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projected-20467712-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Matsari | Matsari | References | Matsari (मत्सरी) is a village of Durga Bhagwati rural municipality in Rautahat District in the Narayani Zone of south-eastern Nepal. It is one of the highly famous village of Maithil Brahmins (e.g. Jha, Mishra,Thakur) in Nepal.
The village takes its name from "matsa" which means fish. At the time of the 1991 Nepal census, there was a population of 3,157 people living in 564 individual households. The literacy of this village is higher than any of the others in the country. The village is situated at the bank of Bagmati river. It lies around 8 kilometers north of the district headquarters Gaur. Most of the people of the village are employed in the "Government Service" of Nepal. "Durga-puja" of "Dashara" is very famous here, many people from various villages show up to observe the festival.
Bhojpuri, Bajika, and Maithili are the languages spoken in the village. | Category:Populated places in Rautahat District | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Populated places in Rautahat District"
] |
projected-20467720-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mithuawa | Mithuawa | Introduction | Mithuawa is a village development committee in Rautahat District in the Narayani Zone of south-eastern Nepal. At the time of the 1991 Nepal census it had a population of 2536 people living in 470 individual households. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Populated places in Rautahat District"
] | |
projected-20467720-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mithuawa | Mithuawa | References | Mithuawa is a village development committee in Rautahat District in the Narayani Zone of south-eastern Nepal. At the time of the 1991 Nepal census it had a population of 2536 people living in 470 individual households. | Category:Populated places in Rautahat District | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Populated places in Rautahat District"
] |
projected-44498271-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Real%20Colegio%20de%20Santa%20Potenciana | Real Colegio de Santa Potenciana | Introduction | The Santa Potenciana College or Colegio de Santa Potenciana was the first school for girls established in 1589 in the Philippines. It was intended to provide shelter for the orphans of the military personnel. The building was ruined by the 1645 earthquake. The site was later used for the construction of the Palacio del Gobernador (which was destroyed by the 1863 earthquake). At present, the Philippine Veterans Building, Insurance Center Building, and the Philippine National Red Cross Main Office stand on its former site. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Education in Intramuros",
"Girls' schools in the Philippines",
"Defunct universities and colleges in the Philippines",
"Former buildings and structures in Manila",
"1589 establishments in the Spanish Empire"
] | |
projected-44498271-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Real%20Colegio%20de%20Santa%20Potenciana | Real Colegio de Santa Potenciana | History | The Santa Potenciana College or Colegio de Santa Potenciana was the first school for girls established in 1589 in the Philippines. It was intended to provide shelter for the orphans of the military personnel. The building was ruined by the 1645 earthquake. The site was later used for the construction of the Palacio del Gobernador (which was destroyed by the 1863 earthquake). At present, the Philippine Veterans Building, Insurance Center Building, and the Philippine National Red Cross Main Office stand on its former site. | The Royal College of Santa Potenciana was established in 1589 by Philip II - urging the Manila bishop, Domingo de Salazar, OP and the Franciscans. In 1592, the school drew its charter, cited the main reason for its foundation; the lack of educational opportunity for girls. In 1594, the school was opened to the public. Capitán Luis de Vivanco donated the original site for the college. Although employing stone construction as anticipation for strong earthquakes, the 1645 earthquake left the College of Santa Potenciana in a ruined state. In the 17th century, the school was transferred to the corner of Calle Cabildo and Calle Santa Potenciana. By the end of the 18th century, the Palacio del Gobernador was constructed, incorporating the ruins of College of Santa Potenciana.
Government offices were moved into the new building of College of Santa Potenciana in 1866 due to the destruction of Palacio del Gobernador by the 1863 earthquake. Due to that circumstance, the enrollment rate in the College of Santa Potenciana dropped - with the remaining student boarders transfer to Colegio de Sta. Isabel. Later on, these two institutions were merged; thus, paved the way for the dissolution of the College of Santa Potenciana.
The new building of College of Santa Potenciana became the official governor-general's palace. However, the incoming governor-general decided to transfer to Malacañang Palace in San Miguel, Manila. The building was, then, turned over to the Segundo Cabo, the second-in-command of the military after the governor-general. It housed the Subinspecciones de Infantería, Caballería, Carabineros and the Guardia Civil. The building was destroyed by the 1880 earthquake. | [] | [
"History"
] | [
"Education in Intramuros",
"Girls' schools in the Philippines",
"Defunct universities and colleges in the Philippines",
"Former buildings and structures in Manila",
"1589 establishments in the Spanish Empire"
] |
projected-44498271-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Real%20Colegio%20de%20Santa%20Potenciana | Real Colegio de Santa Potenciana | Present condition | The Santa Potenciana College or Colegio de Santa Potenciana was the first school for girls established in 1589 in the Philippines. It was intended to provide shelter for the orphans of the military personnel. The building was ruined by the 1645 earthquake. The site was later used for the construction of the Palacio del Gobernador (which was destroyed by the 1863 earthquake). At present, the Philippine Veterans Building, Insurance Center Building, and the Philippine National Red Cross Main Office stand on its former site. | Philippine Veterans Bank and the Red Cross Main Building presently occupy the former site of Santa Potenciana and the National Commission for Culture and the Arts building the 19th-century site. | [] | [
"Present condition"
] | [
"Education in Intramuros",
"Girls' schools in the Philippines",
"Defunct universities and colleges in the Philippines",
"Former buildings and structures in Manila",
"1589 establishments in the Spanish Empire"
] |
projected-44498271-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Real%20Colegio%20de%20Santa%20Potenciana | Real Colegio de Santa Potenciana | References | The Santa Potenciana College or Colegio de Santa Potenciana was the first school for girls established in 1589 in the Philippines. It was intended to provide shelter for the orphans of the military personnel. The building was ruined by the 1645 earthquake. The site was later used for the construction of the Palacio del Gobernador (which was destroyed by the 1863 earthquake). At present, the Philippine Veterans Building, Insurance Center Building, and the Philippine National Red Cross Main Office stand on its former site. | Category:Education in Intramuros
Category:Girls' schools in the Philippines
Category:Defunct universities and colleges in the Philippines
Category:Former buildings and structures in Manila
Category:1589 establishments in the Spanish Empire | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Education in Intramuros",
"Girls' schools in the Philippines",
"Defunct universities and colleges in the Philippines",
"Former buildings and structures in Manila",
"1589 establishments in the Spanish Empire"
] |
projected-44498274-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/May%201946%20French%20constitutional%20referendum%20in%20Guinea | May 1946 French constitutional referendum in Guinea | Introduction | A constitutional referendum was held in Guinea on 5 May 1946 as part of the wider French constitutional referendum. The proposed new constitution was rejected by 51% of voters in the territory, and 53% of voters overall. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"1946 referendums",
"May 1946 events in Africa",
"Referendums in Guinea",
"1946 in French Guinea",
"Constitutional referendums in France"
] | |
projected-44498274-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/May%201946%20French%20constitutional%20referendum%20in%20Guinea | May 1946 French constitutional referendum in Guinea | References | A constitutional referendum was held in Guinea on 5 May 1946 as part of the wider French constitutional referendum. The proposed new constitution was rejected by 51% of voters in the territory, and 53% of voters overall. | Category:1946 referendums
Category:May 1946 events in Africa
1946
Category:1946 in French Guinea
Category:Constitutional referendums in France | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"1946 referendums",
"May 1946 events in Africa",
"Referendums in Guinea",
"1946 in French Guinea",
"Constitutional referendums in France"
] |
projected-17332518-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marisa%20Sannia | Marisa Sannia | Introduction | Marisa Sannia (February 15, 1947 in Iglesias, Sardinia, Italy – April 14, 2008 in Cagliari, Sardinia, Italy) was an Italian singer from the island of Sardinia. She started her career with success in pop music in the sixties. She later became an interpreter of songs, composer, an actress and then finally an artistic researcher. She is primarily noted for being a singer in the Sardinian language, her native tongue.
Sannia died in Cagliari at the age of 61 on April 14, 2008. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"1947 births",
"2008 deaths",
"People from the Province of South Sardinia",
"Music in Sardinia",
"20th-century Italian women singers",
"21st-century Italian women singers",
"Sardinian women"
] | |
projected-17332518-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marisa%20Sannia | Marisa Sannia | Biography | Marisa Sannia (February 15, 1947 in Iglesias, Sardinia, Italy – April 14, 2008 in Cagliari, Sardinia, Italy) was an Italian singer from the island of Sardinia. She started her career with success in pop music in the sixties. She later became an interpreter of songs, composer, an actress and then finally an artistic researcher. She is primarily noted for being a singer in the Sardinian language, her native tongue.
Sannia died in Cagliari at the age of 61 on April 14, 2008. | Having been a basketball player with good level in Cus Cagliari (which also called the national), Marisa Sannia began her musical career in the early sixties, winning a competition for new items that allowed her to get a record deal with the Cetra Fonit.
Her talent was spotted by Sergio Endrigo and Luis Enriquez Bacalov that sought to tap into composing a piece for her debut recording "All or nothing" and promoting its participation in 1967, on television as "Scala Reale" and "Settevoci".
The recognition received by the television appearances allowed her to participate the same year two musicarelli: "Kids of yellow flag", "Stasera mi butto", alongside Giancarlo Giannini.
After a few small successes (A postcard, Be proud of me - award of record criticism), and participation in Festivalbar 1967 where she ranked in the third round for young artists, Sannia achieved wide popularity in 1968 when she finished second in the Sanremo Music Festival with the song "Casa Bianca", written by Don Backy and sung along with Ornella Vanoni, who became a great success, so as to be inserted in the soundtrack of the film "Alfredo Alfredo", by Pietro Germi.
After the success Sanremo, Sannia published her first album. Followed by several successful songs: "A tear", "the company" (composed by Carlo Donida and Mogol and resumed in 1976 by Lucio Battisti and then in 2007 by Vasco Rossi), "Love is a dove", "How sweet the evening tonight" and "my land".
Sannia also worked in film and participated in various events such as singing Canzonissima (1972, inter alia with a song by Nino Tristan, "A Kite"), the International Festival of Light Music of Venice, A Song for Europe in Switzerland and again in 1970 in San Remo in 1971 and 1984.
In the early seventies she devoted herself to theater by participating in two musicals (Cain and Abel and stories suburbs) very successful alongside Tony Cucchiara and in some work directed by Giorgio Albertazzi. Still under the wing of Sergio Endrigo, she also participated in the album The Ark, a collection of songs by Vinicius de Moraes dedicated to children. In 1973 she published a disc with songs taken from the Walt Disney movie entitled Sannia Wonderland.
In 1976 her first songwriting collection was published with the interesting title "The pasta sheet".
In the early eighties Sannia also appeared in television drama "George Sand" with Albertazzi, Anna Proclemer and Paola Borboni and participated in the film by Pupi Avati "Help me to dream". In 1984 she returned to Sanremo with "love Love" that followed a long period of isolation from the scene.
In 1993 she returned with a disc in the Sardinian language in which the verses of music Antioco Casula, Sardinian poet active in the first half of the twentieth century, entitled . Sannia later returned to the theater with Albertazzi in "memories of Adriano" - Portrait of an entry of 1995.
In 1997 recorded the new disc Melagranàda in collaboration with the contemporary poet writer Francesco Masala in a collection from the Poesias in duas limbas. In 2002 she participated in "songs for you", a tribute to Sergio Endrigo, interpreting "Hands holes".
In 2003 she published a third collection in the Sardinian language, and "Nanas and Janas", with new words and music written by herself. This research is poetic and musical recital summarized in "Songs between two languages on the way of poetry" presented in important exhibitions in Italy and abroad as The Night of the Poets all'anfiteatro Nora Roman, at Taormina Film Festival and as part of the exhibition Rome Meets the World . In January 2006 she took part in the concert tribute to Sergio Endrigo, entitled "Hello Poet" and collected in a CD / DVD, which interprets "The White Rose" and "How ever tonight."
Her last work, posthumously published and distributed (Felmay - Egea distributions) in November 2008 (preview Premio Tenco) and Sannia "Rosa de papel" is dedicated to the life and poetry of Federico García Lorca. This is a collection of 12 songs, and is particularly dear to the singer/Songwriter who has put to music the poems of the great poet of youth. Among the songs are some real musical gems as: "El nino mudo", "Rosa de papel", "Laberytos y espeyos", "Hi cerrado my balcon".
She also won the Festival della Canzone d'Autore for Children. Sannia was interested in the work of other artists. And some of her own compositions have been covered also in Spain by the singer Ester Formosa.
Due to a sudden and serious illness Sannia died April 14, 2008. In August 2008, the "Maria Carta" award was established in her memory. In January 2009, the artist Maria Lai dedicated an exhibition of her works to Sannia. | [] | [
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"2008 deaths",
"People from the Province of South Sardinia",
"Music in Sardinia",
"20th-century Italian women singers",
"21st-century Italian women singers",
"Sardinian women"
] |
projected-17332518-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marisa%20Sannia | Marisa Sannia | Discography | Marisa Sannia (February 15, 1947 in Iglesias, Sardinia, Italy – April 14, 2008 in Cagliari, Sardinia, Italy) was an Italian singer from the island of Sardinia. She started her career with success in pop music in the sixties. She later became an interpreter of songs, composer, an actress and then finally an artistic researcher. She is primarily noted for being a singer in the Sardinian language, her native tongue.
Sannia died in Cagliari at the age of 61 on April 14, 2008. | Marisa Sannia (Fonit Cetra, 1968)
Marisa Sannia canta Sergio Endrigo e le sue canzoni (CGD, 1970)
Marisa nel paese delle meraviglie (EMI Italiana, 1973)
La pasta scotta (CBS, 1976)
(Tekno Record, 1993)
Melagranàda (Nar, 1997)
Nanas e janas (Nar, 2003).
Rosa de papel (Felmay) (2008) | [] | [
"Discography"
] | [
"1947 births",
"2008 deaths",
"People from the Province of South Sardinia",
"Music in Sardinia",
"20th-century Italian women singers",
"21st-century Italian women singers",
"Sardinian women"
] |
projected-17332518-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marisa%20Sannia | Marisa Sannia | Filmography | Marisa Sannia (February 15, 1947 in Iglesias, Sardinia, Italy – April 14, 2008 in Cagliari, Sardinia, Italy) was an Italian singer from the island of Sardinia. She started her career with success in pop music in the sixties. She later became an interpreter of songs, composer, an actress and then finally an artistic researcher. She is primarily noted for being a singer in the Sardinian language, her native tongue.
Sannia died in Cagliari at the age of 61 on April 14, 2008. | 1967 - I ragazzi di Bandiera Gialla, directed by Mariano Laurenti | [] | [
"Filmography"
] | [
"1947 births",
"2008 deaths",
"People from the Province of South Sardinia",
"Music in Sardinia",
"20th-century Italian women singers",
"21st-century Italian women singers",
"Sardinian women"
] |
projected-23574992-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public%20image%20of%20Rudy%20Giuliani | Public image of Rudy Giuliani | Introduction | Mayor of New York City from 1994 to 2001, and a candidate for President of the United States in 2008, Rudy Giuliani was both glorified and criticized in the public sphere for his past actions. Many credited him with reducing crime and improving the city's economy and lauded his leadership during the September 11, 2001 attacks and his coordination of the emergency response in the immediate aftermath. Others disapproved of his policies and political positions as Mayor and candidate and criticized the perceived glorification of his role in the aftermath of 9/11 during the 2008 campaign.
Poll numbers throughout 2007 suggested that Giuliani was the front-runner among other Republican candidates for the party's 2008 presidential nomination. Although the status fell with his looming exit from the race, Giuliani continued to be perceived as strong on terrorism. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Rudy Giuliani",
"Public image of American politicians"
] | |
projected-23574992-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public%20image%20of%20Rudy%20Giuliani | Public image of Rudy Giuliani | Philosophy | Mayor of New York City from 1994 to 2001, and a candidate for President of the United States in 2008, Rudy Giuliani was both glorified and criticized in the public sphere for his past actions. Many credited him with reducing crime and improving the city's economy and lauded his leadership during the September 11, 2001 attacks and his coordination of the emergency response in the immediate aftermath. Others disapproved of his policies and political positions as Mayor and candidate and criticized the perceived glorification of his role in the aftermath of 9/11 during the 2008 campaign.
Poll numbers throughout 2007 suggested that Giuliani was the front-runner among other Republican candidates for the party's 2008 presidential nomination. Although the status fell with his looming exit from the race, Giuliani continued to be perceived as strong on terrorism. | Giuliani is a Roman Catholic who is pro-choice, supports same-sex civil unions, and embryonic stem cell research. As a candidate in 2008, Giuliani did not stray from his stances, remarking that it is better to make abortion rare and increase the number of adoptions rather than to criminalize the practice. As mayor, the abortion rate in New York City dropped by 16% in comparison to the 12% drop nationally. Adoptions raised by 133% while he was mayor. Some social conservatives accepted this as a reason for their support of Giuliani, contending that his position on abortion was the most pragmatic view taken by an anti-abortion candidate in the 2008 election. They also approved of his pledge as a presidential candidate, that he would nominate Supreme Court Justices in the mold of John Roberts, Samuel Alito, Antonin Scalia, and Anthony Kennedy (all Ronald Reagan appointees or former colleagues of Giuliani's from the Reagan Justice Department).
But some anti-abortion groups, such as the Republican National Coalition for Life, strongly opposed Giuliani's positions and campaigns. Some Catholic archbishops came forward arguing that his views on abortion were not consistent with the teachings of the Catholic Church. Joseph Cella, president of a Catholic advocacy group in Michigan stated, "It's becoming ever more clear that Rudy Giuliani suffers from John Kerry syndrome. It's just a matter of time before more bishops step up, because he shares the identical position on abortion as John Kerry and Hillary Clinton." Giuliani declined to discuss his religion when asked if he considered himself a "traditional, practicing Roman Catholic." Giuliani stated that his religion is a personal matter and that there should not be any religious test for public office. He explained further stating:
James Dobson, an influential Christian conservative leader, wrote that he could not fathom Giuliani's stance on the abortion issue and he would not vote for him if he were the Republican presidential nominee. He also cited Giuliani's three marriages and the former mayor's support for civil unions for gays as reasons why he could not support the candidate. Dobson wrote, "I cannot, and will not, vote for Rudy Giuliani in 2008. It is an irrevocable decision."
However, conservative political pundit George Will wrote near the end of Giuliani's time as mayor that he had run the most conservative government in America in the last 50 or 60 years. An August 2006 poll from Rasmussen Reports showed that the American public perceives Giuliani overall to be a moderate. Specifically, of those polled, 36% classified him as a moderate, 29% as a conservative, and 15% as a liberal, with the remaining 20% being unsure. | [] | [
"Philosophy"
] | [
"Rudy Giuliani",
"Public image of American politicians"
] |
projected-23574992-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public%20image%20of%20Rudy%20Giuliani | Public image of Rudy Giuliani | Family life | Mayor of New York City from 1994 to 2001, and a candidate for President of the United States in 2008, Rudy Giuliani was both glorified and criticized in the public sphere for his past actions. Many credited him with reducing crime and improving the city's economy and lauded his leadership during the September 11, 2001 attacks and his coordination of the emergency response in the immediate aftermath. Others disapproved of his policies and political positions as Mayor and candidate and criticized the perceived glorification of his role in the aftermath of 9/11 during the 2008 campaign.
Poll numbers throughout 2007 suggested that Giuliani was the front-runner among other Republican candidates for the party's 2008 presidential nomination. Although the status fell with his looming exit from the race, Giuliani continued to be perceived as strong on terrorism. | Giuliani has been married three times. The dissolution of his marriage with Donna Hanover was detailed extensively in the news media. The circumstances of the separation along with his previous marriage to his second cousin also caused problems for Giuliani during his presidential run. At a public appearance in Derry, New Hampshire on August 16, 2007 an audience member, Katherine Prudhomme-O'Brien asked him, "[H]ow you could expect the loyal following of Americans when you are not getting it from your own family?"
Giuliani replied, "I love my family very, very much and will do anything for them. ... The best thing I can say is kind of, 'Leave my family alone, just like I'll leave your family alone.' " | [] | [
"Family life"
] | [
"Rudy Giuliani",
"Public image of American politicians"
] |
projected-23574992-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public%20image%20of%20Rudy%20Giuliani | Public image of Rudy Giuliani | Leadership | Mayor of New York City from 1994 to 2001, and a candidate for President of the United States in 2008, Rudy Giuliani was both glorified and criticized in the public sphere for his past actions. Many credited him with reducing crime and improving the city's economy and lauded his leadership during the September 11, 2001 attacks and his coordination of the emergency response in the immediate aftermath. Others disapproved of his policies and political positions as Mayor and candidate and criticized the perceived glorification of his role in the aftermath of 9/11 during the 2008 campaign.
Poll numbers throughout 2007 suggested that Giuliani was the front-runner among other Republican candidates for the party's 2008 presidential nomination. Although the status fell with his looming exit from the race, Giuliani continued to be perceived as strong on terrorism. | Supporters of Giuliani claim that while he was mayor of New York he displayed leadership skills in the aftermath of the World Trade Center Attacks. In 2002, Giuliani released a book called Leadership in which he gave techniques that he used while he was mayor. According to a Gallup Poll, taken February 9–11 2007, respondents who supported Giuliani for president were asked why they supported him. The results showed that 13% of supporters did so because of Giuliani's strong leadership and 53% did so because of leadership related topics such as time as mayor and handling of 9/11. Another poll taken by Marist, showed that 42% of Giuliani supporters believed that leadership is the most important quality for a candidate, this is compared to 34% of McCain supporters who believed the same.
However, Giuliani also has been criticized by vocal opponents from his mayoral days, homing in on Giuliani's support for the NYPD during the racially charged cases of Abner Louima and Amadou Diallo and his crackdown on porn shops in Times Square. In November 2006, civil-rights lawyer and frequent Giuliani critic Norman Siegel pledged to "swift boat" the former Mayor by bringing attention to these and other controversies.
A CNN/Opinion Research Corp. poll conducted November 28, 2007 found that in the state of Florida, where Giuliani campaigned most often during his presidential campaign, 53% of voters found Giuliani to be the best candidate to fight the War on Terrorism. 33% of the Florida voters found Giuliani to be the best to deal with the Iraq conflict and 34% viewed him as the best candidate concerning economic issues. | [] | [
"Leadership"
] | [
"Rudy Giuliani",
"Public image of American politicians"
] |
projected-23574992-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public%20image%20of%20Rudy%20Giuliani | Public image of Rudy Giuliani | Crime record | Mayor of New York City from 1994 to 2001, and a candidate for President of the United States in 2008, Rudy Giuliani was both glorified and criticized in the public sphere for his past actions. Many credited him with reducing crime and improving the city's economy and lauded his leadership during the September 11, 2001 attacks and his coordination of the emergency response in the immediate aftermath. Others disapproved of his policies and political positions as Mayor and candidate and criticized the perceived glorification of his role in the aftermath of 9/11 during the 2008 campaign.
Poll numbers throughout 2007 suggested that Giuliani was the front-runner among other Republican candidates for the party's 2008 presidential nomination. Although the status fell with his looming exit from the race, Giuliani continued to be perceived as strong on terrorism. | At the time Giuliani became Mayor, 2,000 murders occurred every year and 11,000 crimes occurred every week in New York City. With Giuliani as the mayor the crime rate dropped by 56% and is now considered one of the safest big cities in the country. Supporters of Giuliani contend that this is evidence of his leadership skills and efficiency.
Statistics show that between 1993 and 1997 the decrease New York City crime accounted for 25% of the nation's overall crime decrease.
Giuliani spokeswoman Maria Comella said, "Mayor Giuliani successfully worked to get guns out of the hands of criminals in order to transform a city out of control. By being tough on crime and enforcing the laws on the books, New York City's murder rate was cut by 66 percent."
However, the FBI warned against drawing broad conclusions from the decrease in crime. "These rough rankings provide no insight into the numerous variables that mold crime in a particular city. Consequently they lead to simplistic and/or incomplete analyses that often create misleading perceptions." | [] | [
"Leadership",
"Crime record"
] | [
"Rudy Giuliani",
"Public image of American politicians"
] |
projected-23574992-005 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public%20image%20of%20Rudy%20Giuliani | Public image of Rudy Giuliani | 9/11 | Mayor of New York City from 1994 to 2001, and a candidate for President of the United States in 2008, Rudy Giuliani was both glorified and criticized in the public sphere for his past actions. Many credited him with reducing crime and improving the city's economy and lauded his leadership during the September 11, 2001 attacks and his coordination of the emergency response in the immediate aftermath. Others disapproved of his policies and political positions as Mayor and candidate and criticized the perceived glorification of his role in the aftermath of 9/11 during the 2008 campaign.
Poll numbers throughout 2007 suggested that Giuliani was the front-runner among other Republican candidates for the party's 2008 presidential nomination. Although the status fell with his looming exit from the race, Giuliani continued to be perceived as strong on terrorism. | Giuliani is best known for his leadership role during the September 11 attacks. In the aftermath of the attacks, Giuliani gained the moniker "America's Mayor" and was named Time Magazine Person of the Year in 2001. His campaign used this image of leadership during crisis to drive his presidential campaign. Because of this, however, he was sometimes criticized and often parodied for over-emphasizing the importance of 9/11 and terrorism-related issues while campaigning. Joe Biden famously remarked of Giuliani, "There's only three things he mentions in a sentence – a noun, a verb, and 9/11.", and Comedy Central's The Daily Show had a recurring animation with an anthropomorphized "9" and "11" that played when lampooning the former mayor's 9/11 use. A BBC associate said, "Mr Giuliani's appeal as the man who led New York through the terrorist attacks is occasionally over-emphasised in his campaign."
The International Association of Fire Fighters issued a letter in 2007, accusing Giuliani of "egregious acts" against the 343 firemen who had died in the September 11th attacks. The letter asserted that Giuliani rushed to conclude the recovery effort once gold and silver had been recovered from World Trade Center vaults and thereby prevented the remains of many victims from being recovered: "Mayor Giuliani's actions meant that fire fighters and citizens who perished would either remain buried at Ground Zero forever, with no closure for families, or be removed like garbage and deposited at the Fresh Kills Landfill." The Giuliani campaign stated that the union was politically motivated from tough contract negotiations from Giuliani's second term as mayor and quoted a retired firefighter, Lee Ielphi (a father of 9–11 victim who was called to duty as a firefighter that day), saying "Firefighters have no greater friend and supporter than Rudy Giuliani." The union denied political motivation for the criticism. Jim Riches, an official at a firefighters' union and the father of a fallen Ground Zero firefighter, said, "We have all the UFA, the UFOA, and the fire members are all behind us – the International Association of Fire Fighters. ... And we're going to be out there today to let everybody know that he's not the hero that he says he is." The unions' complaints focus on the malfunctioning radios used by the fire department on September 11, 2001 and what they claim was a lack of coordination at the Ground Zero site.
In response to this image, Giuliani stated at a presidential debate that he "...would like people to look at my whole record. Long before September 11, 2001 ... the reason that I believe I'm qualified to be president of the United States is not because of September 11th, 2001. It's because I've been tested ... and I got very, very remarkable results. And that is the evaluation of other people, not me." | [] | [
"Leadership",
"9/11"
] | [
"Rudy Giuliani",
"Public image of American politicians"
] |
projected-23574992-006 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public%20image%20of%20Rudy%20Giuliani | Public image of Rudy Giuliani | Consideration for Secretary of State in Trump Administration | Mayor of New York City from 1994 to 2001, and a candidate for President of the United States in 2008, Rudy Giuliani was both glorified and criticized in the public sphere for his past actions. Many credited him with reducing crime and improving the city's economy and lauded his leadership during the September 11, 2001 attacks and his coordination of the emergency response in the immediate aftermath. Others disapproved of his policies and political positions as Mayor and candidate and criticized the perceived glorification of his role in the aftermath of 9/11 during the 2008 campaign.
Poll numbers throughout 2007 suggested that Giuliani was the front-runner among other Republican candidates for the party's 2008 presidential nomination. Although the status fell with his looming exit from the race, Giuliani continued to be perceived as strong on terrorism. | In November 2016, he was under consideration for Secretary of State in the Trump Administration. In terms of public image, he has received negative press for ties to foreign governments and foreign business activities. | [] | [
"Consideration for Secretary of State in Trump Administration"
] | [
"Rudy Giuliani",
"Public image of American politicians"
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projected-23574992-007 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public%20image%20of%20Rudy%20Giuliani | Public image of Rudy Giuliani | Cultural depictions | Mayor of New York City from 1994 to 2001, and a candidate for President of the United States in 2008, Rudy Giuliani was both glorified and criticized in the public sphere for his past actions. Many credited him with reducing crime and improving the city's economy and lauded his leadership during the September 11, 2001 attacks and his coordination of the emergency response in the immediate aftermath. Others disapproved of his policies and political positions as Mayor and candidate and criticized the perceived glorification of his role in the aftermath of 9/11 during the 2008 campaign.
Poll numbers throughout 2007 suggested that Giuliani was the front-runner among other Republican candidates for the party's 2008 presidential nomination. Although the status fell with his looming exit from the race, Giuliani continued to be perceived as strong on terrorism. | Giuliani is known for dressing in drag. He did so on three occasions as Mayor of New York City between 1997 and 2000. Two of the appearances were for public roasts, and another was during an appearance on Saturday Night Live. During the 2000 appearance, Giuliani flirted with real estate mogul Donald Trump. Giuliani adviser Elliot Cuker claimed to have persuaded the politician to dress in drag in order to help him with the gay vote.<ref>Peter J. Boyer, "Mayberry Man," "The New Yorker, August 20, 2007, p. 53</ref>
Giuliani was supposed to appear as himself on a May 2007 episode of The Simpsons entitled "Stop or My Dog Will Shoot", but his role was cut due to his presidential campaign. However, a "Simpsonized" image of the former Mayor was released for promotional purposes.
Giuliani was portrayed in the November 2019 South Park episode "Season Finale". He is referred to as a "treasonous pig" and not a "good lawyer".
Giuliani appeared in the 2020 film Borat Subsequent Moviefilm. His scene in the mockumentary was widely reported in multiple news sources, as Giuliani is shown reclining on a bed with his hands down the front of his pants while in a hotel room with an actress posing as a news reporter. Multiple sources reported on Giuliani's actions in the scene, with The Guardian calling it a "compromising scene". Giuliani denied any wrongdoing, claiming that the scene with him was "a complete fabrication" and that he had only been tucking in his shirt.
After the Four Seasons Total Landscaping press conference, Giuliani was portrayed by Saturday Night Live''s Kate McKinnon on the show's "Weekend Update" news segment. | [
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"Giuliani on The Simpsons.png"
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] | [
"Rudy Giuliani",
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projected-23574992-008 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public%20image%20of%20Rudy%20Giuliani | Public image of Rudy Giuliani | References | Mayor of New York City from 1994 to 2001, and a candidate for President of the United States in 2008, Rudy Giuliani was both glorified and criticized in the public sphere for his past actions. Many credited him with reducing crime and improving the city's economy and lauded his leadership during the September 11, 2001 attacks and his coordination of the emergency response in the immediate aftermath. Others disapproved of his policies and political positions as Mayor and candidate and criticized the perceived glorification of his role in the aftermath of 9/11 during the 2008 campaign.
Poll numbers throughout 2007 suggested that Giuliani was the front-runner among other Republican candidates for the party's 2008 presidential nomination. Although the status fell with his looming exit from the race, Giuliani continued to be perceived as strong on terrorism. | Category:Rudy Giuliani
Giuliani, Rudy | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Rudy Giuliani",
"Public image of American politicians"
] |
projected-44498280-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/October%201946%20French%20constitutional%20referendum%20in%20Guinea | October 1946 French constitutional referendum in Guinea | Introduction | A constitutional referendum was held in Guinea on 13 October 1946 as part of the wider French constitutional referendum. Although the proposed new constitution was rejected by 54% of voters in the territory, it was approved 53% of voters overall. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"1946 referendums",
"October 1946 events in Africa",
"Referendums in Guinea",
"1946 in French Guinea",
"Constitutional referendums in France"
] | |
projected-44498280-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/October%201946%20French%20constitutional%20referendum%20in%20Guinea | October 1946 French constitutional referendum in Guinea | References | A constitutional referendum was held in Guinea on 13 October 1946 as part of the wider French constitutional referendum. Although the proposed new constitution was rejected by 54% of voters in the territory, it was approved 53% of voters overall. | Category:1946 referendums
Category:October 1946 events in Africa
1946
Category:1946 in French Guinea
Category:Constitutional referendums in France | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"1946 referendums",
"October 1946 events in Africa",
"Referendums in Guinea",
"1946 in French Guinea",
"Constitutional referendums in France"
] |
projected-17332539-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William%20King%20Covell%20III%20House | William King Covell III House | Introduction | The William King Covell III House, originally Villa Edna but now known as the Sanford-Covell Villa Marina, is historic house at 72 Washington Street in Newport, Rhode Island.
The house is a -story wood-frame structure, with a mansard roof and restrained Second Empire styling. It was designed by Emerson & Fehmer of Boston, and built in 1870 for M. H. Sanford as a summer residence. Its interior, in marked contrast to its exterior, is lavishly decorated with woodwork and stencilwork.
William King Covell II bought the house in 1896 and it has remained in his family until this day. It is currently owned by Anne Ramsey Cuvelier, the great granddaughter of William King Covell II, who uses it for a bed and breakfast business.
Lizzie Borden, a family friend who stood trial for murder, stayed with the Covell family after her acquittal in the summer of 1893. She stayed at the winter home of the Covell family on Farewell Street where the famous photo of her on the porch was taken. It is assumed that she also spent some time at 72 Washington Street.
The house was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1979. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Houses on the National Register of Historic Places in Rhode Island",
"Houses in Newport, Rhode Island",
"Historic American Buildings Survey in Rhode Island",
"National Register of Historic Places in Newport, Rhode Island"
] | |
projected-17332539-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William%20King%20Covell%20III%20House | William King Covell III House | See also | The William King Covell III House, originally Villa Edna but now known as the Sanford-Covell Villa Marina, is historic house at 72 Washington Street in Newport, Rhode Island.
The house is a -story wood-frame structure, with a mansard roof and restrained Second Empire styling. It was designed by Emerson & Fehmer of Boston, and built in 1870 for M. H. Sanford as a summer residence. Its interior, in marked contrast to its exterior, is lavishly decorated with woodwork and stencilwork.
William King Covell II bought the house in 1896 and it has remained in his family until this day. It is currently owned by Anne Ramsey Cuvelier, the great granddaughter of William King Covell II, who uses it for a bed and breakfast business.
Lizzie Borden, a family friend who stood trial for murder, stayed with the Covell family after her acquittal in the summer of 1893. She stayed at the winter home of the Covell family on Farewell Street where the famous photo of her on the porch was taken. It is assumed that she also spent some time at 72 Washington Street.
The house was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1979. | National Register of Historic Places listings in Newport County, Rhode Island | [] | [
"See also"
] | [
"Houses on the National Register of Historic Places in Rhode Island",
"Houses in Newport, Rhode Island",
"Historic American Buildings Survey in Rhode Island",
"National Register of Historic Places in Newport, Rhode Island"
] |
projected-44498282-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jach%27a%20Jawira%20%28La%20Paz-Oruro%29 | Jach'a Jawira (La Paz-Oruro) | Introduction | Jach'a Jawira (Aymara jach'a big, great, jawira river, "great river", hispanicized names río Jachcha Jahuira, río Jacha Jahuira Caxata, río Jachcha Jahuira de Caxata) which later is named Q'ara Qullu and Waña Jawira is a Bolivian river in the La Paz Department and in the Oruro Department. Its waters flow towards Uru Uru Lake.
The river originates near the mountain Wisk'achani in the La Paz Department, Loayza Province, Yaco Municipality. Its direction is to the south while it flows along the border of the Ichoca Municipality of the Inquisivi Province and the Yaco Municipality. Some of its affluents are Ch'iyar Jawira ("black river", Chiar Jahuira), Wari Umaña (Wari Umana) and Wich'inka Jawira ("tail river", Huichinca Jahuira) from the left and Urnuni (Hornum, Hornuni) from the right. After Qallun Uma (Callun Uma), a left tributary, reaches Jach'a Jawira in the Caracollo Municipality of the Cercado Province the river is named Q'ara Qullu ("bare mountain", Caracollo). Within the municipality it later receives the name Waña Jawira ("dry river", Huana Jahuira). | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Rivers of La Paz Department (Bolivia)",
"Rivers of Oruro Department"
] | |
projected-44498282-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jach%27a%20Jawira%20%28La%20Paz-Oruro%29 | Jach'a Jawira (La Paz-Oruro) | References | Jach'a Jawira (Aymara jach'a big, great, jawira river, "great river", hispanicized names río Jachcha Jahuira, río Jacha Jahuira Caxata, río Jachcha Jahuira de Caxata) which later is named Q'ara Qullu and Waña Jawira is a Bolivian river in the La Paz Department and in the Oruro Department. Its waters flow towards Uru Uru Lake.
The river originates near the mountain Wisk'achani in the La Paz Department, Loayza Province, Yaco Municipality. Its direction is to the south while it flows along the border of the Ichoca Municipality of the Inquisivi Province and the Yaco Municipality. Some of its affluents are Ch'iyar Jawira ("black river", Chiar Jahuira), Wari Umaña (Wari Umana) and Wich'inka Jawira ("tail river", Huichinca Jahuira) from the left and Urnuni (Hornum, Hornuni) from the right. After Qallun Uma (Callun Uma), a left tributary, reaches Jach'a Jawira in the Caracollo Municipality of the Cercado Province the river is named Q'ara Qullu ("bare mountain", Caracollo). Within the municipality it later receives the name Waña Jawira ("dry river", Huana Jahuira). | Category:Rivers of La Paz Department (Bolivia)
Category:Rivers of Oruro Department | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Rivers of La Paz Department (Bolivia)",
"Rivers of Oruro Department"
] |
projected-23574994-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epirus%20Revolt%20of%201878 | Epirus Revolt of 1878 | Introduction | The 1878 revolt in Epirus was the part of a series of Greek uprisings that occurred in various parts of Ottoman-ruled Greece, as in Macedonia and Crete, during the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). Although Greek officials individually supported the revolt, the Greek Government, being aware of the international situation in eastern Europe at the time, decided not to do so. With the end of the Russo-Turkish War the revolt was soon suppressed. | [] | [
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"1878 in Greece",
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"Greece–Ottoman Empire relations",
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"Great Eastern Crisis"
] | |
projected-23574994-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epirus%20Revolt%20of%201878 | Epirus Revolt of 1878 | Background | The 1878 revolt in Epirus was the part of a series of Greek uprisings that occurred in various parts of Ottoman-ruled Greece, as in Macedonia and Crete, during the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). Although Greek officials individually supported the revolt, the Greek Government, being aware of the international situation in eastern Europe at the time, decided not to do so. With the end of the Russo-Turkish War the revolt was soon suppressed. | On April 24, 1877, Russia declared war on Ottoman Empire and soon after a series of battles, the Ottoman defeat was imminent. Meanwhile, unofficial circles in Greece saw the war as a great opportunity to incite revolts in a number of Greek-inhabited regions in the Ottoman Empire: Epirus, Macedonia, Thessalia and Crete. | [] | [
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"Great Eastern Crisis"
] |
projected-23574994-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epirus%20Revolt%20of%201878 | Epirus Revolt of 1878 | Preparations | The 1878 revolt in Epirus was the part of a series of Greek uprisings that occurred in various parts of Ottoman-ruled Greece, as in Macedonia and Crete, during the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). Although Greek officials individually supported the revolt, the Greek Government, being aware of the international situation in eastern Europe at the time, decided not to do so. With the end of the Russo-Turkish War the revolt was soon suppressed. | In 1877, two patriotic organizations were formed in Greece in order to organize an upcoming revolt in Epirus: National Defence () and Fraternity (). Soon after, the organizations started to create groups of volunteers and to collect weapons and ammunition. In December, distinguished Epirotes that lived in Athens, including General Michail Spyromilios and Dimitrios Botsaris (son of Notis Botsaris), were ready to lead the uprising, but the Greek Government being aware of that situation intervened and stopped their involvement. | [] | [
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projected-23574994-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epirus%20Revolt%20of%201878 | Epirus Revolt of 1878 | First conflicts and declaration of Union with Greece | The 1878 revolt in Epirus was the part of a series of Greek uprisings that occurred in various parts of Ottoman-ruled Greece, as in Macedonia and Crete, during the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). Although Greek officials individually supported the revolt, the Greek Government, being aware of the international situation in eastern Europe at the time, decided not to do so. With the end of the Russo-Turkish War the revolt was soon suppressed. | In February 1878 groups of irregulars passed the Greek-Ottoman border and entered Thessaly and Epirus. The first regions that joined the revolt were Tzoumerka, west of Arta, the region north of Preveza and Radovizio (north Thesprotia). The uprising was however, ill-prepared and the weaknesses were obvious already from the first days. When the first conflicts with Ottoman troops occurred, most of the revolutionaries retreated to Greece. At Plaka, an Ottoman outpost was overcome by an Epirot unit led by a resigned officer of the Greek Army, Hristos Mitsios. However, upon the arrival of 2,000 Ottoman troops from Ioannina, they had to retreat.
Meanwhile, the Russo-Turkish War ended with the Treaty of San Stefano (March 3, 1878). The sudden end of the Russo-Turkish hostilities had a negative impact on the revolt's outcome. At March 12, representatives of the movement gathered in the village of Botsi (Thesprotia), and declared the Union of Epirus with Greece. Soon after, a significant number of Ottoman troops arrived with troopships in the region and took under control the entire region. The revolutionaries seeing that resistance was futile, retreated behind to the Greek border. | [] | [
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projected-23574994-005 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epirus%20Revolt%20of%201878 | Epirus Revolt of 1878 | Lappas and Stephanou revolt | The 1878 revolt in Epirus was the part of a series of Greek uprisings that occurred in various parts of Ottoman-ruled Greece, as in Macedonia and Crete, during the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). Although Greek officials individually supported the revolt, the Greek Government, being aware of the international situation in eastern Europe at the time, decided not to do so. With the end of the Russo-Turkish War the revolt was soon suppressed. | Meanwhile, before the revolt in Radovizi was suppressed, a group of 150 armed Epirotes landed in the Saranda region, under the leadership of the guerrilla captains Minoas Lappas and Georgios Stephanou. Soon a greater number of volunteers (700), mainly Epirote refugees from Corfu joined the uprising. Apart from the town of Saranda, they had under control the surrounding regions of Vurgut and Delvina: including the villages of Giasta and Lykoursi, as well as the nearby monastery of St. George.
The Ottoman military commander of Yannina with a force of 6,000 regular troops marched against Saranda. The Ottomans were also supported by irregular bands of Albanians. At March 4, after fierce fighting the revolt ended. | [] | [
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projected-23574994-006 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epirus%20Revolt%20of%201878 | Epirus Revolt of 1878 | Reprisals | The 1878 revolt in Epirus was the part of a series of Greek uprisings that occurred in various parts of Ottoman-ruled Greece, as in Macedonia and Crete, during the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). Although Greek officials individually supported the revolt, the Greek Government, being aware of the international situation in eastern Europe at the time, decided not to do so. With the end of the Russo-Turkish War the revolt was soon suppressed. | When the revolt in Saranda was finally suppressed, reprisals started. As a result, 20 villages of the region of Delvina were burned while escape routes for the unarmed population were blocked.
Because many distinguished locals (like Kyriakos Kyritsis, later MP in the Greek Parliament) financially supported the revolt, the Ottoman authorities had all their holdings in the Saranda-Butrint region confiscated. | [] | [
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projected-23574994-007 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epirus%20Revolt%20of%201878 | Epirus Revolt of 1878 | Aftermath | The 1878 revolt in Epirus was the part of a series of Greek uprisings that occurred in various parts of Ottoman-ruled Greece, as in Macedonia and Crete, during the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). Although Greek officials individually supported the revolt, the Greek Government, being aware of the international situation in eastern Europe at the time, decided not to do so. With the end of the Russo-Turkish War the revolt was soon suppressed. | The failure of the 1878 movement in Epirus was mainly due to the unwillingness of the Greek Government to support this initiative actively. On the other hand, the Russo-Turkish War ended too soon, so that the Ottoman troops could quickly move and suppress any form of disturbance. | [] | [
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projected-23574994-008 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epirus%20Revolt%20of%201878 | Epirus Revolt of 1878 | See also | The 1878 revolt in Epirus was the part of a series of Greek uprisings that occurred in various parts of Ottoman-ruled Greece, as in Macedonia and Crete, during the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). Although Greek officials individually supported the revolt, the Greek Government, being aware of the international situation in eastern Europe at the time, decided not to do so. With the end of the Russo-Turkish War the revolt was soon suppressed. | Cretan revolt (1878)
1878 Greek Macedonian rebellion
Epirus Revolt of 1854
Cretan Revolt (1866–1869) | [] | [
"See also"
] | [
"19th-century rebellions",
"Conflicts in 1878",
"1878 in Greece",
"Greek rebellions against the Ottoman Empire",
"Greece–Ottoman Empire relations",
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"Great Eastern Crisis"
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projected-23574994-010 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epirus%20Revolt%20of%201878 | Epirus Revolt of 1878 | Sources | The 1878 revolt in Epirus was the part of a series of Greek uprisings that occurred in various parts of Ottoman-ruled Greece, as in Macedonia and Crete, during the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). Although Greek officials individually supported the revolt, the Greek Government, being aware of the international situation in eastern Europe at the time, decided not to do so. With the end of the Russo-Turkish War the revolt was soon suppressed. | Category:19th-century rebellions
Category:Conflicts in 1878
Category:1878 in Greece
Epirus 1878
Category:Greece–Ottoman Empire relations
Category:Ottoman Epirus
Category:1878 in the Ottoman Empire
Category:Great Eastern Crisis | [] | [
"Sources"
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"19th-century rebellions",
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"1878 in Greece",
"Greek rebellions against the Ottoman Empire",
"Greece–Ottoman Empire relations",
"Ottoman Epirus",
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"Great Eastern Crisis"
] |
projected-23575026-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paymaster%20General%20Act%201782 | Paymaster General Act 1782 | Introduction | The Paymaster General Act 1782 (22 Geo. III, c. 81) was an Act of the Parliament of Great Britain. The Act abolished the practice of the heads of subordinate Treasuries keeping large sums of public money for long periods, during which they employed them for their own profit. It was repealed by the Paymaster-General Act 1783. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Repealed Great Britain Acts of Parliament",
"Great Britain Acts of Parliament 1782"
] | |
projected-23575026-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paymaster%20General%20Act%201782 | Paymaster General Act 1782 | Notes | The Paymaster General Act 1782 (22 Geo. III, c. 81) was an Act of the Parliament of Great Britain. The Act abolished the practice of the heads of subordinate Treasuries keeping large sums of public money for long periods, during which they employed them for their own profit. It was repealed by the Paymaster-General Act 1783. | Category:Repealed Great Britain Acts of Parliament
Category:Great Britain Acts of Parliament 1782 | [] | [
"Notes"
] | [
"Repealed Great Britain Acts of Parliament",
"Great Britain Acts of Parliament 1782"
] |
projected-44498401-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marino%20Di%20Teana | Marino Di Teana | Introduction | Francesco Marino, better known as Marino Di Teana (August 8, 1920 – January 1, 2012) was an Italian Argentine sculptor. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"1920 births",
"2012 deaths",
"Italian emigrants to Argentina",
"20th-century Italian sculptors",
"20th-century Italian male artists",
"Italian male sculptors",
"21st-century sculptors",
"People from the Province of Potenza",
"Argentine contemporary artists",
"Italian contemporary artists"
] | |
projected-44498401-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marino%20Di%20Teana | Marino Di Teana | History | Francesco Marino, better known as Marino Di Teana (August 8, 1920 – January 1, 2012) was an Italian Argentine sculptor. | He emigrated to Argentina, working as a bricklayer at the age of 16 and became a construction site manager at 22. At the same time, he studied at the Salguero Polytechnic at the Architectural National School. He entered the Higher National School of Fine Arts Ernesto de la Carcova in Buenos Aires via an entrance competition and graduated with the title of Higher Professor and obtained a professorship at that school. He won the Premio Mittre, equivalent to the European Grand Prix de Rome. | [] | [
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"Italian contemporary artists"
] |
projected-44498401-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marino%20Di%20Teana | Marino Di Teana | References | Francesco Marino, better known as Marino Di Teana (August 8, 1920 – January 1, 2012) was an Italian Argentine sculptor. | Category:1920 births
Category:2012 deaths
Category:Italian emigrants to Argentina
Category:20th-century Italian sculptors
Category:20th-century Italian male artists
Category:Italian male sculptors
Category:21st-century sculptors
Category:People from the Province of Potenza
Category:Argentine contemporary artists
Category:Italian contemporary artists | [] | [
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"21st-century sculptors",
"People from the Province of Potenza",
"Argentine contemporary artists",
"Italian contemporary artists"
] |
projected-44498409-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1945%20French%20legislative%20election%20in%20Guinea | 1945 French legislative election in Guinea | Introduction | Elections to the French National Assembly were held in Guinea on 21 October 1945, with a second round of voting on 18 November. Maurice Chevrance-Bertin and Yacine Diallo were elected. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"1945 elections in Africa",
"October 1945 events in Africa",
"Elections in Guinea",
"1945 in Guinea",
"1945 elections in France",
"Election and referendum articles with incomplete results"
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projected-44498409-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1945%20French%20legislative%20election%20in%20Guinea | 1945 French legislative election in Guinea | Electoral system | Elections to the French National Assembly were held in Guinea on 21 October 1945, with a second round of voting on 18 November. Maurice Chevrance-Bertin and Yacine Diallo were elected. | The two seats allocated to the constituency were elected on two separate electoral rolls; French citizens elected one MP from the first college, whilst non-citizens elected one MP in the second college. | [] | [
"Electoral system"
] | [
"1945 elections in Africa",
"October 1945 events in Africa",
"Elections in Guinea",
"1945 in Guinea",
"1945 elections in France",
"Election and referendum articles with incomplete results"
] |
projected-44498409-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1945%20French%20legislative%20election%20in%20Guinea | 1945 French legislative election in Guinea | Campaign | Elections to the French National Assembly were held in Guinea on 21 October 1945, with a second round of voting on 18 November. Maurice Chevrance-Bertin and Yacine Diallo were elected. | The elections were effectively a contest between the Fula and Mandinka. However, two Mandinka candidates stood, splitting their vote, whilst Yacine Diallo was the only Fula to stand. | [] | [
"Campaign"
] | [
"1945 elections in Africa",
"October 1945 events in Africa",
"Elections in Guinea",
"1945 in Guinea",
"1945 elections in France",
"Election and referendum articles with incomplete results"
] |
projected-44498409-006 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1945%20French%20legislative%20election%20in%20Guinea | 1945 French legislative election in Guinea | Aftermath | Elections to the French National Assembly were held in Guinea on 21 October 1945, with a second round of voting on 18 November. Maurice Chevrance-Bertin and Yacine Diallo were elected. | Following the elections, Senegalese MP Lamine Guèye attempted to persuade all the African MPs to form an African Bloc, which would be affiliated with the SFIO. Although, the attempt failed, Diallo did sit with the SFIO. | [] | [
"Aftermath"
] | [
"1945 elections in Africa",
"October 1945 events in Africa",
"Elections in Guinea",
"1945 in Guinea",
"1945 elections in France",
"Election and referendum articles with incomplete results"
] |
projected-44498409-007 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1945%20French%20legislative%20election%20in%20Guinea | 1945 French legislative election in Guinea | References | Elections to the French National Assembly were held in Guinea on 21 October 1945, with a second round of voting on 18 November. Maurice Chevrance-Bertin and Yacine Diallo were elected. | Guibea
Category:October 1945 events in Africa
Category:Elections in Guinea
Category:1945 in Guinea
Guinea
Category:Election and referendum articles with incomplete results | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"1945 elections in Africa",
"October 1945 events in Africa",
"Elections in Guinea",
"1945 in Guinea",
"1945 elections in France",
"Election and referendum articles with incomplete results"
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projected-17332544-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/General%20Federation%20of%20Women%27s%20Clubs%20Headquarters | General Federation of Women's Clubs Headquarters | Introduction | The General Federation of Women's Clubs Headquarters, also known as the Miles Mansion, is a social clubhouse headquarters in Washington, D.C. Built as a private residence in 1875, it has served as the headquarters of the General Federation of Women's Clubs (GFWC) since 1922. It was declared a National Historic Landmark in 1991 for its association with the federation, which serves as an umbrella organization for women's clubs, a social movement dating to the mid-19th century. Tours of the headquarters, available by appointment, provide information about the activities of the GFWC and several historic rooms, including the 1734 entryway, the Julia Ward Howe Drawing Room, the dining room, music room and the GFWC International President's office. The headquarters also features changing exhibits of art, photographs and artifacts from its collections. | [] | [
"Introduction"
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"Historic house museums in Was... | |
projected-17332544-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/General%20Federation%20of%20Women%27s%20Clubs%20Headquarters | General Federation of Women's Clubs Headquarters | Description and building history | The General Federation of Women's Clubs Headquarters, also known as the Miles Mansion, is a social clubhouse headquarters in Washington, D.C. Built as a private residence in 1875, it has served as the headquarters of the General Federation of Women's Clubs (GFWC) since 1922. It was declared a National Historic Landmark in 1991 for its association with the federation, which serves as an umbrella organization for women's clubs, a social movement dating to the mid-19th century. Tours of the headquarters, available by appointment, provide information about the activities of the GFWC and several historic rooms, including the 1734 entryway, the Julia Ward Howe Drawing Room, the dining room, music room and the GFWC International President's office. The headquarters also features changing exhibits of art, photographs and artifacts from its collections. | The GFWC headquarters is located southeast of Dupont Circle, on the south side of N Street between St. Matthew's Court and 17th Street. It is a four-story masonry structure, built out of ashlar stone in a Renaissance Revival style. The entrance is in a slightly raised basement level, sheltered by a splayed glass and iron marquee with supporting ironwork brackets. The main floor windows are elongated, with paired casement windows topped by transoms, and keystoned lintels. A polygonal bay projects from the first two floors on the left, and a shallower rectangular one projects to the right of the entrance; both are topped by lower balustrades. The interior has been adapted for the GFWC's use, but retains some original finishes.
The house was built in 1875 by Rear Admiral William Radford, at a time when the Dupont Circle area was being developed as a fashionable residential neighborhood. In 1895 he sold the house to the state of Massachusetts, which gave it to General Nelson A. Miles in recognition for his military service. It was next owned by John Jay White, a big-game hunter who traveled with Theodore Roosevelt, and who commissioned the murals by Albert Herter that adorn some of its walls. In 1922 the house was purchased by the GFWC for use as its headquarters, a role it continues to play today.
The GFWC represents the culmination of smaller-scale women's organizations that sprang up in the 19th century, generally to improve the conditions for working and single women. It was the first nationwide organization of this type, enabling a broader scope of influence by these local and regional organizations. | [] | [
"Description and building history"
] | [
"National Historic Landmarks in Washington, D.C.",
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"Clubhouses on the National Register of Historic Places in Washington, D.C.",
"Dupont Circle",
"Renaissance Revival architecture in Washington, D.C.",
"Historic house museums in Was... |
projected-17332544-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/General%20Federation%20of%20Women%27s%20Clubs%20Headquarters | General Federation of Women's Clubs Headquarters | See also | The General Federation of Women's Clubs Headquarters, also known as the Miles Mansion, is a social clubhouse headquarters in Washington, D.C. Built as a private residence in 1875, it has served as the headquarters of the General Federation of Women's Clubs (GFWC) since 1922. It was declared a National Historic Landmark in 1991 for its association with the federation, which serves as an umbrella organization for women's clubs, a social movement dating to the mid-19th century. Tours of the headquarters, available by appointment, provide information about the activities of the GFWC and several historic rooms, including the 1734 entryway, the Julia Ward Howe Drawing Room, the dining room, music room and the GFWC International President's office. The headquarters also features changing exhibits of art, photographs and artifacts from its collections. | List of National Historic Landmarks in Washington, D.C.
National Register of Historic Places listings in the upper NW Quadrant of Washington, D.C. | [] | [
"See also"
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"National Historic Landmarks in Washington, D.C.",
"Houses on the National Register of Historic Places in Washington, D.C.",
"Clubhouses on the National Register of Historic Places in Washington, D.C.",
"Dupont Circle",
"Renaissance Revival architecture in Washington, D.C.",
"Historic house museums in Was... |
projected-17332558-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Simba%20Union%20Ground | Simba Union Ground | Introduction | The Simba Union Ground is one of several cricket grounds in Nairobi. It is also the home of Simba Union Cricket Club as well as the home of Cricket Kenya academy. The ground is located across the road from Kenya's main Cricket ground the Nairobi Gymkhana Club. The ground has hosted a One Day International match when Kenya cricket team played against West Indies cricket team. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Sport in Nairobi",
"Cricket grounds in Kenya"
] | |
projected-17332558-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Simba%20Union%20Ground | Simba Union Ground | One Day International Matches | The Simba Union Ground is one of several cricket grounds in Nairobi. It is also the home of Simba Union Cricket Club as well as the home of Cricket Kenya academy. The ground is located across the road from Kenya's main Cricket ground the Nairobi Gymkhana Club. The ground has hosted a One Day International match when Kenya cricket team played against West Indies cricket team. | List of ODI matches hosted at this stadium | [] | [
"One Day International Matches"
] | [
"Sport in Nairobi",
"Cricket grounds in Kenya"
] |
projected-17332558-006 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Simba%20Union%20Ground | Simba Union Ground | References | The Simba Union Ground is one of several cricket grounds in Nairobi. It is also the home of Simba Union Cricket Club as well as the home of Cricket Kenya academy. The ground is located across the road from Kenya's main Cricket ground the Nairobi Gymkhana Club. The ground has hosted a One Day International match when Kenya cricket team played against West Indies cricket team. | Ground Profile
Category:Sport in Nairobi
Category:Cricket grounds in Kenya | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Sport in Nairobi",
"Cricket grounds in Kenya"
] |
projected-26722992-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Introduction | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
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projected-26722992-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Dialects | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | The varieties of Modern Scots are generally divided into five dialect groups:
Insular Scots – spoken in Orkney and Shetland.
Northern Scots – Spoken north of the Firth of Tay.
North Northern – spoken in Caithness, Easter Ross and the Black Isle.
Mid Northern (also called North East and popularly known as the Doric) – spoken in Moray, Buchan, Aberdeenshire and Nairn .
South Northern – spoken in east Angus and the Mearns.
Central Scots – spoken in the Central Lowlands and South west Scotland.
North East Central – spoken north of the Forth, in south east Perthshire and west Angus.
South East Central – spoken in the Lothians, Peeblesshire and Berwickshire
West Central – spoken in Dunbartonshire, Lanarkshire, Renfrewshire, Inverclyde, Ayrshire, on the Isle of Bute and to the southern extremity of Kintyre.
South West Central – spoken in west Dumfriesshire, Kirkcudbrightshire and Wigtownshire.
Southern Scots – spoken in mid and east Dumfriesshire and the Scottish Borders counties Selkirkshire and Roxburghshire, in particular the valleys of the Annan, the Esk, the Liddel Water, the Teviot and the Yarrow Water. It is also known as the "border tongue" or "border Scots".
Ulster Scots – spoken primarily by the descendants of Scottish settlers in Ulster, particularly counties Antrim, Down and Donegal. Also known as "Ullans".
The southern extent of Scots may be identified by the range of a number of pronunciation features which set Scots apart from neighbouring English dialects. Like many languages across borders there is a dialect continuum between Scots and the Northumbrian dialect, both descending from early northern Middle English. The Scots pronunciation of contrasts with in Northern English. The Scots realisation reaches as far south as the mouth of the north Esk in north Cumbria, crossing Cumbria and skirting the foot of the Cheviots before reaching the east coast at Bamburgh some 12 miles north of Alnwick. The Scots –English / cognate group (-might, -enough, etc.) can be found in a small portion of north Cumbria with the southern limit stretching from Bewcastle to Longtown and Gretna. The Scots pronunciation of wh as becomes English south of Carlisle but remains in Northumberland, but Northumberland realises r as , often called the burr, which is not a Scots realisation. The greater part of the valley of the Esk and the whole of Liddesdale have been considered to be northern English dialects by some, Scots by others. From the nineteenth century onwards influence from the South through education and increased mobility have caused Scots features to retreat northwards so that for all practical purposes the political and linguistic boundaries may be considered to coincide.
As well as the main dialects, Edinburgh, Dundee and Glasgow (see Glasgow patter) have local variations on an Anglicised form of Central Scots. In Aberdeen, Mid Northern Scots is spoken by a minority. Due to their being roughly near the border between the two dialects, places like Dundee and Perth can contain elements and influences of both Northern and Central Scots. | [
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projected-26722992-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Vowels | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | Vowel length is usually conditioned by the Scottish Vowel Length Rule. | [] | [
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"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
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projected-26722992-005 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Orthography | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | Words which differ only slightly in pronunciation from Scottish English are generally spelled as in English. Other words may be spelt the same but differ in pronunciation, for example: aunt, swap, want and wash with , bull, full v. and pull with , bind, find and wind v., etc. with . | [] | [
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"Modern history of Scotland",
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"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
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projected-26722992-007 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Consonant digraphs | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | ch:
Usually . (fjord or lake), (night), (daughter), (dreary), etc.
word initial or where it follows 'r'. (arch), (march), etc.
usually where it follows 'n'. (branch), (push), etc.
gh: .
gn: . In Northern dialects may occur.
kn: . In Northern dialects or may occur. (talk), knee, (knoll), etc.
ng: .
sh: .
th: or . Initial 'th' in thing, think and thank, etc. may be .
wh: .
wr: ; more often realised as but may be in Northern dialects: (wreck), (wrong), write, (worked), etc. | [] | [
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"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
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projected-26722992-008 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Vowel digraphs | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | ae (generally in final positions): Vowel 4. Also occurs for vowel 7 in dae (do), tae (too) and shae (shoe). In Southern Scots and many central and Ulster varieties ae, ane and ance may be realised , and often written yae, yin and yince in dialect writing.
ai: Vowel 8 in initial and medial positions. Often before . The merger of vowel 8 with 4 has resulted in the digraph ai occurring in some words with vowel 4 and a(consonant)e occurring in some words with vowel 8, e.g. (soap), (whole), (one), (once), (bone), etc. and word final (slope) and day etc. Long vowel 7 is often written ai in dialect writing for central and north Down dialects.
ay (generally in final positions): Vowel 8. Usually but in (yes) and (always). In Dundee it is noticeably .
au, aw: Vowel 12 in southern, central and Ulster dialects but in northern dialects, with au usually occurring in medial positions and aw in final positions. Sometimes a or a' representing L-vocalisation. The digraph aa also occurs, especially in written representations of the () realisation in northern and insular dialects. The cluster 'auld' may also be in Ulster, e.g. (all), (cold), (handsome), (fall), (snow), etc.
ea: Vowel 3. may occur before . (food), clear etc. Vowel 2/11 in a few words such as sea and tea.
ee: Vowels 2 and 11. The realisation is generally but in Northern varieties may be after and . (eye), (eyes), (shut), here, etc. Often used for vowel 7 in dialect writing for northern dialects.
ei: Vowel 3. (dead), (head), etc. Occasionally vowels 2 and 11, generally before ch (), but also in a few other words, e.g. (enquire).
eu: Vowel 7 before and , see ui. or depending on dialect. (book), (enough), (cook), (look), (took) etc.
ew: Vowel 14. In Northern dialects a root final 'ew' may be . few, new, etc.
ey: Vowels 1, 8a and 10.
ie: Vowels 2 and 11, generally occurring before l and v.
oa: Vowel 5.
oi, oy: Vowel 9.
oo: Vowel 6, a 19th-century borrowing from Standard English. (house), (mouse) etc. Vowel 7 also occurs from the spelling of Standard English cognates.
ou: The general literary spelling of vowel 6. Occasionally vowel 13. Root final may occur in southern dialects. (cow), (brown) etc.
ow, owe (root final): Vowel 13. (retch), (bow), (hollow), (knoll), (overturn), (ewe), etc.
ui: The usual literary spelling of vowel 7 (except before and , see eu). Also used for before in some areas e.g. fuird (ford). (board), (boot), (ankle), (floor), (good), (school), etc. In central dialects uise v. and uiss n. (use) are and . | [] | [
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"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
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projected-26722992-009 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | History | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | As of 2022, there is no official standard orthography for modern Scots, but most words have generally accepted spellings.
During the 15th and 16th centuries, when Scots was a state language, the Makars had a loose spelling system separate from that of English. However, by the beginning of the 18th century, Scots was beginning to be regarded "as a rustic dialect of English, rather than a national language". Scots poet Allan Ramsay "embarked on large-scale anglicisation of Scots spelling". Successors of Ramsay—such as Robert Fergusson, Robert Burns and Sir Walter Scott—tended to follow his spelling ideas, and the general trend throughout the 18th and 19th centuries was to adopt further spellings from English, as it was the only accessible standard. Although descended from the Scots of the Makars, 18th-19th century Scots abandoned some of the more distinctive old Scots spellings for standard English ones; although from the rhymes it was clear that a Scots pronunciation was intended. Writers also began using the apologetic apostrophe, to mark "missing" English letters. For example, the older Scots spelling / (meaning "taken") became ; even though the word had not been written or pronounced with a "k" for hundreds of years. 18th-19th century Scots drew on the King James Bible and was heavily influenced by the conventions of Augustan English poetry. All of this "had the unfortunate effect of suggesting that Broad Scots was not a separate language system, but rather a divergent or inferior form of English". This 'Scots of the book' or Standard Scots lacked neither "authority nor author". It was used throughout Lowland Scotland and Ulster, by writers such as Allan Ramsay, Robert Fergusson, Robert Burns, Sir Walter Scott, Charles Murray, David Herbison, James Orr, James Hogg and William Laidlaw among others. It is described in the 1921 Manual of Modern Scots.
By the end of the 19th century, Scots spelling "was in a state of confusion as a result of hundreds of years of piecemeal borrowing from English". Some writers created their own spelling systems to represent their own dialects, rather than following the pan-dialect conventions of modern literary Scots. The variety referred to as 'synthetic Scots' or Lallans shows the marked influence of Standard English in grammar and spelling. During the 20th century, with spoken Scots and knowledge of the literary tradition waning, phonetic (often humorous) spellings became more common.
In the second half of the 20th century a number of spelling reform proposals were presented. Commenting on this, John Corbett (2003: 260) writes that "devising a normative orthography for Scots has been one of the greatest linguistic hobbies of the past century". Most proposals entailed regularising the use of established 18th-19th century conventions and avoiding the 'apologetic apostrophe'. Other proposals sought to undo the influence of standard English conventions on Scots spelling, by reviving Middle Scots conventions or introducing new ones.
A step towards standardizing Scots spelling was taken at a meeting of the Makar's Club in Edinburgh in 1947, where the Scots Style Sheet was approved. J. K.Annand, Douglas Young, Robert Garioch, A.D. Mackie, Alexander Scott, Tom Scott and Sydney Goodsir Smith all followed the recommendations in the Style Sheet to some extent. Some of its suggestions are as follows:
, , for words like , , – this was later discouraged
-ie for final unstressed -y
y for the sound in words like and , and i for the short sound in words like and .
ui for the sound in words like
ou for the sound in words like and
ow(e) for the sound in words like and
and for and
In 1985, the Scots Language Society (SLS) published a set of spelling guidelines called "Recommendations for Writers in Scots". They represent a consensus view of writers in Scots at the time, following several years of debate and consultation involving Alexander Scott, Adam Jack Aitken, David Murison, Alastair Mackie and others. A developed version of the Style Sheet, it is based on the old spellings of the Makars but seeks to preserve the familiar appearance of written Scots. It includes all of the Style Sheet's suggestions, but recommends that writers return to the more traditional -aw, rather than -aa. Some of its other suggestions are as follows:
ei for the sound at the beginning or middle of words (, , ), unless ee is firmly established (for example in and )
y for the sound in words like and , but if it's at the beginning or end of a word use ey (, , )
eu for the sound in words like , ,
-k for final -ct in words like and (which become and )
sk- for initial (→, →, →)
-il for final unstressed -el and -le (→, →, →)
-ss for final (→, →, →) unless -se follows a consonant (, )
omit final -d where it is silent (→, →, →)
The SLS Recommendations says "it is desirable that there should be traditional precedents for the spellings employed and […] writers aspiring to use Scots should not invent new spellings off the cuff". It prefers a number of more phonetic spellings that were commonly used by medieval Makars, such as: ar (are), byd, tym, wyf (bide, time, wife), cum, sum (come, some), eftir (after), evin (even), evir (ever), heir, neir (here, near), hir (her), ir (are), im (am), littil (little), sal (shall) speik (speak), thay (they), thaim (them), thair (their), thare (there), yit (yet), wad (would), war (were), wes (was), wul (will). David Purves's book A Scots Grammar has a list of over 2500 common Scots words spelt on the basis of the SLS Recommendations. Purves has also published dozens of poems using the spellings.
In 2000 the Scots Spelling Committee report was published in Lallans. Shortly after publication Caroline Macafee criticised some aspects of that, and some previous spelling suggestions, as "demolishing the kind-of-a standardisation that already existed where Scots spelling had become a free-for-all with the traditional model disparaged but no popular replacement", leading to more spelling variation, not less. | [] | [
"Orthography",
"History"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
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projected-26722992-010 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Grammar | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | The spellings used below are those based on the prestigious literary conventions described above. Other spelling variants may be encountered in written Scots.
Not all of the following features are exclusive to Scots and may also occur in some varieties of English. | [] | [
"Grammar"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
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projected-26722992-011 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Definite article | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | is used before the names of seasons, days of the week, many nouns, diseases, trades and occupations, sciences and academic subjects. It is also often used in place of the indefinite article and instead of a possessive pronoun: ('autumn'), ('Wednesday'), ("off to church"), ("at the moment), (today), ('influenza'), ('Latin'), ("The duck ate a piece of bread"), ("my wife") etc. | [] | [
"Grammar",
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"Modern history of Scotland",
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"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-012 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Nouns | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | Nouns usually form their plural in but some irregular plurals occur: / ('eye'/'eyes'), / ('calf'/'calves'), / ('horse'/'horses'), / ('cow'/'cows'), / ('shoe'/'shoes').
Nouns of measure and quantity are unchanged in the plural: ("four feet"), ("two miles"), (five pounds), (three hundredweight).
Regular plurals include (loaves), (leaves), (shelves) and (wives). | [] | [
"Grammar",
"Nouns"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-014 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Personal and possessive pronouns | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | The second person singular nominative (, Southern Scots , Shetland dialect ) survived in colloquial speech until the mid 19th century in most of lowland Scotland. It has since been replaced by in most areas except in Insular Scots where (, Shetland ) is also used, in North Northern Scots and in some Southern Scots varieties. is used as the familiar form by parents speaking to children, elders to youngsters, or between friends or equals. The second person formal singular or is used when speaking to a superior or when a youngster addresses an elder. The older second person singular possessive thy (), and thee (, Shetland along with thine(s) ) still survive to some extent where remains in use. See T–V distinction. | [] | [
"Grammar",
"Pronouns",
"Personal and possessive pronouns"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-015 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Relative pronoun | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | The relative pronoun is ('at is an alternative form borrowed from Norse but can also be arrived at by contraction) for all persons and numbers, but may be left out (There aren't many people who live in that glen). The anglicised forms 'who, whom, whose', and the older 'which' are literary affectations; is only used after a statement (he said he'd lost it, which is not what we wanted to hear). The possessive is formed by adding 's or by using an appropriate pronoun (the woman whose house was burnt), (the woman whose daughter got married); (the men whose boat was lost).
A third adjective/adverb , indicating something at some distance Also (those) and (these), the plurals of that and this respectively.
In Northern Scots and are also used where "these" and "those" would be in Standard English. | [] | [
"Grammar",
"Pronouns",
"Relative pronoun"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
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projected-26722992-018 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Modal verbs | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | The modal verbs (may), (ought to), and (shall), are no longer used much in Scots but occurred historically and are still found in anglicised literary Scots. , (should), and are the preferred Scots forms.
Scots employs double modal constructions (He won't be able to come today), (I may be able to come tomorrow), (I used to be able to do it, but not now).
Negation occurs by using the adverb , in the North East , as in (I'm not coming), (I will not teach you), or by using the suffix - sometimes spelled nae (pronounced variously , or depending on dialect), as in (I don't know), (They can't come), (We couldn't have told him), and (I haven't seen her).
The usage with no is preferred to that with -na with contractable auxiliary verbs like -ll for will, or in yes/no questions with any auxiliary He'll no come and Did he no come? | [] | [
"Verbs",
"Modal verbs"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-019 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Present tense of verbs | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | The present tense of verbs adhere to the Northern subject rule whereby verbs end in -s in all persons and numbers except when a single personal pronoun is next to the verb, , , (They say he's too small), etc. but , but . (Those who come first are served first). (The trees grow green in summer).
'was' may replace 'were', but not conversely: . | [] | [
"Verbs",
"Present tense of verbs"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-020 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Past tense and past participle of verbs | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | The regular past form of the weak or regular verbs is -it, -t or -ed, according to the preceding consonant or vowel: The -ed ending may be written -'d if the e is 'silent'.
-it appears after a stop consonant, e.g. (hurted), (smacked), (mended), (cut), (hurt), (kept), (slept);
-t appears:
after an unstressed syllable ending in l, n, r, or ie/y, e.g. (travelled), (fastened), (carried);
after a voiceless fricative or affricate, e.g. (reached), (troubled), (coughed), (stretched, pronounced );
in some irregular verbs, e.g. (told), (knew/known);
-(e)d appears after a stressed syllable ending in a sonorant, a voiced fricative or affricate, or a vowel, e.g. cleaned/clean'd, (asked; but also ), (scribbled), (wedged), (died).
Many verbs have (strong or irregular) forms which are distinctive from Standard English (two forms connected with ~ means that they are variants):
(bite/bit/bitten), (drive/drove/driven), (ride/rode/ridden), (rive/rived/riven), (rise/rose/risen), (slide/slid/slid), (slit/slit/slit), (write/wrote/written), pronounced in Mid Northern Scots;
(bind/bound/bound), (climb/climbed/climbed), (find/found/found), (fling/flung/flung), (hang/hung/hung), (run/ran/run), (spin/spun/spun), (stick/stuck/stuck), (drink/drank/drunk);
(creep/crept/crept), (weep/wept/wept), (sweat/sweat/sweat), (wet/wet/wet), (put/put/put), (sit/sat/sat), (spit/spat/spat);
(break/broke/broken), (get/got/got[ten]), (speak/spoke/spoken), (fight/fought/fought);
(bear/bore/borne), (swear/swore/sworne), (tear/tore/torn), (wear/wore/worn);
(cast/cast/cast), (let/let/let), (stand/stood/stood), (fetch/fetched),(thresh/threshed/threshed), (wash/washed/washed);
(bake/baked/baked), (laugh/laughed/laughed), (shake/shook/shaken), (take/took/taken);
(go/went/gone), (give/gave/given), (have/had/had);
(choose/chose/chosen), (swim/swam/swum), (sell/sold/sold), (tell/told/told). | [] | [
"Verbs",
"Past tense and past participle of verbs"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-021 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Present participle | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | The present participle and gerund in are now usually but may still be differentiated and in Southern Scots and, and North Northern Scots. | [] | [
"Verbs",
"Present participle"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-022 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Adverbs | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | Adverbs are usually of the same form as the verb root or adjective especially after verbs. (Having a really good day). (She's awfully tired).
Adverbs are also formed with -s, -lies, , gate(s)and , (at times), (perhaps), (splendidly), (pretty well), (perhaps), (backwards), (partly), (secretly), (almost), (always, everywhere), (everywhere), (anyhow), (everywhere), (anyhow, anywhere), (straight ahead), (how, why). | [] | [
"Adverbs"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-023 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Numbers | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | Ordinal numbers end mostly in t: seicont, fowert, fift, saxt— (second, fourth, fifth, sixth) etc., but note also first, thrid/third— (first, third).
Ae , is used as an adjective before a noun such as : (The One House), (One boy and two girls). is pronounced variously, depending on dialect, , in many Central and Southern varieties, in some Northern and Insular varieties, and , often written , and in dialect writing.
The impersonal form of 'one' is a body as in (One can never live by oneself). | [] | [
"Numbers"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-025 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Interrogative words | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | In the North East, the 'wh' in the above words is pronounced . | [] | [
"Interrogative words"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-026 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Syntax | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | Scots prefers the word order to 'He turned the light out' and (Give us it) to 'Give it to me'.
Certain verbs are often used progressively , .
Verbs of motion may be dropped before an adverb or adverbial phrase of motion . | [] | [
"Syntax"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-027 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Subordinate clauses | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | Verbless subordinate clauses introduced by (and) express surprise or indignation. (She had to walk the whole length of the road—and she seven months pregnant). (He told me to run—and me with my sore leg). | [] | [
"Syntax",
"Subordinate clauses"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-028 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Suffixes | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | Negative na: or depending on dialect. Also or 'y' e.g. (can't), (don't) and (mustn't).
fu (ful): or depending on dialect. Also 'fu'', 'fie', 'fy', 'fae' and 'fa'.
The word ending ae: or depending on dialect. Also 'a', 'ow' or 'y', for example: (arrow), (barrow) and (window), etc. | [] | [
"Suffixes"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-029 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Diminutives | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | Diminutives in -ie, small (stream), (frightened person, coward), (gamekeeper), (kilted soldier), (postman), (woman, also used in Geordie dialect), (rhododendron), and also in -ock, (little bit), (toy, plaything), (sorrel) and Northern –ag, (little), (child, common in Geordie dialect), (Geordie), -ockie, (small house), (little woman), both influenced by the Scottish Gaelic diminutive -ag (-óg in Irish Gaelic). | [] | [
"Suffixes",
"Diminutives"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722992-031 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Literature | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | The eighteenth century Scots revival was initiated by writers such as Allan Ramsay and Robert Fergusson, and later continued by writers such as Robert Burns and Sir Walter Scott. Scott introduced vernacular dialogue to his novels. Other well-known authors like Robert Louis Stevenson, William Alexander, George MacDonald, J. M. Barrie and other members of the Kailyard school like Ian Maclaren also wrote in Scots or used it in dialogue, as did George Douglas Brown whose writing is regarded as a useful corrective to the more roseate presentations of the kailyard school.
In the Victorian era popular Scottish newspapers regularly included articles and commentary in the vernacular, often of unprecedented proportions.
In the early twentieth century, a renaissance in the use of Scots occurred, its most vocal figure being Hugh MacDiarmid whose benchmark poem A Drunk Man Looks at the Thistle (1926) did much to demonstrate the power of Scots as a modern idiom. Other contemporaries were Douglas Young, John Buchan, Sydney Goodsir Smith, Robert Garioch and Robert McLellan. The revival extended to verse and other literature.
William Wye Smith's New Testament translations appeared in 1901 and in 1904 in a new edition.
In 1983 William Laughton Lorimer's translation of the New Testament from the original Greek was published. | [
"Stone_Seat_-_geograph.org.uk_-_63845.jpg"
] | [
"Literature"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
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projected-26722992-032 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern%20Scots | Modern Scots | Sample texts | Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Throughout its history, Modern Scots has been undergoing a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations of speakers have adopted more and more features from English, largely from the colloquial register. This process of language contact or dialectisation under English has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English, and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War. It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift towards Scottish English, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger.
By the end of the twentieth century Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland. Residual features of Scots are often simply regarded today as slang, especially by people from outwith Scotland, but even by many Scots. | From Hallow-Fair (Robert Fergusson 1750–1774)
At Hallowmas, whan nights grow lang,
And starnies shine fu' clear,
Whan fock, the nippin cauld to bang,
Their winter hap-warms wear,
Near Edinbrough a fair there hads,
I wat there's nane whase name is,
For strappin dames an sturdy lads,
And cap and stoup, mair famous
Than it that day.
Upo' the tap o' ilka lum
The sun bagan to keek,
And bad the trig made maidens come
A sightly joe to seek
At Hallow-fair, whare browsters rare
Keep gude ale on the gantries,
And dinna scrimp ye o' a skair
O' kebbucks frae their pantries,
Fu' saut that day.
From The Maker to Posterity (Robert Louis Stevenson 1850–1894)
Far 'yont amang the years to be
When a' we think, an' a' we see,
An' a' we luve, `s been dung ajee
By time's rouch shouther,
An' what was richt and wrang for me
Lies mangled throu'ther,
It's possible - it's hardly mair -
That some ane, ripin' after lear -
Some auld professor or young heir,
If still there's either -
May find an' read me, an' be sair
Perplexed, puir brither!
"What tongue does your auld bookie speak?"
He'll spier; an' I, his mou to steik:
"No bein' fit to write in Greek,
I write in Lallan,
Dear to my heart as the peat reek,
Auld as Tantallon.
"Few spak it then, an' noo there's nane.
My puir auld sangs lie a' their lane,
Their sense, that aince was braw an' plain,
Tint a'thegether,
Like runes upon a standin' stane
Amang the heather.
From The House with the Green Shutters (George Douglas Brown 1869–1902)
He was born the day the brig on the Fleckie Road gaed down, in the year o' the great flood; and since the great flood it’s twelve year come Lammas. Rab Tosh o' Fleckie’s wife was heavy-footed at the time, and Doctor Munn had been a' nicht wi' her, and when he came to Barbie Water in the morning it was roaring wide frae bank to brae; where the brig should have been there was naething but the swashing o' the yellow waves. Munn had to drive a' the way round to the Fechars brig, and in parts of the road, the water was so deep that it lapped his horse’s bellyband.
A' this time Mistress Gourlay was skirling in her pains an praying to God she micht dee. Gourlay had been a great cronie o' Munn’s, but he quarrelled him for being late; he had trysted him, ye see, for the occasion, and he had been twenty times at the yett to look for him-ye ken how little he would stomach that; he was ready to brust wi' anger. Munn, mad for the want o' sleep and wat to the bane, swüre back at him; and than Goulay wadna let him near his wife! Ye mind what an awful day it was; the thunder roared as if the heavens were tumbling on the world, and the lichtnin sent the trees daudin on the roads, and folk hid below their beds an prayed-they thocht it was the judgment! But Gourlay rammed his black stepper in the shafts and drave like the devil o' Hell to Skeighan Drone, where there was a young doctor. The lad was feared to come, but Gourlay swore by God that he should, and he gaired him. In a' the countryside, driving like his that day was never kenned or heard tell o'; they were back within the hour!
I saw them gallop up Main Street; lichtin struck the ground before them; the young doctor covered his face wi' his hands, and the horse nichered wi' fear an tried to wheel, but Gourlay stood up in the gig and lashed him on though the fire. It was thocht for lang that Mrs. Gourlay would die, and she was never the same woman after. Atweel aye, sirs. Gorlay has that morning's work to blame for the poor wife he has now.
From Embro to the Ploy (Robert Garioch 1909 - 1981)
The tartan tred wad gar ye lauch;
nae problem is owre teuch.
Your surname needna end in –och;
they’ll cleik ye up the cleuch.
A puckle dollar bill will aye
preive Hiram Teufelsdröckh
a septary of Clan McKay
it’s maybe richt eneuch,
verflüch!
in Embro to the ploy.
The Auld High Schule, whaur mony a skelp
of triple-tonguit tawse
has gien a heist-up and a help
towards Doctorates of Laws,
nou hears, for Ramsay’s cantie rhyme,
loud pawmies of applause
frae folk that pey a pund a time
to sit on wudden raws
gey hard
in Embro to the ploy
The haly kirk’s Assembly-haa
nou fairly coups the creel
wi Lindsay’s Three Estatis, braw
devices of the Deil.
About our heids the satire stots
like hailstanes till we reel;
the bawrs are in auld-farrant Scots,
it’s maybe jist as weill,
imphm,
in Embro to the ploy.
From The New Testament in Scots (William Laughton Lorimer 1885- 1967)
Mathew:1:18ff
This is the storie o the birth o Jesus Christ. His mither Mary wis trystit til Joseph, but afore they war mairriet she wis fund tae be wi bairn bi the Halie Spírit. Her husband Joseph, honest man, hed nae mind tae affront her afore the warld an wis for brakkin aff their tryst hidlinweys; an sae he wis een ettlin tae dae, whan an angel o the Lord kythed til him in a draim an said til him, “Joseph, son o Dauvit, be nane feared tae tak Mary your trystit wife intil your hame; the bairn she is cairrein is o the Halie Spírit. She will beir a son, an the name ye ar tae gíe him is Jesus, for he will sauf his fowk frae their sins.”
Aa this happent at the wurd spokken bi the Lord throu the Prophet micht be fulfilled: Behaud, the virgin wil bouk an beir a son, an they will caa his name Immanuel – that is, “God wi us”.
Whan he hed waukit frae his sleep, Joseph did as the angel hed bidden him, an tuik his trystit wife hame wi him. But he bedditna wi her or she buir a son; an he caa’d the bairn Jesus. | [] | [
"Literature",
"Sample texts"
] | [
"Scots language",
"Modern history of Scotland",
"Languages attested from the 18th century",
"18th-century establishments in Scotland",
"18th-century establishments in Ireland"
] |
projected-26722993-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United%20Nations%20Security%20Council%20Resolution%20931 | United Nations Security Council Resolution 931 | Introduction | United Nations Security Council resolution 931, adopted unanimously on 29 June 1994, after recalling Resolution 924 (1994) on the civil war in Yemen, the Council considered the findings of the fact-finding mission deployed to the country and demanded a ceasefire.
The Council supported the call of the Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali for an immediate cessation of the shelling in the city of Aden, condemning the failure of the parties not to heed the call. It was also disturbed at the lack of ceasefire despite several declarations by the Yemeni government and supporters of the Yemeni Socialist Party. Concern was expressed for the deteriorating situation in Yemen, in particular the humanitarian situation and at the provision of arms and other materiel.
A ceasefire was then demanded, stressing the importance and effective implementation of an effective ceasefire. The resolution deplored the continuing military assault on Aden, calling for heavy weapons to be moved out of range of the city. The Secretary-General and his Special Envoy were requested to continue negotiations with both parties on the possible establishment of a mechanism that would monitor, encourage respect for, and help to prevent violations of the ceasefire.
The council also reiterated its calls for an immediate cessation to the provision of weapons and other materiel, noting that political differences cannot be resolved through the use of force. Concern was expressed at the humanitarian situation in Yemen, so the Secretary-General was requested to use all resources to address those affected by the conflict and facilitate the distribution of humanitarian aid.
Finally, the secretary-general was required to report back to the Security Council within 15 days of the adoption of the present resolution detailing progress made. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"1994 United Nations Security Council resolutions",
"1994 in Yemen",
"United Nations Security Council resolutions concerning Yemen",
"June 1994 events"
] | |
projected-26722993-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United%20Nations%20Security%20Council%20Resolution%20931 | United Nations Security Council Resolution 931 | See also | United Nations Security Council resolution 931, adopted unanimously on 29 June 1994, after recalling Resolution 924 (1994) on the civil war in Yemen, the Council considered the findings of the fact-finding mission deployed to the country and demanded a ceasefire.
The Council supported the call of the Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali for an immediate cessation of the shelling in the city of Aden, condemning the failure of the parties not to heed the call. It was also disturbed at the lack of ceasefire despite several declarations by the Yemeni government and supporters of the Yemeni Socialist Party. Concern was expressed for the deteriorating situation in Yemen, in particular the humanitarian situation and at the provision of arms and other materiel.
A ceasefire was then demanded, stressing the importance and effective implementation of an effective ceasefire. The resolution deplored the continuing military assault on Aden, calling for heavy weapons to be moved out of range of the city. The Secretary-General and his Special Envoy were requested to continue negotiations with both parties on the possible establishment of a mechanism that would monitor, encourage respect for, and help to prevent violations of the ceasefire.
The council also reiterated its calls for an immediate cessation to the provision of weapons and other materiel, noting that political differences cannot be resolved through the use of force. Concern was expressed at the humanitarian situation in Yemen, so the Secretary-General was requested to use all resources to address those affected by the conflict and facilitate the distribution of humanitarian aid.
Finally, the secretary-general was required to report back to the Security Council within 15 days of the adoption of the present resolution detailing progress made. | 1994 civil war in Yemen
Democratic Republic of Yemen
List of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 901 to 1000 (1994–1995) | [] | [
"See also"
] | [
"1994 United Nations Security Council resolutions",
"1994 in Yemen",
"United Nations Security Council resolutions concerning Yemen",
"June 1994 events"
] |
projected-20467727-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USS%20Valcour | USS Valcour | Introduction | USS Valcour (AVP-55), later AGF-1, was a Barnegat-class seaplane tender of the United States Navy, in commission as a seaplane tender from 1946 to 1965 and as a flagship from 1965 to 1973. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Barnegat-class seaplane tenders",
"Cold War auxiliary ships of the United States",
"1943 ships",
"Maritime incidents in 1951",
"Ships built at Lake Washington Shipyard"
] | |
projected-20467727-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USS%20Valcour | USS Valcour | Construction and career | USS Valcour (AVP-55), later AGF-1, was a Barnegat-class seaplane tender of the United States Navy, in commission as a seaplane tender from 1946 to 1965 and as a flagship from 1965 to 1973. | Valcour was laid down on 21 December 1942 at Houghton, Washington, by the Lake Washington Shipyard and launched on 5 June 1943, sponsored by Mrs. H. C. Davis, the wife of Captain H. C. Davis, the intelligence officer for the 13th Naval District. Valcour was taken to the Puget Sound Navy Yard at Bremerton, Washington, for completion, but the heavy load of repairs conducted by that shipyard on ships damaged in combat during World War II meant that her construction assumed a lower priority than the repair of combatant vessels. She finally was commissioned at the Puget Sound Naval Shipyard (the former Puget Sound Navy Yard) on 5 July 1946 with Commander Barnet T. Talbott in command. She was the last of the 35 ships to commission.
Valcour conducted her shakedown off San Diego, California, between 9 August 1946 and 9 September 1946. Ordered to the United States Atlantic Fleet upon its completion, she transited the Panama Canal between 17 September 1946 and 21 September 1946 and reached the New York Naval Shipyard at Brooklyn, New York, on 26 September 1946 for post-shakedown shipyard availability. Valcour subsequently operated out of Norfolk, Virginia; Quonset Point, Rhode Island; Cristóbal, Panama Canal Zone; and Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, tending seaplanes of the Fleet Air Wings, Atlantic, through mid-1949.
Having received orders designating her as flagship for the Commander, Middle Eastern Force (ComMidEastFor), Valcour departed Norfolk on 29 August 1949, steamed across the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean, stopping at Gibraltar and at Golfe Juan, France, transited the Suez Canal, and arrived at Aden, a British protectorate, on 24 September 1949. Over the months that ensued, Valcour touched at ports on the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf, including Bahrain; Kuwait; Ras Mishab, Basra; Ras Tanura, Muscat; Bombay, India; Colombo, Ceylon; and Karachi, Pakistan. She returned to Norfolk on 6 March 1950, via Aden; Suez; Piraeus, Greece; Sfax, Tunisia; and Gibraltar. Late in the summer of 1950, after a period of leave, upkeep, and training, she returned to the Middle East for her second tour as ComMidEastFor flagship, which lasted from 5 September 1950 to 15 March 1951. | [] | [
"Construction and career"
] | [
"Barnegat-class seaplane tenders",
"Cold War auxiliary ships of the United States",
"1943 ships",
"Maritime incidents in 1951",
"Ships built at Lake Washington Shipyard"
] |
projected-20467727-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USS%20Valcour | USS Valcour | Collision with SS Thomas Tracy | USS Valcour (AVP-55), later AGF-1, was a Barnegat-class seaplane tender of the United States Navy, in commission as a seaplane tender from 1946 to 1965 and as a flagship from 1965 to 1973. | On the morning of 14 May 1951, two months after she returned to Norfolk from her second Middle East tour, Valcour headed out to sea for independent ship exercises. While passing the collier off Cape Henry, Virginia, she suffered a steering casualty and power failure. As she veered sharply across the path of the oncoming collier, Valcour sounded warning signals. Thomas Tracy attempted to make an emergency turn to starboard but her bow soon plowed into Valcours starboard side, rupturing an aviation gasoline fuel tank. An intense fire soon broke out aboard Valcour and, fed by the high-test aviation gasoline, spread rapidly. To make matters worse, water began flooding into Valcours ruptured hull. Although fire and rescue parties on board Valcour went to work immediately, the gasoline-fed inferno forced many of Valcours crew to leap overboard into the swirling currents of Hampton Roads to escape the flames that soon enveloped Valcours starboard side. The situation at that point looked so severe that Valcours commanding officer, Captain Eugene Tatom, gave the order to abandon ship.
Thomas Tracy, meanwhile, fared better. Fires aboard Thomas Tracy were confined largely to the forward hold and her crew suffered no injuries. She managed to return to Newport News, Virginia, with her cargo, 10,000 tons of coal, intact. Valcour, on the other hand, became the object of exhaustive salvage operations. Rescue ships, including the submarine rescue ship and the United States Coast Guard tug sped to the scene of the tragedy. Fire and rescue parties, in some cases forced to use gas masks, succeeded in bringing the blaze under control but not before 11 men had died and 16 more had been injured. Another 25 were listed as "missing", and later were confirmed as dead. | [] | [
"Construction and career",
"Collision with SS Thomas Tracy"
] | [
"Barnegat-class seaplane tenders",
"Cold War auxiliary ships of the United States",
"1943 ships",
"Maritime incidents in 1951",
"Ships built at Lake Washington Shipyard"
] |
projected-20467727-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USS%20Valcour | USS Valcour | Reconstruction | USS Valcour (AVP-55), later AGF-1, was a Barnegat-class seaplane tender of the United States Navy, in commission as a seaplane tender from 1946 to 1965 and as a flagship from 1965 to 1973. | Towed back to Norfolk, which she reached at 02:00 hours on 15 May 1951, Valcour underwent an extensive overhaul over the ensuing months. During those repairs, improvements were made in shipboard habitability—air conditioning was installed—and the removal of her single 5-inch (127 mm) 38-caliber forward gun mount to compensate for the increased weight of her other alterations gave the ship a silhouette unique for Barnegat-class ships. The reconstruction task was finally completed on 4 December 1951.
Valcour rotated yearly between the United States and the Middle East from 1952 to 1965, conducting yearly deployments as one of the trio of Barnegat-class ships—along with and —that served alternately as flagship for ComMidEastFor. Through 1961, she followed a highly predictable schedule, departing Norfolk each January, relieving Duxbury Bay upon arrival on station, being relieved by Greenwich Bay at the end of her tour, and returning to Norfolk.
There were several highlights to Valcours lengthy Middle East deployments. In July 1953, during her fourth Middle East cruise, Valcour aided a damaged cargo ship in the Indian Ocean and then escorted her through a violent typhoon to Bombay, India. In May 1955, men from Valcour boarded the blazing and abandoned Italian tanker Argea Prima at the entrance to the Persian Gulf, even though Argea Prima at the time was laden with a cargo of of crude oil, and proceeded to control the fires. Once Valcours fire and rescue party had performed their salvage operation, Argea Primas crew reboarded the ship and she continued her voyage. Later, Valcour received a plaque from the owners of Argea Prima in appreciation of the assistance rendered to their ship.
Valcour performed her duties so efficiently that the Chief of Naval Operations congratulated ComMidEastFor for her outstanding contribution to good foreign relations and for her enhancement of the prestige of the United States. The ship was also adjudged the outstanding seaplane tender in the Atlantic Fleet in 1957 and was awarded the Battle Readiness and Excellence Plaque and the Navy "E" in recognition of the accomplishment. During Valcours 1960 Middle East cruise, she became the first American ship to visit the Seychelles Islands, an archipelago in the Indian Ocean, since 1912. In 1963, Valcour earned her second Navy "E".
In between her deployments to the Middle East, Valcour conducted local operations out of Naval Amphibious Base Little Creek at Virginia Beach, Virginia; Guantanamo Bay; and Kingston, Jamaica. Around 1960 Valcour received some conspicuous equipment upgrades, including a tripod mast with a newer air search radar and a tall communications antenna which, with its deckhouse, replaced the quadruple 40-millimeter antiaircraft gun mount on her fantail. In 1965, she qualified as a "blue nose" by crossing the Arctic Circle during operations in the Norwegian Sea.
Valcour completed her 15th Middle East cruise on 13 March 1965. | [] | [
"Construction and career",
"Reconstruction"
] | [
"Barnegat-class seaplane tenders",
"Cold War auxiliary ships of the United States",
"1943 ships",
"Maritime incidents in 1951",
"Ships built at Lake Washington Shipyard"
] |
projected-20467727-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USS%20Valcour | USS Valcour | Service as "miscellaneous command flagship" (AGF-1) 1966–1971 | USS Valcour (AVP-55), later AGF-1, was a Barnegat-class seaplane tender of the United States Navy, in commission as a seaplane tender from 1946 to 1965 and as a flagship from 1965 to 1973. | Soon after returning from her 15th cruise, a realignment took place under which Duxbury Bay and Gardiners Bay were ordered decommissioned and Valcour was selected to continue on a permanent basis the ComMidEastFor flagship duty previously performed by all three ships on a rotational basis. She was reclassified as a "miscellaneous command flagship" and designated AGF-1 on 15 December 1965. As AGF-1, Valcour took on the mission was of command post, living facility, and communications center for ComMidEastFor and his staff of 15 officers.
Valcour departed the United States for the Middle East on 18 April 1966 for her 16th MidEastFor cruise, and her first as AGF-1. Tasked to demonstrate American interest and good will in the Middle East, Valcour distributed textbooks, medicine, clothing, and domestic machinery (such as sewing machines) to the needy under the auspices of Project Handclasp. Men from Valcour attempted to promote good relations with the countries Valcour visited by assisting in the construction of orphanages and schools, by participating in public functions, and by entertaining dignitaries, military representatives, and civilians. In addition, while watching merchant shipping lanes, Valcour had standing requirements to assist stricken ships and to evacuate Americans during crises in Middle Eastern countries.
Based at Bahrain, Valcour remained in the Middle East, save for a winter overhaul at Norfolk in 1968-69, until 1971. She became the permanent flagship for ComMidEastFor in 1971, but was selected in January 1972 for inactivation.
Relieved as flagship by miscellaneous command flagship (ex-landing platform dock) (ex-LPD-3) in the spring of 1972, Valcour returned to Norfolk via Colombo; Singapore; Brisbane, Australia; Wellington, New Zealand; Tahiti; Panama; and Fort Lauderdale, Florida. After four days at Fort Lauderdale, she arrived at Norfolk on 11 November 1972, completing an voyage from the Middle East. | [
"USS Valcour (AGF-1) in 1972.jpg"
] | [
"Construction and career",
"Service as \"miscellaneous command flagship\" (AGF-1) 1966–1971"
] | [
"Barnegat-class seaplane tenders",
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"1943 ships",
"Maritime incidents in 1951",
"Ships built at Lake Washington Shipyard"
] |
projected-20467727-005 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USS%20Valcour | USS Valcour | Decommissioning and disposal | USS Valcour (AVP-55), later AGF-1, was a Barnegat-class seaplane tender of the United States Navy, in commission as a seaplane tender from 1946 to 1965 and as a flagship from 1965 to 1973. | After being stripped of all usable gear over the ensuing months, Valcour was decommissioned on 15 January 1973; her name was struck from the Navy List simultaneously with her decommissioning. She shifted to the Inactive Ship Facility at Portsmouth, Virginia, so that she could be prepared for service as a test-bed for electromagnetic tests held under the auspices of the Naval Ordnance Laboratory (NOL), White Oak, Maryland. Towed from Norfolk to the Solomons Island, Maryland, branch of NOL in March 1974, she soon thereafter began her service as a test ship for the Electromagnetic Pulse Radiation Environment Simulation for Ships (EMPRESS) facility.
The U.S. Navy sold Valcour on 1 May 1977 to be broken up for scrap. | [] | [
"Construction and career",
"Decommissioning and disposal"
] | [
"Barnegat-class seaplane tenders",
"Cold War auxiliary ships of the United States",
"1943 ships",
"Maritime incidents in 1951",
"Ships built at Lake Washington Shipyard"
] |
projected-20467727-006 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USS%20Valcour | USS Valcour | Awards | USS Valcour (AVP-55), later AGF-1, was a Barnegat-class seaplane tender of the United States Navy, in commission as a seaplane tender from 1946 to 1965 and as a flagship from 1965 to 1973. | American Campaign Medal
World War II Victory Medal
National Defense Service Medal with star | [] | [
"Awards"
] | [
"Barnegat-class seaplane tenders",
"Cold War auxiliary ships of the United States",
"1943 ships",
"Maritime incidents in 1951",
"Ships built at Lake Washington Shipyard"
] |
projected-20467727-008 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USS%20Valcour | USS Valcour | References | USS Valcour (AVP-55), later AGF-1, was a Barnegat-class seaplane tender of the United States Navy, in commission as a seaplane tender from 1946 to 1965 and as a flagship from 1965 to 1973. | NavSource Online: Service Ship Photo Archive USS Valcour (AGF-1) ex USS Valcour (AVP-55) (1946 - 1965)
Department of the Navy: Naval Historical Center: Online Library of Selected Images: U.S. Navy Ships: USS Valcour (AVP-55, later AGF-1), 1946-1977 -- Views of the ship taken in 1946-1960
Chesneau, Roger. Conways All the World's Fighting Ships 1922–1946. New York: Mayflower Books, Inc., 1980. .
Category:Barnegat-class seaplane tenders
Category:Cold War auxiliary ships of the United States
Category:1943 ships
Category:Maritime incidents in 1951
Category:Ships built at Lake Washington Shipyard | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Barnegat-class seaplane tenders",
"Cold War auxiliary ships of the United States",
"1943 ships",
"Maritime incidents in 1951",
"Ships built at Lake Washington Shipyard"
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projected-20467735-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mudwalawa | Mudwalawa | Introduction | Mudwalawa is a village development committee in Rautahat District in the Narayani Zone of south-eastern Nepal. At the time of the 1991 Nepal census it had a population of 3691. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Populated places in Rautahat District"
] | |
projected-20467735-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mudwalawa | Mudwalawa | References | Mudwalawa is a village development committee in Rautahat District in the Narayani Zone of south-eastern Nepal. At the time of the 1991 Nepal census it had a population of 3691. | Category:Populated places in Rautahat District | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Populated places in Rautahat District"
] |
projected-20467740-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Another%20Kind%20of%20Monday | Another Kind of Monday | Introduction | Another Kind of Monday is a 1996 young-adult novel by the American writer William E. Coles, Jr. (1932–2005) set in 1990s Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.
It tells the story of Mark, a high school senior who by chance opens an old library copy of Great Expectations and finds $300 along with a set of directions that launches him into a scavenger hunt all over the city and unwittingly into a romance with a co-quester. As the two retrieve more and more assignments, their lives take twists and turns that bond them closer together.
The novel was recognized as an American Library Association Best Books for Young Adults in 1996. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"1996 American novels",
"American young adult novels",
"Novels set in Pittsburgh",
"Atheneum Books books"
] | |
projected-20467740-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Another%20Kind%20of%20Monday | Another Kind of Monday | References | Another Kind of Monday is a 1996 young-adult novel by the American writer William E. Coles, Jr. (1932–2005) set in 1990s Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.
It tells the story of Mark, a high school senior who by chance opens an old library copy of Great Expectations and finds $300 along with a set of directions that launches him into a scavenger hunt all over the city and unwittingly into a romance with a co-quester. As the two retrieve more and more assignments, their lives take twists and turns that bond them closer together.
The novel was recognized as an American Library Association Best Books for Young Adults in 1996. | Category:1996 American novels
Category:American young adult novels
Category:Novels set in Pittsburgh
Category:Atheneum Books books | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"1996 American novels",
"American young adult novels",
"Novels set in Pittsburgh",
"Atheneum Books books"
] |
projected-17332706-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mombasa%20Sports%20Club | Mombasa Sports Club | Introduction | Mombasa Sports Club (MSC) is multi-sport club based in Mombasa, Kenya. It also owns sporting facilities. The club was established in 1896, and it is among the oldest sporting clubs in Kenya. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Kenyan club cricket teams",
"Cricket grounds in Kenya",
"Kenyan rugby union teams",
"Kenyan field hockey clubs",
"Football clubs in Kenya",
"Sport in Mombasa",
"1896 establishments in Kenya",
"Sports clubs established in 1896"
] | |
projected-17332706-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mombasa%20Sports%20Club | Mombasa Sports Club | Cricket | Mombasa Sports Club (MSC) is multi-sport club based in Mombasa, Kenya. It also owns sporting facilities. The club was established in 1896, and it is among the oldest sporting clubs in Kenya. | Mombasa Sports Club has a cricket team taking part in the Coast Cricket Association competitions. | [] | [
"Cricket"
] | [
"Kenyan club cricket teams",
"Cricket grounds in Kenya",
"Kenyan rugby union teams",
"Kenyan field hockey clubs",
"Football clubs in Kenya",
"Sport in Mombasa",
"1896 establishments in Kenya",
"Sports clubs established in 1896"
] |
projected-17332706-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mombasa%20Sports%20Club | Mombasa Sports Club | Cricket ground | Mombasa Sports Club (MSC) is multi-sport club based in Mombasa, Kenya. It also owns sporting facilities. The club was established in 1896, and it is among the oldest sporting clubs in Kenya. | The Mombasa Sports Club ground is the only fully accredited ODI Cricket ground in Kenya outside of Nairobi. Its acquired this status prior to hosting a three match ODI series between Kenya and Bermuda as well as a triangular ODI Tournament featuring Kenya, Canada and Scotland, in 2006. Providing all the cricket for Ireland's tour of the country in 2012, this venue has hosted fifteen international fixtures (twelve ODI and three T20I), also six first-class matches (initially in 1964) and 22 List A matches. | [] | [
"Cricket",
"Cricket ground"
] | [
"Kenyan club cricket teams",
"Cricket grounds in Kenya",
"Kenyan rugby union teams",
"Kenyan field hockey clubs",
"Football clubs in Kenya",
"Sport in Mombasa",
"1896 establishments in Kenya",
"Sports clubs established in 1896"
] |
projected-17332706-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mombasa%20Sports%20Club | Mombasa Sports Club | Hockey | Mombasa Sports Club (MSC) is multi-sport club based in Mombasa, Kenya. It also owns sporting facilities. The club was established in 1896, and it is among the oldest sporting clubs in Kenya. | The club has field hockey sections for men and women. In 2008, MSC ladies team plays in 1st level National league, while their men counterparts play in the premier league.
In 2011, the Men's team finishes a top their National League and get promoted to the Premier League.
In 2012, in their first year, they finish 9th out of 12 teams and ensure Kenya Hockey Premier League survival for the 2013 Season ahead of regulars; Mvita XI, Karate Axiom and Western Jaguars.
The 2013 Season Kicks Off with the Mombasa Derby, MSC vs Mvita XI on 8 June 2013, before a flurry of four matches against: Western Jaguars, Green Sharks, Kenya Police and Strathmore | [] | [
"Hockey"
] | [
"Kenyan club cricket teams",
"Cricket grounds in Kenya",
"Kenyan rugby union teams",
"Kenyan field hockey clubs",
"Football clubs in Kenya",
"Sport in Mombasa",
"1896 establishments in Kenya",
"Sports clubs established in 1896"
] |
projected-17332706-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mombasa%20Sports%20Club | Mombasa Sports Club | Rugby | Mombasa Sports Club (MSC) is multi-sport club based in Mombasa, Kenya. It also owns sporting facilities. The club was established in 1896, and it is among the oldest sporting clubs in Kenya. | MSC Rugby team plays in the Kenya Cup league, the highest level rugby union competition in Kenya. The club started playing rugby in 1935. The MSC Rugby Grounds, most recently hosted the Confederation of African Rugby tournament that brought together Over 8 national teams to a qualifier tournament in Mombasa, among them, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Morocco | [] | [
"Rugby"
] | [
"Kenyan club cricket teams",
"Cricket grounds in Kenya",
"Kenyan rugby union teams",
"Kenyan field hockey clubs",
"Football clubs in Kenya",
"Sport in Mombasa",
"1896 establishments in Kenya",
"Sports clubs established in 1896"
] |
projected-17332706-005 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mombasa%20Sports%20Club | Mombasa Sports Club | Football | Mombasa Sports Club (MSC) is multi-sport club based in Mombasa, Kenya. It also owns sporting facilities. The club was established in 1896, and it is among the oldest sporting clubs in Kenya. | Their football team takes part in regional level football competitions. | [] | [
"Football"
] | [
"Kenyan club cricket teams",
"Cricket grounds in Kenya",
"Kenyan rugby union teams",
"Kenyan field hockey clubs",
"Football clubs in Kenya",
"Sport in Mombasa",
"1896 establishments in Kenya",
"Sports clubs established in 1896"
] |
projected-17332706-006 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mombasa%20Sports%20Club | Mombasa Sports Club | Other sports | Mombasa Sports Club (MSC) is multi-sport club based in Mombasa, Kenya. It also owns sporting facilities. The club was established in 1896, and it is among the oldest sporting clubs in Kenya. | Other disciplines at Mombasa Sports Club include Basketball, Squash, Snooker, Tennis, Bowling and Bridge. | [] | [
"Other sports"
] | [
"Kenyan club cricket teams",
"Cricket grounds in Kenya",
"Kenyan rugby union teams",
"Kenyan field hockey clubs",
"Football clubs in Kenya",
"Sport in Mombasa",
"1896 establishments in Kenya",
"Sports clubs established in 1896"
] |
projected-17332706-011 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mombasa%20Sports%20Club | Mombasa Sports Club | References | Mombasa Sports Club (MSC) is multi-sport club based in Mombasa, Kenya. It also owns sporting facilities. The club was established in 1896, and it is among the oldest sporting clubs in Kenya. | Mombasa Sports Club
Cricinfo ground profile
Google map location
Hockey Kenya
Kenya Rugby Union | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Kenyan club cricket teams",
"Cricket grounds in Kenya",
"Kenyan rugby union teams",
"Kenyan field hockey clubs",
"Football clubs in Kenya",
"Sport in Mombasa",
"1896 establishments in Kenya",
"Sports clubs established in 1896"
] |