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projected-17332785-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/WaveMaker | WaveMaker | WaveMaker Studio | WaveMaker is an enterprise grade Java low code platform for building software applications and platforms. WaveMaker Inc. is headquartered in Mountain view, California. For enterprises, WaveMaker is a low code platform that accelerates their app development and IT modernization efforts. For ISVs, it is a consumable low code component that can sit inside their product and offer customizations.
WaveMaker Platform is a licensed software that enables organizations to run their own end-to-application platform-as-a-service (aPaaS) for building and running custom apps. It also allows developers and business users to work with technologies to create apps that can be extended or customized. Those apps can consume APIs, visualize data and automatically support multi-device responsive interfaces.
WaveMaker low code platform enables organizations to deploy applications on public or private cloud infrastructure, and containers can be deployed on top of virtual machines or on bare metal. The software provides a Graphical User Interface (GUI) console to manage the IT app infrastructure and capabilities based on Docker containerization.
The solution provides features for app deployment automation, app lifecycle management, release management, deployment workflow and access rights, including:
Apps for web, tablet, and smartphone interfaces
Enterprise technologies like Java, Hibernate, Spring, AngularJS, JQuery
Docker-provided APIs and CLI
Software stack packaging, container provisioning, stack and app upgrading, replication, and fault tolerance | WaveMaker RAD Platform is built around WaveMaker Studio - a WYSIWYG rapid development tool that allows computer-literate business users to compose an application using a drag-and-drop method. WaveMaker Studio supports rapid application development (RAD) for the web, similar to what products like PowerBuilder and Lotus Notes provided for client server computing.
WaveMaker Studio allows developers to produce an application once, then auto-adjust it for a particular target platform, whether a PC, mobile phone, or tablet. Applications created using the WaveMaker Studio follow a model–view–controller architecture.
WaveMaker Studio has been downloaded more than two million times. The Studio community consists of 30,000 registered users. Applications generated by WaveMaker Studio are licensed under the Apache license.
Studio 8 was released September 25, 2015. The prior version, Studio 7, has some notable development milestones. It was based on AngularJS framework, previous Studio versions (6.7, 6.6, 6.5) use the Dojo Toolkit. Some of the features of WaveMaker Studio 7 include:
Automatic generation of Hibernate mapping, Hibernate queries from database schema import.
Automatic creation of Enterprise Data Widgets based on schema import. Each widget can display data from a database table as a grid or edit form. Edit form implements create, update, delete functions automatically.
WYSIWYG Ajax development studio runs in a browser.
Deployment to Tomcat, IBM WebSphere, Weblogic, JBoss.
Mashup tool to assemble web applications based on SOAP, REST and RSS web services, Java Services and databases.
Supports existing CSS, HTML and Java code.
Deploys a standard Java .war file. | [] | [
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projected-17332785-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/WaveMaker | WaveMaker | Technologies and Frameworks | WaveMaker is an enterprise grade Java low code platform for building software applications and platforms. WaveMaker Inc. is headquartered in Mountain view, California. For enterprises, WaveMaker is a low code platform that accelerates their app development and IT modernization efforts. For ISVs, it is a consumable low code component that can sit inside their product and offer customizations.
WaveMaker Platform is a licensed software that enables organizations to run their own end-to-application platform-as-a-service (aPaaS) for building and running custom apps. It also allows developers and business users to work with technologies to create apps that can be extended or customized. Those apps can consume APIs, visualize data and automatically support multi-device responsive interfaces.
WaveMaker low code platform enables organizations to deploy applications on public or private cloud infrastructure, and containers can be deployed on top of virtual machines or on bare metal. The software provides a Graphical User Interface (GUI) console to manage the IT app infrastructure and capabilities based on Docker containerization.
The solution provides features for app deployment automation, app lifecycle management, release management, deployment workflow and access rights, including:
Apps for web, tablet, and smartphone interfaces
Enterprise technologies like Java, Hibernate, Spring, AngularJS, JQuery
Docker-provided APIs and CLI
Software stack packaging, container provisioning, stack and app upgrading, replication, and fault tolerance | WaveMaker allows users to build applications that run on "Open Systems Stack" based on the following technologies and frameworks: AngularJS, Bootstrap, NVD3, HTML, CSS, Apache Cordova, Hibernate, Spring, Spring Security, Java. The various supported integrations include:
Databases: Oracle, MySQL, Microsoft SQL Server, PostgreSQL, IBM DB2, HSQLDB
Authentication: LDAP, Active Directory, CAS, Custom Java Service, Database
Version Control: Bitbucket (or Stash), GitHub, Apache Subversion
Deployment: Amazon AWS, Microsoft Azure, WaveMaker Private Cloud (Docker containerization), IBM Web Sphere, Apache Tomcat, SpringSource tcServer, Oracle WebLogic Server, JBoss(WildFly), GlassFish
App Stores: Google Play, Apple App Store, Windows Store | [] | [
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"Rich web ap... |
projected-17332785-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/WaveMaker | WaveMaker | History | WaveMaker is an enterprise grade Java low code platform for building software applications and platforms. WaveMaker Inc. is headquartered in Mountain view, California. For enterprises, WaveMaker is a low code platform that accelerates their app development and IT modernization efforts. For ISVs, it is a consumable low code component that can sit inside their product and offer customizations.
WaveMaker Platform is a licensed software that enables organizations to run their own end-to-application platform-as-a-service (aPaaS) for building and running custom apps. It also allows developers and business users to work with technologies to create apps that can be extended or customized. Those apps can consume APIs, visualize data and automatically support multi-device responsive interfaces.
WaveMaker low code platform enables organizations to deploy applications on public or private cloud infrastructure, and containers can be deployed on top of virtual machines or on bare metal. The software provides a Graphical User Interface (GUI) console to manage the IT app infrastructure and capabilities based on Docker containerization.
The solution provides features for app deployment automation, app lifecycle management, release management, deployment workflow and access rights, including:
Apps for web, tablet, and smartphone interfaces
Enterprise technologies like Java, Hibernate, Spring, AngularJS, JQuery
Docker-provided APIs and CLI
Software stack packaging, container provisioning, stack and app upgrading, replication, and fault tolerance | WaveMaker was founded as ActiveGrid in 2003.
In November 2007, ActiveGrid was rebranded as WaveMaker.
WaveMaker was acquired by VMware, Inc in March 2011 but after two years VMWare terminated the support for the WaveMaker project in March 2013.
In May 2013, Pramati Technologies acquired the assets of WaveMaker from VMWare.
In February 2014, WaveMaker, Inc. released WaveMaker Studio 6.7, the last version of the open source, downloadable Studio.
In September 2014, WaveMaker, Inc. launched WaveMaker RAD Platform (with WaveMaker Studio version 7), licensed software that enabled organizations to run their own end-to-end application platform as a service (aPaaS) for building and running custom apps. | [] | [
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"Rich web ap... |
projected-08554873-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National%20Council%20of%20Teachers | National Council of Teachers | Introduction | National Council of Teachers may refer to:
National Council of Teachers of English, an education organization
National Council of Teachers of Mathematics, the world's largest organization concerned with mathematics education | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [] | |
projected-56567462-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ulmus%20glabra%20%27Nitida%27 | Ulmus glabra 'Nitida' | Introduction | The wych elm cultivar Ulmus glabra 'Nitida' [:'shining', an allusion to the smooth upper surface of the leaves], the smooth glossy-leaved wych, was described by Fries from specimens collected by P. C. Afzelius in 1841 on the island of Stora Karlsö, Sweden, as Ulmus montana nitida, in Novitiae Florae Suecicae: continuatio, sistens Mantissam III: 20 (1842). The Novitiae Florae Gotlandicae (1844) confirmed U. montana f. nitida Fr. as present on the islands of Stora Karlsö and neighbouring Lilla Karlsö off Gotland, Sweden, but did not report it from Gotland proper. A Stora Karlsö specimen from the Herbarium E. Fries is preserved in the Botanical Museum of Uppsala. The tree was listed by Rehder as U. glabra Huds. f. nitida (1915), a designation adopted by Krüssmann (1984), the latter copying Rehder's 'Norway' provenance error.
A smooth-leaved wych occasionally appeared in collections outside Scandinavia. Syme in English Botany; or, Coloured Figures of British Plants. Volume VIII (1868) included an U. montana var. nitida.
U. minor is present on Gotland, leaving open the possibility that Fries's Ulmus montana nitida was not pure wych. | [] | [
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projected-56567462-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ulmus%20glabra%20%27Nitida%27 | Ulmus glabra 'Nitida' | Description | The wych elm cultivar Ulmus glabra 'Nitida' [:'shining', an allusion to the smooth upper surface of the leaves], the smooth glossy-leaved wych, was described by Fries from specimens collected by P. C. Afzelius in 1841 on the island of Stora Karlsö, Sweden, as Ulmus montana nitida, in Novitiae Florae Suecicae: continuatio, sistens Mantissam III: 20 (1842). The Novitiae Florae Gotlandicae (1844) confirmed U. montana f. nitida Fr. as present on the islands of Stora Karlsö and neighbouring Lilla Karlsö off Gotland, Sweden, but did not report it from Gotland proper. A Stora Karlsö specimen from the Herbarium E. Fries is preserved in the Botanical Museum of Uppsala. The tree was listed by Rehder as U. glabra Huds. f. nitida (1915), a designation adopted by Krüssmann (1984), the latter copying Rehder's 'Norway' provenance error.
A smooth-leaved wych occasionally appeared in collections outside Scandinavia. Syme in English Botany; or, Coloured Figures of British Plants. Volume VIII (1868) included an U. montana var. nitida.
U. minor is present on Gotland, leaving open the possibility that Fries's Ulmus montana nitida was not pure wych. | Krüssmann described f. nitida as having "leaves smooth above" and glabrous young shoots. An 1895 herbarium specimen from Lilla Karlsö shows a typical wych leaf with a short petiole, and a samara with seed on stalk side of centre, a feature of unhybridised wych.
Sowerby described var. nitida as having "all the essential characteristics of U. montana" [wych elm] but with leaves "shining and glabrous above". Ley (1910) noted that in the Kew specimen the samara was "rounder at the point than in the type", with the "notch distinct, its basal angle acute, reaching more than one-fifth [of the] way to [the] seed cavity". | [] | [
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projected-56567462-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ulmus%20glabra%20%27Nitida%27 | Ulmus glabra 'Nitida' | Pests and diseases | The wych elm cultivar Ulmus glabra 'Nitida' [:'shining', an allusion to the smooth upper surface of the leaves], the smooth glossy-leaved wych, was described by Fries from specimens collected by P. C. Afzelius in 1841 on the island of Stora Karlsö, Sweden, as Ulmus montana nitida, in Novitiae Florae Suecicae: continuatio, sistens Mantissam III: 20 (1842). The Novitiae Florae Gotlandicae (1844) confirmed U. montana f. nitida Fr. as present on the islands of Stora Karlsö and neighbouring Lilla Karlsö off Gotland, Sweden, but did not report it from Gotland proper. A Stora Karlsö specimen from the Herbarium E. Fries is preserved in the Botanical Museum of Uppsala. The tree was listed by Rehder as U. glabra Huds. f. nitida (1915), a designation adopted by Krüssmann (1984), the latter copying Rehder's 'Norway' provenance error.
A smooth-leaved wych occasionally appeared in collections outside Scandinavia. Syme in English Botany; or, Coloured Figures of British Plants. Volume VIII (1868) included an U. montana var. nitida.
U. minor is present on Gotland, leaving open the possibility that Fries's Ulmus montana nitida was not pure wych. | See under wych elm. | [] | [
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projected-56567462-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ulmus%20glabra%20%27Nitida%27 | Ulmus glabra 'Nitida' | Cultivation | The wych elm cultivar Ulmus glabra 'Nitida' [:'shining', an allusion to the smooth upper surface of the leaves], the smooth glossy-leaved wych, was described by Fries from specimens collected by P. C. Afzelius in 1841 on the island of Stora Karlsö, Sweden, as Ulmus montana nitida, in Novitiae Florae Suecicae: continuatio, sistens Mantissam III: 20 (1842). The Novitiae Florae Gotlandicae (1844) confirmed U. montana f. nitida Fr. as present on the islands of Stora Karlsö and neighbouring Lilla Karlsö off Gotland, Sweden, but did not report it from Gotland proper. A Stora Karlsö specimen from the Herbarium E. Fries is preserved in the Botanical Museum of Uppsala. The tree was listed by Rehder as U. glabra Huds. f. nitida (1915), a designation adopted by Krüssmann (1984), the latter copying Rehder's 'Norway' provenance error.
A smooth-leaved wych occasionally appeared in collections outside Scandinavia. Syme in English Botany; or, Coloured Figures of British Plants. Volume VIII (1868) included an U. montana var. nitida.
U. minor is present on Gotland, leaving open the possibility that Fries's Ulmus montana nitida was not pure wych. | The tree was planted in the streets of Skanör, Sweden, in the 19th century. 'Nitida' was described by Rehder (1915) as a form present in Norway (probably an error for Sweden) "and perhaps also in England". It was cultivated at Kew in the early 20th century as Ulmus scabra (glabra), the smooth-leaved wych, where it was described by Ley (1910), who had not seen it growing naturally in England. He later, however, prepared a herbarium specimen of a similar wych elm from Edmondsham, Dorset. Elwes and Henry do not mention the Kew specimen in their 1913 work. | [] | [
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projected-56567462-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ulmus%20glabra%20%27Nitida%27 | Ulmus glabra 'Nitida' | Synonymy | The wych elm cultivar Ulmus glabra 'Nitida' [:'shining', an allusion to the smooth upper surface of the leaves], the smooth glossy-leaved wych, was described by Fries from specimens collected by P. C. Afzelius in 1841 on the island of Stora Karlsö, Sweden, as Ulmus montana nitida, in Novitiae Florae Suecicae: continuatio, sistens Mantissam III: 20 (1842). The Novitiae Florae Gotlandicae (1844) confirmed U. montana f. nitida Fr. as present on the islands of Stora Karlsö and neighbouring Lilla Karlsö off Gotland, Sweden, but did not report it from Gotland proper. A Stora Karlsö specimen from the Herbarium E. Fries is preserved in the Botanical Museum of Uppsala. The tree was listed by Rehder as U. glabra Huds. f. nitida (1915), a designation adopted by Krüssmann (1984), the latter copying Rehder's 'Norway' provenance error.
A smooth-leaved wych occasionally appeared in collections outside Scandinavia. Syme in English Botany; or, Coloured Figures of British Plants. Volume VIII (1868) included an U. montana var. nitida.
U. minor is present on Gotland, leaving open the possibility that Fries's Ulmus montana nitida was not pure wych. | Ulmus montana laevigata Fries, Summa. Veg. Scand. 53: 1846
U. montana corylifolia f. laevis, Zapalowicz, Consp. Flor. Gallic. | [] | [
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projected-56567476-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David%20Gieseker | David Gieseker | Introduction | David Arends Gieseker (born 23 November 1943 in Oakland, California) is an American mathematician, specializing in algebraic geometry.
Gieseker received his bachelor's degree in 1965 from Reed College and his master's degree from Harvard University in 1967. In 1970 he received his Ph.D. under Robin Hartshorne with thesis Contributions to the Theory of Positive Embeddings in Algebraic Geometry. Gieseker became a professor at the University of California, Los Angeles in 1975 and retired in 2022.
The topics of his research include geometric invariant theory and moduli of vector bundles over algebraic curves. | [] | [
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projected-56567476-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David%20Gieseker | David Gieseker | Articles | David Arends Gieseker (born 23 November 1943 in Oakland, California) is an American mathematician, specializing in algebraic geometry.
Gieseker received his bachelor's degree in 1965 from Reed College and his master's degree from Harvard University in 1967. In 1970 he received his Ph.D. under Robin Hartshorne with thesis Contributions to the Theory of Positive Embeddings in Algebraic Geometry. Gieseker became a professor at the University of California, Los Angeles in 1975 and retired in 2022.
The topics of his research include geometric invariant theory and moduli of vector bundles over algebraic curves. | with Spencer Bloch:
with Jun Li:
with Jun Li: | [] | [
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"21st-century American mathematicians",
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projected-56567476-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David%20Gieseker | David Gieseker | Books | David Arends Gieseker (born 23 November 1943 in Oakland, California) is an American mathematician, specializing in algebraic geometry.
Gieseker received his bachelor's degree in 1965 from Reed College and his master's degree from Harvard University in 1967. In 1970 he received his Ph.D. under Robin Hartshorne with thesis Contributions to the Theory of Positive Embeddings in Algebraic Geometry. Gieseker became a professor at the University of California, Los Angeles in 1975 and retired in 2022.
The topics of his research include geometric invariant theory and moduli of vector bundles over algebraic curves. | Lectures on moduli of curves, Tata Institute of Fundamental Research, Springer Verlag 1982; notes by D. R. Gokhale
with Eugene Trubowitz and Horst Knörrer: Geometry of algebraic Fermi curves, Academic Press 1992 | [] | [
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projected-17332795-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R%C3%B3bert%20Ilosfalvy | Róbert Ilosfalvy | Introduction | Róbert Ilosfalvy (June 18, 1927 – January 6, 2009) was a Hungarian operatic tenor; he possessed a voice of lyric grace and dramatic power enabling him to sing a wide range of roles in the Italian, German, and French repertories. | [] | [
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"2009 deaths",
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"20th-century Hungarian male opera singers",
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projected-17332795-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R%C3%B3bert%20Ilosfalvy | Róbert Ilosfalvy | Life | Róbert Ilosfalvy (June 18, 1927 – January 6, 2009) was a Hungarian operatic tenor; he possessed a voice of lyric grace and dramatic power enabling him to sing a wide range of roles in the Italian, German, and French repertories. | Born in Hódmezővásárhely, Hungary, he began his career as a cantor singing in the Szentharomsag (Holy Trinity) Roman Catholic Church in his hometown, before studying at the Budapest Music Academy with Andor Lendvai. In 1953, after winning a first prize in a vocal competition in Bucharest, he made his operatic debut there. He returned to Hungary and sang at the Budapest Opera, also making guest appearances in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Russia.
In 1964, he began a career in West Germany, singing in Stuttgart, Berlin, Hamburg, Cologne, Munich, also making guest appearances at La Monnaie in Brussels, the Royal Opera House in London, the San Francisco Opera, but never at the Metropolitan Opera in New York.
Ilosfalvy was particularly admired in Italian lyric roles such as Duke of Mantua, Alfredo, Rodolfo, Pinkerton, but was also able to tackle successfully more dramatic roles such as Manrico, Alvaro, Cavaradossi, and Dick Johnson. He also won acclaim as Walther von Stolzing, and Don Josė.
He is probably best known for his 1969 recording of Roberto Devereux, opposite Beverly Sills. Also available is a 1976 "pirate" recording of the tenor in La fanciulla del West, with Anja Silja. Both recordings are conducted by Sir Charles Mackerras.
Ilosfalvy died on January 6, 2009, aged 81, his remains are interred in Budapest's Szent Anna Roman Catholic Church. | [] | [
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projected-17332797-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USSU | USSU | Introduction | USSU may refer to:
University of Salford Students' Union
University of Surrey Students' Union | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [] | |
projected-23575032-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Introduction | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Historical background | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | Rape in the Democratic Republic of Congo has frequently been described as a "weapon of war," and the United Nations officially declared rape a weapon of war in 2008. War rape makes a particularly effective weapon because it not only destroys its physical victims, but entire communities as well. War, violence, and instability have ravaged the DRC for decades, and this has led to a culture of violence in war and civilian life that often takes its form in a sexual nature.
Eleven years after the Republic of the Congo gained independence in 1960, president Mobutu renamed the country Zaire in 1971 and ruled the nation under an autocratic and corrupt regime. Under Mobutu's regime, sexual abuse was used as a method of torture.
Mobutu ruled until 1997, when after the 1994 Rwandan genocide, many génocidaires fled across Rwanda's western border into the DRC in hopes of escaping censure. Hutu extremist militias were reformed across the border, particularly in Kivu, the DRC's easternmost region, bringing crime and violence to the DRC. While the Congolese army and UN peacekeepers attempted to launch large operations, they still ultimately failed to disarm Hutu rebels who often retaliated by performing rapes, kidnappings and murders. This influx of militants and fighting in Burundi catalyzed the First Congo War and the end of Mobutu's regime. Spurred by the violence, the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL), led by Laurent Kabila, launched a rebellion against Mobutu regime in 1996 in the eastern part of the country.
Wilhelmine Ntakebuka, who coordinates a sexual violence program in Bukavu, believes that the increase in sexual violence started with the inflow of foreign militants:
The epidemic of rapes seems to have started in the mid-1990s. That coincides with the waves of Hutu militiamen who escaped into Congo’s forests after exterminating 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus during Rwanda’s genocide 13 years ago. Mr. Holmes said that while government troops might have raped thousands of women, the most vicious attacks had been carried out by Hutu militias.
The violence from the First Congo War led to the Second Congo War, which officially ended in 2006 with the election of the first democratically elected president, Joseph Kabila. However, there has been no end to the violence. A major confrontation in 2007 between government forces and troops of Tutsi general Laurent Nkunda culminated in another major confrontation in the eastern province of Nord-Kivu. Recently, instability and violence have greatly increased since the mutiny of members of the Government of DRC and the creation of the rebel movement, M23, supported by the Government of Rwanda and individuals of the Government of Uganda. Moreover, as recently as December 2012, the UN accused M23 rebels of raping and killing civilians in eastern DRC. There have also recently been allegations of a military attack and 72 counts of rapes against civilians by M23 in the Minova area.
Much of this continuing violence is a result of long-lasting animosity between the Tutsis, the Hutus, and other groups. Other factors of the continued violence are control of land, control of minerals, and economic tensions. The persistence of rape can also be attributed to misconceptions about rape, such as the myth that having sex with prepubescent girls will give people strength in battle or business dealings. The long history of violence has led to a culture of desensitization, lacking respect for international norms of human rights, and inadequate education.
Today, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, particularly the eastern region of the country, is known as the rape capital of the world. While "the law specifically prohibits and provides penalties of 10 to 20 years' imprisonment for child and forced prostitution, pimping, and trafficking for sexual exploitation....There were no reported investigations or prosecutions of traffickers during the year [2007]." There is no law against spousal sexual assault. | [
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projected-23575032-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Violence against women | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | Margot Wallström dubbed eastern Congo the "most dangerous place on earth to be a woman" and it is said that rape is simply a fact of life in the DRC. In October 2004 the human rights group Amnesty International said that 40,000 cases of rape had been reported over the previous six years, the majority occurring in South Kivu. This is an incomplete count, as the humanitarian and international organizations compiling the figures do not have access to much of the conflict area; only women who have reported for treatment are included. It is estimated that there are as many as 200,000 surviving rape victims living in the Democratic Republic of the Congo today.
A 2011 report recorded that 1,000 women had been raped daily.
A 2014 report by human rights charity Freedom from Torture outlined the usage of rape as a form of torture by security forces, focusing on case studies and accounts from torture survivors.
According to research conducted by The Journal of the American Medical Association in 2010, 39.7% of women in the Eastern Region (North Kivu, South Kivu, and Province Orientale) of the DRC reported to have been exposed to sexual violence during their lifetime, most commonly taking its form in rape.
As Noel Rwabirinba, a sixteen-year-old who had been a militiaman for two years said, "If we see girls, it’s our right…we can violate them." This statement reflects the normalization of rape in the DRC. Because of conflicts, between 60 and 90 percent of women are single heads of households. This puts many burdens upon them, such as having to travel long distances to find resources, leaving them vulnerable to violence.
Patricia Rozée identifies different categories of rape, all of which occur in the DRC: punitive rape (used to punish to elicit silence and control); status rape (occurring as a result of acknowledged differences in rank); ceremonial rape (undertaken as part of socially sanctioned rituals); exchange rape (when genital contact is used as a bargaining tool); theft rape (involuntary abduction of individuals as slaves, prostitutes, concubines, or spoils of war); and survival rape (when women become involved with older men to secure goods needed to survive).
Rape, as related to the conflicts, is the most prevalent form of sexual violence in the country, particularly in the eastern region. However, civilians are also the perpetrators of rape. Furthermore, although people might assume that men always perpetrate conflict-related sexual violence against women, women are also perpetrators. In the 2010 study conducted by the American Medical Association, women reported to have perpetrated conflict-related sexual violence in 41.1% of female cases and 10.0% of male cases. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Violence against men and boys | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | The rape of men is also common. More studies are coming out to show that both women and men are the victims and perpetrators of sexual violence in the DRC.
Research conducted by The Journal of the American Medical Association in 2010 cites that 23.6% of men in the Eastern Region of the country have been exposed to sexual violence. And, a similar study also conducted in 2010 found that 22% of men (as compared to 30% of women) in eastern Congo reported conflict-related sexual violence. A cross-sectional, population-based study found that one in four men living in the eastern region of the country have been the victims of sexual violence. Moreover, at least 4 to 10 percent of all rape victims are male.
The prevalence of rape of men in the country is likely underreported due to extreme stigma attached to sexual abuse of males. Men who admit to being raped risk ostracism by their community and criminal prosecution, because they may be seen as homosexual, which, though legal in the DRC, is socially unacceptable. Male victims are less likely to appear in court, and those who do are cast away in their villages and called "bush wives." According to Denise Siwatula, a programme officer at the Women's Synergy for the Victims of Sexual Violence based in Kivu, many men are victims of sexual violence and they need different assistance than women who come to their center.
Lynn Lawry, a humanitarian expert at the International Health Division of the US Department of Defense, said, "When we are looking at how we are going to address communities, we need to talk to female perpetrators as well as male perpetrators, and we have to include male survivors in our mental health clinics in order to address their issues, which may be very different from female survivors."
The 2020 report by the United Nations Secretary General on conflict related sexual violence covered that a young man from Tanganyika Province was stripped naked, raped and coerced by Twa militia to rape his own mother that led to severe sense of shame and the fear of stigmatization and reprisals for seeking support. Raping of men and boys have been used for degrading societal identities— by attacking family and community "protective" figures through humiliation and ultimately inflicting identity-based vulnerabilities. The report also covered the continuation of sexual violence against men and boys in detention and in several settings. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-005 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Violence against children | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | UNFPA reported that over 65% of victims during the past 15 years were children. The majority of this percentage was adolescent girls and roughly 10% of child victims are said to be under 10 years old. Many child soldiers, after being recruited from refugee camps, are often sexually abused.
Rape of girls and gender-based violence of minors is widespread in the eastern Congo. | [
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projected-23575032-006 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Trafficking and prostitution | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | The Democratic Republic of the Congo is a source and destination for trafficking for forced labor and forced prostitution, much of which is internal and perpetrated by armed groups in the eastern region of the DRC. The DRC is said to be the main regional source, from which women and children are trafficked in large numbers to sex industries in Angola, South Africa, Republic of Congo, and western Europe, particularly Belgium. Prostitution and forced prostitution occurs often in refugee camps in the country. In addition to forced prostitution in refugee camps, many girls are forced into prostitution in tent- or hut-based brothels, markets, and mining areas.
The main perpetrators are the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), Patriotes Resistants Congolais (PARECO), various local militia (such as the Mai-Mai), the Alliance des patriots pour un Congo libre et souverain (APCLS), and the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA). There are many reports of these groups forcibly recruiting women and children to serve in sexual servitude. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-007 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Domestic violence | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | Article 444 of the Congo Family Code states that a wife "owes her obedience to her husband". Marital rape is not considered an offense in the DRC. Similar laws and attitudes are prevalent in countries involved in the DRC conflict. In Zimbabwe one in four women report having experienced sexual violence at the hands of their husbands. Women in the DRC do not have the right to refuse sex, and should they, men have the right to discipline their wives through beating, an act often referred to as “tough love”.
Research Directorate has called domestic violence "very prevalent" in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. According to several studies conducted in 2011, intimate partner sexual violence is the most pervasive form of violence against women in all areas of the DRC. A 2010 study concluded that intimate partner violence was reported by 31% of women and 17% of men.
Central factors for the high rates of domestic violence are the reintegration of combatants in communities, circulation of arms, and post-traumatic stress in times during and after conflict. However, reporting domestic violence is rare because women have no rights to share property or wealth, fear losing their children or being shunned by the community, or may not even know it is a punishable offense.
Although there are laws against domestic violence, cultural beliefs make it extremely difficult to implement the rules. Because the social status of African women is dependent on their marital status, and because the conflict has drastically reduced the male population, women have no choice but to suffer. Although the status of men is also dependent on their marital status, they are expected to exercise strict control over the wives. Men are seen as being superior in that they are better educated and capable of purchasing property. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-008 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Other forms | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | The United Nations includes rape, public rapes, sexual slavery, forced prostitution, forced pregnancy, gang rape, forced incest, sexual mutilation, disemboweling, genital mutilation, cannibalism, deliberate spread of HIV/AIDS, and forced sterilization as other forms of sexual violence that occur in the DRC that are used as techniques in war against the civilian population.
Other forms of sexual violence reported include: forcing of crude objects such as tree branches and bottles into the vagina, public rape in front of the family and community, forced rape between victims, the introduction of objects into the victims' cavities, pouring melted rubber into women's vaginas, shooting women in the vagina and inducing abortions using sharp objects. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-010 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Militia groups | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | According to Human Rights Watch, while many of the perpetrators of sexual violence are militia groups, some of whom have been known to kidnap women and girls and use them as sex slaves, the Congolese army, Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC), is the "single largest group of perpetrators."
In 2007, the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) reported that 54% of all recorded sexual violence cases in the first 6 months of that year were committed by FARDC soldiers. Some commanders have been purported to overlook sexual violence perpetrated by those under their command. One investigation found that some commanders ordered their soldiers to commit rape. There are also incidents of rape involving the police, others in authority, civilians, and other opportunistic criminals.
View of masculinity which associate manliness with excessive use of aggression, force and violence contribute to military and militia sexual violence. Weapons are used as status symbols and to acquire social and economic hierarchy by employing power over unarmed civilians. Soldiers who exude any qualities deemed to be feminine are seen as weak and often end up being attacked and ostracized.
Many societies, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo generally place the means of violence military training, and weapons in the hands of men, while promoting a direct link between the idea of a real man and the practice of dominance and violence. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-011 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Background | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | Beginning with colonization, economic factors have contributed to the culture of violence that has dominated the DRC. In 1908, under King Leopold II, the "methodical rape of entire villages" was a popular tactic used by his administration for keeping the local population in order.
After gaining independence in 1960, the Democratic Republic of Congo was marked by political and social instability. In 1965, during a coup, Colonel Joseph Mobutu took over and remained in power for the next 32 years.
During the 1990s, Mobutu's regime witnessed a large influx of refugees after the Rwandan genocide, many of which included genocide perpetrators. The perpetrators were able to rearm themselves and were immediately organized by ex-(FARDC) Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo leaders. In an effort to prevent future attacks from the newly formed group, Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) soldiers joined together with (AFDL) Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire forces under the leadership of Congolese rebel commander, Laurent Desire Kabila. The group was responsible for killing thousands of unarmed civilians.
In 2001, after the assassination of his father, Joseph Kabila took over as leader. A rebellion erupted in the same year. As a result, an estimated 4 million people died in the competition for control over the DRC's natural resources. Attempts to stabilize the peace process have failed. Insecurity is perpetuated by the remaining militia groups, which include the Mai-Mai. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-012 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Rape | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | Sexual violence functions as a means of humiliating, not only a female victim, but also her family and/or husband. Once raped, the victim traditionally sends a message to her husband to alert him about the event. He then arms himself and searches for the rapist. Today, most communities also stigmatize women and hold them accountable for being raped. The influx of armed groups from Burundi and Rwanda into the DRC has impacted the frequency of sexual violence in the region.
After the wars of 1996 and 1998 and the displacement of Congolese people, women were forced to turn to "survival sex" with wealthy foreign soldiers and UN peacekeepers. This was seen as emasculating the soldiers who were unable to live up to their expected societal roles. Objectified rape became the expected order in the DRC.
Many rapes occur in public spaces and in the presence of witnesses. These public rapes have become so popular that they have been given a name "la reigne". During these rapes, women are stripped, tied upside down, and gang raped in the middle of a village. The permission to invade and rape a village is often given as a reward to the armed group by the commanders. The government army, FARDC, due to its size and capacity, is the largest perpetrator. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-013 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | "National Security" Rape | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | This form of rape is predominately used by governments and militaries to protect its "national security". Additionally, “national security" rape violently imposes many intersecting and mutually fundamental power relations such as nationalism and patriarchy. It is used to humiliate, torture, and punish "rebellious" women for directly challenging what the rapists view as strictly enshrined ideas of femininity and masculinity. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-014 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | "Systematic Mass" Rape | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | The systematic rape of women in the DRC is regarded as a tool of oppression focused on a specific ethnic group and . During times of war, mass rape can be seen as an effective way to "feminize" one's enemy by violating “his women, nation and homeland,” thus proving that he is incapable of being an adequate protector. The raping of women in this process seeks to destroy the very "fabric of society, as women are seen as the symbolic bearers of ethno-national identity because of their roles as biological, cultural, and social reproducers of society itself". | [] | [
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"Human rights abuses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Rape in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence against women in Af... |
projected-23575032-015 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Civilian perpetrators | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | In June 2010, UK aid group Oxfam reported a dramatic increase in the number of rapes occurring in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Contrary to MONUSCO's 2007 report, the study found that 38% of rapes were committed by civilians in 2008. Rapes by civilians are increasing, demonstrating that sexual violence is becoming even more widespread throughout the country. This is a particularly dramatic rise compared to the number of civilian-perpetrated rapes in 2004, which was less than 1%. Researchers from Harvard discovered that rapes committed by civilians had increased seventeenfold. Consistent with these studies is a statement from Dr. Margaret Agama, the DRC's United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) representative:
Initially, rape was used as a tool of war by all the belligerent forces involved in the country’s recent conflicts, but now sexual violence is unfortunately not only perpetrated by armed factions but also by ordinary people occupying positions of authority, neighbours, friends and family members. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-016 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Teachers | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | A survey by the Brazil-based nonprofit organization Promundo found that 16% of girls in North Kivu said they had been forced to have sex with their teachers. And according to a 2010 UNICEF report, 46% of Congolese schoolgirls in a national study confirmed that they had been victims of sexual harassment, abuse, and violence committed by their teachers or other school personnel. | [] | [
"Teachers"
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"Human rights abuses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
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"Violence against women in Af... |
projected-23575032-017 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Female perpetrators | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | A 2010 survey in over 1,000 households in eastern Congo by a team of researchers led by Harvard academic Lynn Lawry asked victims of sexual violence to specify their assailant's gender. The study found that 40% of the female victims and 10% of male victims said they have been assaulted by a woman. A UN expert on armed groups states, "Women who were raped for years are now raping other women." | [] | [
"Female perpetrators"
] | [
"Sexual violence by country",
"Sexual violence in Africa",
"Sexuality in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Human rights abuses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Rape in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence against women in Af... |
projected-23575032-018 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Violence in Angola | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | Congolese women are being systematically raped in Angola as a means of expelling the Congolese living there. With a booming mining trade, Congolese continue migrating into Angola in search of a living. Among some 26,000 people expelled since April 2011, more than 21,000 cases of serious human rights violations, including rape, beating, torture and looting, have been documented by an Italian aid agency that has a UN grant to monitor the border. Human Rights Watch says the goal of the abuse is to instill fear. | [] | [
"Violence in Angola"
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"Sexual violence by country",
"Sexual violence in Africa",
"Sexuality in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Human rights abuses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Rape in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence against women in Af... |
projected-23575032-020 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Medical ramifications | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | The medical repercussions of the sexual assault in the DRC vary from severed and broken limbs, burned flesh, rectovaginal and vesicovaginal fistulas, STIs, pregnancy, and urinary incontinence to death. Adequate medical care for these injuries is very hard to come by, and many survivors remain ill or disfigured for the rest of their lives.
These are all more severe the younger the victim is. Young girls who are not fully developed are more likely to suffer from obstructed birth, which can lead to fistulas or even death. On a young girl, a pelvis "[hasn't] yet grown large enough to accommodate the baby's head, a common occurrence with young teenagers...[these girls end] up in obstructed birth, with the baby stuck inside [their] birth passage[s]...[often, they can't] walk or stand, a consequence of nerve damage that is a frequent by-product of fistulae."
At the Doctors on Call for Service/Heal Africa Hospital in Eastern DRC, 4,715 of the women reported having suffered sexual violence; 4,009 received medical treatment; 702 had a fistula, 63.4% being traumatic and 36.6% being obstetric.
Sexual assault has also contributed to the HIV rate. Before the conflict in 1997, only 5% of the population was HIV positive; by 2002, there was a 20% HIV positive rate in the eastern region. A study conducted found that sociocultural barriers and strict obedience to Vatican doctrine prevented adolescents from receiving condoms or comprehensive sex education, which contributes to the spread of HIV. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-021 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Psychological and social ramifications | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | There are also many psychological and social consequences to being the victim of sexual violence. Victims often suffer from posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and suicide. This can be particularly severe in cases in which men have been forced at gunpoint to sexually assault their daughters, sisters, or mothers. Psychological trauma after experiencing sexual violence can have a negative effect on sexual behavior and relationships, feelings about sex, ability to negotiate safer sex, and increased likelihood of drug abuse.
The most common social consequence for victims of sexual violence is isolation from their families and communities. Raped women are seen as impure, frequently leading to their being abandoned by their husbands or having trouble marrying. The most extreme versions of this stigmatization can lead to "honor killings" in which the victim of sexual violence is murdered by her family or community due to the belief that she has brought them shame and dishonor.
Young women and girls who are cast outside of their homes, or leave due to shame will most likely become even more vulnerable to further abuse. Moreover, the culture of widespread violence often affects children at an early age. Sexual violence is also perpetrated by minors, particularly among those involved with combatant forces. A previous child soldier of the Mai-Mai fighters’ movement, who fought to resist the Interahamwe from Rwanda who took refuge in the DRC after they fled from the Rwandan Patriotic Front, said that reasons that child soldiers and other combatants rape women include: listening to witch doctors’ advice, drug use, long periods in bush, gaining sexual experience, punishment, revenge, and a weapon of war.
In the context of the Congolese society, rape is considered to be an "act of marriage" to the perpetrator. A girl who becomes pregnant as a result of abuse is no longer viewed as a child who needs the care and affection of her parents.
Many women and girls report extreme poverty, being unable to continue with school and an inability to earn a living and pay fees. Additionally, women declare that they are unable to find jobs because of the physical pain and injuries caused by the abuse. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-022 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Regional differences | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | Several reports claim that there are no accurate representative numbers on the prevalence of sexual violence in the DRC because of underreporting and lack of research. Moreover, so far, there are no reports to indicate differences in rates of sexual violence based upon education, income, or residence (urban or rural). However, other research studies have found regional differences in rates and types of sexual violence in the DRC.
According to research done by the American Journal of Public Health in 2011, the highest rates of rape against women occurred in the North Kivu province. The war-torn and mineral-rich areas in the eastern part of the country have very high rates of sexual violence. M23 has recently gained control of territory in North Kivu, the city of Goma, and other areas of the Ruthuru region, and there have been recent reports of sexual violence in those areas.
Anthony Gambino, mission director for the Congo of the United States Agency for International Development, has also said that “shockingly high rape statistics are found in western Congo as well as northern and eastern Congo,” but that conflict-related rape is less prevalent in the west. Although most reports agree that sexual violence related to the armed conflict are most prevalent in North and South Kivu, Maniema, and Katanga, one report found that the highest number of rapes reported in 2007 by women aged 15 to 49 was in the provinces of Orientale, North Kivu and Équateur. They found that sexual violence not related to the armed conflict, such as in Équateur, often takes its form in intimate-partner violence. | [
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projected-23575032-023 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Preventative efforts | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | Increasing awareness regarding the problem of sexual violence in the DRC has led to both national and international efforts to prevent the continuation of the atrocities taking place. | [] | [
"Preventative efforts"
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"Sexual violence by country",
"Sexual violence in Africa",
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projected-23575032-024 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Government policy | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | According to articles of the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, sexual violence is defined and criminalized as a form of gender-based violence and gender discrimination (article 14); a cruel, degrading, and inhuman treatment (article 16); a crime against humanity (article 15); and a violation of an individual's right to peace (article 52). Congolese law draws a distinction between rape and systematic rape, sexual violence being a crime against the state and systematic sexual violence as an international crime.
In 2006, the Palais du Peuple, the Congolese government, enacted sexual violence amendments to the 1940 Penal Code and the 1959 Penal Procedure Code. Part of these changes was criminalizing "insertion of an object into a woman’s vagina, sexual mutilation, and sexual slavery" as well as defining "any sexual relation with a minor as statutory rape."
The Congolese government's department, The Ministry of Gender, Family Affairs and Children, is dedicated to dealing with sexual violence within the nation. | [] | [
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projected-23575032-025 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | International community and nongovernmental organizations | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | International human rights organizations began to document sexual violence in 2002.
In September 2009, following her visit to the DRC, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton oversaw the adoption of the U.N Security Council Resolution 1888, which details specific efforts that must be taken to protect women from sexual violence in war-stricken regions, and measures taken to bring perpetrators to justice. Clinton has also urged the Congolese government to personally investigate members of FARDC who have committed crimes of sexual violence, and FARDC generals have declared that they will set up new military tribunals to prosecute soldiers accused of sexual violence. Additionally, she has supported a $17 million plan to combat the sexual violence in the DRC.
USAID/Kinshasa currently provides medical, psycho-social, judicial, and socio-economic support to approximately 8,000 survivors in North Kivu, South Kivu, and Maniema Province. The International Security and Stabilization Support Strategy found that 72 percent of international funds for sexual violence in the DRC are devoted to treating victims of rape and 27 percent to preventing sexual abuse.
DRC vs Burundi, Rwanda, and Uganda in March 1999 was the first case the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights heard that discussed violations of human rights, including sexual violence, during an armed conflict. The Commission found that the human rights abuses committed in the eastern provinces of the DRC were not in agreement to Part III of the Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 1949, Article 75(2) of Protocol 1, and Articles 2 and 4 of the African Charter.
The International Criminal Court is conducting an ongoing investigation into crimes committed in the DRC during the Second Congo War and afterwards. Several military leaders have been charged with crimes of sexual violence. Germain Katanga, the leader of the Front for Patriotic Resistance in Ituri (FPRI), and Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui, the leader of the Nationalist and Integrationist Front (FNI), were charged and indicted with nine crimes against humanity including sexual slavery, a crime against humanity under article 7(1)(g) of the Rome Statute and a war crime under article 8(2)(b)(xxii) or (e)(vi) of the Rome Statute. Bosco Ntaganda of the Patriotic Forces for the Liberation of the Congo (FPLC) was charged with rape and sexual slavery. Callixte Mbarushimana of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), and Sylvestre Mudacumura have also been charged with rape.
According to Tier Rating, the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo does not comply with minimum standards for efforts to eliminate this problem by prosecuting perpetrators and providing services to victims. The government has not shown evidence in prosecuting sex trafficking perpetrators.
In June 2014, UK-based rehabilitation charity Freedom from Torture published its report "Rape as Torture in the DRC: Sexual Violence Beyond the Conflict Zone, using evidence from 34 forensic medical reports, to show that rape and sexual violence is being used routinely by state officials in Congolese prisons as punishment for politically active women. One of the women mentioned in the report stated:"Now I know, because I have been there, that it is normal for women to be sexually abused in prison..." The women included in the report were abused in several locations across the country including the capital Kinshasa and other areas away from the conflict zones.
In addition, Eve Ensler's nongovernmental organization, V-Day, has not only been crucial in the growing awareness regarding sexual violence in the DRC, but has also entered into a project with UNICEF and the Panzi Foundation to build The City of Joy, a special facility in Bukavu for survivors of sexual violence in the DRC. The center, which can host up to 180 women a year, has resources such as sexual education courses, self-defense classes, and group therapy, as well as academic classes and courses in the arts. The City of Joy facility opened in February 2011. | [] | [
"Preventative efforts",
"International community and nongovernmental organizations"
] | [
"Sexual violence by country",
"Sexual violence in Africa",
"Sexuality in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Human rights abuses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Rape in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence against women in Af... |
projected-23575032-026 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Other perspectives | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | There are others who offer different perspectives to the dominant discourse about sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Many Congolese populations on the ground, Congolese intellectuals, and field-based interveners emphasize that there are many other consequences of the armed conflict that deserve as much attention as sexual violence does, including killings, forced labor, child soldiers, and torture. They also believe that the attention to rape in the DRC contributes to the proliferation of the widespread stereotype of Congolese people as savage and barbaric.
It is also said that the international focus on this problem has led to unintended, negative consequences, including ignoring other forms of violence and rape of men and boys. The worst consequence discussed is the belief that some armed groups think that sexual violence is now an effective bargaining tool. Thus, according to this perspective, the international focus is actually contributing to the increase of sexual violence. It has been said that the mass rapes in Luvungi in 2010, where Mai Mai Sheka gang raped 387 civilians, was partly due to this consequence because Sheka allegedly ordered his soldiers to rape women to draw attention to their group. | [] | [
"Other perspectives"
] | [
"Sexual violence by country",
"Sexual violence in Africa",
"Sexuality in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Human rights abuses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Rape in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence against women in Af... |
projected-23575032-027 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Perpetrator testimonies | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | The voices and testimonies of perpetrators have long been absent. However, during 2005–2006, Maria Erickson of the School of Global Studies at the Gothenburg University in Sweden interviewed soldiers and officers within the integrated armed forces. The interviews were organized in groups made up of 3–4 people and lasted between 3–4 hours.
A large portion of those interviewed were from the previous government forces, the FARDC. The data collected from the interviews provided detailed accounts and useful information on how the soldiers understood their identities, their roles as combatants and the amount of pain they inflicted onto their victims. | [] | [
"Other perspectives",
"Perpetrator testimonies"
] | [
"Sexual violence by country",
"Sexual violence in Africa",
"Sexuality in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Human rights abuses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Rape in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence against women in Af... |
projected-23575032-028 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | View of masculinity | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | Some of the FARDC soldiers interviewed described the military as a place for the tough and strong and as a place to prove one's manhood. One soldier stated that:
"You have to learn the tough spirit of a soldier. If you do not know that, some beating up is required. Those who are not able to make it, we call them inept, also sometimes the women, the inept will run away'.
He also went on to demonstrate the desensitization that accompanies military macho-violence:
'....A soldier is a soldier. He is not a civilian. Bullets are bullets. It is a war. We are not going there to kill ducks. It is war. You go there to defend. The centre is no place for compassion". | [] | [
"Other perspectives",
"Perpetrator testimonies",
"View of masculinity"
] | [
"Sexual violence by country",
"Sexual violence in Africa",
"Sexuality in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Human rights abuses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Rape in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence against women in Af... |
projected-23575032-029 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | Roles as soldiers | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | The respondents’ perception of their roles as soldiers was reflected in their notions of what a successful position was within the armed forces. A successful soldier, they said, was an educated one who "sat behind a desk and completed administrative work". However, the soldiers also explained, that although administrative tasks were appealing, their entry into the force was not an active choice, but instead, was done to make money and receive an education.
Because manhood was closely linked to material wealth their choice to join the armed forces was not a vengeful call for violence or revenge but a fall back option because of unfortunate circumstances. Many of the soldiers described that they had not received the education they were promised and instead indicate that their lives had been filled with "ruin" and "tragedy". This discrepancy between a sense of how soldiering “should be” and “the way it was” was the basis for the prevalence of violence among armed forces. | [] | [
"Other perspectives",
"Perpetrator testimonies",
"Roles as soldiers"
] | [
"Sexual violence by country",
"Sexual violence in Africa",
"Sexuality in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Human rights abuses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Rape in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence against women in Af... |
projected-23575032-030 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual%20violence%20in%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo | Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo | See also | The Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the east of the country in particular, has been described as the "Rape Capital of the World," and the prevalence and intensity of all forms of sexual violence has been described as the worst in the world. Human Rights Watch defines sexual violence as "an act of a sexual nature by force, or by threat of force or coercion," and rape as "a form of sexual violence during which the body of a person is invaded, resulting in penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim, with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or other part of the body."
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a long history of unrest and instability. Although sexual violence has always occurred in the DRC in some capacity, increased rates of sexual violence coincided with the armed conflicts of the early 1990s and later.
Much of the research conducted about sexual violence in the DRC has focused on violence against and rape of women as related to these armed conflict, mostly occurring in the eastern region of the country. The eastern region of the DRC has the highest rates of sexual violence, and much of it is perpetrated by armed militia groups. However, other studies have begun to show that sexual violence is pervasive in all parts of the DRC and that it is not always related to the conflict.
While there is extensive evidence of the societal and individual ramifications caused by the sexual violence in the country, the government has been criticized for not doing enough to stop it. Although Congolese law criminalizes many forms of sexual violence, these laws are not always enforced. | The Greatest Silence: Rape in the Congo documentary film
Ruined (play) by Lynn Nottage, winner of 2009 Pulitzer Prize for Drama
Sexual slavery
Wartime sexual violence
General:
Women in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Crime in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
International:
Sexual violence in Finland
Sexual violence in South Africa
Sexual violence in Papua New Guinea
Rape statistics (worldwide)
Estimates of sexual violence (worldwide) | [] | [
"See also"
] | [
"Sexual violence by country",
"Sexual violence in Africa",
"Sexuality in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Human rights abuses in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Rape in the Democratic Republic of the Congo",
"Violence against women in Af... |
projected-17332810-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Farnham%20Farm | Farnham Farm | Introduction | The Farnham Farm is historic farm at 113 Mount Pleasant Avenue on Prudence Island in Portsmouth, Rhode Island.
The farm was started by the Dennis family after the original farms on Prudence Island were burned and destroyed by the British during the American Revolution around the time of the Battle of Rhode Island. The farm contains several extant structures including a house (ca. 1805), barn (ca. 1850), milk house, fields, garden, woodland, orchard, and stone walls. The Dennis family sold the house to the Farnhams in 1867. The site was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 2006.
The farm is now owned by the Prudence Conservancy, a local preservation organization. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Farms on the National Register of Historic Places in Rhode Island",
"Houses on the National Register of Historic Places in Rhode Island",
"Houses in Newport County, Rhode Island",
"Buildings and structures in Portsmouth, Rhode Island",
"1805 establishments in Rhode Island",
"National Register of Historic... | |
projected-17332810-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Farnham%20Farm | Farnham Farm | See also | The Farnham Farm is historic farm at 113 Mount Pleasant Avenue on Prudence Island in Portsmouth, Rhode Island.
The farm was started by the Dennis family after the original farms on Prudence Island were burned and destroyed by the British during the American Revolution around the time of the Battle of Rhode Island. The farm contains several extant structures including a house (ca. 1805), barn (ca. 1850), milk house, fields, garden, woodland, orchard, and stone walls. The Dennis family sold the house to the Farnhams in 1867. The site was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 2006.
The farm is now owned by the Prudence Conservancy, a local preservation organization. | National Register of Historic Places listings in Newport County, Rhode Island | [] | [
"See also"
] | [
"Farms on the National Register of Historic Places in Rhode Island",
"Houses on the National Register of Historic Places in Rhode Island",
"Houses in Newport County, Rhode Island",
"Buildings and structures in Portsmouth, Rhode Island",
"1805 establishments in Rhode Island",
"National Register of Historic... |
projected-17332810-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Farnham%20Farm | Farnham Farm | References | The Farnham Farm is historic farm at 113 Mount Pleasant Avenue on Prudence Island in Portsmouth, Rhode Island.
The farm was started by the Dennis family after the original farms on Prudence Island were burned and destroyed by the British during the American Revolution around the time of the Battle of Rhode Island. The farm contains several extant structures including a house (ca. 1805), barn (ca. 1850), milk house, fields, garden, woodland, orchard, and stone walls. The Dennis family sold the house to the Farnhams in 1867. The site was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 2006.
The farm is now owned by the Prudence Conservancy, a local preservation organization. | Category:Farms on the National Register of Historic Places in Rhode Island
Category:Houses on the National Register of Historic Places in Rhode Island
Category:Houses in Newport County, Rhode Island
Category:Buildings and structures in Portsmouth, Rhode Island
Category:1805 establishments in Rhode Island
Category:National Register of Historic Places in Newport County, Rhode Island | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Farms on the National Register of Historic Places in Rhode Island",
"Houses on the National Register of Historic Places in Rhode Island",
"Houses in Newport County, Rhode Island",
"Buildings and structures in Portsmouth, Rhode Island",
"1805 establishments in Rhode Island",
"National Register of Historic... |
projected-17332815-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mummer%20%28disambiguation%29 | Mummer (disambiguation) | Introduction | Strictly speaking, a mummer is an actor in a traditional seasonal folk play. The term is also humorously (or derogatorily) applied to any actor.
Mummer may also refer to:
A participant in the New Year's Day Mummers Parade in Philadelphia, USA, and other similar festivals
A participant in the Newfoundland and Labrador Christmas time tradition of mummering
A participant in Mummer's Day, a midwinter celebration in Padstow, Cornwall, UK
A mime artist, one acting out a story through body motions, without use of speech
A member of the Summer Mummers theatre group in Midland, Texas, USA
MUMmer, a bioinformatics software system
Mummer (album), a 1983 album by the group XTC
The Mummers, a band based in Brighton, England | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [] | |
projected-20467831-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciolariidae | Fasciolariidae | Introduction | The Fasciolariidae, common name the "tulip snails and spindle snails", are a family of small to large sea snails, marine gastropod mollusks in the superfamily Buccinoidea.
The family Fasciolariidae probably appeared about 110 million years ago during the Cretaceous | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Fasciolariidae",
"Gastropod families",
"Taxa named by John Edward Gray"
] | |
projected-20467831-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciolariidae | Fasciolariidae | Distribution | The Fasciolariidae, common name the "tulip snails and spindle snails", are a family of small to large sea snails, marine gastropod mollusks in the superfamily Buccinoidea.
The family Fasciolariidae probably appeared about 110 million years ago during the Cretaceous | The recent species inhabit tropical to temperate waters. | [
"Fasciolaria scalarina 01.JPG",
"Pleuroploca gigantea.jpg",
"Fasciolaria tulipa (Linnaeus, 1758).jpg",
"Fusinus colus 01.JPG",
"Fasciolaria tulipaProfils.jpg",
"Euthriofusus peyrerensis 01.JPG",
"Fusinus Cyprus Pliocene.jpg"
] | [
"Distribution"
] | [
"Fasciolariidae",
"Gastropod families",
"Taxa named by John Edward Gray"
] |
projected-20467831-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciolariidae | Fasciolariidae | Description | The Fasciolariidae, common name the "tulip snails and spindle snails", are a family of small to large sea snails, marine gastropod mollusks in the superfamily Buccinoidea.
The family Fasciolariidae probably appeared about 110 million years ago during the Cretaceous | The shells are usually reddish in color and have a moderate to large size, reaching a height between 1.0 and 60 cm. The shells are spindle-shaped and biconic. The spire is elongated. The siphonal canal is well developed and is long to moderately long. The columella varies between a smooth appearance and showing spiral folds. The horny operculum has an oval shape. Their radula is characteristic with narrow central teeth with three cusps. The wide lateral teeth show numerous ctenoid (= comblike) cusps.
Snails in the family Fasciolariidae are carnivorous. They feed on other gastropods and on bivalves. Some also prey on worms and barnacles.
The snails are gonochoristic, i.e. the individuals have just one sex. The female snails deposit their eggs in horny capsules either in a single form or in clusters arranged around a hollow axis. The single forms have a flattened, disk-shaped, or vase-shaped form. The clusters are hemispherical or cylindrical. Development is usually direct. The larvae emerge from the capsules as free-swimming young or as crawling young. | [] | [
"Description"
] | [
"Fasciolariidae",
"Gastropod families",
"Taxa named by John Edward Gray"
] |
projected-20467831-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciolariidae | Fasciolariidae | Taxonomy | The Fasciolariidae, common name the "tulip snails and spindle snails", are a family of small to large sea snails, marine gastropod mollusks in the superfamily Buccinoidea.
The family Fasciolariidae probably appeared about 110 million years ago during the Cretaceous | According to the taxonomy of the Gastropoda by Bouchet & Rocroi (2005), the Fasciolariidae consist of the following subfamilies:
Clavilithinae Vermeij & Snyder, 2018 †
Fasciolariinae Gray, 1853
Fusininae Wrigley, 1927 - synonyms: Fusinae Swainson, 1840 (inv.); Cyrtulidae MacDonald, 1869; Streptochetinae Cossmann, 1901
Peristerniinae Tryon, 1880 - synonym: Latiridae Iredale, 1929 | [] | [
"Taxonomy"
] | [
"Fasciolariidae",
"Gastropod families",
"Taxa named by John Edward Gray"
] |
projected-20467831-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciolariidae | Fasciolariidae | Genera | The Fasciolariidae, common name the "tulip snails and spindle snails", are a family of small to large sea snails, marine gastropod mollusks in the superfamily Buccinoidea.
The family Fasciolariidae probably appeared about 110 million years ago during the Cretaceous | Genera in the family Fasciolariidae include (fossil genera are marked with a dagger):
subfamily Clavilithinae Vermeij & Snyder, 2018 †
† Africolithes Eames, 1957
† Austrolithes Finlay, 1931
† Chiralithes Olsson, 1930
† Clavellofusus Grabau, 1904
† Clavilithes Swainson, 1840
† Cosmolithes Grabau, 1904
† Mancorus Olsson, 1931
† Papillina Conrad, 1855
† Perulithes Olsson, 1930
† Clavella Swainson, 1835 accepted as Clavilithes Swainson, 1840 † (Junior homonym of Clavella Oken, 1815. Has been renamed Clavilithes.)
† Rhopalithes Grabau, 1904 accepted as Clavilithes Swainson, 1840 † (objective synonym)
† Turrispira Conrad, 1866 accepted as Clavilithes Swainson, 1840 †
† Daphnobela Cossmann, 1896
† Euthriofusus Cossmann, 1901
subfamily Fasciolariinae
Fasciolaria Lamarck, 1799 - type genus, the Tulip shells
Africolaria Snyder, Vermeij & Lyons, 2012
Araiofusus Callomon & Snyder, 2017
Aurantilaria Snyder, Vermeij & Lyons, 2012
Australaria Snyder, Vermeij & Lyons, 2012
Bellifusus Stephenson, 1941 †
Boltenella Wade, 1917 †
Brucia Cossmann, 1920 †
Calkota Squires & Saul, 2003
Cinctura Hollister, 1957
Conradconfusus Snyder, 2002 †
Cryptorhytis Meek, 1876 †
Drilliovoluta Cossmann, 1925 †
Drilluta Wade, 1916 †
Filifusus Snyder, Vermeij & Lyons, 2012
Glaphyrina Finlay, 1926
Granolaria Snyder, Vermeij & Lyons, 2012
Haplovoluta Wade, 1918 †
Hercorhyncus Conrad, 1869 †
Hylus Wade, 1917 †
Kilburnia Snyder, Vermeij & Lyons, 2012
Liochlamys Dall, 1889 †
Lirofusus Conrad, 1865 †
Lugubrilaria Snyder, Vermeij & Lyons, 2012
Lyonsifusus Vermeij & Snyder, 2018
Mariafusus Petuch, 1988 †
Micasarcina Squires & Saul, 2003 †
Microcolus Cotton & Godfrey, 1932
Microfulgur Finlay & Marwick, 1937
Mylecoma Squires & Saul, 2003 †
Odontofusus Whitfield, 1892 †
Paleopsephaea Wade, 1926 †
Parafusus Wade, 1918 †
Perse B.L. Clark, 1918 †
Piestochilus Meek, 1864 †
Plectocion Stewart, 1927 †
Pleia Finlay, 1930
Pleuroploca P. Fischer, 1884
Pliculofusus Snyder, Vermeij & Lyons, 2012 †
Saginafusus Iredale, 1931
Scobina Wade, 1917 †
Serrifusus Meek, 1876 †
Skyles Saul & Popenoe, 1993 †
Terebraspira Conrad, 1862 †
Trichifusus Bandel, 2000 †
Triplofusus Olsson & Harbison, 1953
Wadia Cossmann, 1920 †
Whitneyella Stewart, 1927 †
Woodsella Wade, 1926 †
subfamily Fusininae
Fusus Bruguière, 1789 : synonym of Fusinus Rafinesque, 1815
Aegeofusinus Russo, 2017
Africofusus Vermeij & Snyder, 2018
Amiantofusus Fraussen, Kantor & Hadorn, 2007
† Angustifusus Vermeij & Snyder, 2018
Apertifusus Vermeij & Snyder, 2018
Aptyxis Troschel, 1868
Araiofusus Callomon & Snyder, 2017
Ariefusus Vermeij & Snyder, 2018
Aristofusus Vermeij & Snyder, 2018
Barbarofusus Grabau & Shimer, 1909
Callifusus Vermeij & Snyder, 2018
Chryseofusus Hadorn & Fraussen, 2003
Cyrtulus Hinds, 1843 - Cyrtulus serotinus Hinds, 1843
Enigmofusus Vermeij & Snyder, 2018
† Eofusus Vermeij & Snyder, 2018
Falsicolus Finlay, 1930
Falsifusus Grabau, 1904 †
Fredenia Cadée & Janssen, 1994 †
Fusinus Rafinesque, 1815 - type genus of the subfamily Fusininae
Gemmocolus Maxwell, 1992 †
Goniofusus Vermeij & Snyder, 2018
Gracilipurpura Jousseaume, 1880
Granulifusus Kuroda & Habe, 1954
Harasewychia Petuch, 1987
Harfordia Dall, 1921
Heilprinia Grabau, 1904
Helolithus Agassiz, 1846 †
Hesperaptyxis Snyder & Vermeij, 2016
Lepidocolus Maxwell, 1992 †
Liracolus Maxwell, 1992 †
Lyonsifusus Vermeij & Snyder, 2018
Marmorofusus Snyder & Lyons, 2014
Okutanius Kantor, Fedosov, Snyder & Bouchet, 2018
Ollaphon Iredale, 1929
Priscofusus Conrad, 1865 †
Profusinus Bandel, 2000 †
Propefusus Iredale, 1924
Pseudaptyxis Petuch, 1988 †
Pullincola de Gregorio, 1894 †
Remera Stephenson, 1941 †
Rhopalithes Grabau, 1904 †
Simplicifusus Kira, 1972
Solutofusus Pritchard, 1898 †
Spirilla Agassiz, 1842 †
Streptocarina Hinsch, 1977 †
Streptochetus Cossmann, 1889 †
Streptodictyon Tembrock, 1961 †
Streptolathyrus Cossmann, 1901 †
Tectifusus Tate, 1893 †
Trophonofusus Kuroda & Habe, 1971
Turrispira Conrad, 1866 †
Vermeijius Kantor, Fedosov, Snyder & Bouchet, 2018
Viridifusus Snyder, Vermeij & Lyons, 2012
subfamily Peristerniinae
Peristernia Mörch, 1852 - type genus of the subfamily Peristerniinae
Aptycholathyrus Cossman & Pissarro, 1905 †
Ascolatirus Bellardi, 1884 †
Benimakia Habe, 1958
Brocchitas Finlay, 1927 †
Bullockus Lyons & Snyder, 2008
Dennantia Tate, 1888 †
Dentifusus Vermeij & Rosenberg, 2003
Dolicholatirus Bellardi, 1886
Eolatirus Bellardi, 1884 †
Exilifusus Conrad, 1865 †
Fractolatirus Iredale, 1936
Fusolatirus Kuroda & Habe, 1971
Hemipolygona Rovereto, 1899
Lathyropsis Oostingh, 1939 †
Latirofusus Cossmann, 1889
Latirogona Laws, 1944 †
Latirolagena Harris, 1897
Latirulus Cossmann, 1889
Latirus Montfort, 1810
Leucozonia Gray, 1847
Lightbournus Lyons & Snyder, 2008
Liochlamys Dall, 1889 †
Mazzalina Conrad, 1960 †
Neolatirus Bellardi, 1884 †
Nodolatirus Bouchet & Snyder, 2013
Nodopelagia Hedley, 1915
Opeatostoma Berry, 1958
Plesiolatirus Bellardi, 1884 †
Plicatella Swainson, 1840
Polygona Schumacher, 1817
Psammostoma Vermeij & Snyder, 2002 †
Pseudolatirus Bellardi, 1884
Pustulatirus Vermeij & Snyder, 2006
Ruscula Casey, 1904 †
Streptopelma Cossmann, 1901 †
Tarantinaea Monterosato, 1917
Taron Hutton, 1883
Teralatirus Coomans, 1965
Turrilatirus Vermeij & M.A. Snyder, 2006
Subfamily ?
Crassibougia Stahlschmidt & Fraussen, 2012
Genera brought into synonymy
Aptyxis Troschel, 1868: synonym of Fusinus Rafinesque, 1815
Buccinofusus Conrad, 1868: synonym of Conradconfusus Snyder, 2002 †
Bulbifusus Conrad, 1865 †: synonym of Mazzalina Conrad, 1960 †
Chasca Clench & Aguayo, 1941: synonym of Chascax Watson, 1873: synonym of Hemipolygona Rovereto, 1899
Chascax Watson, 1873: synonym of Hemipolygona Rovereto, 1899
Cinctura Hollister, 1957: synonym of Fasciolaria Lamarck, 1799
Clavella Swainson, 1835: synonym of Clavilithes Swainson, 1840 †
Cymatium Link, 1807: synonym of Latirus Montfort, 1810
Exilifusus Gabb, 1876 †: synonym of Fusinus Rafinesque, 1815
Fusilatirus McGinty, 1955: synonym of Dolicholatirus Bellardi, 1884
Fusus Bruguière, 1789: synonym of Fusinus Rafinesque, 1815
Gracilipurpura Jousseaume, 1881 †: synonym of Fusinus Rafinesque, 1815
Heilprinia Grabau, 1904: synonym of Fusinus Rafinesque, 1815
Iaeranea Rafinesque, 1815: synonym of Fasciolaria Lamarck, 1799
Lagena Schumacher, 1817: synonym of Latirolagena Harris, 1897
Lathyrus Schinz, 1825: synonym of Latirus Montfort, 1810
Latirofusus Cossmann, 1889: synonym of Dolicholatirus Bellardi, 1884
Latyrus Carpenter, 1857: synonym of Latirus Montfort, 1810
Propefusus Iredale, 1924: synonym of Fusinus Rafinesque, 1815
Pseudofusus Monterosato, 1884: synonym of Fusinus Rafinesque, 1815
Pseudolatirus Cossmann, 1889 †: synonym of Streptolathyrus Cossmann, 1901 †
Simplicifusus Kira, 1972: synonym of Granulifusus Kuroda & Habe, 1954
Sinistralia H. Adams & A. Adams, 1853: synonym of Fusinus Rafinesque, 1815
Tarantinaea Monterosato, 1917: synonym of Fasciolaria Lamarck, 1799 | [] | [
"Genera"
] | [
"Fasciolariidae",
"Gastropod families",
"Taxa named by John Edward Gray"
] |
projected-20467842-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pacharukhi | Pacharukhi | Introduction | Rambhu Yadav Rautahat Nepal
Village Development Committee in Rautahat District in the Narayani Zone of south-eastern Nepal. At the time of the 1991 Nepal census it had a population of 3132 people living in 717 individual households.
Pachrukhi has a Large Pond where a Shiva Mandir is located. There are more than 2-6 Durga Temples . | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Populated places in Rautahat District"
] | |
projected-20467842-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pacharukhi | Pacharukhi | References | Rambhu Yadav Rautahat Nepal
Village Development Committee in Rautahat District in the Narayani Zone of south-eastern Nepal. At the time of the 1991 Nepal census it had a population of 3132 people living in 717 individual households.
Pachrukhi has a Large Pond where a Shiva Mandir is located. There are more than 2-6 Durga Temples . | Category:Populated places in Rautahat District | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Populated places in Rautahat District"
] |
projected-56567480-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cross-country%20skiing%20at%20the%201980%20Winter%20Olympics%20%E2%80%93%20Women%27s%2010%20kilometre | Cross-country skiing at the 1980 Winter Olympics – Women's 10 kilometre | Introduction | The Women's 10 kilometre cross-country skiing event was part of the cross-country skiing programme at the 1980 Winter Olympics, in Lake Placid, United States. It was the eighth appearance of the event. The competition was held on 18 February 1980, at the Cross Country Skiing Stadium. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Women's cross-country skiing at the 1980 Winter Olympics",
"Women's 10 kilometre cross-country skiing at the Winter Olympics",
"1980 in women's cross-country skiing",
"Women's events at the 1980 Winter Olympics"
] | |
projected-56567480-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cross-country%20skiing%20at%20the%201980%20Winter%20Olympics%20%E2%80%93%20Women%27s%2010%20kilometre | Cross-country skiing at the 1980 Winter Olympics – Women's 10 kilometre | References | The Women's 10 kilometre cross-country skiing event was part of the cross-country skiing programme at the 1980 Winter Olympics, in Lake Placid, United States. It was the eighth appearance of the event. The competition was held on 18 February 1980, at the Cross Country Skiing Stadium. | Category:Women's cross-country skiing at the 1980 Winter Olympics
Category:Women's 10 kilometre cross-country skiing at the Winter Olympics
Oly
Cross | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Women's cross-country skiing at the 1980 Winter Olympics",
"Women's 10 kilometre cross-country skiing at the Winter Olympics",
"1980 in women's cross-country skiing",
"Women's events at the 1980 Winter Olympics"
] |
projected-20467847-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raschera | Raschera | Introduction | Raschera is an Italian pressed fat or medium fat, semi-hard cheese made with raw or pasteurized cow milk, to which a small amount of sheep's and/or goat's milk may be added. It has an ivory white color inside with irregularly spaced small eyes, and a semi-hard rind which is red gray sometimes with yellow highlights. It has a savory and salty taste, similar to Muenster cheese, and can be moderately sharp if the cheese has been aged.
The cheese was given an Italian protected designation of origin (DOP) in July 1996, and may also carry the name "di alpeggio" (from mountain pasture) if the cheese was made in the mountainous areas of its designated Province of Cuneo. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Piedmontese cheeses",
"Italian cheeses",
"Cow's-milk cheeses",
"Italian products with protected designation of origin",
"Cheeses with designation of origin protected in the European Union"
] | |
projected-44498470-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Doozers | The Doozers | Introduction | The Doozers is a computer animated television series created by The Jim Henson Company. It is a spin-off of Fraggle Rock.
The series originally premiered in Australia on Nick Jr. on October 7, 2013. The series began its US run as a Hulu exclusive on April 25, 2014.
On September 12, 2017, it was renewed for a second season. It premiered on May 25, 2018. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Fraggle Rock",
"2014 American television series debuts",
"2014 Canadian television series debuts",
"2018 American television series endings",
"2018 Canadian television series endings",
"2010s American animated television series",
"2010s American workplace comedy television series",
"2010s Canadian an... | |
projected-44498470-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Doozers | The Doozers | Premise | The Doozers is a computer animated television series created by The Jim Henson Company. It is a spin-off of Fraggle Rock.
The series originally premiered in Australia on Nick Jr. on October 7, 2013. The series began its US run as a Hulu exclusive on April 25, 2014.
On September 12, 2017, it was renewed for a second season. It premiered on May 25, 2018. | In the self-sustainable community of Doozer Creek located just beyond the view of humans, the show focuses on the Doozer Pod Squad (consisting of Daisy Wheel, Flex, Spike, and Mollybolt). | [] | [
"Premise"
] | [
"Fraggle Rock",
"2014 American television series debuts",
"2014 Canadian television series debuts",
"2018 American television series endings",
"2018 Canadian television series endings",
"2010s American animated television series",
"2010s American workplace comedy television series",
"2010s Canadian an... |
projected-44498470-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Doozers | The Doozers | Main | The Doozers is a computer animated television series created by The Jim Henson Company. It is a spin-off of Fraggle Rock.
The series originally premiered in Australia on Nick Jr. on October 7, 2013. The series began its US run as a Hulu exclusive on April 25, 2014.
On September 12, 2017, it was renewed for a second season. It premiered on May 25, 2018. | TBA | [] | [
"Characters",
"Main"
] | [
"Fraggle Rock",
"2014 American television series debuts",
"2014 Canadian television series debuts",
"2018 American television series endings",
"2018 Canadian television series endings",
"2010s American animated television series",
"2010s American workplace comedy television series",
"2010s Canadian an... |
projected-44498470-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Doozers | The Doozers | Chief's family | The Doozers is a computer animated television series created by The Jim Henson Company. It is a spin-off of Fraggle Rock.
The series originally premiered in Australia on Nick Jr. on October 7, 2013. The series began its US run as a Hulu exclusive on April 25, 2014.
On September 12, 2017, it was renewed for a second season. It premiered on May 25, 2018. | Chief Doozer (voiced by Heather Bambrick) – The Chief of Doozer Creek who is the mother of Spike Doozer and Daisy Wheel Doozer.
Daisy Wheel Doozer (voiced by Millie Davis) – Daisy Wheel Doozer is the youngest and smallest of the Doozer Pod Squad. She is the younger sister of Spike Doozer and the daughter of Chief Doozer. She has a blue nose and blue hair and wears a purple hat, socks and shirt.
Spike Doozer (voiced by Jacob Ewaniuk) – Spike is the member of the Pod Squad who pushes the other Pod Squad members into action. He is the son of Chief Doozer and the older brother of Daisy Wheel Doozer. He has a brown nose and brown hair and wears a blue hat, socks and wristbands. | [] | [
"Characters",
"Chief's family"
] | [
"Fraggle Rock",
"2014 American television series debuts",
"2014 Canadian television series debuts",
"2018 American television series endings",
"2018 Canadian television series endings",
"2010s American animated television series",
"2010s American workplace comedy television series",
"2010s Canadian an... |
projected-44498470-005 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Doozers | The Doozers | Architect's family | The Doozers is a computer animated television series created by The Jim Henson Company. It is a spin-off of Fraggle Rock.
The series originally premiered in Australia on Nick Jr. on October 7, 2013. The series began its US run as a Hulu exclusive on April 25, 2014.
On September 12, 2017, it was renewed for a second season. It premiered on May 25, 2018. | Chief Architect Doozer – the wife of Baker and mother of Molly.
Baker Timberbolt Doozer (voiced by David Berni) – The father of Molly Bolt Doozer and the husband of Chief Architect Doozer. He runs the bakery shop in Doozer Creek.
Molly Bolt Doozer (voiced by Jenna Warren) – Molly Bolt Doozer is a Pod Squad member who enjoys organizing events. She can also make lists, maps, and graphs. She has a purple nose and purple hair and wears a pink hat, socks and shirt.
Peg Bolt Doozer (voiced by Lisa Norton) | [] | [
"Characters",
"Architect's family"
] | [
"Fraggle Rock",
"2014 American television series debuts",
"2014 Canadian television series debuts",
"2018 American television series endings",
"2018 Canadian television series endings",
"2010s American animated television series",
"2010s American workplace comedy television series",
"2010s Canadian an... |
projected-44498470-006 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Doozers | The Doozers | Others | The Doozers is a computer animated television series created by The Jim Henson Company. It is a spin-off of Fraggle Rock.
The series originally premiered in Australia on Nick Jr. on October 7, 2013. The series began its US run as a Hulu exclusive on April 25, 2014.
On September 12, 2017, it was renewed for a second season. It premiered on May 25, 2018. | Flex Doozer (voiced by Trek Buccino in season 1 and Tyler Barish in season 2) – Flex lives on his grandparents farm and uses his room as his workshop. Flex pilots the Pod Squad's vehicles. He has a yellow nose and yellow hair and wears an orange hat, socks and wristbands.
Doozer Doodad (voiced by David Berni) – Manager of the Doozer Creek supply depot, where the Pod Squad gets the supplies for their projects.
Pinball Gimbal (voiced by Lisa Norton) –
Professor Gimbal wears glasses and has a purplish-white color in his nose and hair, wearing a light blue helmet. He manages the Doozarium, where the Pod Squad meet. He issues challenges, and makes suggestions, for various projects for the Pod Squad to complete.
Baxter was advertised for the series but has not appeared yet. He had a brown nose and brown hair. | [] | [
"Characters",
"Others"
] | [
"Fraggle Rock",
"2014 American television series debuts",
"2014 Canadian television series debuts",
"2018 American television series endings",
"2018 Canadian television series endings",
"2010s American animated television series",
"2010s American workplace comedy television series",
"2010s Canadian an... |
projected-44498470-007 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Doozers | The Doozers | Voice cast | The Doozers is a computer animated television series created by The Jim Henson Company. It is a spin-off of Fraggle Rock.
The series originally premiered in Australia on Nick Jr. on October 7, 2013. The series began its US run as a Hulu exclusive on April 25, 2014.
On September 12, 2017, it was renewed for a second season. It premiered on May 25, 2018. | David Berni – Baker Timberbolt Doozer and Doozer Doodad
Trek Buccino – Flex Doozer
Tyler Barish - Flex Doozer
Jaxon Mercey - Spike Doozer
Millie Davis – Daisy Wheel Doozer
Jacob Ewaniuk – Spike Doozer
Lisa Norton as Peg Bolt and Pinball Gimbal
Jenna Warren – Molly Bolt Doozer
The voice director is Merle Ann Ridley. | [] | [
"Voice cast"
] | [
"Fraggle Rock",
"2014 American television series debuts",
"2014 Canadian television series debuts",
"2018 American television series endings",
"2018 Canadian television series endings",
"2010s American animated television series",
"2010s American workplace comedy television series",
"2010s Canadian an... |
projected-44498470-008 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Doozers | The Doozers | Production | The Doozers is a computer animated television series created by The Jim Henson Company. It is a spin-off of Fraggle Rock.
The series originally premiered in Australia on Nick Jr. on October 7, 2013. The series began its US run as a Hulu exclusive on April 25, 2014.
On September 12, 2017, it was renewed for a second season. It premiered on May 25, 2018. | The series was produced by The Jim Henson Company with DHX Media (now WildBrain). The series was presented for sale at television industry conference MIPTV in 2009. A March 2009 press announcement stated that test animation was being made, with the series to comprise 52 eleven-minute episodes (or 26 half-hour broadcast episodes). Production was originally planned for fall of 2009 with release estimated for fall 2010; however production was delayed as the Henson Company continued to seek out broadcasters. | [] | [
"Production"
] | [
"Fraggle Rock",
"2014 American television series debuts",
"2014 Canadian television series debuts",
"2018 American television series endings",
"2018 Canadian television series endings",
"2010s American animated television series",
"2010s American workplace comedy television series",
"2010s Canadian an... |
projected-44498470-010 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Doozers | The Doozers | Season 1 | The Doozers is a computer animated television series created by The Jim Henson Company. It is a spin-off of Fraggle Rock.
The series originally premiered in Australia on Nick Jr. on October 7, 2013. The series began its US run as a Hulu exclusive on April 25, 2014.
On September 12, 2017, it was renewed for a second season. It premiered on May 25, 2018. | "Project Radish-A-Pult" – A gust of wind knocks a large branch onto a bridge in Doozer Creek, blocking the path and halting construction of a new wind turbine.
"Pod Squad Boogey" – The Pod Squad is performing in the Starlight Concert, but when they hear other Doozers singing, the group decides they need to do something to stand out.
"Jetpack Away" – When Daisy Wheel's jetpack goes on the fritz, Flex volunteers to fix it. But he makes it so fast that it flies out of her reach and all over Doozer Creek.
"Follow Your Nose" – After a huge order at the bakery is cancelled, Molly's Dad, Baker Timberbolt, is left with 100 extra Smackleberry muffins. The Pod Squad run all over town trying to get rid of the muffins.
"Bubbles" – The Pod Squad invents the Cleanamajigger, the ultimate cleaning machine that's a combination vacuum/floor polisher/bubble sprayer and scrubber.
"Mega Magnet Mover" – Flex is making a clock for his Grandpa's birthday. But as he goes to put the finishing touches on his design, he realizes he's lost his Doodriver.
"Zip It" – Spike is interrupted in the middle of finishing his new zip line outside the Doozerium when the Pod Squad needs to go help out at the Peach Harvest.
"Green Thumbs" – Inspired by Professor Gimbal, the Doozers learn to build a garden that goes up, instead of out, and now there's plenty of room for all the plants.
"Be Leaf It" – The Fall Foliage Festival was a success, but now the Pod Squad needs to figure out what to do with all the spare leaves they've collected.
"Spookypalooza" – It's Spookypalooza! The Pod Squad makes the spookiest pumpkin ever by stacking three pumpkins together.
"An Itch You Can't Scratch" – Professor Gimbal is getting rid of some of his old inventions, but he's bummed that he has to throw them out. That's when the Pod Squad decides to re-purpose them in a whole new way.
"Doozer Derby" – Doozer Creek is hosting the Doozer Derby, a design-your-own Doozer Derby Cart race. The Pod Squad want to enter but they can't settle on one design.
"Dancing Doodad" – There's a big dance tonight in Doozer Creek and every Doozer will be there....every Doozer but Doozer Doodad, that is.
"A Doozer of a Dippleplant" – With the help of Flex's grandpa, the Pod Squad is on track to grow the largest dippleplant in Doozer history!
"Home Tweet Home" – Molly's house has a new tenant....a bird! Working together, the Pod Squad designs the ultimate home for their new friend, but soon realize that maybe a 'Doozer' house isn't what the bird had in mind.
"Doozers Amusers" – The Pod Squad is thrilled when Professor Gimbal introduces them to his new baby nephew, Pinball. There's just one problem – the baby won't laugh or even smile!
"Safe from Sound" – At home, Spike and Daisy Wheel are startled by a horrible screeching sound – and it's coming from inside the house! It's their mom, learning a new instrument called the Doozeedoo!
"A Sticky Situation" – The Pod Squad is busy working away at a new playground in Doozer Creek when Professor Gimbal slips on the bridge and gets stuck in a termite mound fort!
"Gift for Gimbal" – The Pod Squad want to get Professor Gimbal a gift, but what do you give the Doozer that has everything? Playing detective, they follow him around Doozer Creek, collecting clues about what he might like.
"Catch a Ride" – Everyone in the Pod Squad has their own vehicle except Molly. After trying out her friends' rides, the group decide to create a custom vehicle made especially for her.
"Little Feats" – Being the smallest, Daisy Wheel has to make two trips to carry as much as the bigger kids, but she doesn't mind because that mean more time to explore the world around her.
"Flex Art" – There's an art festival in Doozer Creek and every Doozer is busy creating their own masterpiece....everyone except Flex. He's more of an inventor than an artist, and he's totally stumped. With a little help from Doozer Deidra, the town artist, Flex learns that art can be anything and gets busy building his own unique piece de resistance.
"Butterfly Away" – The monarch butterflies are making their annual migration through Doozer Creek when Daisy Wheel notices a single butterfly still lingering in town. The Pod Squad decides to help get the butterfly back to the others without scaring it away.
"The Legend of Doozer Creek" – It's a big Pod Squad sleepover at Molly's house! The gang wants to hear a spooky story! Baker Timber Bolt obliges, reading a classic: The Legend of Doozer Creek. It's how Spookypalooza came to be celebrated in Doozer Creek!
"Mystery Box" – Professor Gimbal gives the Pod Squad a curious present-a Mystery Box with a surprise inside. Now they just have to figure out how to open this strange-looking box!
"Detective Doozers" – Professor Gimbal is tired and frustrated. He can't figure out how to finish his latest invention. To make matters worse, his old inventions are going missing. The Pod Squad volunteer to figure out what happened to the missing items and become ...The Detective Squad! They soon discover Professor Gimbal has been stealing....in his sleep!
"Up, Up and Away"
"Hiccup-a-Majig"
"Cake Walk" – Molly and her Mom and Dad made a huge cake for a contest but the cake carrier is too small. So it's up to The Pod Squad to build a cake carrier that will be easy to carry to the contest.
"The Eggcellent"
"Pod Ball"
"Enter the Ditzies"
"Doozermahoozit"
"Trouble Below"
"Daisy Wheel on Ice" – Daisy Wheel is tired of falling on the ice when she's trying to learn how to skate. So The Pod Squad build Daisy a Doo-Step Skating Dress that will keep her from falling down.
"The Gingerbread House" – The Pod Squad want to build a giant gingerbread house that they can all fit inside. But how can they build it if it keeps falling to pieces?
"Mapping Quest"
"Dune Buddies"
"Big Stars"
"Light Where It's Dark"
"The Pod Squad Pavilion"
"Doozers on Parade"
"Doozers Re-Users"
"It's a Breeze"
"Three's a Team"
"Sky High Doozers"
"A Windy Wonder"
"Short Order Doozers" – After Molly's dad is having a hard time by giving every single Doozer a sandwich, She and The Pod Squad try to figure out a faster way to give everybody their sandwich.
"The Blue Beaker"
"Picture Perfect"
"In a Fog"
"Starry Night" | [] | [
"Episodes",
"Season 1"
] | [
"Fraggle Rock",
"2014 American television series debuts",
"2014 Canadian television series debuts",
"2018 American television series endings",
"2018 Canadian television series endings",
"2010s American animated television series",
"2010s American workplace comedy television series",
"2010s Canadian an... |
projected-44498470-011 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Doozers | The Doozers | Season 2 | The Doozers is a computer animated television series created by The Jim Henson Company. It is a spin-off of Fraggle Rock.
The series originally premiered in Australia on Nick Jr. on October 7, 2013. The series began its US run as a Hulu exclusive on April 25, 2014.
On September 12, 2017, it was renewed for a second season. It premiered on May 25, 2018. | "Dirty Driving Doozers"
"Gift-spiration"
"Key Ingredients"
"Doozers Unplugged"
"Blue Beaker Sneaker"
"Dandelion Dilemma"
"Get Creative"
"Crash Test Doozers"
"Danger in Doozer Creek"
"The Rainbow Connection"
"Cocoon Season"
"If It Falls"
"Stage Plight"
"Oh BeeHive"
"Doosquatch"
"Level Up"
"Holed Up"
"In a Jam"
"Doocathlon"
"Sand Sliders" | [] | [
"Episodes",
"Season 2"
] | [
"Fraggle Rock",
"2014 American television series debuts",
"2014 Canadian television series debuts",
"2018 American television series endings",
"2018 Canadian television series endings",
"2010s American animated television series",
"2010s American workplace comedy television series",
"2010s Canadian an... |
projected-56567495-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arcadea | Arcadea | Introduction | Arcadea is an American synth-metal supergroup from Atlanta, formed in 2015 by Mastodon drummer Brann Dailor, Zruda guitarist Core Atoms, and guitarist Raheem Amlani. Arcadea's self-titled album was released in June 2017 via Relapse Records. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Heavy metal musical groups from Georgia (U.S. state)"
] | |
projected-56567495-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arcadea | Arcadea | History | Arcadea is an American synth-metal supergroup from Atlanta, formed in 2015 by Mastodon drummer Brann Dailor, Zruda guitarist Core Atoms, and guitarist Raheem Amlani. Arcadea's self-titled album was released in June 2017 via Relapse Records. | Arcadea was founded in 2015, by upside-down guitarist Core Atoms and drummer Brann Dailor in Atlanta, Georgia. With the addition of guitarist Raheem Amlani, the three-piece began recording tracks at Amlani's Orange Peel Studios in Atlanta in 2015. The result was an 11-song album which was released on Relapse Records on June 16, 2017. Arcadea is the second music collaboration between Rochester, New York natives Atoms and Dailor who played in the progressive funk trio Gaylord, in the late 1990s.
The song "Through the Eye of Pisces" from the album was featured on an ident for the British free-to-air TV channel E4 titled "Cult", which first aired in October 2018 and was created by British sci-fi artist Essy May from the production company Funtasy who also made the artwork for the band's debut album. | [] | [
"History"
] | [
"Heavy metal musical groups from Georgia (U.S. state)"
] |
projected-56567495-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arcadea | Arcadea | Musical style and influences | Arcadea is an American synth-metal supergroup from Atlanta, formed in 2015 by Mastodon drummer Brann Dailor, Zruda guitarist Core Atoms, and guitarist Raheem Amlani. Arcadea's self-titled album was released in June 2017 via Relapse Records. | For all three band members, Arcadea was a departure from previous music projects in both concept and sound. While Atoms is known for his unique guitar playing style, Arcadea's premier album features no guitars—both Atoms and Amlani play only keyboards and synthesizers. For Dailor, it was an opportunity to sing lead vocals on the majority of songs in addition to drums. In an interview for Prog-Sphere Atoms explains, "Since we all have our own bands with more traditional instrumentation, we wanted to do something different but still rooted in our love of prog."
Both Dailor and Atoms credit Stevie Wonder, early Genesis, and other 70s progressive rock as influences for Arcadea. | [] | [
"Musical style and influences"
] | [
"Heavy metal musical groups from Georgia (U.S. state)"
] |
projected-56567495-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arcadea | Arcadea | Discography | Arcadea is an American synth-metal supergroup from Atlanta, formed in 2015 by Mastodon drummer Brann Dailor, Zruda guitarist Core Atoms, and guitarist Raheem Amlani. Arcadea's self-titled album was released in June 2017 via Relapse Records. | Arcadea (2017) | [] | [
"Discography"
] | [
"Heavy metal musical groups from Georgia (U.S. state)"
] |
projected-56567495-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arcadea | Arcadea | See also | Arcadea is an American synth-metal supergroup from Atlanta, formed in 2015 by Mastodon drummer Brann Dailor, Zruda guitarist Core Atoms, and guitarist Raheem Amlani. Arcadea's self-titled album was released in June 2017 via Relapse Records. | Mastodon
Zruda
Gaylord | [] | [
"See also"
] | [
"Heavy metal musical groups from Georgia (U.S. state)"
] |
projected-20467851-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mario%20G%C3%B3mez%20%28footballer%2C%20born%20August%201981%29 | Mario Gómez (footballer, born August 1981) | Introduction | Mario Arnaldo Gómez Castellanos (born August 12, 1981 in Tela, Honduras) is a Honduran footballer. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"1981 births",
"Living people",
"People from Tela",
"Association football midfielders",
"Honduran footballers",
"Honduras international footballers",
"New Jersey Stallions players",
"C.D.S. Vida players",
"C.D. Victoria players",
"F.C. Motagua players",
"Liga Nacional de Fútbol Profesional de Ho... | |
projected-20467851-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mario%20G%C3%B3mez%20%28footballer%2C%20born%20August%201981%29 | Mario Gómez (footballer, born August 1981) | Club career | Mario Arnaldo Gómez Castellanos (born August 12, 1981 in Tela, Honduras) is a Honduran footballer. | Gómez played for New Jersey Stallions, Vida and Victoria, before joining F.C. Motagua in summer 2009.
He most recently played for F.C. Motagua in the Honduran football league. He won a sub-championship with The Eagles but could not stay more than a year due to inconsistency and lack of appearances. | [] | [
"Club career"
] | [
"1981 births",
"Living people",
"People from Tela",
"Association football midfielders",
"Honduran footballers",
"Honduras international footballers",
"New Jersey Stallions players",
"C.D.S. Vida players",
"C.D. Victoria players",
"F.C. Motagua players",
"Liga Nacional de Fútbol Profesional de Ho... |
projected-20467851-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mario%20G%C3%B3mez%20%28footballer%2C%20born%20August%201981%29 | Mario Gómez (footballer, born August 1981) | International career | Mario Arnaldo Gómez Castellanos (born August 12, 1981 in Tela, Honduras) is a Honduran footballer. | Gómez made his debut for Honduras in a March 2005 friendly match against the United States, coming on as a second-half substitute for Carlos Morán. His second and final international match was a February 2006 friendly against China. | [] | [
"International career"
] | [
"1981 births",
"Living people",
"People from Tela",
"Association football midfielders",
"Honduran footballers",
"Honduras international footballers",
"New Jersey Stallions players",
"C.D.S. Vida players",
"C.D. Victoria players",
"F.C. Motagua players",
"Liga Nacional de Fútbol Profesional de Ho... |
projected-56567510-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teona%20Gardapkhadze | Teona Gardapkhadze | Introduction | Teona Gardapkhadze () known as TEYÓ is a Georgian fashion designer based in Tbilisi, Georgia. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"1983 births",
"Fashion designers from Georgia (country)",
"Tbilisi State Academy of Arts alumni",
"Living people"
] | |
projected-56567510-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teona%20Gardapkhadze | Teona Gardapkhadze | Early life and education | Teona Gardapkhadze () known as TEYÓ is a Georgian fashion designer based in Tbilisi, Georgia. | Teona was born in 1983. She graduated an Architecture department of Tbilisi State Academy of Arts. In 2006 she decided to try herself in fashion design. Inspiration + Tendency + Love is a formula of Teona's brand TEYÓ, which was created in 2012. Same year she presented her first f/w collection at Tbilisi Fashion Week. After her debut she successfully works for several stores in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Russia, as well as in Georgia. | [] | [
"Early life and education"
] | [
"1983 births",
"Fashion designers from Georgia (country)",
"Tbilisi State Academy of Arts alumni",
"Living people"
] |
projected-56567510-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teona%20Gardapkhadze | Teona Gardapkhadze | Career | Teona Gardapkhadze () known as TEYÓ is a Georgian fashion designer based in Tbilisi, Georgia. | Her clothes are chosen by many celebrities, including Sheikha Mozah; Ukrainian singer, actress, songwriter, winner of the Eurovision Song Contest 2016 - Jamala; singer and the current vocalist for the group A-Studio - Keti Topuria; Russian journalist Evelina Khromtchenko and others. | [] | [
"Career"
] | [
"1983 births",
"Fashion designers from Georgia (country)",
"Tbilisi State Academy of Arts alumni",
"Living people"
] |
projected-56567510-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teona%20Gardapkhadze | Teona Gardapkhadze | References | Teona Gardapkhadze () known as TEYÓ is a Georgian fashion designer based in Tbilisi, Georgia. | Category:1983 births
Category:Fashion designers from Georgia (country)
Category:Tbilisi State Academy of Arts alumni
Category:Living people | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"1983 births",
"Fashion designers from Georgia (country)",
"Tbilisi State Academy of Arts alumni",
"Living people"
] |
projected-56567531-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1898%20Drexel%20Dragons%20football%20team | 1898 Drexel Dragons football team | Introduction | The 1898 Drexel Dragons football team was head coached by D. Leroy Reeves. The team went undefeated, and allowed 0 points against the entire season. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"1898 college football season",
"Drexel Dragons football seasons",
"College football undefeated seasons",
"1898 in sports in Pennsylvania"
] | |
projected-56567531-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1898%20Drexel%20Dragons%20football%20team | 1898 Drexel Dragons football team | References | The 1898 Drexel Dragons football team was head coached by D. Leroy Reeves. The team went undefeated, and allowed 0 points against the entire season. | Drexel
Category:Drexel Dragons football seasons
Category:College football undefeated seasons
Drexel Dragons football | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"1898 college football season",
"Drexel Dragons football seasons",
"College football undefeated seasons",
"1898 in sports in Pennsylvania"
] |
projected-17332816-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Pity%20Party | The Pity Party | Introduction | The Pity Party is a two-piece band from Los Angeles composed of Julie Edwards, aka Heisenflei (simultaneous drums, keyboards, and vocals) and Marc Smollin (guitar, vocals). They are the first band without representation to score a full-page feature in NME. The Pity Party's artwork is created exclusively by Ronald Dzerigian. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Alternative rock groups from California",
"American art rock groups",
"Indie rock musical groups from California",
"Musical groups from Los Angeles",
"Musical groups established in 2004",
"2004 establishments in California"
] | |
projected-17332816-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Pity%20Party | The Pity Party | Biography | The Pity Party is a two-piece band from Los Angeles composed of Julie Edwards, aka Heisenflei (simultaneous drums, keyboards, and vocals) and Marc Smollin (guitar, vocals). They are the first band without representation to score a full-page feature in NME. The Pity Party's artwork is created exclusively by Ronald Dzerigian. | Heisenflei and Smollin met in high school, where they sang in choir together. In 2004 they recorded their first music on a digital 8-track recorder in Heisenflei's studio apartment in Silverlake, California. Their first self-release was The EP (produced by Noah Shain) in 2006; champions of the environment, Heisenflei and Smollin folded and glued 750 CD sleeves made out of recycled cereal boxes. Their second self-released EP, Orgy Porgy (produced by Stevehimself) was recorded at Moonshine Studios. The group used recycled billboard vinyl to create 1,000 CD jackets which were hand sewn and screen printed with six unique images by artist Ronald Dzerigian.
In July 2007, Los Angeles' Indie 103.1FM KDLD featured The Pity Party live in its "Also I Like to Rock" series at The Hammer Museum. They have received attention from members of the band Ozomatli who played "The War Between 8 & 4" on their show Ozolocal on LA's Star 98.7FM KYSR. "Guru of the soon-to-be-great," John Kennedy, has included "H.O.T.S." on his playlist for his highly popular show X-Posure on XFM London.
Additionally, The Pity Party presented RUBBISH, a celebration of trash, at Echo Curio Art Gallery in Echo Park. For the event, The Pity Party produced 100 limited edition EPs with recycled billboard vinyl sleeves. While the band performed, artist Ronald Dzerigian drew a unique image on the sleeve of each distributed CD. | [] | [
"Biography"
] | [
"Alternative rock groups from California",
"American art rock groups",
"Indie rock musical groups from California",
"Musical groups from Los Angeles",
"Musical groups established in 2004",
"2004 establishments in California"
] |
projected-17332816-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Pity%20Party | The Pity Party | Tours | The Pity Party is a two-piece band from Los Angeles composed of Julie Edwards, aka Heisenflei (simultaneous drums, keyboards, and vocals) and Marc Smollin (guitar, vocals). They are the first band without representation to score a full-page feature in NME. The Pity Party's artwork is created exclusively by Ronald Dzerigian. | 2007 w/ The Raveonettes2009 Tour of Tears with The Happy Hollows and Rumspringa (band) | [] | [
"Tours"
] | [
"Alternative rock groups from California",
"American art rock groups",
"Indie rock musical groups from California",
"Musical groups from Los Angeles",
"Musical groups established in 2004",
"2004 establishments in California"
] |
projected-17332816-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Pity%20Party | The Pity Party | Critical Acclaim | The Pity Party is a two-piece band from Los Angeles composed of Julie Edwards, aka Heisenflei (simultaneous drums, keyboards, and vocals) and Marc Smollin (guitar, vocals). They are the first band without representation to score a full-page feature in NME. The Pity Party's artwork is created exclusively by Ronald Dzerigian. | Voted No. 1 MySpace Band (2008) by Supersweet
Voted Best Band in LA (2007) by LA Weekly
Flyer of the Week (July 3, 2008) by LA Weekly's Mark Mauer.Kat Corbett spins "Love Lies" on Los Angeles' KROQ-FM 106.7 Locals Only (November 9, 2008)
"Yours, That Works" named in Best 10 Tracks of 2008 by Time Out LondonWinner of 826LA's Battle of the Bands (2009) | [] | [
"Critical Acclaim"
] | [
"Alternative rock groups from California",
"American art rock groups",
"Indie rock musical groups from California",
"Musical groups from Los Angeles",
"Musical groups established in 2004",
"2004 establishments in California"
] |
projected-17332816-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Pity%20Party | The Pity Party | Discography | The Pity Party is a two-piece band from Los Angeles composed of Julie Edwards, aka Heisenflei (simultaneous drums, keyboards, and vocals) and Marc Smollin (guitar, vocals). They are the first band without representation to score a full-page feature in NME. The Pity Party's artwork is created exclusively by Ronald Dzerigian. | The EP (2006)
Orgy Porgy (2008)
Rubbish (2008) [Limited Edition]
Hotwork EP (2009)
Chickens In Love Compilation (Origami Vinyl, 2010) | [] | [
"Discography"
] | [
"Alternative rock groups from California",
"American art rock groups",
"Indie rock musical groups from California",
"Musical groups from Los Angeles",
"Musical groups established in 2004",
"2004 establishments in California"
] |
projected-17332816-005 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Pity%20Party | The Pity Party | Trivia | The Pity Party is a two-piece band from Los Angeles composed of Julie Edwards, aka Heisenflei (simultaneous drums, keyboards, and vocals) and Marc Smollin (guitar, vocals). They are the first band without representation to score a full-page feature in NME. The Pity Party's artwork is created exclusively by Ronald Dzerigian. | Heisenflei plays drums in two-piece Deap Vally.
Heisenflei's brother is guitarist Greg Edwards from Autolux.
Heisenflei founded a knitting shop in Los Angeles called The Little Knittery.
Heisenflei played drums for The Raveonettes in February 2009.
Heisenflei sings on Nolens Volens, the second album of The Deadly Syndrome. | [] | [
"Trivia"
] | [
"Alternative rock groups from California",
"American art rock groups",
"Indie rock musical groups from California",
"Musical groups from Los Angeles",
"Musical groups established in 2004",
"2004 establishments in California"
] |
projected-56567540-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marnie%20Oursler | Marnie Oursler | Introduction | Marnie Oursler (born in 1979) is an American home builder and television personality. She is the owner and operator of the homebuilding business Marnie Custom Homes, which is featured on the DIY Network show, Big Beach Builds. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"1979 births",
"Living people",
"American construction businesspeople",
"Businesspeople from Maryland",
"East Carolina University alumni",
"Fuqua School of Business alumni",
"People from Calvert County, Maryland"
] | |
projected-56567540-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marnie%20Oursler | Marnie Oursler | Early life and education | Marnie Oursler (born in 1979) is an American home builder and television personality. She is the owner and operator of the homebuilding business Marnie Custom Homes, which is featured on the DIY Network show, Big Beach Builds. | Marnie Oursler was born outside of Washington, D.C. in Prince George's County, Maryland into a family of homebuilders. The tradition began with her great-great grandfather and has been passed down through five successive generations. Her father, Marvin Oursler, owns Marrick Homes in Prince Frederick, Maryland. She attended Northern High School and graduated in 1996. During high school, Oursler spent her free time working at construction sites in the area with her uncles and her brother, Chris. She attended the Naval Academy for one year before transferring to East Carolina University, where she was on the softball team. She proceeded to get her Master's in Business Administration from Duke University's Fuqua School of Business. | [] | [
"Biography",
"Early life and education"
] | [
"1979 births",
"Living people",
"American construction businesspeople",
"Businesspeople from Maryland",
"East Carolina University alumni",
"Fuqua School of Business alumni",
"People from Calvert County, Maryland"
] |
projected-56567540-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marnie%20Oursler | Marnie Oursler | Career | Marnie Oursler (born in 1979) is an American home builder and television personality. She is the owner and operator of the homebuilding business Marnie Custom Homes, which is featured on the DIY Network show, Big Beach Builds. | Oursler bought her first house at the age of 24 in Bethany Beach, Delaware for $240,000 - costing her all of her savings. Unable to afford workers, she renovated the house using skills she obtained from working with her family. Nine months later, she sold the house for $340,000, using the profits to build another beach house. After living in that house for two years, Oursler sold it and built a third house.
Realizing her talent and passion for the homebuilding business, Oursler began tracking real estate patterns in 2007. She approached a couple who had previously asked her about homebuilding at the beach. When the couple agreed to let Oursler be their homebuilder, she quit her job as a real estate agent to start Marnie Custom Homes. | [] | [
"Biography",
"Career"
] | [
"1979 births",
"Living people",
"American construction businesspeople",
"Businesspeople from Maryland",
"East Carolina University alumni",
"Fuqua School of Business alumni",
"People from Calvert County, Maryland"
] |
projected-56567540-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marnie%20Oursler | Marnie Oursler | Television | Marnie Oursler (born in 1979) is an American home builder and television personality. She is the owner and operator of the homebuilding business Marnie Custom Homes, which is featured on the DIY Network show, Big Beach Builds. | Oursler is the host of DIY Network's show Big Beach Builds. The first season aired in March of 2016 and the second season aired in the spring of 2018. On the show, Oursler makes fantasy beach homes on the coast of Delaware a reality by transforming dated houses into custom properties.
She was also the host of the HGTV Dream Home 2018 alongside fellow television personality Brian Patrick Flynn. | [] | [
"Biography",
"Television"
] | [
"1979 births",
"Living people",
"American construction businesspeople",
"Businesspeople from Maryland",
"East Carolina University alumni",
"Fuqua School of Business alumni",
"People from Calvert County, Maryland"
] |
projected-56567540-005 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marnie%20Oursler | Marnie Oursler | Awards and Recognition | Marnie Oursler (born in 1979) is an American home builder and television personality. She is the owner and operator of the homebuilding business Marnie Custom Homes, which is featured on the DIY Network show, Big Beach Builds. | 2012: Spokesperson for 84 Lumber's "We Build American" Initiative
2013: 40 Under 40, Professional Builder magazine
2013: Strong, Smart, Bold Award, Girls, Inc. of Delaware
2013: Gold Stevie Award, Entrepreneur of the Year, Stevie Awards for Women in Business
Construction Advisory Board of Delaware Technical Community College
Best of Houzz 2015, Design
Member, Board of Advisors for the Center of Entrepreneurship and Innovation at The Fuqua School of Business at Duke University | [] | [
"Awards and Recognition"
] | [
"1979 births",
"Living people",
"American construction businesspeople",
"Businesspeople from Maryland",
"East Carolina University alumni",
"Fuqua School of Business alumni",
"People from Calvert County, Maryland"
] |
projected-56567540-006 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marnie%20Oursler | Marnie Oursler | References | Marnie Oursler (born in 1979) is an American home builder and television personality. She is the owner and operator of the homebuilding business Marnie Custom Homes, which is featured on the DIY Network show, Big Beach Builds. | Category:1979 births
Category:Living people
Category:American construction businesspeople
Category:Businesspeople from Maryland
Category:East Carolina University alumni
Category:Fuqua School of Business alumni
Category:People from Calvert County, Maryland | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"1979 births",
"Living people",
"American construction businesspeople",
"Businesspeople from Maryland",
"East Carolina University alumni",
"Fuqua School of Business alumni",
"People from Calvert County, Maryland"
] |
projected-20467855-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pataura%2C%20Nepal | Pataura, Nepal | Introduction | Pataura is a village development committee in Rautahat District in the Narayani Zone of south-eastern Nepal. At the time of the 1991 Nepal census it had a population of 4521 people living in 794 individual households. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Populated places in Rautahat District"
] | |
projected-20467855-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pataura%2C%20Nepal | Pataura, Nepal | See also | Pataura is a village development committee in Rautahat District in the Narayani Zone of south-eastern Nepal. At the time of the 1991 Nepal census it had a population of 4521 people living in 794 individual households. | Pataura, a village in Jaunpur, India
Ajay Verma lives here. He is very known popular here. | [] | [
"See also"
] | [
"Populated places in Rautahat District"
] |
projected-20467855-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pataura%2C%20Nepal | Pataura, Nepal | References | Pataura is a village development committee in Rautahat District in the Narayani Zone of south-eastern Nepal. At the time of the 1991 Nepal census it had a population of 4521 people living in 794 individual households. | Category:Populated places in Rautahat District | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Populated places in Rautahat District"
] |
projected-20467864-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pathara%20Budharampur | Pathara Budharampur | Introduction | Pathara Budharampur is a village development committee in Rautahat District in the Narayani Zone of south-eastern Nepal. At the time of the 1991 Nepal census it had a population of 4146 people living in 736 individual households. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Populated places in Rautahat District"
] | |
projected-20467864-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pathara%20Budharampur | Pathara Budharampur | References | Pathara Budharampur is a village development committee in Rautahat District in the Narayani Zone of south-eastern Nepal. At the time of the 1991 Nepal census it had a population of 4146 people living in 736 individual households. | Category:Populated places in Rautahat District | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Populated places in Rautahat District"
] |
projected-17332831-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2486%20Mets%C3%A4hovi | 2486 Metsähovi | Introduction | 2486 Metsähovi, provisional designation , is a stony asteroid and synchronous binary system from the inner regions of the asteroid belt, approximately 10 kilometers in diameter. It was discovered on 22 March 1939, by Finnish astronomer Yrjö Väisälä at the Turku Observatory. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Background asteroids",
"Discoveries by Yrjö Väisälä",
"Minor planets named for places",
"Named minor planets",
"Binary asteroids",
"Astronomical objects discovered in 1939"
] | |
projected-17332831-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2486%20Mets%C3%A4hovi | 2486 Metsähovi | Orbit and classification | 2486 Metsähovi, provisional designation , is a stony asteroid and synchronous binary system from the inner regions of the asteroid belt, approximately 10 kilometers in diameter. It was discovered on 22 March 1939, by Finnish astronomer Yrjö Väisälä at the Turku Observatory. | Metsähovi orbits the Sun at a distance of 2.1–2.4 AU once every 3 years and 5 months (1,248 days). Its orbit has an eccentricity of 0.08 and an inclination of 8° with respect to the ecliptic. | [] | [
"Orbit and classification"
] | [
"Background asteroids",
"Discoveries by Yrjö Väisälä",
"Minor planets named for places",
"Named minor planets",
"Binary asteroids",
"Astronomical objects discovered in 1939"
] |