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criticism of non-governmental organizations is in Jordan, where four-in-ten (42%) say such organizations have a bad influence on the nation. About one-in-five in Bangladesh (27%) and Japan (23%) also say |
NGO‘s have had a negative impact. Trade unions, which are often at odds with corporations and often critical of globalization, are held in fairly high esteem in many parts of |
the world. About six-in-ten Americans (63%) and French (59%), and somewhat higher percentages of Germans (65%) and British (67%) think organized labor has a good influence in their societies. But |
as is the case with corporations, support for labor unions is broad but tempered. Even in North America and Europe, where people have a generally favorable opinion of unions, only |
about one-in-ten say they completely agree that unions have a good influence on their countries. Argentina is the only country in which an overwhelming majority (75%) says that trade unions |
have a bad influence. Criticism of unions also is widespread in Jordan (57% negative) and in Venezuela (55% negative), where strikes recently crippled the economy. Questions of Sovereignty: Environment, Criminal |
Court In instances where the authority of international organizations and national governments come into conflict – as with global environmental efforts and the International Criminal Court – Americans come down |
on the side of national sovereignty, while Europeans tend to be more supportive of international authority. But there are interesting variations in European views on these issues. For example, two-thirds |
of the French (65%), along with most Americans (54%), say their national governments should have the final word on global environmental disputes as opposed to an international organization like the |
U.N. The balance tilts the other way – toward giving an international organization final say – in Great Britain (54%) and Germany (67%). Russians are divided, with 45% saying the |
final decision should rest with the U.N. or another international body and 43% saying the Russian government. Americans are just as resistant to ceding authority over U.S. military forces. Just |
37% say the International Criminal Court should have jurisdiction over U.S. troops accused of war crimes, even if the U.S. government refuses to try them. People in Russia agree – |
just one-in-three Russian respondents favor giving the International Criminal Court the right to try Russian troops. But the French side with the Germans and British in supporting the authority of |
When will the mantra "home, sweet home" shift to "home, smart home"? For decades from about the 1950s, many expected that it would happen in the 21st century. In fact, it was a preoccupation expressed in books, amusement park exhibits, TV shows and movies. The question of whether our homes |
-- the place where we lay our heads and charge our gadgets -- will get to move the tassel and graduate to the distinction of being "smart" was put to a group of 1,000 experts, observers, and critics. And the result was an even split on whether the home will |
have a brain in addition to a heart. The Pew Internet report, in conjunction with Elon University, found that 51% of survey participants agreed that by 2020, the connected household will have "become a model of efficiency, as people are able to manage consumption of resources (electricity, water, food, even |
bandwidth) in ways that place less of a burden on the environment while saving households money." "Homes will get more efficient because it will cost more and more to waste energy – the devices will become simpler because no one likes being outsmarted by their thermostat," said David Weinberger, a |
A Comparitive Semitic Lexicon of the Phoenician and Punic Languages by Dr. Richard Tomback |A Comparitive Semitic Lexicon of the Phoenician and Punic Languages by Dr. Richard Tomback Ever since the beginning of the Twentieth Century, to the student of Semitic languages, the discovery of each additional inscription resulted in additional lexical material to be analyzed. In particular this became true in the sub |
field of Phoenician/ Punic Studies. Not only have hundreds of Phoenician and Punic inscriptions been reanalyzed and restudied, but dozens of Neo Punic written documents, have been uncovered and subject to the most minute of analysis. In writing the Comparative Lexicon to the Phoenician and Punic Languages, a specific methodology had to be used in order to restudy and reanalyze properly virtually the entire |
corpus of inscriptions available to date. The Lexicon would be in traditional Semitic Alphabetic order. Each lexical entry would list variant spellings from the standard acceptable form. This would be followed up with all realistic comparative data. The comparative material ranging from lexical items from Akkadian, Sumerian, Ugaritic, Biblical Hebrew, Mishnaic Hebrew, Classical Arabic, Amharic, Geez, etc Needless to say the author makes no |
claim at finality or completeness in the choice of related lexical data. The major section of the Lexicon consists of translations of each major instance of a lexical item found in the mass of inscriptions. Needless to say, at times due to the use of photographic evidence and re-readings of older lexical evidence, a new reading of the data would result. Each translation of |
a complete or fragmentary inscription was based entirely upon the lexical data available at the time of the printing of the volume. No revisions were made at a later time. This dictionary can be purchased on line from Amazon.com and other book dealers. The first of its kind in the world, Online English to Phoenician Dictionary with phonetic pronunciation in both Latin & Arabic |
scripts by Maroun KassabNote by the site author: With regret, Phoenicia.org does not guarantee the validity or scholastic veracity of this online dictionary. "Man acts as though he were the shaper and master of language, while in fact language remains the master of man." It is true that we have always understood language to be a medium of communication. If two people are conversing |
together, they are seen as transmitting information from the mind of the first subject, to the mind of the second through Language. Therefore, language has always been looked at as the object or tool of communication. But today, we are beginning to understand that language goes beyond the Subject/Object dichotomy. Instead of looking at language as a mere tool, we are beginning to understand |
that it actually governs the way we think. We are raised within language. When we argue, we argue within language, when we think, we think within the boundaries of language. When we debate the validity of these propositions, we are doing it within the framework of language. Therefore, language governs thought. Each of the human languages has its own specificity, and none can replace |
the other. Every culture is determined by the language it speaks and this language defines its framework of thought. Therefore, it becomes of extreme importance to understand the language we speak, in order to understand the manner in which we think. In Lebanon , as well as in the larger Arab world, there is a lack in this domain. Some might find this statement |
strange, given the amount of scholars of the Arabic language, and the amount of books written on the subject. Yet, we have to realize here that there are actually two misconceptions at hand: 1- When people speak of the Arabic language, they are generally putting aside a very important aspect of this language. The Arabic language is not a spoken language. It is the |
literary language in the entire Arab world. In no single culture is the Arabic language a spoken language. It is the language of books and magazines. It is never the language that we use to open up our view of the world on a daily basis, and definitely, it is not the language through which we think. I could hardly imagine that someone who |
is going to a grocery shop would think to herself “سوف أذهب الى الدكان ”, whether this person is Lebanese or Saudi, Syrian or Iraqi. 2- The second misconception is that we in Lebanon speak Arabic. Now, I must admit that the nature of this argument has had its share of political connotations in Lebanon , especially that some Lebanese political groups have used |
it to distance themselves from the larger Arabic world and culture. As a result, other opposing Lebanese political groups that identify with the Arab world and culture have rejected this notion of language, and this subject became an extremely sensitive subject that everyone tries to avoid. My own conception of this matter is that this subject should be taken out of the political arena, |
and put back in its proper context, which is the scientific and linguistic context. I do not believe that Lebanese politicians have any right or the proper knowledge of the subject matter to make any determination on this issue. Now, the reason that I said that there is such a misconception in the beginning is due to the fact that the everyday Lebanese that |
we speak seems to share a lot of vocabulary with the Arabic language. But here we have to remember, that the Arabic Language and the Phoenician language are both Semitic languages and share a lot of common words. Browsing through the dictionary will give the reader an understanding of the extent that these terms are shared. Yet, the mere fact remains that the sentence |
structure of the everyday Lebanese is closer to the sentence structure of the Phoenician than that of the Arabic Language. Therefore, in Lebanon we can make neither the assumption nor the assertion that we speak Arabic. Neither can we on the other hand say that we speak Phoenician for that matter. We simply speak Lebanese, a very unique & hybrid language. We have our |
traditional poetry recited in this language, we raise our children within this language and we ask for a drink of water when we are thirsty in this language. Having said this, it becomes clear that we have to strive to understand the language we speak in Lebanon , in order to better understand the way we think, the way we live, and the way |
we interact with each other. Yet, we cannot do so, before setting up the proper frame work for understanding. We must go back to the language of our ancestors, the original language that was spoken on these shores, and which still survives in our language structure, our dialect and our vocabulary. It has been transformed much since then, but a deconstruction of our Lebanese |
language will help to reconstruct our understanding of it. This means that research has to be done on this subject and disseminated to the public, as well as the scientific community, so that we can start to reconstruct the various elements of our language and thought. That is why one of my major concerns was to make this information available as an open source. |
All the terms in this dictionary are taken from scientific resources and Phoenician inscriptions found in Lebanon and in Phoenician colonies. Therefore, this work is a scientific approach towards the Phoenician language, and a humble contribution towards the understanding of our Lebanese culture, language and heritage. I hope that this work will be put to a good use, and will shed a light on |
EnviroMon is a complete data logging system. It automatically measures and records temperature, humidity and other parameters and provides warnings when readings go out of range. EnviroMon is both flexible and economical: you can start off just recording a single temperature and expand to monitor up to 40 sensors spread |
around a site. EnviroMon works on a network so that sensors can be placed 100s of metres apart. Measurements from the network can be read off the display on the logger, sent to a printer, downloaded to a PC or even displayed live on a website. Using a modem (radio, |
telephone or GSM) the loggers can be monitored remotely. The system offers these important benefits: - It carries out routine measurements automatically, leaving staff to get on with their job - It sounds an alarm when there is a problem: if there is no alarm, no action is required - |
It maintains a permanent record of measurements, so that you can prove compliance with appropriate legislation - It provides timely warnings of equipment failure, minimising the risk of spoiled stock - It is easy to install and use EnviroMon Case Studies EnviroMon data logging systems are used for many different |
purposes in many locations throughout the world. Read these case studies and find out what EnviroMon can do for you. The system has the following features and options: - Operation with a PC or stand–alone (computer required for installation) - Mains powered, with battery backup - Can print reports directly |
Wallace Stevens (October 2, 1879 – August 2, 1955 / Pennsylvania / United States) Not Ideas About the Thing But the Thing Itself At the earliest ending of winter, In March, a scrawny cry from outside Seemed like a sound in his mind. He knew that he heard it, A bird's cry, at daylight or before, In the early March wind. The sun was |
rising at six, No longer a battered panache above snow... It would have been outside. It was not from the vast ventriloquism Of sleep's faded papier-mache... The sun was coming from the outside. That scrawny cry--It was A chorister whose c preceded the choir. It was part of the colossal sun, Surrounded by its choral rings, Still far away. It was like A new |
knowledge of reality. Comments about this poem (Not Ideas About the Thing But the Thing Itself by Wallace Stevens ) People who read Wallace Stevens also read Top 500 Poems The Road Not Taken If You Forget Me Still I Rise Edgar Allan Poe Stopping by Woods on a Snowy Evening William Ernest Henley I Know Why The Caged Bird Sings |
In 2004, the Eskimo Museum celebrated its 60th Anniverary. Lorraine Brandson, curator of the museum, submitted this history as part of the regularly appearing ‘Carved From The Land’ series. The Eskimo Museum was originally established by Roman Catholic missionaries working in the eastern and central Canadian Arctic. The Churchill mission served as the administrative headquarters for parishes spread from Gjoa |
Haven on King William Island to Pond Inlet on Baffin Island. The early missionaries, mostly French speaking had to adapt to many challenges, including learning a difficult new language (Inuktitut), acquiring and caching adequate food for the winter, and enduring often brutal weather conditions to visit people in different camps. They could not have survived without the assistance of the |
Inuit, who taught the missionaries a new way of life. A certain respect came with these lessons, and experience gave way to insight and knowledge of the people who are indigenous to the North. Eventually it became a new “mission” to promote the creation of artworks representing the culture and worldview of the Inuit. Starting a museum was the next |
logical step. The Eskimo Museum opened its doors in 1944 in a front room of the bishop’s residence here in Churchill. Various pelts of northern animals and a large walrus head from a 3000 pound animal sat next to an exquisite display of sculptures carved by the Inuit themselves. It is interesting to note here that the 1948-1949 time period |
– four to five years after the opening of the museum – is often regarded as the time of the “discovery” of Inuit art, following the visit of James Houston to Port Harrison and Povungnituk on eastern Hudson Bay, and that almost 25 years passed before public art galleries in southern Canada began to actively display and promote Inuit art. |
When the museum opened the collection consisted mainly of walrus tusk ivory boards depicting scenes from daily life, some tools, and a few wildlife specimens. Father Jean Philippe was placed in charge of the museum, and Father Richard Ferron assisted him. But indeed – it is impossible to write about the Museum without talking about Brother Jacques Volant, o.m.i. (known |
by the Inuit as ‘Piku’). Brother Volant was the cook at the mission at the time that the museum opened (and had 23 years’ experience in northern missions), and took a keen interest in it from the very beginning. In 1948, he was made responsible for the museum by the then bishop, and lovingly dedicated the rest of his working |
life (until 1986) to this task. Churchill oldtimers may remember Brother Volant’s passion for smoking the pipe and his daily noon hour walks on the rocks and seashore behind the mission. By 1948 the military had been a part of Churchill life for six years, and many of the personnel were interested in Arctic survival. They were sent to the |
museum where they could see “carvings” and artifacts, watch home movies about the North, and talk to Brother Volant. Tourists and other visitors to the town were also directed to the museum, as were Inuit residents of the Kivalliq region on their way south or north, or to Fort Churchill to use the local health services. In 1952 the museum |
outgrew its space in the mission, and was relocated to a building that was formally a warehouse. The building also contained administration offices for the Diocese, including the “Arctic Wings” airline office and the Eskimo magazine, still published today. Throughout this time more pieces had been added to the collection including more intricate scenes on single or double walrus tusk |
ivory boards from Pelly Bay (Kugaaruk) and Repulse Bay, prehistoric Dorset and Thule culture material from Igloolik, and more wildlife specimens. the Kivalliq region on their way south or north, or to Fort Churchill to use the local health services. Still growing, the museum moved in 1962 to the building it is in today. This project was spearheaded by parish |
priest Fr René Belair, assisted by Brother Jean-Marie Tremblay and an Oblate crew from Montreal. The new display area had a couch and chair and all were invited to share Brother Volant’s reminisces about life in the North in the 20s and 30s. Who would have believed that the kayak in the museum was the same size as one Brother |
Volant saw entering the Churchill River from Baker Lake in the 1930s (complete with a family and a dog). A 15 day old stuffed polar bear stored behind glass (that actually looks more like an “ant eater” than a bear) still attracts the attention of tiny little eyes and, of course – grubby little fingers! The museum was at that |
time a strange mixture of smells, resulting from the two sealskin kayaks, Brother Volant’s Colt cigars and numerous pipes. By the mid-1960s the museum was becoming better known, and some of the pieces were requested for loans to national and international exhibits. The museum continues to purchase a small number of pieces each year that originate from the Circumpolar Arctic, |
including Russia, Alaska, the Canadian Arctic and Greenland, but emphasis has remained on collecting from the central and eastern Arctic in Canada, including Nunavik (Northern Quebec). Labeling of the sculptures not provided by the artists is kept to a minimum to avoid “exterior” interpretations. Today museum staff members are constantly on the lookout for special pieces that will provide insight |
for the visitor into the history of and life in the North as seen through the eyes of the Inuit and expressed through original items produced by the Inuit. - prepared by Lorraine Brandson |
This guide begins by describing the problem of abandoned buildings and lots, factors that contribute to the problem, and who is responsible for the problem. It then presents a series |
of questions that will help you analyze the problem. Finally, it reviews several responses to the problem and what is known from research, evaluation, and government practice. Abandoned buildings and |
lots are a subcategory of the larger problem of physical disorder in a community. This guide is limited to addressing the harms created by abandoned buildings and lots. Related problems |
not directly addressed by this guide, each of which requires separate research and analysis, include: Some of these related problems are discussed in other guides in this series, all of |
building that is unoccupied and in a state of grave disrepair, perhaps boarded up, strewn with trash, and scrawled with graffiti. Although a building may possess these attributes, which evoke |
fear and precipitate decline in a community, it is difficult to legally define “abandoned building” as there is no universal definition. Therefore, it is best to use a broad interpretation |
The term “building” is important because accessory structures such as sheds and garages may not be included. To be classified as abandoned, a building must typically be a hazard to |
the health and welfare of the community; the owner must relinquish his or her rights to the property; and the property must be vacant for a period of time. Accompanying |
terms such as “evidence of vacancy” and “neighborhood standards” are both technical and legal. These elements make abating the problem more challenging because property laws are more protective of owners’ |
real property than say their automobile, which can be easily removed if abandoned. This abandoned row house is an example of what one usually thinks of when hearing the term"abandoned |
building." † For example, New Jersey's broad definition of"abandoned" requires a municipal public officer to first determine a property has not been legally occupied for 6 months. If the property |
meets this minimum threshold, it must also meet any one of the following additional elements to be considered abandoned: 1) it needs rehabilitation in the reasonable judgment of the public |
officer, and no work has taken place during that 6-month period; 2) construction began but was discontinued before the building was suitable for occupancy or use, and no construction has |
taken place during that 6-month period; 3) at least one property tax installment is delinquent at the time the public officer makes the determination; or 4) the property is determined |
a nuisance by the public officer. The determination that a building has been abandoned is interrelated with New Jersey's nuisance statute, which gives the governing body more flexibility in its |
determination. The definition applies only to buildings, not to vacant land or parcels. (N.J.S.A. 55:19-81, Determination that Property is Abandoned, Title 55 Tenement Houses and Public Housing.) †† For example, |
the U.S. Postal Service Vacant Address dataset identifies addresses as"vacant" or"no-stat.""Vacant" addresses are those where urban-route delivery staff has noted no mail has been retrieved for 90 or more days."No-stat" |
addresses are defined as: 1) rural route addresses vacant for 90 or more days; or 2) addresses for businesses or homes under construction and not yet occupied; or 3) addresses |
in urban areas identified by a carrier as not likely to be active for some time. The U.S. Census Bureau uses the American Community Survey to categorize vacant properties (Community |
Research Partners, 2008). Estimates on Prevalence and Cost Estimates on the prevalence of abandoned buildings in the United States vary because there is no central clearinghouse of such information, the |
and they may be grouped together when they are separate issues. The U.S. Census estimates the number of abandoned properties was 19 million at the end of the first quarter |
of 2010.1 Many larger cities such as Detroit (33,500 abandoned houses and 12,000 vacant lots), Baltimore (14,000 abandoned houses and 91,000 abandoned residential lots), and Philadelphia (40,000 abandoned houses and |
lots) have thousands of abandoned properties, but mid-sized and smaller cities such as Newark and Camden, New Jersey; Flint, Michigan; Cleveland, Ohio; and East St. Louis, Illinois have higher proportions |
of abandoned buildings and lots.2 Although abandoned buildings are typically an urban problem, suburban locales have seen increases due to bank foreclosures.3 Abandoned houses have become more common in suburban |
areas due to the increases in bank foreclosures. Photo Credit: Wikipedia commons There are no national estimates on cost, only select areas based on individual studies.4 In 2008, eight Ohio |
cities accounted for 25,000 abandoned buildings and lots that cost $15 million in direct city services and $49 million in cumulative lost tax revenue.5 Between 2000 and 2005, St. Louis, |
Missouri, spent nearly $15.5 million to raze vacant buildings. Philadelphia spends about $1.8 million each year to clean vacant lots.6 In 2010, Detroit was prepared to spend approximately $28 million |
to raze thousands of abandoned buildings.7 A Crime Attractor and Crime Enabler Abandoned properties become police problems when they attract crime and disorder. As a crime attractor, abandoned buildings provide |
cover, concealment, and opportunities for motivated criminals. Criminals are drawn to an abandoned property because it suits their needs and has few controls.8 As its reputation for being a suitable |
criminal environment becomes known, the property is used by offenders more frequently, which increases crime and disorder conditions. Because no one is present to guard it or to regulate behavior, |
crime and disorderly conduct may escalate, which gradually erodes the sense of caring and ownership for the property and increases the risk of victimization and offending.9 Blight, Crime, and Fear |
Abandoned properties contribute to a self-perpetuating cycle of blight: tenants and building owners will not rehabilitate the property when fear and crime exist, and the government cannot reduce fear and |
crime when the neighborhood is beset by abandoned properties. The properties are indicators of blight that symbolize no one cares about the neighborhood; the message to onlookers is that the |
area is ungovernable, no one is willing to challenge another’s behavior, and the risk of being caught is low. The signs of disorder as well as fear, crime, and social |
control are thoroughly studied, but whether or not more serious crime inevitably follows is not as well understood.10 Fear of victimization in areas beset by abandoned buildings leads residents to |
exercise outdoors less frequently, which affects their physical and psychosocial health and increases their feelings of isolation.11 The elderly are particularly fearful when their environment contains vacant buildings.12 Serious violent |
crimes such as murder, robbery, and sexual assault sometimes occur in or around abandoned buildings and lots.13 Arson and Accidental Fire Fires may be set deliberately by property owners facing |
mortgage problems, youth engaging in Halloween mischief, or accidentally by squatters, drug users, homeless who are cooking or keeping warm, or curious unsupervised children playing in the building.14 Fires in |
vacant lots may be fueled by abandoned vehicles or accumulated trash and are aggravated by dry, overgrown landscape. Fire threatens the surrounding environs and legitimate adjacent properties through the density |
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