat, a would-be artist almost thirty years younger, whom she finally adopted just before her death in 1956.[1] Early years [edit] Second child and first daughter of Crown Prince Ferdinand and Crown Princess Marie of Romania, Elisabeth (nicknamed Lisabetha or Lizzy by her family) was born on 12 October 1894 at Peleş Castle, Sinaia. Named after her paternal great-aunt, Queen Elisabeth of Wied, shortly after birth she was removed from her parents. With her older brother Prince Carol, she was raised by King Carol I and his wife.[4] In her memoirs, Marie described her eldest daughter as "a lovely solemn-faced child who had a strong sense of rectitude." Over the years, Elisabeth developed a cold character and a volatile temperament which socially isolated her. Considered "vulgar" by her mother, she was, however, considered a classic beauty. Marriage [edit] An undesired engagement [edit] In 1911, Prince George of Greece, then second-in-line to the throne and his future wife's second cousin, met Elisabeth for the first time. After the Balkan Wars, during which Greece and Romania were allied, the Greek prince asked for the hand of Elisabeth, but, advised by her great-aunt, she declined the offer, saying that her suitor was too small and too English in his manners. Disdainful, the princess even said on the occasion, that "God began the prince but forgot to finish him" (1914).[7] During World War I, Elisabeth was involved in helping wounded soldiers. She made daily visits to the hospitals and distributed cigarettes and comforting words to the victims of the fighting.[9] In 1919, Elisabeth and her sisters Maria and Ileana accompanied their mother, now Queen Marie, to Paris at the Peace Conference. The sovereign hoped that during her stay there she could find suitable husbands for her daughters, especially Elisabeth, already aged twenty-five. After a few months in France, the Queen and her daughters decided to return to Romania in early 1920. On the way back, they made a brief stop in Switzerland, where they found the Greek royal family, who lived in exile since the deposition of King Constantine I during the Great War. Elisabeth then met again Prince George (now Diadochos and heir of the throne), who asked again her hand. Now more aware of her own imperfections (her mother described her as fat and of very limited intelligence), Elisabeth decided to accept the marriage. However, at that time the future of the Diadochos was far from certain: displaced from the throne with his father and replaced by his younger brother, now King Alexander I, George was forbidden to stay in his country, penniless and without any prospects. Nevertheless, the engagement satisfied both Elisabeth and George's parents. Delighted to have finally found a husband for her eldest daughter, the Queen of Romania soon invited the prince to travel to Bucharest in order to publicly announce the engagement. George agreed but soon after his arrival in the country of his fiancée, he learned of the accidental death of Alexander I and the ensuing political turmoil that erupted in Greece. Life in Greece [edit] Restoration of the Greek royal family. Wedding of George and Elisabeth [edit] On 5 December 1920 a referendum of disputed results[a] called the Greek royal family to return home. King Constantine I, Queen Sophia and Diadochos George therefore returned to Athens on 19 December. Their return was accompanied by a significant jubilation. A huge crowd surrounded the sovereign and the heir to the throne through the streets of the capital. Once at the palace, they appeared repeatedly on the balcony to greet the people who cheered them.[16] Wedding [edit] However, a few weeks later George returned to Romania to marry Elisabeth. The wedding took place with great pomp in Bucharest on 27 February 1921.[17] Shortly after on March 10, Crown Prince Carol of Romania, Elisabeth's elder brother, married George's younger sister, Princess Helen of Greece. >[18] Crown princess [edit] In Greece, Elisabeth had great difficulty integrating into the royal family, and her relationship with Queen Sophia was particularly awkward.[19] From an introverted temperament that could be mistaken as arrogance,[20][21] Elisabeth felt displaced by her in-laws, who regularly spoke in Greek in her presence, because she had not yet mastered the language.[22] Only King Constantine I and his sister, the Grand Duchess Maria Georgievna of Russia, found favor in her eyes.[21] Indeed, even the shy Diadochos disappointed his wife, who wanted to share with him a more passionate relationship.[24] Regretting not having her own home and being forced to constantly live with her in-laws, Elisabeth spent the already little revenues of her husband into redecorating their apartments. In addition, her family delayed in paying her dowry and the savings that she left in Romania were soon lost because of the poor investments made by the manager of her fortune.[25] Facing a very difficult political situation, due to the Greco-Turkish War, Elisabeth quickly understood that her space to maneuver was limited in her new country. However, she integrated the Red Cross, which was overwhelmed by the arrival of wounded coming from Anatolia.[21][26] The Crown Princess also occupied her free time practicing gardening, painting and drawing. She illustrated a book of poems written by the Belgian author Emile Verhaeren. She also liked writing and producing some new books of low value.[27] Finally, she spent long hours studying the Modern Greek, a language that was extremely hard for her to learn.[25] Disappointed by the mediocrity of her daily routine, Elisabeth began to nourish jealousy for her sister Maria, married to King Alexander I of Yugoslavia, and her sister-in-law Helen of Greece, wife of her brother Crown Prince Carol of Romania.[28] With the war and the revolution, the everyday life of the Greek royal family was indeed increasingly difficult, and the pension received by the Diadochos George didn't allow her to buy the clothes and jewelry that she wanted. Already strained by the war, the relations of the Diadochos and his wife were clouded by their inability to give an heir to the Kingdom of Greece. Elisabeth became pregnant a few months after her marriage, but she suffered a miscarriage during an official trip to Smyrna.[b] Deeply affected by her miscarriage, the crown princess became sick with typhoid soon followed by pleurisy and worsened by depression. She found refuge with her family in Bucharest, but despite the efforts of her mother and husband, neither Elisabeth's health nor her marriage fully recovered from the loss of her child.[31] Queen of the Hellenes [edit] Meanwhile, the disaster of the Greco-Turkish War forced King Constantine I to abdicate, which pushed George on to the throne (27 September 1922). The new king, however, had no power, and he and his queen were unable to resolve the repression organized by revolutionaries who took power against the representatives of the old regime. The new royal couple saw with anguish the near execution of Prince Andrew (the king's uncle) at the Trial of the Six.[35] Despite this difficult context, Elisabeth tried to make herself useful to her adopted country. To respond to the influx of refugees originating from Anatolia, the Queen had built shacks on the outskirts of Athens. To carry out her projects, she mobilized her family and asked her mother, Queen Marie, to send wood and other materials.[36] However, Elisabeth found it increasingly difficult to cope with Greece and its revolutionary climate. Her love for George II was over, and her letters to her mother show how much she worried for her future.[36] Her correspondence also revealed that she had no desire to have children.[38] After an attempted monarchist coup d'état in October 1923, the situation of the royal couple became even more precarious. On 19 December 1923 King George II and his wife were forced into exile by the revolutionary government. With Prince Paul (the king's brother and heir-presumptive to the throne), they then departed for Romania, where they learned of the proclamation of the Second Hellenic Republic on 25 March 1924.[41] Return to Romania [edit] Queen in exile [edit] In Romania, George II and Elizabeth moved to Bucharest, where King Ferdinand I and Queen Marie gave to them a wing of Cotroceni Palace. After a few weeks, the couple moved to a modest villa in the Calea Victoriei. Regular guests of the Romanian sovereigns, the exiled Greek royal couple participated in court ceremonies. But despite the kindness shown by his mother-in-law, the exiled King of Greece in Bucharest felt aimless and barely concealed the boredom that he felt at the Romanian court.[43] Unlike her husband, Elisabeth was delighted with her return to Romania. Her relationship with her mother was sometimes stormy, even if their literary collaborations were successful. In the mid 1920s, Elisabeth illustrated the latest work of her mother, The Country That I Love (1925).[c][44] The links with Crown Princess Helen of Romania (wife of Crown Prince Carol of Romania and sister of King George II of Greece) remained complicated due to the jealousy that the exiled Queen of the Hellenes still continued to feel against her sister-in-law.[45] Exacerbated by the humiliations of exile, financial difficulties and the lack of offspring, the relations between George II and Elisabeth deteriorated. After initially alleviating her weariness with too much rich food and gambling, the former Queen of the Hellenes began a series of extramarital relationships with several married men. She even flirted with her brother-in-law King Alexander I of Yugoslavia when she visited her sister Queen Maria during an illness in Belgrade. Later, she entered into an affair with the banker of her husband, a Greek-Romanian named Alexandru Scanavi, who was appointed her chamberlain to cover up the scandal. However, Elisabeth was not the only one responsible for the failure of her marriage: over the years, George II spent less time with his wife and gradually settled his residence in the United Kingdom, where he also entered into an adulterous relationship.[48][49] In May 1935, Elisabeth heard from a Greek diplomat that the Second Hellenic Republic was on the verge of collapse and that the restoration of the monarchy was imminent.[49] Frightened by this news, the exiled Queen of the Hellenes then launched divorce proceedings without informing her husband. Charged with "desertion from the family home", George II saw his marriage dissolved by a Bucharest court without being really invited to speak on the matter (6 July 1935).[48][49][50] An ambitious princess [edit] After the death of King Ferdinand I in 1927, Romania began a period of great instability. After Crown Prince Carol renounced his rights to be able to live with his mistress Magda Lupescu, his son ascended to the throne as King Michael I under the direction of a Council of Regency. Nevertheless, a significant part of the population supported the rights of Carol, who finally managed to take the crown in 1930. Very close to her brother, Elisabeth actively supported his return to Romania. She kept him daily informed of the country's political life during his years of exile. Once on the throne, Carol II maintained stormy relations with the members of his family but retained his confidence in Elisabeth, who was the only member of the royal family who accepted his mistress. Thanks to the inheritance received from her father,[57] the financial advice of her lover, the banker Alexandru Scanavi, and her good relations with her brother, the princess managed to live in great style in Romania.[59] In March 1935, she acquired the large domain of Banloc, near the border with Yugoslavia, a mansion in Sinaia and an elegant villa of Italian style, called Elisabeta Palace, located in the Șoseaua Kiseleff in Bucharest. After the death of the Queen Mother Marie in 1938 and the deposition of Carol II in 1940, Elisabeth played the role of First Lady of Romania. Ambitiously, the princess had indeed no remorse to follow her brother's policy, even when she showed herself tyrannical with other members of the royal family. After the return to the throne of Michael I and the establishment of the dictatorship of Marshal Ion Antonescu, Elisabeth stayed out of politics.[61] However, from 1944, she forged links with the Romanian Communist Party and openly conspired against her nephew, who now considered her a spy.[62][63] In early 1947, she received in her domain of Banloc the Marshal Tito, who deposed another of her nephews, the young King Peter II of Yugoslavia.[64][65] Finally, through Alexandru Scanavi, the Princess participated in the financing of the guerrilla who fought against her former brother-in-law, the now King Paul I, in Greece. However, Elisabeth wasn't the only member of the Romanian royal family who had friendly relations with the communists: her sister Ileana did the same in the hope of putting her eldest son, Archduke Stefan of Austria, on the throne. For these reasons, the two princesses then received the nickname of "Red Aunts" of King Michael I.[66] Last years [edit] Despite her links with the Romanian Communist Party, Elisabeth was forced to leave the country after the proclamation of the Romanian People's Republic, on 30 December 1947. The new regime gave her three days to pack her belongings and the Elisabeta Palace was ransacked. However, before she went into exile, the princess had time to burn her archives in the domain of Banloc. On 12 January 1948 she left Romania with her sister Ileana aboard a special train provided by the Communists. The Scanavi family accompanied them, but both princesses lost much of their property after being expelled from the country. Elisabeth settled firstly in Zürich and then in Cannes, at the Villa Rose Alba. In France, she met a handsome young seducer and would-be artist named Marc Favrat.[citation needed] Having fallen in love with the young man, the princess wished to marry him and asked her cousin, Frederick, Prince of Hohenzollern, to bestow a title on him, but Frederick refused.[1] The princess then decided to adopt her lover; which she did three months before her death. She died at her home on 14 November 1956.[69] The body of the princess was transferred to the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen crypt, the Hedinger Kirche of Sigmaringen.[citation needed] Archives [edit] Young Princess Elisabeth's letters to her grandfather, Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, are preserved in the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen family archive, which is in the State Archive of Sigmaringen (Staatsarchiv Sigmaringen) in the town of Sigmaringen, Baden-Württemberg, Germany.[70] Ancestry [edit] Arms and monogram [edit] Royal Monogram as Princess Elisabeth of Romania Coat of Arms of Queen Elisabeth of Greece Royal Monogram of Queen Elisabeth of Greece Notes [edit] References [edit] Bibliography [edit] Mateos Sáinz de Medrano, Ricardo (2004). La familia de la reina Sofía : la dinastía griega, la Casa de Hannover y los reales primos de Europa (1. ed.). Madrid: La Esfera de los Libros. ISBN 84-9734-195-3. OCLC 55595158. Gelardi, Julia P. (2006). Born to rule : granddaughters of Victoria, queens of Europe : Maud of Norway, Sophie of Greece, Alexandra of Russia, Marie of Romania, Victoria Eugenie of Spain. London: Review. ISBN 0-7553-1392-5. Marcou, Lilly (2002). Le roi trahi : Carol II de Roumanie. Paris: Pygmalion/G. Watelet. ISBN 2-85704-743-6. OCLC 49567918. Queen Marie of Romania, Însemnari zilnice, vol. 3, Editura Historia, 2006 Van der Kiste, John (1994). Kings of the Hellenes: The Greek Kings, 1863–1974. Sutton Publishing. ISBN 0-7509-2147-1. Hannah Pakula, The Last Romantic: A Biography of Queen Marie of Roumania, Weidenfeld & Nicolson History, 1996 ISBN 1-85799-816-2 Prince of Greece, Michel; Palmer, Alan (1990). The Royal House of Greece. London: Weidenfeld Nicolson Illustrated. ISBN 0-297-83060-0. OCLC 59773890. John Wimbles, Elisabeta of the Hellenes: Passionate Woman, Reluctant Queen - Part 1: Crown Princess, Royalty Digest, vol. 12#5, no 137, November 2002, pp. 136–144 ISSN 0967-5744 John Wimbles, Elisabeta of the Hellenes: Passionate Woman, Reluctant Queen - Part. 2: Crown Princess, Royalty Digest, vol. 12#6, no 138, December 2002, pp. 168–174 ISSN 0967-5744 John Wimbles, Elisabeta of the Hellenes: Passionate Woman, Reluctant Queen - Part. 3: Exile at Home 1924–1940, Royalty Digest, vol. 12#7, no 139, January 2003, pp. 200–205 ISSN 0967-5744 John Wimbles, Elisabeta of the Hellenes: Passionate Woman, Reluctant Queen - Part. 4: Treachery and Death , Royalty Digest, vol. 13#1, no 145, July 2003, pp. 13–16 ISSN 0967-5744 Ivor Porter, Michael of Romania: The King and the Country, Sutton Publishing Ltd, 2005 ISBN 0-7509-3847-1 Jean-Paul Besse, Ileana: l'archiduchesse voilée, Versailles, Via Romana, 2010 ISBN 978-2-916727-74-5 The Romanovs: The Final Chapter (Random House, 1995) by Robert K. Massie, pgs 210–212, 213, 217, and 218ISBN 0-394-58048-6 and ISBN 0-679-43572-7 Ileana, Princess of Romania. I Live Again. New York: Rinehart, 1952. First edition. Lillian Hellman: A Life with Foxes and Scoundrels (2005), by Deborah Martinson, PhD. (Associate Professor and Chair of English Writing at Occidental College) Elisabeta de România, prinţesa capricioasă care s-a retras la conacul din Banloc, article by Ștefan Both in Adevărul, 2013 Ileana of Romania Is Dead at 82; Princess Founded Convent in U.S., article by Eric Pace in The New York Times, 1991
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The Story of the Romanian Royal Family – a Journey into the Past
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2020-10-14T13:52:08+00:00
Romania has quite an interesting history. This is why we decided to write an article and walk you through the history of the Romanian royal family.
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The Romanian Royal Family, a branch of the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen dynasty, has a fascinating history that many foreign tourists are unaware of. We have decided to write an article to take you through the history of the Romanian Royal Family. Romania was a constitutional monarchy from 1881 until 1947 when it was proclaimed a socialist republic. But let’s begin from the very start, shall we? How Carol I Became the First King of Romania On February 23rd, 1866, the Conservatives and radical Liberals forced Alexandru Ioan Cuza, the prince of Moldavia and Wallachia, to abdicate. At that time, Romania stood as a principality with Bucharest as its capital. This significant event prompted Romanian politicians to initiate a search for a replacement for Alexandru Ioan Cuza. The liberals and conservatives jointly determined that, in order to maintain the country’s stability and unity, established in 1859, they must select a foreign prince. When Philip of Flanders declined the offer, liberal leaders Ion C. Brătianu and C.A. Rosetti traveled to Germany, where Carol, the son of Prince Karl Anton Carol of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, accepted their proposal to become the prince of Romania. This decision was supported by France, through Napoleon, and also by the King of Prussia. On May 10th, 1866, Carol, a member of the Romanian Royal Family, arrived in Bucharest, marking the commencement of Romania’s National Day during the years 1866-1916 and 1918-1947. Although Carol, a German by origin, faced opposition from some due to his foreign heritage, several significant contributions to the nation can be attributed to his rule. His chief achievements encompassed the construction of a vital rail link connecting Fetesti and Cernavoda across the Borcea arm and the Danube, the establishment of a comprehensive railway system, the creation of agricultural credit banks, the expansion and modernization of the military, and the construction of schools, churches, and royal estates. Path to Independence and Legacy Prince Carol I played a pivotal role in Romania’s victory in the Independence War against the Ottoman Empire in 1877, as he commanded the troops. Following Romania’s independence, the country proclaimed itself a kingdom in 1881, with Carol I assuming the position of the first king of Romania. Carol I’s reign spanned 48 years, making it the lengthiest reign in Romanian history. He passed away in 1914. He was married to Elisabeth of Wied, who became the queen and was also renowned by her literary name, Carmen Sylva. Regrettably, their sole child, a daughter, passed away before reaching the age of four. In the absence of a male heir, the succession to the throne had to be determined from among Carol’s family members. Ferdinand I: The Second King of Romania and His Role in the Romanian Royal Family Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, Carol’s brother, had three sons: Wilhelm, Ferdinand and Karl. Because Leopold and Willhelm renounced their succession rights to the throne, Ferdinand, the nephew of King Carol I, became the heir to the throne. British princess Marie of Edinburgh, Queen Victoria’s granddaughter, was his spouse, and they had six children: Carol, Nicolae, Elisabeth, Maria, Ileana, and Mircea. Ferdinand initiated his rule at the onset of World War I, a tumultuous period for Romania. A mere two months prior to King Carol I’s demise, he expressed his desire for Romania to align with Germany at the war’s outset. At that time, the Romanians already had a history with the Entente, which consisted of the French Republic, the British Empire, and the Russian Empire. Nevertheless, Carol found himself compelled to embrace a policy of neutrality. The Decision to Join the Allies Nonetheless, this represented only a temporary resolution, as Romania was destined to take a side one way or another. Ferdinand I faced mounting pressure, both from the populace and his wife. Marie actively championed the Entente cause, and in the summer of 1916, Ferdinand declared war on Germany and chose to align Romania with the Allied Powers. Romania lost a lot of people during the war because the army lacked a solid strategy. By 1917, the only territory which was left for them to protect was the region of Moldavia. At the end of WWI, Romania became Greater Romania by becoming united with Transylvania, Bukovina, and Bessarabia, which was an outcome not many people believed could happen. It was all due to the Treaty of Versailles. In 1922, Ferdinand I and Marie were officially crowned King and Queen of Greater Romania. Ferdinand died in 1927, which meant the throne would go to his eldest son, Carol II. But things got a little complicated. Michael I’s Ascension to the Romanian Throne at the Age of 6 Carol II, Ferdinand’s son, held the most controversial history within the Romanian Royal Family. First, the Romanian Supreme Court annulled his secret marriage to Zizi Lambrino. Then, external pressure compelled him to wed Greek princess Elena, who gave birth to their son, Michael. Carol II, eventually, renounced the throne in favor of Elena Lupescu, a socialite with whom he had an affair in the 20s. In 1925, he relocated to Paris with her, and a parliamentary act designated Michael, his son, as the heir to the throne. This is the tale of how, following Ferdinand’s demise, Michael ascended to the Romanian throne at the tender age of six. Carol II, the Third Real King of Romania Because Michael was a child at that time, the law required a board of regents to govern the country. Prince Nicholas (Carol II’s brother), Patriarch Miron Cristea, and the first president of the Court of Cassation, Gheorghe Buzdugan, formed this board. A long regency’s potential impact on the country’s stability prompted a group of politicians to pressure Carol II to return to Romania in 1930. June 8th, 1930, Carol II is proclaimed king He aggressively approached the democratic system and, in 1938, he established Romania as an absolute monarchy by dissolving the political parties. He also transformed the 1923 Constitution to grant the king more power. Under Carol II’s reign, Romania achieved its highest economic development. Nevertheless, the Soviet Union acquired Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina from Romania due to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, also known as the Nazi-Soviet Pact. General Ion Antonescu forced Carol II to abdicate during this period. As a result, Michael reclaimed the throne as king once again. Michael’s Second Reign At that time, he was 19 years old and, on the first day, he signed a decree granting General Ion Antonescu full powers to govern the country. As previously mentioned, the king had to attain maturity of both mind and age to participate in political affairs. Additionally, Antonescu held the belief that Michael lacked the necessary experience to make decisions during wartime, which prompted him to seize control. In 1941, Romania declared war on the Soviet Union to reclaim Bessarabia. By 1944, King Michael I sought to negotiate peace with the Allies due to the inevitability of Soviet conquest. He initiated a coup against Antonescu, resulting in his arrest. Despite Michael’s attempts to reinstate democratic rule in Romania, he proved unable to do so because of the stronger presence of the Communist Party. In 1945, the king was forced by the Soviet Union to appoint a government ruled by Petru Groza. Michael remained more of a figurehead until the end of his reign. Because the communists gained enough power, they were able to force the king to abdicate and leave the country. Michael I’s Forced Abdication by Communists In November 1947, he traveled to London for a wedding and met his wife, Princess Anne of Bourbon-Parma. Although he was offered asylum, he declined and returned to Romania. However, on December 30th, Petru Groza summoned him to Bucharest. Upon his arrival, troops surrounded the Elisabeta Palace in Bucharest, and Groza and Communist Party leader Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej were waiting for him. At that moment, Michael was compelled to abdicate as they held a gun to his head. The communists also issued threats, stating that the 1,000 students they had in prison would die if he refused, and they would order a bloodbath. Following his exile, he married Princess Anne of Bourbon-Parma in Athens and had five daughters. King Michael I was finally allowed to return to Romania In 1990, the people removed the communists from power, and King Michael came to Romania to visit his family’s tomb. However, authorities stopped him on the highway and compelled him to leave the country. It was only in 1997 that Emil Constantinescu, the president at that time, allowed Michael to return to the country by granting him Romanian citizenship and reinstating his visa. Michael, the last king of the Romanian royal family, passed away on December 5th, 2017, at his residence in Switzerland at the age of 96. Now, let’s explore the royal family’s residences over the years, which have since become popular tourist attractions steeped in history. Elisabeta Palace. This is the official residence and it’s located in Bucharest. The Royal Domain of Sinaia. It includes Peles Castle, Pelisor Castle, Foisor Castle, a royal sheepfold, and a large forest area. Cotroceni Palace. Today, it serves as the official residence of the President of Romania. Bran Castle. In 1920, it was gifted to Queen Marie of Romania by Brasov’s Town Council. Balchik Palace. This is located in Bulgaria and it was the summer residence of Queen Marie. Thousands of eager tourists visit these attractions every year to learn more about the history of the Romanian royal family. We encourage all of you to explore these incredible places on your next trip to Romania, selecting one or more of the numerous tours we provide. We have ensured the inclusion of the remarkable residences that are or have been a part of the royal family.
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Pauline Elisabeth Ottilie Luise zu Wied, 1843 – 1916
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Download this stock image (alb3546610) from album-online.com - Pauline Elisabeth Ottilie Luise zu Wied, 1843 – 1916. Queen consort of Romania as the wife of King Carol I of Romania, also known by her literary name of Carmen Sylva. From the magazine The World and His Wife, published 1907.
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en
KING CAROL ARRIVES IN BERMUDA (Dublin issue)
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King+Carol+and+Madame+Lupescu+of+Rumania+seek+refuge+in+Bermuda.
en
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British Pathé
https://www.britishpathe.com/asset/
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Carol-II
en
Carol II | Romanian Monarchy, World War II, Abdication
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[ "Carol II", "encyclopedia", "encyclopeadia", "britannica", "article" ]
null
[ "The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica" ]
1998-07-20T00:00:00+00:00
Carol II was the king of Romania (1930–40), whose controversial reign ultimately gave rise to a personal, monarchical dictatorship. The eldest son of King Ferdinand I, Carol became crown prince upon the death of his great uncle, King Carol I (October 1914). His domestic life was a constant source
en
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Encyclopedia Britannica
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Carol-II
Carol II (born Oct. 15, 1893, Sinaia, Rom.—died April 4, 1953, Estoril, Port.) was the king of Romania (1930–40), whose controversial reign ultimately gave rise to a personal, monarchical dictatorship. The eldest son of King Ferdinand I, Carol became crown prince upon the death of his great uncle, King Carol I (October 1914). His domestic life was a constant source of scandal, marked as it was by a morganatic marriage with an officer’s daughter, Zizi Lambrino; a second unhappy marriage to Helen, daughter of King Constantine I of Greece; and a continuing liaison with a Jewish adventuress, Magda Lupescu—an affair that finally obliged him to renounce his rights to the throne and go into exile (1925). Britannica Quiz Kings and Emperors (Part III) Quiz
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https://royalwatcherblog.com/2023/12/29/queen-elisabeth-of-romanias-pearl-tiara/
en
Queen Elisabeth of Romania’s Pearl Tiara
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[ "" ]
null
[ "Saad719" ]
2023-12-29T00:00:00
Today marks the 180th Anniversary of the Birth of Queen Elisabeth of Romania, who was born on this day in 1843! The artistic first Romanian Queen who was a prolific writer under the name Carmen Sylva, Queen Elisabeth’s Pearl Tiara was her most spectacular jewel! Vladimir Sapphire Kokoshnik | Romanian Massin Tiara | Diamond Loop Tiara | Pearl Tiara | Cartier Sapphire Pendant | Diamond
en
https://royalwatcherblog…named-file-2.jpg
The Royal Watcher -
https://royalwatcherblog.com/2023/12/29/queen-elisabeth-of-romanias-pearl-tiara/
Today marks the 180th Anniversary of the Birth of Queen Elisabeth of Romania, who was born on this day in 1843! The artistic first Romanian Queen who was a prolific writer under the name Carmen Sylva, Queen Elisabeth’s Pearl Tiara was her most spectacular jewel! Vladimir Sapphire Kokoshnik | Romanian Massin Tiara | Diamond Loop Tiara | Pearl Tiara | Cartier Sapphire Pendant | Diamond Sautoir When the reigning Prince Carol of Romania married Princess Elisabeth of Wied in 1869, the bride received this spectacular Pearl and Diamond Tiara, featuring 16 large upright pearls, made by Oscar Massin, from the Romania Aristocratic Ladies Association. Prince Carol became King of Romania in 1881, but the Tiara was worn on numerous occasions and for official portraits by Queen Elisabeth through the 1870s and 1880s, following which the Queen largely retired to purse her her writing, under the name Carmen Sylva. King Carol and Queen Elisabeth had no surviving children, so his heir was his nephew, Prince Ferdinand, who had married Princess Marie of Edinburgh, a granddaughter of Queen Victoria. In the late 1900s, Queen Elisabeth gave the Massin Tiara to Crown Princess Marie who wore it for numerous portraits soon afterwards. Crown Princess Marie wore Queen Elisabeth’s Massin Tiara through the early 1910s, especially as events left to King Carol’s death and King’s Ferdinand’s Accession. With the outbreak of the First World War, which Romania joined in 1916, Queen Marie sent all of jewels, including Queen Elisabeth’s Massin Tiara, along with Romania’s gold reserves to Russia for safekeeping, especially as much of Romania was soon occupied and the Royal Family had to retreat to Moldavia. However, while Romania emerged victorious from the War and almost doubled its territory, thanks to Queen Marie’s efforts, Russia had undergone their Revolutions, and the Bolsheviks had confiscated Queen Marie’s Jewels, which were never returned. Efforts to recover the jewels have been made as recently as 2018, but their eventual fate is unknown. Queen Marie later recalled: I took a quite childish pleasure in my new dresses and beautiful jewels. Mama had been extraordinarily prodigal, giving many of her own magnificent Russian gems. These have all now been annexed by the Bolsheviks. It was difficult to realise that they were all mine. To replace her jewellery collection, Queen Marie had to acquire the Vladimir Sapphire Kokoshnik, a Pearl Tiara, a massive Cartier Sapphire Pendant and a Diamond Sautoir among other jewels. Vladimir Sapphire Kokoshnik | Romanian Massin Tiara | Fringe Tiara | Diamond Loop Tiara | Pearl Tiara | Cartier Sapphire Pendant | Diamond Sautoir Vladimir Sapphire Kokoshnik Romanian Massin Tiara Fringe Tiara Diamond Loop Tiara Cartier Pearl Tiara Cartier Sapphire Pendant Diamond Sautoir Share this:
29369
yago
3
83
https://royalty.miraheze.org/wiki/Countess_Christine_Saurma,_Baroness_von_und_zu_der_Jeltsch
en
Countess Christine Saurma, Baroness von und zu der Jeltsch
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[ "" ]
null
[ "Royalpedia" ]
2024-03-02T20:27:17+00:00
en
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Royalpedia
https://royalty.miraheze.org/wiki/Countess_Christine_Saurma,_Baroness_von_und_zu_der_Jeltsch
Christine, Dowager Princess of Isenburg (born Countess Elisabeth Christine Gabriele Brigitta Johanna Maria Saurma, Baroness von und zu der Jeltsch, 2 October 1941) is the widow of Franz-Alexander, 6th Prince of Isenburg, who was the head of the Birstein branch of the House of Isenburg from 9 December 1956 to 5 May 2018. Marriage and issue[edit] On 15 January 1968, Countess Christine married Franz-Alexander, 6th Prince of Isenburg (22 July 1943 – 5 May 2018), son of Franz Ferdinand, 5th Prince of Isenburg (1901–1956) and Countess Irina Alexandrovna Tolstaya (1917–1998). They had five children:
29369
yago
1
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https://musicbrainz.org/artist/e0ccd15f-c350-4d5e-8868-1f1148e59a5e
en
Carmen Sylva
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[ "" ]
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Type: Person, Gender: Female, Born: 1843-12-29 in Neuwied, Died: 1916-03-02, Area: Romania
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29369
yago
3
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https://www.myheritage.com/names/maximilian_wied
en
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29369
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0
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https://travelmakertours.com/peles-castle-romania/
en
Peles Castle and The Romanian Royal Family
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[ "" ]
null
[ "Dan" ]
2020-10-23T07:53:35+00:00
To learn more about the Romanian Royal Family and Peles Castle, book our tour. You’ll get to see the two most famous castles in just one day!
en
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TravelMaker
https://travelmakertours.com/peles-castle-romania/
Peles Castle is a great Romanian destination not just for the incredible architecture but the beautiful area that inspired building it. For Romania’s monarchy era this is the most important monument. It is a memory of an important period in the country’s history. To learn more about the Romanian Royal Family and enjoy the landscape book our tour Two Castles in One Day – Peles Castle, Bran Castle & Brasov in Transylvania. You’ll get to see the two most famous castles in the region in just one day. The drive from and to Bucharest is included. Let’s dive into everything you need to know before you even get there. Peles Castle History Like most things, it all started with a vision. Carol I, the first prince of Romania, visited the area in August 1866. The view of the region, with the first touches of autumn, inspired him and made him fall in love with its beauty. He was brought from the south of Germany to become the ruler of Romania and help it become an independent nation. It was in his power to decide that the summer residence of his future family would be here. That’s how he decided on building the Peles Castle. As he decided on this particular area, just outside of the Poiana Neagului commune, infrastructure had to be created to aid in building the monument. There are a few facts that are important to mention: In 1871, Carol I bought the land of Mosia Sinaia from the Hospital effusion In 1873 and 1875 the foundation of the building was edified In 1876 the train rail tracks from Ploiesti to Predeal that passed through Sinaia started being built. Architect Wilhelm von Doderer from the Technische Hochschule of Vienna was initially given the task of coming up with the project and building it. He presented three proposals to the Romanian prince. They were inspired by the Renaissance french castles found in the Loire Valley and the style of the Vienna structures found on the Ringstrasse. Unfortunately, Prince Carol I, did not like any of the proposals and wanted something different for Peles Castle. He refused all of them and then turned to the help of a German architect, Johannes Schultz. The Swiss chalet look of the building with a german style exterior decoration was his vision. The Prince also agreed on it. Between 1879 and 1883, Schultz supervised the first part of building it. In this time in 1877, Romania has been proclaimed an independent and sovereign nation with the help of Carol I. After that in 1881, Carol I has been proclaimed the first King of Romania. Further on the architects involved in finishing the castles changed several times: French Architect Émile André Lecomte du Noüy built the Maura Hall in 1890 Czech Architect Karel Liman designed and coordinated Queen Elizabeth Chapel, the apartments of the Wied and Hohenzollern princesses, and the mezzanine Between 1903-1906 Liman designs the Concert Hall, The Marble Gallery, and the Queen’s Bathroom. From 1908 to 1911 the new architect in charge of the project was Ferdinand de Tiersch. After all of this work, the focus was on the outside of the Peles Castle. The architects started creating the terraces and the central tower. The amazing alley that takes you to the landmark, the statues, and the fountains are also an incredible reason to come and visit. You don’t need to worry about anything if you book our Medieval Transylvania Tour in Romania. Get to enjoy a big part of Transylvania with us. A few other aspects in the erection of the structure that should be mentioned are: An entire electrical system was introduced in the building in 1884. The castle needed its own electric generating unit. The real power plant for sustaining the whole building was only added in 1897. The theater Hall was converted into a cinema in 1906. The whole cinematic apparatus was modernized in 1939 by the Concordia Society from Bucharest. The construction of this Transylvanian destination was finished in 1914. Carol I, the person that pushed for the specific aesthetic and for building it, also died that same year. What Happened to the Romanian Royal Family Before Carol I became the first King of Romania, he took a trip around Europe mainly for finding a bride. On this trip, he met and married Princess Elizabeth of Wied. For her, he created a special apartment in Peles Castle. Many considered it a weird marriage. Carol was known as calculated and Elizabeth was more of a dreamer and passionate about literature. In 1870, Princess Maria, their only child was born. Unfortunately, at the age of 9 she died leaving Queen Elizabeth with a trauma she would never recover from. As Carol I never had a son, he found himself searching for an heir to his throne. His brother Leopold and his first son William both refused, leaving only his second son, Ferdinand. In 1886, Ferdinand has been proclaimed Prince and the future heir to the throne. He married Lutheran Princess Marie of Edinburgh. Here Marie gave birth to two children in the first two years of marriage. They were named after the original Romanian Royal family: Carol And Elizabeta. Later on, she had their third child, Mărioara. She was nicknamed Mignon. In 1903 the Pelisor Castle was inaugurated. This would be the new royal family’s residence on the grounds of the Peles Castle. That same year the second son, prinț Nicolae is born. Princess Marie gave birth to two more children: Princess Ileana, that became Archdukes of Austria through marriage and was left the Bran Castle as a heritage Prince Mircea in 1913, died at only 3 years of age of typhoid fever. After Carol I’s death, in 1914 and until 1927, Ferdinand was the King of Romania. He ruled during the first World War. In his efforts, he managed to grow the border of Romania to now include the regions of: Transylvania Basarabia And Bukovina. As the new Royal family had many children the next ruler in line, the new Romanian Prince heir to the throne should have been Ferdinand’s firstborn son, Carol II. Unfortunately in his youth he was interested in politics and ruling a country. Carol II married Princess Helen of Greece and Denmark and had a son, Mihai. In 1925, Carol II sends an official decision of the Crown Council from Peles Castle giving up his position as heir to the throne. The parliament at the time decided to make Prince Mihai, of only 5 years, heir, and appoint a regency council made out of 3 members including Prince Nicolae, Carol II brother. After Ferdinand’s death, Romania faced numerous economic and political problems. They were caused by the inefficient style of ruling the country of the Regency council which determined Carol II to ask Romania to take him back as their King. On 8 June 1930, he retakes his position as ruler of the country. This decision helped the Romanian economy and diplomatic relationships. He was beloved by the people for his interest in: Developing the industry Modernizing agriculture Promoting commerce Equipping the army Investing in culture and arts. But the problems he sees in the political environment of Romania make him take a drastic decision. 1938 he closes all political parties having only one name “Frontul Renaşterii Naţionale”. This vision, as well as being surrounded by businessmen, made the King become unpopular. But what made the people angry was losing the Basarabia region, the southern part of Bukovina, and part of Transylvania in 1939 without ever defending them. Because of the pressures surrounding him, Carol II gives up the throne a second time in 1940, in favor of his son Mihai, and flees the country. Mihai, king of Romania At only 19 years old, Mihai takes the position of King of Romania once again. With the Second World War in full effect, the Romanian army enters the fight on the side of the Axis Powers against the young king’s wishes. In 1944, Mihai takes the brave decision to change sides and Romania continues fighting for the Allies from this point on. After the war, he tried keeping the country out of the communist reign but with no external support, he was obliged to sign the abdication certificate and flee the country. He would not see the Romanian Royal Family’s residence, for several years. In the early 2000s, he regained ownership of the building. Only a few years later, in 2017 he died. Still, Mihai wished that the current museum be kept in the building and be open for visitors. He left it in the management of Romanian’s Ministry of Culture and National Identity. The Communist Era, Peles Castle Under the Communist Party of Romania, the building became national property. In 1948 they inventoried all the objects found within the building. Most of the valuable pieces were then transferred to Bucharest to the National Arts Museum, including: Paintings Books Furniture Decorative Art China Textiles Musical instruments. Only in 1953 does the main building of the Peles Residence become a National Museum. You can also visit this incredible landmark, one of the most modern castles in Europe. The castle was open to visitors while the other buildings on the lands became the residence of plastic artists, writers, and composers that the communist party approved of. The buildings used for this purpose were: Pelisor Castle The Hunting House of Carol I Foisor The residence house of Carol II and Mihai Even if until the 1970s, the buildings were still open for visitation very little to no money was invested in restoring and maintaining the structures. For this reason, in 1975 the museum was closed. The pieces of art still found in the building were taken into a deposit 20 km away. It is also believed that Peles Castle was closed to the public between 1975 and 1990, from Nicolae Ceausescu’s personal wish. He was the Romanian dictator that had a growing cult of personality. It is said he believed that this memory of the monarchy period would make people lose trust in him. But the building was still used for heads of state meetings until the revolution in 1989. After that rehabilitation projects were implemented. In 1990 the museum was reopened for visitation, followed by Pelisor in 1993. The Tour of Peles Castle The best option for visiting this destination is to book a tour in advance. We have several tours that include them in their itinerary. You can decide on one, based on the details of your trip to Romania. Your options include: A two day getaway in Transylvania The 3 Days Medieval Tour that includes a stop at Peles Castle Or Create your own private tour Our shared tours are for groups of 16 persons. Depending on the destinations, we meet at a pre-established location in Bucharest. While visiting you’ll have a knowledgeable charismatic guide that will present you with the landmarks, their history and answer your questions. They are fluent in English but you can also choose an audio guide in Spanish, Italian, or French that will run from your mobile phone. Please let us know beforehand if you will need the audio guides so we can send you the installation details ahead of time. Visiting Peles will be an incredible experience. Even coming up the road, the emerging building out of the garden is an amazing image. Visiting the floors that are open to the public will take somewhere around an hour. Best Time to Visit The Romanian royal family’s former residence is open almost all year long. It is always closed on Mondays and national holidays and on Tuesday only the first floor is available for visitation. The visiting schedule is: Tuesday: 09:00 – 16:15 Wednesday: 11:00 – 16:15 Thursday to Sunday: 09:00 – 16:15 Pelisor Castle, the former residence of King Ferdinand and Queen Marie, is on the same grounds, you should be aware that it has a slightly different schedule: Monday and Tuesday: Closed Wednesday: 11:00 – 16:15 Thursday to Sunday: 09:00 – 16:15 To visit both floors the last entry is at 15:30. The ticket booth closes at 16:10 and you can keep on visiting the grounds outside of the mansions until 17:00. Ticket Prices at Peles Castle Booking one of the TravelMaker Tours then the price of the ticket is something that you don’t have to think about. The tour’s price includes the entry fees to all the stops on the itinerary. If you plan your own trip, then you should know the cost of the tickets. If you plan on visiting both floors the tickets are. Adults: 80 lei Seniors: 30 lei Students: 15 lei The main visit includes only the first floor, the prices are half for each category. Official website: https://en.peles.ro/ For visiting the Pelisor, which is just a few hundred meters down the road you’ll have to purchase a different ticket. The prices are: Adults: 20 lei(4 €) Seniors: 10 lei(2 €) Students: 5 lei(1€) These prices do not include taking photos or filming inside the buildings. There are additional costs for that: 35 lei per device for personal use photography 60 lei per device for personal use filming Professional photography and filming are taxed by the hour at different rates both for the interior and exterior of the buildings. Peles Castle Romania Images This Romanian destination will surprised with detailed architecture in a more modern take than the traditional European castles. Its collections of furniture are exquisite and the views are breathtaking. There is a reason why Carol I fell in love with the area and invested approximately 120 million US dollars (today’s value) in building this monument. How to get to Peles Castle The easiest way to get there from Bucharest is by booking a TravelMaker tour. We’ll pick you up and drive you there with the whole group of tourists in a minivan. For your own personal adventure, you can also drive on your own from Bucharest. Keep in mind that the area is a tourist attraction, especially in the cold season. That means that the estimated 2 and a half hours, might take longer. Another option is the train. You can take a direct route from Bucharest to Sinaia. It can take from one and a half hours to 3 hours depending on the train. The prices for a one-way ticket for one adult start at 39.5 lei. After that, you should take a cab from the train station to the attraction. It should be a short 9-minute drive. You can also take the T2 bus for 4 stops, which leaves near the train station. Visit Peles Castle
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https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/carol-i-of-romania-has-a-son.413942/
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Carol I of Romania has a son
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[ "VVD0D95" ]
2017-04-05T14:59:59+00:00
So, here's something I'm wondering, otl King Carlo and his wife Elizabeth only had one kid, a daughter Maria who died in 1874, this worsened their...
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alternatehistory.com
https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/carol-i-of-romania-has-a-son.413942/
Hmm... let's make an exercise of imagination... In 8 September 1870, an healthy baby boy was born to the (still) Princiar couple, Carol von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen of Romania and Elisabeth of Wied. Let's say that he will be called Carol... Carol II of Romania. He will be a bright man, inheriting from his father (and mother) the intellect and the strength of character. I've started a while back a TL focused on the formation of Romanian modern state in which King Carol had have a son. I never finish it but I plan to re-start it sometime in the future. The following were my rough ideas: - Religion: young Carol will be baptized in Orthodox religion (a requirement accepted by Carol). - Education: old Carol will want to have his son being educated in Germany, while the Romanian elites will prefer France. The chances are great that the young boy will be educated in Germany (for the first part of the education) and then study some military schools in Paris and, most probably, in London. - Between 1890-1895, the 20 years and so Prince Carol (now Royal Crown Prince) will be pressured to marry. For strategic considerations, I believe that a British marriage will remain in cards, but who? He might be even married to the OTL wife of Ferdinand, Princess Marie of Edinburgh, the granddaughter of Queen Victoria as well as of the Tsar Alexandre III. That will be funny! She was born on 29 October 1875, so she is 5 years younger than her TTL husband. Both are very strong characters which might go well or not... - Prince Carol will start to be involved in Romanian politics and internal affairs. However, Carol heavy hand on Romanian politics will not give him too much room of maneuver. Let's say that he will inherit his father passion for the army (Carol was reported to be an excellent officer... Prussian officer), so his father will allow him to take care of the army so he will not be "corrupted" by the politics. Doing this, will tremendously affect the fate of the Romanian army. If by 1877 (the Ruso-Ottoman war and the Romanian Independence war) the Romanian army was small but very well maned and quite modern, after the signing the secret adherence to the Central Powers in 1883, King Carol lost his interest on keeping Romanian army modern and well financed. He simply view it as an auxiliary force of the German army. With his son interested in the army, the Romanian army will continue to receive founding, maybe cut some better deals which will reduce its dependence of Austria-Hungary in terms of weapons and munitions. Maybe a certain level of weapon production will take form. - As per OTL, in 1907 a great peasant revolt started in Romania and the army was sent to quell it. Prince Carol is directly implicated and he directly face the desperate situation in which the Romanian peasants lived. The experience mark him and push him to take side of the liberal movement. However, his involvement in the repression is a stain on his image. He will struggle for many years to remove it, or at least to make it forget. - The Balkan wars happens as per OTL... In the second war, Romania attack Bulgaria and occupy Silistra. Maybe it is not so stupid as per OTL to take the entire of Southern Dobruja which was in majority Bulgarian... or maybe not... However, the Romanian army is in far better shape. The shortcomings are fewer and easier to address. - In 1914, the WWI start (however, the starting reason could be easier butterflied, but let say that the Great Powers go to war). King Carol demand Romania to join the CP but the Govern and the Cabinet refuse. A-H is the aggressor, Romania was only bound in a defensive war against Russia. While not being a Francophile, Prince Carol refuse to support his father and vote for neutrality. Doing so, all his previous faults will be pardoned. He become tremendously popular. Carol is devastated by this "treason" and by the lack of power to support his natal country in war. He dies soon after and his son is crowned. - King Carol II start to implement reforms to ameliorate the condition of the peasants but he is strongly opposed by the great landowners. Sooner or later... the Prime minister Bratianu negotiate the entrance of Romania in the war. After long debates, he received from Antante the requested guarantees and promises, which as per OTL are not meant to be kept. France and Russia see Romania as cannon fodder. The Romanian army is far better prepared than OTL and maybe better led. In a morning of 1915 or 1916, King Carol II order his battalions to cross the Carpathians. As per OTL, Kaiser Wilhelm think that the war was lost as Budapest will soon fall... Different than OTL, the Romanian army perform better and manage to push the A-H out of Transylvania before the Germans sent reinforcements to crush the Romanians. From now, it's up to you!... Alright looks good, I think a strong showing in World War One, could well increase Romanian prestige within Europe, and perhaps enable to gain some major concessions from the allies, perhaps even Transylvannia? In OTL, Romania make a good show in the war, but only on the second part of it, after the French mission re-organised the army. in 1916, they went to war with the 1913 doctrine and they were slaughtered by the battle-hardened Germans and Austrians, far better armed and with a far better doctrine and commandment. Moreover, the Romanian army suffered from lack of weapons and munitions, had very few machine-guns, heavy guns, planes, etc. and her weapon and munition supplier was... well, Steyr Mannlicher (which starting with 1914 stopped all the commands deliveries). Thinks that Romanian entrance coincide with a lull on the western front and with Borusilov offensive loosing steam. Germany throw against Romanian two of her best generals (Mackenzen and Ludendorf) and several very experienced divisions (including the Bavarian alpine corps were a certain captain named Rommel performed admirably storming the Carpathian paths). Romania numbered her strength in how many bayonets could put on the front (a veeeeery long one), while Germany... well, they were adopting the Stormtroopers, creeping artillery barrage, etc. Romania was forced out of war and signed separate peace because Bolshevik Revolution pull Russia out of war, giving huge lands to Germany and making the Romanian front untenable anymore. Moreover, there were many Russian soldiers which fought alongside Romanians in Moldavia and which now turned red and go home pillaging their way trough. The Romanians were forced to fight off their former allies. There were many clashes between the two armies, which entire Russian divisions disarmed and escorted out of the frontier... all this having Germans occupying half of the country and ready for a third match... Now, concerning the territorial gains. In OTL, Romania received Transylvania (with Crisana and Maramures), N Bucovina and 1/2 of Banat at Trianon... however on the ground, the situation was already cutted and roughfuly decided as the Romanian army already controlled the territory (Romania was even forced to step back from the Tissa River to the now existing frontier). The lands inhabited by the Romanians were not conquered by Romanian army but voted to secede from Hungary and to join Romania. Firstly Bucovina, then Transylvania in 1 dec 1918... Romanian army crossed the Carpathians again, but this time to push the Hungarian army which tried to repress the secession. Also, the unification with Bassarabia was... well as the entire unification, a miracle. In 1919, 1920, the Romanian army was another beast than in 1916. It was well armed and battle-hardened. It learned the lessons of the modern war on the hard way.... only to loose them several years later...
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https://www.pinterest.com/pin/october-12-1894-birth-of-elisabeth-of-romania-queen-of-greece-wife-of-king-george-ii-of-gr--658018195535229720/
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https://s.pinimg.com/web…x48-7470a30d.png
https://s.pinimg.com/web…x48-7470a30d.png
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2019-03-20T10:29:47+00:00
2,956 likes, 22 comments - royaltythrutheages on October 12, 2018: "October 12, 1894 – Birth of Elisabeth of Romania, Queen of Greece, wife of King George II of Gr..."
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https://s.pinimg.com/web…144-3da7a67b.png
Pinterest
https://www.pinterest.com/pin/october-12-1894-birth-of-elisabeth-of-romania-queen-of-greece-wife-of-king-george-ii-of-gr--658018195535229720/
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https://www.historypin.org/en/person/63518/explore/pin/1004329/
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Historypin
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Historypin
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https://www.unofficialroyalty.com/april-20-1839-birth-of-king-carol-i-of-romania/
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King Carol I of Romania
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2014-04-20T00:00:21+00:00
by Scott Mehl  © Unofficial Royalty 2014 King Carol I of Romania was born on April 20, 1839, at Sigmaringen Castle in Sigmaringen, Principality of Hohenzollern, now in the German state of Baden-Wür…
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Unofficial Royalty
https://www.unofficialroyalty.com/april-20-1839-birth-of-king-carol-i-of-romania/
by Scott Mehl © Unofficial Royalty 2014 King Carol I of Romania was born on April 20, 1839, at Sigmaringen Castle in Sigmaringen, Principality of Hohenzollern, now in the German state of Baden-Württemberg. At the time, he was Prince Karl Eitel Friedrich Zephyrinus Ludwig of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, second son of Karl Anton, The Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen and Princess Josephine of Baden. Carol had five siblings: Leopold, Prince of Hohenzollern (1835–1905), married Infanta Antónia of Portugal, daughter of Queen Maria II of Portugal, had three children including King Ferdinand of Romania Stephanie of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (1837–1859), married King Pedro V of Portugal, no children Anton of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (1841–1866), died in battle at age 24 Friedrich of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (1843–1904), married Louise of Thurn and Taxis, no children Marie of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (1845–1912), married Philippe of Belgium, Count of Flanders, had five children including Albert I, King of the Belgians When Karl was 11 years old, his father abdicated as the sovereign Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, and the principality was annexed by Prussia. Karl embarked on a military career, becoming an officer in the Prussian forces. Due to political unrest in what was then called the Romanian United Principalities, the former Ruling Prince (Domnitor) – Alexander Ioan Cuza – was forced to abdicate in February 1866. Due largely to the familial relationship with the French Emperor Napoleon III and the Prussian monarchs, Karl was elected by the Romanian government to become the new Ruling Prince on April 20, 1866 – his 27th birthday. Karl arrived in Romania on May 10, 1866, and declared his allegiance to his new country, taking on the more Romanian spelling of his name – Carol. Soon after the country established its first Constitution, and formally changed the name to Romania – beginning the steps toward eventual independence from the Ottoman Empire. In 1861, while he was still Prince Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, Carol had met Princess Elisabeth of Wied. After meeting again in 1869 when Carol was touring Europe searching for a bride, the couple was married in Neuwied, Principality of Wied, now in Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany on November 15, 1869. They had one daughter – Maria – born on September 8, 1870. Maria died of scarlet fever on April 9, 1874, and Elisabeth never fully recovered from the loss of her only child. In the Russo-Turkish War of 1877, Romania declared independence from the Ottoman Empire and joined forces with Russia. The following year, Romania was formally established as an independent nation under the Treaty of Berlin. Three years later, on March 15, 1881, the Romanian parliament declared Romania a Kingdom, and Karl became King Carol I. His coronation was held on May 10, 1881, the 15th anniversary of his arrival in Romania. He was crowned with the Steel Crown, made from the steel of a cannon captured from the Ottomans during the Russo-Turkish War. Following a reign of more than 48 years, King Carol I died on October 10, 1914, in Sinaia, Romania. He is buried in the royal crypt at the Monastery of Curtea de Argeș in Curtea de Argeș, Romania. King Carol I was succeeded by his nephew, King Ferdinand I, the second son of his elder brother Leopold. This article is the intellectual property of Unofficial Royalty and is NOT TO BE COPIED, EDITED, OR POSTED IN ANY FORM ON ANOTHER WEBSITE under any circumstances. It is permissible to use a link that directs to Unofficial Royalty. Romania Resources at Unofficial Royalty
29369
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https://www.historypin.org/en/person/63518/explore/pin/1004329/
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Historypin
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Historypin
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We use cookies to ensure that we give you the best experience on our website. This includes cookies from third party social media websites if you visit a page which contains embedded content from social media. Such third party cookies may track your use of the Historypin website. If you continue without changing your settings, we'll assume that you are happy to receive all cookies on the Historyping website. However, you can change your cookie settings at any time. Continue
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https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/108S2N
en
[Elisabeth of Wied, Queen of Romania] (The J. Paul Getty Museum Collection)
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Explore the collection of the J. Paul Getty Museum at the Getty Center and the Getty Villa.
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/art/collection/favicon.ico
The J. Paul Getty Museum Collection
https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/108S2N
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https://royalwatcherblog.com/2020/03/10/wedding-of-crown-prince-carol-of-romania-and-princess-helen-of-greece-1921/
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Wedding of Crown Prince Carol of Romania and Princess Helen of Greece, 1921
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[ "Saad719" ]
2020-03-10T00:00:00
https://www.instagram.com/p/BXD05BUBIly/ https://www.instagram.com/p/Ca5t9o4JAV9/ The Wedding of Crown Prince Carol of Romania, eldest son of King Ferdinand of Romania and Princess Marie of Edinburgh and Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, and Princess Helen of Greece, eldest daughter of King Constantine I of Greece and Princess Sophie of Prussia (wearing the Romanian Greek Key Tiara), at the Metropolitan Cathedral in Athens on this
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https://royalwatcherblog…named-file-2.jpg
The Royal Watcher -
https://royalwatcherblog.com/2020/03/10/wedding-of-crown-prince-carol-of-romania-and-princess-helen-of-greece-1921/
The Wedding of Crown Prince Carol of Romania, eldest son of King Ferdinand of Romania and Princess Marie of Edinburgh and Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, and Princess Helen of Greece, eldest daughter of King Constantine I of Greece and Princess Sophie of Prussia (wearing the Romanian Greek Key Tiara), at the Metropolitan Cathedral in Athens on this day in 1921, just days after the wedding of their siblings King George II of Greece and Princess Elisabeth of Romania in Bucharest. The couple had one son, King Michael, before their divorce in 1927, when Carol renounced his right to the Throne in favour of his son, only to return a few years into King Michael’s reign and become King for 10 years until his abdication, when Queen Helen returned and remained with King Michael until and after his abdication. Related
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https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/20/world/europe/romania-prince-carol.html
en
1919: Romanian Crown Prince Renounces His Title
https://static01.nyt.com…99f&k=ZQJBKqZ0VN
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[ "The International Herald Tribune" ]
2019-08-20T00:00:00
Prince Carol of Romania sent a letter to his father, King Ferdinand I, renouncing his title of Crown Prince and his rights as heir to the throne.
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https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/20/world/europe/romania-prince-carol.html
Prince Carol of Roumania, heir-apparent to the throne, has forwarded to his father, King Ferdinand I, a letter dated August 1, renouncing his title of Crown Prince and all the rights the Constitution confers upon him as heir to the throne. In concluding, Prince Carol, who signs “ex-Prince of Roumania,” says: “I remain the devoted servant of my country and place my sword at its service. I beg your Majesty to give me a post among the soldiers now at the front.” It is understood, says the “Matin,” that Prince Carol’s renunciation is due to a love romance, of which the heroine was Mlle. Zizi Lambrino, a beautiful girl belonging to the best Roumanian society, who conquered the Prince’s heart a year ago. Soon after they met, the couple went to Odessa where they were married according to the Russian rite. Efforts have since been made repeatedly to induce the Prince to have the marriage annulled, but he has steadfastly refused. If his renunciation is maintained, Prince Nicholas, a youth of fifteen, becomes the new Crown Prince.
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https://dependentdearta.artmark.ro/en/lot/medalia-cununia-elisabetei-de-wied-si-carol-i-domnul-romaniei-gravor-w-kullrich-berlin-octombrie-1869-en-69573
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http://www.zuwied.de/english/romania_en.htm
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Elisabeth Prinzessin zu Wied, Queen of Romania alias Carmen Sylva
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[ "Edzard Wied" ]
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http://www.zuwied.de/zuwied.ico
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Elizabeth, 1843-1916, queen of Romania, consort of King Carol I, whom she married in 1869. Of German birth, she was the daughter of Hermann (1814-1864), prince of Wied. She completely identified herself with her adopted people and devoted herself to their cultural development. Under the pseudonym Carmen Sylva the queen wrote extensively and with almost equal facility in German, French, English, and Romanian. She collaborated on several books with her lady-in-waiting, Mite Kremnitz.
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https://m.famousfix.com/topic/carol-i-of-romania-and-elisabeth-of-wied
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Carol I of Romania and Elisabeth of Wied
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Please write a description for this profile. This is the text that will appear on the about page and should be a description of what this topic is. For people, this would include a biography, including a description of their early life and career; for films and TV shows: a plot + other information about this title, etc. Other editors will be able to edit your text in a collaborative way. Please refer to wikipedia for a good example of how an about description might look.
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Getty Images
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Getty Images Deutschland. Finden Sie hochauflösende lizenzfreie Bilder, Bilder zur redaktionellen Verwendung, Vektorgrafiken, Videoclips und Musik zur Lizenzierung in der umfangreichsten Fotobibliothek online.
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Elisabeth of Wied, Queen Consort of King Carol I of Romania
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Download stock image of “Elisabeth of Wied (1843-1916), Queen Consort of King Carol I of Romania, and writer under the pen name Carmen Sylva. Illustration from Die Grossen der Weltgeschichte (Eckstein-Halpaus, Dresden, c1930).” from the Look and Learn History Picture Archive
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https://www.lookandlearn.com/history-images/M694040/Elisabeth-of-Wied-Queen-Consort-of-King-Carol-I-of-Romania
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Elisabeth of Wied
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2017-08-18T08:30:48+00:00
Pauline Elisabeth Ottilie Luise zu Wied (29 December 1843 2 March 1916) was the Queen consort of Romania as the wife of King Carol I of Romania, widely known by her literary name of Carmen Sylva. Her brother William, 5th Prince of Wied married on 18 July 1871 in Wassenaar, Princess Marie of the Ne
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Alchetron.com
https://alchetron.com/Elisabeth-of-Wied
Family and early life Born at "Schloss Monrepos" in Neuwied, she was the daughter of Hermann, Prince of Wied, and his wife Princess Marie of Nassau, daughter of William, Duke of Nassau a grandson of Princess Carolina of Orange-Nassau, (and sister of Adolphe, Grand Duke of Luxembourg. Her niece Princess Emma of Waldeck and Pyrmont (2 August 1858 – 20 March 1934) was the fourth daughter of Georg Viktor, Prince of Waldeck and Pyrmont, and Princess Helena of Nassau. She became Queen of the Netherlands and Grand Duchess of Luxembourg as the wife of King-Grand Duke William III. Queen Emma also served as regent for her daughter, Queen Wilhelmina, during the latter's minority. Elisabeth had artistic leanings; her childhood featured seances and visits to the local lunatic asylum. Marriage As a young girl, sixteen-year-old Elisabeth was considered as a possible bride for Albert Edward, Prince of Wales (the future Edward VII of the United Kingdom, known as Bertie). His mother, Queen Victoria, strongly favored her as a prospective daughter-in-law, and urged her daughter Princess Vicky to look further into her. Elisabeth was spending the social season at the Berlin court, where her family hoped she would be tamed into a docile, marriageable princess. Vicky responded, "I do not think her at all distinguée looking—certainly the opposite to Bertie's usual taste", whereas the tall and slender Alexandra of Denmark was "just the style Bertie admires". Bertie was also shown photographs of Elisabeth, but professed himself unmoved and declined to give them a second glance. In the end, Alexandra was selected for Bertie. Elisabeth first met Prince Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen in Berlin in 1861. In 1869, Karl, who was now Prince Carol of Romania, traveled to Germany in search of a suitable consort. He was reunited with Elisabeth, and the two were married on 15 November 1869 in Neuwied. Their only child, a daughter, Maria, died in 1874 at age three — an event from which Elisabeth never recovered. She was crowned Queen of Romania in 1881 after Romania was proclaimed a kingdom. In the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 she devoted herself to the care of the wounded, and founded the Decoration of the Cross of Queen Elisabeth to reward distinguished service in such work. She fostered the higher education of women in Romania, and established societies for various charitable objects. She was the 835th Dame of the Royal Order of Queen Maria Luisa. She died at Curtea de Argeş or Bucharest. Literary activity As "Carmen Sylva", she wrote with facility in German, Romanian, French and English. A few of her voluminous writings, which include poems, plays, novels, short stories, essays, collections of aphorisms, etc., may be singled out for special mention: Her earliest publications were "Sappho" and "Hammerstein", two poems which appeared at Leipzig in 1880. In 1888 she received the Prix Botta, a prize awarded triennially by the Académie française, for her volume of prose aphorisms Les Pensees d'une reine (Paris, 1882), a German version of which is entitled Vom Amboss (Bonn, 1890). Cuvinte Sufletesci, religious meditations in Romanian (Bucharest, 1888), was also translated into German (Bonn, 1890), under the name of Seelen-Gespräche. Several of the works of "Carmen Sylva" were written in collaboration with Mite Kremnitz, one of her maids of honor; these were published between 1881 and 1888, in some cases under the pseudonyms Dito et Idem. These include: Aus zwei Welten (Leipzig, 1884), a novel Anna Boleyn (Bonn, 1886), a tragedy In der Irre (Bonn, 1888), a collection of short stories Edleen Vaughan, or Paths of Peril (London, 1894), a novel Sweet Hours (London, 1904), poems, written in English. Among the translations made by "Carmen Sylva" include: German versions of Pierre Loti's romance Pecheur d'Islande German versions of Paul de St Victor's dramatic criticisms Les Deux Masques (Paris, 1881–1884) and especially The Bard of the Dimbovitza, an English translation of Elena Văcărescu's collection of Romanian folk-songs, etc., entitled Lieder aus dem Dimbovitzathal (Bonn, 1889), translated by "Carmen Sylva" and Alma Strettell. The Bard of the Dimbovitza was first published in 1891, and was soon reissued and expanded. Translations from the original works of "Carmen Sylva" have appeared in all the principal languages of Europe and in Armenian. Văcărescu Affair In 1881, due to the lack of heirs to the Romanian throne, King Carol I adopted his nephew, Ferdinand. Ferdinand, a complete stranger in his new home, started to get close to one of Elisabeth's ladies in waiting Elena Văcărescu. Elisabeth, very close to Elena herself, encouraged the romance, although she was perfectly aware of the fact that a marriage between the two was forbidden by the Romanian constitution. (According to the 1866 Constitution of Romania, the heir to the throne was not allowed to marry a Romanian.) The result of this was the exile of both Elisabeth (in Neuwied) and Elena (in Paris), as well as a trip by Ferdinand through Europe in search of a suitable bride, whom he eventually found in Queen Victoria's granddaughter, Princess Marie of Edinburgh. The affair helped reinforce Elisabeth's image as a dreamer and eccentric. Quite unusually for a queen, Elisabeth of Wied was personally of the opinion that a Republican form of government was preferable to Monarchy—an opinion which she expressed forthrightly in her diary, though she did not make it public at the time: I must sympathize with the Social Democrats, especially in view of the inaction and corruption of the nobles. These "little people", after all, want only what nature confers: equality. The Republican form of government is the only rational one. I can never understand the foolish people, the fact that they continue to tolerate us. Titles 29 December 1843 – 15 November 1869: Her Serene Highness Princess Elisabeth of Wied 15 November 1869 – 15 March 1881: Her Royal Highness The Princess of Romania 15 March 1881 – 10 October 1914: Her Majesty The Queen of Romania 10 October 1914 – 2 March 1916: Her Majesty Queen Elisabeth, Dowager Queen of Romania National honours Germany: Dame of the Order of Louise Hohenzollern: Dame of the House Order of Hohenzollern Romania: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Crown Romania: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Star of Romania Romania: Grand Master Knight of the Decoration of the Cross of Queen Elisabeth Romania: Recipient of the Ruby Jubilee Medal of King Carol I Foreign honours Austria-Hungary: Dame of the Order of the Starry Cross Portugal: Dame Grand Cross of the Order of Saint Isabel Russia: Dame Grand Cordon of the Order of Saint Catherine Spain: 835th Dame Grand Cross of the Order of Queen Maria Luisa United Kingdom: Dame of the Royal Order of Victoria and Albert, 1st class Serbia: Dame Grand Cross of the Order of Saint Sava Legacy Sierra Carmen Silva (Chile) Río Carmen Silva (Argentina, also known as Río Chico) The Forest path of Carmen Sylva (Šetalište Carmen Sylve) in Opatija, Croatia Villa Carmen Sylva (Domburg) Villa Carmen Sylva (Varese)
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oz.Typewriter: Seven Degrees of Separation: Seven People, Seven Typewriters
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[ "Robert Messenger", "View my complete profile" ]
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How are all these people connected? 1.   Pauline Elisabeth Ottilie Luise of Wied (1843-1916), the Queen of Romania as the wife of K...
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https://oztypewriter.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
https://oztypewriter.blogspot.com/2020/08/seven-degrees-of-separation-seven.html
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Michael of Greece
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[ "" ]
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[ "Prince Michael of Greece" ]
2016-10-31T19:16:35+00:00
King Carol of Romania When Romania gained independence from the Ottoman Empire, a foreigner, Prince Carol of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, was chosen to become sovereign, in part due to political influences. Prince, then King of Romania, he was the true creator of the modern Romanian state. An austere German, feared by his family, he was also a...
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Michael of Greece
https://www.princemichaelschronicles.com/romania/
King Carol of Romania When Romania gained independence from the Ottoman Empire, a foreigner, Prince Carol of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, was chosen to become sovereign, in part due to political influences. Prince, then King of Romania, he was the true creator of the modern Romanian state. An austere German, feared by his family, he was also a knowledgeable collector of paintings and left behind a fabulous collection which still hangs in the Royal Palace of Bucharest. Queen Elizabeth of Romania King Carol married a German princess from the small Wied dynasty. She became a renowned poet and published under the name Carmen Sylva. An eccentric, she loved to bellow out her poems from the terrace above the shore of the Black Sea towards the ships in front of her palace. It was a spectacle which left the marines rather dumbfounded. King Carol had no children, so the crown passed to his nephew Ferdinand of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen who was brought to Romania for the occasion. He was married to Princess Marie of Great Britain, the granddaughter of Queen Victoria. A great beauty, a strong personality, and rather full of herself, Marie loved to have her photograph taken in the most becoming and attractive dresses, which she herself designed, inspired by the Middles Ages and Byzantium. Princess Marie of Romania was also a talented decorator. In addition to designing interiors, she was also a politician of great importance. In opposition to her husband, she forced Romania to enter World War I on the side of the Allies. After the war, she herself traveled to the Versailles Peace Conference to secure compensation for their war effort and doubled the size of the kingdom. Princess Marie was an aesthete. She not only admired her own beauty, but also that of her children, who were all blessed with extraordinary physical qualities. She dressed them up as Romanian peasants and posed them in the forests that surrounded her castle in Sinaia. Prince Nicholas of Romania was the youngest son of Queen Marie. He poses here in a costume his mother made him wear. As the brother of King Carol II, Nicholas didn’t play a particularly important roll and after entering into a morganatic marriage he was quickly sidelined by the king.
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https://www.tumblr.com/princessvictoriamelita/633448331516985344/queen-elisabeth-of-romania-with-her-mother-dowager
en
Queen Elisabeth of Romania with her mother Dowager Princess Marie of Wied and her uncle Prince Nikolaus Wilhelm of Nassau who... – @princessvictoriamelita on Tumblr
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2020-10-31T00:16:44+00:00
Queen Elisabeth of Romania with her mother Dowager Princess Marie of Wied and her uncle Prince Nikolaus Wilhelm of Nassau who was the father of Countess Sophie of Merenberg (wife of Grand Duke Micha…
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Tumblr
https://www.tumblr.com/princessvictoriamelita/633448331516985344/queen-elisabeth-of-romania-with-her-mother-dowager
Queen Elisabeth of Romania with her mother Dowager Princess Marie of Wied and her uncle Prince Nikolaus Wilhelm of Nassau who was the father of Countess Sophie of Merenberg (wife of Grand Duke Michael Mikhailovich of Russia), 1889.
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https://www.instagram.com/historicalroyals/p/CrmTSUSICpP/
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Instagram
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Carol-I
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Carol I | Modernization, Unification & Reformation
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[ "Carol I", "encyclopedia", "encyclopeadia", "britannica", "article" ]
null
[ "The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica" ]
1998-07-20T00:00:00+00:00
Carol I was the first king of Romania, whose long reign (as prince, 1866–81, and as king, 1881–1914) brought notable military and economic development along Western lines but failed to solve the basic problems of an overwhelmingly rural country. As a German prince, Carol was educated in Dresden and
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Encyclopedia Britannica
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Carol-I
Carol I (born April 20, 1839, Sigmaringen, Prussia [now in Germany]—died October 10, 1914, Sinaia, Romania) was the first king of Romania, whose long reign (as prince, 1866–81, and as king, 1881–1914) brought notable military and economic development along Western lines but failed to solve the basic problems of an overwhelmingly rural country. As a German prince, Carol was educated in Dresden and Bonn and in 1864 served as an officer of the Prussian army in the war against Denmark. With the tacit approval of his cousin, the French emperor Napoleon III, he was offered the throne of Romania after the deposition of the reigning prince, Alexandru Cuza (February 1866), and in April 1866 was elected prince by plebiscite. In 1869 he married the princess Elizabeth of Wied, who later gained fame as the poetess Carmen Sylva. His Germanophile sentiments caused him to be domestically unpopular during the Franco-Prussian War (1870–71), and in 1871 unrest almost forced his abdication; but he regained popular support for his military leadership at the Battle of Plevna during the Russo-Turkish War (1877–78), and, with Romania’s complete independence from the Ottoman Empire, he was finally crowned king (May 1881). In 1883 he concluded an alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary, which remained a closely guarded state secret until the outbreak of World War I. He fostered the development of urban industrial and financial interests with a large measure of success and significantly built the national military establishment; but his neglect of rural problems—especially peasant land hunger—found its issue in the bloody peasant rebellion of 1907, which claimed perhaps several thousand lives. His rule brought a great measure of dignity and stability to the administration of government, but his manipulation of political parties also perpetuated some of the worst features of Romanian public life. He favoured entrance into World War I on the side of the Central Powers but accepted the decision of the Crown Council to declare neutrality.
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