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30 c-v-c patterns covered in the companion board game. The worksheets can be used in conjunction with the game, as a stand-alone program, or to supplement another reading program. Each of the first five units covers one of the short vowel sounds (a, e, i, o, or u). The patterns in each unit are organized alphabetically for quick reference. For |
additional practice, the sixth unit provides reproducible bingo boards and directions for creating a fun memory game. Five worksheets are included for each c-v-c pattern. Students complete a variety of activities to practice saying, rhyming, spelling, and writing each word as well as associating the word with a realistic illustration of the person, animal, or object it represents. Each unit |
begins with reproducible sheets featuring cut-out patterns of the words taught in the unit as well as the corresponding illustrations of the words. The patterns can be used to make flash cards and a memory game for reinforcing and reviewing words. Over 150 reproducible Worksheets, Bingo Boards, Patterns for flash cards and memory games, a Progress Chart, a Parent Letter |
It's common practice nowadays to pooh-pooh punishment in favour of never-ending positivity, which for most people brings to mind rewards and encouragement. The truth is that rewards can also be highly damaging, destroying motivation and create the very opposite behaviour that parent's are trying to nurture. It isn't nearly as simple as chosing one over the other. Below I give the rules-of-thumb to use |
rewards effectively. Conditioning, using rewards and punishment, is a very basic form of psychological behaviour modification that you can use to teach (or program if you will) worms, dogs, and humans. The prerequisite is a nervous system, and maybe not even that. The good thing about that is that it works even with small babies! When I wrote the punishment article, some people thought |
that I meant beatings or groundings. I simply meant anything that the child dislikes. Similarly, rewards are anything the child likes or wants more of. Candy, money, watching a movie, toys, a kind word, an exciting outing, are all examples of rewards. |
various makeshifts were used on the horses' backs, and the troopers were even drilled bareback. This probationary period was a wearisome one for the cavalry recruit. A trooper must perforce |
learn much of what his comrade of the infantry knows, and in addition must be taught all that pertains to horses and horsemanship. Those who had been fascinated by the |
glamour and dash of the cavalry life doubtless wished many times, during those laborious days, that they had the more frequent hours of recreation granted their neighbors of the infantry. |
The reward of the Federal cavalry came in those later days when, after painstaking and unremitting instruction covering many months and enlightening experiences in the field, they gained that confidence |
in themselves and their leaders, which resulted in the ultimate destruction of the opposing cavalry, and the decisive triumph of the Federal But good cavalry cannot be made in a |
month, or even in a year. The first year of the war saw the Confederate cavalry plainly superior in every way, and there were humiliating instances of the capture by |
the corps daelite of the South , of whole squadrons of Northern horsemen. The second year of the tremendous struggle passed with much improvement in the Federal cavalry, but with |
a still marked lack of confidence in itself. It was not until the third year of its organization and training that the Union cavalry really found itself, and was able |
to vindicate its reputation in the eyes of those who in the preceding period were wont to sneeringly remark that “no one ever sees a dead cavalryman!” The drill regulations |
of the period, called tactics in those days, were the “‘41 Tactics” or “Poinsett tactics,” authorized for dragoon regiments in the year 1841, by the Honorable J. R. Poinsett , |
Secretary of War These drill regulations were in the main a translation from the French , and although occasional attempts were made to improve them, they continued in use by |
October 21th 1490 A Disgraced DrummondLike all the best feuds it concerned money and power. In 1490 George Murray, who was at this time Abbot of Inchaffray, decided to assess the teinds of the Drummond lands of Monzievaird and asked his friends the Murrays of Octertyre to collect the assessments. This the Murrays did with such enthusiasm and brutality that |
the Drummonds were provoked into violent retaliation. Lord Drummondís second son David, together with a body of his retainers set out to achieve a forcible eviction of the Murrays. Unfortunately the news of their coming reached the Murrays who were ready for the assault and proved to be more than a match for the Drummonds. However at a critical moment |
in the battle, a party of McRobbies from Balloch appeared and with their assistance, the Drummonds were able to force the Murrays northwards. They made a final stand at Rottenreoch where many of them died and the remainder fled back towards Ochtertyre. This might have been the end of the affair but the Drummonds retreating happily towards Drummond Castle, came |
upon Duncan Campbell of Dunstaffnage with a party of his clan. He also had a score to settle with the Murrays, a little matter of the murder of his father-in-law and two of his sons by a party of Murrays some time previously. It did not need much persuasion to get the Drummonds to agree to resume the pursuit and |
the two parties marched together towards Octertyre. In the meantime, the Murrays with their wives and children had taken refuge in the church at Monzievaird so the Drummonds found no trace of their enemies. Unfortunately one of the Murrays in a fit of bravado and incredible stupidity shot an arrow from the window of the church and killed one of |
the Drummonds outside. This not only gave away the position of the Murrays but infuriated their enemies. They gathered every available piece of brushwood and stacked them against the church, which was built of wood and thatched with heather, and set the building on fire. A hundred and twenty men together with their wives and children were either burned alive |
or killed as they tried to leave the church. Only one escaped, a young lad who jumped from a window and was caught by a Drummond who took pity on him and spirited him away. Such uncharacteristic compassion was not popular with the rest of his clan and he was forced to leave Crieff. He crossed over to Ireland where |
he remained for many years. When he eventually returned to Scotland, the Murrays had regained their power and to show their gratitude gave him a small estate known as Drummond Ernoch or Drummond of Ireland. It lies about a mile south-west of Comrie and still bears the same name today. This whole incident might be cited as an example of |
the state of Scotland at this period, of the lawlessness and savagery of a people with little central authority. But this would not be altogether true. James 4th, when he heard of the massacre, gave orders for the arrest of David Drummond and a number of his followers. They were all executed at Stirling later in 1490. There is also |
at least some evidence that the Drummond family were not proud of the episode and the name of David Drummond disappears completely from all histories and genealogies of the family. |
Released: June 3, 2003 Views of a Changing World 2003 Chapter 5. Nationalism, Sovereignty and Views of Global Institutions Even as the world grows more comfortable with globalization, people continue |
to feel the strong pull of nationalism. This enduring sense of national identity is seen in a number of ways. There is a widespread belief among people in most nations |
that their culture is superior to others and that it needs protection from outside forces. Significant numbers of people assert that parts of neighboring countries rightfully belong to their country. |
And most would like to tighten controls on the flow of immigrants into their countries. In the United States, Eastern Europe and throughout most of Africa, Asia and Latin America, |
majorities believe that their culture is superior to others. This sentiment is particularly strong in a number of developing nations. Fully nine-in-ten respondents in Indonesia and South Korea and more |
than eight-in-ten Indians (85%) are strong boosters of their own culture. In fact, Jordan is the only developing country surveyed in which a majority of the population does not believe |
their culture is superior. Among wealthy nations, Americans stand out for their sense of cultural superiority. Six-in-ten people in the United States agree with the statement: “Our people are not |
perfect, but our culture is superior to others.” By comparison, just a third of the French claim their culture is superior to others. Only about four-in-ten in Great Britain (37%) |
and Germany (40%) say the same about their cultures. In Western Europe, only in Italy does a majority (55%) of the population view their culture as better than others. Many |
See Their Way of Life Threatened Among the world‘s people, the belief that their way of life needs protection from foreign influence is even more pervasive than the sense of |
cultural superiority. This sentiment also is strongest among people in a number of developing countries. Nearly nine-in-ten Turks (89%) agree that their way of life needs defending, an overwhelming 69% |
completely agree with that statement – by far the highest percentage in the world. But the general view is nearly as widespread in Indonesia (87%), Uganda (87%), Kenya (86%), Senegal |
(86%) and Egypt (85%). Strong majorities in most of Latin America, Africa, Asia and the Middle East/Conflict Area also want to defend their way of life from outside influence. Fewer |
people in Western Europe are persuaded that their way of life needs protection. Still, narrow majorities France (53%), Great Britain (51%) and Germany (51%) say their way of life needs |
defending. Italians, who have a greater sense of cultural superiority than others in Western Europe, also are more likely to say their way of life needs protecting (68% agree). A |
similar pattern is apparent in the United States. More than six-in-ten Americans (64%) say their way of life needs protection from foreign influence, while just half as many (32%) disagree. |
Territorial nationalism, the cause of many conflicts throughout history, is still alive and well. Majorities in 22 of 42 countries where the question was asked say that there are parts |
of neighboring countries that really belong to their own country. The potential clash of such territorial ambitions is acutely evident in several global hot spots. Three-in-four Indians (73%) and two-in-three |
Pakistanis (67%) feel parts of neighboring countries rightfully belong to their own. Seven-in-ten Lebanese (71%) and six-in-ten South Koreans (63%) also believe parts of other countries really belong to their |
country. At least half of the respondents in the six Asian nations in which this question was asked – including the Philippines (79%) and Japan (50%) – believe their countries |
have justifiable territorial claims. Fewer people in Western Europe and North America express such sentiments. Still, a third of the Germans and a quarter of the French express this view. |
Italians are divided on this issue: 42% agree that parts of neighboring countries belong to Italy, while the same number disagrees. While a majority of Americans (52%) reject the idea |
that other countries‘ land belongs to the U.S., nearly a third (32%) agree with that statement. Nearly two-thirds of Russians (63%) believe parts of neighboring countries really belong to Russia. |
That number has tripled since the 1991 Pulse of Europe study, when just 22% of Russians expressed that view. Majorities in Poland (59%) and Bulgaria (54%) also say there are |
parts of other countries that really belong to their own countries, although the percentage holding that opinion in each country has not changed significantly in the past dozen years. Where |
Nationalism Prevails Large majorities in several countries affirm each of these sentiments – they believe their culture is superior, that it needs defending, and that other lands are rightfully theirs. |
People in India, for example, are among the most likely to agree with all three statements. Turks, Bangladeshis, South Africans and Pakistanis also rank relatively high on all three measures. |
By contrast, the British, French and German people express far less nationalism, based on these questions. They are among the least likely, of all nations surveyed, to say their culture |
is superior, that their way of life needs protection, and that other lands really belong to their countries. Immigrants a Widespread Concern Globalization is not just about international commerce and |
the cross-border flow of investment and communication. It also involves the movement of millions of people across national borders each year. Immigrants and minority groups are generally seen as having |
a bad influence on the way things are going by people in most countries. Only in Canada does a strong majority of the population (77%) have a positive view of |
immigrants. Among other advanced countries, Americans show the greatest support for immigrants (49%). Nevertheless, a large minority of Americans (43%) believes immigrants are bad for the nation. Half or more |
in France (50%), Britain (50%), Japan (55%), Germany (60%) and Italy (67%) say immigrants are bad for their nations. Immigrants are particularly unpopular across Europe. In every European country except |
Bulgaria immigrants, on balance, are seen as having a bad influence on the country. This negative sentiment coincides with the fact that for the first time in modern history, immigrants |
now comprise a large and growing minority in every Western European nation surveyed. Negative sentiment is even higher in Eastern Europe. Strong majorities in the Czech and Slovak Republics take |
a dim view of immigrants (79%, 69%), as do a majority in Russia (59%) – a country where illegal immigration is soaring. Respondents in Poland and Ukraine have a somewhat |
less negative opinion of immigrants (45% negative in Poland, 47% in Ukraine). Given the widespread negative attitude toward immigration, it is not surprising then that overwhelming majorities in 38 of |
42 countries where the question was asked support tighter immigration controls. This view is shared by overwhelming percentages in countries that take a dim view of immigrants, such as the |
Czech Republic (83% support tighter controls), but also by smaller but substantial majorities in Canada (69%), which has a favorable opinion of immigrants. While border concerns are widespread, the intensity |
of public views about restricting immigration varies. Nearly half of Americans and Italians (46% and 48%, respectively) completely agree that entry to the country should be more restricted, but it |
is not only people in wealthy countries who want to erect more barriers against foreigners. Three-quarters of those surveyed in the Ivory Coast (76%), two-thirds in South Africa (67%), and |
majorities in Mali, India, Turkey, Venezuela and Guatemala feel strongly about this as well. In Japan, which already has some of the world’s toughest immigration laws and the lowest immigration |
rate among advanced societies, just 20% completely agree that tougher restrictions should be placed on people entering the country. Poland, Bulgaria and South Korea have even lower levels of intense |
opinion about this issue. Favorable Views of Multinationals Anti-globalization protestors have long leveled their fire at a number of institutions – international corporations, the World Trade Organization, the World Bank |
and International Monetary Fund – that they claim promote and abuse globalization. For the most part, the public rejects the criticisms of these symbols of a new global order. In |
33 of 43 countries in which the question was asked, majorities think that foreign corporations have a generally positive influence on their countries. Majorities in every African country surveyed say |
major foreign companies have a good influence. Asians also have a favorable view of multinationals, although opinions are somewhat less positive than in Africa. Approval of foreign firms is highly |
of multinationals – with the notable exception of Argentina, where just a quarter of respondents believe major foreign companies have had a positive impact on their country. By contrast, Americans |
and Europeans have more measured opinions of companies from other countries. Just half of those surveyed in the U.S. (50%), France (50%) and Italy (51%) give global firms good marks. |
Multinational companies are viewed favorably by even fewer respondents in Poland (44%) and Russia (42%), which have seen a number of big foreign companies acquire local businesses. It is important |
to note that while opinion of multinationals is favorable in most countries, most people say such firms have a somewhat good influence on their countries, rather than a very good |
influence. In North America and Europe, at most only about one-in-ten say foreign firms‘ influence has been very positive. As might be expected, there is a correlation between public sentiment |
toward globalization and multinational companies. People who think well of big companies from other countries generally take a more positive view of the effect of globalization on their nation than |
those who see foreign companies as a problem. This pattern is seen in all advanced economies. It is also notable in a number of developing nations, such as Bolivia, India, |
the Philippines, Russia and Bulgaria, though in most nations, even those critical of international firms have, on balance, favorable views of globalization. Good Ratings for IMF, World Bank Public support |
is even more extensive for international financial organizations such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organization (WTO). In most developing countries in Africa, |
Asia, Latin America and the Middle East, majorities think such international institutions have a good influence on their societies. Nearly six-in-ten people in North America, Western Europe and Japan agree. |
Criticism for these multilateral institutions is largely confined to countries that have recently suffered from economic belt-tightening – government spending cuts, higher interest rates – imposed by the World Bank |
and IMF in return for international loans. Two-thirds of Argentines (66%), more than half of Turks (57%) and nearly half of Brazilians (48%) say such institutions have been bad for |
their countries. Notably, about four-in-ten respondents in Bangladesh and India, and six-in-ten in Pakistan, offered no opinion about these institutions, although their countries have received billions of dollars in loans |
from the World Bank and IMF. Still, positive assessments of these institutions far outnumber negative ones in India and Bangladesh, but Pakistanis are divided (23% positive/18% negative). Criticism of these |
organizations is most clearly linked to overall concerns about globalization in North America, Western Europe and parts of Eastern Europe. While the World Bank, the IMF and the WTO are |
generally rated as having a good influence in these parts of the world, people who are critical of globalization overall take a significantly dimmer view of these institutions. Anti-Globalization Protesters: |
Not Widely Known To a considerable degree, anti-globalization protestors have simply failed to register on the public‘s consciousness. Majorities or pluralities in most of Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Middle |
East and Eastern Europe say they do not know enough about anti-globalization critics to have an opinion or declined to offer one. In countries where anti-globalization protesters are better known |
– mostly in North America and Western Europe – their image is fairly negative. In Italy, the site of a bloody clash involving anti-globalization protesters at the 2001 G-8 summit, |
negative opinions of the protesters outnumber positive ones by two-to-one (54%-27%). Majorities or pluralities in other Western European nations – as well as the U.S. and Canada – have unfavorable |
views of the protesters. The Philippines is the only country in which a majority (54%) believes the anti-globalization protesters have a positive influence on their country. But there are several |
countries in which sizable minorities give them positive ratings, including France (44% positive), where anti-globalization leader José Bové bulldozed a McDonalds some years ago, South Africa (44%), Guatemala (44%), and |
Honduras (46%). In Bolivia, where popular resistance to the privatization and sale of municipal water supplies is ongoing, nearly half (47%), give the protestors positive ratings. NGOs, Unions Popular Non-governmental |
service organizations (NGOs), such as the Red Cross, Care International and Amnesty International, are well known and well liked. Solid majorities in most countries – more than three quarters in |
North America and Europe, with the exception of Bulgaria (68%) – believe non-governmental organizations have a positive influence on their countries. Support for these organizations, which deliver humanitarian relief and |
work to protect the environment and defend human rights, is nearly as strong in most of Africa, Latin America, Asia and much of the Middle East/Conflict Area. The only significant |
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