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FBIS3-42580_2 | Qyzylorda Oblast Governor on Effects of Sovereignty on His Oblast | are revitalizing the important customs and traditions of our nation. This means that no one can slap our hands. What else do we need? We must know how to organize. We must think about efficient ways to achieve this, and we must seek practical means for raising living standards. In any case we cannot say that we have solved all the critical and difficult economic questions, and that we have eliminated all the difficulties plaguing the people during two years. That was not possible. However, it is true that we have accomplished noteworthy things in strengthening the nation and in laying the foundations for tomorrow. Le us take my oblast as an example. When Qyzylorda was once mentioned, the image of rice flashed before peoples' eyes. It is true that the foundation of our economy is rice growing. This is because this was the way it was before. It was decided from above what a given region was to be involved in. Instructions came down from above as to what crops were to be planted and what products produced. This is the value of independence: now we ourselves decide what we need, and how to produce it. This year we obtained an increase of 105 from every hundred adult animals in the oblast and have become one of the leaders. We have harvested 47 centners from every hectare of rice. Likewise, we are undertaking measures to supply the inhabitants of the oblast with local vegetables, fruit, and berry products. At the end of the harvest we had threshed 60,000 tons of golden grain. By way of comparison, this was 100 kilo each for every inhabitant of Qyzylorda, from the crawling baby to the bent old man. All of this, in a word, we understand as the fruit of freedom provided by sovereignty. Everything, in addition to its positive side, has its down side too. We still do not understand the meaning of democratic processes. We are not managing economic reform exactly right, and we have made erroneous decisions restraining energetic development. Difficult days have now begun to be experienced in agriculture. Products are being produced, economic indicators are high, but this is having a limited effect on maintaining living standards. There is disorganization in the pricing system. Wages are becoming worthless, and there is looseness in finances and in banking. There are deficiencies in the policy of social protection. All |
FBIS3-42592_1 | Irkutsk Air Crash Investigation Continues | Tu-154 aircraft, which belonged to the aviation company Baykal, took off at 0657 hours. It climbed to an altitude of 4,000 meters. When the liner was at a distance of 31 kilometers from the airport, the crew reported a fire in the second engine. This happened at 0702 hours. A decision was made to return. Fire extinguishers were employed immediately to localize the fire. However, the pressure fell in all hydraulic systems. The aircraft went virtually out of control, which the crew reported. Afterward, contact was cut off, and the image of the aircraft on the radar scope disappeared. A total of six minutes passed from the moment of the report of the emergency. The aircraft fell in the area of the village of Mamon, 15 kilometers from the airport. When it hit the ground, it broke up and burned. According to established data, the aircraft was carrying five flight crew members, four air stewards, and 115 passengers, including 16 citizens of foreign states (Germany--eight, PRC--four, India--one, Japan--one, Austria--one, France--one). Everyone was killed. During the crash, livestock farm buildings were damaged. There were three workers in them. One of them died, and two sustained burns. As is known, by a directive of the Government of the Russian Federation of 3 January 1994, a government commission headed by Vitaliy Yefimov, the minister of transportation of Russia, was established to investigate the cause of the crash. Specialists were attached to its work from civil aviation, the aviation industry, organs of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Federal Counterintelligence Service, the Procuracy General of the Russian Federation, and ministries of the Russian Federation on matters of civil defense, emergency situations and the elimination of the consequences of natural disasters, and also experts of other departments. The search and accident services have been working at the site of the tragedy. Work is continuing at the present time on the evacuation of aircraft wreckage, and on cleaning up and tidying the area. The engines and a number of units were submitted for analysis. Experts of commissions and subcommissions are continuing the study of flight and technical documentation; they are analyzing data on systems for the objective monitoring of the condition and operation of aircraft systems and the actions of the crew during flight. Analysis is being conducted on the technical condition of the aircraft and its systems, and the nature of the destruction of the |
FBIS3-42592_6 | Irkutsk Air Crash Investigation Continues | special scientific analysis institutes in Moscow. There also are plans to ferry the engine. It is necessary to determine exactly why the fire occurred. A program has already been developed to model the flight in special computer complexes. That is, the flight of the perished aircraft will be reproduced in accordance with the real conditions. As for the actions of the crew in the situation that developed, nothing can be said unequivocally at the present time. G. Padukov, the aircraft commander and a pilot first class, graduated from the Civil Aviation Academy in 1973; he worked as the commander of An-2, Il-14, and Tu-104 aircraft. His flying time totals 13,600 hours, including 5,600 hours as a Tu-154 commander. A. Zhavoronkov, the copilot, also a pilot first class, graduated from the same educational institution, but 10 years later than the commander. But he also went through the same kind of practical schooling. Navigator V. Mollar has a total flying time of 14,900 hours, and of these 8,500 are on a Tu-154. Flight engineer I. Karpov, like his colleagues, is an experienced pilot. O. Likhodiyevskiy, chief navigator of the East Siberian Regional Administration of Air Transport, was a member of the crew on a planned inspection check. In general, all crew members had adequate training and a lot of experience. The press is making complaints about the Tu-154 aircraft. They say that it is unreliable. At the present time, 397 Tu-154 aircraft are in operation. Two hundred aircraft of this type are being used in the CIS [as published]. More than 50 percent of the passenger air traffic is being conducted on Tu-154's. In 22 years of operation, 12 crashes were registered, and only one of them occurred because of aviation equipment failure. This was in 1984 in the area of the city of Krasnodar. It must be said that aircraft whose service life has expired are not operated. Today there is a large number of aviation companies with various forms of ownership. However, not one of them has the right to conduct flights without special authorization and special documents issued by the appropriate departments. Therefore, discussions that commercial structures are using old and irreparable aviation equipment are incompetent. According to the assurances of Vitaliy Yefimov, the chairman of the government commission, ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA will be able to acquire full information concerning the air crash at Irkutsk after completion of the investigation. |
FBIS3-42603_0 | PKK, ASALA Plan to Attack Turkey Alleged | Language: Armenian Article Type:CSO [Text] The report prepared by Turkish security circles about relations between the PKK [Kurdistan Workers' Party] and Armenia--about which we wrote based on material from ZAMAN--is the subject of a front-page article in today's CUMHURIYET. The article notes that the PKK, in collaboration with ASALA [Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia] will launch an attack on Turkey next spring. The article also says that Armenian villages near the Turkish border offer support of all types to the PKK. Goksel Polad writes [in CUMHURIYET] that the Turkish security circles assume that PKK guerrillas trained in camps in Armenia will launch attacks against Turkey from the Armenian border in the spring of 1994, together with ASALA militants. The report by the Security Directorate General notes that the PKK has established camps in Armenian villages near the Turkish border inhabited by Armenians of Kurdish ancestry hostile to Turkey. PKK militants train in camps in the Bekaa in Lebanon and Zeli in northern Iraq, together with ASALA militants. The said report provides the following information about Armenian-PKK relations: ASALA militants are trained in PKK camps in Jordan and Syria. Trained ASALA militants recruit new guerrillas and procure armaments [for the PKK]. This assistance continues today. [PKK leader] Abdullah Ocalan [Apo], who receives aid from Armenia and ASALA, conducts ties with Armenia personally. He has established training camps in Armenian villages near the Turkish border, and training is under way in those camps today. These activities are carried out with the knowledge and complicity of the Armenian government. The camps are in villages inhabited by Armenians of Kurdish ancestry hostile to Turkey. The PKK and ASALA militants trained in these camps will attack Turkey from Armenia's borders in the near future, probably in the spring of 1994. The report also enumerates the names of the villages that support the PKK. Those are: Mirek, Reya, Taze, Elegez (Alagiaz), Shengani, Derik, Afshin, Suphan, Chumushvan, Senger, Amritaze in the Aragadz region; Barazh, Hako, Delto, Sorik, Kabaktepe, Tellik, Sichanli, Baysich in the Talin region; Ferik in the Echmiadzin region; and Shamran in the Ashtarak region (these names are given as published in CUMHURIYET). |
FBIS3-42620_1 | Goskomstat Data on Industry's Work for 11 Months of 1993 | of power generation declined overall by 5 percent, and at thermal electric power stations by 8 percent. In ferrous metallurgy as compared to 11 months of last year output of finished rolled metal dropped off by 7 percent, and of steel pipe by one-quarter. At the same time, certain structural changes are taking place in the sector. While total steel smelting fell off by 12 percent, output of converter steel declined by 3 percent. The share of this advanced method in the total volume of production currently is 38 percent as compared to 34 percent in 1992. In machine building, over January-November 1993 as compared to the same period of last year, production of construction cranes declined by almost one-half; freight railcars and large electric machinery--by one-third; main line diesel locomotives--by more than one-quarter; and metal-cutting machine tools and alternate current electric motors--by almost 20 percent. In the chemical and petrochemical industry over January-November of 1993 the output of chemical fiber and thread amounted to 74 percent of that for last year, and automotive tires--89 percent; the output of mineral fertilizer has not exceeded 80 percent of the level of the corresponding period of last year. At the same time, positive structural changes are manifesting themselves in their production: The share of mineral fertilizer in granulated form has increased from 58 percent to 63 percent. In 1993 there were structural changes in the production of chemical fiber and thread. The share of artificial thread and fiber requiring less expenditure of material resources increased (from 43 percent in January-November 1992 to the current 49 percent), as did the production of those closest in quality to natural thread and fiber--rayon textile thread (from 6.5 percent to 8.1 percent) and rayon fiber (from 28 percent to 34 percent). In the timber, woodworking, and pulp and paper industry over the elapsed 11 months, output of cardboard and sawn lumber declined by one-quarter; of woodchip board--by 12 percent, and plywood--by 18 percent. There was also a decline in the production of window and door units, mine props, prefabricated homes and sets of home-building components made of wood, and wood containers. Despite the seasonal increase in the production of commercial wood that began in November, its monthly output ended 27 percent below that of last year, and over January-November overall--28 percent. At the same time, the decline in paper production slowed down somewhat--from 25 percent in |
FBIS3-42621_0 | President of Chamber of Commerce, Industry on Past Year's Activity | Language: Russian Article Type:CSO [Interview with Russian Federation Chamber of Commerce and Industry President S. Smirnov, by EKONOMIKA I ZHIZN correspondent B. Rachkov: "Russia Will Be Reborn Through Entrepreneurship"] [Text] On the occasion of the new year, Stanislav Alekseyevich Smirnov, president of the Russian Federation Chamber of Commerce and Industry [TPP], talked with our EKONOMIKA I ZHIZN correspondent. The conversation began with the most important event to occur in the life of the Russian Chamber this past year. [Smirnov] This important event was, of course, the establishment of the Russian Chamber of Commerce and Industry as a public organization representing entrpreneurship in our country. Public, not state, as it essentially had been before. An organization expressing and defending the interests of entrepreneurs of all forms of property, not exclusively state property, as in the past. At the same time we are not repudiating everything positive accomplished by the former union chamber and its structural subdivisions. I want to emphasize, however, that under conditions of transition to the market, even the best of the former chamber has nearly always been turned into its opposite and has yielded to bureaucratic turnpikes on the new roads to initiative and independence. On the other hand, any independent energy and initiative from new market structures cowered before the shadow cast by the old official grandeur of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry. The chamber's former administrative skill had to be placed firmly in the service of the enterprise being born among us. Enterprise in all its forms, from large, medium, and small enterprises, from juridical and physical persons, from the leaders of state industrial giants to private entrepreneur just starting out. Bear in mind that the first stage in the establishment of the chamber came about in a legislative vacuum. Many factors hindered the actual legislation of the Russian chamber's new functions, which are the same as those generally accepted throughout the civilized world. The tension of the political struggle around economic transformations in Russia also took its toll on the reforming of public entrepreneurial organizations, the highest link of which are the chambers of commerce and industry. Actually, sticks have been thrust into the wheels of reform frequently just out of ordinary incompetence and sloppiness. Otherwise, how can we explain the impartial facts of looting and pilfering--if not by local authorities then by local "bosses"--of the bulk of what was created by the union |
FBIS3-42621_2 | President of Chamber of Commerce, Industry on Past Year's Activity | chamber. By March 1993, however, the presidential edict "On the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of the Russian Federation" had put a great deal in place. It not only put a stop to anarchy in the interpretation of the federal chamber's role under market conditions, it also defined the chamber's new functions as an important public entrepreneurial organization. The edict stimulated the passage of an even more necessary document, the corresponding law, which was also drafted under rather contradictory circumstances. Without going into depth, I will cite one telling detail: the bill's opponent, representing primarily the interests of yesterday's command system, unable to block passage of the law in parliament, actually drafted a presidential veto. It didn't work out, though. The law "On the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of the Russian Federation" laid down precise legal bases for all lines of activity of the main public union for our country's entrepreneurs. Simultaneously, a new law was drafted "On International Commercial Arbitration," which, along with the first law, lent Russia's system of chambers of commerce and trade and their functions new meaning, like that generally accepted in world practice. [EKONOMIKA I ZHIZN] Stanislav Alekseyevich, the difficult path and the drama of initiating the activities of the Russian TPP are similar to what is going on in general in our country's economy. What do you think, will the chamber in its new capacity be able to introduce any kind of organizing principle into the rebirth of the Russian economy? [Smirnov] Yes, we are not functioning in isolation from the country's economy. We are experiencing along with it and the people as a whole the same economic successes, losses, and failures. The definite advance toward a civilized market is our success as well. The colossal drop in production and foreign trade circulation for the country has had a negative effect on our activities as well. Most Russian Federation TPP members and many of its foreign partners agree that "shock therapy" has proved itself an inadequate means for pulling the economy out of its stagnation, that it did not take into consideration the country's social, ethnic, and cultural characteristics. Under these conditions, we see our chief task as introducing more common sense and social principles into the reforming of the economy. We are striving to do this on all levels--locally, in the various regions of Russia through the more than 60 territorial chambers |
FBIS3-42623_4 | Trade Committee on Market Prospects for 1994 | However, the draft decree of the Council of Ministers "On Food Deliveries for Federal Needs for 1994" provides for a significant reduction in the volumes and number of consumers of these stocks. It proposes that they be formed only in order to provide the military and categories of consumers equated with them, to replenish state reserves, and to create operational government reserves--and only of several types of foodstuffs at that. In this case federal stocks are envisaged in the following volumes: of grain--9.6 million tonnes, or 96 percent of the 1993 level; of meat products--633,000 tonnes, or 37 percent; of dairy products--3,349,000 tonnes, or 26 percent; of vegetables--466,000 tonnes, or 48 percent; of sugar--839,000 tonnes, or 20 percent; of vegetable oil--166,000 tonnes, or 15 percent; of eggs--1,445 million, or 9 percent. In order to provide incentives for rural commodity producers, it is planned to make advance deliveries amounting to no less than 70 percent of the value of contracted products. Despite the fact that Russia's Ministry of Agriculture, the RF Committee on the Food and Processing Industry, the RF Committee on Fishing, and the Roskhleboprodukt Joint-Stock Company insist on the preservation of previous volumes of federal stocks, the Ministry of Economics considers it possible to allocate funds only if the number of federal recipients is reduced. Recently, a special subdivision engaged in problems of commodity supply for Moscow has been established in the RF Committee on Trade. How to feed the city of many millions? This question has always been quite acute. The committee has prepared a draft decree of the Council of Ministers "On Measures To Provide the Population of the City of Moscow With Food During the First Half Year of 1994," which determines the volumes of basic food products at the 1993 level. However, the fair on the sale of food products held in the capital on 16-17 December made it possible to conclude contracts for their delivery in 1994 from Russia's regions as follows: of meat--75,000 tonnes, or 62 percent of the volumes, which, according to our calculations, are needed; of butter--7,500 tonnes, or 75 percent; of dry milk--2,000 tonnes, or 67 percent; of vegetable oil--0,100 tonnes, or 0.2 percent. Only cheese (5,700 tonnes, or 190 percent) and sugar (60,000 tonnes, or 120 percent) will be sufficient until July. Undoubtedly, Moscow is a special city both in terms of the number of its residents, its status, |
FBIS3-42624_7 | DELOVOY MIR Survey of Enterprise Directors, 11 January Degradation and Primitivization of Economic Structure Continue | is the strange (from the market standpoint) situation whereby demand for products and prices for production factors (raw materials, component parts, semifinished products, labor, transportation, information services, and so on) have an increasingly diminishing effect on the producer. The situation in the labor and investment goods markets remains one of the lesser concerns for enterprises. The impact of the privatization process on enterprises is completely negligible. It looks as if the predominantly monetarist approach to stimulating a market is beginning to kill the market itself. Another indication of the causes for the decline are the answers to another question: What does the enterprise need first and foremost in order to adapt faster to the current situation? (see Table 3). In this question, too, the respondents were asked to choose three out of 12 possible options. The data received in March and June of 1993 have already been published; the replies received in August are being published for the first time. Table 3. What does your enterprise need first and foremost in order to faster adapt to the current situation (as a percentage of the number of respondents) Possible factors Time the reply was received March 1993 June 1993 September 1993 1. To get paid by the 60 50 55 purchasers of the output 2. To find new 46 54 49 distribution markets 3. To pay debts to 24 33 35 suppliers 4. To change the mix 36 32 28 of the output produced 5. To expand 13 12 22 production capacities 6. To pay bank debts 17 29 21 7. To make changes in 13 10 16 the way the enterprise is run 8. To find suppliers 29 22 15 of raw materials and components 9. To cut the labor 5 8 8 force 10. To privatize the 19 15 7 enterprise 11. Other 6 4 3 12. Everything is 3 1 2 fine as is Of course, the replies to this question add color to the total picture, make it more graphic: The concentration of singular factors is much less prominent here. There are no grounds, however, to change the general conclusion above. The impact of the monetary factor has increased, first and foremost as a result of nonpayments on the part of customers and difficulties in paying debts to suppliers. The impact of indebtedness to banks has attenuated somewhat, although, as noted above, the total volume of such |
FBIS3-42624_8 | DELOVOY MIR Survey of Enterprise Directors, 11 January Degradation and Primitivization of Economic Structure Continue | 1. To get paid by the 60 50 55 purchasers of the output 2. To find new 46 54 49 distribution markets 3. To pay debts to 24 33 35 suppliers 4. To change the mix 36 32 28 of the output produced 5. To expand 13 12 22 production capacities 6. To pay bank debts 17 29 21 7. To make changes in 13 10 16 the way the enterprise is run 8. To find suppliers 29 22 15 of raw materials and components 9. To cut the labor 5 8 8 force 10. To privatize the 19 15 7 enterprise 11. Other 6 4 3 12. Everything is 3 1 2 fine as is Of course, the replies to this question add color to the total picture, make it more graphic: The concentration of singular factors is much less prominent here. There are no grounds, however, to change the general conclusion above. The impact of the monetary factor has increased, first and foremost as a result of nonpayments on the part of customers and difficulties in paying debts to suppliers. The impact of indebtedness to banks has attenuated somewhat, although, as noted above, the total volume of such debt has increased. Apparently, this is a relative decrease--the impact of other factors is stronger. Quite abnormal is the weakening of influence of such strictly market factors as the need to search for new distribution markets and changing the mix of the output produced. One could cheer a greater weight of the need to expand production capacities had it been accompanied by increased investment and demand for the enterprise's output. Unfortunately, most likely this reflects the sad fact that the existing production apparatus is fast becoming obsolete and the beginning of its decline in absolute terms. Only two out of 100 directors felt safe to report that "everything is fine as is." Accent on Production In this connection, of unquestionable interest are the answers to the new question included in the September survey (see Table 4). ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Table 4. In your opinion, what is more important now for the Russian economy?| ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Possible answers |As % of respondents | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |1. Stimulate production |66 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |2. Slow down inflation |27 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |3. Hard to tell |7 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- It is worth noting that there are very few who hesitated to answer this question. The directors' position was clear: |
FBIS3-42626_12 | Present, Future Trends in Migration Movements Viewed | to take this step. There are many refugees in the stream of emigrants because the most skilled segment of refugees (18 percent of those polled in various regions of the country) are oriented toward migrating abroad. Most emigrants (about 40 percent) are residents of Moscow and St. Petersburg and Moscow and Leningrad Oblasts; 8 percent are residents of Omsk Oblast, 6 percent--residents of Altay Kray, and 5 percent--of Orenburg Oblast. However, the severalfold growth of emigration is hardly possible in the immediate future because the actual scale of departures will depend not only on the number of people in Russia who strive to go abroad but also on the immigration capacity of receiving countries whose potential is limited. During the period of a mounting third wave of emigration from the republics of the former Union, a number of states changed the tactics of immigrant reception, making their qualitative selection stricter. Thus the leading universities of Europe and America and the research departments of multinational corporations will be able to place in jobs up to 200,000 leading scientists and specialists in the next few years to come. This is why, to Russia, emigration of the population means primarily loss of highly skilled specialists and intellectual, creative potential. Necessary Measures Therefore, two of the most acute migration-related problems of the present day, those of refugees and emigrants, are closely intertwined because a considerable proportion of refugees are potential emigrants. It is necessary to take this circumstance into account in developing a modern migration policy. It is necessary to urgently do the following in order to avert a catastrophe associated with swelling streams of refugees and forced migrants: to put representatives of the migration service on the staff of embassies and consulates of all states of the former USSR; to establish, on a parity basis with other CIS states, an organization similar to the International Migration Organization; to set forth the status of dual citizenship and bilingualism with the preservation of Russian as the second state language; to admit CIS countries to the International Migration Organization and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees; to provide moral, financial, and organizational assistance to Russian and Russian-language communities in establishing cultural and educational centers and similar centers of other nations in Russia; to take political, legal, and financial measures aimed at overcoming the forced migration of representatives of national minorities, the Russian-speaking population. |
FBIS3-42628_2 | Toxic Waste From West Continues To Arrive at Ukraine's Shores | during cleaning at a warehouse where dangerous chemical reagents were stored: White phosphorus, which was being stored together with other substances, self-ignited. In early May, the bulk of the freight was moved to the compound of a military unit. Some 10-12 tonnes of rusty drums with dried-up paint and varnish, old canisters, and containers for solvents and other chemicals were piled up in the open air. To reduce the stench at least a little, servicemen poured water on them daily, which washed the substances into the ground. The most toxic and dangerous part of the freight is being kept at a large warehouse, where drums are stored along with military materiel. A second case of self-ignition of chemical reagents has already been registered. Fortunately, there was no explosion or fire--the servicemen smothered the flames with sand and dragged the drum that had caught fire out of the warehouse. Drums with mercury and pesticides are still being stored in the compound of Avtotrans in containers. Following the discovery of dangerous substances among the freight, it became an urgent necessity to conduct a competent ecological expert review. Having grasped the entire danger after the previous inspection of the freight, Ukrainian Greenpeace resolved to conduct a more thorough review. It was carried out with the resources of a special radiological-toxicological laboratory and with the participation of professional German chemists from the scientific section of Greenpeace. The results indicated that the substances in question are indeed toxic (danger levels 1 through 3) and pose a danger not only to the health but also to the lives of people. The listing of the freight includes dozens of items, in particular chemical reagents that are stored in 87 drums and constitute the most dangerous part of the freight. This includes poisons such as sodium cyanide, arsenic and mercury compounds, and other extremely toxic substances. On the territory of Nikolayev Oblast, Greenpeace activists have revealed the locations of the storage and burial of toxic waste from Germany that was imported to Ukraine between 28 November 1992 and 15 March 1993 through Ochakov and Nikolayev. More than 100 tonnes of these dangerous substances were imported by the German companies Hayns Ryulikh Agency, Hannelore Zibrands, and, once again, Rimeks, to the address of the Nikolayev scientific-production association Pivdenagrokompleks and the Ochakov Opttorg under the guise of construction materials and chemical industry products. The substances in question were examined by |
FBIS3-42629_0 | Program Formulated To Relieve Radiation Problems in Polissya | Language: Ukrainian Article Type:CSO [Article by the Press Center of the Ministry of Environmental Protection and Natural Resources of Ukraine under the "Here and There" rubric: "An Ecological Program for Polissya"] [Text] A difficult ecological situation has developed in Polissya as a result of large-scale drainage projects (on an area of more than 2.5 million hectares). It was complicated further by the accident at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Station. In total, about 5.9 million hectares of land have been polluted, of which 3 million hectares are farmland. A zone of adverse ecological influence extending along a radius of two to three kilometers is immediately formed around the drained territories. This zone exceeds the drained area by factors of four or five. On 0.25 million hectares of sandy soil, the yields of potatoes fell by 18 percent; of flax, by 22 percent; and of winter rye, by 27 percent. The level of subsurface water in summer came down by almost one meter. One-half of the small rivers are tied to land reclamation systems, which has brought about the internal redistribution of their runoff; at times, water becomes unfit for use. The number of typical marshland plant species declined by more than one-half. The area of cranberry bogs fell from 93,000 to 23,000 hectares. The environment for the reproduction of wild fauna was disrupted; the area of hunting grounds was reduced. The fish catch dropped by a factor of almost five. Forests are drying up over a considerable area. For this reason, taking into consideration these unfavorable changes in the environment of the region, the Ministry of Environmental Protection and Natural Resources of Ukraine has prepared and submitted for coordination the draft decree of the Cabinet of Ministers "On Developing and Implementing a Program of Priority Measures for the Abatement of the Unfavorable Effect of Land Reclamation by Drainage and Radioactive Contamination on the Ecological Condition of Polissya." Within the framework of this program, it is envisaged to suspend the draining of marshes and forests in the territory of Polissya and to switch to the technical retrofitting of drainage systems with a view to improving their effectiveness. Press Center of the Ministry of Environmental Protection and Natural Resources of Ukraine |
FBIS3-42630_1 | `Greens' Foresee Ecological Problems With Odessa Oil Terminal | be multiplied by 40 million. Here we are! That sounds more convincing--2,800 tonnes, all the more so because, according to calculations by Professor O.H. Mironov (the Sevastopol branch of the Institute of Biology of the Southern Seas), the self-cleaning capacity of the Black Sea comes to only 2,600 tonnes a year. Therefore, dear gentlemen, you may strike the Odessa area from the list of Ukrainian resorts. The difference of 200 tonnes will suffice in order to dirty the entire Bay of Odessa and all the beaches of Odessa from Luzanivka to Chornomorka: One cubic meter of oil spills in a film that covers 10 square kilometers! As a result, the functioning of the "water area-atmosphere" system is disrupted, along with uncontrollable climatic changes, and phytoplankton (that is, the lungs of the sea) die en masse. The further it goes, the worse it becomes. Crustaceans and worms perish, as do fish, because of famine and suffocation. New fish will not hatch, because the spawn will have perished even earlier. We will not be the only ones left without fish: There will be none in the Black Sea; after all, the Odessa bank ensures 70 percent of the biological productivity of the sea. This is a maternity ward from which 60 percent of all Black Sea fish come. What about the people? Some will be looking for work--fishing kolkhozes and other enterprises whose names begin with "fishing" will be ruined. Others, those who have managed to catch and eat the fish, will be patients in oncologic hospitals: Toxic components of oil may accumulate in fish in large amounts. In addition, an accident may occur at the 25-kilometer-long pipeline, and an accident involving oil intake equipment. Finally, there are tanker accidents. Let us once again turn to statistics that testify that there is an upward trend in the number of accidents with large oil spills: in 1986--one accident, in 1987--five accidents, in 1988--21 accidents, and in 1989--39 accidents! The sea in the Odessa area resembles Deribasivska Street in Odessa itself. However, a collision of two pedestrians on Deribasivska causes nothing but a colorful shouting match, whereas a similar collision at sea will end in more than a shouting match. Supporters of the terminal respond to the danger of pollution of the sea with oil: We will call in oil-sweeper vessels, and they will clean everything up. S.K. Dolinskiy, chief of the State Inspectorate |
FBIS3-42635_2 | Russian Ambassadors' Conference on CIS, Baltic Policy Detailed | allows for the deployment of ground and naval forces outside Russia with the consent of parliament, can serve as the legal basis for stationing Russian troops abroad. Ideas about the problems of the CIS were then expressed by the Russian ambassadors, military leaders, and officials from RF law enforcement and financial agencies. All of them agreed that the Commonwealth is turning into a global factor now that it has gone through the complex initial phase of its establishment. They mentioned the diversified system of legal treaties within the CIS framework. The implementation of the Treaty on Collective Security has begun. There is a clear desire to restore the common economic zone on a market basis, but this will be a slow and gradual process: moving from the simple to the complex, from a free trade zone to a free market. Military-technical cooperation is being strengthened. The close coordination of the operations of foreign trade and customs agencies has begun. Joint measures have been taken to protect external borders. The idea of forming a group of collective forces to keep the peace in "hot spots" in the CIS is arousing increasing interest. Concern about the Russians in nearby foreign countries must remain a priority of Russian foreign policy. The establishment of a special federal agency for the protection of the interests of these Russians and the negotiation of a CIS convention on dual citizenship were suggested. The importance of drafting joint foreign policy initiatives for international and regional forums was acknowledged. Speakers did not ignore the urgent problems of the Commonwealth. Above all, these are the problems that are common to all of the new states: the recession, the mounting social tension, differences in the speed of economic reform, in budget, credit, and monetary policy, and in economic interests, and the absence of a single set of economic laws. They mentioned the attempts to build an economic union at Russia's expense, although this should be done on an equitable basis. Apparently, this will not be a simple task. Just in the past year, the CIS countries have received credits exceeding 500 billion rubles from the Russian republic budget, and the projected figure was over 800 billion. The republics still want to buy Russian raw materials at heavily discounted prices. A single payment union is essential, but the necessary legal and economic prerequisites for this are still lacking. Speakers expressed concern about |
FBIS3-42636_1 | `Imperial Claims' in Policy Objectives Toward FSU Denied | the North Atlantic alliance. Another former U.S. secretary of state, Zbigniew Brzezinski, has advised the creation of a new regional political group, consisting of Poland, Ukraine, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary, to counteract all types of "encroachments" by Moscow. Sam Nunn, the chairman of the U.S. Senate Armed Services Committee, has also spoken of Moscow's plans to restore the "empire." One of the foreign political analysts' favorite ploys is the allegation that interethnic conflicts within the geopolitical boundaries of the former USSR are being "instigated" by the Russian leadership. They have said that the results of the December elections might tempt Moscow to "obscure" its weak domestic policy with foreign policy adventurism. Russia's natural wish to defend the rights of the Russian-speaking population in the former Soviet republics is also seen as a sign of its "great-power" ambitions. Moscow's diplomatic moves are interpreted as nothing other than political pressure and economic blackmail. Russia's desire to eliminate discriminatory trade barriers, which we inherited from the cold war and which are preventing the natural integration of the Russian economy into the world market economy, has also been called a "great-power" objective. Statements of this kind are made more frequently just before major international economic conferences, such as the recent Tokyo summit of the "Big Seven." Russia's ideas about peacekeeping efforts have also been described as "neo-imperialism." The use of these terms is certain to undermine Russia's international image during the resolution of conflicts within the territory of the former Union and question its ability to act as a neutral and trustworthy peacemaker. The efforts of Russian diplomats to give Russian troops the status of CSCE "blue helmets" in zones of interethnic conflict are interpreted as unconcealed attempts at new "alterations" of the Eurasian continent. London's INDEPENDENT even suggested that the offer of economic aid to Russia should be conditional upon Western restrictions on the "intervention" by Russian troops in the affairs of nearby foreign countries. It is Russia, however, that has the necessary military, political, and technical resources for this. Officials in Kiev also like to talk about the "imperial claims." When Chairman of the Ukrainian Supreme Council for Foreign Affairs Pavlychko was in Riga recently, for example, he said that Russia's foreign policy theories are once again acquiring "chauvinistic overtones, because Russia wants to turn everyone, especially Ukraine, back into colonies or sections of the Russian empire." Most of the |
FBIS3-42643_1 | Independent Unions Support Lanovyy | for certain that the epicenter of the impending events will not be Donbass, but rather Kiev, where several large-scale enterprises will be the first to go on strike. Others will immediately follow--in all regions. In the opinion of Free Trade Unions, the "higher authorities" will better feel the impact of a strike begun in the capital than ordinary miners. Lenin Forge and other industrial "monsters" in the capital have already repeatedly declared their desire to take part. "Ukraine is reaching its boiling point"--noted Aleksandr Mril, leader of the Independent Trade Union of Miners. "Just one more small upheaval and the country will not survive to election time. If the trade unions do not today mount a strike, extremist forces will take advantage of the disarray of the masses--a situation fraught with the prospect of civil war." But right now, independent trade union forces are looking at a specific common enemy: "the existing authority, under which people cannot live normally." Meanwhile, even the obsolete Cabinet of Ministers has been granted a stay of execution of the trade union sentence and been given the opportunity to remain in their long-occupied seats, if they bring salaries into conformance with price increases in the course of a month and introduce a mechanism of anticipatory compensation. This is mentioned in the decree of the executive committee of Free Trade Unions which was distributed to the Supreme Council, the Cabinet of Ministers, and the president. However, the workers do not believe that that which has remained undone over two years can be realized over the course of one month. Therefore, they are using the time remaining prior to 18 January to coordinate strike activities. Talks have been held with Volodymyr Lanovyy as well, whose candidacy for the position of prime minister elicits no objection from the population majority, it has become clear, or from most parties and movements, which have long discussed the need for professional economic leadership of the country. As the current leader of the Center for Market Reforms stated, he "will agree to accept the responsibility entrusted, taking into account the adversity of the economic situation in the country," and will take the first steps on a state level towards extricating the country out of crisis and stabilizing the socioeconomic situation. In the opinion of the trade unions, this will prevent a "witch hunt" from taking place in Ukraine and will give the |
FBIS3-42648_5 | Filenko Outlines Party Economic Position | Private production and trade mean sufficient quantity of goods and socially acceptable prices, whereas state production and trade result either in out-of-this-world prices on down-to-earth goods or in low prices on nonexistent goods. Some 2,000 years ago, in his treatise "On Duties" Cicero wrote as though it had long been obvious: "It is important that people use public property as public and private property as their own." Thousands of years have passed. Today's bureaucrats have grown accustomed to managing public property "in the name and on the behalf of the people," which means totally without accountability. If we take into account that they control land, residential and commercial real estate and plenty of other property, it would become clear that a gold mine is like nothing compared to what the bureaucrats have. Combined with a variety of permits, licenses and limitations, excessive state power becomes the foundation for abuse and corruption. This is why the black market is the only one that flourishes and constantly grows in Ukraine. Privatization will move great quantities of goods from the black market to the legal one. There is no better cure from both inflation and corruption. Ukraine is not yet democratic, but it is no longer totalitarian. People can talk, hold rallies and strike. Employees of the state sector can now press their demands, which are both reasonable and, at the same time, unrealistic. People think that the state, if it only wished, could satisfy everybody's demands. Similar problems exist in France, Italy and other countries. This clearly shows that a market economy, democracy and a large state sector are incompatible, because a great temptation arises to seek improvements in the living standard not in accordance with economic development but by means of non-economic pressure. In the West, the low point was reached during miner strikes in the 1970s in Great Britain, which in a large measure brought about the replacement of the Labor government by the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher. The problem was solved radically and efficiently: by privatization. As a result, the living standard in Great Britain increased considerably, including that of workers, and especially that of miners. For the same reasons privatization was effected in the Canadian province of British Columbia, in Australia and in New Zealand. Privatization is going on in France, Germany, Sweden and Italy. And in every country of the former USSR. Except in Ukraine. These |
FBIS3-42648_17 | Filenko Outlines Party Economic Position | was the same. To this end, it passed the old election law, making it worse. The elections will be held on a non-party basis, which means that the voters will be voting for individual deputies, not for a specific political line, politicians or policy. Existing democracies have several forms of election laws. But they all are meant to establish a parliament whose members are divided into party factions. The majority party forms the government and is therefore responsible for the chosen policy. On the line are votes in the next election. By assessing election platforms of the parties and comparing them with recent past, the voters have a clear framework for deciding for whom to vote. This does not, and cannot, exist in a non-party election in which candidates represent no organized political force or tradition. Political connections and true intentions of so-called independent candidates are all too often concealed and come out only when they are already in the Supreme Council. Multiparty elections are a way to achieve a functional, well-structured and responsible government, while non-party elections are a way to create a politically anonymous, irresponsible Supreme Council. Success does not come in a day. Western countries reached prosperity only after they combined the market economy with a multiparty democracy. The same process is now under way in countries which only recently were living under dictatorship, such as Spain, Portugal, Chile and South Korea. It is not an accident that the Supreme Council, whose policy has been to impede market reforms, has chosen as its political priority the path of sabotaging a multiparty system. It would be naive to hope that a Supreme Council elected in this manner, whatever its composition, would improve our living standards. As long as supporters of economic and political democracy remain divided and disorganized, the party in power will continue to pursue its line, accompanied by vile demagoguery. In short, economic and political reform can only be blocked due to the weakness of its supporters. The only way to be respected is to become strong, and the only way to do so is to unite. A club of like-minded people is a good idea but it is not enough. A voter club is also a good idea, but it is not a lasting one. We need permanent, stable organizations of citizens: parties. Do not wait for favors from above--they are not forthcoming. Unite instead. |
FBIS3-42661_2 | U.S.-Russian Economic Relations Assessed | were restrictions on services of the federal Overseas Private Investment Corporation--OPIC. It is permitted to use preferential credit under the program "Food for Progress" and the Law "On Contributing to Reform in New Democratic Countries" has been adopted (70 restrictions established for "communist countries" have been removed). With input from the United States the reform of Cocom [Coordinating Committee on Multilateral Export Controls] began--albeit late. This makes it possible for Russia to hope to gain access to science-intensive technologies. During the summer Clinton promised (and Moscow again repeated this promise) to extend to Moscow the Generalized System of Preferences, which will make it possible to abolish customs duties on 5,000 kinds of goods. Russia is also promised certain advantages by the creation of the North American Free Trade Zone (NAFTA) and the promise from the United States (documented in Moscow) to contribute to its entry into GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade]. Restrictions on American agricultural exports have been removed more dynamically. Since 1991 grain has been delivered to Russia under special credit programs which, as distinct from the five-year agreement between the USSR and the United States of 1990 (strict minimal volumes of annual purchases were stipulated there), leaves a great deal of freedom for the importer to maneuver. True, last year Russia ran up a heavy debt for agricultural credit (at one time the debt exceeded $500 million). Active discussions in Moscow about the need to curtail agricultural imports in general moved the United States to make a number of compromises and in June 1993 conclude four new agreements for the delivery of agricultural products to Russia within the framework of the "Food for Progress" program. Deliveries began in September 1993. At the same time many discriminatory restrictions are still in force. The infamous Jackson-Vanik Amendment, which links the granting of most favored nation status to free immigration, has not been abolished. Although the President has suspended it since 1992 (and since 1990--with respect to agricultural trade), Congress can restore it fully at any time. And there are also many other obstacles to trade. The United States has one of the strictest systems of antidumping legislation in the world. In 1993 a quota was introduced on imports of ferrosilicon from Russia and there is the threat that similar measures may be introduced for aluminum, steel, and potassium chloride. True, the negotiations at the Moscow summit give certain |
FBIS3-42663_0 | 1993 Export-Import Activity Reported | Language: English Article Type:CSO [Article by Alexander Umansky: "Exports Grow, Imports Fall"; first paragraph MOSCOW NEWS comment] [Text] Exports of fuels increase, imports of machines and equipment fall. The distinguishing feature of Russia's foreign trade in 1993 has been the rise in exports (despite the economic recession) accompanied by a drastic reduction of imports. Russia's foreign trade turnover from January-October 1993 accounted for a total of 46.9 billion dollars (exports--31.4, imports--15.5 billion dollars). The industrially developed countries accounted for 40% of exports (18.8 billion dollars), developing countries--for 9.4% (4.4 billion dollars), and the share of ex-CMEA countries--17.5% (8.2 billion dollars). However the favourable quantitative result provides no grounds for positive assessments of foreign trade or its influence on the country's economy. Export of Energy Resources From Russia Energy Resources ex-Soviet Republics Foreign Countries Oil, min. tons 43.6 73.0 Gas, billion cu m 72.6 83.1 Russia's Foreign Trade in 1993 Period Volume, bin.doll. % to corresponding period of 1992 Exports Imports Exports Imports January-October 31.4 15.5 100 51.2 January-November 34.4 16.3 98 48.5 (valuation) January-December 37.6 17.8 94.8 50.9 (forecast) ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Export of Staple Goods in January-October 1993 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Commodity Group |Cost, bin.doll. | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Total |31.4 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Oil |7.1 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Oil products |2.8 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Natural Gas |5.7 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Machine-building goods |2.3 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Other |13.5 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Import of Staple Goods in January-October 1993 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Commodity Group |Cost, bin.doll. | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Total |15.5 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Machines and equip |5.3 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Grain crops |1.3 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Sugar |0.7 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Meat |0.1 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Medicines |0.2 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Clothing |0.9 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Other |7 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Russian Exports and Imports (January-October 1993) | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Exports | | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Oil |22.6% | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Oil products |8.9% | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Natural gas |18.2% | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Machine-building goods |7.3% | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Other |43.0% | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Imports | | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Sugar |4.7% | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Machines and equipment |33.7% | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Medicines |1.3% | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Grain crops |8.2% | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Clothing |6.0% | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Meat |0.6% | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Other |45.5% | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The fuel and raw materials component of exports, above all, owing to a noticeable expansion of exports of non-renewable resources, continues to grow. Oil exports in 10 months grew by 28%, oil products--40%, and timber--39%. Exports of pig iron grew by 20%, aluminium--35%, and ammonia--29%. To preserve the present export growth rates in terms of value, it |
FBIS3-42670_0 | World Markets React to Russian Events | Language: Russian Article Type:CSO [Article by Yelena Zagorodnyaya: "Immunity to Political Events in Russia Increases: Russia in the World Markets"] [Text] The meeting of the world's leading producers of aluminum, which begins in Brussels today and where the volume of Russian exports of this metal to Europe will be discussed, as well as Yegor Gaydar's resignation, which he announced last weekend, have presented us with a pretext for analyzing the influence of political and economic happenings in Russia on the results of trading at world exchanges last year. Having evaluated the degree of such impact, KOMMERSANT experts came to the conclusion that the state of the world market is becoming decreasingly sensitive to political events in Russia, while attention to economic news from Russia is on the rise. On the basis of this, one may assume that Russia's position at the Brussels meeting will become a major factor to influence the state of the market in aluminum. As to a possible reshuffling in the Russian Government, most likely they will not cause considerable fluctuations in the rates of foreign currencies, financial instruments, and commodity futures prices. The idea of interdependence between economic and political events in Russia and the state of the world markets is not new; actually, the history of the past two years presents prominent examples of this two-pronged impact. While keeping in mind that Russian reforms in many respects depend on the world state of the market, let us look at the opposite correlation: how events in Russia influenced the world markets in 1993. I will take the liberty of suggesting that looking at the still-recent past is quite useful for determining the attitude toward events in which the current week and the entire of 1994 will be rich. Having evaluated the degree of impact that the events in Russia had on the state of leading international exchanges in 1993 and compared it to the analogous results of the preceding year, we may draw the conclusion that by now world trade has developed sort of an immunity to political news from Russia. At the same time, reports of a purely economic nature attract great attention among the traders. Hence, one may forecast a lack of reaction on the part of the world markets to Gaydar's latest statement and at the same time the significance of Russia's position at the Brussels meeting that begins today for future development |
FBIS3-42672_4 | Gorbachev Weighs Prospects of NATO Expansion | and, therefore, it is not a policy. They might refer to certain pronouncements to the effect that Russia may also join NATO at some point. However, this makes no sense. If the discussion is indeed about a security system for a "Greater Europe," then let us create and perfect the relevant structures of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Of course, there would be a place for a profoundly transformed NATO among them. However, why impose an instrument which served the cold war for accomplishing a completely different task? I will repeat once again what I told George Bush in London before the G-7 meeting in 1991: You must decide what kind of Soviet Union you wish to see. At present, Clinton must decide what kind of Russia he wishes to see. If the United States indeed wants Russia to participate in building a new Europe and developing a new world policy, the United States must learn to do business with Russia on an equal footing, and proceed from long-term interests and realistic assessments instead of giving in to momentary temptations to take advantage of Russia's temporary weakness. The response in Russia will be negative otherwise, regardless of the position its government takes. An affront to its prestige and interests will run into resistance and indignation from all kinds of both government and oppositional circles--patriotic and nationalistic, conservative and reformist. Disrespect for Russia and resuscitation of the NATO bugaboo at its borders plays primarily into the hands of antireformist and anti-Western countries [as published]. The assumption that today's and tomorrow's Russia will once again impose its imperial will on other countries by force is absurd. It is a consequence of major mistakes in assessments of the political and psychological situation in my country. It concerns me that politicians who are inclined toward this line of reasoning exist. The results of the December elections are used to confirm such apprehensions. Actually, these results are an inevitable consequence of the erroneous course of reforms. The elections became an expression of a mass protest by the people. At present not only the Russian leadership but also those who have been urging it along this path for two years now should think seriously and self-critically. There already are some signs of such thinking. Even Yeltsin acknowledged the existence of extensive popular discontent, albeit without particular enthusiasm. Mr. Strobe Talbott, one of the |
FBIS3-42672_6 | Gorbachev Weighs Prospects of NATO Expansion | principal apologists of a radical course in Russia, is now calling on the Kremlin to use "more therapy and less shock." In turn, U.S. Vice President Al Gore proposes not following IMF recommendations literally. Well, better late then never. However, it appears that in America they have not yet fully appreciated what is happening, and are not prepared to draw due conclusions from their own mistakes. President Clinton has excessively personalized his unconditional support for reforms by the shock-therapy method. He will now have to take a more realistic look at the Russian political panorama. I have repeatedly warned, both at home and in the West, that the course of Gaydar and the radical democrats cannot bring about positive results. As the outcome of the elections testifies, by now most Russians have grasped that, first, the course of the president and the government has failed and, second, the West also shares the responsibility for supporting this failed course so unreservedly. At present, it is important to avoid steps that would promote the growth of anti-Western sentiment on the part of many Russians. Does the outcome of the elections mean that fascism is a real threat in Russia? Does it mean that Zhirinovskiy or someone similar will end up in power? I absolutely do not believe so. This turn of events would run counter to the mentality of Russians, their experience in steadfast struggle against fascist aggression and occupation, and their life under totalitarianism. Or else, has the West already decided that, between 1985 and the present day, Russia has failed to see and acknowledge democratic values, and that the lesson of the failure of the August putsch has been forgotten? Of course, there is a frenzied reactionary wing, people who wave a red cloth before the noses of the electorate exhausted by adversity. Such people or similar people exist in all democratic states, and it would be surprising if we did not have them. They cannot be mistaken for those who express the opinion of the people. Of course, forces that are hard to characterize at present may get the upper hand, among whom there will certainly be the military--if no policy changes follow, if the poorest people are not protected, and if there is no support for domestic producers. I hope that this can still be avoided. If it comes to something of this nature, a presidential election and |
FBIS3-42686_1 | Regions React to Changes in Russian Cabinet | this Fedorov." Now, even compliments can be heard following the reformers who left. Irkutsk Governor Yuriy Nozhikov and Viktor Ignatenko, the head of representative authority, think that "the government aircraft still should have two wings--both directorial and macroeconomic." But Vyacheslav Novikov, a Krasnoyarsk colleague of Mr. Ignatenko, even declared that "not to give money is a remarkable quality for a minister of finance, and Boris Fedorov had it." Now, the "fathers of remote places" are contentedly awaiting the material results of "adjustments in the direction of selective support of the regions and enterprises." In the words of Primorye Governor Yevgeniy Nazdratenko, 35 billion rubles [R] in fuel subsidies have already been transferred to the territory. Out of this, Valentin Dubinin, his deputy, distributed R5 billion to those rayons and cities where heating and water were starting to be cut off because of a shortage of fuel. Vyacheslav Novikov expressed the hope that a certain sum--"in the form of a credit or subsidy"--would be received quickly by power engineering specialists of Krasnoyarsk Kray, where because of nonpayments the miners of the Borodino open pit mines were threatening to stop dispatching coal. The oil workers of Western Siberia warned of the possibility of a strike--strike committees have already been established there in 12 oil and gas production associations. Yuriy Shafranik, the minister of the fuel and power industry, called for a sharp reduction yesterday in taxes for them, "inasmuch as the power engineering specialists who are delivering fuel despite the nonpayments are now actually engaged in interest-free extension of credits for the entire economy of Russia." The parliament of the Republic of Karelia Thursday resolved to try to get a substantial reduction in taxes from Moscow on profits for enterprises of Karelia. Sergey Yaskulov, its first vice prime minister, justifies this with the fact that "the volume of industrial production in Karelia amounts to 81 percent of the 1992 level, the differentiation in agricultural and industrial incomes has become too wide, and there is a noticeable worsening in the demographic situation." His colleague, Anatoliy Maksimov, sits in Moscow without budging from the place, lobbying for the demands of the region--but to the indignation of the leadership of the republic, "he has been unable to dislodge any kind of money up until now, even what is due northern Karelia." A coordinating council of Siberian Agreement on questions of conversion is supposed to convene |
FBIS3-42695_3 | Economic Situation in 1992-1993, Results of Reform | a strengthening in the positions of the economy's shadow sector evading taxes and not mirrored in statistics). Serious changes have occurred in Russia's foreign trade. In 1993 the volume of export nearly doubled that of import. However, a positive balance was reached on account of the fact that there was a considerable reduction of import attended by a slight growth of export. Moreover, the increase in the physical volumes of export takes place in the conditions of a fall in the production of export goods inside the country. During the first seven months of 1993 the funds of enterprises on foreign currency accounts in Russia increased by a mere 0.8 billion dollars (to reach 7.5 billion dollars by the end of August) whereas the funds legally lodged on short-term deposits in commercial banks abroad increased by ten billion dollars and by the end of the year (as estimated) had to reach the sum of about 20 billion. During two years -- from October 29, 1991, to October 29, 1993 -- the real rate of the dollar in Russia (related to the index of consumer prices) fell 16.4-fold. "Dollar inflation" became strongly pronounced especially beginning with July 1993 in connection with the artificial stabilization of the nominal rate of the dollar to the ruble. As a result many Russian sectors have proved to be noncompetitive on the domestic market (motor-car construction, radioelectronics), and the government has recourse of protection measures relative to the tariff regulation of the import of similar goods. On the other hand, the importers' earnings are being depreciated. Russia has got caught in serious dependence on credits from international financial organizations on whose account this rate is being maintained. Russia is a country of unfinished system reforms. In industry there has been a virtual collectivization of property at enterprises in the past two years whereas in agriculture the movement of private peasant farmers has not yet risen to its feet. In these two past years industrial output has fallen by a third, yet the slump was not structural but general in character. The toughening of the monetary policy has taken place on account of depressing the demand for investments. Labor productivity keeps sharply falling in connection with the impossibility of dismissing workers (a consequence of collective ownership). This generated additional pressure from the inflation of costs and amounts to a corollary of the government's formal approach towards reforms. |
FBIS3-42696_4 | Experts Discuss Possible Changes in Economic Reforms | overdramatize Gaydar's departure and key up Shakespearean passions. The government of reformers has not coped with the task of macroeconomic regulation. As it has turned out, the Russian economy is inadequate in its responses to classical ploys. A simple example: to the compression of the money mass it reacts with a reduction of the volumes of output, not with a lowering of prices as is written in manuals. the result was the destruction of production -- a fact which Gaydar and Fedorov, according to their own words, are not inclined to dramatize. I, for my part, will permit myself to make the following analogy. The Western economy may be likened to a tropical forest: you chop down a tree in the morning and there are already green sprouts in the same place in the evening. But our Russian economy looks more like the tundra: nothing will grow for 50 years on a trail left by a cross-country vehicle. But the point is not even in the economic results as such. The reformers have lost because the social basis of reforms has shrunk as a result of their actions. A crushing blow has been dealt to the non-state sector of the economy. Between 1989 and 1990 the cooperative sector of the economy grew to seven million persons and became the only dynamic sector where current assets amounted to main capital. The so-called liberalization of prices has practically wiped out these assets. Conversely, in the state sector there has been an indexation of fixed and current assets, attended by the mutual account of nonpayments. All this has sharply strengthened the noncompetitive state sector. Not to mention the taxation policy with which the reformers have been destroying us. With such taxes -- and in some cases their sum-total comes to 85 percent today -- it is impossible to have reproduction not only on a simple but even on an enlarged scale. Why are the reformers being thanked so much by the commercial banks, street traders evading taxes and the comprador bourgeoisie taking unreplenishable raw materials out of Russia? Objectively, irrespective of its good liberal-democratic intentions, the government of reformers has expressed the interests of the comprador bourgeoisie, speculative capital and officials who, like hotel prostitutes, take bribes solely in foreign currency. The world has not known and, I hope, will not know bribe-takers like the ones who have been spawned by the government |
FBIS3-42726_22 | Abalkin, et al, New Plan for Economic Reform Published | the influence of the lobbying interests of individual groups, without coordination with budgetary, credit, and investment policy, separately from the dynamics of incomes). Second. The method being proposed for creating prerequisites for a normal reproduction process is objectively very complicated to implement. It will inevitably require substantial efforts from the state, those engaged in economic activity, and labor collectives. But under the present conditions, in our view, there is no other sensible alternative to it. Other variations, by increasing the "price" of stabilization immeasurably, may end up with a complete economic collapse. The model we propose assumes the following sequence of actions: --prices for a limited group of raw material resources and railroad tariffs are fixed for a definite period of time. The state liquidates its indebtedness to the sectors and spheres of the national economy; and --after that, the relationships of prices and the wage level are normalized by means of the conciliatory process within the framework of this group. The problem of indexing wages in sectors subject to price regulation may be resolved by using special wage regulation funds formed either with tax receipts from above-norm profitability or direct budgetary subsidies. According to calculations by the Institute of National Economic Forecasting of the Russian Academy of Sciences made on the basis of appropriate models, the overall rate of inflation as the result of such measures may be reduced to 8 to 10 percent per month. Over this period (2 to 3 months), the prices in other sectors move closer to the normative relationships. For the producers selling their products at free prices, progressive taxation is introduced for above-norm profitability. Sanctions for evading the taxes are toughened. There is revaluation of fixed capital or indexing of amortization allotments, with tougher conditions for their use. Tax exemptions are introduced for part of the profit being used for accumulation of fixed capital. As a result of all the measures being proposed, the level of inflation may be reduced to 3 to 5 percent per month in 4 to 5 months. Probably other methods of regulating prices and stopping inflation are possible as well. In the event that the concept of regulation itself is adopted, the scientists and specialists of the Economics Department of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the International "Reforma" Fund are prepared to take part in developing a mechanism for its implementation. But at the same time, it |
FBIS3-42726_48 | Abalkin, et al, New Plan for Economic Reform Published | the dollar, and it continued to drop, exceeding the mark of R1,500 to the dollar in January 1994. The exchange rate of the ruble taking shape on the exchange became a guidepost in many respects in setting domestic prices, thereby promoting a surge in inflation, strengthening the dollar's position in the economy, and cultivating insecurity in the public consciousness about the national currency and avoidance of it. In perspective, if the government's currency policy is not revised, all these harmful consequences for the economy will not only be retained, but intensified. And finally, in assessing the foreign economic aspects of the Russian reform, we cannot limit this sphere to distant foreign countries. After the collapse of the USSR, the countries of the near abroad are now Russia's main foreign market, with a concentration of about 60 percent of its total foreign trade turnover. And it is very important that this is a market where its products are competitive. However, this is a more unstable and less regulated market in which pricing, payment and settlement, and other instruments for its regulation still differ from those accepted in world practice. As a result, there is a continuing cutback in mutual ties, which is one of the main reasons for the production recession in every one of the new states without exception. Commodity exchange within just the CIS declined by nearly one-half in 1992 compared with the previous year. This trend continued in 1993. A threatening, shortsighted reorientation of Russian exports from countries of the near abroad to more distant countries is under way. This is shown particularly clearly in the changing geography of energy resource exports. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Exports of Russian Energy Resources to the Near Abroad and More Distant Co-| |untries (Over 11 Months) | ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- | |Total Exports |Increase (+) or Decrease (-) in Expo-| | | |rts Compared With Same period in 1992| | | |, in Percent | ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- | | |To the Near Abroad|To More Distant C-| | | | |ountries | ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Oil, in millions |117.1 |-38 |+24.3 | |of metric tons | | | | ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Gas, in billions |155.7 |-72.6 |+4.3* | |of cubic meters | | | | ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- |Coal, in millions |24.3 |-54.7 |+7.4 | |of metric tons | | | | ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- |*Without the transit of Turkmen gas. | ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Similar processes are being observed in the export policy of other |
FBIS3-42726_50 | Abalkin, et al, New Plan for Economic Reform Published | CIS countries, especially Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Ukraine, and Belarus, which may turn into heavy losses of markets for Russian industry, primarily its processing sectors. There is no alternative but to reintegrate the economy of the CIS countries, in our view. This is in Russia's interests, as well as those of the CIS countries. Recognition of this objective necessity was expressed in the CIS countries' declaration on establishment of the Economic Union. However, the extensive political activity displayed in this direction will not have real economic results unless a realistic and balanced program of practical actions is placed under this document. There is no such program at present... Primary attention in drafting it should be devoted to solution of the following questions, in our view. First. Substantiation for a model of an open economy as applied to the specific characteristics of Russia and its new geopolitical position, and most importantly, determination of the strategy and tactics for reaching the goal set by stages. The question of developing the process of the "openness" of Russia's economy by stages is important and fundamental. "Shock" methods, as well as attempts to restore strict administrative measures, applied under the influence of transitory interests, should be excluded in all stages in actual policy. At the same time, and this is important to stress, foreign economic policy should have its own constant social component in all the stages. Second. The question of openness and economic security. Under the new market conditions, this question is much more complicated and covers a much broader scale than before. Obviously the objective now is to protect (insure) Russia's entire reproductive mechanism from possible unfavorable influences of world market conditions and to ensure that activity in the Russian market by domestic and foreign economic entities conforms to overall state interests. Third. A key question in foreign economic policy has been and continues to be the development of exports and reinforcement of their foundation. In the strategic plan, export policy should be aimed at selling commodities in the foreign market when the country has international advantages, at bringing out domestic enterprises for competition with foreign firms, and at increasing the series production (scale) of domestic output in order to "push it out" into foreign markets. It is obvious, however, that selection of a future "export basket" and the industrialization of exports cannot proceed spontaneously. It is equally important that we not postpone creation |
FBIS3-42726_62 | Abalkin, et al, New Plan for Economic Reform Published | of Russian state property and the rights to dispose of it between the Federation and its subjects. The immediate tasks in this area should be: --direct control of state enterprises not subject to privatization; --development of the procedure for reorganizing and respecializing the enterprises being privatized and state supervision of this process; definition of the procedure for assigning managers and implementation of personnel policy; --effective participation by representatives of local organs of control in the management of joint-stock companies, holding companies, and financial and industrial groups; and --organization of the entire process of reforming state enterprises, including assisting enterprises to adapt to the market environment. At the same time, the management and disposal of federally-owned facilities should be retained by the Russian Federation Government, which can delegate a number of powers to ministries and departments, as well as to the organs of executive authority of Federation subjects. We cannot continue to resign ourselves to the fact that ministries and departments have essentially been taken out of the processes of reshaping enterprises, their privatization, formation of the vitally important market infrastructure, and influence on the consumer market. The role of the state should be to assist in the development of financial, legal, engineering, and consulting services, dissemination of information science, training personnel, and other aspects of infrastructure activity. It is exceptionally important to provide for a link between enterprises' privatization programs and the goals for structural reorganization of the economy and financial stabilization, taking into account the specific nature of the sectors and by providing state benefits to the privatized enterprises in conformity with a selective structural policy. Finally, it is time to realize that privatization cannot be an end in itself or dominate over other directions of reform. Widespread shareholding of enterprises taken separately and the abolition of large associations--concerns, economic associations, and consortiums--because of this raises the urgent question of the orgnaizational and legal forms of maintaining production and scientific and technical potential with the technical, economic, and other ties that have been established. The imaginary struggle against monopolism is now being expressed in the forced fragmentation and elimination of major production and economic complexes, without which, as world experience shows, it is impossible to implement modern investment programs and make fundamental changes in scientific and technical development. In particular, we see the solution now in the formation of financial-industrial groups, economic associations, and consortiums with the initiative and |
FBIS3-42726_66 | Abalkin, et al, New Plan for Economic Reform Published | which is one of the integral indicators of social processes, began to drop sharply in the early 1990's: it was 67.5 years in 1980, 69.2 in 1990, 69.0 in 1991, 67.9 in 1992, and 66.0 years in 1993. Judging by this indicator, the society appeared to have been set back 15 to 20 years, that is, to the beginning of the 1970's, and the principal factor in this process has been the steadily rising mortality rate of the people in all age groups. The unfavorable age structure of the population from the standpoint of marriage and the birth rate, as well as deferred births because of the difficult socioeconomic situation, has led to a decline in the birth rate that is unprecedentedly low for Russia and a sharp decrease in the total number of births. The effect of depopulation has increased (since the end of 1991), expressed in the natural decrease in the country's population which is not covered by the increase in migration. While in 1991 Russia had a population of 148.5 million, there were 148.3 million permanent residents as of the end of 1992 and 147.9 million in 1993. The natural loss was 219,000 persons in 1992, but 806,000 in 1993, that is, over three times as many. The scale of the increase in the mortality rate, especially for reasons of a direct social nature, is creating justifiable concern. With stabilization (and even some decline) in Russia's population, 1.653 million persons died in 1990, 1.69 million in 1991, 1.807 million in 1992, and 2.16 million died in 1993. The proportion of the total number of deaths from "unnatural" causes after 1990 rose from 12 to 15 percent. A rapid increase in the mortality rate resulted from the increase in alcoholism, nervous stress, suicides, and murders due to crime. In 1993 alone, 10 times as many persons died from alcoholic poisoning, murders and suicides than during the 11 years of war in Afghanistan. Unnatural causes led to the death of every third person of able-bodied age. The scale of the mortality rate from these causes is an indisputable indicator of the society's ill social health. One of the important reasons for the negative changes in the dynamics of the mortality rate is the unfavorable ecological situation. In 1993, the content of pollutants in the atmosphere in 20 Russian cities was 10 times or more above the norm. Extremely high |
FBIS3-42726_70 | Abalkin, et al, New Plan for Economic Reform Published | The increase in inflation and poor wage protection have led to the point that the wage per employee in late 1993 (October) was only one-third of what it was in December 1991 (in comparable prices). A similar picture is typical for the dynamics of the public's per capita monetary incomes. The situation with respect to a minimum pension is even worse. In October 1993, it was only one-fourth of the minimum in December 1991. The trends in the dynamics of basic allowances for children are similar. Their correlation with average per capita income in mid-1993 dropped by more than one-third (3.3 to 3.7). Today's standard for consumption of food products for most middle-income families is at the level typical for the late 1960's and early 1970's. According to estimates, the level of meat and meat product consumption was 77 percent of the 1975 level, the level of milk and dairy product consumption was 72 percent of the 1975 level, and the level of consumption of fish and fish products was 75 percent of that level in 1993. While the proportion of expenses for food in a family's total expenditures was about 30 percent in 1990, it has climbed to 60 to 70 percent on average today. For one-third of the population who are living on the threshold of poverty, this proportion has reached 90 percent of consumer expenses and it has deprived them of the opportunity to meet even the most basic needs for clothing or to obtain the simplest items and household articles. In the subsistence minimum of pensioners, food makes up 83 percent and nonfood items, mainly essential items for health, hygiene, and medicines, make up only 10 percent. Most disabled persons can obtain only bread, groats, and macaroni products. But there is a sizable number of pensioners (13 to 16 percent) who find it very difficult to obtain even bread and groats. If their situation is not changed, we can expect an increase in the mortality rate of this group. While most of the population seems to have been thrown back 20 years as far as current consumption is concerned, a small group of families (about 10 percent) have seen their incomes increase. According to official data, the correlation of the average income of 10 percent of the richest and 10 percent of the poorest changed as follows: it was 5.4 times in 1991, 7.2 times in |
FBIS3-42726_78 | Abalkin, et al, New Plan for Economic Reform Published | system of food assistance for those categories of people who are especially vulnerable and to expand the network of free dining rooms for them. A system of multipurpose loans has to be developed for youths (16 to 25 years old) and young families: to acquire a vocation and improve skill, to obtain housing, and to provide themselves with property. Reorganization of the public health system by stages in order to increase the effectiveness and quality of its service. Free medical attention at the level set by the state should be provided for all groups and sections of the public. Development of paid forms of health care should take place together with the free state assistance, but not in place of it and not on its basis. Along with the measures to take effect over the long term, emergency solution of the most critical problems in the areas of sanitary and epidemiological insection, primary medical and emergency aid, and guaranteed provision of basic medicines for the public are needed in 1994. It is advisable to set up a special state fund to purchase the most essential medicines and medical equipment and to maintain the required level of sanitary engineering support for cities. Social policy should provide for the basic types of education free of charge: general, secondary, and higher education, by financing from the state budget. Development of the different forms of paid education at all levels should take place together with this with the apporopriate supervision of the state and without detriment to the free education. In order to increase the effectiveness and quality of free general education, a system of local public-state trustee councils has to be established to provide the supervision and patronage needed. The unemployment problem requires special attention. We have to strengthen measures to provide full protection for those who are partly unemployed. The government should establish and be guided by an acceptable level of unemployment. This indicator should serve as a strict social limitation. We have to form a system to provide an acceptable level of employment in regions where unemployment is especially high and stagnant. The main orientation of state actions in the field of employment should be preventive and warning in nature to stave off mass unemployment, as well as to expand opportunities for the employment of socially vulnerable strata of the population under the conditions of intensified competition in the labor market. |
FBIS3-42730_3 | Plyushch Views Local Government Issues | adversity. I would like to repeat today what I have said repeatedly. The process now taking place in our society is a process of transformation of the administrative-command system into a democratic system, of transition to the market mode of economic development. This process develops in keeping with objective laws of development of the economy and society, and it cannot develop otherwise. This is happening not only in Ukraine but also in other countries of the former USSR and Eastern Europe, and Ukraine cannot remain some kind of island. Naturally, it may have certain national peculiarities as far as the form and content of reforms are concerned; however, in many respects it should adapt to the generally recognized rules for this process. No matter what our opponents say (they are many, and this is good), the Supreme Council of the current term has prepared many laws, but has also made a great deal of mistakes in the process. More than 350 laws and 1,030 decrees have already been adopted. However, two characteristic peculiarities should be taken into account in all of this. First, we have entered the first stage of the creation of a state in which all these acts are needed. Second, their content objectively reflects the condition of our society and the economy, as well as various approaches and the diversity of the thoughts of legislators. Under our conditions it is impossible to work out the only correct and perfect laws for a long period of time. Therefore, they should of course undergo changes in line with social processes. The following question is frequently asked: What socioeconomic and political system does the new draft Constitution of Ukraine codify? It appears to me that an answer to this question may be as follows: a civic society and a rule-of-law state. As far as the main signs of such a society and state are concerned, they are indicated quite specifically in the draft Main Law, in particular: recognition of the individual, his life, rights, and freedoms as the supreme value; proclamation that the people of Ukraine are the sole source of power, economic, political, and ideological diversity embodied in a multiparty system, guarantees for various forms of ownership and economic operations, and social orientation of the economy; recognition of the primacy of the law with regard to state power, and of the civic society with regard to the state. It |
FBIS3-42730_20 | Plyushch Views Local Government Issues | our state, its structure, procedures for its formation, and the main principles for its operations. All of this definitely necessitated speeding up the preparation of a new election law, which was passed on 18 November 1993. However, the search for an optimal model of electoral system for our state began much earlier. Favorable domestic and foreign experience in the organization of elections was taken into account in the course of development of the draft law. Issues of the electoral system were discussed at applied scientific conferences, meetings, seminars, in the press, on television and radio. As you know, the Supreme Council gave preference to a majority electoral system, although some people's deputies came out in favor of a proportional system. There also were proponents of a mixed electoral system, which I supported, too. However, a majority of the deputies voted in favor of the majority electoral system. There is nothing bad about this. After all, elections are held in keeping with this system in 76 countries of the world, including Great Britain, France, the United States, Canada, and other countries with developed democracies in which multiparty systems exist. Now that the law has been adopted, it should be strictly complied with. All talk about its advantages or drawbacks at present merely harms the cause. The election campaign has begun, and our task is to ensure its successful conduct. A revision of the norm of the law which regulates procedures for holding runoff elections is the only point we might agree to. Lately, voices have been heard to the effect that the elections will not take place, that the people, having lost faith in politicians, will not turn out for the elections. This is said by people who do not wish Ukraine well, who want to go on hampering economic reforms and the processes of the assertion of our statehood. We should explain this to the population while at the same time shaping public opinion in such a way that deputies will be elected to the new parliament who are capable of advocating general state interests and taking an active part in the process of creating legislation. You know well how elections were organized previously, and how the 100 percent turnout at polling stations and the unanimous vote in favor of candidates for deputy were ensured. At present, the situation is different: Under the law, all issues concerning the organization and |
FBIS3-42731_1 | Little Media Coverage of Election Campaign Seen | they likewise forget their own responsibility for the choice that is made. The fact that this bond of "responsibility" is understood and even a common cliche for a certain politically engaged portion of Ukrainians certainly does not mean that it is also obvious for all other citizens. It is one thing to elect someone who speaks eloquently or who has a very attractive appearance; but it is quite another thing to take the trouble to analyze and understand well which of the candidates would move the history of our state in which direction. It is one thing to indulge one's esthetic "ego" and make a game of filling out the election ballot by casually running down the list of names with one's finger; but it is something quite different to make a conscious and well-informed choice--to show yourself to be a thinking being and a citizen. This has become incomparably complicated, of course, by the fact that nowadays the background of philosophical thoughts is an exacerbated, impoverished society. And within this society there is not yet any noticeable educational-type, pre-election work for the purpose of informing each persons about the importance of his individual choice, or--for example--creating a unique methodology for making this choice. The first month of the election campaign is drawing to a close, but it is only the politicians themselves who know this. Television and radio are virtually silent about the upcoming elections; they are waiting for advertisements to come in so that they can sell air time. It is said that a certain well-endowed businessman attempted to buy up virtually all the air time of one non-state television channel. The channel in question was not averse to doing so, but the businessman had a foreign business; and so the channel did not sell him the air time--at least, not all of it. But this situation is not expected to last very long, and it is quite easy to foresee that the candidates will very quickly be divided into the following two camps: those who will have television air time solely within the limits set by the state and those who will have it on an unrestricted basis. Incidentally, baffled by the results of their elections, the Russians have calculated that during the election campaign Zhirinovskiy--the leader of the Liberal-Democratic Party--utilized the services of Ostankino, RTV [Russian TV], and Saint Petersburg TV more than any other candidate. |
FBIS3-42735_1 | Metropolitan Volodymyr on Interdenominational Conflicts | relations. However, we must labor, pray, and be concerned about our people for the Lord to unite us, for accord and peace to prevail in the territory of Ukraine. [Shevchuk] Could you tell us briefly about what your church amounts to at present? [Sabodan] We have 6,000 parishes, 5,000 clergymen, 49 monasteries and convents, 12 theological seminaries that train cadres for ministry, 28 dioceses, and 30 bishops. We favor the acquisition of the status of a national Orthodox church by our church; at present, 15 such churches exist in the world. We should also take into account the mood of the people, who are now tense and frightened with these divisions, unifications, and separations. Unfortunately, the very word "autocephaly" has been compromised. We have yet to work with the clergy, the monks, and our lay members for them to understand that the path to a national church is natural. Other churches, which are currently independent, have also traveled it. We have already repeated our point of view many times--this is about an autonomous, independent church; this must be done through an expression of the will of not just the bishops, but also the clergy and the believers. Otherwise, an even sadder split will result than the one we already have. [Shevchuk] What is your connection with the Moscow Patriarchate at present? [Sabodan] We are an independent, self-governing part of the Russian Orthodox Church. It is just that, in keeping with the statute, we refer to the name of the Most Holy Patriarch Oleksiy during the high mass. We are thus united with other national churches. The Holy Synod leads our church entirely and completely. The patriarch does not interfere in our affairs on any issue. Recently, he even sent us a letter in which he stated that neither the Patriarchate nor he personally has any claim to either the church lands in the territory of Ukraine or the property and buildings. He testified: All that the Ukrainian Orthodox Church got over a millennium is its acquired property, and it will be the master of it. [Shevchuk] To your mind, are there any prospects for coming together in a United Orthodox Church? Is something being done to this end by both parties? [Sabodan] We have to put our faith in God, because only God, rather than the people, may unite that which is disunited, and save that which is perishing. We |
FBIS3-42735_4 | Metropolitan Volodymyr on Interdenominational Conflicts | the council, and I see my mission as doing everything for the Holy Church that I am capable of to the full extent of my energies. [Shevchuk] Your Eminence, is it true that in the offices "on high" it was proposed to you to unite and to head the Ukrainian Orthodoxy? [Sabodan] There was such a conversation. Just break with Moscow and take over everything. However, as I understand it, and not I alone, but the totality of our Ukrainian Orthodox Church, anything at all may be proclaimed, and we may break with anyone at all, but if there is to be a serious discussion of the future of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, of all Orthodoxy in Ukraine, this should be done in a legitimate manner. Our church should be recognized by all local Orthodox churches. [Shevchuk] Your Eminence, we would like to hear specifically from your lips why your church, in essence, failed to take part in the commemoration of the famine in Ukraine. After all, this fact has caused indignation in certain circles and is still being variously interpreted.... [Sabodan] Indeed, there were such interpretations. We were accused of boycotting the commemoration of this event. This is not true. At the time, I was on a business trip abroad, but three of our metropolitans, members of the Synod, were present both in the Ukraine Palace and at the memorial rally. This has to do with the arrangement we made: We would come onto this stand, but on the condition that this would be a rally rather than worship. When they saw that Filaret, who had been defrocked, proceeded in the capacity of an archpriest and actually led the prayers, our bishops did not come to the podium, because this was, as a matter of fact, a divine service. We commemorated this sad event in all dioceses. I issued an epistle. Therefore, we did take part, and we are pure before God and the people. [Shevchuk] By the way, your priests frequently repeat that the Kiev Patriarchate and its clergy are not canonic. In turn, the latter call you noncanonic. They say that the bishops of the Moscow Patriarchate have been ordained with the blessing of the KGB and communist propaganda.... To tell you the truth, it is not that easy to sort this out from the outside. What would you say about this? [Sabodan] The now late Patriarch |
FBIS3-42738_5 | Filenko Outlines Party Economic Position | Private production and trade mean sufficient quantity of goods and socially acceptable prices, whereas state production and trade result either in out-of-this-world prices on down-to-earth goods or in low prices on nonexistent goods. Some 2,000 years ago, in his treatise "On Duties" Cicero wrote as though it had long been obvious: "It is important that people use public property as public and private property as their own." Thousands of years have passed. Today's bureaucrats have grown accustomed to managing public property "in the name and on the behalf of the people," which means totally without accountability. If we take into account that they control land, residential and commercial real estate and plenty of other property, it would become clear that a gold mine is like nothing compared to what the bureaucrats have. Combined with a variety of permits, licenses and limitations, excessive state power becomes the foundation for abuse and corruption. This is why the black market is the only one that flourishes and constantly grows in Ukraine. Privatization will move great quantities of goods from the black market to the legal one. There is no better cure from both inflation and corruption. Ukraine is not yet democratic, but it is no longer totalitarian. People can talk, hold rallies and strike. Employees of the state sector can now press their demands, which are both reasonable and, at the same time, unrealistic. People think that the state, if it only wished, could satisfy everybody's demands. Similar problems exist in France, Italy and other countries. This clearly shows that a market economy, democracy and a large state sector are incompatible, because a great temptation arises to seek improvements in the living standard not in accordance with economic development but by means of non-economic pressure. In the West, the low point was reached during miner strikes in the 1970s in Great Britain, which in a large measure brought about the replacement of the Labor government by the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher. The problem was solved radically and efficiently: by privatization. As a result, the living standard in Great Britain increased considerably, including that of workers, and especially that of miners. For the same reasons privatization was effected in the Canadian province of British Columbia, in Australia and in New Zealand. Privatization is going on in France, Germany, Sweden and Italy. And in every country of the former USSR. Except in Ukraine. These |
FBIS3-42738_17 | Filenko Outlines Party Economic Position | was the same. To this end, it passed the old election law, making it worse. The elections will be held on a non-party basis, which means that the voters will be voting for individual deputies, not for a specific political line, politicians or policy. Existing democracies have several forms of election laws. But they all are meant to establish a parliament whose members are divided into party factions. The majority party forms the government and is therefore responsible for the chosen policy. On the line are votes in the next election. By assessing election platforms of the parties and comparing them with recent past, the voters have a clear framework for deciding for whom to vote. This does not, and cannot, exist in a non-party election in which candidates represent no organized political force or tradition. Political connections and true intentions of so-called independent candidates are all too often concealed and come out only when they are already in the Supreme Council. Multiparty elections are a way to achieve a functional, well-structured and responsible government, while non-party elections are a way to create a politically anonymous, irresponsible Supreme Council. Success does not come in a day. Western countries reached prosperity only after they combined the market economy with a multiparty democracy. The same process is now under way in countries which only recently were living under dictatorship, such as Spain, Portugal, Chile and South Korea. It is not an accident that the Supreme Council, whose policy has been to impede market reforms, has chosen as its political priority the path of sabotaging a multiparty system. It would be naive to hope that a Supreme Council elected in this manner, whatever its composition, would improve our living standards. As long as supporters of economic and political democracy remain divided and disorganized, the party in power will continue to pursue its line, accompanied by vile demagoguery. In short, economic and political reform can only be blocked due to the weakness of its supporters. The only way to be respected is to become strong, and the only way to do so is to unite. A club of like-minded people is a good idea but it is not enough. A voter club is also a good idea, but it is not a lasting one. We need permanent, stable organizations of citizens: parties. Do not wait for favors from above--they are not forthcoming. Unite instead. |
FBIS3-42739_0 | Nuclear Energy Official on Sector's Financial Woes | Language: Russian Article Type:CSO [Interview with Vasiliy Kotko, deputy chairman of the State Committee of Ukraine for the Use of Nuclear Energy, by Viktor Rassokha; place and date not given: "Nuclear Power Stations Going Around Hat in Hand. Failing To See This Today Means Bringing the Dark Ages Closer...in Houses and Plants"] [Text] Perhaps there is no need to explain to anyone what energy resources mean to Ukraine and its economy at present, or to explain that our entire standard of living depends more and more perceptibly on the cost of electricity, coal, gas, and fuel oil. A conference of the leaders of the basic sectors of Ukraine--the power industry, metallurgy, and the coal industry--held a few days ago by the Cabinet of Ministers indicated that there would not be an easy solution. While there was a general consensus to the effect that prices for products should be reasonably restricted, the approaches themselves to establishing price scales for energy resources got a mixed reception. This is how Vasiliy Kotko, deputy chairman of the State Committee of Ukraine for the Use of Nuclear Energy, clarified the position of the employees of the nuclear power industry. [Kotko] The nuclear power industry was virtually the only sector of the national economy of Ukraine to finish out the year 1993 with a noticeable increment in the volume of production. Nuclear power stations generated a total of 75.2 billion kilowatt-hours of electricity, or more than one-third of all electricity generated in our country. This came close to the maximum volume in the history of the operation of Ukrainian nuclear power stations. These results are all the more significant because they were achieved in an environment of mounting economic crisis. They testify to the great potential of the nuclear power industry, its high level of viability and stability. Nonetheless, the situation that has now emerged in the industry is not just difficult, but we might say catastrophic. All nuclear power stations are facing a most difficult economic situation. Beginning in the second half of 1993, virtually no fresh fuel has been purchased because of a shortage of funds; in 1993, two times less fuel was purchased than in 1990. Spent nuclear fuel has not been shipped out for long-term storage, once again because of a lack of funds. Contractual relations between many suppliers and nuclear power stations with regard to equipment, spare parts, and scientific servicing |
FBIS3-42740_4 | Snegur Address on Parliamentary Elections | will help voters separate the grain from the chaff, as Ion Drutse said. No great effort is required in order to distinguish the good from the bad. Everyone does that instinctively. It is far more complicated, particularly under our conditions, to propose clearly and precisely what should be done and together with whom for the common good. In that regard I would like to call on everyone, and primarily on figures in the cultural field and writers, to jointly think about the following question: how is it that in the past two years we allowed ourselves to be brazenly and hypocritically called "a republic of two sheep-folds and three districts," "a stillborn infant," "a spectral republic of Bolsheviks-separatists," "the CIS jungle," "Snegur's whim," and so on? I know that this is not just my own pain, and that its elimination is found in the clear and decisive position of those who stand for the statehood of the republic, a position which must be proclaimed in a loud voice and not in a whisper. We have forever been not only at the cross-roads of European geographical roads, but also in a space where the interests of large continental powers met and clashed, because of which we have constantly suffered. The empires established their regimes here, one more drastic than the other. Their cruelty and greed left a deep imprint on the soul, memory, and consciousness of generations. The sacrifices of our ancestors placed on the altar of our still fragile freedom are too great and abundant in order not to learn the lesson of history on this occasion as well. Are we going to allow the wheel of history to crush us just because some want to accelerate the speed at which it turns, while others wish to stop it? Perhaps it is time to roll up the sleeves and start laying the foundation of an edifice of integrity and prosperity, stone by stone, in a conscientious and diligent manner, leaving to the mercy of God those who have no other desire than to affix their name to it. I am counting on the consciousness and sense of high civic responsibility among representatives of the mass media, hoping that their thoughts on the electoral marathon will include these aspects as well. In connection with what was said above I would like to state the following: First. The constitution of our country |
FBIS3-42748_1 | Botnaru Reviews Foreign Affairs Priorities | now ended up as New Year's jelly. And the fact also that the reaction of the disintegration of the former USSR--this colossus on the world map--continued, that is, serious interethnic conflicts, regional wars, and dangerous friction, but as did also a meshing between many of the states that arose on the ruins of the Union. Europe's most dangerous political volcano, in Yugoslavia, continued to erupt. Moldova, despite all the complexity of its domestic situation, managed to secure for itself peace, albeit fragile, and also to progress along the path of self-assertion in the world arena. In this respect, if compared with other former Soviet republics, we finished more successfully. The all-European economic crisis continued to intensify. There was a redistribution of spheres of influence along the entire diplomatic front. Relations between blocs deteriorated, and some states increased their economic pressure for the purpose of deriving political benefits. All the former socialist countries, including the European Soviet republics, endeavored to make their way into Europe--more precisely, into its international structures, where quite a line and crush have already formed. We managed to open certain doors a little. [Marian] On which, as can be seen, the springs had been too tight. Can you, Mr. Botnaru, point to the miscalculations of Moldovan diplomacy? [Botnaru] We have weak points, but we will not tell you them--find them yourselves and tell us! It should be borne in mind, however, that, as a state, we are still at an early age, and there have for this reason been many mistakes, and they are inevitable. I would mention in this sense the current notion of West and East, of political blocs, of the near and far abroad. We inherited it, as it were, from the former regime. Thanks to this, we would set off for conferences or negotiations with our Western partners in more self-disciplined and responsible fashion and more ready to ward off any unpleasantness than at, say, meetings within the framework of the CIS. Out of habit, perhaps, we consider these partners "our people," relaxing our diplomatic vigilance, and at times we would let slip a good opportunity and yield "in our own way" an important position. We forget that there is now no difference between countries of the near and far abroad--each defends its own interests, seeks its own advantage. We also should do the same. [Marian] About the CIS, incidentally. May it be |
FBIS3-42749_6 | Institute Director on Energy Policy Concerns | experts, he writes that "If we had an energy system with high-voltage lines in the countries of Eastern Europe (Bulgaria, Turkey) we could export electric energy at advantageous prices and at the same time obtain a profit of approximately $50-70 million. [Postolatiy] In the first place, as one can see from his article, your colleague is confusing kilowatts with kilovolts; in the second place, apparently, he met his match in the experts. If you build a high-voltage transmission line, the immediate reason for doing so lies not in Turkey or Bulgaria, but in Moldova--with the prospect of entering the unified European energy system. As for the reserves of electric energy that have now been formed, this is a temporary, ephemeral phenomenon. The predictions of real specialists tell us that the consumption of fuel and energy resources by 1995 in our country will reach the 1990 level and will grow in accordance with the increase in production volumes. Here it is necessary to take into account that the proportional expenditure of energy resources on the manufacture of a unit of output in our country exceeds world indicators by 1.5-2 times. And our industry can hardly count on utilizing advanced energy-saving technologies--at least in the next decade. The situation now is such that our energy sector is being finished off as they try to skim of the good parts. And this is at a time when 44 percent of the republic's energy equipment has outlived its service life and needs to be replaced. We are "burning" our fixed capital, which is in need of modernization and development, for the sake of momentary advantage. We have an immense deficit in the financing of energy deliveries. The handling capacity of the republic's external electrical communications with our neighbors, especially Romania, is clearly inadequate. The schedule for loading in the energy system is not uniform--the fluctuations reach 30-40 percent of the maximum. In the next few years the situation could develop in such a way that energy engineering in Moldova will not be in a condition to provide the economy with electricity and heat in a balanced way. And they are talking to us about tens of millions in profit for exported electric energy! The basis of the strategic development of energy engineering is the provision of a self-balance of electric and thermal capacities. Calculations show that it will always be more advantageous to buy |
FBIS3-42750_2 | Edict Sets New Minimum Wage Rates | in the amount of two to three minimum old-age retirement benefits inclusive--by 20 percent; who receive retirement benefits in the amount of three to five minimum old-age retirement benefit inclusive--by 10 percent. With a view to partially offsetting additional outlays incurred by the needy and low-income strata of the population, as well as in conjunction with a sharp increase in prices and rates for gas used for heating, monthly targeted allowances shall be paid beginning on 1 January 1994: to nonworking retirees whose retirement benefits received do not exceed three times the amount of the minimum old-age retirement benefit--in the amount of the minimum wage, to families with many children (number of children no less than three) whose combined monthly income per family member in the preceding quarter did not exceed the amount of the minimum wage--in the amount of one minimum wage per family; to needy and low-income citizens whose combined monthly income per family member in the preceding quarter did not exceed the size of the minimum wage--in the amount of one-half of the minimum wage per family. Nonworking retirees who use liquefied gas (bottles and multiunit gas installations) shall be paid a targeted allowance amounting to one minimum wage on a quarterly basis beginning on 1 January 1994. 4. It shall be determined that additional outlays shall be covered: for raising the wages of the employees of establishments financed from the budget and scholarships--from the monies of the state budget; for the payment of targeted allowances envisioned in Point 3 of the present edict--50 percent out of the monies of the state budget and 50 percent out of the monies of the social fund; for raising retirement benefits and allowances paid by the social fund--out of the monies of this fund. 5. With a view to ensuring the implementation of the present edict, it shall be established that: effective 1 January 1994, actual outlays on compensation for labor, however, not exceeding six times the minimum wage per one average employee on the payroll engaged in the main line of business of the enterprise, shall be taken into account in outlays on manufacturing and selling products (work, services) when calculating taxable profits; In the event that actual outlays on compensation for labor which are included in the producer cost of products (work, services) in keeping with legislation in effect exceed, after 1 January 1994, double the standard amount |
FBIS3-42760_4 | Ministers Assess 1993 Political, Economic Achievements | colleagues abroad; some of these agreements are already being implemented. For example, nurses are being retrained in Denmark. The Swedes are providing a sizable amount of financial aid in implementing certain projects. Thanks to assistance from foreign countries, Lithuania's medical professionals are performing in Lithuania joint transplants, orthopedic operations, eye operations, and other very complex operations for which patients previously had to be sent abroad. The minister noted that we should also be thankful to many charitable organizations in western countries, whose assistance in treating children sick with leukemia, performing kidney transplants and other operations is simply priceless. Knowing that there is a great shortage in our country's budget of funds needed to provide medical care, and knowing that we will not have the amount of necessary funding for a long time yet, the minister urges everyone to conserve their strength and the health which they inherited from their parents. Despite the many and well-known troubles of rural Lithuania, R. Karazija tried to persuade us that there were also some changes for the better. First of all, the current Lithuanian leadership is trying to make land reform a controllable process. Not only was land reform not stalled at mid-year, as some are trying to assert, but, to the contrary, it is continuing to pick up speed, following amendments to the laws regulating land reform and restoration of property, the adoption of decrees on the price of land and its rent, and the preparation of other legal acts. Last year, land was returned to more than 33,000 owners, and the number of farmers already totals approximately 110,000. When they were polled, 19 percent indicated a determination to continue farming and 24 percent will try to continue living in rural areas. The minister said that we can only be pleased that the rural countryside will really not become deserted and that the production of agricultural output will be expanded. He believes that the mechanism of the land market will be regulated legally at the beginning of this year, and this will create the conditions for the establishment of large-size commodity farms. And we would now have fewer difficulties with respect to food products if we hadn't gotten tangled up with mutual reimbursements and if the futile experiment to regulate prices through administrative measures had not been tried. In addition to dealing with the aforementioned problems, the new year will see the attempt |
FBIS3-42766_10 | Presidential Council Member Migranyan Assesses Policy Toward FSU | prepared by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation in the spring of that same year. But the events that occurred in 1992 in Russia and the republics made appreciable adjustments to the understanding of Russia's place and role in the post-Soviet space. Although the objective factors noted above are still to a considerable extent impeding the formation of an adequate foreign policy, the subject factor has undergone considerable change. It has been recognized increasingly distinctly among the serious part of the political establishment and analysts, by no means only among those who, in Kozyrev's words, represented and continue to represent the "war party," that Russia has a special role in the post-Soviet space. The profound involvement of Russia in the military conflicts in the Dniester region, Abkhazia, and Ossetia made obvious the proposition of those analysts that, first, Russia would not manage to "remain aloof" beyond the borders of the Russian Federation, not intervening in conflicts on the perimeter of its border; second, the international community, burdened with a multitude of problems in the former Yugoslavia, Africa, and other parts of the world, is not consumed by a desire to participate actively in a resolution of these conflicts on the territory of the former USSR, and even were there such a burning desire, it could hardly do anything for a resolution of these crises without the active participation of Russia itself; and, third, the conflicts along Russia's perimeter, involving it in them directly or indirectly, have begun to exert a considerable influence on the domestic political process and the struggle of various political forces in Russia itself. The conflicts in the Dniester region, when for the first time ethnic Russians found themselves involved in military operations, and then in South Ossetia and in Abkhazia, where Russia came to be involved in the military operations directly since kindred peoples of the North Caucasus within the Russian Federation were acting in support of their brethren with weapon in hand, cleaved the erstwhile unified idea of Russia's foreign policy in the near abroad. Several centers involved in the process of the shaping of foreign policy in the near abroad were formed. Mention may be made of at least three of these centers, which existed right up until 1992. These were first and foremost the Foreign Ministry, which attempted to stay within the framework of the aims in respect to the |
FBIS3-42769_4 | Conflict Over Crimea Seen Possible | the supplies of weapons and equipment, to profit on food and medicine, to extract a triple price for transporting refugees, and so on. All of this has already happened in "hot spots." Interests can be confronted only by other interests. Indeed, it was only several years ago that no one believed that Georgia would be at war with Abkhazia, but, after all, neither was it believed there would be a unified Europe or that the Berlin Wall would be destroyed. There is also a solution to the "Crimean question." It is very complicated, but there cannot be a simple solution here. The solution is not only for Crimea to go halfway, but also for Russia as a whole. Rapprochement is the only alternative to confrontation. The only alternative to Russian-Ukrainian confrontation (if not because of Crimea, another reason will be found) is a Russian-Ukrainian union. First and foremost, an economic union. Its pluses are apparent to many in Ukraine: Almost 90 percent of the oil and 70 percent of the gas come from Russia, many Ukrainian goods are already squeezed out of the Russian market (even Ukrainian sugar is more expensive than Cuban sugar), and the rate of exchange of the coupon to the ruble speaks for itself. The economic union has a lot of supporters and opponents--in both Russia and Ukraine. The "opponents" in Kiev talk about the inevitable loss of independence in the event of a union. The "opponents" in Russia--about Ukraine's sponging and the state charity at the expense of the taxpayer.... There are very many different aspects to any form of economic cooperation (more so with a union). Actually, the Ukrainian economy today is more seriously disorganized than the Russian economy. However, very soon the inevitable sharp increase in the rates of inflation in Russia (which have already started) are a reminder that Ukraine, nonetheless, is a fraternal country and that the ruble, nonetheless, is closer to the coupon than to the dollar or to the mark. Given the increasing rates of inflation, many will stop being frightened by "subsidization" of the economies of the countries of the former USSR. In any case, the variants of a possible development of relations of Ukraine and Russia today lie between two extremes: from confrontation all the way to military conflict and an economic union with a unified monetary system, "transparent" borders, and so on. The question is what |
FBIS3-42774_8 | Members of Yeltsin's `Inner Circle' Interviewed | document by heart. He selects people he trusts for their abilities and their orderliness in work and preparing documents. As long as the person does not make a mistake. Then he starts to watch them more closely. There are many problems, and there are also problems that are new to him or that have been underestimated so far. But the many problems on the fundamental or strategic plane he knows in detail. Before becoming the chairman of the government he worked with the economy on the scale of the oblast. Market reform on a practical plane was something new for him. When Gaydar began his work we went to all the sessions of the government. We saw that he began to speak with them as equals fairly quickly. Of course, Gaydar knows more, and of course, he speaks in the language of economic categories as a scholar who has gone into this in depth. But even after a month and a half they recognized B.N. as the informal leader of the government and began to work as a unified team. Or here is an example from international practice. The main topic of one of his conversations with Major was nuclear disarmament. At first they spoke on one level, discussing the political aspects of the problem, and B.N. went deeper and deeper, and reached a point where the other person simply threw up his hands. Major recognized him as a specialist with a thorough knowledge of his subject. This is a unique quality which remained with him from the previous system: He understands the significance of responsibility. [Kuchkina] Did he also sign the last edict on the KGB, to use the old name, himself? [Answer] The peculiarity of the last edict consists in that he understood the system with which he was dealing and that even if he had entrusted someone else to sign the edict, within a couple of hours or minutes this would become known. Therefore he prepared the edict himself. At the news conference he even called it not an edict but an operation which he conducted. [Kuchkina] Was the president not too late? Perhaps the historic moment had passed? Was it done on the wrong wave of expectations? [Answer] Perhaps on the propaganda plane he was too late. But the essence of the matter is that the KGB is not an organ you can joke around with. |
FBIS3-42774_16 | Members of Yeltsin's `Inner Circle' Interviewed | work, when they are not joined together with the government, then we have what we have. In the second place, America went everywhere in the automobile. What can we ride in, what are the most difficult and neglected things here? Housing and roads. We must begin to build housing and roads for everyone. These should be declared national programs. Perhaps the army could be brought in here. The people would pay for this. In the third place, when the people know or hear about out-and-out bribery, out-and-out corruption, this makes the situation much worse, nobody believes in anybody or anything, they do not want anything, so it is necessary in fact and not in words to get rid of corruption and corrupt people. Zhirinovskiy's party and to a certain degree his electorate include healthy young men from 20 to 40 whose arms and muscles are itching, and all the work threatens to go beyond the parliamentary framework. Is this a problem for the president? [Answer] If this party and this leader in any way overstep the bounds of the Constitution--nobody will try to persuade them to come back into bounds. This would present a danger to society and the president would be resolute. But the Zhirinovskiy phenomenon is one of the serious problems for him and for us. In the broad sense of the word. The phenomenon of ideology. He claims to respond to the moods of many, to respond to the needs of those who want to cling to what is simple and comprehensible, casting off the burden of self-determination and placing it on someone else's shoulders. If you want to fight--go ahead, we will let you fight. If you want to engage in business--engage in business. If you cannot do anything, we will feed you, give you gifts, and so forth. For people from the country and the city, for women and men, for old and young. All this taken together means a strong Russia with expanding boundaries. If it is cold in your home--you will have a warm sea. People in the east will expand to the west. People in the west will take Alaska along with the Kurils. For everyone. The phenomenon of this deceptive ideology is an indicator that state thinking and national self-awareness are in a crisis. Since back in 1990 the president has been making the assignment of gathering everything that could be |
FBIS3-42779_0 | First Results of Dagestan `Special Order' Reviewed | Language: Russian Article Type:CSO [Article by Eduard Urazayev: "Makhachkala Sums Up First Results of `Special Order': Public Discusses Political Encroachments"] [Text] The Dagestan militia summed up the first results of the special order introduced for six months in the capital starting 3 January. As is well known, there already are analogies of "special regimes," but the Makhachkala one in particular stipulates that citizens should "continuously have a passport with them, or some other document that identifies them, and present it at the request of workers of Internal Affairs organs," but that "citizens who are detained without identifying documents are subject to a fine in the amount of 10,000 rubles [R], and, if necessary, are put into a reception-transfer center and are kept there up to 10 days until identity is established." The decree of the city administration prescribes that "persons from other towns, who are in the city of Makhachkala without a purpose, will depart for their place of residence in 24 hours" under the threat of eviction from the city and a fine of R10,000. For driving motor vehicles in the city without a license, drivers are fined R100,000. During the first 10 days about 4,000 persons went through the "special regime" (the population of the city is approximately 360,000), and about half of them stayed in the duty room. Six hundred persons were fined, 128 persons were evicted from the city, and a substantial number of volunteers left for home by themselves. The amount of fines levied on the citizens for 10 days amounted to about R20 million. After the introduction of the special order, the number of recorded violations in the city increased, but they started to be exposed less frequently. When people who had arrived for personal or business reasons were detained without justification, the leadership of the GUVD [Main Administration of Internal Affairs] had to give assurances on local television that the "special order" was not a special regime, and that guests could come to the city freely. However, a decree of the administration gave heads of the organs of Internal Affairs of Makhachkala the right "to subject violators to administrative detention of up to 10 days," which contradicts the constitution, which permits arrest without a court order for a period of no more than 48 hours. The chief of the GUVD admitted that absolutely innocent citizens had run into cases of bribery of workers |
FBIS3-42791_2 | `Muscovites' Standard of Living for 1994 Assessed | fair and sometimes not quite. The government and its local representatives ought to be criticized for still terrible roads (despite titanic efforts), mud and trash in the streets, occasional lapses in central heating, and leaking roofs. But I have never seen a letter in which Muscovites berate the mayor for lack of attention to social programs. In this respect Moscow is far ahead of the rest of Russia. I have in front of me a document signed by Yu. Luzhkov on 28 December--a comprehensive program of social protection measures for certain categories of Moscow residents in 1994 and a report on the results of the analogous program in 1993, which considerably expanded and strengthened social guarantees set at the federal level. Last year, 61.7 billion rubles [R] was spent on financing the city's social program from the budget fund for social protection. The 1994 budget envisages financing of expenditures on the implementation of measures of social protection of the population taking into account their indexation. The Moscow City Statistics Administration will now conduct a monthly calculation of the subsistence minimum in keeping with the decision of the trilateral commission of the Government of Moscow, the Confederation of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, and the Moscow Trade Unions Federation. In the near future, proposals will be finalized on improvements in the system of supplements to pensions of nonworking pensioners and child allowances. The prefectures have been instructed to adopt within a month regional programs of social protection of the population using the districts' financial resources. In keeping with the program signed by the mayor, the Moscow Government is increasing subsidies for school lunches and food for low-income pensioners, the mayoralty's personal stipends to students, and subsidies to students in acute need. Subsidies for children who do not attend preschool facilities are being increased to 25 percent of minimum wage (which currently amounts to R3,655); supplemental pay to child allowances for single mothers, families with many children, and nonworking mothers who receive benefits from social security organs; and extra pay for food products for children under the age of three. An newborn child allowance is being increased to double the minimum wage. In addition, a number of measures of social protection envisaged by republic legislation and financed out of the Moscow budget, naturally, remain in effect. We plan to look at individual parts and provisions of this comprehensive program in the next few issues. |
FBIS3-42798_10 | Further on Schneerson Hasidic Book Collection | even one book be returned if this is against the law? And if the law requires that the whole collection be returned to its owner, why has this not been done? Did we grace Clinton with a generous gift, or did we put him in an ambiguous position by presenting him with something that does not belong to us? America is particularly scrupulous in matters of property rights and, in contrast to us, draws strict distinctions between church, state, and private or personal property. How Can We Live Together as Friends in the Future? Russia is the birthplace of the Lubavitch movement, and although Rabbi Kogan said that "our history in Russia is coming to an end," this genetic link cannot be broken even in the event of a total exodus, like the one from Egypt. A special center devoted to the history of the Lubavitch movement might be established here, and the Hasidim are prepared to supply it with all of the necessary literature. A Russian translation of the "Taniya" is already being prepared for publication in an edition of 10,000 copies. Religious Jews are not the only people with an interest in Hasidic literature. I saw a large collection of works by Martin Buber--the greatest religious philosopher on the metaphysics and history of Hasidism--in Paris in the home of Valeriy Afanasyev, the famous contemporary pianist and novelist. Valeriy is particularly interested in the Cabala and the mystical aspects of this philosophy. Habad, of course, is not on the same level as Blavatskaya. Here, for example, is what the Lubavitch rabbi told his congregation on Hanukkah about the difference between the two worlds--Jewish and Hellenistic: "On the one hand there is a special way of life, based on pure monotheism, in which the prevailing idea is that daily life is sacrosanct in all of its details, even the most minor ones; on the other there is the hellenistic culture with its polytheistic and materialistic ideas." The readers of this message, mostly craftsmen, small businessmen, merchants, and kibbutz farmers, are completely conversant with this discussion. The educated Hasid is usually well-versed in the works of Maimonides and esoteric and mystical theories that even a philosopher with a degree may not understand. The Hasidim themselves should want others to know more about their life and ideas. After all, many of their contemporaries see them as borderline fanatics, and even those who |
FBIS3-42799_0 | Edict on 1 January Increase in Wages, Pensions, Stipends | Language: Russian Article Type:CSO ["Edict of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan: On Increasing the Amount of Salaries, Pensions, and Stipends Beginning 1 January 1994"] [Text] 1. To establish, beginning 1 January 1994 on the territory of the Republic of Uzbekistan: the minimum wage in the amount of 30,000 sum-coupons per month, increasing other wages appropriately; the nontaxable minimum citizen income in the amount of 30,000 sum-coupons per month; the minimum amount of worker pension as 32,450 sum-coupons per month, appropriately increasing the amounts of all types of pensions currently in effect in the republic. 2. To increase stipends to students at institutes of higher education, secondary technical schools, and vocational institutions, by a factor of 1.2 on the average. To establish, beginning 1 January 1994, in exchange for 50 percent discounts on the cost of meals in student dining facilities and cafeterias, monetary compensation for this purpose in the amount of 10,000 sum-coupons per student per month. 3. That ministries and departments, the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Karakalpakstan, the administrations of oblasts and the city of Tashkent, budget-financed organizations and institutions, and the Republic of Uzbekistan Ministry for Social Security will ensure that salary scales of workers are recalculated in timely fashion proceeding from the minimum wage established by this edict, in accordance with the unified grade and category scale for wages, and also with respect to the minimum pension amounts here established. 4. Expenditures related to the increase in wages of workers at budget-financed institutions and organizations and the increase in pensions and stipends will be covered using funds from the state budget of the republic and from the social insurance fund. 5. To recommend that enterprises and organizations operating on a cost-accounting basis, regardless of their form of ownership, increase wages in accordance with this edict to the extent they are able to procure sources of revenue, and for the temporary period during which these are insufficient--through the use of special-purpose monetary credits afforded by banking institutions. 6. Responsibility for supervision of the implementation of this edict is entrusted to the Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Uzbekistan. [Signed] President of the Republic of Uzbekistan I. KARIMOV |
FBIS3-42802_6 | `Elektrobank' Chairman on Growing Difficulties of Commercial Banks | problems. If we exist for another year or two within the same arrangement as at present, an overwhelming number of enterprises which ensure the maintenance of the economy at a certain level will shut down because of the wear on fixed assets. Equipment has been 70-80 percent depreciated in the fuel and energy sector and in metallurgy. The enterprises are in danger of shutting down. Some attach their hopes to banks. However, even if we scrape up all the monies, including statutory capital, this will be nothing compared to what is needed. Where are resources to be obtained? They are available in the country. Many different off-budget investment funds have emerged in Russia. They are disbursed haphazardly; funds are transferred from one region to another, and frequently disappear and get dispersed there. They should be concentrated for investment in the fuel and energy complex, a base industry which ensures the viability of the entire economy. Otherwise, we will be threatened with a reduction in electricity generation and a new increase in rates for it. We cannot agree with the existing system for the distribution of investment. The government commission for substantiating the requests of ministries and departments prepares a decision for the Ministry of Finance. In the process, everybody gets as much as he can grab. It is not economic effectiveness or the speed and security of repayment of credit that are the main arguments but rather the fact that construction has begun. The supporters of this procedure refer to the fact that the collective and the equipment are idle, that funds have already been invested in the construction project, and so on. Meanwhile, there is little accounting for whether it is necessary to complete all construction projects under the current conditions and what the returns from the newly built enterprise will be. Under such conditions, the banks are put at an impasse. Who will pay back their credit? Each new appropriation is processed as a one-time act, while the construction project drags on for several years. We usually say: We will still give you money this year, and we will see about later. Recently the chairman of the State Construction Committee reported that one-third of the facilities had to be shut down. So, why were they financed in 1992, and who will pay back the credit now? The economy indeed needs many of these facilities, but banks cannot invest |
FBIS3-42807_0 | Labor Ministry Provides Statistics for 1993 | Language: Russian Article Type:CSO [Article by Yelena Vasilkova: "But As Far As the Rest Is Concerned--Everything Is Coming Up Roses!"] [Text] Ministry of Labor Provides Results for Last Year "According to information from the Nutrition Institute, last year our schoolchildren grew thinner by a kilogram. We find this report disturbing," Valeriy Kolosov, first deputy minister of labor of the Russian Federation, told journalists. Plans called for the minister himself to conduct this press conference on the situation in the socio-labor sphere, but he was detained at a government meeting. His deputies, V. Kolosov and R. Batkayev, therefore came under the "shelling" of press representatives. What did we find out? Population Income Population income increased 11-fold over the level of 1992. However, this takes into account the incomes of people engaged in entrepreneurial activity. If these are not taken into account, the level of income fell. More than 30 percent of the populace have incomes lower than the minimum wage level, and 13 percent have incomes which do not exceed the cost of the minimum subsistence selection. And this does not consider the quality of nourishment, a factor of serious concern to medical experts. For example, the above-mentioned schoolchildren no longer receive milk at breakfast. Wages Wages increased 9.9-fold over the level of 1992, which corresponds approximately to the growth in consumer prices. But in December of last year wages increased only eightfold over the level of the previous December, while prices rose almost 10-fold. The differential seen with respect to wages is ever increasing. "At a number of state enterprises, the salaries managers receive exceed the average wage dozens of times," V. Kolosov stressed. "This is abnormal. We have to have some kind of rules regulating this." Recently a critical situation has arisen regarding delays in monetary payments, especially to workers in the budget sphere. Their pay level continues to lag behind wages in the production sphere. Last year the wage level in sociocultural sectors amounted to 40-80 percent of the average wage in industry. Employment and Unemployment The total number of "persons out of work and actively seeking work" (as the employment services characterize the unemployed) and "workers in the less-than-full employment mode" (the potentially unemployed) came to 7.8 million individuals by the end of 1993, or 10.4 percent of the "economically active population." Some 0.8 million people hold official status as unemployed. Considering sectors of the national economy, |
FBIS3-42810_13 | Economy's Performance in 1993 Summarized | $16.0 billion (in 1992 the positive balance was $5.4 billion). Foreign Economic Ties With Nearby Foreign Countries Foreign trade turnover with the nearby foreign countries totaled R22.5 trillion in 1993, or just 50 percent of the 1991 level. In this period there has been a drop in shipments from Russia to the CIS states of oil -- 60 percent, natural gas -- 8 percent, coal -- 68 percent, automobile gasoline -- 60 percent, and rolled metal -- 64 percent. Fuel resources are the top-priority export from Russia (accounting for 88 percent of total production and technical exports as against 51 percent in 1992). These debts are being partially paid off by means of state loans, which Russia has granted the CIS countries. What is more, more extensive use of payments in national currencies at an agreed rate of exchange. Privatization Some 39,000 enterprises were privatized in the period January-November, and 36,000 [figure as published] enterprises have been privatized in total since privatization began in Russia. Some 31 percent of the total number of enterprises privatized in the first 11 months of 1993 have switched to private ownership by means of flotation (entirely or in part), while 69 percent have been sold. Enterprises in the retail and wholesale trade sphere account for 35 percent of the total number of privatized enterprises, industry -- 29 percent, consumer services -- 18 percent, construction -- 9 percent, public catering -- 7 percent, the automobile industry -- 3 percent, and agriculture -- 2 percent. The enterprises privatized in the period January-October (in terms of residual value at the prices before their fixed capital was revalued in 1992) had a total value of over R753 billion. The average value of one privatized enterprise in municipal, territorial, and federal ownership was R12 million, R16 million, and R54 million respectively. Preference continued to be given during flotation to Option 2 of the three options for concessions that labor collectives were given -- the option which allows the labor collective to own the controlling block of shares. Over three-fourths of the enterprises that became joint-stock companies chose this option for concessions. One-sixth of enterprises were floated under Option 3, while around 1 percent opted for Option 1. In addition, some enterprises (3.3 percent) were floated by transforming leasehold enterprises. Large and medium-sized enterprises were in the main privatized by means of flotation. Of the enterprises privatized in the period |
FBIS3-42810_22 | Economy's Performance in 1993 Summarized | million people, or 48 percent of the total population, employed in the Russian economy. The nonstate sector, in which over 40 percent of workers are now employed, is playing an ever-increasing role. In 1993 compared with 1992 the number of personnel increased in the main sectors of the social complex -- public education and the health service. The number of people employed in credit provision and state insurance, tax inspectorates, notaries' offices, and legal services is steadily rising -- which is evidence that the infrastructure characteristic of a market economy is starting to take shape. However, the number of people employed in science and the scientific service sphere, design, and research organizations dropped. At the end of 1993 there was a total of 7.8 million people -- or 10.4 percent of the economically active population -- without work or actively seeking work in addition to those not in full employment (the potential unemployed). Some 3.8 million (5.1 percent) of the letter are classified as unemployed in accordance with International Labor Organization methodology. Some 0.8 million people, or 1.1 percent of the economically active population, have official unemployed status. In 1993, strikes of one day or more were recorded at 265 enterprises, establishments, and organizations in Russia -- one-fourth of the 1992 figure. The Demographic Situation In 1993 the population of the country fell by 300,000, or 0.2 percent, to 148.4 million at the beginning of 1994. This is due to adverse changes in the birth and death rates determined not only by the present situation but also by the nature of past demographic development. In 1993, 1.4 million babies were born, 226,000 or 14 percent down on 1992. The birth rate per 1,000 dropped from 10.7 to 9.2. The number of deaths over the year rose by 360,000, or 20 percent, to 2.2 million, and the total death rate per 1,000 rose to 14.6 against 12.2; 348,000 people died from injuries or poisoning -- a 1.4-fold increase on 1992. The death rate among the working-age population increased faster, increasing by one-third over the year, while the proportion of people of this age among total deaths rose to 30 percent as opposed to 27 percent in 1992. Adverse changes in the birth and death rates brought an increase in natural population loss: 800,000, or 60 percent, more deaths were recorded than births (in 1992 the figure was 220,000, or 14 percent). |
FBIS3-42811_36 | Survey of Socioeconomic Situation in 1993, Prospects for 1994 | for labor in the social sphere. According to survey data, it is precisely former workers in the sphere of service, health care, education, science, and culture who comprise the most numerous group of the unemployed in Tomsk Oblast. Conventional wisdom holds that unemployment has provided a certain push toward the formation of the labor market, whose inalienable attribute is competition. Analysis shows, however, that, first, the shrinking of the labor force is not at all the result of the action of market mechanisms, and second, certain flashes of competition for jobs in essence differ little from queues for goods and foodstuffs, or waiting lists for housing in the environment of all-out shortages and producers monopoly. For instance, 59 percent of workers in mass professions and 28 percent of economic managers surveyed in Tomsk Oblast regard a shortened work week one of the most acceptable methods of minimizing production costs. One out of three workers and office workers expressed a willingness to take an unpaid leave to avoid being laid off. Also very widespread is the trend toward wage containment as a means of preserving jobs. Increasing social stress is exacerbated by a forced mass migration of the Russian-speaking population from the former USSR republics and zones of interethnic conflicts in Russia. A hostile attitude of the local population to migrants will be increasing as the resources to meet the basic needs of the people--in food, housing, and other things--become increasingly scarce. This is already manifesting itself now. A factor worth noting is that a rather high percentage of respondents express a negative attitude on the issue of humanitarian aid to refugees. An indicator of a conflict situation in the relationship between the local population and migrants rises sharply when the ethnic composition of migrants does not coincide with the title ethos in the places of their new settlement, since it is exacerbated by ethnic and language differences. In other words, mass migration is fraught with a "chain reaction" of interethnic conflicts. Attitude to Social Guarantees Russia's painful transition from one type of socioeconomic and political system to a different one is predicated among other things on the problem of radical change in mentality, the difficulties of developing a new mechanism of interrelation between the economic and social spheres of the society, in particular, optimization of the criteria of effectiveness of economic and social development of the society. It is this |
FBIS3-42811_47 | Survey of Socioeconomic Situation in 1993, Prospects for 1994 | never has been attractive to most people. It is not accidental that a survey of the Russian populace conducted in November showed that 58 percent of the respondents saw the storming of the White House as a "national shame, in which both branches are at fault." It Is Not Our Power The population's confidence in the renewed authority in Russia, which had emerged on the basis of democratization of the society, got lost as time went by. This has been caused both by exacerbation of the general crisis in the country and by miscalculations of state bodies and the policy they conducted. For instance, one of the commonly accepted indicators of political alienation is how people see the extent of correlation between the decisions taken by the bodies of state administration and interests of the people. As numerous sociological surveys showed, more than 80 percent of the population do not have a clear idea of the substance of the policy conducted by the state and are convinced that the state does not care in any way about ordinary people and catering to their interests. No less serious evidence of deepening political alienation is the increasing political apathy of the population, the loss of interest in political actions of all-national significance. As is known, 35.5 percent of Russian citizens refused to participate in the referendum on 25 April 1993. A survey conducted after the referendum showed that the subsequent sharp confrontation between federal bodies of executive and representative authority caused a negative reaction among the populace. Most people were disappointed that the bodies of authority used the results of the referendum to settle the score among themselves. Sociological surveys show that, in the opinion of Russian citizens, the damage to the prestige of authority was inflicted by the following factors: --the gap between promises and actual deeds, especially the fact that the promise to implement a radical economic reform without a catastrophic decline in the standard of living has not been kept; --chaos in lawmaking, as a result of which the overwhelming majority of people are not aware of legal reference points; legal nihilism on the part of the population is increasing; --a confrontation between the representative and executive, federal and local institutions of authority; --bureaucratization of the apparatus of the bodies of state power and constant reshaping of power structures; --corruption among state functionaries. Of special interest is the population's |
FBIS3-42820_1 | Possible Change of Criminal Responsibility for Drug Use Pondered | office to write about how they had ended up there and how they feel in the "loony bin." Why did the newspaper need this particular crime report? The words "drug business" are used with increasing frequency in presentations by lawyers and employees of the prosecutor's offices and the militia. Some 1.5 million Russians use narcotics permanently. Specialists project that this number will double in five to six years. The prospects are dismal, especially if we take into account the fact that in the last 10 years narcotics-related crime has increased by a factor of three. So far, our situation has been different from that in the region of the so-called "golden triangle" (Burma, Laos, Vietnam). The domestic drug business is not yet on a par with the Medellin cartel from South America. However, there is enough reason to worry because on issues of crime we frequently also find ourselves "ahead of the entire planet." What influenced my roommates in deciding "to get hooked," join the "sniffers," or pop "pills" and do "grass?" The 30-year-old cardiologist injected himself with promedol while still a student. Why? His colleague from the institute had promised unheard-of bliss. Then he injected himself another time, and rolled downhill. He could no longer do without two injections a day. Meanwhile, life went on. He graduated from the institute and got married. However, on learning that her husband was a drug addict, his wife took their 1-year-old daughter along and left. His father got sick.... The guy from the vocational technical school painted a generally familiar picture. Up to 20 boys got together, poured a solvent into plastic bags and, putting in their heads, inhaled for several hours until they were spaced out. None of the passers-by who are scared of our present-day life and who saw them sitting on stairways or in the hallways of homes got outraged, tried to stop them, or reported them to the militia. The befuddled youths who inhaled poison engaged in wild carnage right there, in front of the houses. Their confused minds did not understand that they were beating to death their own best friend.... The third one, with tattoos, looked askance at the newcomer. He just did not want to acknowledge me as a drug addict who was brought in for compulsory treatment. Likewise, I was not particularly eager to converse, having learned from the physicians the biographic details about |
FBIS3-42821_25 | Aliyev Addresses Party Leaders on Nagorno-Karabakh Situation | reporting this on television, some people objected: You cannot talk about the army this way. But what should we do? This is the truth, and without disclosing this truth, there is be no result. All this--the fact that an army has not been formed as yet, that there have come to be negative elements in its ranks, that individual mafia groupings deriving personal gain from everything have begun to operate within the army (such, incidentally, was the grouping of Alikram Gumbatov, although many people spoke about him to me as a hero, yet he has done such thievery in the region as to have grabbed an armed unit)--is the most important reason for our defeats. Our priority path is negotiations in various directions for a peaceful settlement of the problem. At the same time, on the other hand, we need to organize the army at the proper level, strengthen it, and form highly professional units so that Azerbaijan might defend itself both today and tomorrow and in five and 10 years' time. If Azerbaijan is an independent state, it should know how to defend itself. Whoever, therefore, has specific proposals on this issue and on the question of our peace negotiations and on the use of other possibilities of the state, let him say what paths he sees. Someone could, possibly, do something besides this also--let him say, and I will only be grateful. In respect to the army: Let us reach agreement. It has been said here that the army needs political leaders. Indeed, there are 40 parties, and if each sends his representative, what would be the result? In the past there was one--the Communist Party--and each army subunit, from the platoon up, had a party organization and a deputy commander for political matters. In some instances other factors are employed, it is said. But it seems to me that if we concentrate all forces and appeal for assistance to the intelligentsia, religious figures, scientists, and respected persons, and if they can operate in organized fashion, performing the necessary work in the army units, and can foster in the fighters ethical and moral qualities and fortify their spirit and will--this will be both our political and ideological work. But this work should be performed not occasionally, but constantly and in organized fashion. Other questions were broached also. I do not wish to dwell on them. We will work |
FBIS3-42822_0 | Central Bank Deputy on Hard Currency Use | Language: Russian Article Type:CSO [Interview with Aleksandr Khandruyev, deputy chairman of the Bank of Russia, by ARGUMENTY I FAKTY correspondent Pavel Lukyanchenko; place and date not given: "The `Artificial' Ruble"] [Text] Since the beginning of January of this year the exchange rate of the dollar has soared from 1,250 rubles [R] to R1,627 and subsequently fallen to R1,565. Many people attributed this sharp drop in the exchange rate to the collusion of currency speculators who "are making billions from this game." However, in reality the intercession, or currency intervention, of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation was the actual reason for the drop in the exchange rate. Why is such currency intervention needed? What is the mechanism used? How much does it cost us? Our correspondent, Pavel Lukyanchenko, asked Aleksandr Khandruyev, deputy chairman of the Bank of Russia, to answer these and other questions. [Khandruyev] The essence of currency interventions that are undertaken by the central banks of all countries of the world is as follows: to keep the exchange rate of the national currency within certain limits. To this end, the central state bank either buys foreign currency on the currency exchange, thus lowering the exchange rate of its national currency, or sells foreign currency--as a result of which the exchange rate of the national currency grows. The currency reserves of central banks are far from always sufficient to support the exchange rate of the national monetary unit, and in this case a devaluation is effected, that is, it becomes cheaper compared to the dollar, the deutsche mark, and so on. [Lukyanchenko] How large are the currency reserves of the Central Bank of Russia? [Khandruyev] As of the end of the year they came to $4.4 billion. [Lukyanchenko] What is the specific mechanism of currency intervention? [Khandruyev] If the demand for dollars on the exchange exceeds supply, for example, if on a specific day demand comes to $100 million while only $20 million is for sale, the Central Bank puts up for sale the lacking $80 million. Therefore, on this day the exchange rate of the ruble against the dollar does not change compared to the previous trading session. This is what artificial support for the ruble is all about; its meaning is to prevent abrupt changes in the exchange rate, which always have a detrimental effect on the condition of the economy and price levels. However, since |
FBIS3-42830_3 | Benefits Seen in Giving Up Crimea | fleets with job openings. 4. Nothing New Under the Sun Having shed a tear for the sad fate of the Black Sea Fleet, let's look at some appropriate precedents as English jurists are wont to do. After Salazar's death the first thing the Portuguese parliament did was get rid of their colonial burden to stop Portugal's financial exsanguination. Mozambique and Angola were set free to swim or sink. Another example. Puerto Rico has been an autonomous territory of the US since 1917 and its politicians have tried on numerous occasions to gain statehood, but have always encountered congressional opposition. In distinction to Hawaii, statehood for Puerto Rico could derail the American national budget. Nevertheless, the island remains effectively under American economic control thanks to tourism. 5. Status Quo As part of Ukraine Crimea gets water, electricity, and food, along with financing of the fleet and the retirements of vast number of military retirees. Still, the Ukrainian status is unacceptable to them. There is longing for the good old days of unlimited privileges, a time when the Ukrainian "Banderites" knew their place, all these feelings compounded by geriatric hostility to change. Maybe, just maybe, there are guilty feelings for taking over the empty houses of deported Tatars with their gardens and flower fields. What if the Tatars come and say "Give it back!"? The empire would never have even tolerated such a possibility. 6. Necrophilia Present-day Russia--where you can no longer tell who is a genuine ethnic Russian (Russkiy) and who merely a non-Russian resident of Russia (Rossiyanin)--is shocked to have her stiffling embrace repelled in the name of self-determination. But she still loves her prodigal son--Crimea. This tender example of Oedipus complex comes up against economic realities. Yes, Russia is big (so far), but it also has big problems and does it need yet another enclave? And if the Kuban region settled by ethnic Ukrainians decamps from Russia, Russia--or what's left of it--will be even farther away from Crimea. Ukraine could stand to gain financially from the Crimean situation. In addition to oil prices, which for Ukraine exceed the so-called world prices, Ukraine could charge Crimea for water from the Dnieper at the going rate of some four billion dollars, as well as for transits right across its territory to Crimea. Failure to pay will make more water available for Ukraine, improve the ecologic situation in the Dnieper basin, and |
FBIS3-42830_5 | Benefits Seen in Giving Up Crimea | take care of dearth of water in Southern Ukraine. The health resorts will continue to thrive on people with convertible currencies, so any referendum to remove the Crimean appendix may not be such a bad idea! 7. A New Hong Kong The Russian writer Aksenov raised hopes of a horn-of-plenty with his fictional work The Island of Crimea, which is easy enough to do with Homo Sovieticus. But, in fundamental terms, there is only one solid basis for self-determination in the world, and that is the will of the indigenous population. In a conglomerate country you are up against a situation where the spiders at the center of the web order everyone else around. In Crimea you simply cannot ignore an Islamic (Tatar) factor, jihads, and so forth. Yet the allure of foreign investments and the creation of another Hong Kong is quite appealing as an easy solution to a rather unsettling reality. How are the pensioners going to be supported? From rental fees for Sevatopil if anybody wants to rent the port? Ukraine would be better off keeping its compact fleet elsewhere. What about water? Energy? Food supplies? But those will be the problems of an independent Crimea and not Ukraine and, of course, we can assume that the separatists have anticipated and provided for these facts of life. A final thought. The waters surrounding Hong Kong have been become so polluted as to render them unfit for swimming; just something else to think about. To date, the Ukrainian community has been remarkably passive in all this and it voice disproportionately low-keyed in this international sing-song. The work of such organizations as "Crimea with Ukraine" and the regional centers of political parties--which have been rendered largely meaningless by the passage of the Crimean constitution--are, nevertheless, slowly permeating into the Ukrainian consciousness. Ukrainian passivity is to a large extent due to an information blockade posed by absence of Ukrainian schools and exclusion of the Ukrainian language from the mass media and community organizations. In the face of this, the persistent efforts of the Tatars are worthy of admiration. 8. Two Suitors and a Girl Christ often spoke in parables, which might offer a convenient vehicle to address the Crimean issue. Once upon a time there was once a clever girl who encouraged two suitors, counting on getting gifts and attention from both of them. Things got heated between the rivals, |
FBIS3-42837_1 | Minister of Power Engineering, Electrification on Situation in Sector | But the winter will last longer than that ... [Semenyuk] There's more! Some power stations have already run out of coal or have only one or two day's supply. Stations that produce heat in addition to electricity have first claim on coal. In short, if the coal industry will produce at the present level, then we can last until February. As far as coal goes, we are optimistic since its used to produced 27-28 percent of our electricity. Since one third of the electricity comes from nuclear power plants, it helps that the parliament lifted the moratorium on the Chernobyl plant which supplies 1.2 to 1.3 bKw-h per month. So far this winter it has produced 8 bKw-h of electricity, which otherwise would have required four million tons of coal. In addition, gas deliveries fell by six billion cubic meters this year. The year before last by December we had consumed 80-82 million cubic meters, and a year ago 56-56.5 million cubic meters. But the worst scenario pertains to heavy oil deliveries which are 15-20 percent below normal. We have only emergency reserves left, leaving unused some 40 percent of the equipment at thermal power stations. The situation is particularly bad at the Burshtyn, Ladyzhan, Trypillya, and Vuhlehirsk plants, followed by Prydniprovsk and Kryvyy Rih stations. [Brovchenko] People are using electric heaters and gas stoves at home and at work for heat, which defeats the entire purpose of conserving our energy resources. What's to be done? [Semenyuk] True. As a result of the overload some one thousand transformer substations have been damaged in November. We haven't been able to repair them yet because of electricity is so cheap--cheaper than energy derived from coal and gas. Everywhere else household electricity costs 1.5 to twice as much as that made available for industrial use and people are less inclined to waste it. Currently, we have established a rate of 90 karbovantsi (krb) for 75 KW-h of electricity for household use. Using any more will cost you 180 krb at cost-recovery rates. With 16 million households, it is impossible to monitor everybody's use, and everything depends on a sense of responsibility and integrity of the consumers. [Brovchenko] That's somewhat utopian. We just got through building a communist society which was to be based on a high sense of responsibility of the citizens and found out that it doesn't work. [Semenyuk] True. We should |
FBIS3-42839_1 | Reasons Against Odessa Oil Terminal Detailed Ukraine needs 40 million metric tons of oil. But this does not mean that it must have an oil transshipment complex near Odessa | this amount, "the world's bluest" [sea] will turn black, disgusting, and dead. Specialists may say that I am wrong. According to the calculations of Professor O.H. Myronov (Sevastopol's Institute of the Biology of Southern Seas), the Black Sea is supposedly capable of cleaning up 2,600 metric tons on its own. This may be, but we are left with another 200 metric tons, which is enough to pollute the entire Odessa bay and Odessa's beaches (one cubic meter of oil, spreading as film, covers ten square kilometers). This will start a chain reaction: it will disturb the balance of the "water area -- atmosphere" system, producing unexpected changes in climate and the mass destruction of phytoplankton (in other words, the "lungs" of the sea). There is more. Mollusks [rachky-chervyachky?] will die, fish will die of hunger and lack of oxygen. And no new fish will breed, because their eggs will have been destroyed even earlier. We will not be the only ones affected. The Black Sea will be completely devoid of fish and all living organisms, because the Odessa valley [balka] accounts for 70 percent of the total bioproductivity of the Black Sea. It acts as a kind of birthing home for 60 percent of all the fish in the Black Sea. And what about human health? Those who have managed to catch such fish and eat it now lie hospitalized in cancer wards. The toxic components of oil can accumulate in huge quantities in fish. Nor can we ignore the possibility of technical mishaps. Consider an accident along the 25-mile-long pipeline, an accident involving the equipment used to receive the oil. Finally, an accident involving an oil tanker. et us get back to statistics, which indicate that the number of such accidents is growing with each year. In 1986 there was only one accident that produced a large oil spill; in 1987 there were five, in 1988 -- 21, and in 1989--39!. The sea in the vicinity of Odessa resembles Derybasivska Street in Odessa itself. But the most that a collision between two pedestrians on Derybasivska Street can result in is an exchange of juicy invective, whereas a collision at sea in which a tanker hits something will spell tragedy for thousands, perhaps millions, of people. Supporters of the terminal respond to concerns about the threat of pollution to the sea by saying: we will call in the oil clean-up |
FBIS3-42845_7 | Liberal Convention Issues Basic Platform Principles Freedom Under the Conditions of Order--Toward an Efficient Law-Based and Democratic Society Toward an Efficient Market Economy Via a Surmounting of the Crisis, Stabilization of the Situation, and the Realization of Comprehensive Programs of Transformations | to the authorities would be created via the multiparty system, which would enable the latter to take account of the diverse interests and social expectations of different strata and groups of society. Aside from the creation of a civil society and assurance of the functioning of a multiparty system, further democratization includes the following aspects: the real separation of the branches of power to prevent the authorities' slide toward political voluntarism and the tendency to establish an authoritarian regime of government; the realization at all levels of activity of the political system and state power of the principle of political liberalism, which contributes to control of the authorities on the part of society and of the "managers" on the part of the "managed"; the building of an effective state based on the rule of law and a defender of the rights and liberties of the citizen. The consistent conversion of the interventionist state and the legacy of the totalitarian regime into a management authority and state administration; the adoption of a constitution of the Republic of Moldova--the charter of power and the basic voluntary compact between the individual and the state; the improvement of legislation to create the legal conditions for the realization in day-to-day practice of the fundamental values of liberalism; the creation of a climate of broad cooperation among all political formations and social and political organizations of Moldova of a liberal-reform persuasion for the surmounting of reactionary-conservative trends still capable of winding down the reforms in society that have begun and restoring the totalitarian regime in an individual post-Soviet republic; maintenance of a high moral and ethical level in political activity and in public life as a whole without renunciation of particular principles and consistency in their defense. The pursuit of an active and consistent foreign policy and a guarantee of national security are a most important function of the young Moldovan state. The world community's recognition of the Republic of Moldova as an independent state and the country's membership of a number of international organizations have created for us a qualitatively new situation, where the foreign policy course, reflecting national-state interests, is developing in accordance with the principles of the United Nations and the European process, the rules of international law, and values common to all mankind. The particular features of Moldova's geopolitical location in the south of East Europe, the ethno-demographic composition of the population, |
FBIS3-42853_0 | Future Energy Needs Viewed | Language: Estonian Article Type:CSO [Staff article: "Will We Be Buying Electricity From Abroad 10 Years From Now?"] [Text] Power Plants Hopelessly Outdated The condition of Estonia's energy economy and energy production became somewhat obscured and aggravated after Estonia became independent. If most of the basic equipment, materials, fuels and know-how are obtained at world-market prices, then production (electric energy) is being sold below world market prices, judging by the talk about the overall poverty of the population. Consumption of electricity is bound to go up in Estonia, as general economic development continues. It is possible to sustain this consumption with production from two big power plants. The currently operating power plants Eesti Elektrijaam [Estonian Electric Plant] and Balti Elektrijaam [Baltic Electric Plant] are hopelessly outdated. This has been confirmed by management team members of these plants, and proven by the study titled 'Analysis and Directions for the Development of Estonia's Energy Sector' conducted by the Development Bureau for Energetics. It is high time to start thinking about renovating or replacing these power plants, if our planning calls for meeting all of Estonia's energy needs domestically. Colossal Sums Necessary for Renovation Amounts required for renovation, not to mention those required for replacement, run into billions of kroons. Anatoli Paal, director of the Baltic Power Plant has said (see T. Ojala's article 'Baltic Power Plant Is Fit For a Museum' in aRIPaEV, November 22, 1993) that bringing the capacity to generate one-kilowatt up to contemporary standards would cost $700. The projected capacity of the Baltic Power Plant, at which the equipment would work at its most economical level, is 1,435 MW. Thus, the amount required for a complete overhaul at this plant is $1,005.5 million or 14 billion kroons at the current exchange rates. If overhaul is not started over the next few years, we will be faced with a situation at the turn of the century where electricity would have to be imported from the neighboring countries. Can Estonia come up with the amount required for overhauling the Baltic Power Plant. The study mentioned recommends that electric energy production based on oil-shale be continued as long as possible, because that will enable us to put off investing in in new generating capacities. Electricity From Coal or Oil Shale? Producing electricity out of oil shale has its drawbacks. The energy content of oil shale is three times smaller than that of coal. |
FBIS3-42854_1 | Minister Assesses Energy Sources, Costs | formative stages, drew praise from its teachers like the World Bank, the European Bank of Development and Reconstruction, and other organizations, will make Estonia stronger in the future. The days of wasting cheap energy are over. No More Sudden Price Hikes "As is happening elsewhere, the price of energy in Estonia will still be going up, but I don't foresee any sudden jumps," says Niitenberg and finds that the price of electricity, for example, is favorably low, compared to some of our neighbors. He does not believe that the price of electricity will ever go up to Finland's level (5 times higher than ours), and that Estonia will always have an advantage. Electricity is unnaturally cheap in Russia but, compared to other neighboring states, Estonian producers enjoy a certain advantage. While the consumption of electricity has been going up lately, the demand for liquid fuel has been dropping. During 1993, only 600,000 tonnes of heating oil were consumed, compared to its previous consumption levels of up to 1,600,000 tonnes a year. "Part of that difference is attributable to user economy, the rest to a general economic decline. I believe we can increase production without drastically increasing the demand for energy. We have to reduce the energy loss that currently amounts to roughly one third of the total. If that part of the energy could be used to develop the economy, energy expenditures would not have to go up for the time being," Niitenberg says. As an example, he cites Denmark, where energy consumption goes up by less than 1 percent, yet the economy is developing at a much faster rate. This is the result of energy conservation programs. The Danes have made a transition to more modern heating systems, they have financing. Estonia, by contrast, is plagued by lack of capital. The Proportion of Domestic Fuel Is Small "For the development of energetics, we have received loans from the European Community totaling 76.7 million Estonian kroons. With that money, more than 140 energy-related projects have been carried out in different parts of Estonia. These have been mostly small plants for local parish use, installed to make a transition to domestic fuel, and to reduce energy loss," Niitenberg says. The proportion of domestic fuel sources is currently not as great in Estonia as it is in our neighboring countries. Timber and peat provide 3.5 percent of the necessary energy. In the |
FBIS3-42857_1 | Activities, Conflicts of Latvia's Security Services Detailed | three large, "strongest" groups, of which only one would include state institutions. First of all, espionage is a criminal method for gathering information and includes with it qualitative analytical and systematization work. Secondly, growing and powerful businesses are particularly concerned for their security, for any firm often feels threatened by both organized crime and by the power of the state. That has caused the establishment of their own private security systems, whose job quality is sufficiently high. Many KGB information gathering specialists have gone to firms engaged in such activities. Professionals from the former KGB have their own agency, their own information gathering channels, possibly even connections with the former Soviet, now the Russian intelligence service residence in Latvia, with their "end" in Moscow. The outflow of professionals encourages an overload of work, incomparably low salaries and uncertainty for the future. Businesses can pay adequately for this work, which requires a near-exhausting intellectual and physical regimen. At the same time, large sums of money are being offered to those who are potentially dangerous to state security agencies. From various sources it is known that for leaving one's job (that is, resigning one's current position) sums are being offered equal to five times one's annual salary; and this is only the beginning offer, which can be haggled over. Business can afford (similar to the "informals") to give tremendous technical assurances, which the lean state budget purse is unable to provide for its security organizations. Right now many prominent persons, who require the most exhaustive information, obtain it from these unofficial sources. The More Agencies, the More Security Is Needed Responsible officials continue to receive operational reports from the seven security organizations, but it is not normally possible to analyze these "seven volumes." The many agencies that were established actually reflect the mutual distrust among the various political currents which are more or less fancied by one or another security institution. This mutual distrust has created two intelligence organizations, the Security Agency and the State Economic Sovereignty Department (VESAD), functioning in parallel. The former has been incriminated as the "pocket agency" of the President (or sometimes even of the "national radicals"), but the latter is dogged by a reputation as a "den of Chekhists," which is illustrated by the seemingly professional picketers at the Interior Ministry entrances. While VESAD, according to many, is professionally more powerful, the Security Agency has always claimed |
FBIS3-42858_5 | Current Status of Latvian Armed Forces Detailed | become the reason for fatal accidents. Here, two border guards shot each other; there, a young guardian of the border, after firing at his comrade. went further away from the post and shot himself. The taunting of new recruits in a convoy regiment ended in tragedy: Young soldiers driven to despair by outrages in the unit decided to flee. Three Latvian guys tried to cross the border in order to hide out in Russia, but the Latvian border guards apprehended them. Some junior commanders were relieved from their positions following an inquiry. Incidents in the Defense Forces are dwarfed by the "glory" of the dashing "zemessardze": loss of weapons, murders, drunken disorderliness. "Zemessardze" ("militia," or literally "guards of the land") are a peculiar structure. "Patriots make up the militia"--this is how Girts Kristovskis, recently the militia chief of staff (currently minister of internal affairs) characterized his comrades. Activists of the People's Front and more radical organizations of that time became "zemessardze." The trouble is that patriotism is no substitute for training and discipline. For a long time members of the militia in spotted camouflage smacked of "Makhno's guys" possessed by the national-patriotic idea. To be sure, attempts have been recently made to give them a more or less civilized appearance. At any rate, there are fewer scandals associated with these people, who are armed and very dangerous. Evaluating the year 1993 in an interview to the newspaper DIENA, the minister of defense observed: "The relationship between the Defense Forces and the militia has improved perceptibly. It is now much easier to find a common language to achieve common objectives." Latvia was the first among the republics of the former Union to introduce alternative service, but soon gave it up: It was ineffective, and control was lacking. Labor service was introduced, but it is virtually defunct, too: There is unemployment in the state, and those who draw benefits for months do not have enough slots to use their energies. The Ministry of Defense has developed new rules for induction into the military service: It is envisioned reducing the number of categories of individuals ineligible for the draft. However, the plan is to reduce the duration of service to one year, with the exception of those who will have to master advanced materiel. How many soldiers are there in the Latvian army? According to data from the newspaper NEATKARIGA CINA, at present |
FBIS3-42863_3 | Statistics Show Increasing Crime Rates for Cities, Rural Areas | attempts at murder, 196 (2.6 percent more) rapes, and 344 (0.6 percent fewer) deliberate bodily injuries. Last year saw a marked decline in the secret character of the coercive actions against property -- this is primarily linked with preventive detention and the confidentiality accorded to witnesses. Established cases of racketeering have gone up from 44 to 234 -- more than five times. This crime has victimized mainly the inhabitants of the cities and districts of Vilnius (18 percent of all the coercive actions against property), Kaunas (10 percent), and Siauliai (7 percent). Crimes against property constituted the main share of all crimes (79.2 percent); thefts comprised 96.1 percent of them. The portion of thefts involving state property has declined from 29 to 24.8 percent (apparently, because of privatization), but theft of private property has increased by 9.2 percent. Robberies of state property have increased almost one and a half times, and of individual property -- by nearly one half. More than 70 statements by citizens on stolen automobiles or open thefts were received during the last three months of 1993 alone. Open thefts have gone up by one fourth; every 10th crime against private property was open robbery of citizens' property. Eight hundred twenty cases of fraud were recorded last year -- twice as many as in 1992. They were mostly activities related to non-existing tourism enterprises, fictional material services, purchases, sales, or currency transactions. Three thousand sixty-seven economic crimes were exposed in 1993 -- one fifth more than the year before last. These crimes have increased so rapidly because of mass attempts to counterfeit currency. One thousand three hundred sixty-five counterfeit bank notes and coins valued at 32,193 litas were removed from circulation between the introduction of the litas and January 10 of this year. Individuals who committed 38,177 criminal acts -- or almost two thirds of recorded crimes -- remained undiscovered or avoided punishment. One half of serious crimes remained unsolved -- including every third serious bodily injury and malicious hooliganism, every fourth deliberate murder, every fifth attempt at murder, every sixth rape, every 10th assault on property. Seventeen thousand six hundred eighteen criminal cases were brought before the law (80 percent of cleared up crimes) -- which is 3.2 percent more than last year. More than one fifth of the perpetrators of crimes had been tried before. They have committed 26.6 percent of all the uncovered crimes. |
FBIS3-42867_1 | Academician Examines Historical Parallels for Civil War | surface it is apparently religious and ethnic conflicts that are driving it in Croatia, as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is clear to an attentive observer, however, that they are developing in the form of a full-scale civil war resembling in many respects the postrevolution events in Russia. One of the conclusions that should be drawn in this connection is that we should abandon the old habit of classifying as civil war only a clearly defined social armed conflict. As historical experience tells us, conflicts of other kinds may acquire the form of a civil war, although in each of them a social component is undoubtedly present (see on this also: P. Shevotsukov. "Civil War. A Look Across the Decades." SVOBODNAYA MYSL, 1992, No. 10; Yu. Polyakov. "A Civil War? An Interethnic War?" SVOBODNAYA MYSL, 1993, No. 8). Comparisons between the civil war in Russia and analogous events on the territory of Yugoslavia also evoke another thought. With all the differences that form a foundation of these conflicts, one cannot fail to notice a score of common features, which modern journalism frequently portrays only as specific to the civil war in our country. This includes a horrible bitterness that results in massive-scale homicide of the civilian population, hostage taking, terror, and so on. By the way, the same happened in France in 1793-1795, in the United States in 1861-1865, and Spain in 1936-1939. Hence, conclusions regarding the alleged special cruelty of the civil war of 1918-1920, ostensibly specific to our country, clearly need to be revised. In my opinion the time has long come to also sort out what content we place in the notion "civil war." One can see, as they say, "with the naked eye" that some researchers see civil war as a process of armed struggle between citizens of the same country, between different parts of society, while others see civil war only as a period in the country's history during which armed conflicts define its entire life. I believe that both approaches have a right to exist (naturally, provided clarification is made as to what precisely is meant), and attempts to reject one of them only complicates the substance of the matter. If we accept this postulate, however, it will also make it much easier to answer the question of when the civil war started and when it ended, as well as many other questions. |
FBIS3-42868_25 | Arms Issues in U.S.-Russian Relations | more precise delineation will come about within the "nuclear club" between first-class powers--which possess advanced technologies and capabilities in command and control, communications, intelligence, accurate delivery of nuclear weapons, and use of defensive systems--and second-class nuclear powers--which do not possess such capabilities. France and Great Britain may organize closer cooperation even without the United States in developing a new generation of offensive and defensive systems. Certain allies of the United States are already attempting to lessen their data and information dependence on the Pentagon. In particular, France is focusing attention on improving and perfecting its information and intelligence service by developing its own space-based means of observation and by creating new intelligence organs, processing and analysis centers, and data and information distribution centers. Evolution of the strategic nuclear balance in the direction of "regionalization" could accelerate European military integration and gradually destroy the Atlantic partnership. It should be noted that up until now the Europeans have not gotten very much out of cooperation with the United States in the sphere of SDI-related technologies, although their support for this program permitted the Americans to obtain decent political dividends during the period of the Cold War with the USSR. Another question that will have an effect on formation of the infrastructure for cooperation between the United States, Russia, and other powers in the sphere of control and nonproliferation consists in whether or not nuclear weapons will be used directly or indirectly in possible conflicts between the North and the South, concerning which much is now being said. Will it be at all possible to depend on nuclear weapons to contain regional conflicts, especially without using them a single time for appearance sake, as was done by the United States in Hiroshima and Nagasaki? Unless the North withdraws from participation in conflicts of the chronically unstable South, nuclear weapons may become an important factor in North-South mutual relations, other effective means and methods of exerting influence being lacking. For Russia this unfavorable prospect may acquire special significance, insofar as it borders directly on the most explosive regions of Asia. The build-up of tension in relations with the Third World contributes towards accelerating the regional arms race in the South. The industrially developed countries of the North may try to use against the South the same strategy that was used by the West against the USSR during the Cold War period: a nuclear threat |
FBIS3-42868_27 | Arms Issues in U.S.-Russian Relations | for cooperation between the United States, Russia, and other powers in the sphere of control and nonproliferation consists in whether or not nuclear weapons will be used directly or indirectly in possible conflicts between the North and the South, concerning which much is now being said. Will it be at all possible to depend on nuclear weapons to contain regional conflicts, especially without using them a single time for appearance sake, as was done by the United States in Hiroshima and Nagasaki? Unless the North withdraws from participation in conflicts of the chronically unstable South, nuclear weapons may become an important factor in North-South mutual relations, other effective means and methods of exerting influence being lacking. For Russia this unfavorable prospect may acquire special significance, insofar as it borders directly on the most explosive regions of Asia. The build-up of tension in relations with the Third World contributes towards accelerating the regional arms race in the South. The industrially developed countries of the North may try to use against the South the same strategy that was used by the West against the USSR during the Cold War period: a nuclear threat to prevent the possible employment of conventional or nuclear weapons. It is not ruled out that under these conditions Russia will privately be viewed by them as an outpost, similar to the way Germany was a foothold of NATO in the confrontation with the East. True, the given scenario is not very probable since it does not conform to the interests of Russia, which must not permit the victors in the Cold War to use it as a battering ram or cannon fodder in their policies with respect to countries of the South. However, deliberate and selective arousal of the "Islamic factor" with the help of the American intelligence community may put Russian diplomacy in a quandary when it is forced either to resort to brute force for assistance or to give up its positions--as is now the case in Tajikistan. In any event, the Islamic card plays a role of no small significance in--as was stated in the latest U.S. Department of Defense report--"not permitting the emergence of a new global threat to the United States, similar to the Soviet threat." (Footnote 5) (Ibid., p. 3, 4.) This can hardly be expected to strengthen the foundations of cooperation between Russia and the United States in control and nonproliferation. |
FBIS3-42869_5 | Goskomstat Foreign Trade Data Jan-Nov 1993 | uniform way throughout 1993. A certain increase in investments during the summer period was followed by a decline beginning in October of this year as a reaction to certain political events: although the number of enterprises registered with the RASMiR [expansion not identified] in October stayed at the September level--390, the volume of declared investments dropped almost 10-fold (from $115.7 million to $13.8 million). In November of this year 442 enterprises with foreign capital were registered, whose volume of declared investments amounted to $65.3 million. During the course of the year there was a sharp change in the ratio between investments of Russian and foreign partners: During the first half the foreigners' share of the declared authorized capital remained stable at an average of 52.5 percent. During the subsequent period (July-August) it increased significantly--to 75-80 percent, and during October-November it decreased to 36 percent. The development of the aforementioned tendencies is predetermined above all by the crisis condition of the economy and also the instability and imperfection of the legal base for foreign investments and entrepreneurial activity as a whole. As before, it is mainly small enterprises that are being created. In spite of the doubling of the number of enterprises operating with foreign investments (to 6,239 as of 1 November) their share in the volume of industrial production is reaching no more than 2.5 percent, although their significance in the sphere of foreign economic activity is growing: according to estimates, during 10 months of this year they accounted for more than 6 percent of Russia's exports and about 13 percent of imports. The activity of enterprises with foreign investments is beginning to have an effect on the solution to the problem of employment: the number of people working at these enterprises as of 1 November of this year was 274,000, an increase of 110,000 individuals as compared to the beginning of the year. The branch priorities chosen by foreign capital investors and their Russian partners largely fail to coincide with the priorities of the structural policy of the Russian government. They are drawn mainly to the sphere of services and are not adequately represented in machine building, particularly in the production of science-intensive products. At the same time in 1993 foreign investments were more actively attracted to the sphere of conversion of enterprises of the defense industry, above all the aviation industry and the production of means of communication |
FBIS3-42871_2 | Foreign Ministry Body Discusses East Europe Policy Text of Kozyrev Speech | and commercialization. And finally, aggressive nationalism, a mix of envy and arrogance in relation to the outside world stemming from the inferiority complex that society feels to a certain extent. As a result, Russian diplomacy in East Europe had to start in many respects not just from ground zero but from a negative point, and all this in an environment of disruption of economic ties. Today we can say that we have completed the first stage--the stage of establishing new relations between the new Russia and the revitalized states of East Europe, keeping in mind, of course, all the difficulties. The highlight of this stage was clearing the debris of the socialist camp era and creating in general a new foundation of political--and on this basis, mutually beneficial economic--ties. This encompasses first and foremost the political-legal base. Although, of course, the real mechanisms still leave a lot to be desired, but this apparently will constitute the core of the next stage, that is, realization of all the political opportunities that have opened as a result of the first stage. High-level visits by the president of Russia to practically all the East European countries and his meetings with the leaders of these states have resulted in the signing of a new generation of treaties and agreements. Troop withdrawal from Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary has been accomplished in a civilized way. The pages related to the interventions of 1956 and 1968 have been turned for good. The final chapter has been written in the Katyn affair; a number of other "blank"--or, to be precise, "black"--pages in history have been brought to light. It is important both for us and for East Europeans to first look into the future; second, to orientate ourselves at those things that bring us closer: the communality of democratic and free market aspirations, the desire to live in a stable Europe, and the need for mutually beneficial economic ties. It is in the interests of Russia to have East Europe as a bridge rather than barrier to West Europe--without dismissing, of course, the inherent value of ties with East and Central European countries per se. Both we and these countries have actually set for ourselves the same strategic task: to take our proper place in the "club" of developed democratic states. The question is how to deal with this task through cooperation rather than elbowing one another aside. |
FBIS3-42872_18 | Foreign Ministry Body Discusses East Europe Policy Transcript of Discussion | world into first- and second-class countries, and the tragedy, lies, and ambiguity of our position were that the USSR's allies were in reality considered second-class countries. I must confess the church's sin as well. This imprint, this pressure of political ideals was reflected in church affairs as well. We worked on building relations with the United States, with Greece, but we forgot that there were Bulgarians. We believed that they, our brothers, would always be there. If one takes the calendar of foreign relations activities of the Russian church for those years, unfortunately, events along the line of relations with East Europe took last place, even after Africa and Asia. It was put quite correctly here that what happened in East Europe is our moral liability, sin, and fault. Now it is necessary if not to set East Europe apart as a special priority then at least to place it at the same level in our relations that we have placed West European countries, the United States, and Japan. In this connection I wanted to mention that we, in our church activities, are planning a number of substantive actions. As is known, during his visit to our country the president of Hungary invited the Holy Patriarch to visit. There are invitations from Catholic Poland. In addition to the Holy Patriarch's visit to Hungary, we plan trips to Poland, as well as Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. We want very much to correct the imbalance that has existed in our church's policy with respect to East European countries. I would also like to note that if Russia becomes attractive to East Europe, all the problems in our relations will be resolved. What would make us attractive? Domestic political stability, and the resolution first and foremost of economic problems. We will not be attractive today by selling them cheap raw materials. Then they will say that Russians remain, as they always have been, poor politicians. We must maintain a dignified position in both the economic and political spheres. S.B. Stankevich: What is Central, East, and Southeast Europe for Russia now? So far there is no sound and consistent vision or systematically formulated answer to this question. The "Brezhnev Doctrine," which was mentioned here, is a thing of the past; what do we have to replace it? Apparently not the "Monroe Doctrine," as the press has been writing and the corresponding suspicions voiced, including by |
FBIS3-42873_5 | Security Outlook in Northeast Asia | new closed military-political unions; and the presentation of territorial claims by a number of countries to other states. This concerns also the rather controversial Japanese encroachments on the so-called "northern territories" belonging to the Russian Federation. Undoubtedly, this list must also include the existing limitations on free trade and the obstacles to exchange of leading technologies. Although assurances were given at the July "Summit of the Seven" [G-7 summit] in Tokyo that the limitations imposed by CoCom [Coordinating Committee on Multilateral Export Controls] in regard to Russia would be removed before the end of the current century, Moscow could not help but feel that the same mistrust is being exhibited toward it as had been during the period of the "cold war," whose rudiments are still seen in many things, but in any case not in the policies of the Russian Federation. Any form of ideologization of interstate relations is also one of the varieties of new challenges which must be overcome by current diplomacy. Russia, as we know, does not speak out against the bilateral agreements existing in Northeast Asia which comprised the system of security for the USA and its allies in the period of the "cold war." At that time, this system, evidently, was justified. However, under the new conditions, after the end of the "cold war," a real need has arisen for the parties to declare in some form in the Japanese-American "security pact," which is central in the system of alliances in the region, that henceforth it will not be directed against other countries of the region. This is the will of the times! To the list of new challenges we should add: The drug trade, expanding terrorism, piracy, as well as another legacy of the "cold war"--the continuation of large-scale joint training exercises by naval and other types of armed forces near the territories of other states. The probability of proliferation of nuclear, chemical and other means of mass destruction takes on a particular danger. We cannot help but note the increase in conventional arms in the region, which undoubtedly leads to increased militarization of the developing countries. The effort undertaken by P'yongyang to withdraw from the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons has evoked considerable concern in Russia and other states of the region. In connection with this, the nuclear missile ambitions of the DPRK [Democratic People's Republic of Korea] are also cause |
FBIS3-42873_11 | Security Outlook in Northeast Asia | Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia--in the recent past and up to the present day. Moscow would not only like to safeguard its borders, including also its Far Eastern borders, but would also like to exclude any outside intervention in its domestic affairs. Russia is not interested in isolating its Asiatic part from the outside world, including also from the states of Northeast Asia. In compiling its plans for development of the Siberian and Far Eastern regions, Russia is counting on the participation of the Pacific Ocean countries, and primarily the states of the northeastern Pacific, in developing its eastern regions, in assimilating huge natural resources, and in creating the infrastructure necessary for incorporation of this part of Russia into the system of economic relations in the Asia-Pacific region. We must stress once again that the entry of the RF into the world community presupposes also its equal, and not some indirect or secondary, participation in all the processes taking place in the Asia-Pacific region. Unfortunately, certain countries of this region, and primarily Japan, fearing competition and reduction in its level of influence, are in no way interested in Russia's presence here. It seems that, aside from Russia, other CIS republics have also begun to show an interest in the Asia-Pacific region. Thus, for example, Kazakhstan President N. Nazarbayev, speaking at the 47th session of the UN General Assembly in the Fall of 1992, announced: "The second aspect which I would like to deal with is the problem of peace and security on our continent--Asia, and even broader--Eurasia. We are speaking of the initiative by the Republic of Kazakhstan on holding a Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (SVMDA)". [4] According to Nazarbayev, this Assembly must be transformed into a Conference on Security and Cooperation in Eurasia by the end of the 20th Century, and at the beginning of the 21st Century--it must prepare for the unification of continental systems of collective security for Asia, Europe, Africa and America into an integral world system of collective security and cooperation. However, the real state of affairs suggests that this idea is hardly realizable in the foreseeable future. Most likely it will soon be forgotten, as was the case with Brezhnev's idea of collective security in Asia and Gorbachev's idea of an Asiatic conference, since the conditions for formulating such a system have not yet been created. Many |
FBIS3-42875_10 | Opposition Figures on Elections | newspaper has already decided everything for us, appointed and elected everyone. Although I could, of course, teach many people about organization of the business of the Duma, work with the opposition, and the patience that a speaker should possess. What would I submit to the first session of the Duma? My first wish would be for a cardinal change in government policy. The formation of a government which can serve the interests of the whole people and cancel the "shock therapy." Vasiliy Starodubtsev: `They Can Be Moved, Apparently...' I considered these elections illegal, but entered the fray with the desire to have at least this platform because I could not remain silent. I did not expect that the defeat of Russia's Choice and the other democratic blocs would be so devastating. They can be moved, apparently. You just have to vote against them. Ten percent of Russians voted for the Agrarian Party. We could have amassed 20 percent had the election campaign been better organized. I myself was elected to the Federation Council for the 71st Two-Seat District at home, in Tver Oblast, since I could not leave the farm for permanent work in the State Duma. But I will, I believe, be an active participant in the affairs of our faction in the State Duma also. Our coalition with the Communists is the most pressing. We will extend a hand to all factions that agree with our two priorities: the first, halting the decline in production and averting the closure of factories and plants at any price; the second, saving the agrarian complex, saving the countryside: without this Russia will die from starvation, reforms indeed! As far as the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia faction is concerned, it will, I believe, prove heterogeneous and amorphous. Whatever the attempts to embroil it with the Communists or with us, there will, I am sure, be people there nonetheless who sincerely ache for Russia, not for the sake of political buffoonery. I am inclined to believe about Zhirinovskiy himself that he is a Trojan Horse inserted in the Kremlin to be the trump card in the hidden struggle of Kremlin political clans. His promises are buttressed by nothing, his populism is dangerous, and his foreign policy ambitions are provocative. The final results have not yet been tallied, for that matter, and we do not yet know who will get how many seats. |
FBIS3-42886_19 | Power of `Traditionalist' Forces Seen Rising | These measures will help neither Russian industry nor agriculture nor the consumer. They will merely eliminate competitors, expand the field for raising prices, and create cozy conditions for the talentless leaders of the monopolies: They will not have to be concerned about reducing production costs, modernizing production, changing over to new models, and so forth. Predominant in banking are pseudo-commercial banks that almost do not depend on deposits from the population or enterprises: They are still redistributing the same state finances. Among them there are still branch banks which monopolize each branch even more. The fear of competition has led to banning the activity of foreign banks. The example of the sale of gas is very typical: Ukraine is curtailing deliveries under the pretext that it is because of delayed payments, but at the same time they offer gas to Serbia, even though it would be quite unrealistic to expect payments from it--inflation there runs into the hundreds of thousands of percentage points. Again the economy is under the influence of politics. One can always hear complaints about inflation and excessive taxes, but literally all critics--from communists to "radical" democrats--remain completely silent about the causes: expenditures on the Army, the military-industrial complex, the kolkhozes, and factories that are operated at a loss which are on the shoulders of the Russian taxpayer. If every fifth able-bodied person in the country is sitting in a tank or working on manufacturing one, what kind of economic upturn can there be? They remain silent, probably, because now it is dangerous to mention the military-industrial complex and the Army. This is another effect of the psychological victory of the military. Privatization, initiative to create different nonstate forms of ownership, competition and the free market, convertibility of the ruble, open foreign economic activity (including openness for Western investments), the establishment of real commercial banks, reduction of state costs, the beginning of a new tax policy, social protection--this is a selection of measures that must be implemented in order to escape from the old type of economy and reach a new one. We need not to reduce ministry staffs, but to achieve complete elimination of all branch monopolies, beginning with Agroprom [Agro-industrial Complex] and the Ministry of Trade. During the transition period, the ministers must appoint only those who are capable of conducting legally intelligent self-elimination of the ministry and creating a competitive environment in their branch. |
FBIS3-42893_8 | Internal Affairs Minister on Crime, Police | it has been razed. In the yard of the cinema was a public outhouse made of wood boards; a woman was raped there. She ran to the theater and told them what had happened. We combed the area of the city and caught the bastard by description. [Starkov] A new amnesty is being readied. How many convicts will be released? [Yerin] A very insignificant number. Less than 10 percent. We now have about 500,000 people being kept in correctional institutions, and about 300,000 in preliminary investigation facilities. The amnesty draft includes mostly elderly people whom it is simply inhumane to keep in detention (people over 60, disabled people, World War II participants), juveniles, and people who committed a crime for the first time--either through carelessness or those who do not represent undue social threat. Those who have committed grave offenses will not be amnestied. [Starkov] We get letters in which convicts tell of the horrible conditions in which they are kept. [Yerin] I do not like it either that we keep people in conditions more fit for cattle. Literally a few days ago a government decree was signed containing concrete figures in terms of how much the government can allocate today for repairs and construction of new prisons. We are now building several preliminary investigation facilities to a design that has been approved by an international expert commission. It is a very original system--a "daisy": First the main block is built, and then you can add wings to it--one, two, or even five, depending on the need. [Starkov] We have seen prisons in American films: bars upon bars; prisoners sit there like animals in a zoo. Is this the system you consider modern? [Yerin] I do not see anything wrong with having both bars and strong locks. When we get richer, I will gladly order the installation of the most modern electronic locks that can only be opened by a magnetic card. And I will be very glad when we get to the level of Denmark, where we were asked to wait five minutes before entering the corridor because the prisoners were finishing their lunch and were not to be disturbed. They have two locks on each cell. I asked why. It turned out that one lock is secured by a warden after bedtime, and the other one is for the prisoner: He can lock it from the inside if |
FBIS3-42898_8 | Academician on `Economic Reforms After Gaydar' | commodities, and also subsidies for their support, were continued just as long, and they have remained in agriculture and the power industry to this day. The state sector played an important role in industry, and only now, it seems, is its broader privatization maturing. I will add that the successes of the Japanese economy, and recently also of the new industrial countries, are in many ways tied to the guiding influence of the state on market relations and the gradualness of reforms. It seems that in the so-called "deregulation," that is, the elimination of the state from the sphere of regulation of the economy, Russia, under the influence of liberal theory, went further in many spheres than the experience of capitalist countries suggests. Hurrying to abolish the instruments of state regulation inherited from the former Soviet Union, Russian reformers began to rely on the invisible hand of the market. The calculation did not justify itself: It is now much more complicated to recreate a capable state administrative mechanism that is not infected by corruption and bureaucracy, and to recreate one not as a counterbalance to the market but precisely for the sake of creating a civilized and socially oriented market. I cannot comprehend why the Western press refrains from reproaching China, where market reorganization is not being implemented according to an IMF formula but by means of a gradual displacement of state regulation by market regulation (and then by no means everywhere), and why so much indignation is aroused in it by the proposals of some members of the Russian Government to cope with inflation and the drop in production by using the same experience. Well, after all, the new American administration is also sending Reaganomics, with its ideas of deregulation, to the archives. In conclusion, I would like to repeat: The best support for our democratic market reorganizations is rejection of the imposition of schemes that are foreign to Russian conditions, calm businesslike analysis of problems that face us, and respect for the abilities of Russian scientists and politicians to find a way out of the impasse by themselves. Attempts to condition assistance to Russia with the implementation of recommendations of the IMF and the "Big Seven," while not hiding the sympathies of the West for those who follow this advice in spite of real results--all this is capable only of stirring up the anti-Western mood in Russian society. |
FBIS3-42901_2 | Yasin on Measures for Revival of Economy | just reached the stage where they have basically achieved macroeconomic stabilization. They are now faced with the problem of production, and they do not know what to do with it. All countries that are in a process of transition from a communist system of economy are experiencing largely similar stages. Achieving macroeconomic stabilization is the simplest thing. But then comes the most difficult task: how to breathe life into this economy, how to make people work, how to make goods appear. [Lapshin] Do you think the Russian economy has reached this point? [Yasin] Unfortunately, we have not yet achieved macroeconomic stabilization. But I think that, while continuing our efforts to achieve it, we must now create the necessary mechanisms, above all financial ones, for increasing the effectiveness of our development. [Lapshin] There is a point of view according to which the economic reform is being conducted in the interests of less than 10 percent of the population of Russia. If this is so, it is almost frivolous to speak about any nationwide campaign for increasing effectiveness. [Yasin] I do not subscribe to the theory of conspiracies against Russia and its people and I do not think that anyone in the government is conducting a policy in the interests of a narrow stratum of the population. Anyone who exploits the conspiracy thesis is a demagogue and a populist. The current policy basically reflects the interests of Russia and its future. Of course one could say that it is turning out to be bad and wrong. But the possibility of changing the policy that is being conducted exists within a very narrow range. I have emphasized repeatedly that any reasonable government of Russia would have to pursue approximately the same policy. There are no alternatives to it. [Lapshin] Let us assume that there are no alternatives. But it is possible and probably even necessary to make some adjustment to the course. [Yasin] We can now begin to focus on the tasks of the next stage, which involves the creation of preconditions for economic growth. We can relax our monetary policy and pay wages to miners, peasants, and scholars, from whom the state (not the suppliers and not the consumers, but namely the state) is holding back payments. This will lead to a certain rise of inflation, but all of these steps must be taken within that narrow range of possibilities I mentioned |
FBIS3-42901_4 | Yasin on Measures for Revival of Economy | earlier. In other words, we must set in motion a very delicate and precise mechanism for fine-tuning our economy. And we simply do not have the possibility of making any global changes: If we pursue any true alternative, social explosion and economic chaos are simply inevitable. [Lapshin] Nonetheless the policy being implemented now is also generating mass dissatisfaction among the population. [Yasin] Indeed, it will lead to significant negative social consequences. And we have reached a point where we must regulate it. For example, it is necessary to regulate the growing differentiation of incomes, but only in a reasonable way. Thus if you put the squeeze on the rich again now it will be bad not only for them. Because the appearance of this stratum of people is a positive phenomenon for the Russian economy. If the authorities provide the possibility of investing private capital in the economy, they will do it more quickly and effectively than the labor collectives who have seized a large share of the property of privatized enterprises. [Lapshin] You frequently meet with representatives of our private business circles, what do they absolutely insist on? [Yasin] First of all, personal security. Second, guarantees for their private property. Third, certain tax breaks which they could have by investing capital namely in the Russian economy. [Lapshin] Excuse me, it is impossible to speak about any stage of effectiveness when a decision is being made to unify the monetary systems of Russia and Belarus. It would seem, thank God, that the unification process has proceeded, but why should Russia have to pay for it? [Yasin] So far there is no actual agreement. There is some kind of memorandum about intentions. It seems to me that the unification must be carried out in a well-thought-out way, precluding, for example, a "one for one" exchange of the ruble for the "rabbit," having agreed on a single well-controlled mechanism for emission. [Lapshin] Will it not turn out that all your discussions of a new stage of Russian reforms will remain merely good intentions? After all, many citizens of Russia will not take any more, they are tired, and they are ready to believe in another miracle. [Yasin] If we decide to curtail the reforms we will be defeating ourselves once again. I am in favor of applying state power and supporting the reformation. Out-and-out populism is incompatible with the reforms and life |
FBIS3-42906_0 | Bank Official on Inflation, Future Course of Economy | Language: Russian Article Type:CSO [Interview with Mikhail Belyayev, deputy chairman of the board of Kronbank, by DELOVOY MIR correspondent Marina Talskaya; place and date not given: "What the Screen of Privatization Was Concealing"] [Text] The end of last year saw a smooth reduction in the rate of growth of inflation and a stable exchange rate of the ruble against the dollar. This made the January surge of prices and the dizzying upswing in the exchange rate of the dollar all the more surprising for many. Why did this happen? How will events develop in the future? This was the topic of our discussion with Mikhail Belyayev, deputy chairman of the board of Kronbank. [Talskaya] As specialists from the Ministry of Finance, the Central Bank, and the government view it, the fourth quarter of last year was marked by general financial stabilization. The inflationary flareup that began literally in the initial days of the new year prompts us to suspect that talk about the beginning of recovery was somewhat premature. Why and how did the illusion emerge, which many people came to believe in with relief? [Belyayev] The arguments of those who heralded the beginning of financial stabilization rested on four "pillars": reducing the budget deficit as much as possible; retaining the dollar at a relatively stable level compared to the ruble; allegedly reducing the rate of inflation; and having a positive balance of trade. Even at that time it was clear to specialists that all of this apparent success is merely a screen which conceals the old ills of our economy, and that sooner or later they will make their presence known again. Let us begin with the first argument, this technical parameter that needed to be "run by" the International Monetary Fund. Unfortunately, the greatest possible reduction of the budget deficit was not accomplished by increasing the contractual segment of the budget out of the financial profits of enterprises. Hardly anyone can dispute this, because the numbers indicating a decline in production testify that the slump has already exceeded, in terms of magnitude, the level of America's Great Depression. The revenue side of the budget was generated with taxes which they kept inventing and making harsher. The taxes smothered production completely. Therefore, such "recovery" in the budget cannot by any means be called healthy. It is just like pouring ice on a sick person and registering a reduction in |
FBIS3-42912_5 | Tatarstan Social Problems Center Surveys Economy | there will be a sharp increase in expenditures by the population on municipal services and transportation costs. It is known that these branches are surviving on state subsidies here. But it is also known that if the producer is subsidized, the branch is subject to stagnation. In other words, if society has a social need for certain goods or services and their production is costly or too expensive for the consumers, it is not the producer who should be subsidized but the specific consumer himself. And conditions must be created for the branches whereby the operation of their enterprises is profitable. All these issues must be resolved during the forthcoming year. A great deal, of course, will depend on the course of the economic reforms in the republic. But the solutions to certain problems are obviously being dragged out. Thus while small-scale privatization has almost been completed in the Russian Federation, in our republic only 2 percent of the enterprises in retail trade have been turned over to private hands, and the volume of commodity turnover in retail trade was 5.6 percent during the 10 months as compared to 32.6 percent in the Russian Federation. Now about unemployment. In 1993 it held at the level of 0.2 percent (as against 1 percent on average for the Russian Federation). According to the economic theory of the market economy it is necessary to choose: either high inflation or a further decline in the economy but a small percentage of unemployment (as now), or suppression of inflation and strengthening of the ruble but inevitable bankruptcy of enterprises and growth of unemployment. The inevitability of these alternatives is confirmed by world practice, but the ratio between them can be regulated. If we awaken a spirit of entrepreneurship and resourcefulness that lies dormant in each person, if we create conditions that support entrepreneurship (the system of taxation, credit policy, and the code of laws on entrepreneurship), this will also entail the creation of new jobs and, hence, both a reduction of unemployment and an increase in production volumes. And so during the year that has begun there are preconditions in the republic's economy for overcoming the crisis phenomena caused by the transition to the market. In certain branches stabilization and even an insignificant growth of production have occurred. Therefore it is possible to count on 1994 being a year of hope and real positive changes. |
FBIS3-42913_4 | Tatarstan Land Reform Progress Viewed | There have been a good many cases in which land has been used ineffectively by peasant farms and the auxiliary farms of industrial enterprises. We analyze matters and attempt to take action. The ways to improve soil fertility and crop yields and to make effective use of land on such farms have been discussed in Almetyevskiy, Rybno-Slobodskiy, Sabinskiy, Verkhneuslonskiy, Mamadyshskiy and other rayons. The oil drillers, the Bugulminskiy Highway Administration, the "Kamgesenergostroy," the Yelabuga Motor Vehicle Plant, the Yelabuga Brick Plant and other enterprises simply cannot or do not want to restore disturbed land to fit condition. It is important to provide a mechanism in the near future for effective state control over the conservation and effective use of land. This is very important at the stage of the development of private land ownership and of various forms of economic operation. Unfortunately, it has proved extremely difficult to eliminate even the violations that have been identified: we still lack legislative acts on administrative penalties for the violation of land legislation. And so far the measures taken against violators are simply not serious. Fines are meager. [Korneyeva] Rauf Khabibrakhmanovich, but it seems that there are no permanent documents codifying citizens' right to land. Is that the case? [Khabibrakhmanov] That is not quite the case. Legal codification of the forms of land possession and use does exist. In the past two years more than 750,000 land owners and land users have received appropriate permits--granting the right to land ownership and to the use of land without a time limit (permanent use). But these really are temporary permits. Our committee has prepared the forms for state documents granting the right of land possession and use. They will be issued in place of the temporary permits. In this connection, according to a recent decree of the government of the Republic of Tatarstan, the reregistration of land previously granted for all categories of land use has now begun. [Korneyeva] Aren't the norms for the size of parcels allocated being changed in this connection? [Khabibrakhmanov] According to existing legislation, the size of parcels turned over at no charge only for ownership by citizens is strictly limited. I may recall that for an orchard plot it is 0.1 hectares of land, for housing construction in a suburban zone--up to 0.15 hectares, for personal auxiliary farming by city dwellers in a rural location--up to 0.2 hectares, and for |
FBIS3-42928_0 | Moscow Industrial Enterprises Contribute to Local Radioactive Hotbeds | Language: Russian Article Type:CSO [Article by Sergei Shmelyov: "Radioactive Moscow"] [Text] To say that Moscow is becoming a radioactive disposal site is like saying that a heroine-mother is becoming a woman. Unfortunately, our capital is long been such a disposal site. Employees of the Radon Scientific Production Association cleaned up 1,160 radioactive contamination sites in Moscow and vicinity from 1979 to 1992. So-called "historical" radioactive wastes account for a large part of these nonplanned radioactive waste sites. According to secret instructions issued by the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs, spent radioactive substances were buried underground (in undeveloped areas, refuse dumps, ravines, and ditches) at what was considered a safe depth--one at which gamma radiation at the surface would not exceed 300 microroentgens per hour. But yesterday's outskirts and undeveloped areas are now being built up. There was no system to track migration of radiation emitters. No one kept a map of the burial sites, which was simply impossible. Today these radioactive remains are "surfacing" in the most unpredictable places--flowerbeds, children's sandboxes, bomb shelters, beach restrooms, private apartments, garages, basements, military compounds. In addition to the "historical" radioactive waste sites, new "pirate" dumps are being discovered from time to time. Two instruments with ionizing radiation emitters were recently found in a pile of construction refuse on Shcherbakov Street. A container of thorium ore was found at the building at 6 Donskaya Street, and a one-kilogram cobblestone emitting a small amount of radiation was found on Saykin Street. A metallic emitter giving off 630,000 microroentgens per hour was accidentally found by an electrician in a basement at the Hammer and Sickle Plant. (Average background radiation in the Russia's central belt 10 to 15 microroentgens per hour, and 15 to 20 in cities.) A "radioactive" private garage was discovered this winter on Fersman Street. The wood floor and metal covering were "glowing" in places at up to 900 microroentgens per hour. Just three months ago, workers finished clearing up the notorious 26th kilometer of the Moscow Ring Road, where nearby vacant lot occupies the site of a former refuse dump. The operation took almost seven years. That's how long it took our wise city fathers to just to solve some simple organizational matters and to come up with the best plan for containing the site. There were some spots emitting abnormally high radioactivity at up to 720,000 microroentgens per hour. Now the radiation |
FBIS3-42931_2 | Deputy Foreign Minister Views NATO Stance on Bosnia Air Strikes | the Security Council has invited UN member states and regional organizations to undertake "all necessary measures" to facilitate the implementation of resolutions, but has stipulated one steadfast condition: Such measures may be taken only "under the direction of the Security Council" and "in close coordination with the secretary general of the United Nations and UN Protection Force, Yugoslavia." In August 1993, NATO responded to this proposal. The North Atlantic alliance declared that it was prepared to participate in operations related to the conduct of air strikes in accordance with a United Nations Security Council resolution and under its direction, i.e., strictly within the framework established by the international community. Now the question of bombing has resurfaced in the January NATO Declaration. But the leaders of the alliance state in this document that they are prepared to conduct air strikes only under the direction of the Security Council. Thus, there have been no changes in NATO's fundamental position since August of last year. It is another matter that the time of emergence of this new declaration is difficult to consider an apt choice. Its underlying anti-Serbian message clearly did not further the normal course of the Geneva negotiations among the parties in conflict, although it did not prevent the Serbs and Croats from affixing their signatures to a bilateral agreement. Once again the Muslims have convinced themselves of the illusion that someone will support them with force. To a certain degree the readiness to conduct air strikes also contradicts the propositions voiced at that same session of the NATO Council concerning a peaceful settlement to the conflict. Russia shares the UN position in the Bosnian crisis. The "Blue Helmets" command headquarters in Bosnia and Herzegovina has already stated many times that in the event air strikes are inflicted, an escalation of combat operations may follow. All peacemaking forces in the former Yugoslavia will find themselves under direct threat. Nonetheless, the decision of the NATO Council shows once again that an answer must be found to the question of how to further develop United Nations cooperation with regional organizations. Precedents in this regard already exist. The United Nations Security Council adopted resolutions in support of peacemaking efforts of the Organization of American States in Central America and the Organization of African Unity in Liberia. This same experience can be applied to the task of maintaining peace in the territory of the former |
FBIS3-42934_5 | Russian Ambassador to UNESCO Interviewed | painful issue now. [Fedotov] It is very painful, but there are also many others. Thus I suggested wording the question of the code of laws of Ivan III like this: "The 500th anniversary of the all-Russian rule-of-law statehood." [Rakhayeva] Perhaps it would be more correct to say "attempt at rule-of-law statehood"? Did it really exist de facto in any stage of Russian statehood? [Fedotov] When we celebrate a certain date we usually assume that there have been many ebbs and flows between it and the present day, which is natural. But as distinct from America, we have the possibility of counting all-Russian rule-of-law statehood almost back to the end of the 15th century. Of course, there are peoples with even more ancient legal canons. [Rakhayeva] And with more durable ones that have become stronger with time since they were not always being uprooted like a turnip.... [Fedotov] It seems to me that if this action goes as it should, it will serve as a reinforcement for today's Russian rule-of-law statehood. We will be able to look at our own roots, at our own history. And see that many of our laws that existed before 1917 have a right to be called some of the best in Europe. But we have gotten way off the subject! [Rakhayeva] And all because Russia's ambassador to UNESCO became a doctor of legal sciences. [Fedotov] Well, UNESCO got lucky with lawyers. For example, from 1965 through 1971 the ambassador to UNESCO was Professor of International Law Sobakin. But that was during the Cold War period; it was a completely different organization and, naturally, a completely different Russian government. The Soviet Union participated actively in the politicization of UNESCO. Now it is Russia that is exerting all efforts to contribute to further depoliticization. Because UNESCO's objective is the intellectual and moral solidarity of mankind. [Rakhayeva] Solidarity in spite of what separates us? In spite of our economic and political differences? [Fedotov] The intellectual solidarity of all countries that are members of UNESCO in resolving global problems, for example, in genetic engineering--protection of the human genome. There are questions of molecular biology, study of the ocean, and so forth, with the exception of health protection, which is handled by the WHO [World Health Organization], and questions of electronic communications, which are handled by the International Telecommunications Union. The spheres of science, culture, education, and communications--these are our |
FBIS3-42934_13 | Russian Ambassador to UNESCO Interviewed | I first arrived here I asked my coworkers if there were a document according to which the money of private individuals and organizations that materially support UNESCO projects was exempt from taxes. I was told that there was not; somehow nobody had ever thought of it. But, after all, any philanthropic fund stays alive precisely because of this! It was more difficult to push this idea through but I, a neophyte, was helped by workers of the permanent mission, among whom there are remarkable professionals. I will be sorry if these people are called back after their period of residence is over. [Rakhayeva] You speak of this as though you had no say in it: God giveth and God taketh away. [Fedotov] I cannot say that absolutely nothing depends on me, but a great deal still depends on the leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Thus we prepared and sent through the general conference a resolution which appealed to UNESCO members to take measures within the limits of their authority to encourage nongovernmental organizations and private individuals that finance UNESCO projects. I immediately informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia of this and prepared the corresponding draft of a presidential edict. In a discussion with Federico Mayor I said that it would be good if, following Russia, similar laws were adopted by other countries, and he answered that everything possible would be done to turn this snowflake into an immense snowball (incidentally, Mr. Mayor was recently awarded the Russian Order of Friendship of Peoples). And this would mean that throughout the world we could collect considerably more money for financing UNESCO projects. There is very little money now, UNESCO is a poor organization. [Rakhayeva] Especially after the United States withdrew with such pomp. [Fedotov] In the United States as well as in Great Britain now more and more people are advising in favor of returning. And with them a large amount of money will return as well. It is important to use this money wisely and not to support international bureaucrats. There are problems that affect absolutely everyone, for example, ecology. Here it is not enough to act separately; after all, everything in nature is interconnected. And do you know that UNESCO has declared 1995 a year of tolerance? The official Russian translation is the year of patience, which I object to. They tell me that tolerance is |
FBIS3-42937_1 | Status of U.S.-Russian Trade Relations | the barriers kept alive in the USA for the import into the country of high-technology goods, and antidumping legislation. As a result, the possibilities of exporting uranium products to the USA were considerably limited in the past, and an antidumping duty was imposed on ferrosilicium from Russia. Until recently there has been a threat of antidumping proceedings being instituted in relation to the sale of chlorinated potassium, aluminium and steel. As in the past, last year goods turnover was mainly determined by our import of grain. A favourable balance of trade in the first half-year arose partly in virtue of the fact that due to the unsettled problem of debt Russia could still not use credits for the purchase of grain. However, four new agreements were concluded in June in the framework of the Food for Progress programme, shipments of which commenced in September. In this way Russia's import in October exceeded export, the latter growing at a higher rate than in 1992. Treaty rights and legal status The key document is the Agreement on Trade on Trade Relations signed between the USSR and the USA in 1990. In relation to Russia it was put in force on June 17, 1992, during the summit meeting in Washington. The document makes provision for measures aimed at encouraging commercial contacts and boosting the mutual deliveries of goods and services, and assists in expanding trade in equipment and technologies. The agreement regulates the financial aspect of trade between the two countries, the questions of protecting intellectual property, and formalizes cooperation in the spheres of statistics and standards. Provision is made for facilitating the transit of goods across the territories of our countries. Agreements have been reached on measures for the eventuality of the "market being violated" (damage being inflicted on national industry by import), and on the settlement of disputes through arbitration. In June 1992 there was an exchange of notes on giving effect to the Agreement on Assisting Investments signed on April 3, 1992. It envisages the possibility for American investors to use the services of the U.S. Government's specialized insurance agency known at the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC). The Treaty on the Encouragement and Mutual Protection of Investments (not yet ratified by the Russian side) and the Treaty on Avoiding Dual Taxation (the exchange of ratification instruments took place in December 1993) have also been signed with a view to |
FBIS3-42937_4 | Status of U.S.-Russian Trade Relations | embargo on the export of agricultural products to the USSR, the US administration took a number of positive steps. Since 1987 the United States had been granting us subsidies for the purchase of wheat. In April 1992 the US Congress eliminated one of the key obstacles to Russian-American trade and economic relations--the Byrd-Stevenson amendments fixing a ceiling of 300 million dollars on the total volume of credits to Russia on the part of the US Eximbank and 40 million on credits for energy projects. As a result of the Agreement on Trade Relations Between the USSR and the USA being brought into force (June 1992) Russia has been granted the most-favoured-nation treatment in trade with the United States. Incidentally, contrary to the provisions of the Agreement's Article 1 on the unconditional provision of such treatment, the USA extended it on the basis of an annual waiver--temporary suspension of the Jackson-Vanik amendment (this suspension can be unilaterally cancelled at any moment). The Act on Support for Freedom in Russia and Nascent Euro-Asian Democracies and Support for Open Markets, better known as the Freedom Support Act, came into force in October 1992. It envisages the repeal of a number of legislative restrictions of the Cold War times, but does not affect Section IV of the 1974 US Trade Act (Jackson-Vanik amendment). Thanks to the Vancouver accords between the two presidents two agreements were signed in June of last year on the free supplies of food products and two intergovernmental credit agreements under the Food for Progress programme. The total cost of supplies is 500 million dollars, including 71.5 million on an unrepayable basis. Another 200 million dollars will be used to compensate transport expenses. The term of the credit is 15 years. The interest rate is 3 percent in the course of easy-term seven years and 4 percent in subsequent years. In July 1993 a framework agreement was signed with the US Eximbank on the provision of credits and credit guarantees for the Russian oil and gas industry to the tune of more than two billion dollars. Last August President Clinton signed a bill on the budget and taxation, which also speaks about the need to extend to Russia the benefits of the General System of Preferences. In December 1993, on the administration's initiative, the US Congress passed a Law on Assisting the Reform in New Democratic Countries and on Rendering Aid |
FBIS3-42937_5 | Status of U.S.-Russian Trade Relations | Nascent Euro-Asian Democracies and Support for Open Markets, better known as the Freedom Support Act, came into force in October 1992. It envisages the repeal of a number of legislative restrictions of the Cold War times, but does not affect Section IV of the 1974 US Trade Act (Jackson-Vanik amendment). Thanks to the Vancouver accords between the two presidents two agreements were signed in June of last year on the free supplies of food products and two intergovernmental credit agreements under the Food for Progress programme. The total cost of supplies is 500 million dollars, including 71.5 million on an unrepayable basis. Another 200 million dollars will be used to compensate transport expenses. The term of the credit is 15 years. The interest rate is 3 percent in the course of easy-term seven years and 4 percent in subsequent years. In July 1993 a framework agreement was signed with the US Eximbank on the provision of credits and credit guarantees for the Russian oil and gas industry to the tune of more than two billion dollars. Last August President Clinton signed a bill on the budget and taxation, which also speaks about the need to extend to Russia the benefits of the General System of Preferences. In December 1993, on the administration's initiative, the US Congress passed a Law on Assisting the Reform in New Democratic Countries and on Rendering Aid and Support with a View to Improving Partnership with Russia, Ukraine and Other Newly-Independent States, whereby more than 70 legislative restrictions have been lifted. This number does not include the Jackson-Vanik amendment. Prospects The creation of a treaty rights basis, the establishment of the most-favoured-nation treatment in trade between the two countries, the extension to Russia of the US General System of Preferences and, lastly, the new programmes of economic aid provide real prerequisites for increasing mutual trade. Cooperation in investments has a special part to play. US firms already take the lead among Western investors in the creation of joint ventures in Russia (as many as 1,400 JVs have been set up with their participation). American investments in our country total c.400 million dollars. More than 300 firms have opened their representation missions. Work is also underway to implement a whole number of projects aimed at the creation of companies on US territory with the participation of Russian capital, including those on the basis of our advanced technology. |
FBIS3-42941_6 | Civil Aviation Administration Chief Interviewed | others. We make none of them ourselves. For that reason anyone can understand the degree to which we are under the control of others. However, common people consider it our fault when the cost of airline tickets is high. We must understand them. This is because today's prices cannot be paid by every other person. However, in an era of rapid change such as the present, they have no choice but to fly. Nonetheless, it is anticipated that only when prices begin to go down and the market economy is stabilized will our ticket costs be controlled. [Akhmetqaliyev] Amantay, as you yourself know, we must prepare more specialists among our young people for civil aviation. What I would like to ask in that regard is this: do you have thoughts about having our young people study in foreign countries, in developed countries in particular? [Zholdybayev] Indeed, I have such thoughts. However, the financial difficulties just mentioned will not allow us to achieve them. This is because sending our young people abroad to study will require foreign exchange. We have very little foreign exchange at present. We have it for some purposes, but not for others. As I have said, there is a professional school in Aqtobe City at the level of an institution of higher education preparing specialists for civil aviation. It will train pilot-engineers, copilot-engineers, and air traffic controllers. Our young people interested in these specialties will not have to go far, but can, on the contrary, be trained there. They must pass tests in Kazakh to be admitted. However, teaching entirely in Kazakh is something for the future. Thorough preparation will be needed for that. The most important requirement for those seeking admittance will be the best possible health. After that literacy and knowledge will be important. There is one thing I wish to mention in this connection. I must tell the truth. Our young people have no great interest in aviation. They are more interested in the specialized occupations that they encounter on a daily basis than in aviation specialties. This is only to be expected. For that reason, if we would like to increase the number of our own specialists in aviation, we must begin professional training within the walls of the schools. It would be all the more wonderful if we, like the Japanese, were to teach kindergarden children what is an airplane and who |
FBIS3-42951_7 | Political Profiles of Leaders of CIS Countries | the strong political position of the president of Ukraine has not been founded on real economic possibilities, which has led in Russian-Ukrainian relations, for example, to humiliating concessions, which President Kravchuk himself has called "kneeling." The attitude of the president of Ukraine toward the CIS is conditioned primarily by the state of the relations of Ukraine and Russia, and these relations depend directly on the ailing, unreformed Ukrainian economy. On the eve of early parliamentary and presidential elections in the country it is the economic crisis which has propelled to the forefront the question of stable Ukrainian statehood. For President Kravchuk himself--as for Ukraine also, for that matter--the best option at the present time would appear to be the abandonment of presidential elections after the parliamentary elections with a strengthening of the vertical line of the executive. But Leonid Kravchuk could achieve this cancellation only with the start of a real, even if not all that significant, change in the economy or, on the other hand, with an extraordinary exacerbation of the situation. Both versions are hardly realistic, and it may be assumed, therefore, that the Ukrainian president will simply attempt to find a common language with the new parliament, and the composition of this parliament will determine his tactics in relations with Russia and the CIS as a whole. The only thing that should not be expected from Kravchuk is the fulfillment of the cherished dream of certain radical Russian politicians from the "revanche party"--a change of the blue and yellow flag for a white one. Leonid Kravchuk has invested too much in his image as the architect of new Ukrainian independence to retreat from it. The combination of the success of this political image and the economic apathy is altogether, most likely, the determining phenomenon of the "sovereign-communist" success, which is not typical of just Kravchuk alone. Shushkevich An architect of the CIS and until the day before yesterday chairman of the Supreme Soviet of Belarus, Stanislav Shushkevich had since the first months of the Commonwealth's existence, virtually, been in a dual position. On the one hand, against the background of the other leaders of the former Soviet republics Shushkevich appeared to be the politician who most aspired to preserve Union integration and even some special relationship with Russia. But at the same time Shushkevich aspired also to "preserve character," ensuring for the proclaimed Belorussian sovereignty if only |
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