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|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Which team did Marco Piccinni play for in May, 2006?
|
May 31, 2006
|
{
"text": [
"Vastese Calcio 1902",
"SSC Bari"
]
}
|
L2_Q6757662_P54_1
|
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928 from Jan, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S.D. Lucchese 1905 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S. Chieti Calcio from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Marco Piccinni plays for SSC Bari from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S. Noicattaro Calcio from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Barletta 1922 from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
Marco Piccinni plays for Vastese Calcio 1902 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Marco Piccinni plays for F.B. Brindisi 1912 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
|
Marco PiccinniMarco Piccinni (born 19 April 1987) is an Italian footballer who plays for Monopoli.Born in Bari, Italy, Piccinni started his career at hometown club A.S. Bari. After made his debut in the last rounds of 2005–06 Serie B (round 40 of 42 rounds season), he was loaned to Pro Vasto but returned in January 2007 for Bari youth team. He only played for Pro Vasto in 2006–07 Coppa Italia. He then sold to Noicattaro in co-ownership deal. In June 2009 he returned to Bari but in July left for Brindisi.He failed to find a club to borrow him in 2011. He wore no.95 of Bari, which in recent years only players that excluded from the coach plan would wore "large" number in Bari. FIGC only allowed players to wear number from 1 to 99. Along with Conti (93), Langella (94), Statella (96), Rana (97) and Visconti (98), they were not part of the plan of Bari's first team. In January 2012, Piccinni left for Piacenza without a single appearance for Bari in 2011–12 Serie B season.In 2012, he joined Barletta. On 13 August 2013 he joined Chieti.In July 2014 Piccinni signed with the Serie D side Fidelis Andria. After winning the championship, he renewed his contract with Fidelis Andria by signing a 1-year deal, with option for a 2nd year, for the 2015-16 Lega Pro season. At the end of the season, he signed a new 1-year deal for season 2016-17 with Fidelis Andria.On 2 September 2019, he signed a 2-year contract with Monopoli.
|
[
"A.S.D. Barletta 1922",
"F.B. Brindisi 1912",
"A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928",
"A.S. Noicattaro Calcio",
"S.S.D. Lucchese 1905",
"Piacenza Calcio",
"S.S. Chieti Calcio"
] |
|
Which team did Marco Piccinni play for in Jan, 2008?
|
January 02, 2008
|
{
"text": [
"A.S. Noicattaro Calcio"
]
}
|
L2_Q6757662_P54_2
|
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S. Noicattaro Calcio from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009.
Marco Piccinni plays for Vastese Calcio 1902 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S. Chieti Calcio from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Marco Piccinni plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S.D. Lucchese 1905 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928 from Jan, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Marco Piccinni plays for F.B. Brindisi 1912 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Barletta 1922 from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
Marco Piccinni plays for SSC Bari from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
|
Marco PiccinniMarco Piccinni (born 19 April 1987) is an Italian footballer who plays for Monopoli.Born in Bari, Italy, Piccinni started his career at hometown club A.S. Bari. After made his debut in the last rounds of 2005–06 Serie B (round 40 of 42 rounds season), he was loaned to Pro Vasto but returned in January 2007 for Bari youth team. He only played for Pro Vasto in 2006–07 Coppa Italia. He then sold to Noicattaro in co-ownership deal. In June 2009 he returned to Bari but in July left for Brindisi.He failed to find a club to borrow him in 2011. He wore no.95 of Bari, which in recent years only players that excluded from the coach plan would wore "large" number in Bari. FIGC only allowed players to wear number from 1 to 99. Along with Conti (93), Langella (94), Statella (96), Rana (97) and Visconti (98), they were not part of the plan of Bari's first team. In January 2012, Piccinni left for Piacenza without a single appearance for Bari in 2011–12 Serie B season.In 2012, he joined Barletta. On 13 August 2013 he joined Chieti.In July 2014 Piccinni signed with the Serie D side Fidelis Andria. After winning the championship, he renewed his contract with Fidelis Andria by signing a 1-year deal, with option for a 2nd year, for the 2015-16 Lega Pro season. At the end of the season, he signed a new 1-year deal for season 2016-17 with Fidelis Andria.On 2 September 2019, he signed a 2-year contract with Monopoli.
|
[
"Vastese Calcio 1902",
"SSC Bari",
"F.B. Brindisi 1912",
"A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928",
"S.S. Chieti Calcio",
"S.S.D. Lucchese 1905",
"Piacenza Calcio",
"A.S.D. Barletta 1922"
] |
|
Which team did Marco Piccinni play for in Jun, 2009?
|
June 06, 2009
|
{
"text": [
"F.B. Brindisi 1912"
]
}
|
L2_Q6757662_P54_3
|
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928 from Jan, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S. Chieti Calcio from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Marco Piccinni plays for SSC Bari from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Barletta 1922 from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S. Noicattaro Calcio from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009.
Marco Piccinni plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S.D. Lucchese 1905 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
Marco Piccinni plays for F.B. Brindisi 1912 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Marco Piccinni plays for Vastese Calcio 1902 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
|
Marco PiccinniMarco Piccinni (born 19 April 1987) is an Italian footballer who plays for Monopoli.Born in Bari, Italy, Piccinni started his career at hometown club A.S. Bari. After made his debut in the last rounds of 2005–06 Serie B (round 40 of 42 rounds season), he was loaned to Pro Vasto but returned in January 2007 for Bari youth team. He only played for Pro Vasto in 2006–07 Coppa Italia. He then sold to Noicattaro in co-ownership deal. In June 2009 he returned to Bari but in July left for Brindisi.He failed to find a club to borrow him in 2011. He wore no.95 of Bari, which in recent years only players that excluded from the coach plan would wore "large" number in Bari. FIGC only allowed players to wear number from 1 to 99. Along with Conti (93), Langella (94), Statella (96), Rana (97) and Visconti (98), they were not part of the plan of Bari's first team. In January 2012, Piccinni left for Piacenza without a single appearance for Bari in 2011–12 Serie B season.In 2012, he joined Barletta. On 13 August 2013 he joined Chieti.In July 2014 Piccinni signed with the Serie D side Fidelis Andria. After winning the championship, he renewed his contract with Fidelis Andria by signing a 1-year deal, with option for a 2nd year, for the 2015-16 Lega Pro season. At the end of the season, he signed a new 1-year deal for season 2016-17 with Fidelis Andria.On 2 September 2019, he signed a 2-year contract with Monopoli.
|
[
"Vastese Calcio 1902",
"SSC Bari",
"A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928",
"A.S. Noicattaro Calcio",
"S.S. Chieti Calcio",
"S.S.D. Lucchese 1905",
"Piacenza Calcio",
"A.S.D. Barletta 1922"
] |
|
Which team did Marco Piccinni play for in Oct, 2010?
|
October 04, 2010
|
{
"text": [
"S.S.D. Lucchese 1905"
]
}
|
L2_Q6757662_P54_4
|
Marco Piccinni plays for SSC Bari from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928 from Jan, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Marco Piccinni plays for Vastese Calcio 1902 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S. Noicattaro Calcio from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009.
Marco Piccinni plays for F.B. Brindisi 1912 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Marco Piccinni plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Barletta 1922 from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S.D. Lucchese 1905 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S. Chieti Calcio from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
|
Marco PiccinniMarco Piccinni (born 19 April 1987) is an Italian footballer who plays for Monopoli.Born in Bari, Italy, Piccinni started his career at hometown club A.S. Bari. After made his debut in the last rounds of 2005–06 Serie B (round 40 of 42 rounds season), he was loaned to Pro Vasto but returned in January 2007 for Bari youth team. He only played for Pro Vasto in 2006–07 Coppa Italia. He then sold to Noicattaro in co-ownership deal. In June 2009 he returned to Bari but in July left for Brindisi.He failed to find a club to borrow him in 2011. He wore no.95 of Bari, which in recent years only players that excluded from the coach plan would wore "large" number in Bari. FIGC only allowed players to wear number from 1 to 99. Along with Conti (93), Langella (94), Statella (96), Rana (97) and Visconti (98), they were not part of the plan of Bari's first team. In January 2012, Piccinni left for Piacenza without a single appearance for Bari in 2011–12 Serie B season.In 2012, he joined Barletta. On 13 August 2013 he joined Chieti.In July 2014 Piccinni signed with the Serie D side Fidelis Andria. After winning the championship, he renewed his contract with Fidelis Andria by signing a 1-year deal, with option for a 2nd year, for the 2015-16 Lega Pro season. At the end of the season, he signed a new 1-year deal for season 2016-17 with Fidelis Andria.On 2 September 2019, he signed a 2-year contract with Monopoli.
|
[
"Vastese Calcio 1902",
"SSC Bari",
"F.B. Brindisi 1912",
"A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928",
"A.S. Noicattaro Calcio",
"S.S. Chieti Calcio",
"Piacenza Calcio",
"A.S.D. Barletta 1922"
] |
|
Which team did Marco Piccinni play for in Jan, 2012?
|
January 01, 2012
|
{
"text": [
"Piacenza Calcio",
"A.S.D. Barletta 1922"
]
}
|
L2_Q6757662_P54_5
|
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S. Chieti Calcio from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Marco Piccinni plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S. Noicattaro Calcio from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Barletta 1922 from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
Marco Piccinni plays for Vastese Calcio 1902 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S.D. Lucchese 1905 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
Marco Piccinni plays for F.B. Brindisi 1912 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Marco Piccinni plays for SSC Bari from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928 from Jan, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
|
Marco PiccinniMarco Piccinni (born 19 April 1987) is an Italian footballer who plays for Monopoli.Born in Bari, Italy, Piccinni started his career at hometown club A.S. Bari. After made his debut in the last rounds of 2005–06 Serie B (round 40 of 42 rounds season), he was loaned to Pro Vasto but returned in January 2007 for Bari youth team. He only played for Pro Vasto in 2006–07 Coppa Italia. He then sold to Noicattaro in co-ownership deal. In June 2009 he returned to Bari but in July left for Brindisi.He failed to find a club to borrow him in 2011. He wore no.95 of Bari, which in recent years only players that excluded from the coach plan would wore "large" number in Bari. FIGC only allowed players to wear number from 1 to 99. Along with Conti (93), Langella (94), Statella (96), Rana (97) and Visconti (98), they were not part of the plan of Bari's first team. In January 2012, Piccinni left for Piacenza without a single appearance for Bari in 2011–12 Serie B season.In 2012, he joined Barletta. On 13 August 2013 he joined Chieti.In July 2014 Piccinni signed with the Serie D side Fidelis Andria. After winning the championship, he renewed his contract with Fidelis Andria by signing a 1-year deal, with option for a 2nd year, for the 2015-16 Lega Pro season. At the end of the season, he signed a new 1-year deal for season 2016-17 with Fidelis Andria.On 2 September 2019, he signed a 2-year contract with Monopoli.
|
[
"Vastese Calcio 1902",
"SSC Bari",
"F.B. Brindisi 1912",
"A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928",
"A.S. Noicattaro Calcio",
"S.S.D. Lucchese 1905",
"S.S. Chieti Calcio",
"Vastese Calcio 1902",
"SSC Bari",
"F.B. Brindisi 1912",
"A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928",
"A.S. Noicattaro Calcio",
"S.S.D. Lucchese 1905",
"S.S. Chieti Calcio"
] |
|
Which team did Marco Piccinni play for in Jul, 2012?
|
July 21, 2012
|
{
"text": [
"A.S.D. Barletta 1922"
]
}
|
L2_Q6757662_P54_6
|
Marco Piccinni plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Marco Piccinni plays for SSC Bari from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for Vastese Calcio 1902 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928 from Jan, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S.D. Lucchese 1905 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
Marco Piccinni plays for F.B. Brindisi 1912 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S. Noicattaro Calcio from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S. Chieti Calcio from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Barletta 1922 from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
|
Marco PiccinniMarco Piccinni (born 19 April 1987) is an Italian footballer who plays for Monopoli.Born in Bari, Italy, Piccinni started his career at hometown club A.S. Bari. After made his debut in the last rounds of 2005–06 Serie B (round 40 of 42 rounds season), he was loaned to Pro Vasto but returned in January 2007 for Bari youth team. He only played for Pro Vasto in 2006–07 Coppa Italia. He then sold to Noicattaro in co-ownership deal. In June 2009 he returned to Bari but in July left for Brindisi.He failed to find a club to borrow him in 2011. He wore no.95 of Bari, which in recent years only players that excluded from the coach plan would wore "large" number in Bari. FIGC only allowed players to wear number from 1 to 99. Along with Conti (93), Langella (94), Statella (96), Rana (97) and Visconti (98), they were not part of the plan of Bari's first team. In January 2012, Piccinni left for Piacenza without a single appearance for Bari in 2011–12 Serie B season.In 2012, he joined Barletta. On 13 August 2013 he joined Chieti.In July 2014 Piccinni signed with the Serie D side Fidelis Andria. After winning the championship, he renewed his contract with Fidelis Andria by signing a 1-year deal, with option for a 2nd year, for the 2015-16 Lega Pro season. At the end of the season, he signed a new 1-year deal for season 2016-17 with Fidelis Andria.On 2 September 2019, he signed a 2-year contract with Monopoli.
|
[
"Vastese Calcio 1902",
"SSC Bari",
"F.B. Brindisi 1912",
"A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928",
"A.S. Noicattaro Calcio",
"S.S. Chieti Calcio",
"S.S.D. Lucchese 1905",
"Piacenza Calcio"
] |
|
Which team did Marco Piccinni play for in Feb, 2013?
|
February 25, 2013
|
{
"text": [
"S.S. Chieti Calcio"
]
}
|
L2_Q6757662_P54_7
|
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Barletta 1922 from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928 from Jan, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S. Noicattaro Calcio from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009.
Marco Piccinni plays for Vastese Calcio 1902 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Marco Piccinni plays for SSC Bari from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S.D. Lucchese 1905 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S. Chieti Calcio from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Marco Piccinni plays for F.B. Brindisi 1912 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
|
Marco PiccinniMarco Piccinni (born 19 April 1987) is an Italian footballer who plays for Monopoli.Born in Bari, Italy, Piccinni started his career at hometown club A.S. Bari. After made his debut in the last rounds of 2005–06 Serie B (round 40 of 42 rounds season), he was loaned to Pro Vasto but returned in January 2007 for Bari youth team. He only played for Pro Vasto in 2006–07 Coppa Italia. He then sold to Noicattaro in co-ownership deal. In June 2009 he returned to Bari but in July left for Brindisi.He failed to find a club to borrow him in 2011. He wore no.95 of Bari, which in recent years only players that excluded from the coach plan would wore "large" number in Bari. FIGC only allowed players to wear number from 1 to 99. Along with Conti (93), Langella (94), Statella (96), Rana (97) and Visconti (98), they were not part of the plan of Bari's first team. In January 2012, Piccinni left for Piacenza without a single appearance for Bari in 2011–12 Serie B season.In 2012, he joined Barletta. On 13 August 2013 he joined Chieti.In July 2014 Piccinni signed with the Serie D side Fidelis Andria. After winning the championship, he renewed his contract with Fidelis Andria by signing a 1-year deal, with option for a 2nd year, for the 2015-16 Lega Pro season. At the end of the season, he signed a new 1-year deal for season 2016-17 with Fidelis Andria.On 2 September 2019, he signed a 2-year contract with Monopoli.
|
[
"Vastese Calcio 1902",
"SSC Bari",
"F.B. Brindisi 1912",
"A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928",
"A.S. Noicattaro Calcio",
"S.S.D. Lucchese 1905",
"Piacenza Calcio",
"A.S.D. Barletta 1922"
] |
|
Which team did Marco Piccinni play for in Aug, 2022?
|
August 21, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928"
]
}
|
L2_Q6757662_P54_8
|
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S. Noicattaro Calcio from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009.
Marco Piccinni plays for F.B. Brindisi 1912 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Marco Piccinni plays for SSC Bari from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S.D. Lucchese 1905 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Fidelis Andria 1928 from Jan, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Marco Piccinni plays for A.S.D. Barletta 1922 from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013.
Marco Piccinni plays for Vastese Calcio 1902 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007.
Marco Piccinni plays for S.S. Chieti Calcio from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
|
Marco PiccinniMarco Piccinni (born 19 April 1987) is an Italian footballer who plays for Monopoli.Born in Bari, Italy, Piccinni started his career at hometown club A.S. Bari. After made his debut in the last rounds of 2005–06 Serie B (round 40 of 42 rounds season), he was loaned to Pro Vasto but returned in January 2007 for Bari youth team. He only played for Pro Vasto in 2006–07 Coppa Italia. He then sold to Noicattaro in co-ownership deal. In June 2009 he returned to Bari but in July left for Brindisi.He failed to find a club to borrow him in 2011. He wore no.95 of Bari, which in recent years only players that excluded from the coach plan would wore "large" number in Bari. FIGC only allowed players to wear number from 1 to 99. Along with Conti (93), Langella (94), Statella (96), Rana (97) and Visconti (98), they were not part of the plan of Bari's first team. In January 2012, Piccinni left for Piacenza without a single appearance for Bari in 2011–12 Serie B season.In 2012, he joined Barletta. On 13 August 2013 he joined Chieti.In July 2014 Piccinni signed with the Serie D side Fidelis Andria. After winning the championship, he renewed his contract with Fidelis Andria by signing a 1-year deal, with option for a 2nd year, for the 2015-16 Lega Pro season. At the end of the season, he signed a new 1-year deal for season 2016-17 with Fidelis Andria.On 2 September 2019, he signed a 2-year contract with Monopoli.
|
[
"Vastese Calcio 1902",
"SSC Bari",
"F.B. Brindisi 1912",
"A.S. Noicattaro Calcio",
"S.S. Chieti Calcio",
"S.S.D. Lucchese 1905",
"Piacenza Calcio",
"A.S.D. Barletta 1922"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece in Jul, 1995?
|
July 23, 1995
|
{
"text": [
"Boris Korneenko"
]
}
|
L2_Q12142700_P488_0
|
Valeriy Tsybukh is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Aug, 2005 to May, 2010.
Victor Kalnik is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Mar, 2001 to Jul, 2005.
Volodymyr Shkurov is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Jun, 2010 to Dec, 2016.
Sergey Shutenko is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Sep, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Boris Korneenko is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Feb, 1993 to Sep, 1997.
Yuriy A. Sergeyev is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Nov, 1997 to Dec, 2000.
|
Embassy of Ukraine in GreeceEmbassy of Ukraine in Greece () is the diplomatic mission of Ukraine in Athens, Greece.Greece recognized the independence of Ukraine on December 31, 1991. Diplomatic relations between two countries were established on January 26, 1992. In May 1992, Ukraine opened an Honorary Consulate in the Hellenic Republic. Embassy of Ukraine in Athens was opened in June 1993.
|
[
"Victor Kalnik",
"Sergey Shutenko",
"Valeriy Tsybukh",
"Yuriy A. Sergeyev",
"Volodymyr Shkurov"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece in May, 2000?
|
May 16, 2000
|
{
"text": [
"Yuriy A. Sergeyev"
]
}
|
L2_Q12142700_P488_1
|
Victor Kalnik is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Mar, 2001 to Jul, 2005.
Sergey Shutenko is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Sep, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Volodymyr Shkurov is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Jun, 2010 to Dec, 2016.
Boris Korneenko is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Feb, 1993 to Sep, 1997.
Valeriy Tsybukh is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Aug, 2005 to May, 2010.
Yuriy A. Sergeyev is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Nov, 1997 to Dec, 2000.
|
Embassy of Ukraine in GreeceEmbassy of Ukraine in Greece () is the diplomatic mission of Ukraine in Athens, Greece.Greece recognized the independence of Ukraine on December 31, 1991. Diplomatic relations between two countries were established on January 26, 1992. In May 1992, Ukraine opened an Honorary Consulate in the Hellenic Republic. Embassy of Ukraine in Athens was opened in June 1993.
|
[
"Boris Korneenko",
"Victor Kalnik",
"Sergey Shutenko",
"Valeriy Tsybukh",
"Volodymyr Shkurov"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece in Aug, 2001?
|
August 21, 2001
|
{
"text": [
"Victor Kalnik"
]
}
|
L2_Q12142700_P488_2
|
Valeriy Tsybukh is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Aug, 2005 to May, 2010.
Yuriy A. Sergeyev is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Nov, 1997 to Dec, 2000.
Victor Kalnik is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Mar, 2001 to Jul, 2005.
Volodymyr Shkurov is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Jun, 2010 to Dec, 2016.
Sergey Shutenko is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Sep, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Boris Korneenko is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Feb, 1993 to Sep, 1997.
|
Embassy of Ukraine in GreeceEmbassy of Ukraine in Greece () is the diplomatic mission of Ukraine in Athens, Greece.Greece recognized the independence of Ukraine on December 31, 1991. Diplomatic relations between two countries were established on January 26, 1992. In May 1992, Ukraine opened an Honorary Consulate in the Hellenic Republic. Embassy of Ukraine in Athens was opened in June 1993.
|
[
"Boris Korneenko",
"Sergey Shutenko",
"Valeriy Tsybukh",
"Yuriy A. Sergeyev",
"Volodymyr Shkurov"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece in Oct, 2005?
|
October 05, 2005
|
{
"text": [
"Valeriy Tsybukh"
]
}
|
L2_Q12142700_P488_3
|
Boris Korneenko is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Feb, 1993 to Sep, 1997.
Victor Kalnik is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Mar, 2001 to Jul, 2005.
Volodymyr Shkurov is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Jun, 2010 to Dec, 2016.
Yuriy A. Sergeyev is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Nov, 1997 to Dec, 2000.
Sergey Shutenko is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Sep, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Valeriy Tsybukh is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Aug, 2005 to May, 2010.
|
Embassy of Ukraine in GreeceEmbassy of Ukraine in Greece () is the diplomatic mission of Ukraine in Athens, Greece.Greece recognized the independence of Ukraine on December 31, 1991. Diplomatic relations between two countries were established on January 26, 1992. In May 1992, Ukraine opened an Honorary Consulate in the Hellenic Republic. Embassy of Ukraine in Athens was opened in June 1993.
|
[
"Boris Korneenko",
"Victor Kalnik",
"Sergey Shutenko",
"Yuriy A. Sergeyev",
"Volodymyr Shkurov"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece in Jul, 2012?
|
July 12, 2012
|
{
"text": [
"Volodymyr Shkurov"
]
}
|
L2_Q12142700_P488_4
|
Volodymyr Shkurov is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Jun, 2010 to Dec, 2016.
Boris Korneenko is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Feb, 1993 to Sep, 1997.
Yuriy A. Sergeyev is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Nov, 1997 to Dec, 2000.
Victor Kalnik is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Mar, 2001 to Jul, 2005.
Sergey Shutenko is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Sep, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Valeriy Tsybukh is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Aug, 2005 to May, 2010.
|
Embassy of Ukraine in GreeceEmbassy of Ukraine in Greece () is the diplomatic mission of Ukraine in Athens, Greece.Greece recognized the independence of Ukraine on December 31, 1991. Diplomatic relations between two countries were established on January 26, 1992. In May 1992, Ukraine opened an Honorary Consulate in the Hellenic Republic. Embassy of Ukraine in Athens was opened in June 1993.
|
[
"Boris Korneenko",
"Victor Kalnik",
"Sergey Shutenko",
"Valeriy Tsybukh",
"Yuriy A. Sergeyev"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece in Dec, 2020?
|
December 15, 2020
|
{
"text": [
"Sergey Shutenko"
]
}
|
L2_Q12142700_P488_5
|
Sergey Shutenko is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Sep, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Boris Korneenko is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Feb, 1993 to Sep, 1997.
Volodymyr Shkurov is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Jun, 2010 to Dec, 2016.
Victor Kalnik is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Mar, 2001 to Jul, 2005.
Valeriy Tsybukh is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Aug, 2005 to May, 2010.
Yuriy A. Sergeyev is the chair of Embassy of Ukraine in Greece from Nov, 1997 to Dec, 2000.
|
Embassy of Ukraine in GreeceEmbassy of Ukraine in Greece () is the diplomatic mission of Ukraine in Athens, Greece.Greece recognized the independence of Ukraine on December 31, 1991. Diplomatic relations between two countries were established on January 26, 1992. In May 1992, Ukraine opened an Honorary Consulate in the Hellenic Republic. Embassy of Ukraine in Athens was opened in June 1993.
|
[
"Boris Korneenko",
"Victor Kalnik",
"Valeriy Tsybukh",
"Yuriy A. Sergeyev",
"Volodymyr Shkurov"
] |
|
Which employer did Johann Radon work for in Feb, 1912?
|
February 19, 1912
|
{
"text": [
"TU Wien"
]
}
|
L2_Q78580_P108_0
|
Johann Radon works for University of Hamburg from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1922.
Johann Radon works for University of Erlangen-Nuremberg from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1928.
Johann Radon works for University of Wrocław from Jan, 1928 to Jan, 1945.
Johann Radon works for University of Greifswald from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1925.
Johann Radon works for TU Wien from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1913.
Johann Radon works for University of Innsbruck from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1946.
Johann Radon works for University of Vienna from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1956.
|
Johann RadonJohann Karl August Radon (16 December 1887 – 25 May 1956) was an Austrian mathematician. His doctoral dissertation was on the calculus of variations (in 1910, at the University of Vienna).Radon was born in Tetschen, Bohemia, Austria-Hungary, now Děčín, Czech Republic. He received his doctoral degree at the University of Vienna in 1910. He spent the winter semester 1910/11 at the University of Göttingen, then he was an assistant at the German Technical University in Brno, and from 1912 to 1919 at the Technical University of Vienna. In 1913/14, he passed his habilitation at the University of Vienna. Due to his near-sightedness, he was exempt from the draft during wartime.In 1919, he was called to become Professor extraordinarius at the newly founded University of Hamburg; in 1922, he became "Professor ordinarius" at the University of Greifswald, and in 1925 at the University of Erlangen. Then he was "Ordinarius" at the University of Breslau from 1928 to 1945.After a short stay at the University of Innsbruck he became "Ordinarius" at the Institute of Mathematics of the University of Vienna on 1 October 1946. In 1954/55, he was rector of the University of Vienna.In 1939, Radon became corresponding member of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, and in 1947, he became a member. From 1952 to 1956, he was Secretary of the Class of Mathematics and Science of this Academy. From 1948 to 1950, he was president of the Austrian Mathematical Society.Johann Radon married Maria Rigele, a secondary school teacher, in 1916. They had three sons who died young or very young. Their daughter Brigitte, born in 1924, obtained a Ph.D. in mathematics at the University of Innsbruck and married the Austrian mathematician Erich Bukovics in 1950. Brigitte lives in Vienna.Radon, as Curt C. Christian described him in 1987 at the occasion of the unveiling of his brass bust at the University of Vienna, was a friendly, good-natured man, highly esteemed by students and colleagues alike, a noble personality. He did make the impression of a quiet scholar, but he was also sociable and willing to celebrate. He loved music, and he played music with friends at home, being an excellent violinist himself, and a good singer. His love for classical literature lasted through all his life.In 2003, the Austrian Academy of Sciences founded an Institute for Computational and Applied Mathematics and named it after Johann Radon (see the external link below).Radon is known for a number of lasting contributions, including:
|
[
"University of Hamburg",
"University of Wrocław",
"University of Innsbruck",
"University of Vienna",
"University of Erlangen-Nuremberg",
"University of Greifswald"
] |
|
Which employer did Johann Radon work for in Jul, 1919?
|
July 18, 1919
|
{
"text": [
"University of Hamburg"
]
}
|
L2_Q78580_P108_1
|
Johann Radon works for University of Hamburg from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1922.
Johann Radon works for University of Vienna from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1956.
Johann Radon works for University of Innsbruck from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1946.
Johann Radon works for University of Greifswald from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1925.
Johann Radon works for TU Wien from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1913.
Johann Radon works for University of Wrocław from Jan, 1928 to Jan, 1945.
Johann Radon works for University of Erlangen-Nuremberg from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1928.
|
Johann RadonJohann Karl August Radon (16 December 1887 – 25 May 1956) was an Austrian mathematician. His doctoral dissertation was on the calculus of variations (in 1910, at the University of Vienna).Radon was born in Tetschen, Bohemia, Austria-Hungary, now Děčín, Czech Republic. He received his doctoral degree at the University of Vienna in 1910. He spent the winter semester 1910/11 at the University of Göttingen, then he was an assistant at the German Technical University in Brno, and from 1912 to 1919 at the Technical University of Vienna. In 1913/14, he passed his habilitation at the University of Vienna. Due to his near-sightedness, he was exempt from the draft during wartime.In 1919, he was called to become Professor extraordinarius at the newly founded University of Hamburg; in 1922, he became "Professor ordinarius" at the University of Greifswald, and in 1925 at the University of Erlangen. Then he was "Ordinarius" at the University of Breslau from 1928 to 1945.After a short stay at the University of Innsbruck he became "Ordinarius" at the Institute of Mathematics of the University of Vienna on 1 October 1946. In 1954/55, he was rector of the University of Vienna.In 1939, Radon became corresponding member of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, and in 1947, he became a member. From 1952 to 1956, he was Secretary of the Class of Mathematics and Science of this Academy. From 1948 to 1950, he was president of the Austrian Mathematical Society.Johann Radon married Maria Rigele, a secondary school teacher, in 1916. They had three sons who died young or very young. Their daughter Brigitte, born in 1924, obtained a Ph.D. in mathematics at the University of Innsbruck and married the Austrian mathematician Erich Bukovics in 1950. Brigitte lives in Vienna.Radon, as Curt C. Christian described him in 1987 at the occasion of the unveiling of his brass bust at the University of Vienna, was a friendly, good-natured man, highly esteemed by students and colleagues alike, a noble personality. He did make the impression of a quiet scholar, but he was also sociable and willing to celebrate. He loved music, and he played music with friends at home, being an excellent violinist himself, and a good singer. His love for classical literature lasted through all his life.In 2003, the Austrian Academy of Sciences founded an Institute for Computational and Applied Mathematics and named it after Johann Radon (see the external link below).Radon is known for a number of lasting contributions, including:
|
[
"TU Wien",
"University of Wrocław",
"University of Innsbruck",
"University of Vienna",
"University of Erlangen-Nuremberg",
"University of Greifswald"
] |
|
Which employer did Johann Radon work for in Sep, 1922?
|
September 08, 1922
|
{
"text": [
"University of Greifswald"
]
}
|
L2_Q78580_P108_2
|
Johann Radon works for University of Hamburg from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1922.
Johann Radon works for University of Vienna from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1956.
Johann Radon works for TU Wien from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1913.
Johann Radon works for University of Greifswald from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1925.
Johann Radon works for University of Innsbruck from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1946.
Johann Radon works for University of Wrocław from Jan, 1928 to Jan, 1945.
Johann Radon works for University of Erlangen-Nuremberg from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1928.
|
Johann RadonJohann Karl August Radon (16 December 1887 – 25 May 1956) was an Austrian mathematician. His doctoral dissertation was on the calculus of variations (in 1910, at the University of Vienna).Radon was born in Tetschen, Bohemia, Austria-Hungary, now Děčín, Czech Republic. He received his doctoral degree at the University of Vienna in 1910. He spent the winter semester 1910/11 at the University of Göttingen, then he was an assistant at the German Technical University in Brno, and from 1912 to 1919 at the Technical University of Vienna. In 1913/14, he passed his habilitation at the University of Vienna. Due to his near-sightedness, he was exempt from the draft during wartime.In 1919, he was called to become Professor extraordinarius at the newly founded University of Hamburg; in 1922, he became "Professor ordinarius" at the University of Greifswald, and in 1925 at the University of Erlangen. Then he was "Ordinarius" at the University of Breslau from 1928 to 1945.After a short stay at the University of Innsbruck he became "Ordinarius" at the Institute of Mathematics of the University of Vienna on 1 October 1946. In 1954/55, he was rector of the University of Vienna.In 1939, Radon became corresponding member of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, and in 1947, he became a member. From 1952 to 1956, he was Secretary of the Class of Mathematics and Science of this Academy. From 1948 to 1950, he was president of the Austrian Mathematical Society.Johann Radon married Maria Rigele, a secondary school teacher, in 1916. They had three sons who died young or very young. Their daughter Brigitte, born in 1924, obtained a Ph.D. in mathematics at the University of Innsbruck and married the Austrian mathematician Erich Bukovics in 1950. Brigitte lives in Vienna.Radon, as Curt C. Christian described him in 1987 at the occasion of the unveiling of his brass bust at the University of Vienna, was a friendly, good-natured man, highly esteemed by students and colleagues alike, a noble personality. He did make the impression of a quiet scholar, but he was also sociable and willing to celebrate. He loved music, and he played music with friends at home, being an excellent violinist himself, and a good singer. His love for classical literature lasted through all his life.In 2003, the Austrian Academy of Sciences founded an Institute for Computational and Applied Mathematics and named it after Johann Radon (see the external link below).Radon is known for a number of lasting contributions, including:
|
[
"TU Wien",
"University of Hamburg",
"University of Wrocław",
"University of Innsbruck",
"University of Vienna",
"University of Erlangen-Nuremberg"
] |
|
Which employer did Johann Radon work for in May, 1927?
|
May 01, 1927
|
{
"text": [
"University of Erlangen-Nuremberg"
]
}
|
L2_Q78580_P108_3
|
Johann Radon works for University of Innsbruck from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1946.
Johann Radon works for University of Hamburg from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1922.
Johann Radon works for TU Wien from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1913.
Johann Radon works for University of Greifswald from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1925.
Johann Radon works for University of Erlangen-Nuremberg from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1928.
Johann Radon works for University of Vienna from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1956.
Johann Radon works for University of Wrocław from Jan, 1928 to Jan, 1945.
|
Johann RadonJohann Karl August Radon (16 December 1887 – 25 May 1956) was an Austrian mathematician. His doctoral dissertation was on the calculus of variations (in 1910, at the University of Vienna).Radon was born in Tetschen, Bohemia, Austria-Hungary, now Děčín, Czech Republic. He received his doctoral degree at the University of Vienna in 1910. He spent the winter semester 1910/11 at the University of Göttingen, then he was an assistant at the German Technical University in Brno, and from 1912 to 1919 at the Technical University of Vienna. In 1913/14, he passed his habilitation at the University of Vienna. Due to his near-sightedness, he was exempt from the draft during wartime.In 1919, he was called to become Professor extraordinarius at the newly founded University of Hamburg; in 1922, he became "Professor ordinarius" at the University of Greifswald, and in 1925 at the University of Erlangen. Then he was "Ordinarius" at the University of Breslau from 1928 to 1945.After a short stay at the University of Innsbruck he became "Ordinarius" at the Institute of Mathematics of the University of Vienna on 1 October 1946. In 1954/55, he was rector of the University of Vienna.In 1939, Radon became corresponding member of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, and in 1947, he became a member. From 1952 to 1956, he was Secretary of the Class of Mathematics and Science of this Academy. From 1948 to 1950, he was president of the Austrian Mathematical Society.Johann Radon married Maria Rigele, a secondary school teacher, in 1916. They had three sons who died young or very young. Their daughter Brigitte, born in 1924, obtained a Ph.D. in mathematics at the University of Innsbruck and married the Austrian mathematician Erich Bukovics in 1950. Brigitte lives in Vienna.Radon, as Curt C. Christian described him in 1987 at the occasion of the unveiling of his brass bust at the University of Vienna, was a friendly, good-natured man, highly esteemed by students and colleagues alike, a noble personality. He did make the impression of a quiet scholar, but he was also sociable and willing to celebrate. He loved music, and he played music with friends at home, being an excellent violinist himself, and a good singer. His love for classical literature lasted through all his life.In 2003, the Austrian Academy of Sciences founded an Institute for Computational and Applied Mathematics and named it after Johann Radon (see the external link below).Radon is known for a number of lasting contributions, including:
|
[
"TU Wien",
"University of Hamburg",
"University of Wrocław",
"University of Innsbruck",
"University of Vienna",
"University of Greifswald"
] |
|
Which employer did Johann Radon work for in Nov, 1930?
|
November 02, 1930
|
{
"text": [
"University of Wrocław"
]
}
|
L2_Q78580_P108_4
|
Johann Radon works for University of Greifswald from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1925.
Johann Radon works for University of Erlangen-Nuremberg from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1928.
Johann Radon works for University of Hamburg from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1922.
Johann Radon works for University of Innsbruck from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1946.
Johann Radon works for University of Vienna from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1956.
Johann Radon works for TU Wien from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1913.
Johann Radon works for University of Wrocław from Jan, 1928 to Jan, 1945.
|
Johann RadonJohann Karl August Radon (16 December 1887 – 25 May 1956) was an Austrian mathematician. His doctoral dissertation was on the calculus of variations (in 1910, at the University of Vienna).Radon was born in Tetschen, Bohemia, Austria-Hungary, now Děčín, Czech Republic. He received his doctoral degree at the University of Vienna in 1910. He spent the winter semester 1910/11 at the University of Göttingen, then he was an assistant at the German Technical University in Brno, and from 1912 to 1919 at the Technical University of Vienna. In 1913/14, he passed his habilitation at the University of Vienna. Due to his near-sightedness, he was exempt from the draft during wartime.In 1919, he was called to become Professor extraordinarius at the newly founded University of Hamburg; in 1922, he became "Professor ordinarius" at the University of Greifswald, and in 1925 at the University of Erlangen. Then he was "Ordinarius" at the University of Breslau from 1928 to 1945.After a short stay at the University of Innsbruck he became "Ordinarius" at the Institute of Mathematics of the University of Vienna on 1 October 1946. In 1954/55, he was rector of the University of Vienna.In 1939, Radon became corresponding member of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, and in 1947, he became a member. From 1952 to 1956, he was Secretary of the Class of Mathematics and Science of this Academy. From 1948 to 1950, he was president of the Austrian Mathematical Society.Johann Radon married Maria Rigele, a secondary school teacher, in 1916. They had three sons who died young or very young. Their daughter Brigitte, born in 1924, obtained a Ph.D. in mathematics at the University of Innsbruck and married the Austrian mathematician Erich Bukovics in 1950. Brigitte lives in Vienna.Radon, as Curt C. Christian described him in 1987 at the occasion of the unveiling of his brass bust at the University of Vienna, was a friendly, good-natured man, highly esteemed by students and colleagues alike, a noble personality. He did make the impression of a quiet scholar, but he was also sociable and willing to celebrate. He loved music, and he played music with friends at home, being an excellent violinist himself, and a good singer. His love for classical literature lasted through all his life.In 2003, the Austrian Academy of Sciences founded an Institute for Computational and Applied Mathematics and named it after Johann Radon (see the external link below).Radon is known for a number of lasting contributions, including:
|
[
"TU Wien",
"University of Hamburg",
"University of Innsbruck",
"University of Vienna",
"University of Erlangen-Nuremberg",
"University of Greifswald"
] |
|
Which employer did Johann Radon work for in Nov, 1945?
|
November 01, 1945
|
{
"text": [
"University of Innsbruck"
]
}
|
L2_Q78580_P108_5
|
Johann Radon works for University of Innsbruck from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1946.
Johann Radon works for University of Greifswald from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1925.
Johann Radon works for University of Vienna from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1956.
Johann Radon works for University of Hamburg from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1922.
Johann Radon works for University of Erlangen-Nuremberg from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1928.
Johann Radon works for TU Wien from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1913.
Johann Radon works for University of Wrocław from Jan, 1928 to Jan, 1945.
|
Johann RadonJohann Karl August Radon (16 December 1887 – 25 May 1956) was an Austrian mathematician. His doctoral dissertation was on the calculus of variations (in 1910, at the University of Vienna).Radon was born in Tetschen, Bohemia, Austria-Hungary, now Děčín, Czech Republic. He received his doctoral degree at the University of Vienna in 1910. He spent the winter semester 1910/11 at the University of Göttingen, then he was an assistant at the German Technical University in Brno, and from 1912 to 1919 at the Technical University of Vienna. In 1913/14, he passed his habilitation at the University of Vienna. Due to his near-sightedness, he was exempt from the draft during wartime.In 1919, he was called to become Professor extraordinarius at the newly founded University of Hamburg; in 1922, he became "Professor ordinarius" at the University of Greifswald, and in 1925 at the University of Erlangen. Then he was "Ordinarius" at the University of Breslau from 1928 to 1945.After a short stay at the University of Innsbruck he became "Ordinarius" at the Institute of Mathematics of the University of Vienna on 1 October 1946. In 1954/55, he was rector of the University of Vienna.In 1939, Radon became corresponding member of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, and in 1947, he became a member. From 1952 to 1956, he was Secretary of the Class of Mathematics and Science of this Academy. From 1948 to 1950, he was president of the Austrian Mathematical Society.Johann Radon married Maria Rigele, a secondary school teacher, in 1916. They had three sons who died young or very young. Their daughter Brigitte, born in 1924, obtained a Ph.D. in mathematics at the University of Innsbruck and married the Austrian mathematician Erich Bukovics in 1950. Brigitte lives in Vienna.Radon, as Curt C. Christian described him in 1987 at the occasion of the unveiling of his brass bust at the University of Vienna, was a friendly, good-natured man, highly esteemed by students and colleagues alike, a noble personality. He did make the impression of a quiet scholar, but he was also sociable and willing to celebrate. He loved music, and he played music with friends at home, being an excellent violinist himself, and a good singer. His love for classical literature lasted through all his life.In 2003, the Austrian Academy of Sciences founded an Institute for Computational and Applied Mathematics and named it after Johann Radon (see the external link below).Radon is known for a number of lasting contributions, including:
|
[
"TU Wien",
"University of Hamburg",
"University of Wrocław",
"University of Vienna",
"University of Erlangen-Nuremberg",
"University of Greifswald"
] |
|
Which employer did Johann Radon work for in May, 1950?
|
May 25, 1950
|
{
"text": [
"University of Vienna"
]
}
|
L2_Q78580_P108_6
|
Johann Radon works for University of Innsbruck from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1946.
Johann Radon works for University of Vienna from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1956.
Johann Radon works for University of Wrocław from Jan, 1928 to Jan, 1945.
Johann Radon works for University of Erlangen-Nuremberg from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1928.
Johann Radon works for University of Greifswald from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1925.
Johann Radon works for TU Wien from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1913.
Johann Radon works for University of Hamburg from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1922.
|
Johann RadonJohann Karl August Radon (16 December 1887 – 25 May 1956) was an Austrian mathematician. His doctoral dissertation was on the calculus of variations (in 1910, at the University of Vienna).Radon was born in Tetschen, Bohemia, Austria-Hungary, now Děčín, Czech Republic. He received his doctoral degree at the University of Vienna in 1910. He spent the winter semester 1910/11 at the University of Göttingen, then he was an assistant at the German Technical University in Brno, and from 1912 to 1919 at the Technical University of Vienna. In 1913/14, he passed his habilitation at the University of Vienna. Due to his near-sightedness, he was exempt from the draft during wartime.In 1919, he was called to become Professor extraordinarius at the newly founded University of Hamburg; in 1922, he became "Professor ordinarius" at the University of Greifswald, and in 1925 at the University of Erlangen. Then he was "Ordinarius" at the University of Breslau from 1928 to 1945.After a short stay at the University of Innsbruck he became "Ordinarius" at the Institute of Mathematics of the University of Vienna on 1 October 1946. In 1954/55, he was rector of the University of Vienna.In 1939, Radon became corresponding member of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, and in 1947, he became a member. From 1952 to 1956, he was Secretary of the Class of Mathematics and Science of this Academy. From 1948 to 1950, he was president of the Austrian Mathematical Society.Johann Radon married Maria Rigele, a secondary school teacher, in 1916. They had three sons who died young or very young. Their daughter Brigitte, born in 1924, obtained a Ph.D. in mathematics at the University of Innsbruck and married the Austrian mathematician Erich Bukovics in 1950. Brigitte lives in Vienna.Radon, as Curt C. Christian described him in 1987 at the occasion of the unveiling of his brass bust at the University of Vienna, was a friendly, good-natured man, highly esteemed by students and colleagues alike, a noble personality. He did make the impression of a quiet scholar, but he was also sociable and willing to celebrate. He loved music, and he played music with friends at home, being an excellent violinist himself, and a good singer. His love for classical literature lasted through all his life.In 2003, the Austrian Academy of Sciences founded an Institute for Computational and Applied Mathematics and named it after Johann Radon (see the external link below).Radon is known for a number of lasting contributions, including:
|
[
"TU Wien",
"University of Hamburg",
"University of Wrocław",
"University of Innsbruck",
"University of Erlangen-Nuremberg",
"University of Greifswald"
] |
|
Which team did Cristian Dancia play for in Jun, 2000?
|
June 26, 2000
|
{
"text": [
"Romania national association football team",
"FC Argeș"
]
}
|
L2_Q5186176_P54_0
|
Cristian Dancia plays for Romania national association football team from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2004.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Politehnica Timișoara from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Torpedo Moscow from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Argeș from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2004.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008.
|
Cristian DanciaCristian Ioan Dancia (born 5 February 1980 in Lugoj) is a Romanian former football player. He was a left Defender.Dancia joined the Turkish club Galatasaray at the beginning of the 2002–2003 season, to be tried. He played two friendly games, but Fatih Terim decided to not keep him, and he returned to Romania with his manager Gigi Becali.
|
[
"FC Torpedo Moscow",
"FC Politehnica Timișoara",
"FC Universitatea Cluj"
] |
|
Which team did Cristian Dancia play for in Jul, 2003?
|
July 30, 2003
|
{
"text": [
"Romania national association football team",
"FC Argeș"
]
}
|
L2_Q5186176_P54_1
|
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Argeș from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2004.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Politehnica Timișoara from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Cristian Dancia plays for Romania national association football team from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2004.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Torpedo Moscow from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
|
Cristian DanciaCristian Ioan Dancia (born 5 February 1980 in Lugoj) is a Romanian former football player. He was a left Defender.Dancia joined the Turkish club Galatasaray at the beginning of the 2002–2003 season, to be tried. He played two friendly games, but Fatih Terim decided to not keep him, and he returned to Romania with his manager Gigi Becali.
|
[
"FC Torpedo Moscow",
"FC Politehnica Timișoara",
"FC Universitatea Cluj"
] |
|
Which team did Cristian Dancia play for in Jul, 2005?
|
July 14, 2005
|
{
"text": [
"FC Torpedo Moscow"
]
}
|
L2_Q5186176_P54_2
|
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Torpedo Moscow from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Argeș from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2004.
Cristian Dancia plays for Romania national association football team from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2004.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Politehnica Timișoara from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
|
Cristian DanciaCristian Ioan Dancia (born 5 February 1980 in Lugoj) is a Romanian former football player. He was a left Defender.Dancia joined the Turkish club Galatasaray at the beginning of the 2002–2003 season, to be tried. He played two friendly games, but Fatih Terim decided to not keep him, and he returned to Romania with his manager Gigi Becali.
|
[
"Romania national association football team",
"FC Argeș",
"FC Universitatea Cluj",
"FC Politehnica Timișoara"
] |
|
Which team did Cristian Dancia play for in Apr, 2007?
|
April 13, 2007
|
{
"text": [
"FC Politehnica Timișoara"
]
}
|
L2_Q5186176_P54_3
|
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Argeș from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2004.
Cristian Dancia plays for Romania national association football team from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2004.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Torpedo Moscow from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Politehnica Timișoara from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
|
Cristian DanciaCristian Ioan Dancia (born 5 February 1980 in Lugoj) is a Romanian former football player. He was a left Defender.Dancia joined the Turkish club Galatasaray at the beginning of the 2002–2003 season, to be tried. He played two friendly games, but Fatih Terim decided to not keep him, and he returned to Romania with his manager Gigi Becali.
|
[
"FC Torpedo Moscow",
"Romania national association football team",
"FC Argeș",
"FC Universitatea Cluj"
] |
|
Which team did Cristian Dancia play for in Jan, 2008?
|
January 01, 2008
|
{
"text": [
"FC Politehnica Timișoara",
"FC Universitatea Cluj"
]
}
|
L2_Q5186176_P54_4
|
Cristian Dancia plays for Romania national association football team from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2004.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Torpedo Moscow from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Politehnica Timișoara from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Universitatea Cluj from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008.
Cristian Dancia plays for FC Argeș from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2004.
|
Cristian DanciaCristian Ioan Dancia (born 5 February 1980 in Lugoj) is a Romanian former football player. He was a left Defender.Dancia joined the Turkish club Galatasaray at the beginning of the 2002–2003 season, to be tried. He played two friendly games, but Fatih Terim decided to not keep him, and he returned to Romania with his manager Gigi Becali.
|
[
"FC Torpedo Moscow",
"Romania national association football team",
"FC Argeș",
"FC Torpedo Moscow",
"Romania national association football team",
"FC Argeș"
] |
|
Which position did François Baroin hold in Apr, 2007?
|
April 14, 2007
|
{
"text": [
"Minister of the Interior"
]
}
|
L2_Q736013_P39_0
|
François Baroin holds the position of Minister of the Interior from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007.
François Baroin holds the position of member of the French National Assembly from Jun, 2012 to Sep, 2014.
François Baroin holds the position of Minister of the Economy, Finances and Industry from Jun, 2011 to May, 2012.
|
François BaroinFrançois Claude Pierre René Baroin (born 21 June 1965) is a French politician and lawyer who served as Finance Minister from 2011 to 2012, following a stint as Budget Minister in the government of Prime Minister François Fillon. A member of The Republicans (LR), he was a long-time ally of Jacques Chirac and has been Mayor of Troyes since 1995.Baroin was born in the 12th arrondissement of Paris to an upper-class family. His father Michel Baroin was a student friend of Chirac’s who went on to become a leading freemason, chairman of retailer Fnac and the insurer GMF, and a powerful local politician.Baroin studied at Collège Stanislas de Paris before moving to ISG Business School and Panthéon-Assas University.Baroin started his career as a political correspondent for "Europe 1" from 1988 until 1992.In 1992, at Chirac’s behest, Baroin joined his party Rally for the Republic (RPR). He became a member of the National Assembly in the 1993 elections – where he served on the Committee on Legal Affairs – and the mayor of Troyes, a mid-sized city west of Paris, two years later. Baroin was appointed Chirac’s campaign spokesman in the 1995 French presidential election. Following the elections, he became first state secretary and government spokesman under Prime Minister Alain Juppé and then, after a reshuffle, a political aide to the president.Returning to parliament, Baroin was a member of the National Assembly's Finance Committee (1997-2001), the Committee on Cultural Affairs (2001-2002) and the Committee on Legal Affairs (2002-2005). He also served as the Assembly's vice-president between 2002 and 2005.In the government led by Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin, Baroin served as Minister for Overseas Territories from June 2005 to March 2007 and was briefly Minister of the Interior from March to May 2007. He replaced Nicolas Sarkozy on 26 March 2007 as Interior Minister when Sarkozy left the Government to pursue his presidential candidacy. During his time as Minister of the Budget in the government of Prime Minister François Fillon from 2010 until 2011, Baroin successfully managed controversial dossiers such as wealth tax reform, the reduction of civil servants and the abolition of Sarkozy’s controversial tax cap for the rich.On 29 June 2011, Baroin was appointed Minister for the Economy, Finance and Industry in Fillon’s cabinet, replacing Christine Lagarde following her appointment as Director General of the International Monetary Fund. At the time, he was one of three candidates discussed for the role, alongside Bruno Le Maire and Valérie Pécresse. The appointment was seen as a tribute to Baroin’s presumed ability to sell austerity to the French public and to unpick the economic policy of the opposition Socialist Party. During his brief time in office, he chaired the meetings of the Group of Eight ministers of finance when France held the group's presidency in 2011.From 2014, Baroin served as president of the France's Mayors Organization ("Association des Maires de France"), a powerful organization for more than 36,000 mayors in France. Ahead of the 2017 French presidential election, Baroin played a central role in the campaign of François Fillon. After Fillon was eliminated in the first round of voting, Baroin declared that he would vote for Emmanuel Macron in the runoff election and that he would be available as prime minister in a cohabitation; however, Macron eventually chose Édouard Philippe for the post.In 2018, Baroin joined the French investment banking business of Barclays as an external senior advisor. When Christian Jacob was elected chairman of the Republicans in 2019, he appointed Baroin as strategic advisor. In 2020, Baroin was mentioned by news media as potential candidate for the 2022 French presidential election; however, he declared in October 2020 that he would not run for president.In 2015, WikiLeaks revealed that the U.S. National Security Agency wiretapped Baroin’s communication during his time as Minister of Finance.Baroin married fellow journalist Valérie Broquisse in 1991 and they have three children. Following their divorce, he was the partner of the journalist Marie Drucker until they separated in 2008. In 2009, he was linked with Michèle Laroque.Governmental functionsMinistre of Economy, Finance and Industry : 2011–2012.Government's Spokesman : 2010–2011.Minister of Budget, Public Accounts and State Reform : 2010–2011.Minister of Interior : March–May 2007.Minister of Overseas Territories : 2005–2007.Government's spokesman : May–November 1995.Electoral mandatesSenateSenator for Aube : since 2014.National Assembly of FranceVice-president of the National Assembly of France : 2002–2005Member of the National Assembly of France for Aube (3rd constituency) : 1993–1995 (Became government's spokesman in 1995) / 1997–2005 (Became minister in 2005) / 2007–2010 (Became minister in 2010) / 2012-2014 (elected as a senator). Elected in 1993, reelected in 1997, 2002, 2007, 2012.Municipal CouncilMayor of Troyes : Since 1995. Reelected in 2001, 2008, 2014.Municipal councillor of Troyes : Since 1995. Reelected in 2001, 2008, 2014.Agglomeration community CouncilPresident of the Agglomeration community of Troyes : Since 2001. Reelected in 2008, 2014.Member of the Agglomeration community of Troyes : Since 2001. Reelected in 2008, 2014.
|
[
"Minister of the Economy, Finances and Industry",
"member of the French National Assembly"
] |
|
Which position did François Baroin hold in Nov, 2011?
|
November 24, 2011
|
{
"text": [
"Minister of the Economy, Finances and Industry"
]
}
|
L2_Q736013_P39_1
|
François Baroin holds the position of Minister of the Interior from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007.
François Baroin holds the position of member of the French National Assembly from Jun, 2012 to Sep, 2014.
François Baroin holds the position of Minister of the Economy, Finances and Industry from Jun, 2011 to May, 2012.
|
François BaroinFrançois Claude Pierre René Baroin (born 21 June 1965) is a French politician and lawyer who served as Finance Minister from 2011 to 2012, following a stint as Budget Minister in the government of Prime Minister François Fillon. A member of The Republicans (LR), he was a long-time ally of Jacques Chirac and has been Mayor of Troyes since 1995.Baroin was born in the 12th arrondissement of Paris to an upper-class family. His father Michel Baroin was a student friend of Chirac’s who went on to become a leading freemason, chairman of retailer Fnac and the insurer GMF, and a powerful local politician.Baroin studied at Collège Stanislas de Paris before moving to ISG Business School and Panthéon-Assas University.Baroin started his career as a political correspondent for "Europe 1" from 1988 until 1992.In 1992, at Chirac’s behest, Baroin joined his party Rally for the Republic (RPR). He became a member of the National Assembly in the 1993 elections – where he served on the Committee on Legal Affairs – and the mayor of Troyes, a mid-sized city west of Paris, two years later. Baroin was appointed Chirac’s campaign spokesman in the 1995 French presidential election. Following the elections, he became first state secretary and government spokesman under Prime Minister Alain Juppé and then, after a reshuffle, a political aide to the president.Returning to parliament, Baroin was a member of the National Assembly's Finance Committee (1997-2001), the Committee on Cultural Affairs (2001-2002) and the Committee on Legal Affairs (2002-2005). He also served as the Assembly's vice-president between 2002 and 2005.In the government led by Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin, Baroin served as Minister for Overseas Territories from June 2005 to March 2007 and was briefly Minister of the Interior from March to May 2007. He replaced Nicolas Sarkozy on 26 March 2007 as Interior Minister when Sarkozy left the Government to pursue his presidential candidacy. During his time as Minister of the Budget in the government of Prime Minister François Fillon from 2010 until 2011, Baroin successfully managed controversial dossiers such as wealth tax reform, the reduction of civil servants and the abolition of Sarkozy’s controversial tax cap for the rich.On 29 June 2011, Baroin was appointed Minister for the Economy, Finance and Industry in Fillon’s cabinet, replacing Christine Lagarde following her appointment as Director General of the International Monetary Fund. At the time, he was one of three candidates discussed for the role, alongside Bruno Le Maire and Valérie Pécresse. The appointment was seen as a tribute to Baroin’s presumed ability to sell austerity to the French public and to unpick the economic policy of the opposition Socialist Party. During his brief time in office, he chaired the meetings of the Group of Eight ministers of finance when France held the group's presidency in 2011.From 2014, Baroin served as president of the France's Mayors Organization ("Association des Maires de France"), a powerful organization for more than 36,000 mayors in France. Ahead of the 2017 French presidential election, Baroin played a central role in the campaign of François Fillon. After Fillon was eliminated in the first round of voting, Baroin declared that he would vote for Emmanuel Macron in the runoff election and that he would be available as prime minister in a cohabitation; however, Macron eventually chose Édouard Philippe for the post.In 2018, Baroin joined the French investment banking business of Barclays as an external senior advisor. When Christian Jacob was elected chairman of the Republicans in 2019, he appointed Baroin as strategic advisor. In 2020, Baroin was mentioned by news media as potential candidate for the 2022 French presidential election; however, he declared in October 2020 that he would not run for president.In 2015, WikiLeaks revealed that the U.S. National Security Agency wiretapped Baroin’s communication during his time as Minister of Finance.Baroin married fellow journalist Valérie Broquisse in 1991 and they have three children. Following their divorce, he was the partner of the journalist Marie Drucker until they separated in 2008. In 2009, he was linked with Michèle Laroque.Governmental functionsMinistre of Economy, Finance and Industry : 2011–2012.Government's Spokesman : 2010–2011.Minister of Budget, Public Accounts and State Reform : 2010–2011.Minister of Interior : March–May 2007.Minister of Overseas Territories : 2005–2007.Government's spokesman : May–November 1995.Electoral mandatesSenateSenator for Aube : since 2014.National Assembly of FranceVice-president of the National Assembly of France : 2002–2005Member of the National Assembly of France for Aube (3rd constituency) : 1993–1995 (Became government's spokesman in 1995) / 1997–2005 (Became minister in 2005) / 2007–2010 (Became minister in 2010) / 2012-2014 (elected as a senator). Elected in 1993, reelected in 1997, 2002, 2007, 2012.Municipal CouncilMayor of Troyes : Since 1995. Reelected in 2001, 2008, 2014.Municipal councillor of Troyes : Since 1995. Reelected in 2001, 2008, 2014.Agglomeration community CouncilPresident of the Agglomeration community of Troyes : Since 2001. Reelected in 2008, 2014.Member of the Agglomeration community of Troyes : Since 2001. Reelected in 2008, 2014.
|
[
"Minister of the Interior",
"member of the French National Assembly"
] |
|
Which position did François Baroin hold in Nov, 2012?
|
November 01, 2012
|
{
"text": [
"member of the French National Assembly"
]
}
|
L2_Q736013_P39_2
|
François Baroin holds the position of Minister of the Interior from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007.
François Baroin holds the position of member of the French National Assembly from Jun, 2012 to Sep, 2014.
François Baroin holds the position of Minister of the Economy, Finances and Industry from Jun, 2011 to May, 2012.
|
François BaroinFrançois Claude Pierre René Baroin (born 21 June 1965) is a French politician and lawyer who served as Finance Minister from 2011 to 2012, following a stint as Budget Minister in the government of Prime Minister François Fillon. A member of The Republicans (LR), he was a long-time ally of Jacques Chirac and has been Mayor of Troyes since 1995.Baroin was born in the 12th arrondissement of Paris to an upper-class family. His father Michel Baroin was a student friend of Chirac’s who went on to become a leading freemason, chairman of retailer Fnac and the insurer GMF, and a powerful local politician.Baroin studied at Collège Stanislas de Paris before moving to ISG Business School and Panthéon-Assas University.Baroin started his career as a political correspondent for "Europe 1" from 1988 until 1992.In 1992, at Chirac’s behest, Baroin joined his party Rally for the Republic (RPR). He became a member of the National Assembly in the 1993 elections – where he served on the Committee on Legal Affairs – and the mayor of Troyes, a mid-sized city west of Paris, two years later. Baroin was appointed Chirac’s campaign spokesman in the 1995 French presidential election. Following the elections, he became first state secretary and government spokesman under Prime Minister Alain Juppé and then, after a reshuffle, a political aide to the president.Returning to parliament, Baroin was a member of the National Assembly's Finance Committee (1997-2001), the Committee on Cultural Affairs (2001-2002) and the Committee on Legal Affairs (2002-2005). He also served as the Assembly's vice-president between 2002 and 2005.In the government led by Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin, Baroin served as Minister for Overseas Territories from June 2005 to March 2007 and was briefly Minister of the Interior from March to May 2007. He replaced Nicolas Sarkozy on 26 March 2007 as Interior Minister when Sarkozy left the Government to pursue his presidential candidacy. During his time as Minister of the Budget in the government of Prime Minister François Fillon from 2010 until 2011, Baroin successfully managed controversial dossiers such as wealth tax reform, the reduction of civil servants and the abolition of Sarkozy’s controversial tax cap for the rich.On 29 June 2011, Baroin was appointed Minister for the Economy, Finance and Industry in Fillon’s cabinet, replacing Christine Lagarde following her appointment as Director General of the International Monetary Fund. At the time, he was one of three candidates discussed for the role, alongside Bruno Le Maire and Valérie Pécresse. The appointment was seen as a tribute to Baroin’s presumed ability to sell austerity to the French public and to unpick the economic policy of the opposition Socialist Party. During his brief time in office, he chaired the meetings of the Group of Eight ministers of finance when France held the group's presidency in 2011.From 2014, Baroin served as president of the France's Mayors Organization ("Association des Maires de France"), a powerful organization for more than 36,000 mayors in France. Ahead of the 2017 French presidential election, Baroin played a central role in the campaign of François Fillon. After Fillon was eliminated in the first round of voting, Baroin declared that he would vote for Emmanuel Macron in the runoff election and that he would be available as prime minister in a cohabitation; however, Macron eventually chose Édouard Philippe for the post.In 2018, Baroin joined the French investment banking business of Barclays as an external senior advisor. When Christian Jacob was elected chairman of the Republicans in 2019, he appointed Baroin as strategic advisor. In 2020, Baroin was mentioned by news media as potential candidate for the 2022 French presidential election; however, he declared in October 2020 that he would not run for president.In 2015, WikiLeaks revealed that the U.S. National Security Agency wiretapped Baroin’s communication during his time as Minister of Finance.Baroin married fellow journalist Valérie Broquisse in 1991 and they have three children. Following their divorce, he was the partner of the journalist Marie Drucker until they separated in 2008. In 2009, he was linked with Michèle Laroque.Governmental functionsMinistre of Economy, Finance and Industry : 2011–2012.Government's Spokesman : 2010–2011.Minister of Budget, Public Accounts and State Reform : 2010–2011.Minister of Interior : March–May 2007.Minister of Overseas Territories : 2005–2007.Government's spokesman : May–November 1995.Electoral mandatesSenateSenator for Aube : since 2014.National Assembly of FranceVice-president of the National Assembly of France : 2002–2005Member of the National Assembly of France for Aube (3rd constituency) : 1993–1995 (Became government's spokesman in 1995) / 1997–2005 (Became minister in 2005) / 2007–2010 (Became minister in 2010) / 2012-2014 (elected as a senator). Elected in 1993, reelected in 1997, 2002, 2007, 2012.Municipal CouncilMayor of Troyes : Since 1995. Reelected in 2001, 2008, 2014.Municipal councillor of Troyes : Since 1995. Reelected in 2001, 2008, 2014.Agglomeration community CouncilPresident of the Agglomeration community of Troyes : Since 2001. Reelected in 2008, 2014.Member of the Agglomeration community of Troyes : Since 2001. Reelected in 2008, 2014.
|
[
"Minister of the Economy, Finances and Industry",
"Minister of the Interior"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Nov, 1868?
|
November 15, 1868
|
{
"text": [
"Nobuatsu Nagatani"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_0
|
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Jun, 1876?
|
June 23, 1876
|
{
"text": [
"Masanano Makimura"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_1
|
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
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Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
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Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Oct, 1889?
|
October 22, 1889
|
{
"text": [
"Kunimichi Kitagaki"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_2
|
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
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Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
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Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Jul, 1892?
|
July 13, 1892
|
{
"text": [
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_3
|
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito",
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Feb, 1897?
|
February 02, 1897
|
{
"text": [
"Yamada Nobumichi"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_4
|
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Sep, 1898?
|
September 06, 1898
|
{
"text": [
"Utsumi Tadakatsu"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_5
|
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Feb, 1901?
|
February 06, 1901
|
{
"text": [
"Chikaaki Takasaki"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_6
|
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
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Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
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Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Apr, 1904?
|
April 11, 1904
|
{
"text": [
"Shōichi Ōmori"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_7
|
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
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Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
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Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Feb, 1917?
|
February 17, 1917
|
{
"text": [
"Kiuchi Jūshirō"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_8
|
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Mar, 1920?
|
March 25, 1920
|
{
"text": [
"Eitaro Mabuchi"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_9
|
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Oct, 1921?
|
October 01, 1921
|
{
"text": [
"Raizo Wakabayashi"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_10
|
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Feb, 1923?
|
February 28, 1923
|
{
"text": [
"Tokikazu Ikematsu"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_11
|
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Feb, 1927?
|
February 01, 1927
|
{
"text": [
"Konosuke Hamada"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_12
|
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Jun, 1927?
|
June 13, 1927
|
{
"text": [
"Shigorō Sugiyama"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_13
|
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Nov, 1927?
|
November 10, 1927
|
{
"text": [
"Shigeyoshi Omihara"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_14
|
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
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Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
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[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Dec, 1929?
|
December 06, 1929
|
{
"text": [
"Shinichi Sagami"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_15
|
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
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Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Oct, 1931?
|
October 10, 1931
|
{
"text": [
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shinichi Sagami"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_16
|
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito",
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in May, 1932?
|
May 22, 1932
|
{
"text": [
"Sukenari Yokoyama"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_17
|
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Jan, 1933?
|
January 30, 1933
|
{
"text": [
"Munenori Saito"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_18
|
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Aug, 1939?
|
August 05, 1939
|
{
"text": [
"Kotora Akamatsu"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_19
|
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
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Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
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[
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
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Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Apr, 1940?
|
April 02, 1940
|
{
"text": [
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Kotora Akamatsu"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_20
|
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
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Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Dec, 1942?
|
December 26, 1942
|
{
"text": [
"Kyōshirō Andō"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_21
|
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Dec, 1943?
|
December 09, 1943
|
{
"text": [
"Chiyoji Yukisawa"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_22
|
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Jan, 1945?
|
January 15, 1945
|
{
"text": [
"Zentarō Arai"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_23
|
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Jun, 1945?
|
June 26, 1945
|
{
"text": [
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Zentarō Arai"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_24
|
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito",
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
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Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Jan, 1961?
|
January 12, 1961
|
{
"text": [
"Torazō Ninagawa"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_25
|
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Mar, 1980?
|
March 26, 1980
|
{
"text": [
"Yukio Hayashida"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_26
|
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Jul, 1988?
|
July 27, 1988
|
{
"text": [
"Teiichi Aramaki"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_27
|
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Feb, 2005?
|
February 25, 2005
|
{
"text": [
"Keiji Yamada"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_28
|
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the head of Kyōto Prefecture in Sep, 2019?
|
September 18, 2019
|
{
"text": [
"Takatoshi Nishiwaki"
]
}
|
L2_Q120730_P6_29
|
Kotora Akamatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1939 to Apr, 1940.
Torazō Ninagawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1950 to Apr, 1978.
Jitsuzō Kawanishi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Shinya Kurosaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1931 to Dec, 1931.
Kiuchi Jūshirō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1916 to May, 1918.
Zentarō Arai is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1944 to Jun, 1945.
Sukenari Yokoyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Dec, 1931 to Jun, 1932.
Chikaaki Takasaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Mar, 1900 to Feb, 1902.
Masanano Makimura is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1875 to Jan, 1881.
Eitaro Mabuchi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from May, 1918 to Jul, 1921.
Tokikazu Ikematsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1922 to Dec, 1924.
Yukio Hayashida is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1978 to Apr, 1986.
Kyōshirō Andō is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1941 to Jul, 1943.
Sadaaki Senda is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1892 to Nov, 1893.
Yamada Nobumichi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Oct, 1895 to Nov, 1897.
Shinichi Sagami is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
Chiyoji Yukisawa is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1943 to Apr, 1944.
Munenori Saito is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1932 to Jan, 1935.
Konosuke Hamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Sep, 1926 to Apr, 1927.
Takatoshi Nishiwaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022.
Kunimichi Kitagaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jan, 1881 to Jul, 1892.
Keiji Yamada is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 2002 to Apr, 2018.
Nobuatsu Nagatani is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1868 to Jul, 1875.
Teiichi Aramaki is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1986 to Apr, 2002.
Utsumi Tadakatsu is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Nov, 1897 to Mar, 1900.
Shigeo Miyoshi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jun, 1945 to Oct, 1945.
Shigorō Sugiyama is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Apr, 1927 to Jul, 1927.
Shigeyoshi Omihara is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1927 to Jul, 1929.
Raizo Wakabayashi is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Jul, 1921 to Oct, 1922.
Shōichi Ōmori is the head of the government of Kyōto Prefecture from Feb, 1902 to Apr, 1916.
|
Kyoto PrefectureKyoto is the capital and largest city of Kyoto Prefecture, with other major cities including Uji, Kameoka, and Maizuru. Kyoto Prefecture is located on the Sea of Japan coast and extends to the southeast towards the Kii Peninsula, covering territory of the former provinces of Yamashiro, Tamba, and Tango. Kyoto Prefecture is centered on the historic Imperial capital of Kyoto, and is one of Japan's two "prefectures" using the designation "fu" rather than the standard "ken" for prefectures. Kyoto has made Kyoto Prefecture one of the most popular tourism destinations in Japan for national and international tourists, and 21% of the prefecture's land area was designated as Natural Parks. Kyoto Prefecture forms part of the Keihanshin metropolitan area, the second-most-populated region in Japan after the Greater Tokyo area and one of the world's most productive regions by GDP.Until the Meiji Restoration, the area of Kyoto Prefecture was known as Yamashiro.For most of its history, the city of Kyoto was Japan's Imperial capital. The city's history can be traced back as far as the 6th century. In 544, the Aoi Matsuri was held in Kyoto to pray for good harvest and good weather.Kyoto did not start out as Japan's capital. A noteworthy earlier capital was Nara. In 741, Emperor Shōmu moved the capital briefly to Kuni-kyo, between the cities of Nara and Kyoto, in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 784, the capital was moved to Nagaokakyō, also in present-day Kyoto Prefecture. In 794, Emperor Kanmu moved the capital to Heian-kyō, and this was the beginning of the current-day city of Kyoto. Even today, almost all of the streets, houses, stores, temples and shrines in Kyoto exist where they were placed in this year.Although in 1192 real political power shifted to Kamakura, where a samurai clan established the shogunate, Kyoto remained the imperial capital as the powerless emperors and their court continued to be seated in the city. Imperial rule was briefly restored in 1333, but another samurai clan established a new shogunate in Kyoto three years later.In 1467, a great civil war, the Ōnin War, took place inside Kyoto, and most of the town was burned down. Japan plunged into the age of warring feudal lords. A new strong man, Tokugawa Ieyasu, established the shogunate at Edo (today's Tokyo) in 1603.In the 15th century AD, tea-jars were brought by the "shōguns" to Uji in Kyoto from the Philippines which was used in the Japanese tea ceremony.The Meiji Restoration returned Japan to imperial rule in 1868. Emperor Meiji, who was now the absolute sovereign, went to stay in Tokyo during the next year. The imperial court has not returned to Kyoto since then. During the instigation of Fuhanken Sanchisei in 1868, the prefecture received its suffix "fu". The subsequent reorganization of the old provincial system merged the former Tango Province, Yamashiro Province and the eastern part of Tanba Province into today's Kyoto Prefecture.Although many Japanese major cities were heavily bombed during World War II, the old capital escaped such devastation. During the occupation, the U.S. Sixth Army was headquartered in Kyoto.Kyoto Prefecture is almost in the center of Honshu and of Japan. It covers an area of , which is 1.2% of Japan. Kyoto is the 31st largest prefecture by size. To the north, it faces the Sea of Japan and Fukui Prefecture. To the south, it faces Osaka and Nara Prefectures. To the east, it faces Mie and Shiga Prefectures. To its west is Hyōgo Prefecture. The prefecture is separated in the middle by the Tanba Mountains. This makes its climate very different in the north and south.Fifteen cities are located in Kyoto Prefecture:Kansai Science City is located in the southwest.These are the towns and villages in each district:Kyoto prefecture's economy is supported by industries that create value that is unique to Kyoto, such as the tourism and traditional industries supported by 1,200 years of history and culture, as well as high-technology industries that combine the technology of Kyoto's traditional industries with new ideas.Northern Kyoto on the Tango Peninsula has fishing and water transportation, and midland Kyoto has agriculture and forestry. The prefecture produces 13% of the domestic sake and green tea. Japan's largest vertical farm is located in the prefecture.The Kyoto-based manufacturing industry holds shares of Japan's high-technology product markets and others. As of 2021, eight Forbes Global 2000 companies were located in Kyoto prefecture: Nintendo, Nidec, Kyocera, Murata Manufacturing, Omron, Rohm, Bank of Kyoto, SCREEN Holdings. Takara Holdings, GS Yuasa, Mitsubishi Logisnext, Maxell, and Kyoto Animation are also based in the prefecture.Kyoto has been, and still remains, Japan's cultural center. For over 1000 years it was Japan's capital. When the capital was changed to Tokyo, Kyoto remained Japan's cultural capital. The local government proposes a plan to move the Agency for Cultural Affairs to Kyoto and to regard Tokyo as the capital of politics and economy and Kyoto as the capital of culture. See Culture of Japan.The sports teams listed below are based in Kyoto.Football (soccer)BasketballBaseballRugbyThe city of Kyoto is one of the most popular tourist spots in Japan, and many people from far and wide visit there. Along with Tokyo, Kyoto is a favorite location for the graduation trip of Junior High and High schools.Some of the festivals held in Kyoto are "Aoi Matsuri" from 544, "Gion Matsuri" from 869, "Ine Matsuri" from the Edo-era, "Daimonji Gozan Okuribi" from 1662, and "Jidai Matsuri" from 1895. Every shrine and temple holds some sort of event, and many of them are open for public viewing.On 1 August 2013, prefectural and municipal authorities gave consent for a USFJ missile monitoring station to be set up in the city of Kyōtango. It will be co-located with a JASDF facility already based in the city. At least initially, its primary sensor will be a mobile X-band radar used to gather data on ballistic missile launches which will then be relayed by the station to warships equipped with Aegis air defense systems and to ground-based interceptor missile sites. A hundred and sixty personnel will be based at the station.The current governor of Kyoto is Takatoshi Nishiwaki, a former vice minister of the Reconstruction Agency. He has been elected in April 2018.The previous governor of Kyoto is former Home Affairs Ministry bureaucrat Keiji Yamada. He has been reelected to a fourth term in April 2014 with support from the major non-Communist parties against only one JCP-supported challenger.The prefectural assembly has 60 members from 25 electoral districts and is still elected in unified local elections (last round: 2019). As of September 2020, it was composed as follows: Liberal Democratic Party 30, Japanese Communist Party 12, Democratic Party 11, Kōmeitō 5, Japan Restoration Party 2.Kyoto's delegation to the National Diet consists of six members of the House of Representatives and four members (two per election) of the House of Councillors. After the national elections of 2016, 2017 and 2019, the prefecture is represented by four Liberal Democrats and two Democrats in the lower house, and two Liberal Democrats, one Democrat and one Communist in the upper house.The prefectural flower of Kyoto is the weeping cherry. The Kitayama Sugi is the official tree, and the streaked shearwater the bird that symbolizes the prefecture.Kyoto Prefecture has sister relationships with these places:These relationships are distinct from those of cities in Kyoto Prefecture with other cities.
|
[
"Kotora Akamatsu",
"Shinichi Sagami",
"Chikaaki Takasaki",
"Utsumi Tadakatsu",
"Chiyoji Yukisawa",
"Tokikazu Ikematsu",
"Kunimichi Kitagaki",
"Raizo Wakabayashi",
"Shigeyoshi Omihara",
"Sadaaki Senda",
"Sukenari Yokoyama",
"Kyōshirō Andō",
"Torazō Ninagawa",
"Keiji Yamada",
"Jitsuzō Kawanishi",
"Shigeo Miyoshi",
"Shigorō Sugiyama",
"Masanano Makimura",
"Kiuchi Jūshirō",
"Yamada Nobumichi",
"Teiichi Aramaki",
"Nobuatsu Nagatani",
"Konosuke Hamada",
"Zentarō Arai",
"Yukio Hayashida",
"Eitaro Mabuchi",
"Shinya Kurosaki",
"Shōichi Ōmori",
"Munenori Saito"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Claremont Colleges in Jul, 1933?
|
July 20, 1933
|
{
"text": [
"James A. Blaisdell"
]
}
|
L2_Q3246557_P488_0
|
James A. Blaisdell is the chair of Claremont Colleges from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1935.
Barnaby Keeney is the chair of Claremont Colleges from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1976.
Louis T. Benezet is the chair of Claremont Colleges from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1970.
|
Claremont CollegesThe Claremont Colleges (known colloquially as the 7Cs) are a consortium of seven private institutions of higher education located in Claremont, California, United States. They comprise five undergraduate colleges (the 5Cs)—Pomona College, Scripps College, Claremont McKenna College (CMC), Harvey Mudd College, and Pitzer College—and two graduate schools—Claremont Graduate University (CGU) and Keck Graduate Institute (KGI). All of the members except KGI have adjoining campuses that together cover roughly .The consortium was founded in 1925 by Pomona College president James A. Blaisdell, who proposed a collegiate university design inspired by Oxford University. He sought to provide the specialization, flexibility, and personal attention commonly found in small colleges, but with the resources of a large university. The consortium has since grown to roughly students and faculty and staff, and offers more than 2000 courses every semester. The colleges share a central library, campus safety services, health services, and other resources managed by The Claremont Colleges Services (TCCS). Among the undergraduate schools, there is significant social interaction and academic cross-registration, but each college still maintains a distinct identity.Admissions to the Claremont Colleges is considered highly selective. For the Class of 2020 admissions cycle, four of the five most selective liberal art colleges in the U.S. by acceptance rate were among the 5Cs, and the remaining college, Scripps, had the second-lowest acceptance rate among women's colleges. The Fiske Guide to Colleges describes the consortium as "a collection of intellectual resources unmatched in America."The five undergraduate colleges are:The two graduate universities are:The Claremont School of Theology (founded 1885) (and thus Claremont Lincoln University) is affiliated with the consortium, but is not a member.Before the idea of the Claremont Colleges, Pomona College was founded in 1887. Pomona began after a group of congregationalists envisioned a “New England-type” college on the West Coast. Pomona College relocated to Claremont, California after the college acquired an unfinished hotel in Claremont. And 23 years later, James A. Blaisdell became president of Pomona. Though in 1923, Pomona College faced a problem. The school's population was growing. Thus, Pomona either had to go against their ideals of expanding or limit the amount of growth at the college. James Blaisdell developed a different option. He advised the college chose to form a consortium of differentiated small colleges, modeled after Oxford and Cambridge. In October 1923, President James A. Blaisdell of Pomona College wrote to Ellen Browning Scripps describing a vision of educational excellence he had for the future Claremont Colleges:The start of the Claremont Colleges came in 1925 with the addition of a graduate school, now known as Claremont Graduate University. The college was originally known as Claremont College and began to function in 1927. The second addition came in 1926 when Ellen Browning Scripps founded Scripps College. Scripps College allowed Ellen Browning Scripps to put-forth her plan of a school which offered women access to a higher education, to better their professional careers and to better their personal lives. Scripps College officially opened in 1927.The novelty of the arrangement, combined with marketing that drew up the perception of the west coast as a novel frontier, led to nationwide interest in and praise for the colleges in the 1930s. Paul Monroe of Harvard University, the foremost educational historian of the era, wrote that year that "The torch of learning was borne aloft in the first century by Antioch and Athens; in the second century by Rome and Alexandria; by Padua and Paris in the twelfth; Oxford and Cambridge in the fifteenth; Harvard and Yale in the seventeenth; Columbia and Chicago in the nineteenth; the Claremont Colleges of the West in the twentieth."In 1946, 86 students and 7 faculty members formed the fourth institution of the Claremont Colleges, known as Claremont McKenna College. CMC was formed as a fully male undergraduate school until women were admitted in 1976. In 1955, Harvey Mudd College became the fifth institute in the consortium. HMC was founded by Harvey Seeley Mudd, a former chairman of the Board of Fellows of Claremont College. He envisioned an undergraduate college in the consortium that focused its education in science and engineering. In 1963, Pitzer College joined the Claremont Colleges. Pitzer was founded as a college for woman focusing on the social sciences. Later in 1970, Pitzer enrolled 80 men. The school was named after Russell K. Pitzer, an important benefactor in the development of the institution. The final and seventh college to join the consortium was Keck Graduate Institute. KGI was founded in 1997 after a $50 million donation from W.M. Keck Foundation. The graduate school focuses on post-graduate biomedical applications. Initially planned to be located on Bernard Field Station lands, protests forced the institute to relocate to a site southwest of the Claremont Village. Alongside the institutions, Claremont College Services was founded on July 1, 2000. The Claremont College Services provides educational support to all the institutions in the consortium. Specifically, TCCS aids in projects of group planning, establishment of new institutions into the consortium and hold expansion lands.According to the American Liberal Arts College rankings released by "U.S. News & World Report" in fall 2020, the "5Cs" were ranked among the top 40 liberal arts colleges in the United States: Pomona College (#4), Claremont McKenna College (#6), Harvey Mudd College (#25), Scripps College (#28), and Pitzer College (#36). Additionally, all of the undergraduate colleges are categorized as "Most Selective". "Forbes" ranked the 5C's among the top 60 undergraduate colleges (including universities and military academies) in the nation and within the top 25 liberal arts colleges for its 2017 report: Pomona College (#10 overall, #1 LAC), Claremont McKenna College (#11 overall, #2 LAC), Harvey Mudd College (#18 overall, #5 LAC), Scripps College (#43 overall, #16 LAC), and Pitzer College (#59 overall, #23 LAC). Niche listed all of the undergraduate colleges within the top 30 small colleges in the United States as measured by surveys rating various components of the undergraduate experience: Pomona College (#2), Harvey Mudd College (#5), Claremont McKenna College (#10), Scripps College (#22), and Pitzer College (#29). "U.S. News & World Report" also releases individual graduate program rankings for the Claremont Graduate University, with several of its programs ranking in the top tier of graduate programs nationwide.Each college is independent in that, for example, students receive their degrees from the one college in which they are enrolled, and administration and admissions departments are independent. The seven-institution Claremont Colleges system is supported by The Claremont Colleges Services (TCCS), which provides centralized services, such as a library, student health, financial and human resources, telecommunications, risk management, real estate, physical plant maintenance, and other services, for those colleges.The Claremont Colleges Library (also known as Honnold/Mudd Library) holds more than 3.5 million items , of which 1.1 million are physical and 2.4 million are digital.Other shared facilities include Campus Safety, the Tranquada Student Services Center (which houses Baxter Medical Center, Monsour Counseling Center, and the Health Education Outreach), McAlister Center (home of the Office of the Chaplains and the Claremont Card Center), EmPOWER Center (which works to address sexual violence), the Rick and Susan Sontag Center for Collaborative Creativity (The Hive), the Huntley Bookstore, all dining facilities, and several sports facilities. The Claremont Colleges Library is an example of the level of cooperation in terms of support services. The size of the library collection ranks third among the private institutions in California, behind only Stanford and USC.Shared academic departments include the Intercollegiate Women's Studies Center, the Intercollegiate Department of Chicano Studies, the Intercollegiate Department of Asian American Studies, the Intercollegiate Department of Africana Studies (formerly Black Studies), the Intercollegiate Department of Religious Studies, the Intercollegiate Department of Media Studies, and the Five-College Theater Department. In January 2008, the Claremont Colleges also formed the Claremont Center for the Mathematical Sciences, which is led by the Claremont Graduate University and is a collaborative center for faculty members working in mathematics.Shared intercollegiate programs include the European Union Center of California, the Chicano/Latino Student Affairs Center, the Office of Black Student Affairs, the Office of the Chaplains, Hillel, and the Queer Resource Center.In addition, three of the Claremont Colleges—Claremont McKenna College, Pitzer College, and Scripps College—share a single science program. These three colleges pool their resources to create the largest academic department in Claremont, the Joint Science Department. Many research projects and courses utilize the Robert J. Bernard Field Station, an natural area which consists principally of the rare Coastal Sage Scrub ecosystem.The Claremont Colleges have been praised by higher education experts for their high level of cooperation and the overall success of their model, although the colleges' differing financial resources have led to occasional tensions. They have influenced the operations of other consortia and collegiate universities, but their model remains unique with few other institutions operating comparably.Some extracurricular organizations on campus are specific to an individual college, whereas others are open to students at all 5Cs or 7Cs. In total, there are nearly 300 clubs and organizations across the 5Cs.There are several media organizations at the Claremont Colleges, including most prominently "The Student Life", the oldest college newspaper in Southern California. It publishes a weekly print edition as well as online content. The college-specific newspapers "Scripps Voice", "CMC Forum", and "Muddraker" cover their home institutions. Pomona also has a student-run radio station, KSPC. The "Claremont Independent", a conservative magazine, has produced articles about the 5Cs' political culture that have been picked up by national conservative media outlets and drawn criticism from many students. "The Golden Antlers" publishes satirical content.On the Loose (OTL), the outing club of the 5Cs, sponsors trips to outdoors destinations. Its flagship event, an annual hike up Mount Baldy in swimwear or goofy costumes, can draw more than 100 participants. It is affiliated with the Outdoor Education Center of Pomona College (OEC), which lends equipment to students for free and provides outdoor leadership training.There are several dance groups on campus, including the Claremont Colleges Ballroom Dance Company (CCBDC), which has more than 130 dancers and has won multiple national championships. The Pomona College Theater Department produces four mainstage productions and a dance concert each year, and there are a number of smaller student-run productions as well. The 5Cs have two improv groups, Without a Box and Underground Theatrical Institution (UTI).There are eight a cappella groups on campus. One, the Claremont Shades, hosts the annual SCAMFest concert, which draws singers from other Southern California colleges.Many notable people have been affiliated with the colleges as alumni, faculty, staff, and administrators. Coverage of them is divided into articles by college:The CEO of the Claremont Colleges is Stig Lanesskog.Pomona College and Pitzer College compete together as the Pomona-Pitzer (PP) Sagehens. Claremont McKenna College, Harvey Mudd College and Scripps College also compete together as the Claremont-Mudd-Scripps (CMS) Stags (for male teams) and Athenas (for female teams). The teams participate in NCAA Division III in the Southern California Intercollegiate Athletic Conference (SCIAC). In the Division III Final Standings for the 2016-2017 academic year, Claremont-Mudd-Scripps ranked fourth nationally, while Pomona-Pitzer ranked 29th; they were the top two performers in the SCIAC. Culturally, the Claremont Colleges place less emphasis on sports than many other institutions.In addition to the varsity teams, there are several 5C club sports teams.The roller hockey club, the Claremont Centaurs, won the Division 3 Championship of the West Coast Roller Hockey League in 2009–2010, 2010–2011, and 2011–2012.The men's and women's rugby union both attended Division II Nationals in 2004 and 2006, and the men's team won the Division II national championship in 2010.The women's ultimate team reached Nationals in 2004, 2011, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018, and won the tournament in 2012, and the men's ultimate frisbee were 2008 Southern California Sectional champions and 2011 Division III National champions.Other club sports offered at the 5Cs include men's lacrosse, field hockey, crew, and cycling.
|
[
"Barnaby Keeney",
"Louis T. Benezet"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Claremont Colleges in Feb, 1969?
|
February 06, 1969
|
{
"text": [
"Louis T. Benezet"
]
}
|
L2_Q3246557_P488_1
|
James A. Blaisdell is the chair of Claremont Colleges from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1935.
Louis T. Benezet is the chair of Claremont Colleges from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1970.
Barnaby Keeney is the chair of Claremont Colleges from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1976.
|
Claremont CollegesThe Claremont Colleges (known colloquially as the 7Cs) are a consortium of seven private institutions of higher education located in Claremont, California, United States. They comprise five undergraduate colleges (the 5Cs)—Pomona College, Scripps College, Claremont McKenna College (CMC), Harvey Mudd College, and Pitzer College—and two graduate schools—Claremont Graduate University (CGU) and Keck Graduate Institute (KGI). All of the members except KGI have adjoining campuses that together cover roughly .The consortium was founded in 1925 by Pomona College president James A. Blaisdell, who proposed a collegiate university design inspired by Oxford University. He sought to provide the specialization, flexibility, and personal attention commonly found in small colleges, but with the resources of a large university. The consortium has since grown to roughly students and faculty and staff, and offers more than 2000 courses every semester. The colleges share a central library, campus safety services, health services, and other resources managed by The Claremont Colleges Services (TCCS). Among the undergraduate schools, there is significant social interaction and academic cross-registration, but each college still maintains a distinct identity.Admissions to the Claremont Colleges is considered highly selective. For the Class of 2020 admissions cycle, four of the five most selective liberal art colleges in the U.S. by acceptance rate were among the 5Cs, and the remaining college, Scripps, had the second-lowest acceptance rate among women's colleges. The Fiske Guide to Colleges describes the consortium as "a collection of intellectual resources unmatched in America."The five undergraduate colleges are:The two graduate universities are:The Claremont School of Theology (founded 1885) (and thus Claremont Lincoln University) is affiliated with the consortium, but is not a member.Before the idea of the Claremont Colleges, Pomona College was founded in 1887. Pomona began after a group of congregationalists envisioned a “New England-type” college on the West Coast. Pomona College relocated to Claremont, California after the college acquired an unfinished hotel in Claremont. And 23 years later, James A. Blaisdell became president of Pomona. Though in 1923, Pomona College faced a problem. The school's population was growing. Thus, Pomona either had to go against their ideals of expanding or limit the amount of growth at the college. James Blaisdell developed a different option. He advised the college chose to form a consortium of differentiated small colleges, modeled after Oxford and Cambridge. In October 1923, President James A. Blaisdell of Pomona College wrote to Ellen Browning Scripps describing a vision of educational excellence he had for the future Claremont Colleges:The start of the Claremont Colleges came in 1925 with the addition of a graduate school, now known as Claremont Graduate University. The college was originally known as Claremont College and began to function in 1927. The second addition came in 1926 when Ellen Browning Scripps founded Scripps College. Scripps College allowed Ellen Browning Scripps to put-forth her plan of a school which offered women access to a higher education, to better their professional careers and to better their personal lives. Scripps College officially opened in 1927.The novelty of the arrangement, combined with marketing that drew up the perception of the west coast as a novel frontier, led to nationwide interest in and praise for the colleges in the 1930s. Paul Monroe of Harvard University, the foremost educational historian of the era, wrote that year that "The torch of learning was borne aloft in the first century by Antioch and Athens; in the second century by Rome and Alexandria; by Padua and Paris in the twelfth; Oxford and Cambridge in the fifteenth; Harvard and Yale in the seventeenth; Columbia and Chicago in the nineteenth; the Claremont Colleges of the West in the twentieth."In 1946, 86 students and 7 faculty members formed the fourth institution of the Claremont Colleges, known as Claremont McKenna College. CMC was formed as a fully male undergraduate school until women were admitted in 1976. In 1955, Harvey Mudd College became the fifth institute in the consortium. HMC was founded by Harvey Seeley Mudd, a former chairman of the Board of Fellows of Claremont College. He envisioned an undergraduate college in the consortium that focused its education in science and engineering. In 1963, Pitzer College joined the Claremont Colleges. Pitzer was founded as a college for woman focusing on the social sciences. Later in 1970, Pitzer enrolled 80 men. The school was named after Russell K. Pitzer, an important benefactor in the development of the institution. The final and seventh college to join the consortium was Keck Graduate Institute. KGI was founded in 1997 after a $50 million donation from W.M. Keck Foundation. The graduate school focuses on post-graduate biomedical applications. Initially planned to be located on Bernard Field Station lands, protests forced the institute to relocate to a site southwest of the Claremont Village. Alongside the institutions, Claremont College Services was founded on July 1, 2000. The Claremont College Services provides educational support to all the institutions in the consortium. Specifically, TCCS aids in projects of group planning, establishment of new institutions into the consortium and hold expansion lands.According to the American Liberal Arts College rankings released by "U.S. News & World Report" in fall 2020, the "5Cs" were ranked among the top 40 liberal arts colleges in the United States: Pomona College (#4), Claremont McKenna College (#6), Harvey Mudd College (#25), Scripps College (#28), and Pitzer College (#36). Additionally, all of the undergraduate colleges are categorized as "Most Selective". "Forbes" ranked the 5C's among the top 60 undergraduate colleges (including universities and military academies) in the nation and within the top 25 liberal arts colleges for its 2017 report: Pomona College (#10 overall, #1 LAC), Claremont McKenna College (#11 overall, #2 LAC), Harvey Mudd College (#18 overall, #5 LAC), Scripps College (#43 overall, #16 LAC), and Pitzer College (#59 overall, #23 LAC). Niche listed all of the undergraduate colleges within the top 30 small colleges in the United States as measured by surveys rating various components of the undergraduate experience: Pomona College (#2), Harvey Mudd College (#5), Claremont McKenna College (#10), Scripps College (#22), and Pitzer College (#29). "U.S. News & World Report" also releases individual graduate program rankings for the Claremont Graduate University, with several of its programs ranking in the top tier of graduate programs nationwide.Each college is independent in that, for example, students receive their degrees from the one college in which they are enrolled, and administration and admissions departments are independent. The seven-institution Claremont Colleges system is supported by The Claremont Colleges Services (TCCS), which provides centralized services, such as a library, student health, financial and human resources, telecommunications, risk management, real estate, physical plant maintenance, and other services, for those colleges.The Claremont Colleges Library (also known as Honnold/Mudd Library) holds more than 3.5 million items , of which 1.1 million are physical and 2.4 million are digital.Other shared facilities include Campus Safety, the Tranquada Student Services Center (which houses Baxter Medical Center, Monsour Counseling Center, and the Health Education Outreach), McAlister Center (home of the Office of the Chaplains and the Claremont Card Center), EmPOWER Center (which works to address sexual violence), the Rick and Susan Sontag Center for Collaborative Creativity (The Hive), the Huntley Bookstore, all dining facilities, and several sports facilities. The Claremont Colleges Library is an example of the level of cooperation in terms of support services. The size of the library collection ranks third among the private institutions in California, behind only Stanford and USC.Shared academic departments include the Intercollegiate Women's Studies Center, the Intercollegiate Department of Chicano Studies, the Intercollegiate Department of Asian American Studies, the Intercollegiate Department of Africana Studies (formerly Black Studies), the Intercollegiate Department of Religious Studies, the Intercollegiate Department of Media Studies, and the Five-College Theater Department. In January 2008, the Claremont Colleges also formed the Claremont Center for the Mathematical Sciences, which is led by the Claremont Graduate University and is a collaborative center for faculty members working in mathematics.Shared intercollegiate programs include the European Union Center of California, the Chicano/Latino Student Affairs Center, the Office of Black Student Affairs, the Office of the Chaplains, Hillel, and the Queer Resource Center.In addition, three of the Claremont Colleges—Claremont McKenna College, Pitzer College, and Scripps College—share a single science program. These three colleges pool their resources to create the largest academic department in Claremont, the Joint Science Department. Many research projects and courses utilize the Robert J. Bernard Field Station, an natural area which consists principally of the rare Coastal Sage Scrub ecosystem.The Claremont Colleges have been praised by higher education experts for their high level of cooperation and the overall success of their model, although the colleges' differing financial resources have led to occasional tensions. They have influenced the operations of other consortia and collegiate universities, but their model remains unique with few other institutions operating comparably.Some extracurricular organizations on campus are specific to an individual college, whereas others are open to students at all 5Cs or 7Cs. In total, there are nearly 300 clubs and organizations across the 5Cs.There are several media organizations at the Claremont Colleges, including most prominently "The Student Life", the oldest college newspaper in Southern California. It publishes a weekly print edition as well as online content. The college-specific newspapers "Scripps Voice", "CMC Forum", and "Muddraker" cover their home institutions. Pomona also has a student-run radio station, KSPC. The "Claremont Independent", a conservative magazine, has produced articles about the 5Cs' political culture that have been picked up by national conservative media outlets and drawn criticism from many students. "The Golden Antlers" publishes satirical content.On the Loose (OTL), the outing club of the 5Cs, sponsors trips to outdoors destinations. Its flagship event, an annual hike up Mount Baldy in swimwear or goofy costumes, can draw more than 100 participants. It is affiliated with the Outdoor Education Center of Pomona College (OEC), which lends equipment to students for free and provides outdoor leadership training.There are several dance groups on campus, including the Claremont Colleges Ballroom Dance Company (CCBDC), which has more than 130 dancers and has won multiple national championships. The Pomona College Theater Department produces four mainstage productions and a dance concert each year, and there are a number of smaller student-run productions as well. The 5Cs have two improv groups, Without a Box and Underground Theatrical Institution (UTI).There are eight a cappella groups on campus. One, the Claremont Shades, hosts the annual SCAMFest concert, which draws singers from other Southern California colleges.Many notable people have been affiliated with the colleges as alumni, faculty, staff, and administrators. Coverage of them is divided into articles by college:The CEO of the Claremont Colleges is Stig Lanesskog.Pomona College and Pitzer College compete together as the Pomona-Pitzer (PP) Sagehens. Claremont McKenna College, Harvey Mudd College and Scripps College also compete together as the Claremont-Mudd-Scripps (CMS) Stags (for male teams) and Athenas (for female teams). The teams participate in NCAA Division III in the Southern California Intercollegiate Athletic Conference (SCIAC). In the Division III Final Standings for the 2016-2017 academic year, Claremont-Mudd-Scripps ranked fourth nationally, while Pomona-Pitzer ranked 29th; they were the top two performers in the SCIAC. Culturally, the Claremont Colleges place less emphasis on sports than many other institutions.In addition to the varsity teams, there are several 5C club sports teams.The roller hockey club, the Claremont Centaurs, won the Division 3 Championship of the West Coast Roller Hockey League in 2009–2010, 2010–2011, and 2011–2012.The men's and women's rugby union both attended Division II Nationals in 2004 and 2006, and the men's team won the Division II national championship in 2010.The women's ultimate team reached Nationals in 2004, 2011, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018, and won the tournament in 2012, and the men's ultimate frisbee were 2008 Southern California Sectional champions and 2011 Division III National champions.Other club sports offered at the 5Cs include men's lacrosse, field hockey, crew, and cycling.
|
[
"Barnaby Keeney",
"James A. Blaisdell"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Claremont Colleges in Apr, 1974?
|
April 07, 1974
|
{
"text": [
"Barnaby Keeney"
]
}
|
L2_Q3246557_P488_2
|
Louis T. Benezet is the chair of Claremont Colleges from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1970.
James A. Blaisdell is the chair of Claremont Colleges from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1935.
Barnaby Keeney is the chair of Claremont Colleges from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1976.
|
Claremont CollegesThe Claremont Colleges (known colloquially as the 7Cs) are a consortium of seven private institutions of higher education located in Claremont, California, United States. They comprise five undergraduate colleges (the 5Cs)—Pomona College, Scripps College, Claremont McKenna College (CMC), Harvey Mudd College, and Pitzer College—and two graduate schools—Claremont Graduate University (CGU) and Keck Graduate Institute (KGI). All of the members except KGI have adjoining campuses that together cover roughly .The consortium was founded in 1925 by Pomona College president James A. Blaisdell, who proposed a collegiate university design inspired by Oxford University. He sought to provide the specialization, flexibility, and personal attention commonly found in small colleges, but with the resources of a large university. The consortium has since grown to roughly students and faculty and staff, and offers more than 2000 courses every semester. The colleges share a central library, campus safety services, health services, and other resources managed by The Claremont Colleges Services (TCCS). Among the undergraduate schools, there is significant social interaction and academic cross-registration, but each college still maintains a distinct identity.Admissions to the Claremont Colleges is considered highly selective. For the Class of 2020 admissions cycle, four of the five most selective liberal art colleges in the U.S. by acceptance rate were among the 5Cs, and the remaining college, Scripps, had the second-lowest acceptance rate among women's colleges. The Fiske Guide to Colleges describes the consortium as "a collection of intellectual resources unmatched in America."The five undergraduate colleges are:The two graduate universities are:The Claremont School of Theology (founded 1885) (and thus Claremont Lincoln University) is affiliated with the consortium, but is not a member.Before the idea of the Claremont Colleges, Pomona College was founded in 1887. Pomona began after a group of congregationalists envisioned a “New England-type” college on the West Coast. Pomona College relocated to Claremont, California after the college acquired an unfinished hotel in Claremont. And 23 years later, James A. Blaisdell became president of Pomona. Though in 1923, Pomona College faced a problem. The school's population was growing. Thus, Pomona either had to go against their ideals of expanding or limit the amount of growth at the college. James Blaisdell developed a different option. He advised the college chose to form a consortium of differentiated small colleges, modeled after Oxford and Cambridge. In October 1923, President James A. Blaisdell of Pomona College wrote to Ellen Browning Scripps describing a vision of educational excellence he had for the future Claremont Colleges:The start of the Claremont Colleges came in 1925 with the addition of a graduate school, now known as Claremont Graduate University. The college was originally known as Claremont College and began to function in 1927. The second addition came in 1926 when Ellen Browning Scripps founded Scripps College. Scripps College allowed Ellen Browning Scripps to put-forth her plan of a school which offered women access to a higher education, to better their professional careers and to better their personal lives. Scripps College officially opened in 1927.The novelty of the arrangement, combined with marketing that drew up the perception of the west coast as a novel frontier, led to nationwide interest in and praise for the colleges in the 1930s. Paul Monroe of Harvard University, the foremost educational historian of the era, wrote that year that "The torch of learning was borne aloft in the first century by Antioch and Athens; in the second century by Rome and Alexandria; by Padua and Paris in the twelfth; Oxford and Cambridge in the fifteenth; Harvard and Yale in the seventeenth; Columbia and Chicago in the nineteenth; the Claremont Colleges of the West in the twentieth."In 1946, 86 students and 7 faculty members formed the fourth institution of the Claremont Colleges, known as Claremont McKenna College. CMC was formed as a fully male undergraduate school until women were admitted in 1976. In 1955, Harvey Mudd College became the fifth institute in the consortium. HMC was founded by Harvey Seeley Mudd, a former chairman of the Board of Fellows of Claremont College. He envisioned an undergraduate college in the consortium that focused its education in science and engineering. In 1963, Pitzer College joined the Claremont Colleges. Pitzer was founded as a college for woman focusing on the social sciences. Later in 1970, Pitzer enrolled 80 men. The school was named after Russell K. Pitzer, an important benefactor in the development of the institution. The final and seventh college to join the consortium was Keck Graduate Institute. KGI was founded in 1997 after a $50 million donation from W.M. Keck Foundation. The graduate school focuses on post-graduate biomedical applications. Initially planned to be located on Bernard Field Station lands, protests forced the institute to relocate to a site southwest of the Claremont Village. Alongside the institutions, Claremont College Services was founded on July 1, 2000. The Claremont College Services provides educational support to all the institutions in the consortium. Specifically, TCCS aids in projects of group planning, establishment of new institutions into the consortium and hold expansion lands.According to the American Liberal Arts College rankings released by "U.S. News & World Report" in fall 2020, the "5Cs" were ranked among the top 40 liberal arts colleges in the United States: Pomona College (#4), Claremont McKenna College (#6), Harvey Mudd College (#25), Scripps College (#28), and Pitzer College (#36). Additionally, all of the undergraduate colleges are categorized as "Most Selective". "Forbes" ranked the 5C's among the top 60 undergraduate colleges (including universities and military academies) in the nation and within the top 25 liberal arts colleges for its 2017 report: Pomona College (#10 overall, #1 LAC), Claremont McKenna College (#11 overall, #2 LAC), Harvey Mudd College (#18 overall, #5 LAC), Scripps College (#43 overall, #16 LAC), and Pitzer College (#59 overall, #23 LAC). Niche listed all of the undergraduate colleges within the top 30 small colleges in the United States as measured by surveys rating various components of the undergraduate experience: Pomona College (#2), Harvey Mudd College (#5), Claremont McKenna College (#10), Scripps College (#22), and Pitzer College (#29). "U.S. News & World Report" also releases individual graduate program rankings for the Claremont Graduate University, with several of its programs ranking in the top tier of graduate programs nationwide.Each college is independent in that, for example, students receive their degrees from the one college in which they are enrolled, and administration and admissions departments are independent. The seven-institution Claremont Colleges system is supported by The Claremont Colleges Services (TCCS), which provides centralized services, such as a library, student health, financial and human resources, telecommunications, risk management, real estate, physical plant maintenance, and other services, for those colleges.The Claremont Colleges Library (also known as Honnold/Mudd Library) holds more than 3.5 million items , of which 1.1 million are physical and 2.4 million are digital.Other shared facilities include Campus Safety, the Tranquada Student Services Center (which houses Baxter Medical Center, Monsour Counseling Center, and the Health Education Outreach), McAlister Center (home of the Office of the Chaplains and the Claremont Card Center), EmPOWER Center (which works to address sexual violence), the Rick and Susan Sontag Center for Collaborative Creativity (The Hive), the Huntley Bookstore, all dining facilities, and several sports facilities. The Claremont Colleges Library is an example of the level of cooperation in terms of support services. The size of the library collection ranks third among the private institutions in California, behind only Stanford and USC.Shared academic departments include the Intercollegiate Women's Studies Center, the Intercollegiate Department of Chicano Studies, the Intercollegiate Department of Asian American Studies, the Intercollegiate Department of Africana Studies (formerly Black Studies), the Intercollegiate Department of Religious Studies, the Intercollegiate Department of Media Studies, and the Five-College Theater Department. In January 2008, the Claremont Colleges also formed the Claremont Center for the Mathematical Sciences, which is led by the Claremont Graduate University and is a collaborative center for faculty members working in mathematics.Shared intercollegiate programs include the European Union Center of California, the Chicano/Latino Student Affairs Center, the Office of Black Student Affairs, the Office of the Chaplains, Hillel, and the Queer Resource Center.In addition, three of the Claremont Colleges—Claremont McKenna College, Pitzer College, and Scripps College—share a single science program. These three colleges pool their resources to create the largest academic department in Claremont, the Joint Science Department. Many research projects and courses utilize the Robert J. Bernard Field Station, an natural area which consists principally of the rare Coastal Sage Scrub ecosystem.The Claremont Colleges have been praised by higher education experts for their high level of cooperation and the overall success of their model, although the colleges' differing financial resources have led to occasional tensions. They have influenced the operations of other consortia and collegiate universities, but their model remains unique with few other institutions operating comparably.Some extracurricular organizations on campus are specific to an individual college, whereas others are open to students at all 5Cs or 7Cs. In total, there are nearly 300 clubs and organizations across the 5Cs.There are several media organizations at the Claremont Colleges, including most prominently "The Student Life", the oldest college newspaper in Southern California. It publishes a weekly print edition as well as online content. The college-specific newspapers "Scripps Voice", "CMC Forum", and "Muddraker" cover their home institutions. Pomona also has a student-run radio station, KSPC. The "Claremont Independent", a conservative magazine, has produced articles about the 5Cs' political culture that have been picked up by national conservative media outlets and drawn criticism from many students. "The Golden Antlers" publishes satirical content.On the Loose (OTL), the outing club of the 5Cs, sponsors trips to outdoors destinations. Its flagship event, an annual hike up Mount Baldy in swimwear or goofy costumes, can draw more than 100 participants. It is affiliated with the Outdoor Education Center of Pomona College (OEC), which lends equipment to students for free and provides outdoor leadership training.There are several dance groups on campus, including the Claremont Colleges Ballroom Dance Company (CCBDC), which has more than 130 dancers and has won multiple national championships. The Pomona College Theater Department produces four mainstage productions and a dance concert each year, and there are a number of smaller student-run productions as well. The 5Cs have two improv groups, Without a Box and Underground Theatrical Institution (UTI).There are eight a cappella groups on campus. One, the Claremont Shades, hosts the annual SCAMFest concert, which draws singers from other Southern California colleges.Many notable people have been affiliated with the colleges as alumni, faculty, staff, and administrators. Coverage of them is divided into articles by college:The CEO of the Claremont Colleges is Stig Lanesskog.Pomona College and Pitzer College compete together as the Pomona-Pitzer (PP) Sagehens. Claremont McKenna College, Harvey Mudd College and Scripps College also compete together as the Claremont-Mudd-Scripps (CMS) Stags (for male teams) and Athenas (for female teams). The teams participate in NCAA Division III in the Southern California Intercollegiate Athletic Conference (SCIAC). In the Division III Final Standings for the 2016-2017 academic year, Claremont-Mudd-Scripps ranked fourth nationally, while Pomona-Pitzer ranked 29th; they were the top two performers in the SCIAC. Culturally, the Claremont Colleges place less emphasis on sports than many other institutions.In addition to the varsity teams, there are several 5C club sports teams.The roller hockey club, the Claremont Centaurs, won the Division 3 Championship of the West Coast Roller Hockey League in 2009–2010, 2010–2011, and 2011–2012.The men's and women's rugby union both attended Division II Nationals in 2004 and 2006, and the men's team won the Division II national championship in 2010.The women's ultimate team reached Nationals in 2004, 2011, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018, and won the tournament in 2012, and the men's ultimate frisbee were 2008 Southern California Sectional champions and 2011 Division III National champions.Other club sports offered at the 5Cs include men's lacrosse, field hockey, crew, and cycling.
|
[
"Louis T. Benezet",
"James A. Blaisdell"
] |
|
Who was the chair of International AIDS Society in Aug, 2005?
|
August 30, 2005
|
{
"text": [
"Helene D. Gayle"
]
}
|
L2_Q497510_P488_0
|
Adeeba Kamarulzaman is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Helene D. Gayle is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
Françoise Barré-Sinoussi is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014.
Linda-Gail Bekker is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2018.
|
International AIDS SocietyThe International AIDS Society (IAS) is the world's largest association of HIV/AIDS professionals, with 11,600 members from over 170 countries , including clinicians, people living with HIV, service providers, policy makers and others. It aims to reduce the global impact of AIDS through collective advocacy. Founded in 1988, IAS headquarters are located in Geneva, and its president since July 2020 is Adeeba Kamarulzaman. The IAS hosts the biennial International AIDS Conference, the IAS Conference on HIV Science, and the HIV Research for Prevention Conference.The IAS is a non-profit organization founded in 1988, with a mandate to organize the International AIDS Conference. Initially, the IAS headquarters were in Stockholm, and Lars-Olof Kallings was the secretary general from 1988 until 2003.In 2004, the IAS restructured its organization, expanded the number of professional staff and moved the headquarters to Geneva. The move was intended to strengthen organizational links with other health NGOs and (United Nations) multilateral agencies.The IAS is an advocacy body, using its large membership base and scientific leadership to drive action. It is the world’s largest association of HIV professionals, with 11,600 members from over 170 countries . Among its members are researchers, clinicians, people living with HIV, community advocates, policy makers and others.The IAS President is Adeeba Kamarulzaman of Malaysia, who succeeds Anton Pozniak. Kevin Osborne is Executive Director. Past presidents have included Helene D. Gayle, Joep Lange, Peter Piot, Linda-Gail Bekker, Chris Beyrer and Françoise Barré-Sinoussi.The International AIDS Conference (abbreviated AIDS 2012, AIDS 2014 and so on) is the world's most attended conference on HIV and AIDS, and the largest conference on any global health or development issue in the world. First convened during the peak of the AIDS epidemic in 1985, they were held annually until 1994 when they became biennial. Each conference continues to provide a unique forum for the intersection of science, advocacy and human rights, as well as to strengthen policies and programmes that ensure an evidence-based response to the epidemic. The 2006 World Aids Conference was held in Toronto, Canada.The 22nd International AIDS Conference (AIDS 2018) was held in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, on 21-27 July 2018. Primary topics of note included: Use of Dolutegravir as an antiretroviral medication was reported to result in increased rates of birth defects where the brain and spinal cord have openings - Neural tube defects. Particularly of note was that an HIV infected person on treatment with undetectable virus does not spread it to an uninfected partner. The 23rd International AIDS Conference (AIDS 2020) will be held in San Francisco and Oakland, United States, on 6–10 July 2020.The IAS also organizes the IAS Conference on HIV Science (abbreviated IAS 2013, IAS 2015 and so on) (formerly called the IAS Conference on HIV Pathogenesis, Treatment and Prevention). This conference, the largest open scientific conference on HIV- and AIDS-related issues, occurs biennially and focuses on the biomedical aspects of HIV. The conference brings together professionals from around the world to examine the latest scientific developments in HIV research, prevention and treatment with a focus on moving science into practice and policy. It was held in Buenos Aires in 2001, Paris in 2003, Rio de Janeiro in 2005, Sydney in 2007, Cape Town in 2009, Rome in 2011, Kuala Lumpur in 2013, Vancouver in 2015 and Paris in 2017. IAS 2019 will be held in Mexico City, Mexico on 21–24 July 2019. The conference was called the IAS Conference on HIV Pathogenesis, Treatment and Prevention until a name change after 2015.The society financially supports the publication of the "Journal of the International AIDS Society (JIAS)", an online, open-access, peer-reviewed medical journal covering all aspects of research on HIV and AIDS.The IAS Online Resource Library is an online collection of abstracts and other resources from international conferences, as well as numerous other materials produced by the IAS launched in January 2010.The IAS works with other regional HIV/AIDS societies and networks to strengthen the capacity of HIV professionals to respond to the epidemic at the regional level. The society runs the Industry Liaison Forum, whose mission is to remove barriers to research investment by the pharmaceutical industry in resource-limited settings. The IAS also provides professional development and training opportunities for HIV professionals at both international and regional AIDS conferences through its education programme.
|
[
"Adeeba Kamarulzaman",
"Linda-Gail Bekker",
"Françoise Barré-Sinoussi"
] |
|
Who was the chair of International AIDS Society in Jul, 2013?
|
July 19, 2013
|
{
"text": [
"Françoise Barré-Sinoussi"
]
}
|
L2_Q497510_P488_1
|
Françoise Barré-Sinoussi is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014.
Adeeba Kamarulzaman is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Linda-Gail Bekker is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2018.
Helene D. Gayle is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
|
International AIDS SocietyThe International AIDS Society (IAS) is the world's largest association of HIV/AIDS professionals, with 11,600 members from over 170 countries , including clinicians, people living with HIV, service providers, policy makers and others. It aims to reduce the global impact of AIDS through collective advocacy. Founded in 1988, IAS headquarters are located in Geneva, and its president since July 2020 is Adeeba Kamarulzaman. The IAS hosts the biennial International AIDS Conference, the IAS Conference on HIV Science, and the HIV Research for Prevention Conference.The IAS is a non-profit organization founded in 1988, with a mandate to organize the International AIDS Conference. Initially, the IAS headquarters were in Stockholm, and Lars-Olof Kallings was the secretary general from 1988 until 2003.In 2004, the IAS restructured its organization, expanded the number of professional staff and moved the headquarters to Geneva. The move was intended to strengthen organizational links with other health NGOs and (United Nations) multilateral agencies.The IAS is an advocacy body, using its large membership base and scientific leadership to drive action. It is the world’s largest association of HIV professionals, with 11,600 members from over 170 countries . Among its members are researchers, clinicians, people living with HIV, community advocates, policy makers and others.The IAS President is Adeeba Kamarulzaman of Malaysia, who succeeds Anton Pozniak. Kevin Osborne is Executive Director. Past presidents have included Helene D. Gayle, Joep Lange, Peter Piot, Linda-Gail Bekker, Chris Beyrer and Françoise Barré-Sinoussi.The International AIDS Conference (abbreviated AIDS 2012, AIDS 2014 and so on) is the world's most attended conference on HIV and AIDS, and the largest conference on any global health or development issue in the world. First convened during the peak of the AIDS epidemic in 1985, they were held annually until 1994 when they became biennial. Each conference continues to provide a unique forum for the intersection of science, advocacy and human rights, as well as to strengthen policies and programmes that ensure an evidence-based response to the epidemic. The 2006 World Aids Conference was held in Toronto, Canada.The 22nd International AIDS Conference (AIDS 2018) was held in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, on 21-27 July 2018. Primary topics of note included: Use of Dolutegravir as an antiretroviral medication was reported to result in increased rates of birth defects where the brain and spinal cord have openings - Neural tube defects. Particularly of note was that an HIV infected person on treatment with undetectable virus does not spread it to an uninfected partner. The 23rd International AIDS Conference (AIDS 2020) will be held in San Francisco and Oakland, United States, on 6–10 July 2020.The IAS also organizes the IAS Conference on HIV Science (abbreviated IAS 2013, IAS 2015 and so on) (formerly called the IAS Conference on HIV Pathogenesis, Treatment and Prevention). This conference, the largest open scientific conference on HIV- and AIDS-related issues, occurs biennially and focuses on the biomedical aspects of HIV. The conference brings together professionals from around the world to examine the latest scientific developments in HIV research, prevention and treatment with a focus on moving science into practice and policy. It was held in Buenos Aires in 2001, Paris in 2003, Rio de Janeiro in 2005, Sydney in 2007, Cape Town in 2009, Rome in 2011, Kuala Lumpur in 2013, Vancouver in 2015 and Paris in 2017. IAS 2019 will be held in Mexico City, Mexico on 21–24 July 2019. The conference was called the IAS Conference on HIV Pathogenesis, Treatment and Prevention until a name change after 2015.The society financially supports the publication of the "Journal of the International AIDS Society (JIAS)", an online, open-access, peer-reviewed medical journal covering all aspects of research on HIV and AIDS.The IAS Online Resource Library is an online collection of abstracts and other resources from international conferences, as well as numerous other materials produced by the IAS launched in January 2010.The IAS works with other regional HIV/AIDS societies and networks to strengthen the capacity of HIV professionals to respond to the epidemic at the regional level. The society runs the Industry Liaison Forum, whose mission is to remove barriers to research investment by the pharmaceutical industry in resource-limited settings. The IAS also provides professional development and training opportunities for HIV professionals at both international and regional AIDS conferences through its education programme.
|
[
"Helene D. Gayle",
"Linda-Gail Bekker",
"Adeeba Kamarulzaman"
] |
|
Who was the chair of International AIDS Society in Nov, 2017?
|
November 26, 2017
|
{
"text": [
"Linda-Gail Bekker"
]
}
|
L2_Q497510_P488_2
|
Adeeba Kamarulzaman is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Linda-Gail Bekker is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2018.
Françoise Barré-Sinoussi is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014.
Helene D. Gayle is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
|
International AIDS SocietyThe International AIDS Society (IAS) is the world's largest association of HIV/AIDS professionals, with 11,600 members from over 170 countries , including clinicians, people living with HIV, service providers, policy makers and others. It aims to reduce the global impact of AIDS through collective advocacy. Founded in 1988, IAS headquarters are located in Geneva, and its president since July 2020 is Adeeba Kamarulzaman. The IAS hosts the biennial International AIDS Conference, the IAS Conference on HIV Science, and the HIV Research for Prevention Conference.The IAS is a non-profit organization founded in 1988, with a mandate to organize the International AIDS Conference. Initially, the IAS headquarters were in Stockholm, and Lars-Olof Kallings was the secretary general from 1988 until 2003.In 2004, the IAS restructured its organization, expanded the number of professional staff and moved the headquarters to Geneva. The move was intended to strengthen organizational links with other health NGOs and (United Nations) multilateral agencies.The IAS is an advocacy body, using its large membership base and scientific leadership to drive action. It is the world’s largest association of HIV professionals, with 11,600 members from over 170 countries . Among its members are researchers, clinicians, people living with HIV, community advocates, policy makers and others.The IAS President is Adeeba Kamarulzaman of Malaysia, who succeeds Anton Pozniak. Kevin Osborne is Executive Director. Past presidents have included Helene D. Gayle, Joep Lange, Peter Piot, Linda-Gail Bekker, Chris Beyrer and Françoise Barré-Sinoussi.The International AIDS Conference (abbreviated AIDS 2012, AIDS 2014 and so on) is the world's most attended conference on HIV and AIDS, and the largest conference on any global health or development issue in the world. First convened during the peak of the AIDS epidemic in 1985, they were held annually until 1994 when they became biennial. Each conference continues to provide a unique forum for the intersection of science, advocacy and human rights, as well as to strengthen policies and programmes that ensure an evidence-based response to the epidemic. The 2006 World Aids Conference was held in Toronto, Canada.The 22nd International AIDS Conference (AIDS 2018) was held in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, on 21-27 July 2018. Primary topics of note included: Use of Dolutegravir as an antiretroviral medication was reported to result in increased rates of birth defects where the brain and spinal cord have openings - Neural tube defects. Particularly of note was that an HIV infected person on treatment with undetectable virus does not spread it to an uninfected partner. The 23rd International AIDS Conference (AIDS 2020) will be held in San Francisco and Oakland, United States, on 6–10 July 2020.The IAS also organizes the IAS Conference on HIV Science (abbreviated IAS 2013, IAS 2015 and so on) (formerly called the IAS Conference on HIV Pathogenesis, Treatment and Prevention). This conference, the largest open scientific conference on HIV- and AIDS-related issues, occurs biennially and focuses on the biomedical aspects of HIV. The conference brings together professionals from around the world to examine the latest scientific developments in HIV research, prevention and treatment with a focus on moving science into practice and policy. It was held in Buenos Aires in 2001, Paris in 2003, Rio de Janeiro in 2005, Sydney in 2007, Cape Town in 2009, Rome in 2011, Kuala Lumpur in 2013, Vancouver in 2015 and Paris in 2017. IAS 2019 will be held in Mexico City, Mexico on 21–24 July 2019. The conference was called the IAS Conference on HIV Pathogenesis, Treatment and Prevention until a name change after 2015.The society financially supports the publication of the "Journal of the International AIDS Society (JIAS)", an online, open-access, peer-reviewed medical journal covering all aspects of research on HIV and AIDS.The IAS Online Resource Library is an online collection of abstracts and other resources from international conferences, as well as numerous other materials produced by the IAS launched in January 2010.The IAS works with other regional HIV/AIDS societies and networks to strengthen the capacity of HIV professionals to respond to the epidemic at the regional level. The society runs the Industry Liaison Forum, whose mission is to remove barriers to research investment by the pharmaceutical industry in resource-limited settings. The IAS also provides professional development and training opportunities for HIV professionals at both international and regional AIDS conferences through its education programme.
|
[
"Helene D. Gayle",
"Françoise Barré-Sinoussi",
"Adeeba Kamarulzaman"
] |
|
Who was the chair of International AIDS Society in Nov, 2021?
|
November 24, 2021
|
{
"text": [
"Adeeba Kamarulzaman"
]
}
|
L2_Q497510_P488_3
|
Adeeba Kamarulzaman is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Françoise Barré-Sinoussi is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014.
Linda-Gail Bekker is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2018.
Helene D. Gayle is the chair of International AIDS Society from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
|
International AIDS SocietyThe International AIDS Society (IAS) is the world's largest association of HIV/AIDS professionals, with 11,600 members from over 170 countries , including clinicians, people living with HIV, service providers, policy makers and others. It aims to reduce the global impact of AIDS through collective advocacy. Founded in 1988, IAS headquarters are located in Geneva, and its president since July 2020 is Adeeba Kamarulzaman. The IAS hosts the biennial International AIDS Conference, the IAS Conference on HIV Science, and the HIV Research for Prevention Conference.The IAS is a non-profit organization founded in 1988, with a mandate to organize the International AIDS Conference. Initially, the IAS headquarters were in Stockholm, and Lars-Olof Kallings was the secretary general from 1988 until 2003.In 2004, the IAS restructured its organization, expanded the number of professional staff and moved the headquarters to Geneva. The move was intended to strengthen organizational links with other health NGOs and (United Nations) multilateral agencies.The IAS is an advocacy body, using its large membership base and scientific leadership to drive action. It is the world’s largest association of HIV professionals, with 11,600 members from over 170 countries . Among its members are researchers, clinicians, people living with HIV, community advocates, policy makers and others.The IAS President is Adeeba Kamarulzaman of Malaysia, who succeeds Anton Pozniak. Kevin Osborne is Executive Director. Past presidents have included Helene D. Gayle, Joep Lange, Peter Piot, Linda-Gail Bekker, Chris Beyrer and Françoise Barré-Sinoussi.The International AIDS Conference (abbreviated AIDS 2012, AIDS 2014 and so on) is the world's most attended conference on HIV and AIDS, and the largest conference on any global health or development issue in the world. First convened during the peak of the AIDS epidemic in 1985, they were held annually until 1994 when they became biennial. Each conference continues to provide a unique forum for the intersection of science, advocacy and human rights, as well as to strengthen policies and programmes that ensure an evidence-based response to the epidemic. The 2006 World Aids Conference was held in Toronto, Canada.The 22nd International AIDS Conference (AIDS 2018) was held in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, on 21-27 July 2018. Primary topics of note included: Use of Dolutegravir as an antiretroviral medication was reported to result in increased rates of birth defects where the brain and spinal cord have openings - Neural tube defects. Particularly of note was that an HIV infected person on treatment with undetectable virus does not spread it to an uninfected partner. The 23rd International AIDS Conference (AIDS 2020) will be held in San Francisco and Oakland, United States, on 6–10 July 2020.The IAS also organizes the IAS Conference on HIV Science (abbreviated IAS 2013, IAS 2015 and so on) (formerly called the IAS Conference on HIV Pathogenesis, Treatment and Prevention). This conference, the largest open scientific conference on HIV- and AIDS-related issues, occurs biennially and focuses on the biomedical aspects of HIV. The conference brings together professionals from around the world to examine the latest scientific developments in HIV research, prevention and treatment with a focus on moving science into practice and policy. It was held in Buenos Aires in 2001, Paris in 2003, Rio de Janeiro in 2005, Sydney in 2007, Cape Town in 2009, Rome in 2011, Kuala Lumpur in 2013, Vancouver in 2015 and Paris in 2017. IAS 2019 will be held in Mexico City, Mexico on 21–24 July 2019. The conference was called the IAS Conference on HIV Pathogenesis, Treatment and Prevention until a name change after 2015.The society financially supports the publication of the "Journal of the International AIDS Society (JIAS)", an online, open-access, peer-reviewed medical journal covering all aspects of research on HIV and AIDS.The IAS Online Resource Library is an online collection of abstracts and other resources from international conferences, as well as numerous other materials produced by the IAS launched in January 2010.The IAS works with other regional HIV/AIDS societies and networks to strengthen the capacity of HIV professionals to respond to the epidemic at the regional level. The society runs the Industry Liaison Forum, whose mission is to remove barriers to research investment by the pharmaceutical industry in resource-limited settings. The IAS also provides professional development and training opportunities for HIV professionals at both international and regional AIDS conferences through its education programme.
|
[
"Helene D. Gayle",
"Linda-Gail Bekker",
"Françoise Barré-Sinoussi"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet hold in May, 1825?
|
May 29, 1825
|
{
"text": [
"High Sheriff of Derbyshire"
]
}
|
L2_Q7526168_P39_0
|
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of High Sheriff of Derbyshire from Jan, 1825 to Jan, 1826.
|
Charles Abney-HastingsSir Charles Abney Hastings, 2nd Baronet (1 October 1792 – 30 July 1858) of Willesley Hall, Derbyshire was both High Sheriff of Derbyshire and an MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Abney-Hastings was the elder son of General Sir Charles Hastings, 1st Baronet, by the daughter and heir of Thomas Abney Esq. He was born in 1792, probably in Willesley and succeeded his father in 1823, assuming, after his maternal grandfather, the additional name of Abney before that of Hastings, by Royal Licence 1 December 1823. It was a condition of an Abney ancestor that whoever received the manors took up the surname Abney. Sir Charles was High Sheriff of Derbyshire in 1825 and was MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Charles' brother, Frank Abney Hastings, who might have inherited the title or fathered an heir, died a hero in 1828 at Zante.Hastings died on 30 July 1858, aged 66. By a deed of settlement executed about 1846 the Blackfordby and Packington estates of Sir Charles passed to Henry Rawdon-Hastings, 4th Marquess of Hastings. Willesley Hall and its estate were left to Lady Edith Maud Rawdon-Hastings, later Countess of Loudoun, the Marquess' eldest sister and wife of Charles Frederick Clifton Esq. Charles Frederick Clifton and his wife assumed by Act of Parliament in 1859 the surname and arms of Abney-Hastings. This was required by the conditions of Charles Abney Hastings' will. His will required that this name change should be done by "sanction of Queen, Lords and Commons namely by an Act of Parliament".
|
[
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet hold in Aug, 1829?
|
August 18, 1829
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q7526168_P39_1
|
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of High Sheriff of Derbyshire from Jan, 1825 to Jan, 1826.
|
Charles Abney-HastingsSir Charles Abney Hastings, 2nd Baronet (1 October 1792 – 30 July 1858) of Willesley Hall, Derbyshire was both High Sheriff of Derbyshire and an MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Abney-Hastings was the elder son of General Sir Charles Hastings, 1st Baronet, by the daughter and heir of Thomas Abney Esq. He was born in 1792, probably in Willesley and succeeded his father in 1823, assuming, after his maternal grandfather, the additional name of Abney before that of Hastings, by Royal Licence 1 December 1823. It was a condition of an Abney ancestor that whoever received the manors took up the surname Abney. Sir Charles was High Sheriff of Derbyshire in 1825 and was MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Charles' brother, Frank Abney Hastings, who might have inherited the title or fathered an heir, died a hero in 1828 at Zante.Hastings died on 30 July 1858, aged 66. By a deed of settlement executed about 1846 the Blackfordby and Packington estates of Sir Charles passed to Henry Rawdon-Hastings, 4th Marquess of Hastings. Willesley Hall and its estate were left to Lady Edith Maud Rawdon-Hastings, later Countess of Loudoun, the Marquess' eldest sister and wife of Charles Frederick Clifton Esq. Charles Frederick Clifton and his wife assumed by Act of Parliament in 1859 the surname and arms of Abney-Hastings. This was required by the conditions of Charles Abney Hastings' will. His will required that this name change should be done by "sanction of Queen, Lords and Commons namely by an Act of Parliament".
|
[
"High Sheriff of Derbyshire",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet hold in Jan, 1831?
|
January 19, 1831
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q7526168_P39_2
|
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of High Sheriff of Derbyshire from Jan, 1825 to Jan, 1826.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Sir Charles Abney-Hastings, 2nd Baronet holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
|
Charles Abney-HastingsSir Charles Abney Hastings, 2nd Baronet (1 October 1792 – 30 July 1858) of Willesley Hall, Derbyshire was both High Sheriff of Derbyshire and an MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Abney-Hastings was the elder son of General Sir Charles Hastings, 1st Baronet, by the daughter and heir of Thomas Abney Esq. He was born in 1792, probably in Willesley and succeeded his father in 1823, assuming, after his maternal grandfather, the additional name of Abney before that of Hastings, by Royal Licence 1 December 1823. It was a condition of an Abney ancestor that whoever received the manors took up the surname Abney. Sir Charles was High Sheriff of Derbyshire in 1825 and was MP for Leicester from 1826 to 1831.Charles' brother, Frank Abney Hastings, who might have inherited the title or fathered an heir, died a hero in 1828 at Zante.Hastings died on 30 July 1858, aged 66. By a deed of settlement executed about 1846 the Blackfordby and Packington estates of Sir Charles passed to Henry Rawdon-Hastings, 4th Marquess of Hastings. Willesley Hall and its estate were left to Lady Edith Maud Rawdon-Hastings, later Countess of Loudoun, the Marquess' eldest sister and wife of Charles Frederick Clifton Esq. Charles Frederick Clifton and his wife assumed by Act of Parliament in 1859 the surname and arms of Abney-Hastings. This was required by the conditions of Charles Abney Hastings' will. His will required that this name change should be done by "sanction of Queen, Lords and Commons namely by an Act of Parliament".
|
[
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"High Sheriff of Derbyshire"
] |
|
Which team did Mark Gower play for in Apr, 2000?
|
April 03, 2000
|
{
"text": [
"Tottenham Hotspur F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q2006717_P54_0
|
Mark Gower plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 1999.
Mark Gower plays for Charlton Athletic F.C. from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Mark Gower plays for Ebbsfleet United F.C. from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Mark Gower plays for Tottenham Hotspur F.C. from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2001.
Mark Gower plays for Southend United F.C. from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2008.
Mark Gower plays for Barnet F.C. from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003.
Mark Gower plays for Swansea City A.F.C. from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2013.
|
Mark GowerMark Gower (born 5 October 1978) is a former English footballer, who played for several clubs including Barnet, Southend United and Swansea City.Born in Edmonton, London and moving to Romford, Gower began his career at Tottenham Hotspur where he was a member of the League Cup winning squad in the 1998–99 season. He had a spell on loan at Motherwell before joining Barnet in January 2001 for £32,500. At Motherwell he scored his first career goal in a 2–1 loss at Rangers. He joined Swansea City after declining a new contract at Southend United. He has the ability to play across the midfield, and he signed for Swansea City on a free transfer.A midfielder, he is predominantly right-footed but can play on either flank or in the middle. Gower played for England schoolboys through to the under 18 team from the age of 14.Gower played for Southend for five seasons, scoring 39 goals in the process. He moved to Swansea City when his contract at Southend expired. Gower failed to score in his first season with Swansea.Before the start of the 2009–10 season, Gower revealed he would be ditching his number 11 shirt, when he chose that number all the squad told him it was 'cursed' and fail to find good form. Gower from then on wore the number 27 shirt. Shortly after changing shirt numbers he scored four goals in two pre-season friendlies. He finally scored his first league goal for Swansea in the 2–0 win over Queens Park Rangers. Since the start of the 2010–11 season under new manager Brendan Rodgers, Gower has adapted a new role in the centre of midfield and had played with eight different players this season in that very same position: Jordi López, Andrea Orlandi, Kemy Agustien, Darren Pratley, Joe Allen, David Cotterill, Scott Donnelly and the returning Leon Britton. Gower signed a one-year extension to his contract in November 2010, the extension proved Gower was viewed as integral to Brendan Rodgers plans.Gower scored two 25-yard goals in consecutive games against Norwich City and Hull City respectively.Gower signed for Charlton Athletic on a free from Swansea City on 3 June 2013, after a successful loan spell towards the end of the 2012–13 Football League season. On 22 May 2014, he was released from Charlton Athletic.
|
[
"Southend United F.C.",
"Motherwell F.C.",
"Swansea City A.F.C.",
"Charlton Athletic F.C.",
"Barnet F.C.",
"Ebbsfleet United F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Mark Gower play for in Jan, 1999?
|
January 01, 1999
|
{
"text": [
"Motherwell F.C.",
"Tottenham Hotspur F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q2006717_P54_1
|
Mark Gower plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 1999.
Mark Gower plays for Tottenham Hotspur F.C. from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2001.
Mark Gower plays for Charlton Athletic F.C. from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Mark Gower plays for Barnet F.C. from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003.
Mark Gower plays for Swansea City A.F.C. from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2013.
Mark Gower plays for Ebbsfleet United F.C. from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Mark Gower plays for Southend United F.C. from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2008.
|
Mark GowerMark Gower (born 5 October 1978) is a former English footballer, who played for several clubs including Barnet, Southend United and Swansea City.Born in Edmonton, London and moving to Romford, Gower began his career at Tottenham Hotspur where he was a member of the League Cup winning squad in the 1998–99 season. He had a spell on loan at Motherwell before joining Barnet in January 2001 for £32,500. At Motherwell he scored his first career goal in a 2–1 loss at Rangers. He joined Swansea City after declining a new contract at Southend United. He has the ability to play across the midfield, and he signed for Swansea City on a free transfer.A midfielder, he is predominantly right-footed but can play on either flank or in the middle. Gower played for England schoolboys through to the under 18 team from the age of 14.Gower played for Southend for five seasons, scoring 39 goals in the process. He moved to Swansea City when his contract at Southend expired. Gower failed to score in his first season with Swansea.Before the start of the 2009–10 season, Gower revealed he would be ditching his number 11 shirt, when he chose that number all the squad told him it was 'cursed' and fail to find good form. Gower from then on wore the number 27 shirt. Shortly after changing shirt numbers he scored four goals in two pre-season friendlies. He finally scored his first league goal for Swansea in the 2–0 win over Queens Park Rangers. Since the start of the 2010–11 season under new manager Brendan Rodgers, Gower has adapted a new role in the centre of midfield and had played with eight different players this season in that very same position: Jordi López, Andrea Orlandi, Kemy Agustien, Darren Pratley, Joe Allen, David Cotterill, Scott Donnelly and the returning Leon Britton. Gower signed a one-year extension to his contract in November 2010, the extension proved Gower was viewed as integral to Brendan Rodgers plans.Gower scored two 25-yard goals in consecutive games against Norwich City and Hull City respectively.Gower signed for Charlton Athletic on a free from Swansea City on 3 June 2013, after a successful loan spell towards the end of the 2012–13 Football League season. On 22 May 2014, he was released from Charlton Athletic.
|
[
"Southend United F.C.",
"Swansea City A.F.C.",
"Charlton Athletic F.C.",
"Barnet F.C.",
"Ebbsfleet United F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Mark Gower play for in Jun, 2002?
|
June 26, 2002
|
{
"text": [
"Barnet F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q2006717_P54_2
|
Mark Gower plays for Charlton Athletic F.C. from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Mark Gower plays for Ebbsfleet United F.C. from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Mark Gower plays for Tottenham Hotspur F.C. from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2001.
Mark Gower plays for Swansea City A.F.C. from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2013.
Mark Gower plays for Southend United F.C. from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2008.
Mark Gower plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 1999.
Mark Gower plays for Barnet F.C. from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003.
|
Mark GowerMark Gower (born 5 October 1978) is a former English footballer, who played for several clubs including Barnet, Southend United and Swansea City.Born in Edmonton, London and moving to Romford, Gower began his career at Tottenham Hotspur where he was a member of the League Cup winning squad in the 1998–99 season. He had a spell on loan at Motherwell before joining Barnet in January 2001 for £32,500. At Motherwell he scored his first career goal in a 2–1 loss at Rangers. He joined Swansea City after declining a new contract at Southend United. He has the ability to play across the midfield, and he signed for Swansea City on a free transfer.A midfielder, he is predominantly right-footed but can play on either flank or in the middle. Gower played for England schoolboys through to the under 18 team from the age of 14.Gower played for Southend for five seasons, scoring 39 goals in the process. He moved to Swansea City when his contract at Southend expired. Gower failed to score in his first season with Swansea.Before the start of the 2009–10 season, Gower revealed he would be ditching his number 11 shirt, when he chose that number all the squad told him it was 'cursed' and fail to find good form. Gower from then on wore the number 27 shirt. Shortly after changing shirt numbers he scored four goals in two pre-season friendlies. He finally scored his first league goal for Swansea in the 2–0 win over Queens Park Rangers. Since the start of the 2010–11 season under new manager Brendan Rodgers, Gower has adapted a new role in the centre of midfield and had played with eight different players this season in that very same position: Jordi López, Andrea Orlandi, Kemy Agustien, Darren Pratley, Joe Allen, David Cotterill, Scott Donnelly and the returning Leon Britton. Gower signed a one-year extension to his contract in November 2010, the extension proved Gower was viewed as integral to Brendan Rodgers plans.Gower scored two 25-yard goals in consecutive games against Norwich City and Hull City respectively.Gower signed for Charlton Athletic on a free from Swansea City on 3 June 2013, after a successful loan spell towards the end of the 2012–13 Football League season. On 22 May 2014, he was released from Charlton Athletic.
|
[
"Southend United F.C.",
"Motherwell F.C.",
"Swansea City A.F.C.",
"Charlton Athletic F.C.",
"Ebbsfleet United F.C.",
"Tottenham Hotspur F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Mark Gower play for in Aug, 2006?
|
August 05, 2006
|
{
"text": [
"Southend United F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q2006717_P54_3
|
Mark Gower plays for Barnet F.C. from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003.
Mark Gower plays for Charlton Athletic F.C. from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Mark Gower plays for Ebbsfleet United F.C. from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Mark Gower plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 1999.
Mark Gower plays for Swansea City A.F.C. from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2013.
Mark Gower plays for Southend United F.C. from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2008.
Mark Gower plays for Tottenham Hotspur F.C. from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2001.
|
Mark GowerMark Gower (born 5 October 1978) is a former English footballer, who played for several clubs including Barnet, Southend United and Swansea City.Born in Edmonton, London and moving to Romford, Gower began his career at Tottenham Hotspur where he was a member of the League Cup winning squad in the 1998–99 season. He had a spell on loan at Motherwell before joining Barnet in January 2001 for £32,500. At Motherwell he scored his first career goal in a 2–1 loss at Rangers. He joined Swansea City after declining a new contract at Southend United. He has the ability to play across the midfield, and he signed for Swansea City on a free transfer.A midfielder, he is predominantly right-footed but can play on either flank or in the middle. Gower played for England schoolboys through to the under 18 team from the age of 14.Gower played for Southend for five seasons, scoring 39 goals in the process. He moved to Swansea City when his contract at Southend expired. Gower failed to score in his first season with Swansea.Before the start of the 2009–10 season, Gower revealed he would be ditching his number 11 shirt, when he chose that number all the squad told him it was 'cursed' and fail to find good form. Gower from then on wore the number 27 shirt. Shortly after changing shirt numbers he scored four goals in two pre-season friendlies. He finally scored his first league goal for Swansea in the 2–0 win over Queens Park Rangers. Since the start of the 2010–11 season under new manager Brendan Rodgers, Gower has adapted a new role in the centre of midfield and had played with eight different players this season in that very same position: Jordi López, Andrea Orlandi, Kemy Agustien, Darren Pratley, Joe Allen, David Cotterill, Scott Donnelly and the returning Leon Britton. Gower signed a one-year extension to his contract in November 2010, the extension proved Gower was viewed as integral to Brendan Rodgers plans.Gower scored two 25-yard goals in consecutive games against Norwich City and Hull City respectively.Gower signed for Charlton Athletic on a free from Swansea City on 3 June 2013, after a successful loan spell towards the end of the 2012–13 Football League season. On 22 May 2014, he was released from Charlton Athletic.
|
[
"Motherwell F.C.",
"Swansea City A.F.C.",
"Charlton Athletic F.C.",
"Barnet F.C.",
"Ebbsfleet United F.C.",
"Tottenham Hotspur F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Mark Gower play for in Nov, 2010?
|
November 07, 2010
|
{
"text": [
"Swansea City A.F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q2006717_P54_4
|
Mark Gower plays for Southend United F.C. from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2008.
Mark Gower plays for Ebbsfleet United F.C. from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Mark Gower plays for Charlton Athletic F.C. from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Mark Gower plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 1999.
Mark Gower plays for Barnet F.C. from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003.
Mark Gower plays for Tottenham Hotspur F.C. from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2001.
Mark Gower plays for Swansea City A.F.C. from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2013.
|
Mark GowerMark Gower (born 5 October 1978) is a former English footballer, who played for several clubs including Barnet, Southend United and Swansea City.Born in Edmonton, London and moving to Romford, Gower began his career at Tottenham Hotspur where he was a member of the League Cup winning squad in the 1998–99 season. He had a spell on loan at Motherwell before joining Barnet in January 2001 for £32,500. At Motherwell he scored his first career goal in a 2–1 loss at Rangers. He joined Swansea City after declining a new contract at Southend United. He has the ability to play across the midfield, and he signed for Swansea City on a free transfer.A midfielder, he is predominantly right-footed but can play on either flank or in the middle. Gower played for England schoolboys through to the under 18 team from the age of 14.Gower played for Southend for five seasons, scoring 39 goals in the process. He moved to Swansea City when his contract at Southend expired. Gower failed to score in his first season with Swansea.Before the start of the 2009–10 season, Gower revealed he would be ditching his number 11 shirt, when he chose that number all the squad told him it was 'cursed' and fail to find good form. Gower from then on wore the number 27 shirt. Shortly after changing shirt numbers he scored four goals in two pre-season friendlies. He finally scored his first league goal for Swansea in the 2–0 win over Queens Park Rangers. Since the start of the 2010–11 season under new manager Brendan Rodgers, Gower has adapted a new role in the centre of midfield and had played with eight different players this season in that very same position: Jordi López, Andrea Orlandi, Kemy Agustien, Darren Pratley, Joe Allen, David Cotterill, Scott Donnelly and the returning Leon Britton. Gower signed a one-year extension to his contract in November 2010, the extension proved Gower was viewed as integral to Brendan Rodgers plans.Gower scored two 25-yard goals in consecutive games against Norwich City and Hull City respectively.Gower signed for Charlton Athletic on a free from Swansea City on 3 June 2013, after a successful loan spell towards the end of the 2012–13 Football League season. On 22 May 2014, he was released from Charlton Athletic.
|
[
"Southend United F.C.",
"Motherwell F.C.",
"Charlton Athletic F.C.",
"Barnet F.C.",
"Ebbsfleet United F.C.",
"Tottenham Hotspur F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Mark Gower play for in Oct, 2013?
|
October 09, 2013
|
{
"text": [
"Charlton Athletic F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q2006717_P54_5
|
Mark Gower plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 1999.
Mark Gower plays for Barnet F.C. from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003.
Mark Gower plays for Tottenham Hotspur F.C. from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2001.
Mark Gower plays for Southend United F.C. from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2008.
Mark Gower plays for Ebbsfleet United F.C. from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Mark Gower plays for Swansea City A.F.C. from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2013.
Mark Gower plays for Charlton Athletic F.C. from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
|
Mark GowerMark Gower (born 5 October 1978) is a former English footballer, who played for several clubs including Barnet, Southend United and Swansea City.Born in Edmonton, London and moving to Romford, Gower began his career at Tottenham Hotspur where he was a member of the League Cup winning squad in the 1998–99 season. He had a spell on loan at Motherwell before joining Barnet in January 2001 for £32,500. At Motherwell he scored his first career goal in a 2–1 loss at Rangers. He joined Swansea City after declining a new contract at Southend United. He has the ability to play across the midfield, and he signed for Swansea City on a free transfer.A midfielder, he is predominantly right-footed but can play on either flank or in the middle. Gower played for England schoolboys through to the under 18 team from the age of 14.Gower played for Southend for five seasons, scoring 39 goals in the process. He moved to Swansea City when his contract at Southend expired. Gower failed to score in his first season with Swansea.Before the start of the 2009–10 season, Gower revealed he would be ditching his number 11 shirt, when he chose that number all the squad told him it was 'cursed' and fail to find good form. Gower from then on wore the number 27 shirt. Shortly after changing shirt numbers he scored four goals in two pre-season friendlies. He finally scored his first league goal for Swansea in the 2–0 win over Queens Park Rangers. Since the start of the 2010–11 season under new manager Brendan Rodgers, Gower has adapted a new role in the centre of midfield and had played with eight different players this season in that very same position: Jordi López, Andrea Orlandi, Kemy Agustien, Darren Pratley, Joe Allen, David Cotterill, Scott Donnelly and the returning Leon Britton. Gower signed a one-year extension to his contract in November 2010, the extension proved Gower was viewed as integral to Brendan Rodgers plans.Gower scored two 25-yard goals in consecutive games against Norwich City and Hull City respectively.Gower signed for Charlton Athletic on a free from Swansea City on 3 June 2013, after a successful loan spell towards the end of the 2012–13 Football League season. On 22 May 2014, he was released from Charlton Athletic.
|
[
"Southend United F.C.",
"Motherwell F.C.",
"Swansea City A.F.C.",
"Barnet F.C.",
"Ebbsfleet United F.C.",
"Tottenham Hotspur F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Mark Gower play for in Jan, 2015?
|
January 01, 2015
|
{
"text": [
"Ebbsfleet United F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q2006717_P54_6
|
Mark Gower plays for Barnet F.C. from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2003.
Mark Gower plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 1999.
Mark Gower plays for Tottenham Hotspur F.C. from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2001.
Mark Gower plays for Charlton Athletic F.C. from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Mark Gower plays for Southend United F.C. from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2008.
Mark Gower plays for Swansea City A.F.C. from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2013.
Mark Gower plays for Ebbsfleet United F.C. from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
|
Mark GowerMark Gower (born 5 October 1978) is a former English footballer, who played for several clubs including Barnet, Southend United and Swansea City.Born in Edmonton, London and moving to Romford, Gower began his career at Tottenham Hotspur where he was a member of the League Cup winning squad in the 1998–99 season. He had a spell on loan at Motherwell before joining Barnet in January 2001 for £32,500. At Motherwell he scored his first career goal in a 2–1 loss at Rangers. He joined Swansea City after declining a new contract at Southend United. He has the ability to play across the midfield, and he signed for Swansea City on a free transfer.A midfielder, he is predominantly right-footed but can play on either flank or in the middle. Gower played for England schoolboys through to the under 18 team from the age of 14.Gower played for Southend for five seasons, scoring 39 goals in the process. He moved to Swansea City when his contract at Southend expired. Gower failed to score in his first season with Swansea.Before the start of the 2009–10 season, Gower revealed he would be ditching his number 11 shirt, when he chose that number all the squad told him it was 'cursed' and fail to find good form. Gower from then on wore the number 27 shirt. Shortly after changing shirt numbers he scored four goals in two pre-season friendlies. He finally scored his first league goal for Swansea in the 2–0 win over Queens Park Rangers. Since the start of the 2010–11 season under new manager Brendan Rodgers, Gower has adapted a new role in the centre of midfield and had played with eight different players this season in that very same position: Jordi López, Andrea Orlandi, Kemy Agustien, Darren Pratley, Joe Allen, David Cotterill, Scott Donnelly and the returning Leon Britton. Gower signed a one-year extension to his contract in November 2010, the extension proved Gower was viewed as integral to Brendan Rodgers plans.Gower scored two 25-yard goals in consecutive games against Norwich City and Hull City respectively.Gower signed for Charlton Athletic on a free from Swansea City on 3 June 2013, after a successful loan spell towards the end of the 2012–13 Football League season. On 22 May 2014, he was released from Charlton Athletic.
|
[
"Southend United F.C.",
"Motherwell F.C.",
"Swansea City A.F.C.",
"Charlton Athletic F.C.",
"Barnet F.C.",
"Tottenham Hotspur F.C."
] |
|
Which position did Chang San-cheng hold in Jan, 2015?
|
January 14, 2015
|
{
"text": [
"Vice Premier of the Republic of China"
]
}
|
L2_Q10294207_P39_0
|
Chang San-cheng holds the position of Mayor of Taoyuan from Dec, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Chang San-cheng holds the position of President of the Executive Yuan from Feb, 2016 to May, 2016.
Chang San-cheng holds the position of Vice Premier of the Republic of China from Dec, 2014 to Jan, 2016.
|
Chang San-chengChang San-cheng or Simon Chang () (born 24 June 1954) is a Taiwanese politician who was Premier of the Republic of China from 1 February 2016 until 20 May 2016, appointed by President Ma Ying-jeou. Before assuming the Premiership, he had served as Vice Premier from 8 December 2014. Chang is the first nonpartisan Premier of the Republic of China.Chang began an independent campaign for the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election, then suspended his run to join the Kuomintang ticket, headed by Han Kuo-yu. The pair lost to incumbent president Tsai Ing-wen and her running mate William Lai.Chang earned his bachelor's degree in civil engineering from National Taiwan University in 1976. In 1977, he finished his master's degree in civil and environmental engineering at Stanford University. In 1981, He received a doctoral degree in civil and environmental engineering from Cornell University.Upon graduation, Chang returned to Taiwan to serve as a lecturer, associate professor and finally, professor in the Department of Civil Engineering of National Taiwan University from 1981 to 1990. He was the Director for National Center for High-Performance Computing from 1991 to 1997. From 1998 to 2000, he was the Director of the Department of Planning and Evaluation of National Science Council. Between 2000 and 2010, he worked for Acer Inc. as Vice President of the e-Enabling Service Business Group, and between 2010 and 2012, he worked for Google as the Director of Google's hardware operations in Asia.Chang was appointed as a Minister without Portfolio of the Executive Yuan in 2012. On March 3, 2014, the National Science Council was upgraded to the Ministry of Science and Technology, and Chang served as its first minister. On December 8, 2014, at a reformation of the Executive Yuan after the ruling Kuomintang lost the local elections, Chang became the Vice Premier. On January 16, 2016 after the defeat of the KMT, President Ma appointed Chang as the Premier to serve the remain four months during the period of transition of power, Chang became the first nonpartisan Premier of the Republic of China.Chang announced his independent candidacy for the 2020 Taiwan presidential election on 17 February 2019. Chang later joined the presidential campaign of Kuomintang candidate Han Kuo-yu as an adviser without halting his own campaign. In August 2019, Han formed a national policy advisory group headed by Chang. Chang's selection as the Kuomintang's 2020 Taiwan presidential election vice presidential candidate was announced on 11 November 2019.! style="background-color:#E9E9E9;text-align:center;" rowspan= 2 colspan=2 | Party! style="background-color:#E9E9E9;text-align:center;" colspan=2 | Candidate! style="background-color:#E9E9E9;text-align:center;" rowspan= 2 | Votes! style="background-color:#E9E9E9;text-align:center;" rowspan= 2 colspan=2| Percentage! colspan="4" style="text-align:right;" |Total! style="text-align:right;" |14,300,940 ! style="text-align:right;" colspan=2|100%
|
[
"Mayor of Taoyuan",
"President of the Executive Yuan"
] |
|
Which position did Chang San-cheng hold in Apr, 2016?
|
April 27, 2016
|
{
"text": [
"President of the Executive Yuan"
]
}
|
L2_Q10294207_P39_1
|
Chang San-cheng holds the position of Mayor of Taoyuan from Dec, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Chang San-cheng holds the position of President of the Executive Yuan from Feb, 2016 to May, 2016.
Chang San-cheng holds the position of Vice Premier of the Republic of China from Dec, 2014 to Jan, 2016.
|
Chang San-chengChang San-cheng or Simon Chang () (born 24 June 1954) is a Taiwanese politician who was Premier of the Republic of China from 1 February 2016 until 20 May 2016, appointed by President Ma Ying-jeou. Before assuming the Premiership, he had served as Vice Premier from 8 December 2014. Chang is the first nonpartisan Premier of the Republic of China.Chang began an independent campaign for the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election, then suspended his run to join the Kuomintang ticket, headed by Han Kuo-yu. The pair lost to incumbent president Tsai Ing-wen and her running mate William Lai.Chang earned his bachelor's degree in civil engineering from National Taiwan University in 1976. In 1977, he finished his master's degree in civil and environmental engineering at Stanford University. In 1981, He received a doctoral degree in civil and environmental engineering from Cornell University.Upon graduation, Chang returned to Taiwan to serve as a lecturer, associate professor and finally, professor in the Department of Civil Engineering of National Taiwan University from 1981 to 1990. He was the Director for National Center for High-Performance Computing from 1991 to 1997. From 1998 to 2000, he was the Director of the Department of Planning and Evaluation of National Science Council. Between 2000 and 2010, he worked for Acer Inc. as Vice President of the e-Enabling Service Business Group, and between 2010 and 2012, he worked for Google as the Director of Google's hardware operations in Asia.Chang was appointed as a Minister without Portfolio of the Executive Yuan in 2012. On March 3, 2014, the National Science Council was upgraded to the Ministry of Science and Technology, and Chang served as its first minister. On December 8, 2014, at a reformation of the Executive Yuan after the ruling Kuomintang lost the local elections, Chang became the Vice Premier. On January 16, 2016 after the defeat of the KMT, President Ma appointed Chang as the Premier to serve the remain four months during the period of transition of power, Chang became the first nonpartisan Premier of the Republic of China.Chang announced his independent candidacy for the 2020 Taiwan presidential election on 17 February 2019. Chang later joined the presidential campaign of Kuomintang candidate Han Kuo-yu as an adviser without halting his own campaign. In August 2019, Han formed a national policy advisory group headed by Chang. Chang's selection as the Kuomintang's 2020 Taiwan presidential election vice presidential candidate was announced on 11 November 2019.! style="background-color:#E9E9E9;text-align:center;" rowspan= 2 colspan=2 | Party! style="background-color:#E9E9E9;text-align:center;" colspan=2 | Candidate! style="background-color:#E9E9E9;text-align:center;" rowspan= 2 | Votes! style="background-color:#E9E9E9;text-align:center;" rowspan= 2 colspan=2| Percentage! colspan="4" style="text-align:right;" |Total! style="text-align:right;" |14,300,940 ! style="text-align:right;" colspan=2|100%
|
[
"Mayor of Taoyuan",
"Vice Premier of the Republic of China"
] |
|
Which position did Chang San-cheng hold in Dec, 2022?
|
December 26, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"Mayor of Taoyuan"
]
}
|
L2_Q10294207_P39_2
|
Chang San-cheng holds the position of Mayor of Taoyuan from Dec, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Chang San-cheng holds the position of President of the Executive Yuan from Feb, 2016 to May, 2016.
Chang San-cheng holds the position of Vice Premier of the Republic of China from Dec, 2014 to Jan, 2016.
|
Chang San-chengChang San-cheng or Simon Chang () (born 24 June 1954) is a Taiwanese politician who was Premier of the Republic of China from 1 February 2016 until 20 May 2016, appointed by President Ma Ying-jeou. Before assuming the Premiership, he had served as Vice Premier from 8 December 2014. Chang is the first nonpartisan Premier of the Republic of China.Chang began an independent campaign for the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election, then suspended his run to join the Kuomintang ticket, headed by Han Kuo-yu. The pair lost to incumbent president Tsai Ing-wen and her running mate William Lai.Chang earned his bachelor's degree in civil engineering from National Taiwan University in 1976. In 1977, he finished his master's degree in civil and environmental engineering at Stanford University. In 1981, He received a doctoral degree in civil and environmental engineering from Cornell University.Upon graduation, Chang returned to Taiwan to serve as a lecturer, associate professor and finally, professor in the Department of Civil Engineering of National Taiwan University from 1981 to 1990. He was the Director for National Center for High-Performance Computing from 1991 to 1997. From 1998 to 2000, he was the Director of the Department of Planning and Evaluation of National Science Council. Between 2000 and 2010, he worked for Acer Inc. as Vice President of the e-Enabling Service Business Group, and between 2010 and 2012, he worked for Google as the Director of Google's hardware operations in Asia.Chang was appointed as a Minister without Portfolio of the Executive Yuan in 2012. On March 3, 2014, the National Science Council was upgraded to the Ministry of Science and Technology, and Chang served as its first minister. On December 8, 2014, at a reformation of the Executive Yuan after the ruling Kuomintang lost the local elections, Chang became the Vice Premier. On January 16, 2016 after the defeat of the KMT, President Ma appointed Chang as the Premier to serve the remain four months during the period of transition of power, Chang became the first nonpartisan Premier of the Republic of China.Chang announced his independent candidacy for the 2020 Taiwan presidential election on 17 February 2019. Chang later joined the presidential campaign of Kuomintang candidate Han Kuo-yu as an adviser without halting his own campaign. In August 2019, Han formed a national policy advisory group headed by Chang. Chang's selection as the Kuomintang's 2020 Taiwan presidential election vice presidential candidate was announced on 11 November 2019.! style="background-color:#E9E9E9;text-align:center;" rowspan= 2 colspan=2 | Party! style="background-color:#E9E9E9;text-align:center;" colspan=2 | Candidate! style="background-color:#E9E9E9;text-align:center;" rowspan= 2 | Votes! style="background-color:#E9E9E9;text-align:center;" rowspan= 2 colspan=2| Percentage! colspan="4" style="text-align:right;" |Total! style="text-align:right;" |14,300,940 ! style="text-align:right;" colspan=2|100%
|
[
"Vice Premier of the Republic of China",
"President of the Executive Yuan"
] |
|
Which position did Gareth Evans hold in Jan, 1993?
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January 05, 1993
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the Australian Senate",
"Minister for Foreign Affairs"
]
}
|
L2_Q381902_P39_0
|
Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996.
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Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977
|
[
"Leader of the Government in the Senate",
"Minister for Industry and Innovation",
"Minister for Infrastructure and Transport",
"Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998",
"Attorney-General for Australia",
"Member of the Australian House of Representatives"
] |
|
Which position did Gareth Evans hold in Jun, 1983?
|
June 14, 1983
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the Australian Senate",
"Attorney-General for Australia"
]
}
|
L2_Q381902_P39_1
|
Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.
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Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977
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[
"Leader of the Government in the Senate",
"Minister for Industry and Innovation",
"Minister for Infrastructure and Transport",
"Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998",
"Member of the Australian House of Representatives",
"Minister for Foreign Affairs"
] |
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Which position did Gareth Evans hold in Apr, 1987?
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April 19, 1987
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the Australian Senate",
"Minister for Industry and Innovation"
]
}
|
L2_Q381902_P39_2
|
Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.
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Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977
|
[
"Leader of the Government in the Senate",
"Minister for Infrastructure and Transport",
"Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998",
"Attorney-General for Australia",
"Member of the Australian House of Representatives",
"Minister for Foreign Affairs"
] |
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Which position did Gareth Evans hold in Apr, 1988?
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April 13, 1988
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{
"text": [
"Minister for Infrastructure and Transport",
"Member of the Australian Senate"
]
}
|
L2_Q381902_P39_3
|
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996.
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Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977
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[
"Leader of the Government in the Senate",
"Minister for Industry and Innovation",
"Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998",
"Attorney-General for Australia",
"Member of the Australian House of Representatives",
"Minister for Foreign Affairs"
] |
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Which position did Gareth Evans hold in Mar, 1992?
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March 15, 1992
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the Australian Senate",
"Minister for Foreign Affairs"
]
}
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L2_Q381902_P39_4
|
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999.
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Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977
|
[
"Leader of the Government in the Senate",
"Minister for Industry and Innovation",
"Minister for Infrastructure and Transport",
"Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998",
"Attorney-General for Australia",
"Member of the Australian House of Representatives"
] |
|
Which position did Gareth Evans hold in May, 1993?
|
May 31, 1993
|
{
"text": [
"Leader of the Government in the Senate",
"Member of the Australian Senate",
"Minister for Foreign Affairs"
]
}
|
L2_Q381902_P39_5
|
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996.
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Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977
|
[
"Minister for Industry and Innovation",
"Minister for Infrastructure and Transport",
"Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998",
"Attorney-General for Australia",
"Member of the Australian House of Representatives"
] |
|
Which position did Gareth Evans hold in Apr, 1998?
|
April 05, 1998
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the Australian House of Representatives"
]
}
|
L2_Q381902_P39_6
|
Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999.
|
Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977
|
[
"Leader of the Government in the Senate",
"Minister for Industry and Innovation",
"Minister for Infrastructure and Transport",
"Member of the Australian Senate",
"Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998",
"Attorney-General for Australia",
"Minister for Foreign Affairs"
] |
|
Which position did Gareth Evans hold in Feb, 1998?
|
February 10, 1998
|
{
"text": [
"Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998",
"Member of the Australian House of Representatives"
]
}
|
L2_Q381902_P39_7
|
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988.
Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996.
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Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977
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[
"Leader of the Government in the Senate",
"Minister for Industry and Innovation",
"Minister for Infrastructure and Transport",
"Member of the Australian Senate",
"Attorney-General for Australia",
"Minister for Foreign Affairs"
] |
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Who was the head of Treptow-Köpenick in Apr, 2004?
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April 17, 2004
|
{
"text": [
"Klaus Ulbricht"
]
}
|
L2_Q158089_P6_0
|
Gabriele Schöttler is the head of the government of Treptow-Köpenick from Oct, 2006 to Oct, 2011.
Klaus Ulbricht is the head of the government of Treptow-Köpenick from Jan, 2001 to Oct, 2006.
Oliver Igel is the head of the government of Treptow-Köpenick from Oct, 2011 to Dec, 2022.
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Treptow-KöpenickTreptow-Köpenick () is the ninth borough of Berlin, Germany, formed in Berlin's 2001 administrative reform by merging the former boroughs of Treptow and Köpenick.Among Berlin's boroughs it is the largest by area with the lowest population density. The Johannisthal Air Field, Germany's first airfield, was located in Treptow-Köpenick, between Johannisthal and Adlershof. Treptower Park, a popular place for recreation and a tourist destination, is also located in the borough. The park features the sprawling Soviet War Memorial, a war memorial to the Soviet soldiers who fell in the Battle of Berlin in 1945.Treptow-Köpenick is divided into 15 localities:At the 2016 elections for the parliament of the borough ("Bezirksverordnetenversammlung") the following parties were elected: Treptow-Köpenick is twinned with:
|
[
"Oliver Igel",
"Gabriele Schöttler"
] |
|
Who was the head of Treptow-Köpenick in Aug, 2009?
|
August 20, 2009
|
{
"text": [
"Gabriele Schöttler"
]
}
|
L2_Q158089_P6_1
|
Gabriele Schöttler is the head of the government of Treptow-Köpenick from Oct, 2006 to Oct, 2011.
Oliver Igel is the head of the government of Treptow-Köpenick from Oct, 2011 to Dec, 2022.
Klaus Ulbricht is the head of the government of Treptow-Köpenick from Jan, 2001 to Oct, 2006.
|
Treptow-KöpenickTreptow-Köpenick () is the ninth borough of Berlin, Germany, formed in Berlin's 2001 administrative reform by merging the former boroughs of Treptow and Köpenick.Among Berlin's boroughs it is the largest by area with the lowest population density. The Johannisthal Air Field, Germany's first airfield, was located in Treptow-Köpenick, between Johannisthal and Adlershof. Treptower Park, a popular place for recreation and a tourist destination, is also located in the borough. The park features the sprawling Soviet War Memorial, a war memorial to the Soviet soldiers who fell in the Battle of Berlin in 1945.Treptow-Köpenick is divided into 15 localities:At the 2016 elections for the parliament of the borough ("Bezirksverordnetenversammlung") the following parties were elected: Treptow-Köpenick is twinned with:
|
[
"Oliver Igel",
"Klaus Ulbricht"
] |
|
Who was the head of Treptow-Köpenick in Jul, 2016?
|
July 21, 2016
|
{
"text": [
"Oliver Igel"
]
}
|
L2_Q158089_P6_2
|
Klaus Ulbricht is the head of the government of Treptow-Köpenick from Jan, 2001 to Oct, 2006.
Oliver Igel is the head of the government of Treptow-Köpenick from Oct, 2011 to Dec, 2022.
Gabriele Schöttler is the head of the government of Treptow-Köpenick from Oct, 2006 to Oct, 2011.
|
Treptow-KöpenickTreptow-Köpenick () is the ninth borough of Berlin, Germany, formed in Berlin's 2001 administrative reform by merging the former boroughs of Treptow and Köpenick.Among Berlin's boroughs it is the largest by area with the lowest population density. The Johannisthal Air Field, Germany's first airfield, was located in Treptow-Köpenick, between Johannisthal and Adlershof. Treptower Park, a popular place for recreation and a tourist destination, is also located in the borough. The park features the sprawling Soviet War Memorial, a war memorial to the Soviet soldiers who fell in the Battle of Berlin in 1945.Treptow-Köpenick is divided into 15 localities:At the 2016 elections for the parliament of the borough ("Bezirksverordnetenversammlung") the following parties were elected: Treptow-Köpenick is twinned with:
|
[
"Klaus Ulbricht",
"Gabriele Schöttler"
] |
|
Which position did Tsai Ing-wen hold in Jan, 2006?
|
January 12, 2006
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the Legislative Yuan",
"Vice Premier of the Republic of China"
]
}
|
L2_Q233984_P39_0
|
Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of Member of the Legislative Yuan from Feb, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of Chairperson of the Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2020 to Nov, 2022.
Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of President of the Republic of China from May, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of Vice Premier of the Republic of China from Jan, 2006 to May, 2007.
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Tsai Ing-wenTsai Ing-wen (born 31 August 1956) is a Taiwanese politician and academic serving as the seventh President of the Republic of China (Taiwan) since 2016. A member of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Tsai is the first female president of Taiwan. She has served as Chair of the DPP since 2020, and previously from 2008 to 2012 and 2014 to 2018.Tsai grew up in Taipei and studied law and international trade, and later became a law professor at Soochow University School of Law and National Chengchi University after earning an LLB from National Taiwan University and an LLM from Cornell Law School. She later studied law at the London School of Economics and Political Science, with her thesis titled ""Unfair trade practices and safeguard actions"," and was awarded a Ph.D. in law from the University of London. In 1993, as an independent (without party affiliation), she was appointed to a series of governmental positions, including trade negotiator for WTO affairs, by the then-ruling Kuomintang (KMT) and was one of the chief drafters of the special state-to-state relations doctrine of President Lee Teng-hui.After DPP President Chen Shui-bian took office in 2000, Tsai served as Minister of the Mainland Affairs Council throughout Chen's first term as a non-partisan. She joined the DPP in 2004 and served briefly as a DPP-nominated at-large member of the Legislative Yuan. From there, she was appointed Vice Premier under Premier Su Tseng-chang until the cabinet's mass resignation in 2007. She was elected and assumed DPP leadership in 2008, following her party's defeat in the 2008 presidential election. She resigned as chair after losing the 2012 presidential election.Tsai ran for New Taipei City mayorship in the November 2010 municipal elections but was defeated by another former vice premier, Eric Chu (KMT). In April 2011, Tsai became the first female presidential candidate of a major party in the history of the Republic of China after defeating her former superior, Su Tseng-chang, in the DPP's primary by a slight margin. She was defeated by incumbent Kuomintang candidate Ma Ying-jeou in the fifth direct presidential election in 2012, but was elected in a landslide four years later in the sixth direct presidential election in 2016. Tsai is the second president from the Democratic Progressive Party. She is the first president to have never held a prior elected executive post and the first to be popularly elected without having previously served as the mayor of Taipei. She was re-elected with an increased share of the vote in the 2020 presidential election.Tsai was included in "Time magazine's" 100 Most Influential People of 2020.Tsai was born at Mackay Memorial Hospital in Zhongshan District, Taipei, Taiwan on 31 August 1956, the youngest of 11 children. Her father, Tsai Chieh-sheng (1918–2006), was a businessman who ran an auto repair shop, and her mother Chang Chin-fong (1925–2018) was a housewife. Her given name, Ing-wen (英文), was chosen by genealogical naming practices. While these suggested the spelling 瀛文, her father felt that the character 瀛 had too many strokes and decided to replace it with the character 英. The resulting name 英文 could be translated as "heroic literature" or "English language". During her middle school period, she studied at Taipei Municipal Zhongshan Girls High School. She studied law at the behest of her father. After graduating at the College of Law, National Taiwan University, in 1978, Tsai obtained a Master of Laws at Cornell University Law School in 1980. She then studied law at the London School of Economics and was awarded Ph.D. in law from University of London in 1984. Upon her return to Taiwan, she taught law at the School of Law of Soochow University and National Chengchi University, both in Taipei.She was also appointed to the Fair Trade Commission and the Copyright Commission. She served as consultant for the Mainland Affairs Council and the National Security Council. She also led the drafting team on the Statute Governing Relations with Hong Kong and Macau ().In 2000, Tsai was given the high-profile appointment of chair of the Mainland Affairs Council. Confirming the widely held belief that she maintained Pan-Green sympathies, Tsai joined the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in 2004. She was subsequently nominated by the DPP to be a candidate in the 2004 legislative election and was elected as a legislator-at-large.On 26 January 2006, Tsai was appointed to the post of vice president of the Executive Yuan, a position commonly referred to as vice premier. She concurrently served as chairwoman of the Consumer Protection Commission.On 17 May 2007, Tsai, along with the rest of the cabinet of out-going Premier Su Tseng-chang, resigned to make way for incoming Premier Chang Chun-hsiung and his cabinet. Premier Chang named Chiou I-jen, the incumbent secretary-general of the Presidential Office to replace Tsai as vice premier. She then served as the chair of TaiMedBiologics, a biotechnology company based in Taiwan. The Kuomintang accused Tsai of contracting government work out to TaiMedBiologics during her term as vice premier, while planning to leave the government and lead the company afterward. She was later cleared of all alleged wrongdoing.In Kuomintang candidate Ma Ying-jeou's search for his running mate for the 2008 ROC presidential election, Tsai, a DPP member, was surprisingly suggested. Ma stated that there were no set criteria for a running mate, that his search would not be defined by gender, occupation, or even political party affiliations.On 19 May 2008, Tsai defeated Koo Kwang-ming in the election for DPP chair, and succeeded outgoing Frank Hsieh as the 12th-term chair of the party. She was the first woman to chair a major Taiwanese political party.Tsai took office on 20 May 2008, the same day Ma Ying-jeou was inaugurated as president. She said that DPP would work to deepen the Taiwanese localization movement while defending social justice. She criticized Ma for mentioning closer Cross-Strait relations but nothing about Taiwan's sovereignty and national security.Tsai questioned Ma's stance on Taiwan's sovereign status. Ma emphasized the importance of the so-called 1992 Consensus and called Tsai a Taiwan independence extremist. Tsai criticized Ma's government for not answering her question and labeling others.After former President Chen Shui-bian's acknowledgment of transferring past campaign funds overseas, Tsai apologized to the public and also said that the DPP would not try to cover up for Chen's alleged misdeeds. The Clean Government Commission was set up to investigate corruption within the DPP.On 25 April 2010, Tsai participated in a televised debate against President and Kuomintang chairman Ma Ying-jeou over a proposed trade agreement, the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA); while President Ma believed ECFA would increase Taiwanese exports to mainland China and lower unemployment rates, Tsai said it "will force Taiwan to open up for cheap Chinese exports eventually" and certain domestic industries will be harmed by the mainland trade invasion. Tsai also said that the pact "will make Taiwan lose its independence in cross-strait relations and become a Chinese parasite" and that Taiwan should negotiate with China under the multilateral-framework World Trade Organization, which would offer more trade protections and emphasize Taiwan's distinct status.Under Tsai's leadership, along with some of KMT's unpopular policies, the DPP regained momentum in elections of 2009, after major defeats from 2006 to 2008. In 2010, she was re-elected as the chair of the DPP.Tsai made a controversial statement in May 2010 claiming that the Republic of China was a "government-in-exile" non-native to Taiwan; however on 8 October 2011, two days prior to the 100-year anniversary celebrations of the Double Ten Day, Tsai changed her statement, stating that "The ROC is Taiwan, Taiwan is the ROC, and the current ROC government is no longer ruled by a non-native political power".Tsai resigned as chair of the DPP after losing her 2012 presidential election bid to incumbent Ma Ying-jeou.On 15 March 2014, Tsai announced that she would once more run for party chief of the DPP against incumbent Su Tseng-chang and Frank Hsieh. However, both Su and Hsieh dropped out of the election in the aftermath of the Sunflower Student Movement. Tsai defeated Kaohsiung County deputy commissioner Kuo Tai-lin by 79,676 votes.Tsai led the DPP to an historic victory in the local elections held on 29 November 2014, in which the party secured leadership of 13 of Taiwan's 22 municipalities and counties. The DPP's stunning victory in the elections strengthened Tsai's position within the party and placed her as the front-runner in the 2016 Presidential Elections; she announced her second bid for the Presidency on 15 February 2015. On 16 January 2016, she won the election by a landslide, winning 56.12% of votes, beating her opponent Eric Chu, who won 31.07% of the votes.On 24 November 2018, she resigned as leader of the Democratic Progressive Party and refused Premier William Lai's resignation after a major defeat in local elections.Tsai resumed the Democratic Progressive Party leadership from Cho Jung-tai on 20 May 2020, when she was inaugurated for her second presidential term.On 11 March 2011, Tsai Ing-wen officially announced her run for the presidential nomination of the Democratic Progressive Party. On 27 April 2011, Tsai became the first female presidential candidate in Taiwan after she defeated former Premier Su Tseng-chang by a small margin in a nationwide phone poll (of more than 15,000 samples) that served as the party's primary. Tsai ran against incumbent President Ma Ying-jeou of the Kuomintang and James Soong of the People First Party in the 5th direct presidential election, which was held on 14 January 2012. Garnering 45% of the vote, she conceded defeat to President Ma in an international press conference, resigning her seat as Chairman of the DPP.On 15 February 2015, Tsai officially registered for the Democratic Progressive Party's presidential nomination primary. Though William Lai and Su Tseng-chang were seen as likely opponents, Tsai was the only candidate to run in the primary and the DPP officially nominated her as the presidential candidate on 15 April.During summer of 2015, Tsai embarked on a visit to the United States and met a number of US policy makers including Senators John McCain and Jack Reed. In her speech addressing Taiwanese diaspora on the east coast of the United States, Tsai signaled a willingness to cooperate with the rising Third Party coalition in Taiwan in the incoming general election. On 14 November, Tsai's campaign announced that she had chosen Chen Chien-jen as DPP vice presidential candidate. On 16 January 2016, Tsai won the presidential election, beating her opponent Eric Chu by a margin of 25.04%. Tsai was inaugurated as president on 20 May 2016.After her election, Tsai was named one of "The 100 Most Influential People" in TIME magazine 2 May 2016 issue.Tsai announced on 19 February 2019 via an interview with CNN that she would run for reelection as president in 2020. She registered to run in the Democratic Progressive Party presidential primary on 21 March 2019. Tsai defeated William Lai in the primary, and the Democratic Progressive Party nominated her as its candidate for the 2020 presidential election on 19 June 2019. Tsai and Lai formed the Democratic Progressive Party ticket on 17 November 2019.Tsai supports strong and stable relationships between Taiwan (ROC) and the United States. In early December 2016, Tsai held an unprecedented telephone call with President-elect Donald Trump. This was the first time that the President of ROC spoke with the president or president-elect of the United States since 1979. Afterwards, she indicated there had been no major "policy shift".In January 2021, Tsai met with United States Ambassador to the UN Kelly Craft by video link. Craft said: "We discussed the many ways Taiwan is a model for the world, as demonstrated by its success in fighting Covid-19 and all that Taiwan has to offer in the fields of health, technology and cutting-edge science... the U.S. stands with Taiwan and always will." Speaking in Beijing, Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Zhao Lijian said: "Certain U.S. politicians will pay a heavy price for their wrong words and deeds." On her last day in office later that month, Craft called Taiwan "a force for good on the global stage -- a vibrant democracy, a generous humanitarian actor, a responsible actor in the global health community, and a vigorous promoter and defender of human rights."The DPP's traditional position on the issue of cross-strait relations is that the Republic of China, widely known as Taiwan, is already an independent state governing the territories of Kinmen, Matsu, Penghu Islands, and the island of Taiwan, thus rendering a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. While Tsai has never departed fundamentally from the party line, her personal approach to the issue is nuanced and evolving.During the 2012 presidential election cycle, Tsai said that she disagreed with the 1992 Consensus as the basis for negotiations between Taiwan and mainland China, that such a consensus only served to buttress the "One China Principle", and that "no such consensus exists" because the majority of the Taiwanese public does not necessarily agree with this consensus. She believed that broad consultations should be held at all levels of Taiwanese society to decide the basis on which to advance negotiations with Beijing, dubbed the "Taiwan consensus". During the 2016 election cycle, Tsai was notably more moderate, making "maintaining the status quo" the centerpiece of party policy. She vowed to work within the Republic of China governing framework in addition to preserving the progress made in cross-strait relations by previous governments, while preserving "freedom and democracy" for the residents of Taiwan.Tsai believes in the importance of economic and trade links with mainland China, but publicly spoke out against the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA), a preferential trade agreement that increased economic links between Taiwan and mainland China. She generally supports the diversification of Taiwan's economic partners.In response to the death of Chinese Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo, who died of organ failure while in government custody, Tsai pleaded with the Communist government to "show confidence in engaging in political reform so that the Chinese can enjoy the God-given rights of freedom and democracy".Tsai has accused the Communist Party of China's troll army of spreading fake news via social media to influence voters and support candidates more sympathetic to Beijing ahead of the 2018 Taiwanese local elections.In January 2019, Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, had announced an open letter to Taiwan proposing a one country, two systems formula for eventual unification. Tsai responded to Xi in a January 2019 speech by stating that Taiwan rejects "one country, two systems" and that because Beijing equates the 1992 Consensus with "one country, two systems", Taiwan rejects the 1992 Consensus as well.Tsai expressed her solidarity with Hong Kong protesters, remarking that Taiwan's democracy was hard-earned and had to be guarded and renewed. Pledging that as long as she was Taiwan's president, she would never accept "one country, two systems", Tsai cited what she considered to be the constant and rapid deterioration of Hong Kong's democracy over the course of 20 years.Tsai has traditionally been supportive of disadvantaged groups in society, including the poor, women and children, Taiwanese aborigines, and LGBT groups. She favours government action to reduce unemployment, introducing incentives for entrepreneurship among youth, expanding public housing, and government-mandated childcare support. She supports government transparency and more prudent and disciplined fiscal management.Tsai advocated for the non-partisanship of the president of the Legislative Yuan, the increase in the number of "at-large" seats in the legislature, the broadening of participation among all political parties and interest groups. She supports proactively repairing the damage done to Taiwanese aboriginal groups, as well as the government actions in the February 28 Incident and during the phase of White Terror. She has also called for the de-polarization of Taiwanese politics, and advocates for a more open and consensus-based approach to addressing issues and passing legislation.Tsai supports LGBT rights and has endorsed same-sex marriage to be legalised in Taiwan. On 21 August 2015, which is the Qixi Festival, she released a campaign video in which three same-sex couples actors appeared. On 31 October 2015, when the biggest gay pride parade in Asia was held in Taipei, Tsai expressed her support for same-sex marriage. She posted a 15-second video on her Facebook page saying "I am Tsai Ing-wen, and I support marriage equality" and "Let everyone be able to freely love and pursue happiness". However during the presidency, Tsai delayed the process to legalize same-sex marriage due to opposition from conservative and religious groups. After the 2018 Taiwanese referendum, Tsai led the government to legalize same-sex marriage outside of the Civil Code.In the inauguration speech for her first term, Tsai stated policy goals such as pension reform, long-term care for the elderly, transitional justice, and judicial reform. She outlined an economic policy of diversification via the New Southbound Policy as well as prioritization of innovative industries. In terms of cross-strait policy, she acknowledged the 1992 Consensus without agreeing to it and called for continued cross-strait dialogue.In her second inauguration speech, Tsai outlined her major goals in her second term, including instituting a lay judge system, lowering the voting age from 20 to 18, and establishing a human rights commission under the Control Yuan. She also outlined her economic policy, which included transitioning from manufacturing to high-tech industries, with a focus on existing semiconductor and information and communications technology industries, cybersecurity, biotechnology and healthcare, domestic production of military equipment, green energy and strategically-critical industries. She proposed goals for defense reform, including a focus on asymmetric warfare, maintenance of a military reserve force, and reform in management to reflect a democratic society. On cross-strait issues, she explicitly rejected the one country, two systems model proposed by Beijing and expressed a desire for both sides to coexist peacefully.Under the Tsai administration, military spending has risen in Taiwan relative to GDP. The defense budget was set to $327 billion NTD in 2018 and $346 billion in 2019. The defense budget in 2020 was set to $411 billion NTD, estimated to be 2.3% of GDP, representing an 8.3% increase in total spending over the previous year and a 0.2% increase in percentage of GDP. In 2021 it was set to $453 billion NTD, estimated to be 2.4% of GDP, and a 4.4% increase over the previous year.The administration has also focused on defensive self-sufficiency and developing indigenous industries, such as in submarines and missiles. The AIDC T-5 Brave Eagle indigenous jet trainer, which started development in 2017, successfully conducted its first test flight in 2020. On 29 June 2020, Tsai announced measures to shore up Taiwan's military reserves, including assigning them the same combat gear as active servicemembers and synchronization of mobilization. The first domestically-produced rapid mine-laying ship was delivered on 4 August 2020, and construction on an indigenous diesel submarine began in November 2020. The navy's first indigenous amphibious transport dock was launched on April 13, 2021; named Yu Shan after the mountain with the same name and built by CSBC, it will replace the aging ROCN Hsu Hai (formerly the USS Pensacola).During her first inauguration speech, Tsai acknowledged that the talks surrounding the 1992 Consensus took place without agreeing that a consensus was reached. She credited the talks with spurring 20 years of dialogue and exchange between the two sides. She hoped that exchanges would continue on the basis of these historical facts, as well as the existence of the Republic of China constitutional system and democratic will of the Taiwanese people. In response, Beijing called Tsai's answer an "incomplete test paper" because Tsai did not agree to the content of the 1992 Consensus. On 25 June 2016, Beijing suspended official cross-strait communications, with any remaining cross-strait exchanges thereafter taking place through unofficial channels.In January 2019, Xi Jinping, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, wrote an open letter to Taiwan, proposing a one country, two systems formula for eventual unification. Tsai responded to Xi in a January 2019 speech by stating that Taiwan rejects "one country, two systems" and that because Beijing equates the 1992 Consensus with "one country, two systems", Taiwan rejects the 1992 Consensus as well. During her second inauguration speech, Tsai rejected one country, two systems explicitly again and reaffirmed her previous stance that cross-strait exchanges should be held on the basis of parity between the two sides. She further remarked that cross-strait relations had reached a "historical turning point."The Tsai administration has stated an electricity supply goal of 20% from renewables, 30% from coal and 50% from liquefied natural gas by 2025.Bills under the umbrella of the Forward-Looking Infrastructure initiative have been used to fund green energy initiatives. The administration plans to install 1,000 wind turbines on land and offshore and has contracted Ørsted of Denmark to install 900 MW of capacity and wpd of Germany to install 1 GW of capacity. Taiwan's first offshore wind farm, Formosa I, consisting of 22 wind turbines expected to produce 128 MW of energy, is slated to begin operations at the end of 2019. The government also purchased 520 MW of solar capacity in 2017 and more than 1 GW in 2018; total capacity was 2.8 GW at the end of 2018, with the government planning to deploy an addition 1.5 GW of solar energy in 2019 and 2.2 GW in 2020.The government approved amendments to the Electricity Act on 20 October 2016 to break up the state-owned monopoly Taipower into subsidiaries and further liberalize the power sector by allowing companies to sell electricity to users directly rather than selling through Taipower. In particular, the generation and distribution divisions of Taipower are to be separated. Amongst the stated motivations for liberalisation was to allow for the direct purchase of green energy by consumers. The plan also included emissions controls, the creation of a regulatory agency, mandatory reserve margins (waived for start-up green energy companies), and measures for price stabilization. The plan was met with protests by Taipower employees.Tsai campaigned on a promise to make Taiwan nuclear-free by 2025, which was codified into law on 11 January 2017 via amendments to the Electricity Act. An energy blackout due to an unrelated operational mistake have led some to question the nuclear phase-out. According to the results of the 2018 referendum, this provision was abolished on 7 May 2019. Nonetheless, the administration has maintained a goal of phasing out nuclear energy.On 5 July 2017, the first Forward-Looking Infrastructure Bill passed the Legislative Yuan. The bill provided $420 billion NTD in funds over a period of 4 years toward infrastructure projects in light-rail infrastructure, water supply infrastructure, flood control measures, and green energy, talent development, urban and rural infrastructure, digital infrastructure and food safety. Other projects include improving road safety and aesthetics, locally oriented industrial parks, recreation centers, bicycle paths, and public service centers for long-term care.The Tsai administration proposed a lay judge system modelled after Japan's over a jury system proposed by the New Power Party. The Citizen Judges Act was passed on July 22, 2020, instituting a lay judge system with three professional judges along six lay judges. The law is set to take effect in 2023.On 1 January 2017, the amended Labour Standards Law (commonly referred to as 一例一休), which was passed on 6 December 2016 by the legislature, took effect. The amendments stipulated, with some exceptions, a 40-hour five-day work week with one compulsory rest day and one flexible rest day. On the flexible rest day, workers may work for overtime pay, and the compulsory rest day guaranteed that workers could not work more than six days in a row. The amendments also reduced the number of national holidays from 19 to 12, eliminating Youth Day, Teachers’ Day, Retrocession Day, Chiang Kai-shek's birthday, Sun Yat-sen's birthday, Constitution Day and the day following New Year's Day. Prior to the amendments, the Labor Standards Act stipulated a maximum of 84 hours of work in any given 14 day period. The amendments were met with protests from labor groups, who opposed the reduction of national holidays and demanded that work on flexible rest days should result in compensatory vacation days in addition to overtime pay.After taking effect, the amendments were criticized for their lack of flexibility, resulting in a net decrease in total pay and an increase in cost of living, and for having an overly complicated scheme for calculating overtime pay, leading the administration to further revise the Labor Standards Act. On 1 March 2018, the second revision of the Labor Standards Act came into effect. The revisions relaxed the previous regulations by stipulating two compulsory rest days for each 14 day period rather than one compulsory rest day for each 7 day period, meaning that workers could work for 12 days in a row. The revisions also simplified the formula for overtime pay. The revisions were met with protests and hunger strikes by labor groups.The Tsai administration took actions to preserve languages facing a crisis of inheritance and to put them on more equal footing to Mandarin. Previously, the only national language was Mandarin; during her administration, the national languages of Taiwan were eventually broadened to include Mandarin, Taiwanese Hokkien, Hakka, 16 indigenous Formosan languages, Taiwanese Sign Language and the Matsu dialect of Eastern Min spoken on the Matsu Islands.The Indigenous Languages Development Act took effect on 14 June 2017, designating 16 indigenous Formosan languages as national languages. Hakka was made a national language via amendments to the Hakka Basic Act on 29 December 2017. On 25 December 2018, the sweeping National Languages Development Act passed the legislature, creating broadcast services for each national language of Taiwan, guaranteeing access to public services in each language, and introducing elective language classes in primary schools. The act also directed the government to work with civic groups to create standard orthographies for each national language, and to develop a plan for preserving and revitalizing threatened languages. It furthermore automatically designated, in Article 3, all languages of all ethnic groups in Taiwan as national languages, thus clearing the way for Taiwanese Hokkien, Taiwanese Sign Language, and the Matsu dialect to become national languages.On 15 August 2019, the government amended the Enforcement Rules of the Passport Act to allow for the use of romanizations of names in any national language (Hakka, Hoklo or indigenous languages) in passports.The New Southbound Policy was launched on 5 September 2016 with the intent to make Taiwan less dependent on Mainland China and to improve Taiwan's cooperation with other countries. The 18 countries the New Southbound Policy targeted for increased cooperation are: Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei, Vietnam, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, Australia and New Zealand. The policy designated areas of cooperation in trade, technology, agriculture, medicine, education, and tourism. In mid-2019, the Taiwanese government announced that since the implementation of the policy, bilateral trade between Taiwan and the targeted countries increased by 22%, while investment by targeted countries increased by 60%. Further, the number of medical patients from targeted countries increased by 50%, the number of visitors increased by 58%, and the number of students increased by 52%. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Taiwan donated 1 million masks to countries targeted in the New Southbound Policy.International observers have noted that Taiwan's pre-reform pension system was due to default by 2030 for civil servants and 2020 for the military. Pension reform was passed via two separate bills, one dealing with civil servants and schoolteachers on 27 June 2017 and another dealing with military veterans on 20 June 2018. On 1 July 2018, the pension reforms came into effect. Civil servants, upon retirement, have a choice between receiving pensions in monthly instalments subject to a preferential interest rate or via a lump sum. Under the reforms, the previous preferential interest rate for those who opted for monthly instalments would be gradually reduced from 18% to 0% over the span of 30 months. Civil servants who opted for a lump sum would see their interest rates decreased from 18% to 6% over a period of 6 years. The reforms were estimated to affect 63,000 military veterans, 130,000 public servants and 140,000 schoolteachers. The reforms simultaneously set minimum monthly pensions for schoolteachers and civil servants at $32,160 NTD and for military veterans at $38,990 NTD. The reforms also raised the minimum retirement age to 60 from 55, to increase by 1 per year until the retirement age reaches 65. Though the reforms were met with protests from government retirees and veterans, polls have shown that the majority of Taiwanese are satisfied with the outcome of the pension reforms. After a legal challenge by the KMT, the Constitutional Court found most of the pension reform constitutional, while striking down clauses regarding the suspension of pensions for retirees that took jobs later in the private sector.On 24 May 2017, the Constitutional Court ruled that the constitutional right to equality and freedom of marriage guarantees same-sex couples the right to marry under the Constitution of the Republic of China. The ruling ("Judicial Yuan Interpretation No. 748") gave the Legislative Yuan two years to bring the marriage laws into compliance, after which registration of such marriages would come into force automatically. Following the ruling, progress on implementing a same-sex marriage law was slow due to government inaction and strong opposition from some conservative people and Christian groups. In November 2018, the Taiwanese electorate passed referendums to prevent recognition of same-sex marriages in the Civil Code and to restrict teaching about LGBT issues. The Government responded by confirming that the Court's ruling would be implemented and that the referendums could not support laws contrary to the Constitution.On 20 February 2019, a draft bill entitled the "Act for Implementation of J.Y. Interpretation No. 748" was released. The draft bill would grant same-sex married couples almost all the rights available to heterosexual married couples under the Civil Code, with the exception that it only allows adoption of a child genetically related to one of them. The Executive Yuan passed it the following day, sending it to the Legislative Yuan for fast-tracked review. The bill was passed on 17 May, signed by the President on 22 May and took effect on 24 May 2019 (the last day possible under the Court's ruling). The Act on Promoting Transitional Justice () was passed by the Legislative Yuan on 5 December 2017. The act sought to rectify injustices committed by the authoritarian Kuomintang government of the Republic of China on Taiwan, and to this end established the Transitional Justice Commission to investigate actions taken from 15 August 1945, the date of the Jewel Voice Broadcast, to 6 November 1992, when president Lee Teng-hui lifted the Temporary Provisions against the Communist Rebellion for Fujian Province, Republic of China, ending the period of mobilization. This time period, in particular, includes the February 28 Incident as well as White Terror. The committee's main aims include: making political archives more readily available, removing authoritarian symbols, redressing judicial injustice, and producing a report on the history of the period which delineates steps to further promote transitional justice. Thus far, the commission has exonerated political criminals from the martial law era, made recommendations on the removal of authoritarian symbols, and declassified government documents from the martial law era.The Act Governing the Handling of Ill-gotten Properties by Political Parties and Their Affiliate Organizations was passed in July and Wellington Koo, one of the main authors of the Act, was named as the committee chairman in August. The stated goal of the act is to investigate state assets which were illegally transferred to private political parties and affiliates during the martial law era, and therefore applies only to political parties officially formed before the end of martial law. This effectively limits its scope to the KMT, which has insisted that it has been illegally and unconstitutionally persecuted and that the investigation is a political witch hunt. However, the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) maintained that the means are necessary for achieving transitional justice and leveling the playing field for all political parties. Thus far, the committee has determined that the China Youth Corps, Central Motion Picture Corp., National Women's League, and the Broadcasting Corporation of China were KMT-affiliated organizations and either froze their assets or ordered them to forfeit them. The KMT had difficulty paying salaries as its assets were frozen during the investigation.The KMT challenged the constitutionality of the Ill-gotten Properties Act, asserting that the law deprived the right of citizens to form political parties by depriving those parties of assets needed for their operation. In August 2020, the Constitutional Court ruled that the law was constitutional. In its interpretation, Judicial Yuan secretary general Lin Hui-huang wrote that the law was a form of transitional justice, and viewed it as a corrective measure for actions during the martial law period which were legal in form but contrary to the principles of constitutional democracy.Tsai's paternal grandfather, of Hakka descent, came from a prominent family in Fangshan, Pingtung, while her grandmother, from Shizi, Pingtung, was of aboriginal Paiwan descent. Tsai's father, Tsai Chieh-sheng () owned a car repair business. Tsai's mother is Chang Chin-fong (), the last of her father's four mistresses. She is the youngest of her father's 11 children, having three full siblings among them; she also has a maternal half-brother. Tsai is unmarried and has no children, being Taiwan’s first unmarried president. She is also the first president to be of both Hakka and aboriginal descent (a quarter Paiwan from her grandmother). Tsai is known to be a cat lover, and her two cats, "Think Think" and "Ah Tsai", featured prominently in her election campaign. In October 2016, she adopted three retired guide dogs, named Bella, Bunny, and Maru.According to the traditional Chinese naming practice, Tsai's name would have been , since her generation name is (), not (). However, her father believed the former to have too many strokes for the girl to learn, so she was instead named , which can be literally translated by its individual parts as "heroic" and "literature; culture", or the Chinese word for the English language if taken even more literally and without its erudite meaning.She has received:
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[
"President of the Republic of China",
"Vice Premier of the Republic of China",
"Chairperson of the Democratic Progressive Party",
"President of the Republic of China",
"Chairperson of the Democratic Progressive Party"
] |
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Which position did Tsai Ing-wen hold in Aug, 2006?
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August 09, 2006
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{
"text": [
"Vice Premier of the Republic of China"
]
}
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L2_Q233984_P39_1
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Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of President of the Republic of China from May, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of Vice Premier of the Republic of China from Jan, 2006 to May, 2007.
Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of Member of the Legislative Yuan from Feb, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of Chairperson of the Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2020 to Nov, 2022.
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Tsai Ing-wenTsai Ing-wen (born 31 August 1956) is a Taiwanese politician and academic serving as the seventh President of the Republic of China (Taiwan) since 2016. A member of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Tsai is the first female president of Taiwan. She has served as Chair of the DPP since 2020, and previously from 2008 to 2012 and 2014 to 2018.Tsai grew up in Taipei and studied law and international trade, and later became a law professor at Soochow University School of Law and National Chengchi University after earning an LLB from National Taiwan University and an LLM from Cornell Law School. She later studied law at the London School of Economics and Political Science, with her thesis titled ""Unfair trade practices and safeguard actions"," and was awarded a Ph.D. in law from the University of London. In 1993, as an independent (without party affiliation), she was appointed to a series of governmental positions, including trade negotiator for WTO affairs, by the then-ruling Kuomintang (KMT) and was one of the chief drafters of the special state-to-state relations doctrine of President Lee Teng-hui.After DPP President Chen Shui-bian took office in 2000, Tsai served as Minister of the Mainland Affairs Council throughout Chen's first term as a non-partisan. She joined the DPP in 2004 and served briefly as a DPP-nominated at-large member of the Legislative Yuan. From there, she was appointed Vice Premier under Premier Su Tseng-chang until the cabinet's mass resignation in 2007. She was elected and assumed DPP leadership in 2008, following her party's defeat in the 2008 presidential election. She resigned as chair after losing the 2012 presidential election.Tsai ran for New Taipei City mayorship in the November 2010 municipal elections but was defeated by another former vice premier, Eric Chu (KMT). In April 2011, Tsai became the first female presidential candidate of a major party in the history of the Republic of China after defeating her former superior, Su Tseng-chang, in the DPP's primary by a slight margin. She was defeated by incumbent Kuomintang candidate Ma Ying-jeou in the fifth direct presidential election in 2012, but was elected in a landslide four years later in the sixth direct presidential election in 2016. Tsai is the second president from the Democratic Progressive Party. She is the first president to have never held a prior elected executive post and the first to be popularly elected without having previously served as the mayor of Taipei. She was re-elected with an increased share of the vote in the 2020 presidential election.Tsai was included in "Time magazine's" 100 Most Influential People of 2020.Tsai was born at Mackay Memorial Hospital in Zhongshan District, Taipei, Taiwan on 31 August 1956, the youngest of 11 children. Her father, Tsai Chieh-sheng (1918–2006), was a businessman who ran an auto repair shop, and her mother Chang Chin-fong (1925–2018) was a housewife. Her given name, Ing-wen (英文), was chosen by genealogical naming practices. While these suggested the spelling 瀛文, her father felt that the character 瀛 had too many strokes and decided to replace it with the character 英. The resulting name 英文 could be translated as "heroic literature" or "English language". During her middle school period, she studied at Taipei Municipal Zhongshan Girls High School. She studied law at the behest of her father. After graduating at the College of Law, National Taiwan University, in 1978, Tsai obtained a Master of Laws at Cornell University Law School in 1980. She then studied law at the London School of Economics and was awarded Ph.D. in law from University of London in 1984. Upon her return to Taiwan, she taught law at the School of Law of Soochow University and National Chengchi University, both in Taipei.She was also appointed to the Fair Trade Commission and the Copyright Commission. She served as consultant for the Mainland Affairs Council and the National Security Council. She also led the drafting team on the Statute Governing Relations with Hong Kong and Macau ().In 2000, Tsai was given the high-profile appointment of chair of the Mainland Affairs Council. Confirming the widely held belief that she maintained Pan-Green sympathies, Tsai joined the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in 2004. She was subsequently nominated by the DPP to be a candidate in the 2004 legislative election and was elected as a legislator-at-large.On 26 January 2006, Tsai was appointed to the post of vice president of the Executive Yuan, a position commonly referred to as vice premier. She concurrently served as chairwoman of the Consumer Protection Commission.On 17 May 2007, Tsai, along with the rest of the cabinet of out-going Premier Su Tseng-chang, resigned to make way for incoming Premier Chang Chun-hsiung and his cabinet. Premier Chang named Chiou I-jen, the incumbent secretary-general of the Presidential Office to replace Tsai as vice premier. She then served as the chair of TaiMedBiologics, a biotechnology company based in Taiwan. The Kuomintang accused Tsai of contracting government work out to TaiMedBiologics during her term as vice premier, while planning to leave the government and lead the company afterward. She was later cleared of all alleged wrongdoing.In Kuomintang candidate Ma Ying-jeou's search for his running mate for the 2008 ROC presidential election, Tsai, a DPP member, was surprisingly suggested. Ma stated that there were no set criteria for a running mate, that his search would not be defined by gender, occupation, or even political party affiliations.On 19 May 2008, Tsai defeated Koo Kwang-ming in the election for DPP chair, and succeeded outgoing Frank Hsieh as the 12th-term chair of the party. She was the first woman to chair a major Taiwanese political party.Tsai took office on 20 May 2008, the same day Ma Ying-jeou was inaugurated as president. She said that DPP would work to deepen the Taiwanese localization movement while defending social justice. She criticized Ma for mentioning closer Cross-Strait relations but nothing about Taiwan's sovereignty and national security.Tsai questioned Ma's stance on Taiwan's sovereign status. Ma emphasized the importance of the so-called 1992 Consensus and called Tsai a Taiwan independence extremist. Tsai criticized Ma's government for not answering her question and labeling others.After former President Chen Shui-bian's acknowledgment of transferring past campaign funds overseas, Tsai apologized to the public and also said that the DPP would not try to cover up for Chen's alleged misdeeds. The Clean Government Commission was set up to investigate corruption within the DPP.On 25 April 2010, Tsai participated in a televised debate against President and Kuomintang chairman Ma Ying-jeou over a proposed trade agreement, the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA); while President Ma believed ECFA would increase Taiwanese exports to mainland China and lower unemployment rates, Tsai said it "will force Taiwan to open up for cheap Chinese exports eventually" and certain domestic industries will be harmed by the mainland trade invasion. Tsai also said that the pact "will make Taiwan lose its independence in cross-strait relations and become a Chinese parasite" and that Taiwan should negotiate with China under the multilateral-framework World Trade Organization, which would offer more trade protections and emphasize Taiwan's distinct status.Under Tsai's leadership, along with some of KMT's unpopular policies, the DPP regained momentum in elections of 2009, after major defeats from 2006 to 2008. In 2010, she was re-elected as the chair of the DPP.Tsai made a controversial statement in May 2010 claiming that the Republic of China was a "government-in-exile" non-native to Taiwan; however on 8 October 2011, two days prior to the 100-year anniversary celebrations of the Double Ten Day, Tsai changed her statement, stating that "The ROC is Taiwan, Taiwan is the ROC, and the current ROC government is no longer ruled by a non-native political power".Tsai resigned as chair of the DPP after losing her 2012 presidential election bid to incumbent Ma Ying-jeou.On 15 March 2014, Tsai announced that she would once more run for party chief of the DPP against incumbent Su Tseng-chang and Frank Hsieh. However, both Su and Hsieh dropped out of the election in the aftermath of the Sunflower Student Movement. Tsai defeated Kaohsiung County deputy commissioner Kuo Tai-lin by 79,676 votes.Tsai led the DPP to an historic victory in the local elections held on 29 November 2014, in which the party secured leadership of 13 of Taiwan's 22 municipalities and counties. The DPP's stunning victory in the elections strengthened Tsai's position within the party and placed her as the front-runner in the 2016 Presidential Elections; she announced her second bid for the Presidency on 15 February 2015. On 16 January 2016, she won the election by a landslide, winning 56.12% of votes, beating her opponent Eric Chu, who won 31.07% of the votes.On 24 November 2018, she resigned as leader of the Democratic Progressive Party and refused Premier William Lai's resignation after a major defeat in local elections.Tsai resumed the Democratic Progressive Party leadership from Cho Jung-tai on 20 May 2020, when she was inaugurated for her second presidential term.On 11 March 2011, Tsai Ing-wen officially announced her run for the presidential nomination of the Democratic Progressive Party. On 27 April 2011, Tsai became the first female presidential candidate in Taiwan after she defeated former Premier Su Tseng-chang by a small margin in a nationwide phone poll (of more than 15,000 samples) that served as the party's primary. Tsai ran against incumbent President Ma Ying-jeou of the Kuomintang and James Soong of the People First Party in the 5th direct presidential election, which was held on 14 January 2012. Garnering 45% of the vote, she conceded defeat to President Ma in an international press conference, resigning her seat as Chairman of the DPP.On 15 February 2015, Tsai officially registered for the Democratic Progressive Party's presidential nomination primary. Though William Lai and Su Tseng-chang were seen as likely opponents, Tsai was the only candidate to run in the primary and the DPP officially nominated her as the presidential candidate on 15 April.During summer of 2015, Tsai embarked on a visit to the United States and met a number of US policy makers including Senators John McCain and Jack Reed. In her speech addressing Taiwanese diaspora on the east coast of the United States, Tsai signaled a willingness to cooperate with the rising Third Party coalition in Taiwan in the incoming general election. On 14 November, Tsai's campaign announced that she had chosen Chen Chien-jen as DPP vice presidential candidate. On 16 January 2016, Tsai won the presidential election, beating her opponent Eric Chu by a margin of 25.04%. Tsai was inaugurated as president on 20 May 2016.After her election, Tsai was named one of "The 100 Most Influential People" in TIME magazine 2 May 2016 issue.Tsai announced on 19 February 2019 via an interview with CNN that she would run for reelection as president in 2020. She registered to run in the Democratic Progressive Party presidential primary on 21 March 2019. Tsai defeated William Lai in the primary, and the Democratic Progressive Party nominated her as its candidate for the 2020 presidential election on 19 June 2019. Tsai and Lai formed the Democratic Progressive Party ticket on 17 November 2019.Tsai supports strong and stable relationships between Taiwan (ROC) and the United States. In early December 2016, Tsai held an unprecedented telephone call with President-elect Donald Trump. This was the first time that the President of ROC spoke with the president or president-elect of the United States since 1979. Afterwards, she indicated there had been no major "policy shift".In January 2021, Tsai met with United States Ambassador to the UN Kelly Craft by video link. Craft said: "We discussed the many ways Taiwan is a model for the world, as demonstrated by its success in fighting Covid-19 and all that Taiwan has to offer in the fields of health, technology and cutting-edge science... the U.S. stands with Taiwan and always will." Speaking in Beijing, Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Zhao Lijian said: "Certain U.S. politicians will pay a heavy price for their wrong words and deeds." On her last day in office later that month, Craft called Taiwan "a force for good on the global stage -- a vibrant democracy, a generous humanitarian actor, a responsible actor in the global health community, and a vigorous promoter and defender of human rights."The DPP's traditional position on the issue of cross-strait relations is that the Republic of China, widely known as Taiwan, is already an independent state governing the territories of Kinmen, Matsu, Penghu Islands, and the island of Taiwan, thus rendering a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. While Tsai has never departed fundamentally from the party line, her personal approach to the issue is nuanced and evolving.During the 2012 presidential election cycle, Tsai said that she disagreed with the 1992 Consensus as the basis for negotiations between Taiwan and mainland China, that such a consensus only served to buttress the "One China Principle", and that "no such consensus exists" because the majority of the Taiwanese public does not necessarily agree with this consensus. She believed that broad consultations should be held at all levels of Taiwanese society to decide the basis on which to advance negotiations with Beijing, dubbed the "Taiwan consensus". During the 2016 election cycle, Tsai was notably more moderate, making "maintaining the status quo" the centerpiece of party policy. She vowed to work within the Republic of China governing framework in addition to preserving the progress made in cross-strait relations by previous governments, while preserving "freedom and democracy" for the residents of Taiwan.Tsai believes in the importance of economic and trade links with mainland China, but publicly spoke out against the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA), a preferential trade agreement that increased economic links between Taiwan and mainland China. She generally supports the diversification of Taiwan's economic partners.In response to the death of Chinese Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo, who died of organ failure while in government custody, Tsai pleaded with the Communist government to "show confidence in engaging in political reform so that the Chinese can enjoy the God-given rights of freedom and democracy".Tsai has accused the Communist Party of China's troll army of spreading fake news via social media to influence voters and support candidates more sympathetic to Beijing ahead of the 2018 Taiwanese local elections.In January 2019, Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, had announced an open letter to Taiwan proposing a one country, two systems formula for eventual unification. Tsai responded to Xi in a January 2019 speech by stating that Taiwan rejects "one country, two systems" and that because Beijing equates the 1992 Consensus with "one country, two systems", Taiwan rejects the 1992 Consensus as well.Tsai expressed her solidarity with Hong Kong protesters, remarking that Taiwan's democracy was hard-earned and had to be guarded and renewed. Pledging that as long as she was Taiwan's president, she would never accept "one country, two systems", Tsai cited what she considered to be the constant and rapid deterioration of Hong Kong's democracy over the course of 20 years.Tsai has traditionally been supportive of disadvantaged groups in society, including the poor, women and children, Taiwanese aborigines, and LGBT groups. She favours government action to reduce unemployment, introducing incentives for entrepreneurship among youth, expanding public housing, and government-mandated childcare support. She supports government transparency and more prudent and disciplined fiscal management.Tsai advocated for the non-partisanship of the president of the Legislative Yuan, the increase in the number of "at-large" seats in the legislature, the broadening of participation among all political parties and interest groups. She supports proactively repairing the damage done to Taiwanese aboriginal groups, as well as the government actions in the February 28 Incident and during the phase of White Terror. She has also called for the de-polarization of Taiwanese politics, and advocates for a more open and consensus-based approach to addressing issues and passing legislation.Tsai supports LGBT rights and has endorsed same-sex marriage to be legalised in Taiwan. On 21 August 2015, which is the Qixi Festival, she released a campaign video in which three same-sex couples actors appeared. On 31 October 2015, when the biggest gay pride parade in Asia was held in Taipei, Tsai expressed her support for same-sex marriage. She posted a 15-second video on her Facebook page saying "I am Tsai Ing-wen, and I support marriage equality" and "Let everyone be able to freely love and pursue happiness". However during the presidency, Tsai delayed the process to legalize same-sex marriage due to opposition from conservative and religious groups. After the 2018 Taiwanese referendum, Tsai led the government to legalize same-sex marriage outside of the Civil Code.In the inauguration speech for her first term, Tsai stated policy goals such as pension reform, long-term care for the elderly, transitional justice, and judicial reform. She outlined an economic policy of diversification via the New Southbound Policy as well as prioritization of innovative industries. In terms of cross-strait policy, she acknowledged the 1992 Consensus without agreeing to it and called for continued cross-strait dialogue.In her second inauguration speech, Tsai outlined her major goals in her second term, including instituting a lay judge system, lowering the voting age from 20 to 18, and establishing a human rights commission under the Control Yuan. She also outlined her economic policy, which included transitioning from manufacturing to high-tech industries, with a focus on existing semiconductor and information and communications technology industries, cybersecurity, biotechnology and healthcare, domestic production of military equipment, green energy and strategically-critical industries. She proposed goals for defense reform, including a focus on asymmetric warfare, maintenance of a military reserve force, and reform in management to reflect a democratic society. On cross-strait issues, she explicitly rejected the one country, two systems model proposed by Beijing and expressed a desire for both sides to coexist peacefully.Under the Tsai administration, military spending has risen in Taiwan relative to GDP. The defense budget was set to $327 billion NTD in 2018 and $346 billion in 2019. The defense budget in 2020 was set to $411 billion NTD, estimated to be 2.3% of GDP, representing an 8.3% increase in total spending over the previous year and a 0.2% increase in percentage of GDP. In 2021 it was set to $453 billion NTD, estimated to be 2.4% of GDP, and a 4.4% increase over the previous year.The administration has also focused on defensive self-sufficiency and developing indigenous industries, such as in submarines and missiles. The AIDC T-5 Brave Eagle indigenous jet trainer, which started development in 2017, successfully conducted its first test flight in 2020. On 29 June 2020, Tsai announced measures to shore up Taiwan's military reserves, including assigning them the same combat gear as active servicemembers and synchronization of mobilization. The first domestically-produced rapid mine-laying ship was delivered on 4 August 2020, and construction on an indigenous diesel submarine began in November 2020. The navy's first indigenous amphibious transport dock was launched on April 13, 2021; named Yu Shan after the mountain with the same name and built by CSBC, it will replace the aging ROCN Hsu Hai (formerly the USS Pensacola).During her first inauguration speech, Tsai acknowledged that the talks surrounding the 1992 Consensus took place without agreeing that a consensus was reached. She credited the talks with spurring 20 years of dialogue and exchange between the two sides. She hoped that exchanges would continue on the basis of these historical facts, as well as the existence of the Republic of China constitutional system and democratic will of the Taiwanese people. In response, Beijing called Tsai's answer an "incomplete test paper" because Tsai did not agree to the content of the 1992 Consensus. On 25 June 2016, Beijing suspended official cross-strait communications, with any remaining cross-strait exchanges thereafter taking place through unofficial channels.In January 2019, Xi Jinping, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, wrote an open letter to Taiwan, proposing a one country, two systems formula for eventual unification. Tsai responded to Xi in a January 2019 speech by stating that Taiwan rejects "one country, two systems" and that because Beijing equates the 1992 Consensus with "one country, two systems", Taiwan rejects the 1992 Consensus as well. During her second inauguration speech, Tsai rejected one country, two systems explicitly again and reaffirmed her previous stance that cross-strait exchanges should be held on the basis of parity between the two sides. She further remarked that cross-strait relations had reached a "historical turning point."The Tsai administration has stated an electricity supply goal of 20% from renewables, 30% from coal and 50% from liquefied natural gas by 2025.Bills under the umbrella of the Forward-Looking Infrastructure initiative have been used to fund green energy initiatives. The administration plans to install 1,000 wind turbines on land and offshore and has contracted Ørsted of Denmark to install 900 MW of capacity and wpd of Germany to install 1 GW of capacity. Taiwan's first offshore wind farm, Formosa I, consisting of 22 wind turbines expected to produce 128 MW of energy, is slated to begin operations at the end of 2019. The government also purchased 520 MW of solar capacity in 2017 and more than 1 GW in 2018; total capacity was 2.8 GW at the end of 2018, with the government planning to deploy an addition 1.5 GW of solar energy in 2019 and 2.2 GW in 2020.The government approved amendments to the Electricity Act on 20 October 2016 to break up the state-owned monopoly Taipower into subsidiaries and further liberalize the power sector by allowing companies to sell electricity to users directly rather than selling through Taipower. In particular, the generation and distribution divisions of Taipower are to be separated. Amongst the stated motivations for liberalisation was to allow for the direct purchase of green energy by consumers. The plan also included emissions controls, the creation of a regulatory agency, mandatory reserve margins (waived for start-up green energy companies), and measures for price stabilization. The plan was met with protests by Taipower employees.Tsai campaigned on a promise to make Taiwan nuclear-free by 2025, which was codified into law on 11 January 2017 via amendments to the Electricity Act. An energy blackout due to an unrelated operational mistake have led some to question the nuclear phase-out. According to the results of the 2018 referendum, this provision was abolished on 7 May 2019. Nonetheless, the administration has maintained a goal of phasing out nuclear energy.On 5 July 2017, the first Forward-Looking Infrastructure Bill passed the Legislative Yuan. The bill provided $420 billion NTD in funds over a period of 4 years toward infrastructure projects in light-rail infrastructure, water supply infrastructure, flood control measures, and green energy, talent development, urban and rural infrastructure, digital infrastructure and food safety. Other projects include improving road safety and aesthetics, locally oriented industrial parks, recreation centers, bicycle paths, and public service centers for long-term care.The Tsai administration proposed a lay judge system modelled after Japan's over a jury system proposed by the New Power Party. The Citizen Judges Act was passed on July 22, 2020, instituting a lay judge system with three professional judges along six lay judges. The law is set to take effect in 2023.On 1 January 2017, the amended Labour Standards Law (commonly referred to as 一例一休), which was passed on 6 December 2016 by the legislature, took effect. The amendments stipulated, with some exceptions, a 40-hour five-day work week with one compulsory rest day and one flexible rest day. On the flexible rest day, workers may work for overtime pay, and the compulsory rest day guaranteed that workers could not work more than six days in a row. The amendments also reduced the number of national holidays from 19 to 12, eliminating Youth Day, Teachers’ Day, Retrocession Day, Chiang Kai-shek's birthday, Sun Yat-sen's birthday, Constitution Day and the day following New Year's Day. Prior to the amendments, the Labor Standards Act stipulated a maximum of 84 hours of work in any given 14 day period. The amendments were met with protests from labor groups, who opposed the reduction of national holidays and demanded that work on flexible rest days should result in compensatory vacation days in addition to overtime pay.After taking effect, the amendments were criticized for their lack of flexibility, resulting in a net decrease in total pay and an increase in cost of living, and for having an overly complicated scheme for calculating overtime pay, leading the administration to further revise the Labor Standards Act. On 1 March 2018, the second revision of the Labor Standards Act came into effect. The revisions relaxed the previous regulations by stipulating two compulsory rest days for each 14 day period rather than one compulsory rest day for each 7 day period, meaning that workers could work for 12 days in a row. The revisions also simplified the formula for overtime pay. The revisions were met with protests and hunger strikes by labor groups.The Tsai administration took actions to preserve languages facing a crisis of inheritance and to put them on more equal footing to Mandarin. Previously, the only national language was Mandarin; during her administration, the national languages of Taiwan were eventually broadened to include Mandarin, Taiwanese Hokkien, Hakka, 16 indigenous Formosan languages, Taiwanese Sign Language and the Matsu dialect of Eastern Min spoken on the Matsu Islands.The Indigenous Languages Development Act took effect on 14 June 2017, designating 16 indigenous Formosan languages as national languages. Hakka was made a national language via amendments to the Hakka Basic Act on 29 December 2017. On 25 December 2018, the sweeping National Languages Development Act passed the legislature, creating broadcast services for each national language of Taiwan, guaranteeing access to public services in each language, and introducing elective language classes in primary schools. The act also directed the government to work with civic groups to create standard orthographies for each national language, and to develop a plan for preserving and revitalizing threatened languages. It furthermore automatically designated, in Article 3, all languages of all ethnic groups in Taiwan as national languages, thus clearing the way for Taiwanese Hokkien, Taiwanese Sign Language, and the Matsu dialect to become national languages.On 15 August 2019, the government amended the Enforcement Rules of the Passport Act to allow for the use of romanizations of names in any national language (Hakka, Hoklo or indigenous languages) in passports.The New Southbound Policy was launched on 5 September 2016 with the intent to make Taiwan less dependent on Mainland China and to improve Taiwan's cooperation with other countries. The 18 countries the New Southbound Policy targeted for increased cooperation are: Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei, Vietnam, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, Australia and New Zealand. The policy designated areas of cooperation in trade, technology, agriculture, medicine, education, and tourism. In mid-2019, the Taiwanese government announced that since the implementation of the policy, bilateral trade between Taiwan and the targeted countries increased by 22%, while investment by targeted countries increased by 60%. Further, the number of medical patients from targeted countries increased by 50%, the number of visitors increased by 58%, and the number of students increased by 52%. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Taiwan donated 1 million masks to countries targeted in the New Southbound Policy.International observers have noted that Taiwan's pre-reform pension system was due to default by 2030 for civil servants and 2020 for the military. Pension reform was passed via two separate bills, one dealing with civil servants and schoolteachers on 27 June 2017 and another dealing with military veterans on 20 June 2018. On 1 July 2018, the pension reforms came into effect. Civil servants, upon retirement, have a choice between receiving pensions in monthly instalments subject to a preferential interest rate or via a lump sum. Under the reforms, the previous preferential interest rate for those who opted for monthly instalments would be gradually reduced from 18% to 0% over the span of 30 months. Civil servants who opted for a lump sum would see their interest rates decreased from 18% to 6% over a period of 6 years. The reforms were estimated to affect 63,000 military veterans, 130,000 public servants and 140,000 schoolteachers. The reforms simultaneously set minimum monthly pensions for schoolteachers and civil servants at $32,160 NTD and for military veterans at $38,990 NTD. The reforms also raised the minimum retirement age to 60 from 55, to increase by 1 per year until the retirement age reaches 65. Though the reforms were met with protests from government retirees and veterans, polls have shown that the majority of Taiwanese are satisfied with the outcome of the pension reforms. After a legal challenge by the KMT, the Constitutional Court found most of the pension reform constitutional, while striking down clauses regarding the suspension of pensions for retirees that took jobs later in the private sector.On 24 May 2017, the Constitutional Court ruled that the constitutional right to equality and freedom of marriage guarantees same-sex couples the right to marry under the Constitution of the Republic of China. The ruling ("Judicial Yuan Interpretation No. 748") gave the Legislative Yuan two years to bring the marriage laws into compliance, after which registration of such marriages would come into force automatically. Following the ruling, progress on implementing a same-sex marriage law was slow due to government inaction and strong opposition from some conservative people and Christian groups. In November 2018, the Taiwanese electorate passed referendums to prevent recognition of same-sex marriages in the Civil Code and to restrict teaching about LGBT issues. The Government responded by confirming that the Court's ruling would be implemented and that the referendums could not support laws contrary to the Constitution.On 20 February 2019, a draft bill entitled the "Act for Implementation of J.Y. Interpretation No. 748" was released. The draft bill would grant same-sex married couples almost all the rights available to heterosexual married couples under the Civil Code, with the exception that it only allows adoption of a child genetically related to one of them. The Executive Yuan passed it the following day, sending it to the Legislative Yuan for fast-tracked review. The bill was passed on 17 May, signed by the President on 22 May and took effect on 24 May 2019 (the last day possible under the Court's ruling). The Act on Promoting Transitional Justice () was passed by the Legislative Yuan on 5 December 2017. The act sought to rectify injustices committed by the authoritarian Kuomintang government of the Republic of China on Taiwan, and to this end established the Transitional Justice Commission to investigate actions taken from 15 August 1945, the date of the Jewel Voice Broadcast, to 6 November 1992, when president Lee Teng-hui lifted the Temporary Provisions against the Communist Rebellion for Fujian Province, Republic of China, ending the period of mobilization. This time period, in particular, includes the February 28 Incident as well as White Terror. The committee's main aims include: making political archives more readily available, removing authoritarian symbols, redressing judicial injustice, and producing a report on the history of the period which delineates steps to further promote transitional justice. Thus far, the commission has exonerated political criminals from the martial law era, made recommendations on the removal of authoritarian symbols, and declassified government documents from the martial law era.The Act Governing the Handling of Ill-gotten Properties by Political Parties and Their Affiliate Organizations was passed in July and Wellington Koo, one of the main authors of the Act, was named as the committee chairman in August. The stated goal of the act is to investigate state assets which were illegally transferred to private political parties and affiliates during the martial law era, and therefore applies only to political parties officially formed before the end of martial law. This effectively limits its scope to the KMT, which has insisted that it has been illegally and unconstitutionally persecuted and that the investigation is a political witch hunt. However, the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) maintained that the means are necessary for achieving transitional justice and leveling the playing field for all political parties. Thus far, the committee has determined that the China Youth Corps, Central Motion Picture Corp., National Women's League, and the Broadcasting Corporation of China were KMT-affiliated organizations and either froze their assets or ordered them to forfeit them. The KMT had difficulty paying salaries as its assets were frozen during the investigation.The KMT challenged the constitutionality of the Ill-gotten Properties Act, asserting that the law deprived the right of citizens to form political parties by depriving those parties of assets needed for their operation. In August 2020, the Constitutional Court ruled that the law was constitutional. In its interpretation, Judicial Yuan secretary general Lin Hui-huang wrote that the law was a form of transitional justice, and viewed it as a corrective measure for actions during the martial law period which were legal in form but contrary to the principles of constitutional democracy.Tsai's paternal grandfather, of Hakka descent, came from a prominent family in Fangshan, Pingtung, while her grandmother, from Shizi, Pingtung, was of aboriginal Paiwan descent. Tsai's father, Tsai Chieh-sheng () owned a car repair business. Tsai's mother is Chang Chin-fong (), the last of her father's four mistresses. She is the youngest of her father's 11 children, having three full siblings among them; she also has a maternal half-brother. Tsai is unmarried and has no children, being Taiwan’s first unmarried president. She is also the first president to be of both Hakka and aboriginal descent (a quarter Paiwan from her grandmother). Tsai is known to be a cat lover, and her two cats, "Think Think" and "Ah Tsai", featured prominently in her election campaign. In October 2016, she adopted three retired guide dogs, named Bella, Bunny, and Maru.According to the traditional Chinese naming practice, Tsai's name would have been , since her generation name is (), not (). However, her father believed the former to have too many strokes for the girl to learn, so she was instead named , which can be literally translated by its individual parts as "heroic" and "literature; culture", or the Chinese word for the English language if taken even more literally and without its erudite meaning.She has received:
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[
"President of the Republic of China",
"Chairperson of the Democratic Progressive Party",
"Member of the Legislative Yuan"
] |
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Which position did Tsai Ing-wen hold in Feb, 2018?
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February 23, 2018
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{
"text": [
"President of the Republic of China"
]
}
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L2_Q233984_P39_2
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Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of Vice Premier of the Republic of China from Jan, 2006 to May, 2007.
Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of Chairperson of the Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2020 to Nov, 2022.
Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of President of the Republic of China from May, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of Member of the Legislative Yuan from Feb, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
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Tsai Ing-wenTsai Ing-wen (born 31 August 1956) is a Taiwanese politician and academic serving as the seventh President of the Republic of China (Taiwan) since 2016. A member of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Tsai is the first female president of Taiwan. She has served as Chair of the DPP since 2020, and previously from 2008 to 2012 and 2014 to 2018.Tsai grew up in Taipei and studied law and international trade, and later became a law professor at Soochow University School of Law and National Chengchi University after earning an LLB from National Taiwan University and an LLM from Cornell Law School. She later studied law at the London School of Economics and Political Science, with her thesis titled ""Unfair trade practices and safeguard actions"," and was awarded a Ph.D. in law from the University of London. In 1993, as an independent (without party affiliation), she was appointed to a series of governmental positions, including trade negotiator for WTO affairs, by the then-ruling Kuomintang (KMT) and was one of the chief drafters of the special state-to-state relations doctrine of President Lee Teng-hui.After DPP President Chen Shui-bian took office in 2000, Tsai served as Minister of the Mainland Affairs Council throughout Chen's first term as a non-partisan. She joined the DPP in 2004 and served briefly as a DPP-nominated at-large member of the Legislative Yuan. From there, she was appointed Vice Premier under Premier Su Tseng-chang until the cabinet's mass resignation in 2007. She was elected and assumed DPP leadership in 2008, following her party's defeat in the 2008 presidential election. She resigned as chair after losing the 2012 presidential election.Tsai ran for New Taipei City mayorship in the November 2010 municipal elections but was defeated by another former vice premier, Eric Chu (KMT). In April 2011, Tsai became the first female presidential candidate of a major party in the history of the Republic of China after defeating her former superior, Su Tseng-chang, in the DPP's primary by a slight margin. She was defeated by incumbent Kuomintang candidate Ma Ying-jeou in the fifth direct presidential election in 2012, but was elected in a landslide four years later in the sixth direct presidential election in 2016. Tsai is the second president from the Democratic Progressive Party. She is the first president to have never held a prior elected executive post and the first to be popularly elected without having previously served as the mayor of Taipei. She was re-elected with an increased share of the vote in the 2020 presidential election.Tsai was included in "Time magazine's" 100 Most Influential People of 2020.Tsai was born at Mackay Memorial Hospital in Zhongshan District, Taipei, Taiwan on 31 August 1956, the youngest of 11 children. Her father, Tsai Chieh-sheng (1918–2006), was a businessman who ran an auto repair shop, and her mother Chang Chin-fong (1925–2018) was a housewife. Her given name, Ing-wen (英文), was chosen by genealogical naming practices. While these suggested the spelling 瀛文, her father felt that the character 瀛 had too many strokes and decided to replace it with the character 英. The resulting name 英文 could be translated as "heroic literature" or "English language". During her middle school period, she studied at Taipei Municipal Zhongshan Girls High School. She studied law at the behest of her father. After graduating at the College of Law, National Taiwan University, in 1978, Tsai obtained a Master of Laws at Cornell University Law School in 1980. She then studied law at the London School of Economics and was awarded Ph.D. in law from University of London in 1984. Upon her return to Taiwan, she taught law at the School of Law of Soochow University and National Chengchi University, both in Taipei.She was also appointed to the Fair Trade Commission and the Copyright Commission. She served as consultant for the Mainland Affairs Council and the National Security Council. She also led the drafting team on the Statute Governing Relations with Hong Kong and Macau ().In 2000, Tsai was given the high-profile appointment of chair of the Mainland Affairs Council. Confirming the widely held belief that she maintained Pan-Green sympathies, Tsai joined the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in 2004. She was subsequently nominated by the DPP to be a candidate in the 2004 legislative election and was elected as a legislator-at-large.On 26 January 2006, Tsai was appointed to the post of vice president of the Executive Yuan, a position commonly referred to as vice premier. She concurrently served as chairwoman of the Consumer Protection Commission.On 17 May 2007, Tsai, along with the rest of the cabinet of out-going Premier Su Tseng-chang, resigned to make way for incoming Premier Chang Chun-hsiung and his cabinet. Premier Chang named Chiou I-jen, the incumbent secretary-general of the Presidential Office to replace Tsai as vice premier. She then served as the chair of TaiMedBiologics, a biotechnology company based in Taiwan. The Kuomintang accused Tsai of contracting government work out to TaiMedBiologics during her term as vice premier, while planning to leave the government and lead the company afterward. She was later cleared of all alleged wrongdoing.In Kuomintang candidate Ma Ying-jeou's search for his running mate for the 2008 ROC presidential election, Tsai, a DPP member, was surprisingly suggested. Ma stated that there were no set criteria for a running mate, that his search would not be defined by gender, occupation, or even political party affiliations.On 19 May 2008, Tsai defeated Koo Kwang-ming in the election for DPP chair, and succeeded outgoing Frank Hsieh as the 12th-term chair of the party. She was the first woman to chair a major Taiwanese political party.Tsai took office on 20 May 2008, the same day Ma Ying-jeou was inaugurated as president. She said that DPP would work to deepen the Taiwanese localization movement while defending social justice. She criticized Ma for mentioning closer Cross-Strait relations but nothing about Taiwan's sovereignty and national security.Tsai questioned Ma's stance on Taiwan's sovereign status. Ma emphasized the importance of the so-called 1992 Consensus and called Tsai a Taiwan independence extremist. Tsai criticized Ma's government for not answering her question and labeling others.After former President Chen Shui-bian's acknowledgment of transferring past campaign funds overseas, Tsai apologized to the public and also said that the DPP would not try to cover up for Chen's alleged misdeeds. The Clean Government Commission was set up to investigate corruption within the DPP.On 25 April 2010, Tsai participated in a televised debate against President and Kuomintang chairman Ma Ying-jeou over a proposed trade agreement, the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA); while President Ma believed ECFA would increase Taiwanese exports to mainland China and lower unemployment rates, Tsai said it "will force Taiwan to open up for cheap Chinese exports eventually" and certain domestic industries will be harmed by the mainland trade invasion. Tsai also said that the pact "will make Taiwan lose its independence in cross-strait relations and become a Chinese parasite" and that Taiwan should negotiate with China under the multilateral-framework World Trade Organization, which would offer more trade protections and emphasize Taiwan's distinct status.Under Tsai's leadership, along with some of KMT's unpopular policies, the DPP regained momentum in elections of 2009, after major defeats from 2006 to 2008. In 2010, she was re-elected as the chair of the DPP.Tsai made a controversial statement in May 2010 claiming that the Republic of China was a "government-in-exile" non-native to Taiwan; however on 8 October 2011, two days prior to the 100-year anniversary celebrations of the Double Ten Day, Tsai changed her statement, stating that "The ROC is Taiwan, Taiwan is the ROC, and the current ROC government is no longer ruled by a non-native political power".Tsai resigned as chair of the DPP after losing her 2012 presidential election bid to incumbent Ma Ying-jeou.On 15 March 2014, Tsai announced that she would once more run for party chief of the DPP against incumbent Su Tseng-chang and Frank Hsieh. However, both Su and Hsieh dropped out of the election in the aftermath of the Sunflower Student Movement. Tsai defeated Kaohsiung County deputy commissioner Kuo Tai-lin by 79,676 votes.Tsai led the DPP to an historic victory in the local elections held on 29 November 2014, in which the party secured leadership of 13 of Taiwan's 22 municipalities and counties. The DPP's stunning victory in the elections strengthened Tsai's position within the party and placed her as the front-runner in the 2016 Presidential Elections; she announced her second bid for the Presidency on 15 February 2015. On 16 January 2016, she won the election by a landslide, winning 56.12% of votes, beating her opponent Eric Chu, who won 31.07% of the votes.On 24 November 2018, she resigned as leader of the Democratic Progressive Party and refused Premier William Lai's resignation after a major defeat in local elections.Tsai resumed the Democratic Progressive Party leadership from Cho Jung-tai on 20 May 2020, when she was inaugurated for her second presidential term.On 11 March 2011, Tsai Ing-wen officially announced her run for the presidential nomination of the Democratic Progressive Party. On 27 April 2011, Tsai became the first female presidential candidate in Taiwan after she defeated former Premier Su Tseng-chang by a small margin in a nationwide phone poll (of more than 15,000 samples) that served as the party's primary. Tsai ran against incumbent President Ma Ying-jeou of the Kuomintang and James Soong of the People First Party in the 5th direct presidential election, which was held on 14 January 2012. Garnering 45% of the vote, she conceded defeat to President Ma in an international press conference, resigning her seat as Chairman of the DPP.On 15 February 2015, Tsai officially registered for the Democratic Progressive Party's presidential nomination primary. Though William Lai and Su Tseng-chang were seen as likely opponents, Tsai was the only candidate to run in the primary and the DPP officially nominated her as the presidential candidate on 15 April.During summer of 2015, Tsai embarked on a visit to the United States and met a number of US policy makers including Senators John McCain and Jack Reed. In her speech addressing Taiwanese diaspora on the east coast of the United States, Tsai signaled a willingness to cooperate with the rising Third Party coalition in Taiwan in the incoming general election. On 14 November, Tsai's campaign announced that she had chosen Chen Chien-jen as DPP vice presidential candidate. On 16 January 2016, Tsai won the presidential election, beating her opponent Eric Chu by a margin of 25.04%. Tsai was inaugurated as president on 20 May 2016.After her election, Tsai was named one of "The 100 Most Influential People" in TIME magazine 2 May 2016 issue.Tsai announced on 19 February 2019 via an interview with CNN that she would run for reelection as president in 2020. She registered to run in the Democratic Progressive Party presidential primary on 21 March 2019. Tsai defeated William Lai in the primary, and the Democratic Progressive Party nominated her as its candidate for the 2020 presidential election on 19 June 2019. Tsai and Lai formed the Democratic Progressive Party ticket on 17 November 2019.Tsai supports strong and stable relationships between Taiwan (ROC) and the United States. In early December 2016, Tsai held an unprecedented telephone call with President-elect Donald Trump. This was the first time that the President of ROC spoke with the president or president-elect of the United States since 1979. Afterwards, she indicated there had been no major "policy shift".In January 2021, Tsai met with United States Ambassador to the UN Kelly Craft by video link. Craft said: "We discussed the many ways Taiwan is a model for the world, as demonstrated by its success in fighting Covid-19 and all that Taiwan has to offer in the fields of health, technology and cutting-edge science... the U.S. stands with Taiwan and always will." Speaking in Beijing, Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Zhao Lijian said: "Certain U.S. politicians will pay a heavy price for their wrong words and deeds." On her last day in office later that month, Craft called Taiwan "a force for good on the global stage -- a vibrant democracy, a generous humanitarian actor, a responsible actor in the global health community, and a vigorous promoter and defender of human rights."The DPP's traditional position on the issue of cross-strait relations is that the Republic of China, widely known as Taiwan, is already an independent state governing the territories of Kinmen, Matsu, Penghu Islands, and the island of Taiwan, thus rendering a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. While Tsai has never departed fundamentally from the party line, her personal approach to the issue is nuanced and evolving.During the 2012 presidential election cycle, Tsai said that she disagreed with the 1992 Consensus as the basis for negotiations between Taiwan and mainland China, that such a consensus only served to buttress the "One China Principle", and that "no such consensus exists" because the majority of the Taiwanese public does not necessarily agree with this consensus. She believed that broad consultations should be held at all levels of Taiwanese society to decide the basis on which to advance negotiations with Beijing, dubbed the "Taiwan consensus". During the 2016 election cycle, Tsai was notably more moderate, making "maintaining the status quo" the centerpiece of party policy. She vowed to work within the Republic of China governing framework in addition to preserving the progress made in cross-strait relations by previous governments, while preserving "freedom and democracy" for the residents of Taiwan.Tsai believes in the importance of economic and trade links with mainland China, but publicly spoke out against the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA), a preferential trade agreement that increased economic links between Taiwan and mainland China. She generally supports the diversification of Taiwan's economic partners.In response to the death of Chinese Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo, who died of organ failure while in government custody, Tsai pleaded with the Communist government to "show confidence in engaging in political reform so that the Chinese can enjoy the God-given rights of freedom and democracy".Tsai has accused the Communist Party of China's troll army of spreading fake news via social media to influence voters and support candidates more sympathetic to Beijing ahead of the 2018 Taiwanese local elections.In January 2019, Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, had announced an open letter to Taiwan proposing a one country, two systems formula for eventual unification. Tsai responded to Xi in a January 2019 speech by stating that Taiwan rejects "one country, two systems" and that because Beijing equates the 1992 Consensus with "one country, two systems", Taiwan rejects the 1992 Consensus as well.Tsai expressed her solidarity with Hong Kong protesters, remarking that Taiwan's democracy was hard-earned and had to be guarded and renewed. Pledging that as long as she was Taiwan's president, she would never accept "one country, two systems", Tsai cited what she considered to be the constant and rapid deterioration of Hong Kong's democracy over the course of 20 years.Tsai has traditionally been supportive of disadvantaged groups in society, including the poor, women and children, Taiwanese aborigines, and LGBT groups. She favours government action to reduce unemployment, introducing incentives for entrepreneurship among youth, expanding public housing, and government-mandated childcare support. She supports government transparency and more prudent and disciplined fiscal management.Tsai advocated for the non-partisanship of the president of the Legislative Yuan, the increase in the number of "at-large" seats in the legislature, the broadening of participation among all political parties and interest groups. She supports proactively repairing the damage done to Taiwanese aboriginal groups, as well as the government actions in the February 28 Incident and during the phase of White Terror. She has also called for the de-polarization of Taiwanese politics, and advocates for a more open and consensus-based approach to addressing issues and passing legislation.Tsai supports LGBT rights and has endorsed same-sex marriage to be legalised in Taiwan. On 21 August 2015, which is the Qixi Festival, she released a campaign video in which three same-sex couples actors appeared. On 31 October 2015, when the biggest gay pride parade in Asia was held in Taipei, Tsai expressed her support for same-sex marriage. She posted a 15-second video on her Facebook page saying "I am Tsai Ing-wen, and I support marriage equality" and "Let everyone be able to freely love and pursue happiness". However during the presidency, Tsai delayed the process to legalize same-sex marriage due to opposition from conservative and religious groups. After the 2018 Taiwanese referendum, Tsai led the government to legalize same-sex marriage outside of the Civil Code.In the inauguration speech for her first term, Tsai stated policy goals such as pension reform, long-term care for the elderly, transitional justice, and judicial reform. She outlined an economic policy of diversification via the New Southbound Policy as well as prioritization of innovative industries. In terms of cross-strait policy, she acknowledged the 1992 Consensus without agreeing to it and called for continued cross-strait dialogue.In her second inauguration speech, Tsai outlined her major goals in her second term, including instituting a lay judge system, lowering the voting age from 20 to 18, and establishing a human rights commission under the Control Yuan. She also outlined her economic policy, which included transitioning from manufacturing to high-tech industries, with a focus on existing semiconductor and information and communications technology industries, cybersecurity, biotechnology and healthcare, domestic production of military equipment, green energy and strategically-critical industries. She proposed goals for defense reform, including a focus on asymmetric warfare, maintenance of a military reserve force, and reform in management to reflect a democratic society. On cross-strait issues, she explicitly rejected the one country, two systems model proposed by Beijing and expressed a desire for both sides to coexist peacefully.Under the Tsai administration, military spending has risen in Taiwan relative to GDP. The defense budget was set to $327 billion NTD in 2018 and $346 billion in 2019. The defense budget in 2020 was set to $411 billion NTD, estimated to be 2.3% of GDP, representing an 8.3% increase in total spending over the previous year and a 0.2% increase in percentage of GDP. In 2021 it was set to $453 billion NTD, estimated to be 2.4% of GDP, and a 4.4% increase over the previous year.The administration has also focused on defensive self-sufficiency and developing indigenous industries, such as in submarines and missiles. The AIDC T-5 Brave Eagle indigenous jet trainer, which started development in 2017, successfully conducted its first test flight in 2020. On 29 June 2020, Tsai announced measures to shore up Taiwan's military reserves, including assigning them the same combat gear as active servicemembers and synchronization of mobilization. The first domestically-produced rapid mine-laying ship was delivered on 4 August 2020, and construction on an indigenous diesel submarine began in November 2020. The navy's first indigenous amphibious transport dock was launched on April 13, 2021; named Yu Shan after the mountain with the same name and built by CSBC, it will replace the aging ROCN Hsu Hai (formerly the USS Pensacola).During her first inauguration speech, Tsai acknowledged that the talks surrounding the 1992 Consensus took place without agreeing that a consensus was reached. She credited the talks with spurring 20 years of dialogue and exchange between the two sides. She hoped that exchanges would continue on the basis of these historical facts, as well as the existence of the Republic of China constitutional system and democratic will of the Taiwanese people. In response, Beijing called Tsai's answer an "incomplete test paper" because Tsai did not agree to the content of the 1992 Consensus. On 25 June 2016, Beijing suspended official cross-strait communications, with any remaining cross-strait exchanges thereafter taking place through unofficial channels.In January 2019, Xi Jinping, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, wrote an open letter to Taiwan, proposing a one country, two systems formula for eventual unification. Tsai responded to Xi in a January 2019 speech by stating that Taiwan rejects "one country, two systems" and that because Beijing equates the 1992 Consensus with "one country, two systems", Taiwan rejects the 1992 Consensus as well. During her second inauguration speech, Tsai rejected one country, two systems explicitly again and reaffirmed her previous stance that cross-strait exchanges should be held on the basis of parity between the two sides. She further remarked that cross-strait relations had reached a "historical turning point."The Tsai administration has stated an electricity supply goal of 20% from renewables, 30% from coal and 50% from liquefied natural gas by 2025.Bills under the umbrella of the Forward-Looking Infrastructure initiative have been used to fund green energy initiatives. The administration plans to install 1,000 wind turbines on land and offshore and has contracted Ørsted of Denmark to install 900 MW of capacity and wpd of Germany to install 1 GW of capacity. Taiwan's first offshore wind farm, Formosa I, consisting of 22 wind turbines expected to produce 128 MW of energy, is slated to begin operations at the end of 2019. The government also purchased 520 MW of solar capacity in 2017 and more than 1 GW in 2018; total capacity was 2.8 GW at the end of 2018, with the government planning to deploy an addition 1.5 GW of solar energy in 2019 and 2.2 GW in 2020.The government approved amendments to the Electricity Act on 20 October 2016 to break up the state-owned monopoly Taipower into subsidiaries and further liberalize the power sector by allowing companies to sell electricity to users directly rather than selling through Taipower. In particular, the generation and distribution divisions of Taipower are to be separated. Amongst the stated motivations for liberalisation was to allow for the direct purchase of green energy by consumers. The plan also included emissions controls, the creation of a regulatory agency, mandatory reserve margins (waived for start-up green energy companies), and measures for price stabilization. The plan was met with protests by Taipower employees.Tsai campaigned on a promise to make Taiwan nuclear-free by 2025, which was codified into law on 11 January 2017 via amendments to the Electricity Act. An energy blackout due to an unrelated operational mistake have led some to question the nuclear phase-out. According to the results of the 2018 referendum, this provision was abolished on 7 May 2019. Nonetheless, the administration has maintained a goal of phasing out nuclear energy.On 5 July 2017, the first Forward-Looking Infrastructure Bill passed the Legislative Yuan. The bill provided $420 billion NTD in funds over a period of 4 years toward infrastructure projects in light-rail infrastructure, water supply infrastructure, flood control measures, and green energy, talent development, urban and rural infrastructure, digital infrastructure and food safety. Other projects include improving road safety and aesthetics, locally oriented industrial parks, recreation centers, bicycle paths, and public service centers for long-term care.The Tsai administration proposed a lay judge system modelled after Japan's over a jury system proposed by the New Power Party. The Citizen Judges Act was passed on July 22, 2020, instituting a lay judge system with three professional judges along six lay judges. The law is set to take effect in 2023.On 1 January 2017, the amended Labour Standards Law (commonly referred to as 一例一休), which was passed on 6 December 2016 by the legislature, took effect. The amendments stipulated, with some exceptions, a 40-hour five-day work week with one compulsory rest day and one flexible rest day. On the flexible rest day, workers may work for overtime pay, and the compulsory rest day guaranteed that workers could not work more than six days in a row. The amendments also reduced the number of national holidays from 19 to 12, eliminating Youth Day, Teachers’ Day, Retrocession Day, Chiang Kai-shek's birthday, Sun Yat-sen's birthday, Constitution Day and the day following New Year's Day. Prior to the amendments, the Labor Standards Act stipulated a maximum of 84 hours of work in any given 14 day period. The amendments were met with protests from labor groups, who opposed the reduction of national holidays and demanded that work on flexible rest days should result in compensatory vacation days in addition to overtime pay.After taking effect, the amendments were criticized for their lack of flexibility, resulting in a net decrease in total pay and an increase in cost of living, and for having an overly complicated scheme for calculating overtime pay, leading the administration to further revise the Labor Standards Act. On 1 March 2018, the second revision of the Labor Standards Act came into effect. The revisions relaxed the previous regulations by stipulating two compulsory rest days for each 14 day period rather than one compulsory rest day for each 7 day period, meaning that workers could work for 12 days in a row. The revisions also simplified the formula for overtime pay. The revisions were met with protests and hunger strikes by labor groups.The Tsai administration took actions to preserve languages facing a crisis of inheritance and to put them on more equal footing to Mandarin. Previously, the only national language was Mandarin; during her administration, the national languages of Taiwan were eventually broadened to include Mandarin, Taiwanese Hokkien, Hakka, 16 indigenous Formosan languages, Taiwanese Sign Language and the Matsu dialect of Eastern Min spoken on the Matsu Islands.The Indigenous Languages Development Act took effect on 14 June 2017, designating 16 indigenous Formosan languages as national languages. Hakka was made a national language via amendments to the Hakka Basic Act on 29 December 2017. On 25 December 2018, the sweeping National Languages Development Act passed the legislature, creating broadcast services for each national language of Taiwan, guaranteeing access to public services in each language, and introducing elective language classes in primary schools. The act also directed the government to work with civic groups to create standard orthographies for each national language, and to develop a plan for preserving and revitalizing threatened languages. It furthermore automatically designated, in Article 3, all languages of all ethnic groups in Taiwan as national languages, thus clearing the way for Taiwanese Hokkien, Taiwanese Sign Language, and the Matsu dialect to become national languages.On 15 August 2019, the government amended the Enforcement Rules of the Passport Act to allow for the use of romanizations of names in any national language (Hakka, Hoklo or indigenous languages) in passports.The New Southbound Policy was launched on 5 September 2016 with the intent to make Taiwan less dependent on Mainland China and to improve Taiwan's cooperation with other countries. The 18 countries the New Southbound Policy targeted for increased cooperation are: Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei, Vietnam, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, Australia and New Zealand. The policy designated areas of cooperation in trade, technology, agriculture, medicine, education, and tourism. In mid-2019, the Taiwanese government announced that since the implementation of the policy, bilateral trade between Taiwan and the targeted countries increased by 22%, while investment by targeted countries increased by 60%. Further, the number of medical patients from targeted countries increased by 50%, the number of visitors increased by 58%, and the number of students increased by 52%. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Taiwan donated 1 million masks to countries targeted in the New Southbound Policy.International observers have noted that Taiwan's pre-reform pension system was due to default by 2030 for civil servants and 2020 for the military. Pension reform was passed via two separate bills, one dealing with civil servants and schoolteachers on 27 June 2017 and another dealing with military veterans on 20 June 2018. On 1 July 2018, the pension reforms came into effect. Civil servants, upon retirement, have a choice between receiving pensions in monthly instalments subject to a preferential interest rate or via a lump sum. Under the reforms, the previous preferential interest rate for those who opted for monthly instalments would be gradually reduced from 18% to 0% over the span of 30 months. Civil servants who opted for a lump sum would see their interest rates decreased from 18% to 6% over a period of 6 years. The reforms were estimated to affect 63,000 military veterans, 130,000 public servants and 140,000 schoolteachers. The reforms simultaneously set minimum monthly pensions for schoolteachers and civil servants at $32,160 NTD and for military veterans at $38,990 NTD. The reforms also raised the minimum retirement age to 60 from 55, to increase by 1 per year until the retirement age reaches 65. Though the reforms were met with protests from government retirees and veterans, polls have shown that the majority of Taiwanese are satisfied with the outcome of the pension reforms. After a legal challenge by the KMT, the Constitutional Court found most of the pension reform constitutional, while striking down clauses regarding the suspension of pensions for retirees that took jobs later in the private sector.On 24 May 2017, the Constitutional Court ruled that the constitutional right to equality and freedom of marriage guarantees same-sex couples the right to marry under the Constitution of the Republic of China. The ruling ("Judicial Yuan Interpretation No. 748") gave the Legislative Yuan two years to bring the marriage laws into compliance, after which registration of such marriages would come into force automatically. Following the ruling, progress on implementing a same-sex marriage law was slow due to government inaction and strong opposition from some conservative people and Christian groups. In November 2018, the Taiwanese electorate passed referendums to prevent recognition of same-sex marriages in the Civil Code and to restrict teaching about LGBT issues. The Government responded by confirming that the Court's ruling would be implemented and that the referendums could not support laws contrary to the Constitution.On 20 February 2019, a draft bill entitled the "Act for Implementation of J.Y. Interpretation No. 748" was released. The draft bill would grant same-sex married couples almost all the rights available to heterosexual married couples under the Civil Code, with the exception that it only allows adoption of a child genetically related to one of them. The Executive Yuan passed it the following day, sending it to the Legislative Yuan for fast-tracked review. The bill was passed on 17 May, signed by the President on 22 May and took effect on 24 May 2019 (the last day possible under the Court's ruling). The Act on Promoting Transitional Justice () was passed by the Legislative Yuan on 5 December 2017. The act sought to rectify injustices committed by the authoritarian Kuomintang government of the Republic of China on Taiwan, and to this end established the Transitional Justice Commission to investigate actions taken from 15 August 1945, the date of the Jewel Voice Broadcast, to 6 November 1992, when president Lee Teng-hui lifted the Temporary Provisions against the Communist Rebellion for Fujian Province, Republic of China, ending the period of mobilization. This time period, in particular, includes the February 28 Incident as well as White Terror. The committee's main aims include: making political archives more readily available, removing authoritarian symbols, redressing judicial injustice, and producing a report on the history of the period which delineates steps to further promote transitional justice. Thus far, the commission has exonerated political criminals from the martial law era, made recommendations on the removal of authoritarian symbols, and declassified government documents from the martial law era.The Act Governing the Handling of Ill-gotten Properties by Political Parties and Their Affiliate Organizations was passed in July and Wellington Koo, one of the main authors of the Act, was named as the committee chairman in August. The stated goal of the act is to investigate state assets which were illegally transferred to private political parties and affiliates during the martial law era, and therefore applies only to political parties officially formed before the end of martial law. This effectively limits its scope to the KMT, which has insisted that it has been illegally and unconstitutionally persecuted and that the investigation is a political witch hunt. However, the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) maintained that the means are necessary for achieving transitional justice and leveling the playing field for all political parties. Thus far, the committee has determined that the China Youth Corps, Central Motion Picture Corp., National Women's League, and the Broadcasting Corporation of China were KMT-affiliated organizations and either froze their assets or ordered them to forfeit them. The KMT had difficulty paying salaries as its assets were frozen during the investigation.The KMT challenged the constitutionality of the Ill-gotten Properties Act, asserting that the law deprived the right of citizens to form political parties by depriving those parties of assets needed for their operation. In August 2020, the Constitutional Court ruled that the law was constitutional. In its interpretation, Judicial Yuan secretary general Lin Hui-huang wrote that the law was a form of transitional justice, and viewed it as a corrective measure for actions during the martial law period which were legal in form but contrary to the principles of constitutional democracy.Tsai's paternal grandfather, of Hakka descent, came from a prominent family in Fangshan, Pingtung, while her grandmother, from Shizi, Pingtung, was of aboriginal Paiwan descent. Tsai's father, Tsai Chieh-sheng () owned a car repair business. Tsai's mother is Chang Chin-fong (), the last of her father's four mistresses. She is the youngest of her father's 11 children, having three full siblings among them; she also has a maternal half-brother. Tsai is unmarried and has no children, being Taiwan’s first unmarried president. She is also the first president to be of both Hakka and aboriginal descent (a quarter Paiwan from her grandmother). Tsai is known to be a cat lover, and her two cats, "Think Think" and "Ah Tsai", featured prominently in her election campaign. In October 2016, she adopted three retired guide dogs, named Bella, Bunny, and Maru.According to the traditional Chinese naming practice, Tsai's name would have been , since her generation name is (), not (). However, her father believed the former to have too many strokes for the girl to learn, so she was instead named , which can be literally translated by its individual parts as "heroic" and "literature; culture", or the Chinese word for the English language if taken even more literally and without its erudite meaning.She has received:
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[
"Chairperson of the Democratic Progressive Party",
"Vice Premier of the Republic of China",
"Member of the Legislative Yuan"
] |
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Which position did Tsai Ing-wen hold in Jul, 2021?
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July 22, 2021
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{
"text": [
"President of the Republic of China",
"Chairperson of the Democratic Progressive Party"
]
}
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L2_Q233984_P39_3
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Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of Vice Premier of the Republic of China from Jan, 2006 to May, 2007.
Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of Member of the Legislative Yuan from Feb, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of Chairperson of the Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2020 to Nov, 2022.
Tsai Ing-wen holds the position of President of the Republic of China from May, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
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Tsai Ing-wenTsai Ing-wen (born 31 August 1956) is a Taiwanese politician and academic serving as the seventh President of the Republic of China (Taiwan) since 2016. A member of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Tsai is the first female president of Taiwan. She has served as Chair of the DPP since 2020, and previously from 2008 to 2012 and 2014 to 2018.Tsai grew up in Taipei and studied law and international trade, and later became a law professor at Soochow University School of Law and National Chengchi University after earning an LLB from National Taiwan University and an LLM from Cornell Law School. She later studied law at the London School of Economics and Political Science, with her thesis titled ""Unfair trade practices and safeguard actions"," and was awarded a Ph.D. in law from the University of London. In 1993, as an independent (without party affiliation), she was appointed to a series of governmental positions, including trade negotiator for WTO affairs, by the then-ruling Kuomintang (KMT) and was one of the chief drafters of the special state-to-state relations doctrine of President Lee Teng-hui.After DPP President Chen Shui-bian took office in 2000, Tsai served as Minister of the Mainland Affairs Council throughout Chen's first term as a non-partisan. She joined the DPP in 2004 and served briefly as a DPP-nominated at-large member of the Legislative Yuan. From there, she was appointed Vice Premier under Premier Su Tseng-chang until the cabinet's mass resignation in 2007. She was elected and assumed DPP leadership in 2008, following her party's defeat in the 2008 presidential election. She resigned as chair after losing the 2012 presidential election.Tsai ran for New Taipei City mayorship in the November 2010 municipal elections but was defeated by another former vice premier, Eric Chu (KMT). In April 2011, Tsai became the first female presidential candidate of a major party in the history of the Republic of China after defeating her former superior, Su Tseng-chang, in the DPP's primary by a slight margin. She was defeated by incumbent Kuomintang candidate Ma Ying-jeou in the fifth direct presidential election in 2012, but was elected in a landslide four years later in the sixth direct presidential election in 2016. Tsai is the second president from the Democratic Progressive Party. She is the first president to have never held a prior elected executive post and the first to be popularly elected without having previously served as the mayor of Taipei. She was re-elected with an increased share of the vote in the 2020 presidential election.Tsai was included in "Time magazine's" 100 Most Influential People of 2020.Tsai was born at Mackay Memorial Hospital in Zhongshan District, Taipei, Taiwan on 31 August 1956, the youngest of 11 children. Her father, Tsai Chieh-sheng (1918–2006), was a businessman who ran an auto repair shop, and her mother Chang Chin-fong (1925–2018) was a housewife. Her given name, Ing-wen (英文), was chosen by genealogical naming practices. While these suggested the spelling 瀛文, her father felt that the character 瀛 had too many strokes and decided to replace it with the character 英. The resulting name 英文 could be translated as "heroic literature" or "English language". During her middle school period, she studied at Taipei Municipal Zhongshan Girls High School. She studied law at the behest of her father. After graduating at the College of Law, National Taiwan University, in 1978, Tsai obtained a Master of Laws at Cornell University Law School in 1980. She then studied law at the London School of Economics and was awarded Ph.D. in law from University of London in 1984. Upon her return to Taiwan, she taught law at the School of Law of Soochow University and National Chengchi University, both in Taipei.She was also appointed to the Fair Trade Commission and the Copyright Commission. She served as consultant for the Mainland Affairs Council and the National Security Council. She also led the drafting team on the Statute Governing Relations with Hong Kong and Macau ().In 2000, Tsai was given the high-profile appointment of chair of the Mainland Affairs Council. Confirming the widely held belief that she maintained Pan-Green sympathies, Tsai joined the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in 2004. She was subsequently nominated by the DPP to be a candidate in the 2004 legislative election and was elected as a legislator-at-large.On 26 January 2006, Tsai was appointed to the post of vice president of the Executive Yuan, a position commonly referred to as vice premier. She concurrently served as chairwoman of the Consumer Protection Commission.On 17 May 2007, Tsai, along with the rest of the cabinet of out-going Premier Su Tseng-chang, resigned to make way for incoming Premier Chang Chun-hsiung and his cabinet. Premier Chang named Chiou I-jen, the incumbent secretary-general of the Presidential Office to replace Tsai as vice premier. She then served as the chair of TaiMedBiologics, a biotechnology company based in Taiwan. The Kuomintang accused Tsai of contracting government work out to TaiMedBiologics during her term as vice premier, while planning to leave the government and lead the company afterward. She was later cleared of all alleged wrongdoing.In Kuomintang candidate Ma Ying-jeou's search for his running mate for the 2008 ROC presidential election, Tsai, a DPP member, was surprisingly suggested. Ma stated that there were no set criteria for a running mate, that his search would not be defined by gender, occupation, or even political party affiliations.On 19 May 2008, Tsai defeated Koo Kwang-ming in the election for DPP chair, and succeeded outgoing Frank Hsieh as the 12th-term chair of the party. She was the first woman to chair a major Taiwanese political party.Tsai took office on 20 May 2008, the same day Ma Ying-jeou was inaugurated as president. She said that DPP would work to deepen the Taiwanese localization movement while defending social justice. She criticized Ma for mentioning closer Cross-Strait relations but nothing about Taiwan's sovereignty and national security.Tsai questioned Ma's stance on Taiwan's sovereign status. Ma emphasized the importance of the so-called 1992 Consensus and called Tsai a Taiwan independence extremist. Tsai criticized Ma's government for not answering her question and labeling others.After former President Chen Shui-bian's acknowledgment of transferring past campaign funds overseas, Tsai apologized to the public and also said that the DPP would not try to cover up for Chen's alleged misdeeds. The Clean Government Commission was set up to investigate corruption within the DPP.On 25 April 2010, Tsai participated in a televised debate against President and Kuomintang chairman Ma Ying-jeou over a proposed trade agreement, the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA); while President Ma believed ECFA would increase Taiwanese exports to mainland China and lower unemployment rates, Tsai said it "will force Taiwan to open up for cheap Chinese exports eventually" and certain domestic industries will be harmed by the mainland trade invasion. Tsai also said that the pact "will make Taiwan lose its independence in cross-strait relations and become a Chinese parasite" and that Taiwan should negotiate with China under the multilateral-framework World Trade Organization, which would offer more trade protections and emphasize Taiwan's distinct status.Under Tsai's leadership, along with some of KMT's unpopular policies, the DPP regained momentum in elections of 2009, after major defeats from 2006 to 2008. In 2010, she was re-elected as the chair of the DPP.Tsai made a controversial statement in May 2010 claiming that the Republic of China was a "government-in-exile" non-native to Taiwan; however on 8 October 2011, two days prior to the 100-year anniversary celebrations of the Double Ten Day, Tsai changed her statement, stating that "The ROC is Taiwan, Taiwan is the ROC, and the current ROC government is no longer ruled by a non-native political power".Tsai resigned as chair of the DPP after losing her 2012 presidential election bid to incumbent Ma Ying-jeou.On 15 March 2014, Tsai announced that she would once more run for party chief of the DPP against incumbent Su Tseng-chang and Frank Hsieh. However, both Su and Hsieh dropped out of the election in the aftermath of the Sunflower Student Movement. Tsai defeated Kaohsiung County deputy commissioner Kuo Tai-lin by 79,676 votes.Tsai led the DPP to an historic victory in the local elections held on 29 November 2014, in which the party secured leadership of 13 of Taiwan's 22 municipalities and counties. The DPP's stunning victory in the elections strengthened Tsai's position within the party and placed her as the front-runner in the 2016 Presidential Elections; she announced her second bid for the Presidency on 15 February 2015. On 16 January 2016, she won the election by a landslide, winning 56.12% of votes, beating her opponent Eric Chu, who won 31.07% of the votes.On 24 November 2018, she resigned as leader of the Democratic Progressive Party and refused Premier William Lai's resignation after a major defeat in local elections.Tsai resumed the Democratic Progressive Party leadership from Cho Jung-tai on 20 May 2020, when she was inaugurated for her second presidential term.On 11 March 2011, Tsai Ing-wen officially announced her run for the presidential nomination of the Democratic Progressive Party. On 27 April 2011, Tsai became the first female presidential candidate in Taiwan after she defeated former Premier Su Tseng-chang by a small margin in a nationwide phone poll (of more than 15,000 samples) that served as the party's primary. Tsai ran against incumbent President Ma Ying-jeou of the Kuomintang and James Soong of the People First Party in the 5th direct presidential election, which was held on 14 January 2012. Garnering 45% of the vote, she conceded defeat to President Ma in an international press conference, resigning her seat as Chairman of the DPP.On 15 February 2015, Tsai officially registered for the Democratic Progressive Party's presidential nomination primary. Though William Lai and Su Tseng-chang were seen as likely opponents, Tsai was the only candidate to run in the primary and the DPP officially nominated her as the presidential candidate on 15 April.During summer of 2015, Tsai embarked on a visit to the United States and met a number of US policy makers including Senators John McCain and Jack Reed. In her speech addressing Taiwanese diaspora on the east coast of the United States, Tsai signaled a willingness to cooperate with the rising Third Party coalition in Taiwan in the incoming general election. On 14 November, Tsai's campaign announced that she had chosen Chen Chien-jen as DPP vice presidential candidate. On 16 January 2016, Tsai won the presidential election, beating her opponent Eric Chu by a margin of 25.04%. Tsai was inaugurated as president on 20 May 2016.After her election, Tsai was named one of "The 100 Most Influential People" in TIME magazine 2 May 2016 issue.Tsai announced on 19 February 2019 via an interview with CNN that she would run for reelection as president in 2020. She registered to run in the Democratic Progressive Party presidential primary on 21 March 2019. Tsai defeated William Lai in the primary, and the Democratic Progressive Party nominated her as its candidate for the 2020 presidential election on 19 June 2019. Tsai and Lai formed the Democratic Progressive Party ticket on 17 November 2019.Tsai supports strong and stable relationships between Taiwan (ROC) and the United States. In early December 2016, Tsai held an unprecedented telephone call with President-elect Donald Trump. This was the first time that the President of ROC spoke with the president or president-elect of the United States since 1979. Afterwards, she indicated there had been no major "policy shift".In January 2021, Tsai met with United States Ambassador to the UN Kelly Craft by video link. Craft said: "We discussed the many ways Taiwan is a model for the world, as demonstrated by its success in fighting Covid-19 and all that Taiwan has to offer in the fields of health, technology and cutting-edge science... the U.S. stands with Taiwan and always will." Speaking in Beijing, Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Zhao Lijian said: "Certain U.S. politicians will pay a heavy price for their wrong words and deeds." On her last day in office later that month, Craft called Taiwan "a force for good on the global stage -- a vibrant democracy, a generous humanitarian actor, a responsible actor in the global health community, and a vigorous promoter and defender of human rights."The DPP's traditional position on the issue of cross-strait relations is that the Republic of China, widely known as Taiwan, is already an independent state governing the territories of Kinmen, Matsu, Penghu Islands, and the island of Taiwan, thus rendering a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. While Tsai has never departed fundamentally from the party line, her personal approach to the issue is nuanced and evolving.During the 2012 presidential election cycle, Tsai said that she disagreed with the 1992 Consensus as the basis for negotiations between Taiwan and mainland China, that such a consensus only served to buttress the "One China Principle", and that "no such consensus exists" because the majority of the Taiwanese public does not necessarily agree with this consensus. She believed that broad consultations should be held at all levels of Taiwanese society to decide the basis on which to advance negotiations with Beijing, dubbed the "Taiwan consensus". During the 2016 election cycle, Tsai was notably more moderate, making "maintaining the status quo" the centerpiece of party policy. She vowed to work within the Republic of China governing framework in addition to preserving the progress made in cross-strait relations by previous governments, while preserving "freedom and democracy" for the residents of Taiwan.Tsai believes in the importance of economic and trade links with mainland China, but publicly spoke out against the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA), a preferential trade agreement that increased economic links between Taiwan and mainland China. She generally supports the diversification of Taiwan's economic partners.In response to the death of Chinese Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo, who died of organ failure while in government custody, Tsai pleaded with the Communist government to "show confidence in engaging in political reform so that the Chinese can enjoy the God-given rights of freedom and democracy".Tsai has accused the Communist Party of China's troll army of spreading fake news via social media to influence voters and support candidates more sympathetic to Beijing ahead of the 2018 Taiwanese local elections.In January 2019, Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, had announced an open letter to Taiwan proposing a one country, two systems formula for eventual unification. Tsai responded to Xi in a January 2019 speech by stating that Taiwan rejects "one country, two systems" and that because Beijing equates the 1992 Consensus with "one country, two systems", Taiwan rejects the 1992 Consensus as well.Tsai expressed her solidarity with Hong Kong protesters, remarking that Taiwan's democracy was hard-earned and had to be guarded and renewed. Pledging that as long as she was Taiwan's president, she would never accept "one country, two systems", Tsai cited what she considered to be the constant and rapid deterioration of Hong Kong's democracy over the course of 20 years.Tsai has traditionally been supportive of disadvantaged groups in society, including the poor, women and children, Taiwanese aborigines, and LGBT groups. She favours government action to reduce unemployment, introducing incentives for entrepreneurship among youth, expanding public housing, and government-mandated childcare support. She supports government transparency and more prudent and disciplined fiscal management.Tsai advocated for the non-partisanship of the president of the Legislative Yuan, the increase in the number of "at-large" seats in the legislature, the broadening of participation among all political parties and interest groups. She supports proactively repairing the damage done to Taiwanese aboriginal groups, as well as the government actions in the February 28 Incident and during the phase of White Terror. She has also called for the de-polarization of Taiwanese politics, and advocates for a more open and consensus-based approach to addressing issues and passing legislation.Tsai supports LGBT rights and has endorsed same-sex marriage to be legalised in Taiwan. On 21 August 2015, which is the Qixi Festival, she released a campaign video in which three same-sex couples actors appeared. On 31 October 2015, when the biggest gay pride parade in Asia was held in Taipei, Tsai expressed her support for same-sex marriage. She posted a 15-second video on her Facebook page saying "I am Tsai Ing-wen, and I support marriage equality" and "Let everyone be able to freely love and pursue happiness". However during the presidency, Tsai delayed the process to legalize same-sex marriage due to opposition from conservative and religious groups. After the 2018 Taiwanese referendum, Tsai led the government to legalize same-sex marriage outside of the Civil Code.In the inauguration speech for her first term, Tsai stated policy goals such as pension reform, long-term care for the elderly, transitional justice, and judicial reform. She outlined an economic policy of diversification via the New Southbound Policy as well as prioritization of innovative industries. In terms of cross-strait policy, she acknowledged the 1992 Consensus without agreeing to it and called for continued cross-strait dialogue.In her second inauguration speech, Tsai outlined her major goals in her second term, including instituting a lay judge system, lowering the voting age from 20 to 18, and establishing a human rights commission under the Control Yuan. She also outlined her economic policy, which included transitioning from manufacturing to high-tech industries, with a focus on existing semiconductor and information and communications technology industries, cybersecurity, biotechnology and healthcare, domestic production of military equipment, green energy and strategically-critical industries. She proposed goals for defense reform, including a focus on asymmetric warfare, maintenance of a military reserve force, and reform in management to reflect a democratic society. On cross-strait issues, she explicitly rejected the one country, two systems model proposed by Beijing and expressed a desire for both sides to coexist peacefully.Under the Tsai administration, military spending has risen in Taiwan relative to GDP. The defense budget was set to $327 billion NTD in 2018 and $346 billion in 2019. The defense budget in 2020 was set to $411 billion NTD, estimated to be 2.3% of GDP, representing an 8.3% increase in total spending over the previous year and a 0.2% increase in percentage of GDP. In 2021 it was set to $453 billion NTD, estimated to be 2.4% of GDP, and a 4.4% increase over the previous year.The administration has also focused on defensive self-sufficiency and developing indigenous industries, such as in submarines and missiles. The AIDC T-5 Brave Eagle indigenous jet trainer, which started development in 2017, successfully conducted its first test flight in 2020. On 29 June 2020, Tsai announced measures to shore up Taiwan's military reserves, including assigning them the same combat gear as active servicemembers and synchronization of mobilization. The first domestically-produced rapid mine-laying ship was delivered on 4 August 2020, and construction on an indigenous diesel submarine began in November 2020. The navy's first indigenous amphibious transport dock was launched on April 13, 2021; named Yu Shan after the mountain with the same name and built by CSBC, it will replace the aging ROCN Hsu Hai (formerly the USS Pensacola).During her first inauguration speech, Tsai acknowledged that the talks surrounding the 1992 Consensus took place without agreeing that a consensus was reached. She credited the talks with spurring 20 years of dialogue and exchange between the two sides. She hoped that exchanges would continue on the basis of these historical facts, as well as the existence of the Republic of China constitutional system and democratic will of the Taiwanese people. In response, Beijing called Tsai's answer an "incomplete test paper" because Tsai did not agree to the content of the 1992 Consensus. On 25 June 2016, Beijing suspended official cross-strait communications, with any remaining cross-strait exchanges thereafter taking place through unofficial channels.In January 2019, Xi Jinping, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, wrote an open letter to Taiwan, proposing a one country, two systems formula for eventual unification. Tsai responded to Xi in a January 2019 speech by stating that Taiwan rejects "one country, two systems" and that because Beijing equates the 1992 Consensus with "one country, two systems", Taiwan rejects the 1992 Consensus as well. During her second inauguration speech, Tsai rejected one country, two systems explicitly again and reaffirmed her previous stance that cross-strait exchanges should be held on the basis of parity between the two sides. She further remarked that cross-strait relations had reached a "historical turning point."The Tsai administration has stated an electricity supply goal of 20% from renewables, 30% from coal and 50% from liquefied natural gas by 2025.Bills under the umbrella of the Forward-Looking Infrastructure initiative have been used to fund green energy initiatives. The administration plans to install 1,000 wind turbines on land and offshore and has contracted Ørsted of Denmark to install 900 MW of capacity and wpd of Germany to install 1 GW of capacity. Taiwan's first offshore wind farm, Formosa I, consisting of 22 wind turbines expected to produce 128 MW of energy, is slated to begin operations at the end of 2019. The government also purchased 520 MW of solar capacity in 2017 and more than 1 GW in 2018; total capacity was 2.8 GW at the end of 2018, with the government planning to deploy an addition 1.5 GW of solar energy in 2019 and 2.2 GW in 2020.The government approved amendments to the Electricity Act on 20 October 2016 to break up the state-owned monopoly Taipower into subsidiaries and further liberalize the power sector by allowing companies to sell electricity to users directly rather than selling through Taipower. In particular, the generation and distribution divisions of Taipower are to be separated. Amongst the stated motivations for liberalisation was to allow for the direct purchase of green energy by consumers. The plan also included emissions controls, the creation of a regulatory agency, mandatory reserve margins (waived for start-up green energy companies), and measures for price stabilization. The plan was met with protests by Taipower employees.Tsai campaigned on a promise to make Taiwan nuclear-free by 2025, which was codified into law on 11 January 2017 via amendments to the Electricity Act. An energy blackout due to an unrelated operational mistake have led some to question the nuclear phase-out. According to the results of the 2018 referendum, this provision was abolished on 7 May 2019. Nonetheless, the administration has maintained a goal of phasing out nuclear energy.On 5 July 2017, the first Forward-Looking Infrastructure Bill passed the Legislative Yuan. The bill provided $420 billion NTD in funds over a period of 4 years toward infrastructure projects in light-rail infrastructure, water supply infrastructure, flood control measures, and green energy, talent development, urban and rural infrastructure, digital infrastructure and food safety. Other projects include improving road safety and aesthetics, locally oriented industrial parks, recreation centers, bicycle paths, and public service centers for long-term care.The Tsai administration proposed a lay judge system modelled after Japan's over a jury system proposed by the New Power Party. The Citizen Judges Act was passed on July 22, 2020, instituting a lay judge system with three professional judges along six lay judges. The law is set to take effect in 2023.On 1 January 2017, the amended Labour Standards Law (commonly referred to as 一例一休), which was passed on 6 December 2016 by the legislature, took effect. The amendments stipulated, with some exceptions, a 40-hour five-day work week with one compulsory rest day and one flexible rest day. On the flexible rest day, workers may work for overtime pay, and the compulsory rest day guaranteed that workers could not work more than six days in a row. The amendments also reduced the number of national holidays from 19 to 12, eliminating Youth Day, Teachers’ Day, Retrocession Day, Chiang Kai-shek's birthday, Sun Yat-sen's birthday, Constitution Day and the day following New Year's Day. Prior to the amendments, the Labor Standards Act stipulated a maximum of 84 hours of work in any given 14 day period. The amendments were met with protests from labor groups, who opposed the reduction of national holidays and demanded that work on flexible rest days should result in compensatory vacation days in addition to overtime pay.After taking effect, the amendments were criticized for their lack of flexibility, resulting in a net decrease in total pay and an increase in cost of living, and for having an overly complicated scheme for calculating overtime pay, leading the administration to further revise the Labor Standards Act. On 1 March 2018, the second revision of the Labor Standards Act came into effect. The revisions relaxed the previous regulations by stipulating two compulsory rest days for each 14 day period rather than one compulsory rest day for each 7 day period, meaning that workers could work for 12 days in a row. The revisions also simplified the formula for overtime pay. The revisions were met with protests and hunger strikes by labor groups.The Tsai administration took actions to preserve languages facing a crisis of inheritance and to put them on more equal footing to Mandarin. Previously, the only national language was Mandarin; during her administration, the national languages of Taiwan were eventually broadened to include Mandarin, Taiwanese Hokkien, Hakka, 16 indigenous Formosan languages, Taiwanese Sign Language and the Matsu dialect of Eastern Min spoken on the Matsu Islands.The Indigenous Languages Development Act took effect on 14 June 2017, designating 16 indigenous Formosan languages as national languages. Hakka was made a national language via amendments to the Hakka Basic Act on 29 December 2017. On 25 December 2018, the sweeping National Languages Development Act passed the legislature, creating broadcast services for each national language of Taiwan, guaranteeing access to public services in each language, and introducing elective language classes in primary schools. The act also directed the government to work with civic groups to create standard orthographies for each national language, and to develop a plan for preserving and revitalizing threatened languages. It furthermore automatically designated, in Article 3, all languages of all ethnic groups in Taiwan as national languages, thus clearing the way for Taiwanese Hokkien, Taiwanese Sign Language, and the Matsu dialect to become national languages.On 15 August 2019, the government amended the Enforcement Rules of the Passport Act to allow for the use of romanizations of names in any national language (Hakka, Hoklo or indigenous languages) in passports.The New Southbound Policy was launched on 5 September 2016 with the intent to make Taiwan less dependent on Mainland China and to improve Taiwan's cooperation with other countries. The 18 countries the New Southbound Policy targeted for increased cooperation are: Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei, Vietnam, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, Australia and New Zealand. The policy designated areas of cooperation in trade, technology, agriculture, medicine, education, and tourism. In mid-2019, the Taiwanese government announced that since the implementation of the policy, bilateral trade between Taiwan and the targeted countries increased by 22%, while investment by targeted countries increased by 60%. Further, the number of medical patients from targeted countries increased by 50%, the number of visitors increased by 58%, and the number of students increased by 52%. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Taiwan donated 1 million masks to countries targeted in the New Southbound Policy.International observers have noted that Taiwan's pre-reform pension system was due to default by 2030 for civil servants and 2020 for the military. Pension reform was passed via two separate bills, one dealing with civil servants and schoolteachers on 27 June 2017 and another dealing with military veterans on 20 June 2018. On 1 July 2018, the pension reforms came into effect. Civil servants, upon retirement, have a choice between receiving pensions in monthly instalments subject to a preferential interest rate or via a lump sum. Under the reforms, the previous preferential interest rate for those who opted for monthly instalments would be gradually reduced from 18% to 0% over the span of 30 months. Civil servants who opted for a lump sum would see their interest rates decreased from 18% to 6% over a period of 6 years. The reforms were estimated to affect 63,000 military veterans, 130,000 public servants and 140,000 schoolteachers. The reforms simultaneously set minimum monthly pensions for schoolteachers and civil servants at $32,160 NTD and for military veterans at $38,990 NTD. The reforms also raised the minimum retirement age to 60 from 55, to increase by 1 per year until the retirement age reaches 65. Though the reforms were met with protests from government retirees and veterans, polls have shown that the majority of Taiwanese are satisfied with the outcome of the pension reforms. After a legal challenge by the KMT, the Constitutional Court found most of the pension reform constitutional, while striking down clauses regarding the suspension of pensions for retirees that took jobs later in the private sector.On 24 May 2017, the Constitutional Court ruled that the constitutional right to equality and freedom of marriage guarantees same-sex couples the right to marry under the Constitution of the Republic of China. The ruling ("Judicial Yuan Interpretation No. 748") gave the Legislative Yuan two years to bring the marriage laws into compliance, after which registration of such marriages would come into force automatically. Following the ruling, progress on implementing a same-sex marriage law was slow due to government inaction and strong opposition from some conservative people and Christian groups. In November 2018, the Taiwanese electorate passed referendums to prevent recognition of same-sex marriages in the Civil Code and to restrict teaching about LGBT issues. The Government responded by confirming that the Court's ruling would be implemented and that the referendums could not support laws contrary to the Constitution.On 20 February 2019, a draft bill entitled the "Act for Implementation of J.Y. Interpretation No. 748" was released. The draft bill would grant same-sex married couples almost all the rights available to heterosexual married couples under the Civil Code, with the exception that it only allows adoption of a child genetically related to one of them. The Executive Yuan passed it the following day, sending it to the Legislative Yuan for fast-tracked review. The bill was passed on 17 May, signed by the President on 22 May and took effect on 24 May 2019 (the last day possible under the Court's ruling). The Act on Promoting Transitional Justice () was passed by the Legislative Yuan on 5 December 2017. The act sought to rectify injustices committed by the authoritarian Kuomintang government of the Republic of China on Taiwan, and to this end established the Transitional Justice Commission to investigate actions taken from 15 August 1945, the date of the Jewel Voice Broadcast, to 6 November 1992, when president Lee Teng-hui lifted the Temporary Provisions against the Communist Rebellion for Fujian Province, Republic of China, ending the period of mobilization. This time period, in particular, includes the February 28 Incident as well as White Terror. The committee's main aims include: making political archives more readily available, removing authoritarian symbols, redressing judicial injustice, and producing a report on the history of the period which delineates steps to further promote transitional justice. Thus far, the commission has exonerated political criminals from the martial law era, made recommendations on the removal of authoritarian symbols, and declassified government documents from the martial law era.The Act Governing the Handling of Ill-gotten Properties by Political Parties and Their Affiliate Organizations was passed in July and Wellington Koo, one of the main authors of the Act, was named as the committee chairman in August. The stated goal of the act is to investigate state assets which were illegally transferred to private political parties and affiliates during the martial law era, and therefore applies only to political parties officially formed before the end of martial law. This effectively limits its scope to the KMT, which has insisted that it has been illegally and unconstitutionally persecuted and that the investigation is a political witch hunt. However, the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) maintained that the means are necessary for achieving transitional justice and leveling the playing field for all political parties. Thus far, the committee has determined that the China Youth Corps, Central Motion Picture Corp., National Women's League, and the Broadcasting Corporation of China were KMT-affiliated organizations and either froze their assets or ordered them to forfeit them. The KMT had difficulty paying salaries as its assets were frozen during the investigation.The KMT challenged the constitutionality of the Ill-gotten Properties Act, asserting that the law deprived the right of citizens to form political parties by depriving those parties of assets needed for their operation. In August 2020, the Constitutional Court ruled that the law was constitutional. In its interpretation, Judicial Yuan secretary general Lin Hui-huang wrote that the law was a form of transitional justice, and viewed it as a corrective measure for actions during the martial law period which were legal in form but contrary to the principles of constitutional democracy.Tsai's paternal grandfather, of Hakka descent, came from a prominent family in Fangshan, Pingtung, while her grandmother, from Shizi, Pingtung, was of aboriginal Paiwan descent. Tsai's father, Tsai Chieh-sheng () owned a car repair business. Tsai's mother is Chang Chin-fong (), the last of her father's four mistresses. She is the youngest of her father's 11 children, having three full siblings among them; she also has a maternal half-brother. Tsai is unmarried and has no children, being Taiwan’s first unmarried president. She is also the first president to be of both Hakka and aboriginal descent (a quarter Paiwan from her grandmother). Tsai is known to be a cat lover, and her two cats, "Think Think" and "Ah Tsai", featured prominently in her election campaign. In October 2016, she adopted three retired guide dogs, named Bella, Bunny, and Maru.According to the traditional Chinese naming practice, Tsai's name would have been , since her generation name is (), not (). However, her father believed the former to have too many strokes for the girl to learn, so she was instead named , which can be literally translated by its individual parts as "heroic" and "literature; culture", or the Chinese word for the English language if taken even more literally and without its erudite meaning.She has received:
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[
"Vice Premier of the Republic of China",
"Member of the Legislative Yuan"
] |
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Which employer did Niall Ferguson work for in Dec, 1990?
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December 23, 1990
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{
"text": [
"University of Cambridge"
]
}
|
L2_Q377638_P108_0
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Niall Ferguson works for Hoover Institution from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Niall Ferguson works for New York University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004.
Niall Ferguson works for University of Oxford from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2002.
Niall Ferguson works for London School of Economics and Political Science from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
Niall Ferguson works for Harvard University from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2016.
Niall Ferguson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1992.
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Niall FergusonNiall Campbell Ferguson (; born 18 April 1964) is a Scottish-American historian and the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. Previously, he was a professor at Harvard University, the London School of Economics and New York University, visiting professor at New College of the Humanities and senior research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.Ferguson writes and lectures on international history, economic and financial history and British and American imperialism. He is known for his positive views concerning the British Empire. He once ironically called himself "a fully paid-up member of the neo-imperialist gang" following the 2003 invasion of Iraq.Ferguson has been a contributing editor for Bloomberg Television and a columnist for "Newsweek". He began writing a twice-a-month column for "Bloomberg Opinion" in June 2020.Ferguson has written and presented numerous television documentary series, including "The Ascent of Money", which won an International Emmy award for Best Documentary in 2009. In 2004, he was named as one of "TIME" magazine's 100 most influential people in the world.Ferguson was born in Glasgow, Scotland, on 18 April 1964 to James Campbell Ferguson, a doctor, and Molly Archibald Hamilton, a physics teacher. Ferguson grew up in the Ibrox area Glasgow in a home close to the Ibrox Park football stadium. He attended The Glasgow Academy. He was brought up as, and remains, an atheist, though he has encouraged his children to study religion and attends church occasionally.Ferguson cites his father as instilling in him a strong sense of self-discipline and of the moral value of work, while his mother encouraged his creative side. His maternal grandfather, a journalist, encouraged him to write. He has described his parents as "both very much products of the Scottish Enlightenment." Ferguson ascribes his decision to read history at university instead of English literature to two main factors: Leo Tolstoy's reflections on history at the end of "War and Peace" (which he read at the age of fifteen), and his admiration of historian A. J. P. Taylor.Ferguson received a demyship (highest scholarship) from Magdalen College, Oxford. Whilst a student there, he wrote a 90-minute student film "The Labours of Hercules Sprote", played double bass in a jazz band "Night in Tunisia", edited the student magazine "Tributary", and befriended Andrew Sullivan, who shared his interest in right-wing politics and punk music. He had become a Thatcherite by 1982. He graduated with a first-class honours degree in history in 1985.Ferguson studied as a Hanseatic Scholar in Hamburg and Berlin in 1987 and 1988. He received his Doctor of Philosophy degree from the University of Oxford in 1989: his dissertation was titled "Business and Politics in the German Inflation: Hamburg 1914–1924".In 1989, Ferguson worked as a research fellow at Christ's College, Cambridge. From 1990 to 1992 he was an official fellow and lecturer at Peterhouse, Cambridge. He then became a fellow and tutor in modern history at Jesus College, Oxford, where in 2000 he was named a professor of political and financial history. In 2002 Ferguson became the John Herzog Professor in Financial History at New York University Stern School of Business, and in 2004 he became the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University and William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School. From 2010 to 2011, Ferguson held the Philippe Roman Chair in history and international affairs at the London School of Economics. In 2016 Ferguson left Harvard to become a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he had been an adjunct fellow since 2005.Ferguson has received honorary degrees from the University of Buckingham, Macquarie University (Australia) and Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez (Chile). In May 2010, Michael Gove, education secretary, asked Ferguson to advise on the development of a new history syllabus, to be entitled "history as a connected narrative", for schools in England and Wales. In June 2011, he joined other academics to set up the New College of the Humanities, a private college in London.In 2018, Ferguson apologized after fellow historians criticized him for only inviting white men as speakers to a Stanford conference on applied history.Also in 2018, emails documenting Ferguson's attempts to discredit a progressive activist student at Stanford University who had been critical of Ferguson's choices of speakers invited to the Cardinal Conversations free speech initiative were released to the public and university administrators. He teamed with a Republican student group to find information that might discredit the student. Ferguson resigned from leadership of the program once university administrators became aware of his actions. Ferguson responded in his column saying, "Re-reading my emails now, I am struck by their juvenile, jocular tone. “A famous victory,” I wrote the morning after the Murray event. “Now we turn to the more subtle game of grinding them down on the committee. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” Then I added: “Some opposition research on Mr O might also be worthwhile”—a reference to the leader of the protests. None of this happened. The meetings of the student committee were repeatedly postponed. No one ever did any digging on “Mr O”. The spring vacation arrived. The only thing that came of the emails was that their circulation led to my stepping down."In 2000, Ferguson was a founding director of Boxmind, an Oxford-based educational technology company.In 2006, he set up Chimerica Media Ltd., a London based television production company.In 2007, Ferguson was appointed as an investment management consultant by GLG Partners, to advise on geopolitical risk as well as current structural issues in economic behaviour relating to investment decisions. GLG is a UK-based hedge fund management firm headed by Noam Gottesman. Ferguson was also an adviser to Morgan Stanley, the investment bank.In 2011, he set up Greenmantle LLC, an advisory business specializing in macroeconomics and geopolitics.He also serves as a non-executive director on the board of Affiliated Managers Group.Ferguson was an advisor to John McCain's U.S. presidential campaign in 2008, supported Mitt Romney in his 2012 campaign and was a vocal critic of Barack Obama.Ferguson is a trustee of the New York Historical Society and the London-based Centre for Policy Studies.Ferguson has written regularly for British newspapers and magazines since the mid 1980s. At that time, he was lead writer for "The Daily Telegraph," and a regular book reviewer for "The Daily Mail".In the summer on 1989, while travelling in Berlin, he wrote an article for a British newspaper with the provisional headline "The Berlin Wall is Crumbling", but it was not published.In the early 2000s he wrote a weekly column for "The Sunday Telegraph" and Los Angeles Times, leaving in 2007 to become a contributing editor to the "Financial Times". Between 2008 and 2012 he wrote regularly for "Newsweek". Since 2015 he has written a weekly column for The Sunday Times and The Boston Globe, which also appears in numerous papers around the world.Ferguson's television series The Ascent of Money won the 2009 International Emmy award for Best Documentary. In 2011 his film company Chimerica Media released its first feature-length documentary, "Kissinger", which won the New York Film Festival's prize for Best Documentary.In May 2012, the BBC announced Niall Ferguson was to present its annual Reith Lectures – a prestigious series of radio lectures which were first broadcast in 1948. These four lectures, titled "The Rule of Law and its Enemies", examine the role man-made institutions have played in the economic and political spheres.In the first lecture, held at the London School of Economics, titled "The Human Hive", Ferguson argues for greater openness from governments, saying they should publish accounts which clearly state all assets and liabilities. Governments, he said, should also follow the lead of business and adopt the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles and, above all, generational accounts should be prepared on a regular basis to make absolutely clear the inter-generational implications of current fiscal policy. In the lecture, Ferguson says young voters should be more supportive of government austerity measures if they do not wish to pay further down the line for the profligacy of the baby boomer generation.In the second lecture, "The Darwinian Economy", Ferguson reflects on the causes of the global financial crisis, and erroneous conclusions that many people have drawn from it about the role of regulation, and asks whether regulation is in fact "the disease of which it purports to be the cure"."The Landscape of Law" was the third lecture, delivered at Gresham College. It examines the rule of law in comparative terms, asking how far the common law's claims to superiority over other systems are credible, and whether we are living through a time of 'creeping legal degeneration' in the English-speaking world.The fourth and final lecture, "Civil and Uncivil Societies", focuses on institutions (outside the political, economic and legal realms) designed to preserve and transmit particular knowledge and values. Ferguson asks whether the modern state is quietly killing civil society in the Western world, and what non-Western societies can do to build a vibrant civil society.The first lecture was broadcast on BBC Radio 4 and the BBC World Service on Tuesday, 19 June 2012. The series is available as a BBC podcast.In his 2001 book, "The Cash Nexus", which he wrote following a year as Houblon-Norman Fellow at the Bank of England, Ferguson argues that the popular saying, "money makes the world go 'round", is wrong; instead he presented a case for human actions in history motivated by far more than just economic concerns.In his 2003 book, "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," Ferguson conducts a provocative reinterpretation of the British Empire, casting it as one of the world's great modernising forces. The Empire produced durable changes and globalisation with steampower, telegraphs, and engineers.Bernard Porter, famous for expressing his views during the Porter–MacKenzie debate on the British Empire, attacked "Empire" in "The London Review of Books" as a "panegyric to British colonialism". Ferguson, in response to this, drew Porter's attention to the conclusion of the book, where he writes: "No one would claim that the record of the British Empire was unblemished. On the contrary, I have tried to show how often it failed to live up to its own ideal of individual liberty, particularly in the early era of enslavement, transportation and the 'ethnic cleansing' of indigenous peoples." Ferguson argues however that the British Empire was preferable to the alternatives:The 19th-century empire undeniably pioneered free trade, free capital movements and, with the abolition of slavery, free labour. It invested immense sums in developing a global network of modern communications. It spread and enforced the rule of law over vast areas. Though it fought many small wars, the empire maintained a global peace unmatched before or since. In the 20th century too the empire more than justified its own existence. For the alternatives to British rule represented by the German and Japanese empires were clearly – and they admitted it themselves – far worse. And without its empire, it is inconceivable that Britain could have withstood them.In his 2005 book, "Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire," Ferguson proposes that the United States aspires to globalize free markets, the rule of law, and representative government, but shies away from the long-term commitments of manpower and money that are indispensable, in taking a more active role in resolving conflict arising from the failure of states. The U.S. is an empire in denial, not acknowledging the scale of global responsibilities. The American writer Michael Lind, responding to Ferguson's advocation of an enlarged American military through conscription, accused Ferguson of engaging in apocalyptic alarmism about the possibility of a world without the United States as the dominant power and of a casual disregard for the value of human life.In "War of the World", published in 2006, Ferguson argued that a combination of economic volatility, decaying empires, psychopathic dictators, racially/ethnically motivated and institutionalised violence resulted in the wars and genocides of what he calls "History's Age of Hatred". "The New York Times Book Review" named "War of the World" one of the 100 Notable Books of the Year in 2006, while the "International Herald Tribune" called it "one of the most intriguing attempts by an historian to explain man's inhumanity to man". Ferguson addresses the paradox that, though the 20th century was "so bloody", it was also "a time of unparalleled [economic] progress". As with his earlier work "Empire", "War of the World" was accompanied by a Channel 4 television series presented by Ferguson.Published in 2008, "The Ascent of Money" examines the history of money, credit, and banking. In it Ferguson predicts a financial crisis as a result of the world economy and in particular the United States using too much credit. He cites the China–United States dynamic which he refers to as Chimerica where an Asian "savings glut" helped create the subprime mortgage crisis with an influx of easy money. While researching this book, in early 2007, Ferguson attended a session at a conference in Las Vegas at which a hedge fund manager stated there would never be another recession. Ferguson challenged this, and later the two agreed on a $14,000, 7 to 1 bet, that there would be a recession within five years. Ferguson collected $98,000.Published in 2011, "Civilization: The West and the Rest" examines what Ferguson calls the most "interesting question" of our day: "Why, beginning around 1500, did a few small polities on the western end of the Eurasian landmass come to dominate the rest of the world?" The "Economist" in a review wrote: In 1500 Europe's future imperial powers controlled 10% of the world's territories and generated just over 40% of its wealth. By 1913, at the height of empire, the West controlled almost 60% of the territories, which together generated almost 80% of the wealth. This stunning fact is lost, he regrets, on a generation that has supplanted history's sweep with a feeble-minded relativism that holds "all civilisations as somehow equal".Ferguson attributes this divergence to the West's development of six "killer apps", which he finds were largely missing elsewhere in the world in 1500 – "competition, the scientific method, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism and the work ethic".Ferguson compared and contrasted how the West's "killer apps" allowed the West to triumph over "the Rest" citing examples. Ferguson argued the rowdy and savage competition between European merchants created far more wealth than did the static and ordered society of Qing China. Tolerance extended to thinkers like Sir Isaac Newton in Stuart England had no counterpart in the Ottoman Empire, where Takiyuddin's "blasphemous" observatory was demolished for contradicting the teachings of Islam. This ensured that Western civilization was capable of making scientific advances that Islamic civilization never could. Respect for private property was far stronger in British America than it ever was in Spanish America, which led to the United States and Canada becoming prosperous societies while Latin America was and remains mired in poverty.Ferguson also argued that the modern West had lost its edge and the future belongs to the nations of Asia, especially China, which has adopted the West's "killer apps". Ferguson argues that in the coming years we will see a steady decline of the West, while China and the rest of the Asian nations will be the rising powers.A related documentary "" was broadcast as a six-part series on Channel 4 in March and April 2011."Kissinger The Idealist", Volume I, published in September 2015, is the first part of a planned two-part biography of Henry Kissinger based on his private papers. The book starts with a quote from a letter which Kissinger wrote in 1972. The book examines Kissinger's life from being a refugee and fleeing Germany in 1938, to serving in the US army as a "free man" in World War II, to studying at Harvard. The book also explores the history of Kissinger joining the Kennedy administration and later becoming critical of its foreign policy, to supporting Nelson Rockefeller on three failed presidential bids, to finally joining the Nixon administration. The book also includes Kissinger's early evaluation of the Vietnam war and his efforts to negotiate with the North Vietnamese in Paris.Historians and political scientists gave the book mixed reviews. "The Economist" wrote in a review about "The Idealist": "Mr Ferguson, a British historian also at Harvard, has in the past sometimes produced work that is rushed and uneven. Not here. Like Mr Kissinger or loathe him, this is a work of engrossing scholarship." In a negative review of "The Idealist", the American journalist Michael O'Donnell questioned Ferguson's interpretation of Kissinger's actions leading up to Nixon's election as President. Andrew Roberts praised the book in The New York Times, concluding: "Niall Ferguson already has many important, scholarly and controversial books to his credit. But if the second volume of 'Kissinger' is anywhere near as comprehensive, well written and riveting as the first, this will be his masterpiece."Ferguson proposed a modified version of group selection that history can be explained by the evolution of human networks. He wrote, "Man, with his unrivaled neural network, was born "to" network." The title refers to a transition from hierarchical, "tower" networks to flatter, "square" network connections between individuals. John Gray in a review of the book was not convinced. He wrote, "He offers a mix of metaphor and what purports to be a new science." "Niall Ferguson has again written a brilliant book," wrote Deirdre McCloskey in The Wall Street Journal, "this time in defence of traditional top-down principles of governing the wild market and the wilder international order. "The Square and the Tower" raises the question of just how much the unruly world should be governedand by whom. Not everyone will agree, but everyone will be charmed and educated. … 'The Square and the Tower' is always readable, intelligent, original. You can swallow a chapter a night before sleep and your dreams will overflow with scenes of Stendhal's 'The Red and the Black,' Napoleon, Kissinger. In 400 pages you will have restocked your mind. Do it."In this book Ferguson offers a global history of disaster. Damon Linker of the "New York Times" argues that the book is "often insightful, productively provocative and downright brilliant" and suggests that Ferguson displays "an impressive command of the latest research in a large number of specialized fields, among them medical history, epidemiology, probability theory, cliodynamics and network theory". However Linker also criticises the book's "perplexing lacunae".In a review for "The Times", David Aaronovitch described Ferguson's theory as "nebulous".Ferguson has been referred to as a conservative historian by some commentators and fellow historians. Ferguson himself stated in a 2018 interview on the "Rubin Report" that his views align to classical liberalism and has referred to himself as a "classic Scottish enlightenment liberal" on other occasions. Some of his research and conclusions have resulted in controversy, particularly from people who hold left-wing politics.In 1998, Ferguson published "The Pity of War: Explaining World War One", which with the help of research assistants he was able to write in just five months. This is an analytic account of what Ferguson considered to be the ten great myths of the Great War. The book generated much controversy, particularly Ferguson's suggestion that it might have proved more beneficial for Europe if Britain had stayed out of the First World War in 1914, thereby allowing Germany to win. Ferguson has argued that the British decision to intervene was what stopped a German victory in 1914–15. Furthermore, Ferguson expressed disagreement with the "Sonderweg" interpretation of German history championed by some German historians such as Fritz Fischer, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Hans Mommsen and Wolfgang Mommsen, who argued that the German Empire deliberately started an aggressive war in 1914. Likewise, Ferguson has often attacked the work of the German historian Michael Stürmer, who argued that it was Germany's geographical situation in Central Europe that determined the course of German history.On the contrary, Ferguson maintained that Germany waged a preventive war in 1914, a war largely forced on the Germans by reckless and irresponsible British diplomacy. In particular, Ferguson accused the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey of maintaining an ambiguous attitude to the question of whether Britain would enter the war or not, and thus confusing Berlin over just what was the British attitude towards the question of intervention in the war. Ferguson accused London of unnecessarily allowing a regional war in Europe to escalate into a world war. Moreover, Ferguson denied that the origins of National Socialism could be traced back to Imperial Germany; instead Ferguson asserted the origins of Nazism could only be traced back to the First World War and its aftermath.Ferguson attacked a number of ideas that he called "myths" in the book. They are listed here (with his counter-arguments in parentheses):Another controversial aspect of "The Pity of War" is Ferguson's use of counterfactual history also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history. In the book, Ferguson presents a hypothetical version of Europe being, under Imperial German domination, a peaceful, prosperous, democratic continent, without ideologies like communism or Italian fascism. In Ferguson's view, had Germany won World War I, then the lives of millions would have been saved, something like the European Union would have been founded in 1914, and Britain would have remained an empire as well as the world's dominant financial power.The French historians Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker were dubious about much of Ferguson's methodology and conclusions in "The Pity of War", but praised him for the chapter dealing with the executions of POWs, arguing that Ferguson had exposed a dark side of the war that until then had been ignored. The American writer Michael Lind wrote about "The Pity of War":Like the historian John Charmley, who expressed the same wish in the case of World War II, Ferguson belongs to the fringe element of British conservatism that regrets the absence of a German-British deal in the first half of the 20th century that would have marginalized the United States and might have allowed the British Empire to survive to this day. According to Ferguson, Britain should have stayed out of World War I and allowed Imperial Germany to smash France and Russia and create a continental empire from the Atlantic to the Middle East. The joke is on Ferguson's American conservative admirers, inasmuch as he laments the defeat of the Kaiser's Germany because it accelerated the replacement of the British Empire by the United States of America and the eclipse of the City of London by Wall Street. The German-born American historian Gerhard Weinberg in a review of "The Pity of War" strongly criticized Ferguson for advancing the thesis that it was idiotic for Britain to have fought a Germany that allegedly posed no danger. Weinberg accused Ferguson of completely ignoring the chief foreign policy aim of Wilhelm II from 1897 onwards, namely "Weltpolitik" ("World Politics") and argued it was absurd for Ferguson to claim that allowing Germany to defeat France and Russia would have posed no danger to Britain. Weinberg wrote that Ferguson was wrong to claim that Germany's interests were limited only to Europe, and maintained that if the "Reich" did defeat France in 1914, then Germany would have taken over the French colonies in Asia and Africa which would have definitely affected the balance of power all over the world, not just in Europe. Finally, Weinberg attacked Ferguson for claiming that the Tirpitz Plan was not a danger to Britain and that Britain had no reason to fear Germany's naval ambitions, sarcastically asking if that was really the case, then why did the British redeploy so much of their fleet from around the world to the North Sea and spend so much money building warships in the Anglo-German naval arms race? Weinberg accused Ferguson of distorting both German and British history and ignoring any evidence that did not fit with his thesis that Britain should never have fought Germany, stating that "The Pity of War" was interesting as a historical provocation, but was not persuasive as history.Ferguson wrote two volumes about the prominent Rothschild family: "The House of Rothschild: Volume 1: Money's Prophets: 1798–1848" and "The House of Rothschild: Volume 2: The World's Banker: 1849–1999". These books were the result of original archival research. The books won the Wadsworth Prize for Business History and were also short-listed for the Jewish Quarterly-Wingate Literary Award and the American National Jewish Book Award.The books were widely acclaimed by some historians, although they did receive some criticism. John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War–era historian, praised Ferguson's "unrivaled range, productivity and visibility", while criticising the book as unpersuasive and containing contradictory claims. Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm had praised Ferguson as an excellent historian, but criticised him as a "nostalgist for empire". In a mixed review of a later book by Ferguson, "The War of the World: History's Age of Hatred", a reviewer for "The Economist" described how many regard Ferguson's two books on the Rothschilds "as one of the finest studies of its kind." Jeremy Wormell wrote that while "The World's Banker: A History of the House of Rothschild" had its virtues, it contained "many errors" which meant it was "unsafe to use it as a source for the debt markets."Writing in The New York Review of Books, Robert Skidelsky praised Ferguson: "Taken together, Ferguson's two volumes are a stupendous achievement, a triumph of historical research and imagination. No serious historian can write about the connection between the politics, diplomacy, and economics of the nineteenth century in the same way again. And, as any good work of history should do, it constantly prompts us to ask questions about our own age, when once again we have embarked on the grand experiment of a world economy without a world government."Ferguson sometimes champions counterfactual history, also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history, and edited a collection of essays, titled "Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals" (1997), exploring the subject. Ferguson likes to imagine alternative outcomes as a way of stressing the contingent aspects of history. For Ferguson, great forces don't make history; individuals do, and nothing is predetermined. Thus, for Ferguson, there are no paths in history that will determine how things will work out. The world is neither progressing nor regressing; only the actions of individuals determine whether we will live in a better or worse world. His championing of the method has been controversial within the field. In a 2011 review of Ferguson's book "Civilization: The West and the Rest", Noel Malcolm (Senior Research Fellow in History at All Souls College at Oxford University) stated that: "Students may find this an intriguing introduction to a wide range of human history; but they will get an odd idea of how historical argument is to be conducted, if they learn it from this book."In 2003, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger provided Ferguson with access to his White House diaries, letters, and archives for what Ferguson calls a "warts-and-all biography" of Kissinger. In 2015, he published the first volume in a two-part biography titled "Kissinger: 1923–1968: The Idealist" from Penguin Press.The thesis of this first volume was that Kissinger was very much influenced in his academic and political development by the philosopher Immanuel Kant, and especially by an interpretation of Kant that he learned from a mentor at Harvard University, William Yandell Elliott.Ferguson has praised the British Empire, stating, "I think it's hard to make the case, which implicitly the left makes, that somehow the world would have been better off if the Europeans had stayed home." Ferguson is critical of what he calls the "self-flagellation" that he says characterises modern European thought.Historians and commentators have considered his views on this issue and expressed their critical evaluation in various terms, from "audacious" yet "wrong", "informative", "ambitious" and "troubling", to "false and dangerous" apologia. Richard Drayton, Rhodes Professor of Imperial History at King's College London, has stated that it was correct of Seumas Milne to associate "Ferguson with an attempt to "rehabilitate empire" in the service of contemporary great power interests". In November 2011 Pankaj Mishra reviewed "Civilisation: The West and the Rest" unfavourably in the "London Review of Books". Ferguson demanded an apology and threatened to sue Mishra on charges of libel due to allegations of racism.Jon Wilson, a professor of the Department of History at King’s College London, is the author of "India Conquered," a 2016 book intended to rebut Ferguson's arguments in "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," who catalogues the negative elements of the British Raj, and describes the "Empire" TV program (2003) as "false and dangerous" Wilson agrees with Ferguson's point that the British innovations brought to India, civil services, education, and railways, had beneficial side effects, but faults them for being done in a spirit of self-interest rather than altruism.About Ferguson's claim that Britain "made the modern world" by spreading democracy, free trade, capitalism, the rule of law, Protestantism and the English language, Wilson charged that Ferguson never explained precisely how this was done, arguing that the reason was the lack of interest in the history of the people ruled by the British on Ferguson's part, who therefore could not perceive that the interaction between the colonisers and the colonised in places like India, where the population embraced aspects of British culture and rule that were appealing to them while rejecting others that were unappealing. Wilson argues that this interaction between the rulers and the ruled is more complex, and contradicts Ferguson's one-sided picture of the British "transforming" India that portrays the British as active and the Indians as passive. Wilson charged that Ferguson failed to look at the empire via non-British eyes because to do so would be to challenge his claim that Britain "made the modern world" by imposing its values on "the Other", and that the history of the empire was far more complicated than the simplistic version that Ferguson is trying to present.Matthew Carr wrote in "Race & Class" that "Niall Ferguson, the conservative English [sic] historian and enthusiastic advocate of a new American empire, has also embraced the Eurabian idea in a widely reproduced article entitled 'Eurabia?', in which he laments the 'de-Christianization of Europe' and the secularism of the continent that leaves it 'weak in the face of fanaticism'." Carr adds that "Ferguson sees the recent establishment of a department of Islamic studies in his (Oxford college) as another symptom of 'the creeping Islamicization of a decadent Christendom'," and in a 2004 lecture at the American Enterprise Institute entitled 'The End of Europe?',Ferguson struck a similarly Spenglerian note, conjuring the term 'impire' to depict a process in which a 'political entity, instead of expanding outwards towards its periphery, exporting power, implodes—when the energies come from outside into that entity'. In Ferguson's opinion, this process was already under way in a decadent 'post-Christian' Europe that was drifting inexorably towards the dark denouement of a vanquished civilisation and the fatal embrace of Islam.In 2015, Ferguson deplored the Paris attacks committed by Islamic State terrorists, but stated he was not going to "stand" with the French as he argued that France was a lost cause, a declining state faced with an unstoppable Islamic wave that would sweep away everything that tried to oppose it. Ferguson compared the modern European Union to the Western Roman Empire, describing modern Europe as not that different from the world depicted by Edward Gibbon in his book "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire". Ferguson wrote that:Uncannily similar processes are destroying the European Union today...Let us be clear about what is happening. Like the Roman Empire in the early fifth century, Europe has allowed its defenses to crumble. As its wealth has grown, so its military prowess has shrunk, along with its self-belief. It has grown decadent in its shopping malls and sports stadiums. At the same time, it has opened its gates to outsiders who have coveted its wealth without renouncing their ancestral faith. Ferguson wrote the mass influx of refugees into Europe from Syria was a modern version of the "Völkerwanderung" when the Huns burst out of Asia and invaded Europe, causing millions of the Germanic peoples to flee into the presumed safety of the Roman Empire, smashing their way in as the Romans attempted unsuccessfully to stop the Germans from entering the empire. Ferguson writes that Gibbon was wrong to claim the Roman Empire collapsed slowly and argues that the view among a growing number of modern scholars is that the collapse of the Roman empire was swift and violent; unforeseeable by Romans of the day, just as the collapse of modern European civilization would likewise be for modern Europeans.In 2017, Ferguson opined that the West had insufficiently heeded the rise of militant Islam and its global consequences in the same way it failed to predict that the rise of Lenin would lead to the further spread of communism and conflict around the world:Ask yourself how effectively we in the West have responded to the rise of militant Islam since the Iranian Revolution unleashed its Shi’ite variant and since 9/11 revealed the even more aggressive character of Sunni Islamism. I fear we have done no better than our grandfathers did.Foreign intervention—the millions of dollars that have found their way from the Gulf to radical mosques and Islamic centres in the West.Incompetent liberals—the proponents of multiculturalism who brand any opponent of jihad an “Islamophobe”. Clueless bankers—the sort who fall over themselves to offer “sharia-compliant” loans and bonds. Fellow travellers—the leftists who line up with the Muslim Brotherhood to castigate Israel at every opportunity. And the faint-hearted—those who were so quick to pull out of Iraq in 2009 that they allowed the rump of al-Qaeda to morph into Isis.A century ago it was the West’s great blunder to think it would not matter if Lenin and his confederates took over the Russian Empire, despite their stated intention to plot world revolution and overthrow both democracy and capitalism. Incredible as it may seem, I believe we are capable of repeating that catastrophic error. I fear that, one day, we shall wake with a start to discover that the Islamists have repeated the Bolshevik achievement, which was to acquire the resources and capability to threaten our existence.During a 2018 debate, Ferguson asserted that he is not anti-immigration or opposed to Muslims, but felt that sections of Europe's political and intellectual classes had failed to predict the cultural and political consequences of large scale immigration. He furthermore stated that Islam differs from Judaism and Christianity through being "designed differently" as a political ideology that does not recognize the separation of mosque with the secular and temporal, and that the Muslim world has mostly followed an opposite trend to Western society by becoming less secularized and more literal in interpreting holy scripture. He concluded that if Europe kept pursuing large scale migration from pious Muslim societies combined with poor structures of economic and cultural integration, especially in an era when existing migrant communities are either unassimilated or loosely integrated into the host society, it is "highly likely" that networks of fundamentalist "dawah" will grow in which Islamic extremists draw in the culturally and economically unassimilated Muslims of immigrant backgrounds. Ferguson has also pointed out that even when living in Western nations, both he and his wife Ayaan Hirsi Ali have to live with permanent security measures as a result of her public critiques of Islam and status as a former Muslim.Ferguson supported the 2003 Iraq War, and he is on record as being not necessarily opposed to future western incursions around the world. It's all very well for us to sit here in the West with our high incomes and cushy lives, and say it's immoral to violate the sovereignty of another state. But if the effect of that is to bring people in that country economic and political freedom, to raise their standard of living, to increase their life expectancy, then don't rule it out.On the rise of Republican Party presidential candidate Donald Trump, Ferguson was quoted in early 2016: "If you bother to read some of the serious analysis of Trump's support, you realize that it's a very fragile thing and highly unlikely to deliver what he needs in the crucial first phase of the primaries ... By the time we get to March–April, it's all over. I think there's going to be a wonderful catharsis, I'm really looking forward to it: Trump's humiliation. Bring it on." Trump eventually won the nomination.Three weeks before the 2016 United States presidential election, after the Access Hollywood tape scandal, Ferguson stated in an interview that it "was over for Donald Trump"; that "Trump had flamed out in all three Presidential debates"; that, "I don't think there can be any last minute surprise to rescue him [Trump]"; that there was no hope of Donald Trump winning Independent voters and that Trump was "gone as a candidate", adding that "it seems to me clear that she [Hillary Clinton] is going to be the first female President of the United States. The only question is how bad does his [Trump's] flaming out affect candidates for the Senate, candidates for the House, further down on the ballot." However after Brexit, Ferguson stated that Trump could win via the Electoral College if certain demographics turned out to vote in key swing states. Trump was elected president and the Republican Party retained control of both the Senate and House of Representatives.In an article from November 2016 in "The Boston Globe", Ferguson advised that Trump should support the efforts of Prime Minister Theresa May to have Britain leave the European Union as the best way of breaking up the EU, and sign a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom once Brexit is complete. Ferguson advised that Trump should give recognition to Russia as a Great Power, and work with President Vladimir Putin by giving Russia a sphere of influence in Eurasia. In the same column, Ferguson advised Trump not to engage in a trade war with China, and work with President Xi Jinping to create a US-Chinese partnership. Ferguson argued that Trump and Putin should work for the victory of Marine Le Pen (who wants France to leave the EU) and the "Front national" in the 2017 French elections, arguing that Le Pen was the French politician most congenial to the Trump administration. Ferguson argued that a quintumvirate of Trump, Putin, Xi, May and Le Pen was the world's best hope for peace and prosperity.In its edition of 15 August 2005, "The New Republic" published "The New New Deal", an essay by Ferguson and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, a professor of economics at Boston University. The two scholars called for the following changes to the American government's fiscal and income security policies:In November 2012, Ferguson stated in a video with CNN that the U.S. has enough energy resources to move towards energy independence and could possibly enter a new economic golden age due to the related socio-economic growth—coming out of the post-world economic recession doldrums.Ferguson was an attendee of the 2012 Bilderberg Group meeting, where he was a speaker on economic policy.Ferguson was highly critical of Britain's vote to leave the European Union, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire". Later, after backing the Remain campaign during the referendum, Ferguson changed his mind and came out in support of Britain's exit from the EU.In May 2009, Ferguson became involved in a high-profile exchange of views with economist Paul Krugman arising out of a panel discussion hosted by PEN/"New York Review" on 30 April 2009, regarding the U.S. economy. Ferguson contended that the Obama administration's policies are simultaneously Keynesian and monetarist, in an "incoherent" mix, and specifically claimed that the government's issuance of a multitude of new bonds would cause an increase in interest rates.Krugman argued that Ferguson's view is "resurrecting 75-year old fallacies" and full of "basic errors". He also stated that Ferguson is a "poseur" who "hasn't bothered to understand the basics, relying on snide comments and surface cleverness to convey the impression of wisdom. It's all style, no comprehension of substance."In 2012, Jonathan Portes, the director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, said that subsequent events had shown Ferguson to be wrong: "As we all know, since then both the US and UK have had deficits running at historically extremely high levels, and long-term interest rates at historic lows: as Krugman has repeatedly pointed out, the (IS-LM) textbook has been spot on."Later in 2012, after Ferguson wrote a cover story for "Newsweek" arguing that Mitt Romney should be elected in the upcoming US presidential election, Krugman wrote that there were multiple errors and misrepresentations in the story, concluding "We're not talking about ideology or even economic analysis here—just a plain misrepresentation of the facts, with an august publication letting itself be used to misinform readers. The "Times" would require an abject correction if something like that slipped through. Will "Newsweek"?" Ferguson denied that he had misrepresented the facts in an online rebuttal. Matthew O'Brien countered that Ferguson was still distorting the meaning of the Congressional Budget Office report being discussed, and that the entire piece could be read as an effort to deceive.In 2013, Ferguson, naming Dean Baker, Josh Barro, Brad DeLong, Matthew O'Brien, Noah Smith, Matthew Yglesias and Justin Wolfers, attacked "Krugman and his acolytes," in his three-part essay on why he dislikes Paul Krugman. The essay title ('Krugtron the Invincible') originally comes from a post by Noah Smith.At a May 2013 investment conference in Carlsbad, California, Ferguson was asked about his views on economist John Maynard Keynes' quotation that "in the long run we are all dead." Ferguson stated that Keynes was indifferent to the future because he was gay and did not have children. The remarks were widely criticised for being offensive, factually inaccurate, and a distortion of Keynes' ideas.Ferguson posted an apology for these statements shortly after reports of his words were widely disseminated, saying his comments were "as stupid as they were insensitive". In the apology, Ferguson stated: "My disagreements with Keynes's economic philosophy have never had anything to do with his sexual orientation. It is simply false to suggest, as I did, that his approach to economic policy was inspired by any aspect of his personal life."In spring 2018, Professor Ferguson was involved with college Republican leaders at Stanford to oppose a left-leaning student take over of the Cardinal Conversations initiative. In leaked emails, he was quoted as asking for opposition research on the student involved. He later apologized and resigned from the said initiative when emails were leaked revealing his involvement in the events. "I very much regret the publication of these emails. I also regret having written them," Ferguson wrote in a statement to "The Daily".Ferguson was an early skeptic of cryptocurrencies, famously dismissing his teenage son's recommendation to buy Bitcoin in 2014. By 2017, he had changed his mind on Bitcoin's utility, saying it had established itself as a form of "digital gold: a store of value for wealthy investors, especially those located in countries with weak rule of law and high political risk." In February 2019, Ferguson became an advisor for digital asset protocol firm Ampleforth Protocol, saying he was attracted by the firm's plan to "reinvent money in a way that protects individual freedom and to create a payments system that treats everyone equally." In March 2019, Ferguson spoke at an Australian Financial Review Business Summit, where he admitted to being "wrong to think there was no … use for a form of currency based on blockchain technology… I don't think this will turn out to be a complete delusion."Ferguson has stated that he identified as a Scottish nationalist as a teenager, but moderated his views after moving to England to study history. He has argued that Scottish nationalism is sometimes fueled by a distorted view that Scots have always been oppressed by the English and is misconceived by people from outside of the United Kingdom as choice between being Scottish or English. Ferguson states that in contrast to the subjugations of Wales and Ireland, Scotland was united as an "equal" country to England during the Act of Union, and cites events such as King James VI of Scotland inheriting the English crown, the failed Darien scheme to colonize Panama which prompted Scottish political elites to support the Union and that Scots were an integral part of the East India Company to question the narrative that Scotland was oppressed. Ferguson has also argued (citing Walter Scott's "Waverley") that Scotland after the Jacobite rebellion remained a land divided by warring clans and religious factions, and that the Union helped to quell some of the conflicts.During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, Ferguson supported Scotland remaining within the United Kingdom, citing potential economic consequences of Scottish independence, but argued that the "No" campaign needed to focus on Scotland's history of cosmopolitanism as well as economic points to save the Union. In 2021, ahead of the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, Ferguson argued that the Labour administration under Tony Blair had made a mistake in believing devolution would stem Scottish nationalism, but instead it enabled the Scottish National Party to assume regional power and criticised the SNP government of Nicola Sturgeon for its management of the Scottish economy, education and freedom of speech. Ferguson furthermore claimed that the best way for the British government to thwart independence and the SNP's separationist demands was not by "unthinkingly accepting the SNP’s argument that it has a moral right to a referendum on secession every time it wins a parliamentary election" and allowing a slim "Yes" vote to decide the outcome, but instead by following the example of Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien and minister Stephane Dion's who handled the Parti Quebecois's calls for Quebec secessionism by taking the matter to the Canadian Supreme Court and introducing the Clarity Act rather than letting it solely be up to "a slim majority of the voters of Quebec if Canada broke up."In 2011, Ferguson predicted that "Grexit" (the notion of Greece leaving the Euro currency) was unlikely to happen, but that Britain would leave the European Union in the near future as it would be easier for Britain to leave the EU owing to the fact it was not part of the Eurozone and that returning to a national currency would be harder for countries who had signed up to a single currency. In 2012, he described the Eurozone as a "disaster waiting to happen."During the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, Ferguson was initially critical of the idea of Britain leaving the EU despite his criticisms of the latter, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire" and endorsed a Remain vote. However, after backing the Remain campaign, Ferguson changed his stance and came out in support of Brexit, admitting that his support to stay in had been motivated in part on a personal level by not wanting the government of David Cameron (with whom he had a friendship) to collapse and in turn risk Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister. Ferguson elaborated that while Brexit would still have some economic consequences, the EU had been a "disaster" on its monetary, immigration, national security and radical Islam policies. He also added that the "I think one has to recognise that the European elite's performances over the last decade entirely justified the revolt of provincial England."In 2020, Ferguson predicted that the EU is destined to become "moribund" and was at risk of collapse in the near future and that the single currency had only benefited Northern Europe and Germany in particular while causing economic havoc in Southern Europe. However, he also argued the "real disintegration of Europe" will happen over the EU's migration policies that have both exacerbated and failed to provide solutions to illegal immigration to the European continent from North Africa and the Middle East. Ferguson stated that high levels of illegal immigration from majority Muslim nations would in turn further the rise of populist and eurosceptic movements committed to rolling back or leaving the European Union. Ferguson also predicted that in a decade's time, Britain would question why there had been fuss, outcry or debates over the manner of how to leave the EU over Brexit because "we'll have left something that was essentially disintegrating" and that "it would be a little bit like getting a divorce and then your ex drops dead, and you spent all that money on the divorce courts, if only you'd known how sick the ex was. The European Union is sick, and people don't really want to admit that, least of all in Brussels."Ferguson married journalist Sue Douglas in 1994 after meeting in 1987 when she was his editor at "The Sunday Times". They have three children: Felix, Freya, and Lachlan.In February 2010, Ferguson separated from Douglas and started dating former Dutch MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Ferguson and Douglas divorced in 2011. Ferguson married Hirsi Ali on 10 September 2011 and Hirsi Ali gave birth to their son Thomas in December 2011. In an interview in April 2011, Ferguson complained about the media coverage of his relationship with Ali, stating: "No, I never read their shitty coverage of people's private lives. I don't care about the sex lives of celebrities, so I was a little unprepared for having my private life all over the country. So yeah, I was naive, yeah. Because you have to stoop to conquer," – but will never write for "The Daily Mail" again. "That's because I'm a vendetta person. Yes, absolutely. Implacable."Ferguson dedicated his book "Civilization" to "Ayaan". In an interview with "The Guardian", Ferguson spoke about his love for Ali, whom, he writes in the preface, "understands better than anyone I know what Western civilisation really means – and what it still has to offer the world".Ferguson's self-confessed workaholism has placed strains on his personal relations in the past. Ferguson has commented that:...from 2002, the combination of making TV programmes and teaching at Harvard took me away from my children too much. You don't get those years back. You have to ask yourself: "Was it a smart decision to do those things?" I think the success I have enjoyed since then has been bought at a significant price. In hindsight, there would have been a bunch of things that I would have said no to. In an interview, Ferguson described his relationship with the left: "No, they love being provoked by me! Honestly, it makes them feel so much better about their lives to think that I'm a reactionary; it's a substitute for thought. 'Imperialist scumbag' and all that. Oh dear, we're back in a 1980s student union debate."Ferguson was the inspiration for Alan Bennett's play "The History Boys" (2004), particularly the character of Irwin, a history teacher who urges his pupils to find a counterintuitive angle, and goes on to become a television historian. Bennett's character "Irwin", writes David Smith of "The Observer", gives the impression that "an entire career can be built on the trick of contrariness."In 2018, Ferguson became naturalised as a US citizen.
|
[
"London School of Economics and Political Science",
"Hoover Institution",
"University of Oxford",
"Harvard University",
"New York University"
] |
|
Which employer did Niall Ferguson work for in Aug, 1998?
|
August 30, 1998
|
{
"text": [
"University of Oxford"
]
}
|
L2_Q377638_P108_1
|
Niall Ferguson works for Hoover Institution from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Niall Ferguson works for University of Oxford from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2002.
Niall Ferguson works for New York University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004.
Niall Ferguson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1992.
Niall Ferguson works for Harvard University from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2016.
Niall Ferguson works for London School of Economics and Political Science from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
|
Niall FergusonNiall Campbell Ferguson (; born 18 April 1964) is a Scottish-American historian and the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. Previously, he was a professor at Harvard University, the London School of Economics and New York University, visiting professor at New College of the Humanities and senior research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.Ferguson writes and lectures on international history, economic and financial history and British and American imperialism. He is known for his positive views concerning the British Empire. He once ironically called himself "a fully paid-up member of the neo-imperialist gang" following the 2003 invasion of Iraq.Ferguson has been a contributing editor for Bloomberg Television and a columnist for "Newsweek". He began writing a twice-a-month column for "Bloomberg Opinion" in June 2020.Ferguson has written and presented numerous television documentary series, including "The Ascent of Money", which won an International Emmy award for Best Documentary in 2009. In 2004, he was named as one of "TIME" magazine's 100 most influential people in the world.Ferguson was born in Glasgow, Scotland, on 18 April 1964 to James Campbell Ferguson, a doctor, and Molly Archibald Hamilton, a physics teacher. Ferguson grew up in the Ibrox area Glasgow in a home close to the Ibrox Park football stadium. He attended The Glasgow Academy. He was brought up as, and remains, an atheist, though he has encouraged his children to study religion and attends church occasionally.Ferguson cites his father as instilling in him a strong sense of self-discipline and of the moral value of work, while his mother encouraged his creative side. His maternal grandfather, a journalist, encouraged him to write. He has described his parents as "both very much products of the Scottish Enlightenment." Ferguson ascribes his decision to read history at university instead of English literature to two main factors: Leo Tolstoy's reflections on history at the end of "War and Peace" (which he read at the age of fifteen), and his admiration of historian A. J. P. Taylor.Ferguson received a demyship (highest scholarship) from Magdalen College, Oxford. Whilst a student there, he wrote a 90-minute student film "The Labours of Hercules Sprote", played double bass in a jazz band "Night in Tunisia", edited the student magazine "Tributary", and befriended Andrew Sullivan, who shared his interest in right-wing politics and punk music. He had become a Thatcherite by 1982. He graduated with a first-class honours degree in history in 1985.Ferguson studied as a Hanseatic Scholar in Hamburg and Berlin in 1987 and 1988. He received his Doctor of Philosophy degree from the University of Oxford in 1989: his dissertation was titled "Business and Politics in the German Inflation: Hamburg 1914–1924".In 1989, Ferguson worked as a research fellow at Christ's College, Cambridge. From 1990 to 1992 he was an official fellow and lecturer at Peterhouse, Cambridge. He then became a fellow and tutor in modern history at Jesus College, Oxford, where in 2000 he was named a professor of political and financial history. In 2002 Ferguson became the John Herzog Professor in Financial History at New York University Stern School of Business, and in 2004 he became the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University and William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School. From 2010 to 2011, Ferguson held the Philippe Roman Chair in history and international affairs at the London School of Economics. In 2016 Ferguson left Harvard to become a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he had been an adjunct fellow since 2005.Ferguson has received honorary degrees from the University of Buckingham, Macquarie University (Australia) and Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez (Chile). In May 2010, Michael Gove, education secretary, asked Ferguson to advise on the development of a new history syllabus, to be entitled "history as a connected narrative", for schools in England and Wales. In June 2011, he joined other academics to set up the New College of the Humanities, a private college in London.In 2018, Ferguson apologized after fellow historians criticized him for only inviting white men as speakers to a Stanford conference on applied history.Also in 2018, emails documenting Ferguson's attempts to discredit a progressive activist student at Stanford University who had been critical of Ferguson's choices of speakers invited to the Cardinal Conversations free speech initiative were released to the public and university administrators. He teamed with a Republican student group to find information that might discredit the student. Ferguson resigned from leadership of the program once university administrators became aware of his actions. Ferguson responded in his column saying, "Re-reading my emails now, I am struck by their juvenile, jocular tone. “A famous victory,” I wrote the morning after the Murray event. “Now we turn to the more subtle game of grinding them down on the committee. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” Then I added: “Some opposition research on Mr O might also be worthwhile”—a reference to the leader of the protests. None of this happened. The meetings of the student committee were repeatedly postponed. No one ever did any digging on “Mr O”. The spring vacation arrived. The only thing that came of the emails was that their circulation led to my stepping down."In 2000, Ferguson was a founding director of Boxmind, an Oxford-based educational technology company.In 2006, he set up Chimerica Media Ltd., a London based television production company.In 2007, Ferguson was appointed as an investment management consultant by GLG Partners, to advise on geopolitical risk as well as current structural issues in economic behaviour relating to investment decisions. GLG is a UK-based hedge fund management firm headed by Noam Gottesman. Ferguson was also an adviser to Morgan Stanley, the investment bank.In 2011, he set up Greenmantle LLC, an advisory business specializing in macroeconomics and geopolitics.He also serves as a non-executive director on the board of Affiliated Managers Group.Ferguson was an advisor to John McCain's U.S. presidential campaign in 2008, supported Mitt Romney in his 2012 campaign and was a vocal critic of Barack Obama.Ferguson is a trustee of the New York Historical Society and the London-based Centre for Policy Studies.Ferguson has written regularly for British newspapers and magazines since the mid 1980s. At that time, he was lead writer for "The Daily Telegraph," and a regular book reviewer for "The Daily Mail".In the summer on 1989, while travelling in Berlin, he wrote an article for a British newspaper with the provisional headline "The Berlin Wall is Crumbling", but it was not published.In the early 2000s he wrote a weekly column for "The Sunday Telegraph" and Los Angeles Times, leaving in 2007 to become a contributing editor to the "Financial Times". Between 2008 and 2012 he wrote regularly for "Newsweek". Since 2015 he has written a weekly column for The Sunday Times and The Boston Globe, which also appears in numerous papers around the world.Ferguson's television series The Ascent of Money won the 2009 International Emmy award for Best Documentary. In 2011 his film company Chimerica Media released its first feature-length documentary, "Kissinger", which won the New York Film Festival's prize for Best Documentary.In May 2012, the BBC announced Niall Ferguson was to present its annual Reith Lectures – a prestigious series of radio lectures which were first broadcast in 1948. These four lectures, titled "The Rule of Law and its Enemies", examine the role man-made institutions have played in the economic and political spheres.In the first lecture, held at the London School of Economics, titled "The Human Hive", Ferguson argues for greater openness from governments, saying they should publish accounts which clearly state all assets and liabilities. Governments, he said, should also follow the lead of business and adopt the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles and, above all, generational accounts should be prepared on a regular basis to make absolutely clear the inter-generational implications of current fiscal policy. In the lecture, Ferguson says young voters should be more supportive of government austerity measures if they do not wish to pay further down the line for the profligacy of the baby boomer generation.In the second lecture, "The Darwinian Economy", Ferguson reflects on the causes of the global financial crisis, and erroneous conclusions that many people have drawn from it about the role of regulation, and asks whether regulation is in fact "the disease of which it purports to be the cure"."The Landscape of Law" was the third lecture, delivered at Gresham College. It examines the rule of law in comparative terms, asking how far the common law's claims to superiority over other systems are credible, and whether we are living through a time of 'creeping legal degeneration' in the English-speaking world.The fourth and final lecture, "Civil and Uncivil Societies", focuses on institutions (outside the political, economic and legal realms) designed to preserve and transmit particular knowledge and values. Ferguson asks whether the modern state is quietly killing civil society in the Western world, and what non-Western societies can do to build a vibrant civil society.The first lecture was broadcast on BBC Radio 4 and the BBC World Service on Tuesday, 19 June 2012. The series is available as a BBC podcast.In his 2001 book, "The Cash Nexus", which he wrote following a year as Houblon-Norman Fellow at the Bank of England, Ferguson argues that the popular saying, "money makes the world go 'round", is wrong; instead he presented a case for human actions in history motivated by far more than just economic concerns.In his 2003 book, "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," Ferguson conducts a provocative reinterpretation of the British Empire, casting it as one of the world's great modernising forces. The Empire produced durable changes and globalisation with steampower, telegraphs, and engineers.Bernard Porter, famous for expressing his views during the Porter–MacKenzie debate on the British Empire, attacked "Empire" in "The London Review of Books" as a "panegyric to British colonialism". Ferguson, in response to this, drew Porter's attention to the conclusion of the book, where he writes: "No one would claim that the record of the British Empire was unblemished. On the contrary, I have tried to show how often it failed to live up to its own ideal of individual liberty, particularly in the early era of enslavement, transportation and the 'ethnic cleansing' of indigenous peoples." Ferguson argues however that the British Empire was preferable to the alternatives:The 19th-century empire undeniably pioneered free trade, free capital movements and, with the abolition of slavery, free labour. It invested immense sums in developing a global network of modern communications. It spread and enforced the rule of law over vast areas. Though it fought many small wars, the empire maintained a global peace unmatched before or since. In the 20th century too the empire more than justified its own existence. For the alternatives to British rule represented by the German and Japanese empires were clearly – and they admitted it themselves – far worse. And without its empire, it is inconceivable that Britain could have withstood them.In his 2005 book, "Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire," Ferguson proposes that the United States aspires to globalize free markets, the rule of law, and representative government, but shies away from the long-term commitments of manpower and money that are indispensable, in taking a more active role in resolving conflict arising from the failure of states. The U.S. is an empire in denial, not acknowledging the scale of global responsibilities. The American writer Michael Lind, responding to Ferguson's advocation of an enlarged American military through conscription, accused Ferguson of engaging in apocalyptic alarmism about the possibility of a world without the United States as the dominant power and of a casual disregard for the value of human life.In "War of the World", published in 2006, Ferguson argued that a combination of economic volatility, decaying empires, psychopathic dictators, racially/ethnically motivated and institutionalised violence resulted in the wars and genocides of what he calls "History's Age of Hatred". "The New York Times Book Review" named "War of the World" one of the 100 Notable Books of the Year in 2006, while the "International Herald Tribune" called it "one of the most intriguing attempts by an historian to explain man's inhumanity to man". Ferguson addresses the paradox that, though the 20th century was "so bloody", it was also "a time of unparalleled [economic] progress". As with his earlier work "Empire", "War of the World" was accompanied by a Channel 4 television series presented by Ferguson.Published in 2008, "The Ascent of Money" examines the history of money, credit, and banking. In it Ferguson predicts a financial crisis as a result of the world economy and in particular the United States using too much credit. He cites the China–United States dynamic which he refers to as Chimerica where an Asian "savings glut" helped create the subprime mortgage crisis with an influx of easy money. While researching this book, in early 2007, Ferguson attended a session at a conference in Las Vegas at which a hedge fund manager stated there would never be another recession. Ferguson challenged this, and later the two agreed on a $14,000, 7 to 1 bet, that there would be a recession within five years. Ferguson collected $98,000.Published in 2011, "Civilization: The West and the Rest" examines what Ferguson calls the most "interesting question" of our day: "Why, beginning around 1500, did a few small polities on the western end of the Eurasian landmass come to dominate the rest of the world?" The "Economist" in a review wrote: In 1500 Europe's future imperial powers controlled 10% of the world's territories and generated just over 40% of its wealth. By 1913, at the height of empire, the West controlled almost 60% of the territories, which together generated almost 80% of the wealth. This stunning fact is lost, he regrets, on a generation that has supplanted history's sweep with a feeble-minded relativism that holds "all civilisations as somehow equal".Ferguson attributes this divergence to the West's development of six "killer apps", which he finds were largely missing elsewhere in the world in 1500 – "competition, the scientific method, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism and the work ethic".Ferguson compared and contrasted how the West's "killer apps" allowed the West to triumph over "the Rest" citing examples. Ferguson argued the rowdy and savage competition between European merchants created far more wealth than did the static and ordered society of Qing China. Tolerance extended to thinkers like Sir Isaac Newton in Stuart England had no counterpart in the Ottoman Empire, where Takiyuddin's "blasphemous" observatory was demolished for contradicting the teachings of Islam. This ensured that Western civilization was capable of making scientific advances that Islamic civilization never could. Respect for private property was far stronger in British America than it ever was in Spanish America, which led to the United States and Canada becoming prosperous societies while Latin America was and remains mired in poverty.Ferguson also argued that the modern West had lost its edge and the future belongs to the nations of Asia, especially China, which has adopted the West's "killer apps". Ferguson argues that in the coming years we will see a steady decline of the West, while China and the rest of the Asian nations will be the rising powers.A related documentary "" was broadcast as a six-part series on Channel 4 in March and April 2011."Kissinger The Idealist", Volume I, published in September 2015, is the first part of a planned two-part biography of Henry Kissinger based on his private papers. The book starts with a quote from a letter which Kissinger wrote in 1972. The book examines Kissinger's life from being a refugee and fleeing Germany in 1938, to serving in the US army as a "free man" in World War II, to studying at Harvard. The book also explores the history of Kissinger joining the Kennedy administration and later becoming critical of its foreign policy, to supporting Nelson Rockefeller on three failed presidential bids, to finally joining the Nixon administration. The book also includes Kissinger's early evaluation of the Vietnam war and his efforts to negotiate with the North Vietnamese in Paris.Historians and political scientists gave the book mixed reviews. "The Economist" wrote in a review about "The Idealist": "Mr Ferguson, a British historian also at Harvard, has in the past sometimes produced work that is rushed and uneven. Not here. Like Mr Kissinger or loathe him, this is a work of engrossing scholarship." In a negative review of "The Idealist", the American journalist Michael O'Donnell questioned Ferguson's interpretation of Kissinger's actions leading up to Nixon's election as President. Andrew Roberts praised the book in The New York Times, concluding: "Niall Ferguson already has many important, scholarly and controversial books to his credit. But if the second volume of 'Kissinger' is anywhere near as comprehensive, well written and riveting as the first, this will be his masterpiece."Ferguson proposed a modified version of group selection that history can be explained by the evolution of human networks. He wrote, "Man, with his unrivaled neural network, was born "to" network." The title refers to a transition from hierarchical, "tower" networks to flatter, "square" network connections between individuals. John Gray in a review of the book was not convinced. He wrote, "He offers a mix of metaphor and what purports to be a new science." "Niall Ferguson has again written a brilliant book," wrote Deirdre McCloskey in The Wall Street Journal, "this time in defence of traditional top-down principles of governing the wild market and the wilder international order. "The Square and the Tower" raises the question of just how much the unruly world should be governedand by whom. Not everyone will agree, but everyone will be charmed and educated. … 'The Square and the Tower' is always readable, intelligent, original. You can swallow a chapter a night before sleep and your dreams will overflow with scenes of Stendhal's 'The Red and the Black,' Napoleon, Kissinger. In 400 pages you will have restocked your mind. Do it."In this book Ferguson offers a global history of disaster. Damon Linker of the "New York Times" argues that the book is "often insightful, productively provocative and downright brilliant" and suggests that Ferguson displays "an impressive command of the latest research in a large number of specialized fields, among them medical history, epidemiology, probability theory, cliodynamics and network theory". However Linker also criticises the book's "perplexing lacunae".In a review for "The Times", David Aaronovitch described Ferguson's theory as "nebulous".Ferguson has been referred to as a conservative historian by some commentators and fellow historians. Ferguson himself stated in a 2018 interview on the "Rubin Report" that his views align to classical liberalism and has referred to himself as a "classic Scottish enlightenment liberal" on other occasions. Some of his research and conclusions have resulted in controversy, particularly from people who hold left-wing politics.In 1998, Ferguson published "The Pity of War: Explaining World War One", which with the help of research assistants he was able to write in just five months. This is an analytic account of what Ferguson considered to be the ten great myths of the Great War. The book generated much controversy, particularly Ferguson's suggestion that it might have proved more beneficial for Europe if Britain had stayed out of the First World War in 1914, thereby allowing Germany to win. Ferguson has argued that the British decision to intervene was what stopped a German victory in 1914–15. Furthermore, Ferguson expressed disagreement with the "Sonderweg" interpretation of German history championed by some German historians such as Fritz Fischer, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Hans Mommsen and Wolfgang Mommsen, who argued that the German Empire deliberately started an aggressive war in 1914. Likewise, Ferguson has often attacked the work of the German historian Michael Stürmer, who argued that it was Germany's geographical situation in Central Europe that determined the course of German history.On the contrary, Ferguson maintained that Germany waged a preventive war in 1914, a war largely forced on the Germans by reckless and irresponsible British diplomacy. In particular, Ferguson accused the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey of maintaining an ambiguous attitude to the question of whether Britain would enter the war or not, and thus confusing Berlin over just what was the British attitude towards the question of intervention in the war. Ferguson accused London of unnecessarily allowing a regional war in Europe to escalate into a world war. Moreover, Ferguson denied that the origins of National Socialism could be traced back to Imperial Germany; instead Ferguson asserted the origins of Nazism could only be traced back to the First World War and its aftermath.Ferguson attacked a number of ideas that he called "myths" in the book. They are listed here (with his counter-arguments in parentheses):Another controversial aspect of "The Pity of War" is Ferguson's use of counterfactual history also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history. In the book, Ferguson presents a hypothetical version of Europe being, under Imperial German domination, a peaceful, prosperous, democratic continent, without ideologies like communism or Italian fascism. In Ferguson's view, had Germany won World War I, then the lives of millions would have been saved, something like the European Union would have been founded in 1914, and Britain would have remained an empire as well as the world's dominant financial power.The French historians Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker were dubious about much of Ferguson's methodology and conclusions in "The Pity of War", but praised him for the chapter dealing with the executions of POWs, arguing that Ferguson had exposed a dark side of the war that until then had been ignored. The American writer Michael Lind wrote about "The Pity of War":Like the historian John Charmley, who expressed the same wish in the case of World War II, Ferguson belongs to the fringe element of British conservatism that regrets the absence of a German-British deal in the first half of the 20th century that would have marginalized the United States and might have allowed the British Empire to survive to this day. According to Ferguson, Britain should have stayed out of World War I and allowed Imperial Germany to smash France and Russia and create a continental empire from the Atlantic to the Middle East. The joke is on Ferguson's American conservative admirers, inasmuch as he laments the defeat of the Kaiser's Germany because it accelerated the replacement of the British Empire by the United States of America and the eclipse of the City of London by Wall Street. The German-born American historian Gerhard Weinberg in a review of "The Pity of War" strongly criticized Ferguson for advancing the thesis that it was idiotic for Britain to have fought a Germany that allegedly posed no danger. Weinberg accused Ferguson of completely ignoring the chief foreign policy aim of Wilhelm II from 1897 onwards, namely "Weltpolitik" ("World Politics") and argued it was absurd for Ferguson to claim that allowing Germany to defeat France and Russia would have posed no danger to Britain. Weinberg wrote that Ferguson was wrong to claim that Germany's interests were limited only to Europe, and maintained that if the "Reich" did defeat France in 1914, then Germany would have taken over the French colonies in Asia and Africa which would have definitely affected the balance of power all over the world, not just in Europe. Finally, Weinberg attacked Ferguson for claiming that the Tirpitz Plan was not a danger to Britain and that Britain had no reason to fear Germany's naval ambitions, sarcastically asking if that was really the case, then why did the British redeploy so much of their fleet from around the world to the North Sea and spend so much money building warships in the Anglo-German naval arms race? Weinberg accused Ferguson of distorting both German and British history and ignoring any evidence that did not fit with his thesis that Britain should never have fought Germany, stating that "The Pity of War" was interesting as a historical provocation, but was not persuasive as history.Ferguson wrote two volumes about the prominent Rothschild family: "The House of Rothschild: Volume 1: Money's Prophets: 1798–1848" and "The House of Rothschild: Volume 2: The World's Banker: 1849–1999". These books were the result of original archival research. The books won the Wadsworth Prize for Business History and were also short-listed for the Jewish Quarterly-Wingate Literary Award and the American National Jewish Book Award.The books were widely acclaimed by some historians, although they did receive some criticism. John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War–era historian, praised Ferguson's "unrivaled range, productivity and visibility", while criticising the book as unpersuasive and containing contradictory claims. Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm had praised Ferguson as an excellent historian, but criticised him as a "nostalgist for empire". In a mixed review of a later book by Ferguson, "The War of the World: History's Age of Hatred", a reviewer for "The Economist" described how many regard Ferguson's two books on the Rothschilds "as one of the finest studies of its kind." Jeremy Wormell wrote that while "The World's Banker: A History of the House of Rothschild" had its virtues, it contained "many errors" which meant it was "unsafe to use it as a source for the debt markets."Writing in The New York Review of Books, Robert Skidelsky praised Ferguson: "Taken together, Ferguson's two volumes are a stupendous achievement, a triumph of historical research and imagination. No serious historian can write about the connection between the politics, diplomacy, and economics of the nineteenth century in the same way again. And, as any good work of history should do, it constantly prompts us to ask questions about our own age, when once again we have embarked on the grand experiment of a world economy without a world government."Ferguson sometimes champions counterfactual history, also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history, and edited a collection of essays, titled "Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals" (1997), exploring the subject. Ferguson likes to imagine alternative outcomes as a way of stressing the contingent aspects of history. For Ferguson, great forces don't make history; individuals do, and nothing is predetermined. Thus, for Ferguson, there are no paths in history that will determine how things will work out. The world is neither progressing nor regressing; only the actions of individuals determine whether we will live in a better or worse world. His championing of the method has been controversial within the field. In a 2011 review of Ferguson's book "Civilization: The West and the Rest", Noel Malcolm (Senior Research Fellow in History at All Souls College at Oxford University) stated that: "Students may find this an intriguing introduction to a wide range of human history; but they will get an odd idea of how historical argument is to be conducted, if they learn it from this book."In 2003, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger provided Ferguson with access to his White House diaries, letters, and archives for what Ferguson calls a "warts-and-all biography" of Kissinger. In 2015, he published the first volume in a two-part biography titled "Kissinger: 1923–1968: The Idealist" from Penguin Press.The thesis of this first volume was that Kissinger was very much influenced in his academic and political development by the philosopher Immanuel Kant, and especially by an interpretation of Kant that he learned from a mentor at Harvard University, William Yandell Elliott.Ferguson has praised the British Empire, stating, "I think it's hard to make the case, which implicitly the left makes, that somehow the world would have been better off if the Europeans had stayed home." Ferguson is critical of what he calls the "self-flagellation" that he says characterises modern European thought.Historians and commentators have considered his views on this issue and expressed their critical evaluation in various terms, from "audacious" yet "wrong", "informative", "ambitious" and "troubling", to "false and dangerous" apologia. Richard Drayton, Rhodes Professor of Imperial History at King's College London, has stated that it was correct of Seumas Milne to associate "Ferguson with an attempt to "rehabilitate empire" in the service of contemporary great power interests". In November 2011 Pankaj Mishra reviewed "Civilisation: The West and the Rest" unfavourably in the "London Review of Books". Ferguson demanded an apology and threatened to sue Mishra on charges of libel due to allegations of racism.Jon Wilson, a professor of the Department of History at King’s College London, is the author of "India Conquered," a 2016 book intended to rebut Ferguson's arguments in "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," who catalogues the negative elements of the British Raj, and describes the "Empire" TV program (2003) as "false and dangerous" Wilson agrees with Ferguson's point that the British innovations brought to India, civil services, education, and railways, had beneficial side effects, but faults them for being done in a spirit of self-interest rather than altruism.About Ferguson's claim that Britain "made the modern world" by spreading democracy, free trade, capitalism, the rule of law, Protestantism and the English language, Wilson charged that Ferguson never explained precisely how this was done, arguing that the reason was the lack of interest in the history of the people ruled by the British on Ferguson's part, who therefore could not perceive that the interaction between the colonisers and the colonised in places like India, where the population embraced aspects of British culture and rule that were appealing to them while rejecting others that were unappealing. Wilson argues that this interaction between the rulers and the ruled is more complex, and contradicts Ferguson's one-sided picture of the British "transforming" India that portrays the British as active and the Indians as passive. Wilson charged that Ferguson failed to look at the empire via non-British eyes because to do so would be to challenge his claim that Britain "made the modern world" by imposing its values on "the Other", and that the history of the empire was far more complicated than the simplistic version that Ferguson is trying to present.Matthew Carr wrote in "Race & Class" that "Niall Ferguson, the conservative English [sic] historian and enthusiastic advocate of a new American empire, has also embraced the Eurabian idea in a widely reproduced article entitled 'Eurabia?', in which he laments the 'de-Christianization of Europe' and the secularism of the continent that leaves it 'weak in the face of fanaticism'." Carr adds that "Ferguson sees the recent establishment of a department of Islamic studies in his (Oxford college) as another symptom of 'the creeping Islamicization of a decadent Christendom'," and in a 2004 lecture at the American Enterprise Institute entitled 'The End of Europe?',Ferguson struck a similarly Spenglerian note, conjuring the term 'impire' to depict a process in which a 'political entity, instead of expanding outwards towards its periphery, exporting power, implodes—when the energies come from outside into that entity'. In Ferguson's opinion, this process was already under way in a decadent 'post-Christian' Europe that was drifting inexorably towards the dark denouement of a vanquished civilisation and the fatal embrace of Islam.In 2015, Ferguson deplored the Paris attacks committed by Islamic State terrorists, but stated he was not going to "stand" with the French as he argued that France was a lost cause, a declining state faced with an unstoppable Islamic wave that would sweep away everything that tried to oppose it. Ferguson compared the modern European Union to the Western Roman Empire, describing modern Europe as not that different from the world depicted by Edward Gibbon in his book "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire". Ferguson wrote that:Uncannily similar processes are destroying the European Union today...Let us be clear about what is happening. Like the Roman Empire in the early fifth century, Europe has allowed its defenses to crumble. As its wealth has grown, so its military prowess has shrunk, along with its self-belief. It has grown decadent in its shopping malls and sports stadiums. At the same time, it has opened its gates to outsiders who have coveted its wealth without renouncing their ancestral faith. Ferguson wrote the mass influx of refugees into Europe from Syria was a modern version of the "Völkerwanderung" when the Huns burst out of Asia and invaded Europe, causing millions of the Germanic peoples to flee into the presumed safety of the Roman Empire, smashing their way in as the Romans attempted unsuccessfully to stop the Germans from entering the empire. Ferguson writes that Gibbon was wrong to claim the Roman Empire collapsed slowly and argues that the view among a growing number of modern scholars is that the collapse of the Roman empire was swift and violent; unforeseeable by Romans of the day, just as the collapse of modern European civilization would likewise be for modern Europeans.In 2017, Ferguson opined that the West had insufficiently heeded the rise of militant Islam and its global consequences in the same way it failed to predict that the rise of Lenin would lead to the further spread of communism and conflict around the world:Ask yourself how effectively we in the West have responded to the rise of militant Islam since the Iranian Revolution unleashed its Shi’ite variant and since 9/11 revealed the even more aggressive character of Sunni Islamism. I fear we have done no better than our grandfathers did.Foreign intervention—the millions of dollars that have found their way from the Gulf to radical mosques and Islamic centres in the West.Incompetent liberals—the proponents of multiculturalism who brand any opponent of jihad an “Islamophobe”. Clueless bankers—the sort who fall over themselves to offer “sharia-compliant” loans and bonds. Fellow travellers—the leftists who line up with the Muslim Brotherhood to castigate Israel at every opportunity. And the faint-hearted—those who were so quick to pull out of Iraq in 2009 that they allowed the rump of al-Qaeda to morph into Isis.A century ago it was the West’s great blunder to think it would not matter if Lenin and his confederates took over the Russian Empire, despite their stated intention to plot world revolution and overthrow both democracy and capitalism. Incredible as it may seem, I believe we are capable of repeating that catastrophic error. I fear that, one day, we shall wake with a start to discover that the Islamists have repeated the Bolshevik achievement, which was to acquire the resources and capability to threaten our existence.During a 2018 debate, Ferguson asserted that he is not anti-immigration or opposed to Muslims, but felt that sections of Europe's political and intellectual classes had failed to predict the cultural and political consequences of large scale immigration. He furthermore stated that Islam differs from Judaism and Christianity through being "designed differently" as a political ideology that does not recognize the separation of mosque with the secular and temporal, and that the Muslim world has mostly followed an opposite trend to Western society by becoming less secularized and more literal in interpreting holy scripture. He concluded that if Europe kept pursuing large scale migration from pious Muslim societies combined with poor structures of economic and cultural integration, especially in an era when existing migrant communities are either unassimilated or loosely integrated into the host society, it is "highly likely" that networks of fundamentalist "dawah" will grow in which Islamic extremists draw in the culturally and economically unassimilated Muslims of immigrant backgrounds. Ferguson has also pointed out that even when living in Western nations, both he and his wife Ayaan Hirsi Ali have to live with permanent security measures as a result of her public critiques of Islam and status as a former Muslim.Ferguson supported the 2003 Iraq War, and he is on record as being not necessarily opposed to future western incursions around the world. It's all very well for us to sit here in the West with our high incomes and cushy lives, and say it's immoral to violate the sovereignty of another state. But if the effect of that is to bring people in that country economic and political freedom, to raise their standard of living, to increase their life expectancy, then don't rule it out.On the rise of Republican Party presidential candidate Donald Trump, Ferguson was quoted in early 2016: "If you bother to read some of the serious analysis of Trump's support, you realize that it's a very fragile thing and highly unlikely to deliver what he needs in the crucial first phase of the primaries ... By the time we get to March–April, it's all over. I think there's going to be a wonderful catharsis, I'm really looking forward to it: Trump's humiliation. Bring it on." Trump eventually won the nomination.Three weeks before the 2016 United States presidential election, after the Access Hollywood tape scandal, Ferguson stated in an interview that it "was over for Donald Trump"; that "Trump had flamed out in all three Presidential debates"; that, "I don't think there can be any last minute surprise to rescue him [Trump]"; that there was no hope of Donald Trump winning Independent voters and that Trump was "gone as a candidate", adding that "it seems to me clear that she [Hillary Clinton] is going to be the first female President of the United States. The only question is how bad does his [Trump's] flaming out affect candidates for the Senate, candidates for the House, further down on the ballot." However after Brexit, Ferguson stated that Trump could win via the Electoral College if certain demographics turned out to vote in key swing states. Trump was elected president and the Republican Party retained control of both the Senate and House of Representatives.In an article from November 2016 in "The Boston Globe", Ferguson advised that Trump should support the efforts of Prime Minister Theresa May to have Britain leave the European Union as the best way of breaking up the EU, and sign a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom once Brexit is complete. Ferguson advised that Trump should give recognition to Russia as a Great Power, and work with President Vladimir Putin by giving Russia a sphere of influence in Eurasia. In the same column, Ferguson advised Trump not to engage in a trade war with China, and work with President Xi Jinping to create a US-Chinese partnership. Ferguson argued that Trump and Putin should work for the victory of Marine Le Pen (who wants France to leave the EU) and the "Front national" in the 2017 French elections, arguing that Le Pen was the French politician most congenial to the Trump administration. Ferguson argued that a quintumvirate of Trump, Putin, Xi, May and Le Pen was the world's best hope for peace and prosperity.In its edition of 15 August 2005, "The New Republic" published "The New New Deal", an essay by Ferguson and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, a professor of economics at Boston University. The two scholars called for the following changes to the American government's fiscal and income security policies:In November 2012, Ferguson stated in a video with CNN that the U.S. has enough energy resources to move towards energy independence and could possibly enter a new economic golden age due to the related socio-economic growth—coming out of the post-world economic recession doldrums.Ferguson was an attendee of the 2012 Bilderberg Group meeting, where he was a speaker on economic policy.Ferguson was highly critical of Britain's vote to leave the European Union, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire". Later, after backing the Remain campaign during the referendum, Ferguson changed his mind and came out in support of Britain's exit from the EU.In May 2009, Ferguson became involved in a high-profile exchange of views with economist Paul Krugman arising out of a panel discussion hosted by PEN/"New York Review" on 30 April 2009, regarding the U.S. economy. Ferguson contended that the Obama administration's policies are simultaneously Keynesian and monetarist, in an "incoherent" mix, and specifically claimed that the government's issuance of a multitude of new bonds would cause an increase in interest rates.Krugman argued that Ferguson's view is "resurrecting 75-year old fallacies" and full of "basic errors". He also stated that Ferguson is a "poseur" who "hasn't bothered to understand the basics, relying on snide comments and surface cleverness to convey the impression of wisdom. It's all style, no comprehension of substance."In 2012, Jonathan Portes, the director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, said that subsequent events had shown Ferguson to be wrong: "As we all know, since then both the US and UK have had deficits running at historically extremely high levels, and long-term interest rates at historic lows: as Krugman has repeatedly pointed out, the (IS-LM) textbook has been spot on."Later in 2012, after Ferguson wrote a cover story for "Newsweek" arguing that Mitt Romney should be elected in the upcoming US presidential election, Krugman wrote that there were multiple errors and misrepresentations in the story, concluding "We're not talking about ideology or even economic analysis here—just a plain misrepresentation of the facts, with an august publication letting itself be used to misinform readers. The "Times" would require an abject correction if something like that slipped through. Will "Newsweek"?" Ferguson denied that he had misrepresented the facts in an online rebuttal. Matthew O'Brien countered that Ferguson was still distorting the meaning of the Congressional Budget Office report being discussed, and that the entire piece could be read as an effort to deceive.In 2013, Ferguson, naming Dean Baker, Josh Barro, Brad DeLong, Matthew O'Brien, Noah Smith, Matthew Yglesias and Justin Wolfers, attacked "Krugman and his acolytes," in his three-part essay on why he dislikes Paul Krugman. The essay title ('Krugtron the Invincible') originally comes from a post by Noah Smith.At a May 2013 investment conference in Carlsbad, California, Ferguson was asked about his views on economist John Maynard Keynes' quotation that "in the long run we are all dead." Ferguson stated that Keynes was indifferent to the future because he was gay and did not have children. The remarks were widely criticised for being offensive, factually inaccurate, and a distortion of Keynes' ideas.Ferguson posted an apology for these statements shortly after reports of his words were widely disseminated, saying his comments were "as stupid as they were insensitive". In the apology, Ferguson stated: "My disagreements with Keynes's economic philosophy have never had anything to do with his sexual orientation. It is simply false to suggest, as I did, that his approach to economic policy was inspired by any aspect of his personal life."In spring 2018, Professor Ferguson was involved with college Republican leaders at Stanford to oppose a left-leaning student take over of the Cardinal Conversations initiative. In leaked emails, he was quoted as asking for opposition research on the student involved. He later apologized and resigned from the said initiative when emails were leaked revealing his involvement in the events. "I very much regret the publication of these emails. I also regret having written them," Ferguson wrote in a statement to "The Daily".Ferguson was an early skeptic of cryptocurrencies, famously dismissing his teenage son's recommendation to buy Bitcoin in 2014. By 2017, he had changed his mind on Bitcoin's utility, saying it had established itself as a form of "digital gold: a store of value for wealthy investors, especially those located in countries with weak rule of law and high political risk." In February 2019, Ferguson became an advisor for digital asset protocol firm Ampleforth Protocol, saying he was attracted by the firm's plan to "reinvent money in a way that protects individual freedom and to create a payments system that treats everyone equally." In March 2019, Ferguson spoke at an Australian Financial Review Business Summit, where he admitted to being "wrong to think there was no … use for a form of currency based on blockchain technology… I don't think this will turn out to be a complete delusion."Ferguson has stated that he identified as a Scottish nationalist as a teenager, but moderated his views after moving to England to study history. He has argued that Scottish nationalism is sometimes fueled by a distorted view that Scots have always been oppressed by the English and is misconceived by people from outside of the United Kingdom as choice between being Scottish or English. Ferguson states that in contrast to the subjugations of Wales and Ireland, Scotland was united as an "equal" country to England during the Act of Union, and cites events such as King James VI of Scotland inheriting the English crown, the failed Darien scheme to colonize Panama which prompted Scottish political elites to support the Union and that Scots were an integral part of the East India Company to question the narrative that Scotland was oppressed. Ferguson has also argued (citing Walter Scott's "Waverley") that Scotland after the Jacobite rebellion remained a land divided by warring clans and religious factions, and that the Union helped to quell some of the conflicts.During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, Ferguson supported Scotland remaining within the United Kingdom, citing potential economic consequences of Scottish independence, but argued that the "No" campaign needed to focus on Scotland's history of cosmopolitanism as well as economic points to save the Union. In 2021, ahead of the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, Ferguson argued that the Labour administration under Tony Blair had made a mistake in believing devolution would stem Scottish nationalism, but instead it enabled the Scottish National Party to assume regional power and criticised the SNP government of Nicola Sturgeon for its management of the Scottish economy, education and freedom of speech. Ferguson furthermore claimed that the best way for the British government to thwart independence and the SNP's separationist demands was not by "unthinkingly accepting the SNP’s argument that it has a moral right to a referendum on secession every time it wins a parliamentary election" and allowing a slim "Yes" vote to decide the outcome, but instead by following the example of Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien and minister Stephane Dion's who handled the Parti Quebecois's calls for Quebec secessionism by taking the matter to the Canadian Supreme Court and introducing the Clarity Act rather than letting it solely be up to "a slim majority of the voters of Quebec if Canada broke up."In 2011, Ferguson predicted that "Grexit" (the notion of Greece leaving the Euro currency) was unlikely to happen, but that Britain would leave the European Union in the near future as it would be easier for Britain to leave the EU owing to the fact it was not part of the Eurozone and that returning to a national currency would be harder for countries who had signed up to a single currency. In 2012, he described the Eurozone as a "disaster waiting to happen."During the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, Ferguson was initially critical of the idea of Britain leaving the EU despite his criticisms of the latter, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire" and endorsed a Remain vote. However, after backing the Remain campaign, Ferguson changed his stance and came out in support of Brexit, admitting that his support to stay in had been motivated in part on a personal level by not wanting the government of David Cameron (with whom he had a friendship) to collapse and in turn risk Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister. Ferguson elaborated that while Brexit would still have some economic consequences, the EU had been a "disaster" on its monetary, immigration, national security and radical Islam policies. He also added that the "I think one has to recognise that the European elite's performances over the last decade entirely justified the revolt of provincial England."In 2020, Ferguson predicted that the EU is destined to become "moribund" and was at risk of collapse in the near future and that the single currency had only benefited Northern Europe and Germany in particular while causing economic havoc in Southern Europe. However, he also argued the "real disintegration of Europe" will happen over the EU's migration policies that have both exacerbated and failed to provide solutions to illegal immigration to the European continent from North Africa and the Middle East. Ferguson stated that high levels of illegal immigration from majority Muslim nations would in turn further the rise of populist and eurosceptic movements committed to rolling back or leaving the European Union. Ferguson also predicted that in a decade's time, Britain would question why there had been fuss, outcry or debates over the manner of how to leave the EU over Brexit because "we'll have left something that was essentially disintegrating" and that "it would be a little bit like getting a divorce and then your ex drops dead, and you spent all that money on the divorce courts, if only you'd known how sick the ex was. The European Union is sick, and people don't really want to admit that, least of all in Brussels."Ferguson married journalist Sue Douglas in 1994 after meeting in 1987 when she was his editor at "The Sunday Times". They have three children: Felix, Freya, and Lachlan.In February 2010, Ferguson separated from Douglas and started dating former Dutch MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Ferguson and Douglas divorced in 2011. Ferguson married Hirsi Ali on 10 September 2011 and Hirsi Ali gave birth to their son Thomas in December 2011. In an interview in April 2011, Ferguson complained about the media coverage of his relationship with Ali, stating: "No, I never read their shitty coverage of people's private lives. I don't care about the sex lives of celebrities, so I was a little unprepared for having my private life all over the country. So yeah, I was naive, yeah. Because you have to stoop to conquer," – but will never write for "The Daily Mail" again. "That's because I'm a vendetta person. Yes, absolutely. Implacable."Ferguson dedicated his book "Civilization" to "Ayaan". In an interview with "The Guardian", Ferguson spoke about his love for Ali, whom, he writes in the preface, "understands better than anyone I know what Western civilisation really means – and what it still has to offer the world".Ferguson's self-confessed workaholism has placed strains on his personal relations in the past. Ferguson has commented that:...from 2002, the combination of making TV programmes and teaching at Harvard took me away from my children too much. You don't get those years back. You have to ask yourself: "Was it a smart decision to do those things?" I think the success I have enjoyed since then has been bought at a significant price. In hindsight, there would have been a bunch of things that I would have said no to. In an interview, Ferguson described his relationship with the left: "No, they love being provoked by me! Honestly, it makes them feel so much better about their lives to think that I'm a reactionary; it's a substitute for thought. 'Imperialist scumbag' and all that. Oh dear, we're back in a 1980s student union debate."Ferguson was the inspiration for Alan Bennett's play "The History Boys" (2004), particularly the character of Irwin, a history teacher who urges his pupils to find a counterintuitive angle, and goes on to become a television historian. Bennett's character "Irwin", writes David Smith of "The Observer", gives the impression that "an entire career can be built on the trick of contrariness."In 2018, Ferguson became naturalised as a US citizen.
|
[
"London School of Economics and Political Science",
"University of Cambridge",
"Hoover Institution",
"Harvard University",
"New York University"
] |
|
Which employer did Niall Ferguson work for in May, 2002?
|
May 11, 2002
|
{
"text": [
"New York University"
]
}
|
L2_Q377638_P108_2
|
Niall Ferguson works for London School of Economics and Political Science from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
Niall Ferguson works for University of Oxford from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2002.
Niall Ferguson works for Hoover Institution from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Niall Ferguson works for New York University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004.
Niall Ferguson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1992.
Niall Ferguson works for Harvard University from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2016.
|
Niall FergusonNiall Campbell Ferguson (; born 18 April 1964) is a Scottish-American historian and the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. Previously, he was a professor at Harvard University, the London School of Economics and New York University, visiting professor at New College of the Humanities and senior research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.Ferguson writes and lectures on international history, economic and financial history and British and American imperialism. He is known for his positive views concerning the British Empire. He once ironically called himself "a fully paid-up member of the neo-imperialist gang" following the 2003 invasion of Iraq.Ferguson has been a contributing editor for Bloomberg Television and a columnist for "Newsweek". He began writing a twice-a-month column for "Bloomberg Opinion" in June 2020.Ferguson has written and presented numerous television documentary series, including "The Ascent of Money", which won an International Emmy award for Best Documentary in 2009. In 2004, he was named as one of "TIME" magazine's 100 most influential people in the world.Ferguson was born in Glasgow, Scotland, on 18 April 1964 to James Campbell Ferguson, a doctor, and Molly Archibald Hamilton, a physics teacher. Ferguson grew up in the Ibrox area Glasgow in a home close to the Ibrox Park football stadium. He attended The Glasgow Academy. He was brought up as, and remains, an atheist, though he has encouraged his children to study religion and attends church occasionally.Ferguson cites his father as instilling in him a strong sense of self-discipline and of the moral value of work, while his mother encouraged his creative side. His maternal grandfather, a journalist, encouraged him to write. He has described his parents as "both very much products of the Scottish Enlightenment." Ferguson ascribes his decision to read history at university instead of English literature to two main factors: Leo Tolstoy's reflections on history at the end of "War and Peace" (which he read at the age of fifteen), and his admiration of historian A. J. P. Taylor.Ferguson received a demyship (highest scholarship) from Magdalen College, Oxford. Whilst a student there, he wrote a 90-minute student film "The Labours of Hercules Sprote", played double bass in a jazz band "Night in Tunisia", edited the student magazine "Tributary", and befriended Andrew Sullivan, who shared his interest in right-wing politics and punk music. He had become a Thatcherite by 1982. He graduated with a first-class honours degree in history in 1985.Ferguson studied as a Hanseatic Scholar in Hamburg and Berlin in 1987 and 1988. He received his Doctor of Philosophy degree from the University of Oxford in 1989: his dissertation was titled "Business and Politics in the German Inflation: Hamburg 1914–1924".In 1989, Ferguson worked as a research fellow at Christ's College, Cambridge. From 1990 to 1992 he was an official fellow and lecturer at Peterhouse, Cambridge. He then became a fellow and tutor in modern history at Jesus College, Oxford, where in 2000 he was named a professor of political and financial history. In 2002 Ferguson became the John Herzog Professor in Financial History at New York University Stern School of Business, and in 2004 he became the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University and William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School. From 2010 to 2011, Ferguson held the Philippe Roman Chair in history and international affairs at the London School of Economics. In 2016 Ferguson left Harvard to become a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he had been an adjunct fellow since 2005.Ferguson has received honorary degrees from the University of Buckingham, Macquarie University (Australia) and Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez (Chile). In May 2010, Michael Gove, education secretary, asked Ferguson to advise on the development of a new history syllabus, to be entitled "history as a connected narrative", for schools in England and Wales. In June 2011, he joined other academics to set up the New College of the Humanities, a private college in London.In 2018, Ferguson apologized after fellow historians criticized him for only inviting white men as speakers to a Stanford conference on applied history.Also in 2018, emails documenting Ferguson's attempts to discredit a progressive activist student at Stanford University who had been critical of Ferguson's choices of speakers invited to the Cardinal Conversations free speech initiative were released to the public and university administrators. He teamed with a Republican student group to find information that might discredit the student. Ferguson resigned from leadership of the program once university administrators became aware of his actions. Ferguson responded in his column saying, "Re-reading my emails now, I am struck by their juvenile, jocular tone. “A famous victory,” I wrote the morning after the Murray event. “Now we turn to the more subtle game of grinding them down on the committee. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” Then I added: “Some opposition research on Mr O might also be worthwhile”—a reference to the leader of the protests. None of this happened. The meetings of the student committee were repeatedly postponed. No one ever did any digging on “Mr O”. The spring vacation arrived. The only thing that came of the emails was that their circulation led to my stepping down."In 2000, Ferguson was a founding director of Boxmind, an Oxford-based educational technology company.In 2006, he set up Chimerica Media Ltd., a London based television production company.In 2007, Ferguson was appointed as an investment management consultant by GLG Partners, to advise on geopolitical risk as well as current structural issues in economic behaviour relating to investment decisions. GLG is a UK-based hedge fund management firm headed by Noam Gottesman. Ferguson was also an adviser to Morgan Stanley, the investment bank.In 2011, he set up Greenmantle LLC, an advisory business specializing in macroeconomics and geopolitics.He also serves as a non-executive director on the board of Affiliated Managers Group.Ferguson was an advisor to John McCain's U.S. presidential campaign in 2008, supported Mitt Romney in his 2012 campaign and was a vocal critic of Barack Obama.Ferguson is a trustee of the New York Historical Society and the London-based Centre for Policy Studies.Ferguson has written regularly for British newspapers and magazines since the mid 1980s. At that time, he was lead writer for "The Daily Telegraph," and a regular book reviewer for "The Daily Mail".In the summer on 1989, while travelling in Berlin, he wrote an article for a British newspaper with the provisional headline "The Berlin Wall is Crumbling", but it was not published.In the early 2000s he wrote a weekly column for "The Sunday Telegraph" and Los Angeles Times, leaving in 2007 to become a contributing editor to the "Financial Times". Between 2008 and 2012 he wrote regularly for "Newsweek". Since 2015 he has written a weekly column for The Sunday Times and The Boston Globe, which also appears in numerous papers around the world.Ferguson's television series The Ascent of Money won the 2009 International Emmy award for Best Documentary. In 2011 his film company Chimerica Media released its first feature-length documentary, "Kissinger", which won the New York Film Festival's prize for Best Documentary.In May 2012, the BBC announced Niall Ferguson was to present its annual Reith Lectures – a prestigious series of radio lectures which were first broadcast in 1948. These four lectures, titled "The Rule of Law and its Enemies", examine the role man-made institutions have played in the economic and political spheres.In the first lecture, held at the London School of Economics, titled "The Human Hive", Ferguson argues for greater openness from governments, saying they should publish accounts which clearly state all assets and liabilities. Governments, he said, should also follow the lead of business and adopt the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles and, above all, generational accounts should be prepared on a regular basis to make absolutely clear the inter-generational implications of current fiscal policy. In the lecture, Ferguson says young voters should be more supportive of government austerity measures if they do not wish to pay further down the line for the profligacy of the baby boomer generation.In the second lecture, "The Darwinian Economy", Ferguson reflects on the causes of the global financial crisis, and erroneous conclusions that many people have drawn from it about the role of regulation, and asks whether regulation is in fact "the disease of which it purports to be the cure"."The Landscape of Law" was the third lecture, delivered at Gresham College. It examines the rule of law in comparative terms, asking how far the common law's claims to superiority over other systems are credible, and whether we are living through a time of 'creeping legal degeneration' in the English-speaking world.The fourth and final lecture, "Civil and Uncivil Societies", focuses on institutions (outside the political, economic and legal realms) designed to preserve and transmit particular knowledge and values. Ferguson asks whether the modern state is quietly killing civil society in the Western world, and what non-Western societies can do to build a vibrant civil society.The first lecture was broadcast on BBC Radio 4 and the BBC World Service on Tuesday, 19 June 2012. The series is available as a BBC podcast.In his 2001 book, "The Cash Nexus", which he wrote following a year as Houblon-Norman Fellow at the Bank of England, Ferguson argues that the popular saying, "money makes the world go 'round", is wrong; instead he presented a case for human actions in history motivated by far more than just economic concerns.In his 2003 book, "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," Ferguson conducts a provocative reinterpretation of the British Empire, casting it as one of the world's great modernising forces. The Empire produced durable changes and globalisation with steampower, telegraphs, and engineers.Bernard Porter, famous for expressing his views during the Porter–MacKenzie debate on the British Empire, attacked "Empire" in "The London Review of Books" as a "panegyric to British colonialism". Ferguson, in response to this, drew Porter's attention to the conclusion of the book, where he writes: "No one would claim that the record of the British Empire was unblemished. On the contrary, I have tried to show how often it failed to live up to its own ideal of individual liberty, particularly in the early era of enslavement, transportation and the 'ethnic cleansing' of indigenous peoples." Ferguson argues however that the British Empire was preferable to the alternatives:The 19th-century empire undeniably pioneered free trade, free capital movements and, with the abolition of slavery, free labour. It invested immense sums in developing a global network of modern communications. It spread and enforced the rule of law over vast areas. Though it fought many small wars, the empire maintained a global peace unmatched before or since. In the 20th century too the empire more than justified its own existence. For the alternatives to British rule represented by the German and Japanese empires were clearly – and they admitted it themselves – far worse. And without its empire, it is inconceivable that Britain could have withstood them.In his 2005 book, "Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire," Ferguson proposes that the United States aspires to globalize free markets, the rule of law, and representative government, but shies away from the long-term commitments of manpower and money that are indispensable, in taking a more active role in resolving conflict arising from the failure of states. The U.S. is an empire in denial, not acknowledging the scale of global responsibilities. The American writer Michael Lind, responding to Ferguson's advocation of an enlarged American military through conscription, accused Ferguson of engaging in apocalyptic alarmism about the possibility of a world without the United States as the dominant power and of a casual disregard for the value of human life.In "War of the World", published in 2006, Ferguson argued that a combination of economic volatility, decaying empires, psychopathic dictators, racially/ethnically motivated and institutionalised violence resulted in the wars and genocides of what he calls "History's Age of Hatred". "The New York Times Book Review" named "War of the World" one of the 100 Notable Books of the Year in 2006, while the "International Herald Tribune" called it "one of the most intriguing attempts by an historian to explain man's inhumanity to man". Ferguson addresses the paradox that, though the 20th century was "so bloody", it was also "a time of unparalleled [economic] progress". As with his earlier work "Empire", "War of the World" was accompanied by a Channel 4 television series presented by Ferguson.Published in 2008, "The Ascent of Money" examines the history of money, credit, and banking. In it Ferguson predicts a financial crisis as a result of the world economy and in particular the United States using too much credit. He cites the China–United States dynamic which he refers to as Chimerica where an Asian "savings glut" helped create the subprime mortgage crisis with an influx of easy money. While researching this book, in early 2007, Ferguson attended a session at a conference in Las Vegas at which a hedge fund manager stated there would never be another recession. Ferguson challenged this, and later the two agreed on a $14,000, 7 to 1 bet, that there would be a recession within five years. Ferguson collected $98,000.Published in 2011, "Civilization: The West and the Rest" examines what Ferguson calls the most "interesting question" of our day: "Why, beginning around 1500, did a few small polities on the western end of the Eurasian landmass come to dominate the rest of the world?" The "Economist" in a review wrote: In 1500 Europe's future imperial powers controlled 10% of the world's territories and generated just over 40% of its wealth. By 1913, at the height of empire, the West controlled almost 60% of the territories, which together generated almost 80% of the wealth. This stunning fact is lost, he regrets, on a generation that has supplanted history's sweep with a feeble-minded relativism that holds "all civilisations as somehow equal".Ferguson attributes this divergence to the West's development of six "killer apps", which he finds were largely missing elsewhere in the world in 1500 – "competition, the scientific method, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism and the work ethic".Ferguson compared and contrasted how the West's "killer apps" allowed the West to triumph over "the Rest" citing examples. Ferguson argued the rowdy and savage competition between European merchants created far more wealth than did the static and ordered society of Qing China. Tolerance extended to thinkers like Sir Isaac Newton in Stuart England had no counterpart in the Ottoman Empire, where Takiyuddin's "blasphemous" observatory was demolished for contradicting the teachings of Islam. This ensured that Western civilization was capable of making scientific advances that Islamic civilization never could. Respect for private property was far stronger in British America than it ever was in Spanish America, which led to the United States and Canada becoming prosperous societies while Latin America was and remains mired in poverty.Ferguson also argued that the modern West had lost its edge and the future belongs to the nations of Asia, especially China, which has adopted the West's "killer apps". Ferguson argues that in the coming years we will see a steady decline of the West, while China and the rest of the Asian nations will be the rising powers.A related documentary "" was broadcast as a six-part series on Channel 4 in March and April 2011."Kissinger The Idealist", Volume I, published in September 2015, is the first part of a planned two-part biography of Henry Kissinger based on his private papers. The book starts with a quote from a letter which Kissinger wrote in 1972. The book examines Kissinger's life from being a refugee and fleeing Germany in 1938, to serving in the US army as a "free man" in World War II, to studying at Harvard. The book also explores the history of Kissinger joining the Kennedy administration and later becoming critical of its foreign policy, to supporting Nelson Rockefeller on three failed presidential bids, to finally joining the Nixon administration. The book also includes Kissinger's early evaluation of the Vietnam war and his efforts to negotiate with the North Vietnamese in Paris.Historians and political scientists gave the book mixed reviews. "The Economist" wrote in a review about "The Idealist": "Mr Ferguson, a British historian also at Harvard, has in the past sometimes produced work that is rushed and uneven. Not here. Like Mr Kissinger or loathe him, this is a work of engrossing scholarship." In a negative review of "The Idealist", the American journalist Michael O'Donnell questioned Ferguson's interpretation of Kissinger's actions leading up to Nixon's election as President. Andrew Roberts praised the book in The New York Times, concluding: "Niall Ferguson already has many important, scholarly and controversial books to his credit. But if the second volume of 'Kissinger' is anywhere near as comprehensive, well written and riveting as the first, this will be his masterpiece."Ferguson proposed a modified version of group selection that history can be explained by the evolution of human networks. He wrote, "Man, with his unrivaled neural network, was born "to" network." The title refers to a transition from hierarchical, "tower" networks to flatter, "square" network connections between individuals. John Gray in a review of the book was not convinced. He wrote, "He offers a mix of metaphor and what purports to be a new science." "Niall Ferguson has again written a brilliant book," wrote Deirdre McCloskey in The Wall Street Journal, "this time in defence of traditional top-down principles of governing the wild market and the wilder international order. "The Square and the Tower" raises the question of just how much the unruly world should be governedand by whom. Not everyone will agree, but everyone will be charmed and educated. … 'The Square and the Tower' is always readable, intelligent, original. You can swallow a chapter a night before sleep and your dreams will overflow with scenes of Stendhal's 'The Red and the Black,' Napoleon, Kissinger. In 400 pages you will have restocked your mind. Do it."In this book Ferguson offers a global history of disaster. Damon Linker of the "New York Times" argues that the book is "often insightful, productively provocative and downright brilliant" and suggests that Ferguson displays "an impressive command of the latest research in a large number of specialized fields, among them medical history, epidemiology, probability theory, cliodynamics and network theory". However Linker also criticises the book's "perplexing lacunae".In a review for "The Times", David Aaronovitch described Ferguson's theory as "nebulous".Ferguson has been referred to as a conservative historian by some commentators and fellow historians. Ferguson himself stated in a 2018 interview on the "Rubin Report" that his views align to classical liberalism and has referred to himself as a "classic Scottish enlightenment liberal" on other occasions. Some of his research and conclusions have resulted in controversy, particularly from people who hold left-wing politics.In 1998, Ferguson published "The Pity of War: Explaining World War One", which with the help of research assistants he was able to write in just five months. This is an analytic account of what Ferguson considered to be the ten great myths of the Great War. The book generated much controversy, particularly Ferguson's suggestion that it might have proved more beneficial for Europe if Britain had stayed out of the First World War in 1914, thereby allowing Germany to win. Ferguson has argued that the British decision to intervene was what stopped a German victory in 1914–15. Furthermore, Ferguson expressed disagreement with the "Sonderweg" interpretation of German history championed by some German historians such as Fritz Fischer, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Hans Mommsen and Wolfgang Mommsen, who argued that the German Empire deliberately started an aggressive war in 1914. Likewise, Ferguson has often attacked the work of the German historian Michael Stürmer, who argued that it was Germany's geographical situation in Central Europe that determined the course of German history.On the contrary, Ferguson maintained that Germany waged a preventive war in 1914, a war largely forced on the Germans by reckless and irresponsible British diplomacy. In particular, Ferguson accused the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey of maintaining an ambiguous attitude to the question of whether Britain would enter the war or not, and thus confusing Berlin over just what was the British attitude towards the question of intervention in the war. Ferguson accused London of unnecessarily allowing a regional war in Europe to escalate into a world war. Moreover, Ferguson denied that the origins of National Socialism could be traced back to Imperial Germany; instead Ferguson asserted the origins of Nazism could only be traced back to the First World War and its aftermath.Ferguson attacked a number of ideas that he called "myths" in the book. They are listed here (with his counter-arguments in parentheses):Another controversial aspect of "The Pity of War" is Ferguson's use of counterfactual history also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history. In the book, Ferguson presents a hypothetical version of Europe being, under Imperial German domination, a peaceful, prosperous, democratic continent, without ideologies like communism or Italian fascism. In Ferguson's view, had Germany won World War I, then the lives of millions would have been saved, something like the European Union would have been founded in 1914, and Britain would have remained an empire as well as the world's dominant financial power.The French historians Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker were dubious about much of Ferguson's methodology and conclusions in "The Pity of War", but praised him for the chapter dealing with the executions of POWs, arguing that Ferguson had exposed a dark side of the war that until then had been ignored. The American writer Michael Lind wrote about "The Pity of War":Like the historian John Charmley, who expressed the same wish in the case of World War II, Ferguson belongs to the fringe element of British conservatism that regrets the absence of a German-British deal in the first half of the 20th century that would have marginalized the United States and might have allowed the British Empire to survive to this day. According to Ferguson, Britain should have stayed out of World War I and allowed Imperial Germany to smash France and Russia and create a continental empire from the Atlantic to the Middle East. The joke is on Ferguson's American conservative admirers, inasmuch as he laments the defeat of the Kaiser's Germany because it accelerated the replacement of the British Empire by the United States of America and the eclipse of the City of London by Wall Street. The German-born American historian Gerhard Weinberg in a review of "The Pity of War" strongly criticized Ferguson for advancing the thesis that it was idiotic for Britain to have fought a Germany that allegedly posed no danger. Weinberg accused Ferguson of completely ignoring the chief foreign policy aim of Wilhelm II from 1897 onwards, namely "Weltpolitik" ("World Politics") and argued it was absurd for Ferguson to claim that allowing Germany to defeat France and Russia would have posed no danger to Britain. Weinberg wrote that Ferguson was wrong to claim that Germany's interests were limited only to Europe, and maintained that if the "Reich" did defeat France in 1914, then Germany would have taken over the French colonies in Asia and Africa which would have definitely affected the balance of power all over the world, not just in Europe. Finally, Weinberg attacked Ferguson for claiming that the Tirpitz Plan was not a danger to Britain and that Britain had no reason to fear Germany's naval ambitions, sarcastically asking if that was really the case, then why did the British redeploy so much of their fleet from around the world to the North Sea and spend so much money building warships in the Anglo-German naval arms race? Weinberg accused Ferguson of distorting both German and British history and ignoring any evidence that did not fit with his thesis that Britain should never have fought Germany, stating that "The Pity of War" was interesting as a historical provocation, but was not persuasive as history.Ferguson wrote two volumes about the prominent Rothschild family: "The House of Rothschild: Volume 1: Money's Prophets: 1798–1848" and "The House of Rothschild: Volume 2: The World's Banker: 1849–1999". These books were the result of original archival research. The books won the Wadsworth Prize for Business History and were also short-listed for the Jewish Quarterly-Wingate Literary Award and the American National Jewish Book Award.The books were widely acclaimed by some historians, although they did receive some criticism. John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War–era historian, praised Ferguson's "unrivaled range, productivity and visibility", while criticising the book as unpersuasive and containing contradictory claims. Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm had praised Ferguson as an excellent historian, but criticised him as a "nostalgist for empire". In a mixed review of a later book by Ferguson, "The War of the World: History's Age of Hatred", a reviewer for "The Economist" described how many regard Ferguson's two books on the Rothschilds "as one of the finest studies of its kind." Jeremy Wormell wrote that while "The World's Banker: A History of the House of Rothschild" had its virtues, it contained "many errors" which meant it was "unsafe to use it as a source for the debt markets."Writing in The New York Review of Books, Robert Skidelsky praised Ferguson: "Taken together, Ferguson's two volumes are a stupendous achievement, a triumph of historical research and imagination. No serious historian can write about the connection between the politics, diplomacy, and economics of the nineteenth century in the same way again. And, as any good work of history should do, it constantly prompts us to ask questions about our own age, when once again we have embarked on the grand experiment of a world economy without a world government."Ferguson sometimes champions counterfactual history, also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history, and edited a collection of essays, titled "Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals" (1997), exploring the subject. Ferguson likes to imagine alternative outcomes as a way of stressing the contingent aspects of history. For Ferguson, great forces don't make history; individuals do, and nothing is predetermined. Thus, for Ferguson, there are no paths in history that will determine how things will work out. The world is neither progressing nor regressing; only the actions of individuals determine whether we will live in a better or worse world. His championing of the method has been controversial within the field. In a 2011 review of Ferguson's book "Civilization: The West and the Rest", Noel Malcolm (Senior Research Fellow in History at All Souls College at Oxford University) stated that: "Students may find this an intriguing introduction to a wide range of human history; but they will get an odd idea of how historical argument is to be conducted, if they learn it from this book."In 2003, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger provided Ferguson with access to his White House diaries, letters, and archives for what Ferguson calls a "warts-and-all biography" of Kissinger. In 2015, he published the first volume in a two-part biography titled "Kissinger: 1923–1968: The Idealist" from Penguin Press.The thesis of this first volume was that Kissinger was very much influenced in his academic and political development by the philosopher Immanuel Kant, and especially by an interpretation of Kant that he learned from a mentor at Harvard University, William Yandell Elliott.Ferguson has praised the British Empire, stating, "I think it's hard to make the case, which implicitly the left makes, that somehow the world would have been better off if the Europeans had stayed home." Ferguson is critical of what he calls the "self-flagellation" that he says characterises modern European thought.Historians and commentators have considered his views on this issue and expressed their critical evaluation in various terms, from "audacious" yet "wrong", "informative", "ambitious" and "troubling", to "false and dangerous" apologia. Richard Drayton, Rhodes Professor of Imperial History at King's College London, has stated that it was correct of Seumas Milne to associate "Ferguson with an attempt to "rehabilitate empire" in the service of contemporary great power interests". In November 2011 Pankaj Mishra reviewed "Civilisation: The West and the Rest" unfavourably in the "London Review of Books". Ferguson demanded an apology and threatened to sue Mishra on charges of libel due to allegations of racism.Jon Wilson, a professor of the Department of History at King’s College London, is the author of "India Conquered," a 2016 book intended to rebut Ferguson's arguments in "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," who catalogues the negative elements of the British Raj, and describes the "Empire" TV program (2003) as "false and dangerous" Wilson agrees with Ferguson's point that the British innovations brought to India, civil services, education, and railways, had beneficial side effects, but faults them for being done in a spirit of self-interest rather than altruism.About Ferguson's claim that Britain "made the modern world" by spreading democracy, free trade, capitalism, the rule of law, Protestantism and the English language, Wilson charged that Ferguson never explained precisely how this was done, arguing that the reason was the lack of interest in the history of the people ruled by the British on Ferguson's part, who therefore could not perceive that the interaction between the colonisers and the colonised in places like India, where the population embraced aspects of British culture and rule that were appealing to them while rejecting others that were unappealing. Wilson argues that this interaction between the rulers and the ruled is more complex, and contradicts Ferguson's one-sided picture of the British "transforming" India that portrays the British as active and the Indians as passive. Wilson charged that Ferguson failed to look at the empire via non-British eyes because to do so would be to challenge his claim that Britain "made the modern world" by imposing its values on "the Other", and that the history of the empire was far more complicated than the simplistic version that Ferguson is trying to present.Matthew Carr wrote in "Race & Class" that "Niall Ferguson, the conservative English [sic] historian and enthusiastic advocate of a new American empire, has also embraced the Eurabian idea in a widely reproduced article entitled 'Eurabia?', in which he laments the 'de-Christianization of Europe' and the secularism of the continent that leaves it 'weak in the face of fanaticism'." Carr adds that "Ferguson sees the recent establishment of a department of Islamic studies in his (Oxford college) as another symptom of 'the creeping Islamicization of a decadent Christendom'," and in a 2004 lecture at the American Enterprise Institute entitled 'The End of Europe?',Ferguson struck a similarly Spenglerian note, conjuring the term 'impire' to depict a process in which a 'political entity, instead of expanding outwards towards its periphery, exporting power, implodes—when the energies come from outside into that entity'. In Ferguson's opinion, this process was already under way in a decadent 'post-Christian' Europe that was drifting inexorably towards the dark denouement of a vanquished civilisation and the fatal embrace of Islam.In 2015, Ferguson deplored the Paris attacks committed by Islamic State terrorists, but stated he was not going to "stand" with the French as he argued that France was a lost cause, a declining state faced with an unstoppable Islamic wave that would sweep away everything that tried to oppose it. Ferguson compared the modern European Union to the Western Roman Empire, describing modern Europe as not that different from the world depicted by Edward Gibbon in his book "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire". Ferguson wrote that:Uncannily similar processes are destroying the European Union today...Let us be clear about what is happening. Like the Roman Empire in the early fifth century, Europe has allowed its defenses to crumble. As its wealth has grown, so its military prowess has shrunk, along with its self-belief. It has grown decadent in its shopping malls and sports stadiums. At the same time, it has opened its gates to outsiders who have coveted its wealth without renouncing their ancestral faith. Ferguson wrote the mass influx of refugees into Europe from Syria was a modern version of the "Völkerwanderung" when the Huns burst out of Asia and invaded Europe, causing millions of the Germanic peoples to flee into the presumed safety of the Roman Empire, smashing their way in as the Romans attempted unsuccessfully to stop the Germans from entering the empire. Ferguson writes that Gibbon was wrong to claim the Roman Empire collapsed slowly and argues that the view among a growing number of modern scholars is that the collapse of the Roman empire was swift and violent; unforeseeable by Romans of the day, just as the collapse of modern European civilization would likewise be for modern Europeans.In 2017, Ferguson opined that the West had insufficiently heeded the rise of militant Islam and its global consequences in the same way it failed to predict that the rise of Lenin would lead to the further spread of communism and conflict around the world:Ask yourself how effectively we in the West have responded to the rise of militant Islam since the Iranian Revolution unleashed its Shi’ite variant and since 9/11 revealed the even more aggressive character of Sunni Islamism. I fear we have done no better than our grandfathers did.Foreign intervention—the millions of dollars that have found their way from the Gulf to radical mosques and Islamic centres in the West.Incompetent liberals—the proponents of multiculturalism who brand any opponent of jihad an “Islamophobe”. Clueless bankers—the sort who fall over themselves to offer “sharia-compliant” loans and bonds. Fellow travellers—the leftists who line up with the Muslim Brotherhood to castigate Israel at every opportunity. And the faint-hearted—those who were so quick to pull out of Iraq in 2009 that they allowed the rump of al-Qaeda to morph into Isis.A century ago it was the West’s great blunder to think it would not matter if Lenin and his confederates took over the Russian Empire, despite their stated intention to plot world revolution and overthrow both democracy and capitalism. Incredible as it may seem, I believe we are capable of repeating that catastrophic error. I fear that, one day, we shall wake with a start to discover that the Islamists have repeated the Bolshevik achievement, which was to acquire the resources and capability to threaten our existence.During a 2018 debate, Ferguson asserted that he is not anti-immigration or opposed to Muslims, but felt that sections of Europe's political and intellectual classes had failed to predict the cultural and political consequences of large scale immigration. He furthermore stated that Islam differs from Judaism and Christianity through being "designed differently" as a political ideology that does not recognize the separation of mosque with the secular and temporal, and that the Muslim world has mostly followed an opposite trend to Western society by becoming less secularized and more literal in interpreting holy scripture. He concluded that if Europe kept pursuing large scale migration from pious Muslim societies combined with poor structures of economic and cultural integration, especially in an era when existing migrant communities are either unassimilated or loosely integrated into the host society, it is "highly likely" that networks of fundamentalist "dawah" will grow in which Islamic extremists draw in the culturally and economically unassimilated Muslims of immigrant backgrounds. Ferguson has also pointed out that even when living in Western nations, both he and his wife Ayaan Hirsi Ali have to live with permanent security measures as a result of her public critiques of Islam and status as a former Muslim.Ferguson supported the 2003 Iraq War, and he is on record as being not necessarily opposed to future western incursions around the world. It's all very well for us to sit here in the West with our high incomes and cushy lives, and say it's immoral to violate the sovereignty of another state. But if the effect of that is to bring people in that country economic and political freedom, to raise their standard of living, to increase their life expectancy, then don't rule it out.On the rise of Republican Party presidential candidate Donald Trump, Ferguson was quoted in early 2016: "If you bother to read some of the serious analysis of Trump's support, you realize that it's a very fragile thing and highly unlikely to deliver what he needs in the crucial first phase of the primaries ... By the time we get to March–April, it's all over. I think there's going to be a wonderful catharsis, I'm really looking forward to it: Trump's humiliation. Bring it on." Trump eventually won the nomination.Three weeks before the 2016 United States presidential election, after the Access Hollywood tape scandal, Ferguson stated in an interview that it "was over for Donald Trump"; that "Trump had flamed out in all three Presidential debates"; that, "I don't think there can be any last minute surprise to rescue him [Trump]"; that there was no hope of Donald Trump winning Independent voters and that Trump was "gone as a candidate", adding that "it seems to me clear that she [Hillary Clinton] is going to be the first female President of the United States. The only question is how bad does his [Trump's] flaming out affect candidates for the Senate, candidates for the House, further down on the ballot." However after Brexit, Ferguson stated that Trump could win via the Electoral College if certain demographics turned out to vote in key swing states. Trump was elected president and the Republican Party retained control of both the Senate and House of Representatives.In an article from November 2016 in "The Boston Globe", Ferguson advised that Trump should support the efforts of Prime Minister Theresa May to have Britain leave the European Union as the best way of breaking up the EU, and sign a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom once Brexit is complete. Ferguson advised that Trump should give recognition to Russia as a Great Power, and work with President Vladimir Putin by giving Russia a sphere of influence in Eurasia. In the same column, Ferguson advised Trump not to engage in a trade war with China, and work with President Xi Jinping to create a US-Chinese partnership. Ferguson argued that Trump and Putin should work for the victory of Marine Le Pen (who wants France to leave the EU) and the "Front national" in the 2017 French elections, arguing that Le Pen was the French politician most congenial to the Trump administration. Ferguson argued that a quintumvirate of Trump, Putin, Xi, May and Le Pen was the world's best hope for peace and prosperity.In its edition of 15 August 2005, "The New Republic" published "The New New Deal", an essay by Ferguson and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, a professor of economics at Boston University. The two scholars called for the following changes to the American government's fiscal and income security policies:In November 2012, Ferguson stated in a video with CNN that the U.S. has enough energy resources to move towards energy independence and could possibly enter a new economic golden age due to the related socio-economic growth—coming out of the post-world economic recession doldrums.Ferguson was an attendee of the 2012 Bilderberg Group meeting, where he was a speaker on economic policy.Ferguson was highly critical of Britain's vote to leave the European Union, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire". Later, after backing the Remain campaign during the referendum, Ferguson changed his mind and came out in support of Britain's exit from the EU.In May 2009, Ferguson became involved in a high-profile exchange of views with economist Paul Krugman arising out of a panel discussion hosted by PEN/"New York Review" on 30 April 2009, regarding the U.S. economy. Ferguson contended that the Obama administration's policies are simultaneously Keynesian and monetarist, in an "incoherent" mix, and specifically claimed that the government's issuance of a multitude of new bonds would cause an increase in interest rates.Krugman argued that Ferguson's view is "resurrecting 75-year old fallacies" and full of "basic errors". He also stated that Ferguson is a "poseur" who "hasn't bothered to understand the basics, relying on snide comments and surface cleverness to convey the impression of wisdom. It's all style, no comprehension of substance."In 2012, Jonathan Portes, the director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, said that subsequent events had shown Ferguson to be wrong: "As we all know, since then both the US and UK have had deficits running at historically extremely high levels, and long-term interest rates at historic lows: as Krugman has repeatedly pointed out, the (IS-LM) textbook has been spot on."Later in 2012, after Ferguson wrote a cover story for "Newsweek" arguing that Mitt Romney should be elected in the upcoming US presidential election, Krugman wrote that there were multiple errors and misrepresentations in the story, concluding "We're not talking about ideology or even economic analysis here—just a plain misrepresentation of the facts, with an august publication letting itself be used to misinform readers. The "Times" would require an abject correction if something like that slipped through. Will "Newsweek"?" Ferguson denied that he had misrepresented the facts in an online rebuttal. Matthew O'Brien countered that Ferguson was still distorting the meaning of the Congressional Budget Office report being discussed, and that the entire piece could be read as an effort to deceive.In 2013, Ferguson, naming Dean Baker, Josh Barro, Brad DeLong, Matthew O'Brien, Noah Smith, Matthew Yglesias and Justin Wolfers, attacked "Krugman and his acolytes," in his three-part essay on why he dislikes Paul Krugman. The essay title ('Krugtron the Invincible') originally comes from a post by Noah Smith.At a May 2013 investment conference in Carlsbad, California, Ferguson was asked about his views on economist John Maynard Keynes' quotation that "in the long run we are all dead." Ferguson stated that Keynes was indifferent to the future because he was gay and did not have children. The remarks were widely criticised for being offensive, factually inaccurate, and a distortion of Keynes' ideas.Ferguson posted an apology for these statements shortly after reports of his words were widely disseminated, saying his comments were "as stupid as they were insensitive". In the apology, Ferguson stated: "My disagreements with Keynes's economic philosophy have never had anything to do with his sexual orientation. It is simply false to suggest, as I did, that his approach to economic policy was inspired by any aspect of his personal life."In spring 2018, Professor Ferguson was involved with college Republican leaders at Stanford to oppose a left-leaning student take over of the Cardinal Conversations initiative. In leaked emails, he was quoted as asking for opposition research on the student involved. He later apologized and resigned from the said initiative when emails were leaked revealing his involvement in the events. "I very much regret the publication of these emails. I also regret having written them," Ferguson wrote in a statement to "The Daily".Ferguson was an early skeptic of cryptocurrencies, famously dismissing his teenage son's recommendation to buy Bitcoin in 2014. By 2017, he had changed his mind on Bitcoin's utility, saying it had established itself as a form of "digital gold: a store of value for wealthy investors, especially those located in countries with weak rule of law and high political risk." In February 2019, Ferguson became an advisor for digital asset protocol firm Ampleforth Protocol, saying he was attracted by the firm's plan to "reinvent money in a way that protects individual freedom and to create a payments system that treats everyone equally." In March 2019, Ferguson spoke at an Australian Financial Review Business Summit, where he admitted to being "wrong to think there was no … use for a form of currency based on blockchain technology… I don't think this will turn out to be a complete delusion."Ferguson has stated that he identified as a Scottish nationalist as a teenager, but moderated his views after moving to England to study history. He has argued that Scottish nationalism is sometimes fueled by a distorted view that Scots have always been oppressed by the English and is misconceived by people from outside of the United Kingdom as choice between being Scottish or English. Ferguson states that in contrast to the subjugations of Wales and Ireland, Scotland was united as an "equal" country to England during the Act of Union, and cites events such as King James VI of Scotland inheriting the English crown, the failed Darien scheme to colonize Panama which prompted Scottish political elites to support the Union and that Scots were an integral part of the East India Company to question the narrative that Scotland was oppressed. Ferguson has also argued (citing Walter Scott's "Waverley") that Scotland after the Jacobite rebellion remained a land divided by warring clans and religious factions, and that the Union helped to quell some of the conflicts.During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, Ferguson supported Scotland remaining within the United Kingdom, citing potential economic consequences of Scottish independence, but argued that the "No" campaign needed to focus on Scotland's history of cosmopolitanism as well as economic points to save the Union. In 2021, ahead of the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, Ferguson argued that the Labour administration under Tony Blair had made a mistake in believing devolution would stem Scottish nationalism, but instead it enabled the Scottish National Party to assume regional power and criticised the SNP government of Nicola Sturgeon for its management of the Scottish economy, education and freedom of speech. Ferguson furthermore claimed that the best way for the British government to thwart independence and the SNP's separationist demands was not by "unthinkingly accepting the SNP’s argument that it has a moral right to a referendum on secession every time it wins a parliamentary election" and allowing a slim "Yes" vote to decide the outcome, but instead by following the example of Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien and minister Stephane Dion's who handled the Parti Quebecois's calls for Quebec secessionism by taking the matter to the Canadian Supreme Court and introducing the Clarity Act rather than letting it solely be up to "a slim majority of the voters of Quebec if Canada broke up."In 2011, Ferguson predicted that "Grexit" (the notion of Greece leaving the Euro currency) was unlikely to happen, but that Britain would leave the European Union in the near future as it would be easier for Britain to leave the EU owing to the fact it was not part of the Eurozone and that returning to a national currency would be harder for countries who had signed up to a single currency. In 2012, he described the Eurozone as a "disaster waiting to happen."During the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, Ferguson was initially critical of the idea of Britain leaving the EU despite his criticisms of the latter, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire" and endorsed a Remain vote. However, after backing the Remain campaign, Ferguson changed his stance and came out in support of Brexit, admitting that his support to stay in had been motivated in part on a personal level by not wanting the government of David Cameron (with whom he had a friendship) to collapse and in turn risk Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister. Ferguson elaborated that while Brexit would still have some economic consequences, the EU had been a "disaster" on its monetary, immigration, national security and radical Islam policies. He also added that the "I think one has to recognise that the European elite's performances over the last decade entirely justified the revolt of provincial England."In 2020, Ferguson predicted that the EU is destined to become "moribund" and was at risk of collapse in the near future and that the single currency had only benefited Northern Europe and Germany in particular while causing economic havoc in Southern Europe. However, he also argued the "real disintegration of Europe" will happen over the EU's migration policies that have both exacerbated and failed to provide solutions to illegal immigration to the European continent from North Africa and the Middle East. Ferguson stated that high levels of illegal immigration from majority Muslim nations would in turn further the rise of populist and eurosceptic movements committed to rolling back or leaving the European Union. Ferguson also predicted that in a decade's time, Britain would question why there had been fuss, outcry or debates over the manner of how to leave the EU over Brexit because "we'll have left something that was essentially disintegrating" and that "it would be a little bit like getting a divorce and then your ex drops dead, and you spent all that money on the divorce courts, if only you'd known how sick the ex was. The European Union is sick, and people don't really want to admit that, least of all in Brussels."Ferguson married journalist Sue Douglas in 1994 after meeting in 1987 when she was his editor at "The Sunday Times". They have three children: Felix, Freya, and Lachlan.In February 2010, Ferguson separated from Douglas and started dating former Dutch MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Ferguson and Douglas divorced in 2011. Ferguson married Hirsi Ali on 10 September 2011 and Hirsi Ali gave birth to their son Thomas in December 2011. In an interview in April 2011, Ferguson complained about the media coverage of his relationship with Ali, stating: "No, I never read their shitty coverage of people's private lives. I don't care about the sex lives of celebrities, so I was a little unprepared for having my private life all over the country. So yeah, I was naive, yeah. Because you have to stoop to conquer," – but will never write for "The Daily Mail" again. "That's because I'm a vendetta person. Yes, absolutely. Implacable."Ferguson dedicated his book "Civilization" to "Ayaan". In an interview with "The Guardian", Ferguson spoke about his love for Ali, whom, he writes in the preface, "understands better than anyone I know what Western civilisation really means – and what it still has to offer the world".Ferguson's self-confessed workaholism has placed strains on his personal relations in the past. Ferguson has commented that:...from 2002, the combination of making TV programmes and teaching at Harvard took me away from my children too much. You don't get those years back. You have to ask yourself: "Was it a smart decision to do those things?" I think the success I have enjoyed since then has been bought at a significant price. In hindsight, there would have been a bunch of things that I would have said no to. In an interview, Ferguson described his relationship with the left: "No, they love being provoked by me! Honestly, it makes them feel so much better about their lives to think that I'm a reactionary; it's a substitute for thought. 'Imperialist scumbag' and all that. Oh dear, we're back in a 1980s student union debate."Ferguson was the inspiration for Alan Bennett's play "The History Boys" (2004), particularly the character of Irwin, a history teacher who urges his pupils to find a counterintuitive angle, and goes on to become a television historian. Bennett's character "Irwin", writes David Smith of "The Observer", gives the impression that "an entire career can be built on the trick of contrariness."In 2018, Ferguson became naturalised as a US citizen.
|
[
"London School of Economics and Political Science",
"University of Cambridge",
"Hoover Institution",
"University of Oxford",
"Harvard University"
] |
|
Which employer did Niall Ferguson work for in Dec, 2013?
|
December 19, 2013
|
{
"text": [
"Harvard University"
]
}
|
L2_Q377638_P108_3
|
Niall Ferguson works for New York University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004.
Niall Ferguson works for London School of Economics and Political Science from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
Niall Ferguson works for University of Oxford from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2002.
Niall Ferguson works for Hoover Institution from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Niall Ferguson works for Harvard University from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2016.
Niall Ferguson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1992.
|
Niall FergusonNiall Campbell Ferguson (; born 18 April 1964) is a Scottish-American historian and the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. Previously, he was a professor at Harvard University, the London School of Economics and New York University, visiting professor at New College of the Humanities and senior research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.Ferguson writes and lectures on international history, economic and financial history and British and American imperialism. He is known for his positive views concerning the British Empire. He once ironically called himself "a fully paid-up member of the neo-imperialist gang" following the 2003 invasion of Iraq.Ferguson has been a contributing editor for Bloomberg Television and a columnist for "Newsweek". He began writing a twice-a-month column for "Bloomberg Opinion" in June 2020.Ferguson has written and presented numerous television documentary series, including "The Ascent of Money", which won an International Emmy award for Best Documentary in 2009. In 2004, he was named as one of "TIME" magazine's 100 most influential people in the world.Ferguson was born in Glasgow, Scotland, on 18 April 1964 to James Campbell Ferguson, a doctor, and Molly Archibald Hamilton, a physics teacher. Ferguson grew up in the Ibrox area Glasgow in a home close to the Ibrox Park football stadium. He attended The Glasgow Academy. He was brought up as, and remains, an atheist, though he has encouraged his children to study religion and attends church occasionally.Ferguson cites his father as instilling in him a strong sense of self-discipline and of the moral value of work, while his mother encouraged his creative side. His maternal grandfather, a journalist, encouraged him to write. He has described his parents as "both very much products of the Scottish Enlightenment." Ferguson ascribes his decision to read history at university instead of English literature to two main factors: Leo Tolstoy's reflections on history at the end of "War and Peace" (which he read at the age of fifteen), and his admiration of historian A. J. P. Taylor.Ferguson received a demyship (highest scholarship) from Magdalen College, Oxford. Whilst a student there, he wrote a 90-minute student film "The Labours of Hercules Sprote", played double bass in a jazz band "Night in Tunisia", edited the student magazine "Tributary", and befriended Andrew Sullivan, who shared his interest in right-wing politics and punk music. He had become a Thatcherite by 1982. He graduated with a first-class honours degree in history in 1985.Ferguson studied as a Hanseatic Scholar in Hamburg and Berlin in 1987 and 1988. He received his Doctor of Philosophy degree from the University of Oxford in 1989: his dissertation was titled "Business and Politics in the German Inflation: Hamburg 1914–1924".In 1989, Ferguson worked as a research fellow at Christ's College, Cambridge. From 1990 to 1992 he was an official fellow and lecturer at Peterhouse, Cambridge. He then became a fellow and tutor in modern history at Jesus College, Oxford, where in 2000 he was named a professor of political and financial history. In 2002 Ferguson became the John Herzog Professor in Financial History at New York University Stern School of Business, and in 2004 he became the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University and William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School. From 2010 to 2011, Ferguson held the Philippe Roman Chair in history and international affairs at the London School of Economics. In 2016 Ferguson left Harvard to become a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he had been an adjunct fellow since 2005.Ferguson has received honorary degrees from the University of Buckingham, Macquarie University (Australia) and Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez (Chile). In May 2010, Michael Gove, education secretary, asked Ferguson to advise on the development of a new history syllabus, to be entitled "history as a connected narrative", for schools in England and Wales. In June 2011, he joined other academics to set up the New College of the Humanities, a private college in London.In 2018, Ferguson apologized after fellow historians criticized him for only inviting white men as speakers to a Stanford conference on applied history.Also in 2018, emails documenting Ferguson's attempts to discredit a progressive activist student at Stanford University who had been critical of Ferguson's choices of speakers invited to the Cardinal Conversations free speech initiative were released to the public and university administrators. He teamed with a Republican student group to find information that might discredit the student. Ferguson resigned from leadership of the program once university administrators became aware of his actions. Ferguson responded in his column saying, "Re-reading my emails now, I am struck by their juvenile, jocular tone. “A famous victory,” I wrote the morning after the Murray event. “Now we turn to the more subtle game of grinding them down on the committee. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” Then I added: “Some opposition research on Mr O might also be worthwhile”—a reference to the leader of the protests. None of this happened. The meetings of the student committee were repeatedly postponed. No one ever did any digging on “Mr O”. The spring vacation arrived. The only thing that came of the emails was that their circulation led to my stepping down."In 2000, Ferguson was a founding director of Boxmind, an Oxford-based educational technology company.In 2006, he set up Chimerica Media Ltd., a London based television production company.In 2007, Ferguson was appointed as an investment management consultant by GLG Partners, to advise on geopolitical risk as well as current structural issues in economic behaviour relating to investment decisions. GLG is a UK-based hedge fund management firm headed by Noam Gottesman. Ferguson was also an adviser to Morgan Stanley, the investment bank.In 2011, he set up Greenmantle LLC, an advisory business specializing in macroeconomics and geopolitics.He also serves as a non-executive director on the board of Affiliated Managers Group.Ferguson was an advisor to John McCain's U.S. presidential campaign in 2008, supported Mitt Romney in his 2012 campaign and was a vocal critic of Barack Obama.Ferguson is a trustee of the New York Historical Society and the London-based Centre for Policy Studies.Ferguson has written regularly for British newspapers and magazines since the mid 1980s. At that time, he was lead writer for "The Daily Telegraph," and a regular book reviewer for "The Daily Mail".In the summer on 1989, while travelling in Berlin, he wrote an article for a British newspaper with the provisional headline "The Berlin Wall is Crumbling", but it was not published.In the early 2000s he wrote a weekly column for "The Sunday Telegraph" and Los Angeles Times, leaving in 2007 to become a contributing editor to the "Financial Times". Between 2008 and 2012 he wrote regularly for "Newsweek". Since 2015 he has written a weekly column for The Sunday Times and The Boston Globe, which also appears in numerous papers around the world.Ferguson's television series The Ascent of Money won the 2009 International Emmy award for Best Documentary. In 2011 his film company Chimerica Media released its first feature-length documentary, "Kissinger", which won the New York Film Festival's prize for Best Documentary.In May 2012, the BBC announced Niall Ferguson was to present its annual Reith Lectures – a prestigious series of radio lectures which were first broadcast in 1948. These four lectures, titled "The Rule of Law and its Enemies", examine the role man-made institutions have played in the economic and political spheres.In the first lecture, held at the London School of Economics, titled "The Human Hive", Ferguson argues for greater openness from governments, saying they should publish accounts which clearly state all assets and liabilities. Governments, he said, should also follow the lead of business and adopt the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles and, above all, generational accounts should be prepared on a regular basis to make absolutely clear the inter-generational implications of current fiscal policy. In the lecture, Ferguson says young voters should be more supportive of government austerity measures if they do not wish to pay further down the line for the profligacy of the baby boomer generation.In the second lecture, "The Darwinian Economy", Ferguson reflects on the causes of the global financial crisis, and erroneous conclusions that many people have drawn from it about the role of regulation, and asks whether regulation is in fact "the disease of which it purports to be the cure"."The Landscape of Law" was the third lecture, delivered at Gresham College. It examines the rule of law in comparative terms, asking how far the common law's claims to superiority over other systems are credible, and whether we are living through a time of 'creeping legal degeneration' in the English-speaking world.The fourth and final lecture, "Civil and Uncivil Societies", focuses on institutions (outside the political, economic and legal realms) designed to preserve and transmit particular knowledge and values. Ferguson asks whether the modern state is quietly killing civil society in the Western world, and what non-Western societies can do to build a vibrant civil society.The first lecture was broadcast on BBC Radio 4 and the BBC World Service on Tuesday, 19 June 2012. The series is available as a BBC podcast.In his 2001 book, "The Cash Nexus", which he wrote following a year as Houblon-Norman Fellow at the Bank of England, Ferguson argues that the popular saying, "money makes the world go 'round", is wrong; instead he presented a case for human actions in history motivated by far more than just economic concerns.In his 2003 book, "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," Ferguson conducts a provocative reinterpretation of the British Empire, casting it as one of the world's great modernising forces. The Empire produced durable changes and globalisation with steampower, telegraphs, and engineers.Bernard Porter, famous for expressing his views during the Porter–MacKenzie debate on the British Empire, attacked "Empire" in "The London Review of Books" as a "panegyric to British colonialism". Ferguson, in response to this, drew Porter's attention to the conclusion of the book, where he writes: "No one would claim that the record of the British Empire was unblemished. On the contrary, I have tried to show how often it failed to live up to its own ideal of individual liberty, particularly in the early era of enslavement, transportation and the 'ethnic cleansing' of indigenous peoples." Ferguson argues however that the British Empire was preferable to the alternatives:The 19th-century empire undeniably pioneered free trade, free capital movements and, with the abolition of slavery, free labour. It invested immense sums in developing a global network of modern communications. It spread and enforced the rule of law over vast areas. Though it fought many small wars, the empire maintained a global peace unmatched before or since. In the 20th century too the empire more than justified its own existence. For the alternatives to British rule represented by the German and Japanese empires were clearly – and they admitted it themselves – far worse. And without its empire, it is inconceivable that Britain could have withstood them.In his 2005 book, "Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire," Ferguson proposes that the United States aspires to globalize free markets, the rule of law, and representative government, but shies away from the long-term commitments of manpower and money that are indispensable, in taking a more active role in resolving conflict arising from the failure of states. The U.S. is an empire in denial, not acknowledging the scale of global responsibilities. The American writer Michael Lind, responding to Ferguson's advocation of an enlarged American military through conscription, accused Ferguson of engaging in apocalyptic alarmism about the possibility of a world without the United States as the dominant power and of a casual disregard for the value of human life.In "War of the World", published in 2006, Ferguson argued that a combination of economic volatility, decaying empires, psychopathic dictators, racially/ethnically motivated and institutionalised violence resulted in the wars and genocides of what he calls "History's Age of Hatred". "The New York Times Book Review" named "War of the World" one of the 100 Notable Books of the Year in 2006, while the "International Herald Tribune" called it "one of the most intriguing attempts by an historian to explain man's inhumanity to man". Ferguson addresses the paradox that, though the 20th century was "so bloody", it was also "a time of unparalleled [economic] progress". As with his earlier work "Empire", "War of the World" was accompanied by a Channel 4 television series presented by Ferguson.Published in 2008, "The Ascent of Money" examines the history of money, credit, and banking. In it Ferguson predicts a financial crisis as a result of the world economy and in particular the United States using too much credit. He cites the China–United States dynamic which he refers to as Chimerica where an Asian "savings glut" helped create the subprime mortgage crisis with an influx of easy money. While researching this book, in early 2007, Ferguson attended a session at a conference in Las Vegas at which a hedge fund manager stated there would never be another recession. Ferguson challenged this, and later the two agreed on a $14,000, 7 to 1 bet, that there would be a recession within five years. Ferguson collected $98,000.Published in 2011, "Civilization: The West and the Rest" examines what Ferguson calls the most "interesting question" of our day: "Why, beginning around 1500, did a few small polities on the western end of the Eurasian landmass come to dominate the rest of the world?" The "Economist" in a review wrote: In 1500 Europe's future imperial powers controlled 10% of the world's territories and generated just over 40% of its wealth. By 1913, at the height of empire, the West controlled almost 60% of the territories, which together generated almost 80% of the wealth. This stunning fact is lost, he regrets, on a generation that has supplanted history's sweep with a feeble-minded relativism that holds "all civilisations as somehow equal".Ferguson attributes this divergence to the West's development of six "killer apps", which he finds were largely missing elsewhere in the world in 1500 – "competition, the scientific method, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism and the work ethic".Ferguson compared and contrasted how the West's "killer apps" allowed the West to triumph over "the Rest" citing examples. Ferguson argued the rowdy and savage competition between European merchants created far more wealth than did the static and ordered society of Qing China. Tolerance extended to thinkers like Sir Isaac Newton in Stuart England had no counterpart in the Ottoman Empire, where Takiyuddin's "blasphemous" observatory was demolished for contradicting the teachings of Islam. This ensured that Western civilization was capable of making scientific advances that Islamic civilization never could. Respect for private property was far stronger in British America than it ever was in Spanish America, which led to the United States and Canada becoming prosperous societies while Latin America was and remains mired in poverty.Ferguson also argued that the modern West had lost its edge and the future belongs to the nations of Asia, especially China, which has adopted the West's "killer apps". Ferguson argues that in the coming years we will see a steady decline of the West, while China and the rest of the Asian nations will be the rising powers.A related documentary "" was broadcast as a six-part series on Channel 4 in March and April 2011."Kissinger The Idealist", Volume I, published in September 2015, is the first part of a planned two-part biography of Henry Kissinger based on his private papers. The book starts with a quote from a letter which Kissinger wrote in 1972. The book examines Kissinger's life from being a refugee and fleeing Germany in 1938, to serving in the US army as a "free man" in World War II, to studying at Harvard. The book also explores the history of Kissinger joining the Kennedy administration and later becoming critical of its foreign policy, to supporting Nelson Rockefeller on three failed presidential bids, to finally joining the Nixon administration. The book also includes Kissinger's early evaluation of the Vietnam war and his efforts to negotiate with the North Vietnamese in Paris.Historians and political scientists gave the book mixed reviews. "The Economist" wrote in a review about "The Idealist": "Mr Ferguson, a British historian also at Harvard, has in the past sometimes produced work that is rushed and uneven. Not here. Like Mr Kissinger or loathe him, this is a work of engrossing scholarship." In a negative review of "The Idealist", the American journalist Michael O'Donnell questioned Ferguson's interpretation of Kissinger's actions leading up to Nixon's election as President. Andrew Roberts praised the book in The New York Times, concluding: "Niall Ferguson already has many important, scholarly and controversial books to his credit. But if the second volume of 'Kissinger' is anywhere near as comprehensive, well written and riveting as the first, this will be his masterpiece."Ferguson proposed a modified version of group selection that history can be explained by the evolution of human networks. He wrote, "Man, with his unrivaled neural network, was born "to" network." The title refers to a transition from hierarchical, "tower" networks to flatter, "square" network connections between individuals. John Gray in a review of the book was not convinced. He wrote, "He offers a mix of metaphor and what purports to be a new science." "Niall Ferguson has again written a brilliant book," wrote Deirdre McCloskey in The Wall Street Journal, "this time in defence of traditional top-down principles of governing the wild market and the wilder international order. "The Square and the Tower" raises the question of just how much the unruly world should be governedand by whom. Not everyone will agree, but everyone will be charmed and educated. … 'The Square and the Tower' is always readable, intelligent, original. You can swallow a chapter a night before sleep and your dreams will overflow with scenes of Stendhal's 'The Red and the Black,' Napoleon, Kissinger. In 400 pages you will have restocked your mind. Do it."In this book Ferguson offers a global history of disaster. Damon Linker of the "New York Times" argues that the book is "often insightful, productively provocative and downright brilliant" and suggests that Ferguson displays "an impressive command of the latest research in a large number of specialized fields, among them medical history, epidemiology, probability theory, cliodynamics and network theory". However Linker also criticises the book's "perplexing lacunae".In a review for "The Times", David Aaronovitch described Ferguson's theory as "nebulous".Ferguson has been referred to as a conservative historian by some commentators and fellow historians. Ferguson himself stated in a 2018 interview on the "Rubin Report" that his views align to classical liberalism and has referred to himself as a "classic Scottish enlightenment liberal" on other occasions. Some of his research and conclusions have resulted in controversy, particularly from people who hold left-wing politics.In 1998, Ferguson published "The Pity of War: Explaining World War One", which with the help of research assistants he was able to write in just five months. This is an analytic account of what Ferguson considered to be the ten great myths of the Great War. The book generated much controversy, particularly Ferguson's suggestion that it might have proved more beneficial for Europe if Britain had stayed out of the First World War in 1914, thereby allowing Germany to win. Ferguson has argued that the British decision to intervene was what stopped a German victory in 1914–15. Furthermore, Ferguson expressed disagreement with the "Sonderweg" interpretation of German history championed by some German historians such as Fritz Fischer, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Hans Mommsen and Wolfgang Mommsen, who argued that the German Empire deliberately started an aggressive war in 1914. Likewise, Ferguson has often attacked the work of the German historian Michael Stürmer, who argued that it was Germany's geographical situation in Central Europe that determined the course of German history.On the contrary, Ferguson maintained that Germany waged a preventive war in 1914, a war largely forced on the Germans by reckless and irresponsible British diplomacy. In particular, Ferguson accused the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey of maintaining an ambiguous attitude to the question of whether Britain would enter the war or not, and thus confusing Berlin over just what was the British attitude towards the question of intervention in the war. Ferguson accused London of unnecessarily allowing a regional war in Europe to escalate into a world war. Moreover, Ferguson denied that the origins of National Socialism could be traced back to Imperial Germany; instead Ferguson asserted the origins of Nazism could only be traced back to the First World War and its aftermath.Ferguson attacked a number of ideas that he called "myths" in the book. They are listed here (with his counter-arguments in parentheses):Another controversial aspect of "The Pity of War" is Ferguson's use of counterfactual history also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history. In the book, Ferguson presents a hypothetical version of Europe being, under Imperial German domination, a peaceful, prosperous, democratic continent, without ideologies like communism or Italian fascism. In Ferguson's view, had Germany won World War I, then the lives of millions would have been saved, something like the European Union would have been founded in 1914, and Britain would have remained an empire as well as the world's dominant financial power.The French historians Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker were dubious about much of Ferguson's methodology and conclusions in "The Pity of War", but praised him for the chapter dealing with the executions of POWs, arguing that Ferguson had exposed a dark side of the war that until then had been ignored. The American writer Michael Lind wrote about "The Pity of War":Like the historian John Charmley, who expressed the same wish in the case of World War II, Ferguson belongs to the fringe element of British conservatism that regrets the absence of a German-British deal in the first half of the 20th century that would have marginalized the United States and might have allowed the British Empire to survive to this day. According to Ferguson, Britain should have stayed out of World War I and allowed Imperial Germany to smash France and Russia and create a continental empire from the Atlantic to the Middle East. The joke is on Ferguson's American conservative admirers, inasmuch as he laments the defeat of the Kaiser's Germany because it accelerated the replacement of the British Empire by the United States of America and the eclipse of the City of London by Wall Street. The German-born American historian Gerhard Weinberg in a review of "The Pity of War" strongly criticized Ferguson for advancing the thesis that it was idiotic for Britain to have fought a Germany that allegedly posed no danger. Weinberg accused Ferguson of completely ignoring the chief foreign policy aim of Wilhelm II from 1897 onwards, namely "Weltpolitik" ("World Politics") and argued it was absurd for Ferguson to claim that allowing Germany to defeat France and Russia would have posed no danger to Britain. Weinberg wrote that Ferguson was wrong to claim that Germany's interests were limited only to Europe, and maintained that if the "Reich" did defeat France in 1914, then Germany would have taken over the French colonies in Asia and Africa which would have definitely affected the balance of power all over the world, not just in Europe. Finally, Weinberg attacked Ferguson for claiming that the Tirpitz Plan was not a danger to Britain and that Britain had no reason to fear Germany's naval ambitions, sarcastically asking if that was really the case, then why did the British redeploy so much of their fleet from around the world to the North Sea and spend so much money building warships in the Anglo-German naval arms race? Weinberg accused Ferguson of distorting both German and British history and ignoring any evidence that did not fit with his thesis that Britain should never have fought Germany, stating that "The Pity of War" was interesting as a historical provocation, but was not persuasive as history.Ferguson wrote two volumes about the prominent Rothschild family: "The House of Rothschild: Volume 1: Money's Prophets: 1798–1848" and "The House of Rothschild: Volume 2: The World's Banker: 1849–1999". These books were the result of original archival research. The books won the Wadsworth Prize for Business History and were also short-listed for the Jewish Quarterly-Wingate Literary Award and the American National Jewish Book Award.The books were widely acclaimed by some historians, although they did receive some criticism. John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War–era historian, praised Ferguson's "unrivaled range, productivity and visibility", while criticising the book as unpersuasive and containing contradictory claims. Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm had praised Ferguson as an excellent historian, but criticised him as a "nostalgist for empire". In a mixed review of a later book by Ferguson, "The War of the World: History's Age of Hatred", a reviewer for "The Economist" described how many regard Ferguson's two books on the Rothschilds "as one of the finest studies of its kind." Jeremy Wormell wrote that while "The World's Banker: A History of the House of Rothschild" had its virtues, it contained "many errors" which meant it was "unsafe to use it as a source for the debt markets."Writing in The New York Review of Books, Robert Skidelsky praised Ferguson: "Taken together, Ferguson's two volumes are a stupendous achievement, a triumph of historical research and imagination. No serious historian can write about the connection between the politics, diplomacy, and economics of the nineteenth century in the same way again. And, as any good work of history should do, it constantly prompts us to ask questions about our own age, when once again we have embarked on the grand experiment of a world economy without a world government."Ferguson sometimes champions counterfactual history, also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history, and edited a collection of essays, titled "Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals" (1997), exploring the subject. Ferguson likes to imagine alternative outcomes as a way of stressing the contingent aspects of history. For Ferguson, great forces don't make history; individuals do, and nothing is predetermined. Thus, for Ferguson, there are no paths in history that will determine how things will work out. The world is neither progressing nor regressing; only the actions of individuals determine whether we will live in a better or worse world. His championing of the method has been controversial within the field. In a 2011 review of Ferguson's book "Civilization: The West and the Rest", Noel Malcolm (Senior Research Fellow in History at All Souls College at Oxford University) stated that: "Students may find this an intriguing introduction to a wide range of human history; but they will get an odd idea of how historical argument is to be conducted, if they learn it from this book."In 2003, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger provided Ferguson with access to his White House diaries, letters, and archives for what Ferguson calls a "warts-and-all biography" of Kissinger. In 2015, he published the first volume in a two-part biography titled "Kissinger: 1923–1968: The Idealist" from Penguin Press.The thesis of this first volume was that Kissinger was very much influenced in his academic and political development by the philosopher Immanuel Kant, and especially by an interpretation of Kant that he learned from a mentor at Harvard University, William Yandell Elliott.Ferguson has praised the British Empire, stating, "I think it's hard to make the case, which implicitly the left makes, that somehow the world would have been better off if the Europeans had stayed home." Ferguson is critical of what he calls the "self-flagellation" that he says characterises modern European thought.Historians and commentators have considered his views on this issue and expressed their critical evaluation in various terms, from "audacious" yet "wrong", "informative", "ambitious" and "troubling", to "false and dangerous" apologia. Richard Drayton, Rhodes Professor of Imperial History at King's College London, has stated that it was correct of Seumas Milne to associate "Ferguson with an attempt to "rehabilitate empire" in the service of contemporary great power interests". In November 2011 Pankaj Mishra reviewed "Civilisation: The West and the Rest" unfavourably in the "London Review of Books". Ferguson demanded an apology and threatened to sue Mishra on charges of libel due to allegations of racism.Jon Wilson, a professor of the Department of History at King’s College London, is the author of "India Conquered," a 2016 book intended to rebut Ferguson's arguments in "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," who catalogues the negative elements of the British Raj, and describes the "Empire" TV program (2003) as "false and dangerous" Wilson agrees with Ferguson's point that the British innovations brought to India, civil services, education, and railways, had beneficial side effects, but faults them for being done in a spirit of self-interest rather than altruism.About Ferguson's claim that Britain "made the modern world" by spreading democracy, free trade, capitalism, the rule of law, Protestantism and the English language, Wilson charged that Ferguson never explained precisely how this was done, arguing that the reason was the lack of interest in the history of the people ruled by the British on Ferguson's part, who therefore could not perceive that the interaction between the colonisers and the colonised in places like India, where the population embraced aspects of British culture and rule that were appealing to them while rejecting others that were unappealing. Wilson argues that this interaction between the rulers and the ruled is more complex, and contradicts Ferguson's one-sided picture of the British "transforming" India that portrays the British as active and the Indians as passive. Wilson charged that Ferguson failed to look at the empire via non-British eyes because to do so would be to challenge his claim that Britain "made the modern world" by imposing its values on "the Other", and that the history of the empire was far more complicated than the simplistic version that Ferguson is trying to present.Matthew Carr wrote in "Race & Class" that "Niall Ferguson, the conservative English [sic] historian and enthusiastic advocate of a new American empire, has also embraced the Eurabian idea in a widely reproduced article entitled 'Eurabia?', in which he laments the 'de-Christianization of Europe' and the secularism of the continent that leaves it 'weak in the face of fanaticism'." Carr adds that "Ferguson sees the recent establishment of a department of Islamic studies in his (Oxford college) as another symptom of 'the creeping Islamicization of a decadent Christendom'," and in a 2004 lecture at the American Enterprise Institute entitled 'The End of Europe?',Ferguson struck a similarly Spenglerian note, conjuring the term 'impire' to depict a process in which a 'political entity, instead of expanding outwards towards its periphery, exporting power, implodes—when the energies come from outside into that entity'. In Ferguson's opinion, this process was already under way in a decadent 'post-Christian' Europe that was drifting inexorably towards the dark denouement of a vanquished civilisation and the fatal embrace of Islam.In 2015, Ferguson deplored the Paris attacks committed by Islamic State terrorists, but stated he was not going to "stand" with the French as he argued that France was a lost cause, a declining state faced with an unstoppable Islamic wave that would sweep away everything that tried to oppose it. Ferguson compared the modern European Union to the Western Roman Empire, describing modern Europe as not that different from the world depicted by Edward Gibbon in his book "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire". Ferguson wrote that:Uncannily similar processes are destroying the European Union today...Let us be clear about what is happening. Like the Roman Empire in the early fifth century, Europe has allowed its defenses to crumble. As its wealth has grown, so its military prowess has shrunk, along with its self-belief. It has grown decadent in its shopping malls and sports stadiums. At the same time, it has opened its gates to outsiders who have coveted its wealth without renouncing their ancestral faith. Ferguson wrote the mass influx of refugees into Europe from Syria was a modern version of the "Völkerwanderung" when the Huns burst out of Asia and invaded Europe, causing millions of the Germanic peoples to flee into the presumed safety of the Roman Empire, smashing their way in as the Romans attempted unsuccessfully to stop the Germans from entering the empire. Ferguson writes that Gibbon was wrong to claim the Roman Empire collapsed slowly and argues that the view among a growing number of modern scholars is that the collapse of the Roman empire was swift and violent; unforeseeable by Romans of the day, just as the collapse of modern European civilization would likewise be for modern Europeans.In 2017, Ferguson opined that the West had insufficiently heeded the rise of militant Islam and its global consequences in the same way it failed to predict that the rise of Lenin would lead to the further spread of communism and conflict around the world:Ask yourself how effectively we in the West have responded to the rise of militant Islam since the Iranian Revolution unleashed its Shi’ite variant and since 9/11 revealed the even more aggressive character of Sunni Islamism. I fear we have done no better than our grandfathers did.Foreign intervention—the millions of dollars that have found their way from the Gulf to radical mosques and Islamic centres in the West.Incompetent liberals—the proponents of multiculturalism who brand any opponent of jihad an “Islamophobe”. Clueless bankers—the sort who fall over themselves to offer “sharia-compliant” loans and bonds. Fellow travellers—the leftists who line up with the Muslim Brotherhood to castigate Israel at every opportunity. And the faint-hearted—those who were so quick to pull out of Iraq in 2009 that they allowed the rump of al-Qaeda to morph into Isis.A century ago it was the West’s great blunder to think it would not matter if Lenin and his confederates took over the Russian Empire, despite their stated intention to plot world revolution and overthrow both democracy and capitalism. Incredible as it may seem, I believe we are capable of repeating that catastrophic error. I fear that, one day, we shall wake with a start to discover that the Islamists have repeated the Bolshevik achievement, which was to acquire the resources and capability to threaten our existence.During a 2018 debate, Ferguson asserted that he is not anti-immigration or opposed to Muslims, but felt that sections of Europe's political and intellectual classes had failed to predict the cultural and political consequences of large scale immigration. He furthermore stated that Islam differs from Judaism and Christianity through being "designed differently" as a political ideology that does not recognize the separation of mosque with the secular and temporal, and that the Muslim world has mostly followed an opposite trend to Western society by becoming less secularized and more literal in interpreting holy scripture. He concluded that if Europe kept pursuing large scale migration from pious Muslim societies combined with poor structures of economic and cultural integration, especially in an era when existing migrant communities are either unassimilated or loosely integrated into the host society, it is "highly likely" that networks of fundamentalist "dawah" will grow in which Islamic extremists draw in the culturally and economically unassimilated Muslims of immigrant backgrounds. Ferguson has also pointed out that even when living in Western nations, both he and his wife Ayaan Hirsi Ali have to live with permanent security measures as a result of her public critiques of Islam and status as a former Muslim.Ferguson supported the 2003 Iraq War, and he is on record as being not necessarily opposed to future western incursions around the world. It's all very well for us to sit here in the West with our high incomes and cushy lives, and say it's immoral to violate the sovereignty of another state. But if the effect of that is to bring people in that country economic and political freedom, to raise their standard of living, to increase their life expectancy, then don't rule it out.On the rise of Republican Party presidential candidate Donald Trump, Ferguson was quoted in early 2016: "If you bother to read some of the serious analysis of Trump's support, you realize that it's a very fragile thing and highly unlikely to deliver what he needs in the crucial first phase of the primaries ... By the time we get to March–April, it's all over. I think there's going to be a wonderful catharsis, I'm really looking forward to it: Trump's humiliation. Bring it on." Trump eventually won the nomination.Three weeks before the 2016 United States presidential election, after the Access Hollywood tape scandal, Ferguson stated in an interview that it "was over for Donald Trump"; that "Trump had flamed out in all three Presidential debates"; that, "I don't think there can be any last minute surprise to rescue him [Trump]"; that there was no hope of Donald Trump winning Independent voters and that Trump was "gone as a candidate", adding that "it seems to me clear that she [Hillary Clinton] is going to be the first female President of the United States. The only question is how bad does his [Trump's] flaming out affect candidates for the Senate, candidates for the House, further down on the ballot." However after Brexit, Ferguson stated that Trump could win via the Electoral College if certain demographics turned out to vote in key swing states. Trump was elected president and the Republican Party retained control of both the Senate and House of Representatives.In an article from November 2016 in "The Boston Globe", Ferguson advised that Trump should support the efforts of Prime Minister Theresa May to have Britain leave the European Union as the best way of breaking up the EU, and sign a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom once Brexit is complete. Ferguson advised that Trump should give recognition to Russia as a Great Power, and work with President Vladimir Putin by giving Russia a sphere of influence in Eurasia. In the same column, Ferguson advised Trump not to engage in a trade war with China, and work with President Xi Jinping to create a US-Chinese partnership. Ferguson argued that Trump and Putin should work for the victory of Marine Le Pen (who wants France to leave the EU) and the "Front national" in the 2017 French elections, arguing that Le Pen was the French politician most congenial to the Trump administration. Ferguson argued that a quintumvirate of Trump, Putin, Xi, May and Le Pen was the world's best hope for peace and prosperity.In its edition of 15 August 2005, "The New Republic" published "The New New Deal", an essay by Ferguson and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, a professor of economics at Boston University. The two scholars called for the following changes to the American government's fiscal and income security policies:In November 2012, Ferguson stated in a video with CNN that the U.S. has enough energy resources to move towards energy independence and could possibly enter a new economic golden age due to the related socio-economic growth—coming out of the post-world economic recession doldrums.Ferguson was an attendee of the 2012 Bilderberg Group meeting, where he was a speaker on economic policy.Ferguson was highly critical of Britain's vote to leave the European Union, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire". Later, after backing the Remain campaign during the referendum, Ferguson changed his mind and came out in support of Britain's exit from the EU.In May 2009, Ferguson became involved in a high-profile exchange of views with economist Paul Krugman arising out of a panel discussion hosted by PEN/"New York Review" on 30 April 2009, regarding the U.S. economy. Ferguson contended that the Obama administration's policies are simultaneously Keynesian and monetarist, in an "incoherent" mix, and specifically claimed that the government's issuance of a multitude of new bonds would cause an increase in interest rates.Krugman argued that Ferguson's view is "resurrecting 75-year old fallacies" and full of "basic errors". He also stated that Ferguson is a "poseur" who "hasn't bothered to understand the basics, relying on snide comments and surface cleverness to convey the impression of wisdom. It's all style, no comprehension of substance."In 2012, Jonathan Portes, the director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, said that subsequent events had shown Ferguson to be wrong: "As we all know, since then both the US and UK have had deficits running at historically extremely high levels, and long-term interest rates at historic lows: as Krugman has repeatedly pointed out, the (IS-LM) textbook has been spot on."Later in 2012, after Ferguson wrote a cover story for "Newsweek" arguing that Mitt Romney should be elected in the upcoming US presidential election, Krugman wrote that there were multiple errors and misrepresentations in the story, concluding "We're not talking about ideology or even economic analysis here—just a plain misrepresentation of the facts, with an august publication letting itself be used to misinform readers. The "Times" would require an abject correction if something like that slipped through. Will "Newsweek"?" Ferguson denied that he had misrepresented the facts in an online rebuttal. Matthew O'Brien countered that Ferguson was still distorting the meaning of the Congressional Budget Office report being discussed, and that the entire piece could be read as an effort to deceive.In 2013, Ferguson, naming Dean Baker, Josh Barro, Brad DeLong, Matthew O'Brien, Noah Smith, Matthew Yglesias and Justin Wolfers, attacked "Krugman and his acolytes," in his three-part essay on why he dislikes Paul Krugman. The essay title ('Krugtron the Invincible') originally comes from a post by Noah Smith.At a May 2013 investment conference in Carlsbad, California, Ferguson was asked about his views on economist John Maynard Keynes' quotation that "in the long run we are all dead." Ferguson stated that Keynes was indifferent to the future because he was gay and did not have children. The remarks were widely criticised for being offensive, factually inaccurate, and a distortion of Keynes' ideas.Ferguson posted an apology for these statements shortly after reports of his words were widely disseminated, saying his comments were "as stupid as they were insensitive". In the apology, Ferguson stated: "My disagreements with Keynes's economic philosophy have never had anything to do with his sexual orientation. It is simply false to suggest, as I did, that his approach to economic policy was inspired by any aspect of his personal life."In spring 2018, Professor Ferguson was involved with college Republican leaders at Stanford to oppose a left-leaning student take over of the Cardinal Conversations initiative. In leaked emails, he was quoted as asking for opposition research on the student involved. He later apologized and resigned from the said initiative when emails were leaked revealing his involvement in the events. "I very much regret the publication of these emails. I also regret having written them," Ferguson wrote in a statement to "The Daily".Ferguson was an early skeptic of cryptocurrencies, famously dismissing his teenage son's recommendation to buy Bitcoin in 2014. By 2017, he had changed his mind on Bitcoin's utility, saying it had established itself as a form of "digital gold: a store of value for wealthy investors, especially those located in countries with weak rule of law and high political risk." In February 2019, Ferguson became an advisor for digital asset protocol firm Ampleforth Protocol, saying he was attracted by the firm's plan to "reinvent money in a way that protects individual freedom and to create a payments system that treats everyone equally." In March 2019, Ferguson spoke at an Australian Financial Review Business Summit, where he admitted to being "wrong to think there was no … use for a form of currency based on blockchain technology… I don't think this will turn out to be a complete delusion."Ferguson has stated that he identified as a Scottish nationalist as a teenager, but moderated his views after moving to England to study history. He has argued that Scottish nationalism is sometimes fueled by a distorted view that Scots have always been oppressed by the English and is misconceived by people from outside of the United Kingdom as choice between being Scottish or English. Ferguson states that in contrast to the subjugations of Wales and Ireland, Scotland was united as an "equal" country to England during the Act of Union, and cites events such as King James VI of Scotland inheriting the English crown, the failed Darien scheme to colonize Panama which prompted Scottish political elites to support the Union and that Scots were an integral part of the East India Company to question the narrative that Scotland was oppressed. Ferguson has also argued (citing Walter Scott's "Waverley") that Scotland after the Jacobite rebellion remained a land divided by warring clans and religious factions, and that the Union helped to quell some of the conflicts.During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, Ferguson supported Scotland remaining within the United Kingdom, citing potential economic consequences of Scottish independence, but argued that the "No" campaign needed to focus on Scotland's history of cosmopolitanism as well as economic points to save the Union. In 2021, ahead of the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, Ferguson argued that the Labour administration under Tony Blair had made a mistake in believing devolution would stem Scottish nationalism, but instead it enabled the Scottish National Party to assume regional power and criticised the SNP government of Nicola Sturgeon for its management of the Scottish economy, education and freedom of speech. Ferguson furthermore claimed that the best way for the British government to thwart independence and the SNP's separationist demands was not by "unthinkingly accepting the SNP’s argument that it has a moral right to a referendum on secession every time it wins a parliamentary election" and allowing a slim "Yes" vote to decide the outcome, but instead by following the example of Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien and minister Stephane Dion's who handled the Parti Quebecois's calls for Quebec secessionism by taking the matter to the Canadian Supreme Court and introducing the Clarity Act rather than letting it solely be up to "a slim majority of the voters of Quebec if Canada broke up."In 2011, Ferguson predicted that "Grexit" (the notion of Greece leaving the Euro currency) was unlikely to happen, but that Britain would leave the European Union in the near future as it would be easier for Britain to leave the EU owing to the fact it was not part of the Eurozone and that returning to a national currency would be harder for countries who had signed up to a single currency. In 2012, he described the Eurozone as a "disaster waiting to happen."During the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, Ferguson was initially critical of the idea of Britain leaving the EU despite his criticisms of the latter, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire" and endorsed a Remain vote. However, after backing the Remain campaign, Ferguson changed his stance and came out in support of Brexit, admitting that his support to stay in had been motivated in part on a personal level by not wanting the government of David Cameron (with whom he had a friendship) to collapse and in turn risk Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister. Ferguson elaborated that while Brexit would still have some economic consequences, the EU had been a "disaster" on its monetary, immigration, national security and radical Islam policies. He also added that the "I think one has to recognise that the European elite's performances over the last decade entirely justified the revolt of provincial England."In 2020, Ferguson predicted that the EU is destined to become "moribund" and was at risk of collapse in the near future and that the single currency had only benefited Northern Europe and Germany in particular while causing economic havoc in Southern Europe. However, he also argued the "real disintegration of Europe" will happen over the EU's migration policies that have both exacerbated and failed to provide solutions to illegal immigration to the European continent from North Africa and the Middle East. Ferguson stated that high levels of illegal immigration from majority Muslim nations would in turn further the rise of populist and eurosceptic movements committed to rolling back or leaving the European Union. Ferguson also predicted that in a decade's time, Britain would question why there had been fuss, outcry or debates over the manner of how to leave the EU over Brexit because "we'll have left something that was essentially disintegrating" and that "it would be a little bit like getting a divorce and then your ex drops dead, and you spent all that money on the divorce courts, if only you'd known how sick the ex was. The European Union is sick, and people don't really want to admit that, least of all in Brussels."Ferguson married journalist Sue Douglas in 1994 after meeting in 1987 when she was his editor at "The Sunday Times". They have three children: Felix, Freya, and Lachlan.In February 2010, Ferguson separated from Douglas and started dating former Dutch MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Ferguson and Douglas divorced in 2011. Ferguson married Hirsi Ali on 10 September 2011 and Hirsi Ali gave birth to their son Thomas in December 2011. In an interview in April 2011, Ferguson complained about the media coverage of his relationship with Ali, stating: "No, I never read their shitty coverage of people's private lives. I don't care about the sex lives of celebrities, so I was a little unprepared for having my private life all over the country. So yeah, I was naive, yeah. Because you have to stoop to conquer," – but will never write for "The Daily Mail" again. "That's because I'm a vendetta person. Yes, absolutely. Implacable."Ferguson dedicated his book "Civilization" to "Ayaan". In an interview with "The Guardian", Ferguson spoke about his love for Ali, whom, he writes in the preface, "understands better than anyone I know what Western civilisation really means – and what it still has to offer the world".Ferguson's self-confessed workaholism has placed strains on his personal relations in the past. Ferguson has commented that:...from 2002, the combination of making TV programmes and teaching at Harvard took me away from my children too much. You don't get those years back. You have to ask yourself: "Was it a smart decision to do those things?" I think the success I have enjoyed since then has been bought at a significant price. In hindsight, there would have been a bunch of things that I would have said no to. In an interview, Ferguson described his relationship with the left: "No, they love being provoked by me! Honestly, it makes them feel so much better about their lives to think that I'm a reactionary; it's a substitute for thought. 'Imperialist scumbag' and all that. Oh dear, we're back in a 1980s student union debate."Ferguson was the inspiration for Alan Bennett's play "The History Boys" (2004), particularly the character of Irwin, a history teacher who urges his pupils to find a counterintuitive angle, and goes on to become a television historian. Bennett's character "Irwin", writes David Smith of "The Observer", gives the impression that "an entire career can be built on the trick of contrariness."In 2018, Ferguson became naturalised as a US citizen.
|
[
"London School of Economics and Political Science",
"University of Cambridge",
"Hoover Institution",
"University of Oxford",
"New York University"
] |
|
Which employer did Niall Ferguson work for in Oct, 2010?
|
October 05, 2010
|
{
"text": [
"London School of Economics and Political Science",
"Harvard University"
]
}
|
L2_Q377638_P108_4
|
Niall Ferguson works for University of Oxford from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2002.
Niall Ferguson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1992.
Niall Ferguson works for New York University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004.
Niall Ferguson works for Harvard University from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2016.
Niall Ferguson works for Hoover Institution from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Niall Ferguson works for London School of Economics and Political Science from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
|
Niall FergusonNiall Campbell Ferguson (; born 18 April 1964) is a Scottish-American historian and the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. Previously, he was a professor at Harvard University, the London School of Economics and New York University, visiting professor at New College of the Humanities and senior research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.Ferguson writes and lectures on international history, economic and financial history and British and American imperialism. He is known for his positive views concerning the British Empire. He once ironically called himself "a fully paid-up member of the neo-imperialist gang" following the 2003 invasion of Iraq.Ferguson has been a contributing editor for Bloomberg Television and a columnist for "Newsweek". He began writing a twice-a-month column for "Bloomberg Opinion" in June 2020.Ferguson has written and presented numerous television documentary series, including "The Ascent of Money", which won an International Emmy award for Best Documentary in 2009. In 2004, he was named as one of "TIME" magazine's 100 most influential people in the world.Ferguson was born in Glasgow, Scotland, on 18 April 1964 to James Campbell Ferguson, a doctor, and Molly Archibald Hamilton, a physics teacher. Ferguson grew up in the Ibrox area Glasgow in a home close to the Ibrox Park football stadium. He attended The Glasgow Academy. He was brought up as, and remains, an atheist, though he has encouraged his children to study religion and attends church occasionally.Ferguson cites his father as instilling in him a strong sense of self-discipline and of the moral value of work, while his mother encouraged his creative side. His maternal grandfather, a journalist, encouraged him to write. He has described his parents as "both very much products of the Scottish Enlightenment." Ferguson ascribes his decision to read history at university instead of English literature to two main factors: Leo Tolstoy's reflections on history at the end of "War and Peace" (which he read at the age of fifteen), and his admiration of historian A. J. P. Taylor.Ferguson received a demyship (highest scholarship) from Magdalen College, Oxford. Whilst a student there, he wrote a 90-minute student film "The Labours of Hercules Sprote", played double bass in a jazz band "Night in Tunisia", edited the student magazine "Tributary", and befriended Andrew Sullivan, who shared his interest in right-wing politics and punk music. He had become a Thatcherite by 1982. He graduated with a first-class honours degree in history in 1985.Ferguson studied as a Hanseatic Scholar in Hamburg and Berlin in 1987 and 1988. He received his Doctor of Philosophy degree from the University of Oxford in 1989: his dissertation was titled "Business and Politics in the German Inflation: Hamburg 1914–1924".In 1989, Ferguson worked as a research fellow at Christ's College, Cambridge. From 1990 to 1992 he was an official fellow and lecturer at Peterhouse, Cambridge. He then became a fellow and tutor in modern history at Jesus College, Oxford, where in 2000 he was named a professor of political and financial history. In 2002 Ferguson became the John Herzog Professor in Financial History at New York University Stern School of Business, and in 2004 he became the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University and William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School. From 2010 to 2011, Ferguson held the Philippe Roman Chair in history and international affairs at the London School of Economics. In 2016 Ferguson left Harvard to become a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he had been an adjunct fellow since 2005.Ferguson has received honorary degrees from the University of Buckingham, Macquarie University (Australia) and Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez (Chile). In May 2010, Michael Gove, education secretary, asked Ferguson to advise on the development of a new history syllabus, to be entitled "history as a connected narrative", for schools in England and Wales. In June 2011, he joined other academics to set up the New College of the Humanities, a private college in London.In 2018, Ferguson apologized after fellow historians criticized him for only inviting white men as speakers to a Stanford conference on applied history.Also in 2018, emails documenting Ferguson's attempts to discredit a progressive activist student at Stanford University who had been critical of Ferguson's choices of speakers invited to the Cardinal Conversations free speech initiative were released to the public and university administrators. He teamed with a Republican student group to find information that might discredit the student. Ferguson resigned from leadership of the program once university administrators became aware of his actions. Ferguson responded in his column saying, "Re-reading my emails now, I am struck by their juvenile, jocular tone. “A famous victory,” I wrote the morning after the Murray event. “Now we turn to the more subtle game of grinding them down on the committee. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” Then I added: “Some opposition research on Mr O might also be worthwhile”—a reference to the leader of the protests. None of this happened. The meetings of the student committee were repeatedly postponed. No one ever did any digging on “Mr O”. The spring vacation arrived. The only thing that came of the emails was that their circulation led to my stepping down."In 2000, Ferguson was a founding director of Boxmind, an Oxford-based educational technology company.In 2006, he set up Chimerica Media Ltd., a London based television production company.In 2007, Ferguson was appointed as an investment management consultant by GLG Partners, to advise on geopolitical risk as well as current structural issues in economic behaviour relating to investment decisions. GLG is a UK-based hedge fund management firm headed by Noam Gottesman. Ferguson was also an adviser to Morgan Stanley, the investment bank.In 2011, he set up Greenmantle LLC, an advisory business specializing in macroeconomics and geopolitics.He also serves as a non-executive director on the board of Affiliated Managers Group.Ferguson was an advisor to John McCain's U.S. presidential campaign in 2008, supported Mitt Romney in his 2012 campaign and was a vocal critic of Barack Obama.Ferguson is a trustee of the New York Historical Society and the London-based Centre for Policy Studies.Ferguson has written regularly for British newspapers and magazines since the mid 1980s. At that time, he was lead writer for "The Daily Telegraph," and a regular book reviewer for "The Daily Mail".In the summer on 1989, while travelling in Berlin, he wrote an article for a British newspaper with the provisional headline "The Berlin Wall is Crumbling", but it was not published.In the early 2000s he wrote a weekly column for "The Sunday Telegraph" and Los Angeles Times, leaving in 2007 to become a contributing editor to the "Financial Times". Between 2008 and 2012 he wrote regularly for "Newsweek". Since 2015 he has written a weekly column for The Sunday Times and The Boston Globe, which also appears in numerous papers around the world.Ferguson's television series The Ascent of Money won the 2009 International Emmy award for Best Documentary. In 2011 his film company Chimerica Media released its first feature-length documentary, "Kissinger", which won the New York Film Festival's prize for Best Documentary.In May 2012, the BBC announced Niall Ferguson was to present its annual Reith Lectures – a prestigious series of radio lectures which were first broadcast in 1948. These four lectures, titled "The Rule of Law and its Enemies", examine the role man-made institutions have played in the economic and political spheres.In the first lecture, held at the London School of Economics, titled "The Human Hive", Ferguson argues for greater openness from governments, saying they should publish accounts which clearly state all assets and liabilities. Governments, he said, should also follow the lead of business and adopt the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles and, above all, generational accounts should be prepared on a regular basis to make absolutely clear the inter-generational implications of current fiscal policy. In the lecture, Ferguson says young voters should be more supportive of government austerity measures if they do not wish to pay further down the line for the profligacy of the baby boomer generation.In the second lecture, "The Darwinian Economy", Ferguson reflects on the causes of the global financial crisis, and erroneous conclusions that many people have drawn from it about the role of regulation, and asks whether regulation is in fact "the disease of which it purports to be the cure"."The Landscape of Law" was the third lecture, delivered at Gresham College. It examines the rule of law in comparative terms, asking how far the common law's claims to superiority over other systems are credible, and whether we are living through a time of 'creeping legal degeneration' in the English-speaking world.The fourth and final lecture, "Civil and Uncivil Societies", focuses on institutions (outside the political, economic and legal realms) designed to preserve and transmit particular knowledge and values. Ferguson asks whether the modern state is quietly killing civil society in the Western world, and what non-Western societies can do to build a vibrant civil society.The first lecture was broadcast on BBC Radio 4 and the BBC World Service on Tuesday, 19 June 2012. The series is available as a BBC podcast.In his 2001 book, "The Cash Nexus", which he wrote following a year as Houblon-Norman Fellow at the Bank of England, Ferguson argues that the popular saying, "money makes the world go 'round", is wrong; instead he presented a case for human actions in history motivated by far more than just economic concerns.In his 2003 book, "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," Ferguson conducts a provocative reinterpretation of the British Empire, casting it as one of the world's great modernising forces. The Empire produced durable changes and globalisation with steampower, telegraphs, and engineers.Bernard Porter, famous for expressing his views during the Porter–MacKenzie debate on the British Empire, attacked "Empire" in "The London Review of Books" as a "panegyric to British colonialism". Ferguson, in response to this, drew Porter's attention to the conclusion of the book, where he writes: "No one would claim that the record of the British Empire was unblemished. On the contrary, I have tried to show how often it failed to live up to its own ideal of individual liberty, particularly in the early era of enslavement, transportation and the 'ethnic cleansing' of indigenous peoples." Ferguson argues however that the British Empire was preferable to the alternatives:The 19th-century empire undeniably pioneered free trade, free capital movements and, with the abolition of slavery, free labour. It invested immense sums in developing a global network of modern communications. It spread and enforced the rule of law over vast areas. Though it fought many small wars, the empire maintained a global peace unmatched before or since. In the 20th century too the empire more than justified its own existence. For the alternatives to British rule represented by the German and Japanese empires were clearly – and they admitted it themselves – far worse. And without its empire, it is inconceivable that Britain could have withstood them.In his 2005 book, "Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire," Ferguson proposes that the United States aspires to globalize free markets, the rule of law, and representative government, but shies away from the long-term commitments of manpower and money that are indispensable, in taking a more active role in resolving conflict arising from the failure of states. The U.S. is an empire in denial, not acknowledging the scale of global responsibilities. The American writer Michael Lind, responding to Ferguson's advocation of an enlarged American military through conscription, accused Ferguson of engaging in apocalyptic alarmism about the possibility of a world without the United States as the dominant power and of a casual disregard for the value of human life.In "War of the World", published in 2006, Ferguson argued that a combination of economic volatility, decaying empires, psychopathic dictators, racially/ethnically motivated and institutionalised violence resulted in the wars and genocides of what he calls "History's Age of Hatred". "The New York Times Book Review" named "War of the World" one of the 100 Notable Books of the Year in 2006, while the "International Herald Tribune" called it "one of the most intriguing attempts by an historian to explain man's inhumanity to man". Ferguson addresses the paradox that, though the 20th century was "so bloody", it was also "a time of unparalleled [economic] progress". As with his earlier work "Empire", "War of the World" was accompanied by a Channel 4 television series presented by Ferguson.Published in 2008, "The Ascent of Money" examines the history of money, credit, and banking. In it Ferguson predicts a financial crisis as a result of the world economy and in particular the United States using too much credit. He cites the China–United States dynamic which he refers to as Chimerica where an Asian "savings glut" helped create the subprime mortgage crisis with an influx of easy money. While researching this book, in early 2007, Ferguson attended a session at a conference in Las Vegas at which a hedge fund manager stated there would never be another recession. Ferguson challenged this, and later the two agreed on a $14,000, 7 to 1 bet, that there would be a recession within five years. Ferguson collected $98,000.Published in 2011, "Civilization: The West and the Rest" examines what Ferguson calls the most "interesting question" of our day: "Why, beginning around 1500, did a few small polities on the western end of the Eurasian landmass come to dominate the rest of the world?" The "Economist" in a review wrote: In 1500 Europe's future imperial powers controlled 10% of the world's territories and generated just over 40% of its wealth. By 1913, at the height of empire, the West controlled almost 60% of the territories, which together generated almost 80% of the wealth. This stunning fact is lost, he regrets, on a generation that has supplanted history's sweep with a feeble-minded relativism that holds "all civilisations as somehow equal".Ferguson attributes this divergence to the West's development of six "killer apps", which he finds were largely missing elsewhere in the world in 1500 – "competition, the scientific method, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism and the work ethic".Ferguson compared and contrasted how the West's "killer apps" allowed the West to triumph over "the Rest" citing examples. Ferguson argued the rowdy and savage competition between European merchants created far more wealth than did the static and ordered society of Qing China. Tolerance extended to thinkers like Sir Isaac Newton in Stuart England had no counterpart in the Ottoman Empire, where Takiyuddin's "blasphemous" observatory was demolished for contradicting the teachings of Islam. This ensured that Western civilization was capable of making scientific advances that Islamic civilization never could. Respect for private property was far stronger in British America than it ever was in Spanish America, which led to the United States and Canada becoming prosperous societies while Latin America was and remains mired in poverty.Ferguson also argued that the modern West had lost its edge and the future belongs to the nations of Asia, especially China, which has adopted the West's "killer apps". Ferguson argues that in the coming years we will see a steady decline of the West, while China and the rest of the Asian nations will be the rising powers.A related documentary "" was broadcast as a six-part series on Channel 4 in March and April 2011."Kissinger The Idealist", Volume I, published in September 2015, is the first part of a planned two-part biography of Henry Kissinger based on his private papers. The book starts with a quote from a letter which Kissinger wrote in 1972. The book examines Kissinger's life from being a refugee and fleeing Germany in 1938, to serving in the US army as a "free man" in World War II, to studying at Harvard. The book also explores the history of Kissinger joining the Kennedy administration and later becoming critical of its foreign policy, to supporting Nelson Rockefeller on three failed presidential bids, to finally joining the Nixon administration. The book also includes Kissinger's early evaluation of the Vietnam war and his efforts to negotiate with the North Vietnamese in Paris.Historians and political scientists gave the book mixed reviews. "The Economist" wrote in a review about "The Idealist": "Mr Ferguson, a British historian also at Harvard, has in the past sometimes produced work that is rushed and uneven. Not here. Like Mr Kissinger or loathe him, this is a work of engrossing scholarship." In a negative review of "The Idealist", the American journalist Michael O'Donnell questioned Ferguson's interpretation of Kissinger's actions leading up to Nixon's election as President. Andrew Roberts praised the book in The New York Times, concluding: "Niall Ferguson already has many important, scholarly and controversial books to his credit. But if the second volume of 'Kissinger' is anywhere near as comprehensive, well written and riveting as the first, this will be his masterpiece."Ferguson proposed a modified version of group selection that history can be explained by the evolution of human networks. He wrote, "Man, with his unrivaled neural network, was born "to" network." The title refers to a transition from hierarchical, "tower" networks to flatter, "square" network connections between individuals. John Gray in a review of the book was not convinced. He wrote, "He offers a mix of metaphor and what purports to be a new science." "Niall Ferguson has again written a brilliant book," wrote Deirdre McCloskey in The Wall Street Journal, "this time in defence of traditional top-down principles of governing the wild market and the wilder international order. "The Square and the Tower" raises the question of just how much the unruly world should be governedand by whom. Not everyone will agree, but everyone will be charmed and educated. … 'The Square and the Tower' is always readable, intelligent, original. You can swallow a chapter a night before sleep and your dreams will overflow with scenes of Stendhal's 'The Red and the Black,' Napoleon, Kissinger. In 400 pages you will have restocked your mind. Do it."In this book Ferguson offers a global history of disaster. Damon Linker of the "New York Times" argues that the book is "often insightful, productively provocative and downright brilliant" and suggests that Ferguson displays "an impressive command of the latest research in a large number of specialized fields, among them medical history, epidemiology, probability theory, cliodynamics and network theory". However Linker also criticises the book's "perplexing lacunae".In a review for "The Times", David Aaronovitch described Ferguson's theory as "nebulous".Ferguson has been referred to as a conservative historian by some commentators and fellow historians. Ferguson himself stated in a 2018 interview on the "Rubin Report" that his views align to classical liberalism and has referred to himself as a "classic Scottish enlightenment liberal" on other occasions. Some of his research and conclusions have resulted in controversy, particularly from people who hold left-wing politics.In 1998, Ferguson published "The Pity of War: Explaining World War One", which with the help of research assistants he was able to write in just five months. This is an analytic account of what Ferguson considered to be the ten great myths of the Great War. The book generated much controversy, particularly Ferguson's suggestion that it might have proved more beneficial for Europe if Britain had stayed out of the First World War in 1914, thereby allowing Germany to win. Ferguson has argued that the British decision to intervene was what stopped a German victory in 1914–15. Furthermore, Ferguson expressed disagreement with the "Sonderweg" interpretation of German history championed by some German historians such as Fritz Fischer, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Hans Mommsen and Wolfgang Mommsen, who argued that the German Empire deliberately started an aggressive war in 1914. Likewise, Ferguson has often attacked the work of the German historian Michael Stürmer, who argued that it was Germany's geographical situation in Central Europe that determined the course of German history.On the contrary, Ferguson maintained that Germany waged a preventive war in 1914, a war largely forced on the Germans by reckless and irresponsible British diplomacy. In particular, Ferguson accused the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey of maintaining an ambiguous attitude to the question of whether Britain would enter the war or not, and thus confusing Berlin over just what was the British attitude towards the question of intervention in the war. Ferguson accused London of unnecessarily allowing a regional war in Europe to escalate into a world war. Moreover, Ferguson denied that the origins of National Socialism could be traced back to Imperial Germany; instead Ferguson asserted the origins of Nazism could only be traced back to the First World War and its aftermath.Ferguson attacked a number of ideas that he called "myths" in the book. They are listed here (with his counter-arguments in parentheses):Another controversial aspect of "The Pity of War" is Ferguson's use of counterfactual history also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history. In the book, Ferguson presents a hypothetical version of Europe being, under Imperial German domination, a peaceful, prosperous, democratic continent, without ideologies like communism or Italian fascism. In Ferguson's view, had Germany won World War I, then the lives of millions would have been saved, something like the European Union would have been founded in 1914, and Britain would have remained an empire as well as the world's dominant financial power.The French historians Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker were dubious about much of Ferguson's methodology and conclusions in "The Pity of War", but praised him for the chapter dealing with the executions of POWs, arguing that Ferguson had exposed a dark side of the war that until then had been ignored. The American writer Michael Lind wrote about "The Pity of War":Like the historian John Charmley, who expressed the same wish in the case of World War II, Ferguson belongs to the fringe element of British conservatism that regrets the absence of a German-British deal in the first half of the 20th century that would have marginalized the United States and might have allowed the British Empire to survive to this day. According to Ferguson, Britain should have stayed out of World War I and allowed Imperial Germany to smash France and Russia and create a continental empire from the Atlantic to the Middle East. The joke is on Ferguson's American conservative admirers, inasmuch as he laments the defeat of the Kaiser's Germany because it accelerated the replacement of the British Empire by the United States of America and the eclipse of the City of London by Wall Street. The German-born American historian Gerhard Weinberg in a review of "The Pity of War" strongly criticized Ferguson for advancing the thesis that it was idiotic for Britain to have fought a Germany that allegedly posed no danger. Weinberg accused Ferguson of completely ignoring the chief foreign policy aim of Wilhelm II from 1897 onwards, namely "Weltpolitik" ("World Politics") and argued it was absurd for Ferguson to claim that allowing Germany to defeat France and Russia would have posed no danger to Britain. Weinberg wrote that Ferguson was wrong to claim that Germany's interests were limited only to Europe, and maintained that if the "Reich" did defeat France in 1914, then Germany would have taken over the French colonies in Asia and Africa which would have definitely affected the balance of power all over the world, not just in Europe. Finally, Weinberg attacked Ferguson for claiming that the Tirpitz Plan was not a danger to Britain and that Britain had no reason to fear Germany's naval ambitions, sarcastically asking if that was really the case, then why did the British redeploy so much of their fleet from around the world to the North Sea and spend so much money building warships in the Anglo-German naval arms race? Weinberg accused Ferguson of distorting both German and British history and ignoring any evidence that did not fit with his thesis that Britain should never have fought Germany, stating that "The Pity of War" was interesting as a historical provocation, but was not persuasive as history.Ferguson wrote two volumes about the prominent Rothschild family: "The House of Rothschild: Volume 1: Money's Prophets: 1798–1848" and "The House of Rothschild: Volume 2: The World's Banker: 1849–1999". These books were the result of original archival research. The books won the Wadsworth Prize for Business History and were also short-listed for the Jewish Quarterly-Wingate Literary Award and the American National Jewish Book Award.The books were widely acclaimed by some historians, although they did receive some criticism. John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War–era historian, praised Ferguson's "unrivaled range, productivity and visibility", while criticising the book as unpersuasive and containing contradictory claims. Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm had praised Ferguson as an excellent historian, but criticised him as a "nostalgist for empire". In a mixed review of a later book by Ferguson, "The War of the World: History's Age of Hatred", a reviewer for "The Economist" described how many regard Ferguson's two books on the Rothschilds "as one of the finest studies of its kind." Jeremy Wormell wrote that while "The World's Banker: A History of the House of Rothschild" had its virtues, it contained "many errors" which meant it was "unsafe to use it as a source for the debt markets."Writing in The New York Review of Books, Robert Skidelsky praised Ferguson: "Taken together, Ferguson's two volumes are a stupendous achievement, a triumph of historical research and imagination. No serious historian can write about the connection between the politics, diplomacy, and economics of the nineteenth century in the same way again. And, as any good work of history should do, it constantly prompts us to ask questions about our own age, when once again we have embarked on the grand experiment of a world economy without a world government."Ferguson sometimes champions counterfactual history, also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history, and edited a collection of essays, titled "Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals" (1997), exploring the subject. Ferguson likes to imagine alternative outcomes as a way of stressing the contingent aspects of history. For Ferguson, great forces don't make history; individuals do, and nothing is predetermined. Thus, for Ferguson, there are no paths in history that will determine how things will work out. The world is neither progressing nor regressing; only the actions of individuals determine whether we will live in a better or worse world. His championing of the method has been controversial within the field. In a 2011 review of Ferguson's book "Civilization: The West and the Rest", Noel Malcolm (Senior Research Fellow in History at All Souls College at Oxford University) stated that: "Students may find this an intriguing introduction to a wide range of human history; but they will get an odd idea of how historical argument is to be conducted, if they learn it from this book."In 2003, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger provided Ferguson with access to his White House diaries, letters, and archives for what Ferguson calls a "warts-and-all biography" of Kissinger. In 2015, he published the first volume in a two-part biography titled "Kissinger: 1923–1968: The Idealist" from Penguin Press.The thesis of this first volume was that Kissinger was very much influenced in his academic and political development by the philosopher Immanuel Kant, and especially by an interpretation of Kant that he learned from a mentor at Harvard University, William Yandell Elliott.Ferguson has praised the British Empire, stating, "I think it's hard to make the case, which implicitly the left makes, that somehow the world would have been better off if the Europeans had stayed home." Ferguson is critical of what he calls the "self-flagellation" that he says characterises modern European thought.Historians and commentators have considered his views on this issue and expressed their critical evaluation in various terms, from "audacious" yet "wrong", "informative", "ambitious" and "troubling", to "false and dangerous" apologia. Richard Drayton, Rhodes Professor of Imperial History at King's College London, has stated that it was correct of Seumas Milne to associate "Ferguson with an attempt to "rehabilitate empire" in the service of contemporary great power interests". In November 2011 Pankaj Mishra reviewed "Civilisation: The West and the Rest" unfavourably in the "London Review of Books". Ferguson demanded an apology and threatened to sue Mishra on charges of libel due to allegations of racism.Jon Wilson, a professor of the Department of History at King’s College London, is the author of "India Conquered," a 2016 book intended to rebut Ferguson's arguments in "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," who catalogues the negative elements of the British Raj, and describes the "Empire" TV program (2003) as "false and dangerous" Wilson agrees with Ferguson's point that the British innovations brought to India, civil services, education, and railways, had beneficial side effects, but faults them for being done in a spirit of self-interest rather than altruism.About Ferguson's claim that Britain "made the modern world" by spreading democracy, free trade, capitalism, the rule of law, Protestantism and the English language, Wilson charged that Ferguson never explained precisely how this was done, arguing that the reason was the lack of interest in the history of the people ruled by the British on Ferguson's part, who therefore could not perceive that the interaction between the colonisers and the colonised in places like India, where the population embraced aspects of British culture and rule that were appealing to them while rejecting others that were unappealing. Wilson argues that this interaction between the rulers and the ruled is more complex, and contradicts Ferguson's one-sided picture of the British "transforming" India that portrays the British as active and the Indians as passive. Wilson charged that Ferguson failed to look at the empire via non-British eyes because to do so would be to challenge his claim that Britain "made the modern world" by imposing its values on "the Other", and that the history of the empire was far more complicated than the simplistic version that Ferguson is trying to present.Matthew Carr wrote in "Race & Class" that "Niall Ferguson, the conservative English [sic] historian and enthusiastic advocate of a new American empire, has also embraced the Eurabian idea in a widely reproduced article entitled 'Eurabia?', in which he laments the 'de-Christianization of Europe' and the secularism of the continent that leaves it 'weak in the face of fanaticism'." Carr adds that "Ferguson sees the recent establishment of a department of Islamic studies in his (Oxford college) as another symptom of 'the creeping Islamicization of a decadent Christendom'," and in a 2004 lecture at the American Enterprise Institute entitled 'The End of Europe?',Ferguson struck a similarly Spenglerian note, conjuring the term 'impire' to depict a process in which a 'political entity, instead of expanding outwards towards its periphery, exporting power, implodes—when the energies come from outside into that entity'. In Ferguson's opinion, this process was already under way in a decadent 'post-Christian' Europe that was drifting inexorably towards the dark denouement of a vanquished civilisation and the fatal embrace of Islam.In 2015, Ferguson deplored the Paris attacks committed by Islamic State terrorists, but stated he was not going to "stand" with the French as he argued that France was a lost cause, a declining state faced with an unstoppable Islamic wave that would sweep away everything that tried to oppose it. Ferguson compared the modern European Union to the Western Roman Empire, describing modern Europe as not that different from the world depicted by Edward Gibbon in his book "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire". Ferguson wrote that:Uncannily similar processes are destroying the European Union today...Let us be clear about what is happening. Like the Roman Empire in the early fifth century, Europe has allowed its defenses to crumble. As its wealth has grown, so its military prowess has shrunk, along with its self-belief. It has grown decadent in its shopping malls and sports stadiums. At the same time, it has opened its gates to outsiders who have coveted its wealth without renouncing their ancestral faith. Ferguson wrote the mass influx of refugees into Europe from Syria was a modern version of the "Völkerwanderung" when the Huns burst out of Asia and invaded Europe, causing millions of the Germanic peoples to flee into the presumed safety of the Roman Empire, smashing their way in as the Romans attempted unsuccessfully to stop the Germans from entering the empire. Ferguson writes that Gibbon was wrong to claim the Roman Empire collapsed slowly and argues that the view among a growing number of modern scholars is that the collapse of the Roman empire was swift and violent; unforeseeable by Romans of the day, just as the collapse of modern European civilization would likewise be for modern Europeans.In 2017, Ferguson opined that the West had insufficiently heeded the rise of militant Islam and its global consequences in the same way it failed to predict that the rise of Lenin would lead to the further spread of communism and conflict around the world:Ask yourself how effectively we in the West have responded to the rise of militant Islam since the Iranian Revolution unleashed its Shi’ite variant and since 9/11 revealed the even more aggressive character of Sunni Islamism. I fear we have done no better than our grandfathers did.Foreign intervention—the millions of dollars that have found their way from the Gulf to radical mosques and Islamic centres in the West.Incompetent liberals—the proponents of multiculturalism who brand any opponent of jihad an “Islamophobe”. Clueless bankers—the sort who fall over themselves to offer “sharia-compliant” loans and bonds. Fellow travellers—the leftists who line up with the Muslim Brotherhood to castigate Israel at every opportunity. And the faint-hearted—those who were so quick to pull out of Iraq in 2009 that they allowed the rump of al-Qaeda to morph into Isis.A century ago it was the West’s great blunder to think it would not matter if Lenin and his confederates took over the Russian Empire, despite their stated intention to plot world revolution and overthrow both democracy and capitalism. Incredible as it may seem, I believe we are capable of repeating that catastrophic error. I fear that, one day, we shall wake with a start to discover that the Islamists have repeated the Bolshevik achievement, which was to acquire the resources and capability to threaten our existence.During a 2018 debate, Ferguson asserted that he is not anti-immigration or opposed to Muslims, but felt that sections of Europe's political and intellectual classes had failed to predict the cultural and political consequences of large scale immigration. He furthermore stated that Islam differs from Judaism and Christianity through being "designed differently" as a political ideology that does not recognize the separation of mosque with the secular and temporal, and that the Muslim world has mostly followed an opposite trend to Western society by becoming less secularized and more literal in interpreting holy scripture. He concluded that if Europe kept pursuing large scale migration from pious Muslim societies combined with poor structures of economic and cultural integration, especially in an era when existing migrant communities are either unassimilated or loosely integrated into the host society, it is "highly likely" that networks of fundamentalist "dawah" will grow in which Islamic extremists draw in the culturally and economically unassimilated Muslims of immigrant backgrounds. Ferguson has also pointed out that even when living in Western nations, both he and his wife Ayaan Hirsi Ali have to live with permanent security measures as a result of her public critiques of Islam and status as a former Muslim.Ferguson supported the 2003 Iraq War, and he is on record as being not necessarily opposed to future western incursions around the world. It's all very well for us to sit here in the West with our high incomes and cushy lives, and say it's immoral to violate the sovereignty of another state. But if the effect of that is to bring people in that country economic and political freedom, to raise their standard of living, to increase their life expectancy, then don't rule it out.On the rise of Republican Party presidential candidate Donald Trump, Ferguson was quoted in early 2016: "If you bother to read some of the serious analysis of Trump's support, you realize that it's a very fragile thing and highly unlikely to deliver what he needs in the crucial first phase of the primaries ... By the time we get to March–April, it's all over. I think there's going to be a wonderful catharsis, I'm really looking forward to it: Trump's humiliation. Bring it on." Trump eventually won the nomination.Three weeks before the 2016 United States presidential election, after the Access Hollywood tape scandal, Ferguson stated in an interview that it "was over for Donald Trump"; that "Trump had flamed out in all three Presidential debates"; that, "I don't think there can be any last minute surprise to rescue him [Trump]"; that there was no hope of Donald Trump winning Independent voters and that Trump was "gone as a candidate", adding that "it seems to me clear that she [Hillary Clinton] is going to be the first female President of the United States. The only question is how bad does his [Trump's] flaming out affect candidates for the Senate, candidates for the House, further down on the ballot." However after Brexit, Ferguson stated that Trump could win via the Electoral College if certain demographics turned out to vote in key swing states. Trump was elected president and the Republican Party retained control of both the Senate and House of Representatives.In an article from November 2016 in "The Boston Globe", Ferguson advised that Trump should support the efforts of Prime Minister Theresa May to have Britain leave the European Union as the best way of breaking up the EU, and sign a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom once Brexit is complete. Ferguson advised that Trump should give recognition to Russia as a Great Power, and work with President Vladimir Putin by giving Russia a sphere of influence in Eurasia. In the same column, Ferguson advised Trump not to engage in a trade war with China, and work with President Xi Jinping to create a US-Chinese partnership. Ferguson argued that Trump and Putin should work for the victory of Marine Le Pen (who wants France to leave the EU) and the "Front national" in the 2017 French elections, arguing that Le Pen was the French politician most congenial to the Trump administration. Ferguson argued that a quintumvirate of Trump, Putin, Xi, May and Le Pen was the world's best hope for peace and prosperity.In its edition of 15 August 2005, "The New Republic" published "The New New Deal", an essay by Ferguson and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, a professor of economics at Boston University. The two scholars called for the following changes to the American government's fiscal and income security policies:In November 2012, Ferguson stated in a video with CNN that the U.S. has enough energy resources to move towards energy independence and could possibly enter a new economic golden age due to the related socio-economic growth—coming out of the post-world economic recession doldrums.Ferguson was an attendee of the 2012 Bilderberg Group meeting, where he was a speaker on economic policy.Ferguson was highly critical of Britain's vote to leave the European Union, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire". Later, after backing the Remain campaign during the referendum, Ferguson changed his mind and came out in support of Britain's exit from the EU.In May 2009, Ferguson became involved in a high-profile exchange of views with economist Paul Krugman arising out of a panel discussion hosted by PEN/"New York Review" on 30 April 2009, regarding the U.S. economy. Ferguson contended that the Obama administration's policies are simultaneously Keynesian and monetarist, in an "incoherent" mix, and specifically claimed that the government's issuance of a multitude of new bonds would cause an increase in interest rates.Krugman argued that Ferguson's view is "resurrecting 75-year old fallacies" and full of "basic errors". He also stated that Ferguson is a "poseur" who "hasn't bothered to understand the basics, relying on snide comments and surface cleverness to convey the impression of wisdom. It's all style, no comprehension of substance."In 2012, Jonathan Portes, the director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, said that subsequent events had shown Ferguson to be wrong: "As we all know, since then both the US and UK have had deficits running at historically extremely high levels, and long-term interest rates at historic lows: as Krugman has repeatedly pointed out, the (IS-LM) textbook has been spot on."Later in 2012, after Ferguson wrote a cover story for "Newsweek" arguing that Mitt Romney should be elected in the upcoming US presidential election, Krugman wrote that there were multiple errors and misrepresentations in the story, concluding "We're not talking about ideology or even economic analysis here—just a plain misrepresentation of the facts, with an august publication letting itself be used to misinform readers. The "Times" would require an abject correction if something like that slipped through. Will "Newsweek"?" Ferguson denied that he had misrepresented the facts in an online rebuttal. Matthew O'Brien countered that Ferguson was still distorting the meaning of the Congressional Budget Office report being discussed, and that the entire piece could be read as an effort to deceive.In 2013, Ferguson, naming Dean Baker, Josh Barro, Brad DeLong, Matthew O'Brien, Noah Smith, Matthew Yglesias and Justin Wolfers, attacked "Krugman and his acolytes," in his three-part essay on why he dislikes Paul Krugman. The essay title ('Krugtron the Invincible') originally comes from a post by Noah Smith.At a May 2013 investment conference in Carlsbad, California, Ferguson was asked about his views on economist John Maynard Keynes' quotation that "in the long run we are all dead." Ferguson stated that Keynes was indifferent to the future because he was gay and did not have children. The remarks were widely criticised for being offensive, factually inaccurate, and a distortion of Keynes' ideas.Ferguson posted an apology for these statements shortly after reports of his words were widely disseminated, saying his comments were "as stupid as they were insensitive". In the apology, Ferguson stated: "My disagreements with Keynes's economic philosophy have never had anything to do with his sexual orientation. It is simply false to suggest, as I did, that his approach to economic policy was inspired by any aspect of his personal life."In spring 2018, Professor Ferguson was involved with college Republican leaders at Stanford to oppose a left-leaning student take over of the Cardinal Conversations initiative. In leaked emails, he was quoted as asking for opposition research on the student involved. He later apologized and resigned from the said initiative when emails were leaked revealing his involvement in the events. "I very much regret the publication of these emails. I also regret having written them," Ferguson wrote in a statement to "The Daily".Ferguson was an early skeptic of cryptocurrencies, famously dismissing his teenage son's recommendation to buy Bitcoin in 2014. By 2017, he had changed his mind on Bitcoin's utility, saying it had established itself as a form of "digital gold: a store of value for wealthy investors, especially those located in countries with weak rule of law and high political risk." In February 2019, Ferguson became an advisor for digital asset protocol firm Ampleforth Protocol, saying he was attracted by the firm's plan to "reinvent money in a way that protects individual freedom and to create a payments system that treats everyone equally." In March 2019, Ferguson spoke at an Australian Financial Review Business Summit, where he admitted to being "wrong to think there was no … use for a form of currency based on blockchain technology… I don't think this will turn out to be a complete delusion."Ferguson has stated that he identified as a Scottish nationalist as a teenager, but moderated his views after moving to England to study history. He has argued that Scottish nationalism is sometimes fueled by a distorted view that Scots have always been oppressed by the English and is misconceived by people from outside of the United Kingdom as choice between being Scottish or English. Ferguson states that in contrast to the subjugations of Wales and Ireland, Scotland was united as an "equal" country to England during the Act of Union, and cites events such as King James VI of Scotland inheriting the English crown, the failed Darien scheme to colonize Panama which prompted Scottish political elites to support the Union and that Scots were an integral part of the East India Company to question the narrative that Scotland was oppressed. Ferguson has also argued (citing Walter Scott's "Waverley") that Scotland after the Jacobite rebellion remained a land divided by warring clans and religious factions, and that the Union helped to quell some of the conflicts.During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, Ferguson supported Scotland remaining within the United Kingdom, citing potential economic consequences of Scottish independence, but argued that the "No" campaign needed to focus on Scotland's history of cosmopolitanism as well as economic points to save the Union. In 2021, ahead of the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, Ferguson argued that the Labour administration under Tony Blair had made a mistake in believing devolution would stem Scottish nationalism, but instead it enabled the Scottish National Party to assume regional power and criticised the SNP government of Nicola Sturgeon for its management of the Scottish economy, education and freedom of speech. Ferguson furthermore claimed that the best way for the British government to thwart independence and the SNP's separationist demands was not by "unthinkingly accepting the SNP’s argument that it has a moral right to a referendum on secession every time it wins a parliamentary election" and allowing a slim "Yes" vote to decide the outcome, but instead by following the example of Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien and minister Stephane Dion's who handled the Parti Quebecois's calls for Quebec secessionism by taking the matter to the Canadian Supreme Court and introducing the Clarity Act rather than letting it solely be up to "a slim majority of the voters of Quebec if Canada broke up."In 2011, Ferguson predicted that "Grexit" (the notion of Greece leaving the Euro currency) was unlikely to happen, but that Britain would leave the European Union in the near future as it would be easier for Britain to leave the EU owing to the fact it was not part of the Eurozone and that returning to a national currency would be harder for countries who had signed up to a single currency. In 2012, he described the Eurozone as a "disaster waiting to happen."During the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, Ferguson was initially critical of the idea of Britain leaving the EU despite his criticisms of the latter, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire" and endorsed a Remain vote. However, after backing the Remain campaign, Ferguson changed his stance and came out in support of Brexit, admitting that his support to stay in had been motivated in part on a personal level by not wanting the government of David Cameron (with whom he had a friendship) to collapse and in turn risk Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister. Ferguson elaborated that while Brexit would still have some economic consequences, the EU had been a "disaster" on its monetary, immigration, national security and radical Islam policies. He also added that the "I think one has to recognise that the European elite's performances over the last decade entirely justified the revolt of provincial England."In 2020, Ferguson predicted that the EU is destined to become "moribund" and was at risk of collapse in the near future and that the single currency had only benefited Northern Europe and Germany in particular while causing economic havoc in Southern Europe. However, he also argued the "real disintegration of Europe" will happen over the EU's migration policies that have both exacerbated and failed to provide solutions to illegal immigration to the European continent from North Africa and the Middle East. Ferguson stated that high levels of illegal immigration from majority Muslim nations would in turn further the rise of populist and eurosceptic movements committed to rolling back or leaving the European Union. Ferguson also predicted that in a decade's time, Britain would question why there had been fuss, outcry or debates over the manner of how to leave the EU over Brexit because "we'll have left something that was essentially disintegrating" and that "it would be a little bit like getting a divorce and then your ex drops dead, and you spent all that money on the divorce courts, if only you'd known how sick the ex was. The European Union is sick, and people don't really want to admit that, least of all in Brussels."Ferguson married journalist Sue Douglas in 1994 after meeting in 1987 when she was his editor at "The Sunday Times". They have three children: Felix, Freya, and Lachlan.In February 2010, Ferguson separated from Douglas and started dating former Dutch MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Ferguson and Douglas divorced in 2011. Ferguson married Hirsi Ali on 10 September 2011 and Hirsi Ali gave birth to their son Thomas in December 2011. In an interview in April 2011, Ferguson complained about the media coverage of his relationship with Ali, stating: "No, I never read their shitty coverage of people's private lives. I don't care about the sex lives of celebrities, so I was a little unprepared for having my private life all over the country. So yeah, I was naive, yeah. Because you have to stoop to conquer," – but will never write for "The Daily Mail" again. "That's because I'm a vendetta person. Yes, absolutely. Implacable."Ferguson dedicated his book "Civilization" to "Ayaan". In an interview with "The Guardian", Ferguson spoke about his love for Ali, whom, he writes in the preface, "understands better than anyone I know what Western civilisation really means – and what it still has to offer the world".Ferguson's self-confessed workaholism has placed strains on his personal relations in the past. Ferguson has commented that:...from 2002, the combination of making TV programmes and teaching at Harvard took me away from my children too much. You don't get those years back. You have to ask yourself: "Was it a smart decision to do those things?" I think the success I have enjoyed since then has been bought at a significant price. In hindsight, there would have been a bunch of things that I would have said no to. In an interview, Ferguson described his relationship with the left: "No, they love being provoked by me! Honestly, it makes them feel so much better about their lives to think that I'm a reactionary; it's a substitute for thought. 'Imperialist scumbag' and all that. Oh dear, we're back in a 1980s student union debate."Ferguson was the inspiration for Alan Bennett's play "The History Boys" (2004), particularly the character of Irwin, a history teacher who urges his pupils to find a counterintuitive angle, and goes on to become a television historian. Bennett's character "Irwin", writes David Smith of "The Observer", gives the impression that "an entire career can be built on the trick of contrariness."In 2018, Ferguson became naturalised as a US citizen.
|
[
"New York University",
"University of Cambridge",
"Hoover Institution",
"University of Oxford"
] |
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Which employer did Niall Ferguson work for in Oct, 2018?
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October 23, 2018
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{
"text": [
"Hoover Institution"
]
}
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L2_Q377638_P108_5
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Niall Ferguson works for Harvard University from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2016.
Niall Ferguson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1992.
Niall Ferguson works for Hoover Institution from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Niall Ferguson works for University of Oxford from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2002.
Niall Ferguson works for New York University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004.
Niall Ferguson works for London School of Economics and Political Science from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
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Niall FergusonNiall Campbell Ferguson (; born 18 April 1964) is a Scottish-American historian and the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. Previously, he was a professor at Harvard University, the London School of Economics and New York University, visiting professor at New College of the Humanities and senior research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.Ferguson writes and lectures on international history, economic and financial history and British and American imperialism. He is known for his positive views concerning the British Empire. He once ironically called himself "a fully paid-up member of the neo-imperialist gang" following the 2003 invasion of Iraq.Ferguson has been a contributing editor for Bloomberg Television and a columnist for "Newsweek". He began writing a twice-a-month column for "Bloomberg Opinion" in June 2020.Ferguson has written and presented numerous television documentary series, including "The Ascent of Money", which won an International Emmy award for Best Documentary in 2009. In 2004, he was named as one of "TIME" magazine's 100 most influential people in the world.Ferguson was born in Glasgow, Scotland, on 18 April 1964 to James Campbell Ferguson, a doctor, and Molly Archibald Hamilton, a physics teacher. Ferguson grew up in the Ibrox area Glasgow in a home close to the Ibrox Park football stadium. He attended The Glasgow Academy. He was brought up as, and remains, an atheist, though he has encouraged his children to study religion and attends church occasionally.Ferguson cites his father as instilling in him a strong sense of self-discipline and of the moral value of work, while his mother encouraged his creative side. His maternal grandfather, a journalist, encouraged him to write. He has described his parents as "both very much products of the Scottish Enlightenment." Ferguson ascribes his decision to read history at university instead of English literature to two main factors: Leo Tolstoy's reflections on history at the end of "War and Peace" (which he read at the age of fifteen), and his admiration of historian A. J. P. Taylor.Ferguson received a demyship (highest scholarship) from Magdalen College, Oxford. Whilst a student there, he wrote a 90-minute student film "The Labours of Hercules Sprote", played double bass in a jazz band "Night in Tunisia", edited the student magazine "Tributary", and befriended Andrew Sullivan, who shared his interest in right-wing politics and punk music. He had become a Thatcherite by 1982. He graduated with a first-class honours degree in history in 1985.Ferguson studied as a Hanseatic Scholar in Hamburg and Berlin in 1987 and 1988. He received his Doctor of Philosophy degree from the University of Oxford in 1989: his dissertation was titled "Business and Politics in the German Inflation: Hamburg 1914–1924".In 1989, Ferguson worked as a research fellow at Christ's College, Cambridge. From 1990 to 1992 he was an official fellow and lecturer at Peterhouse, Cambridge. He then became a fellow and tutor in modern history at Jesus College, Oxford, where in 2000 he was named a professor of political and financial history. In 2002 Ferguson became the John Herzog Professor in Financial History at New York University Stern School of Business, and in 2004 he became the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University and William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School. From 2010 to 2011, Ferguson held the Philippe Roman Chair in history and international affairs at the London School of Economics. In 2016 Ferguson left Harvard to become a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he had been an adjunct fellow since 2005.Ferguson has received honorary degrees from the University of Buckingham, Macquarie University (Australia) and Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez (Chile). In May 2010, Michael Gove, education secretary, asked Ferguson to advise on the development of a new history syllabus, to be entitled "history as a connected narrative", for schools in England and Wales. In June 2011, he joined other academics to set up the New College of the Humanities, a private college in London.In 2018, Ferguson apologized after fellow historians criticized him for only inviting white men as speakers to a Stanford conference on applied history.Also in 2018, emails documenting Ferguson's attempts to discredit a progressive activist student at Stanford University who had been critical of Ferguson's choices of speakers invited to the Cardinal Conversations free speech initiative were released to the public and university administrators. He teamed with a Republican student group to find information that might discredit the student. Ferguson resigned from leadership of the program once university administrators became aware of his actions. Ferguson responded in his column saying, "Re-reading my emails now, I am struck by their juvenile, jocular tone. “A famous victory,” I wrote the morning after the Murray event. “Now we turn to the more subtle game of grinding them down on the committee. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” Then I added: “Some opposition research on Mr O might also be worthwhile”—a reference to the leader of the protests. None of this happened. The meetings of the student committee were repeatedly postponed. No one ever did any digging on “Mr O”. The spring vacation arrived. The only thing that came of the emails was that their circulation led to my stepping down."In 2000, Ferguson was a founding director of Boxmind, an Oxford-based educational technology company.In 2006, he set up Chimerica Media Ltd., a London based television production company.In 2007, Ferguson was appointed as an investment management consultant by GLG Partners, to advise on geopolitical risk as well as current structural issues in economic behaviour relating to investment decisions. GLG is a UK-based hedge fund management firm headed by Noam Gottesman. Ferguson was also an adviser to Morgan Stanley, the investment bank.In 2011, he set up Greenmantle LLC, an advisory business specializing in macroeconomics and geopolitics.He also serves as a non-executive director on the board of Affiliated Managers Group.Ferguson was an advisor to John McCain's U.S. presidential campaign in 2008, supported Mitt Romney in his 2012 campaign and was a vocal critic of Barack Obama.Ferguson is a trustee of the New York Historical Society and the London-based Centre for Policy Studies.Ferguson has written regularly for British newspapers and magazines since the mid 1980s. At that time, he was lead writer for "The Daily Telegraph," and a regular book reviewer for "The Daily Mail".In the summer on 1989, while travelling in Berlin, he wrote an article for a British newspaper with the provisional headline "The Berlin Wall is Crumbling", but it was not published.In the early 2000s he wrote a weekly column for "The Sunday Telegraph" and Los Angeles Times, leaving in 2007 to become a contributing editor to the "Financial Times". Between 2008 and 2012 he wrote regularly for "Newsweek". Since 2015 he has written a weekly column for The Sunday Times and The Boston Globe, which also appears in numerous papers around the world.Ferguson's television series The Ascent of Money won the 2009 International Emmy award for Best Documentary. In 2011 his film company Chimerica Media released its first feature-length documentary, "Kissinger", which won the New York Film Festival's prize for Best Documentary.In May 2012, the BBC announced Niall Ferguson was to present its annual Reith Lectures – a prestigious series of radio lectures which were first broadcast in 1948. These four lectures, titled "The Rule of Law and its Enemies", examine the role man-made institutions have played in the economic and political spheres.In the first lecture, held at the London School of Economics, titled "The Human Hive", Ferguson argues for greater openness from governments, saying they should publish accounts which clearly state all assets and liabilities. Governments, he said, should also follow the lead of business and adopt the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles and, above all, generational accounts should be prepared on a regular basis to make absolutely clear the inter-generational implications of current fiscal policy. In the lecture, Ferguson says young voters should be more supportive of government austerity measures if they do not wish to pay further down the line for the profligacy of the baby boomer generation.In the second lecture, "The Darwinian Economy", Ferguson reflects on the causes of the global financial crisis, and erroneous conclusions that many people have drawn from it about the role of regulation, and asks whether regulation is in fact "the disease of which it purports to be the cure"."The Landscape of Law" was the third lecture, delivered at Gresham College. It examines the rule of law in comparative terms, asking how far the common law's claims to superiority over other systems are credible, and whether we are living through a time of 'creeping legal degeneration' in the English-speaking world.The fourth and final lecture, "Civil and Uncivil Societies", focuses on institutions (outside the political, economic and legal realms) designed to preserve and transmit particular knowledge and values. Ferguson asks whether the modern state is quietly killing civil society in the Western world, and what non-Western societies can do to build a vibrant civil society.The first lecture was broadcast on BBC Radio 4 and the BBC World Service on Tuesday, 19 June 2012. The series is available as a BBC podcast.In his 2001 book, "The Cash Nexus", which he wrote following a year as Houblon-Norman Fellow at the Bank of England, Ferguson argues that the popular saying, "money makes the world go 'round", is wrong; instead he presented a case for human actions in history motivated by far more than just economic concerns.In his 2003 book, "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," Ferguson conducts a provocative reinterpretation of the British Empire, casting it as one of the world's great modernising forces. The Empire produced durable changes and globalisation with steampower, telegraphs, and engineers.Bernard Porter, famous for expressing his views during the Porter–MacKenzie debate on the British Empire, attacked "Empire" in "The London Review of Books" as a "panegyric to British colonialism". Ferguson, in response to this, drew Porter's attention to the conclusion of the book, where he writes: "No one would claim that the record of the British Empire was unblemished. On the contrary, I have tried to show how often it failed to live up to its own ideal of individual liberty, particularly in the early era of enslavement, transportation and the 'ethnic cleansing' of indigenous peoples." Ferguson argues however that the British Empire was preferable to the alternatives:The 19th-century empire undeniably pioneered free trade, free capital movements and, with the abolition of slavery, free labour. It invested immense sums in developing a global network of modern communications. It spread and enforced the rule of law over vast areas. Though it fought many small wars, the empire maintained a global peace unmatched before or since. In the 20th century too the empire more than justified its own existence. For the alternatives to British rule represented by the German and Japanese empires were clearly – and they admitted it themselves – far worse. And without its empire, it is inconceivable that Britain could have withstood them.In his 2005 book, "Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire," Ferguson proposes that the United States aspires to globalize free markets, the rule of law, and representative government, but shies away from the long-term commitments of manpower and money that are indispensable, in taking a more active role in resolving conflict arising from the failure of states. The U.S. is an empire in denial, not acknowledging the scale of global responsibilities. The American writer Michael Lind, responding to Ferguson's advocation of an enlarged American military through conscription, accused Ferguson of engaging in apocalyptic alarmism about the possibility of a world without the United States as the dominant power and of a casual disregard for the value of human life.In "War of the World", published in 2006, Ferguson argued that a combination of economic volatility, decaying empires, psychopathic dictators, racially/ethnically motivated and institutionalised violence resulted in the wars and genocides of what he calls "History's Age of Hatred". "The New York Times Book Review" named "War of the World" one of the 100 Notable Books of the Year in 2006, while the "International Herald Tribune" called it "one of the most intriguing attempts by an historian to explain man's inhumanity to man". Ferguson addresses the paradox that, though the 20th century was "so bloody", it was also "a time of unparalleled [economic] progress". As with his earlier work "Empire", "War of the World" was accompanied by a Channel 4 television series presented by Ferguson.Published in 2008, "The Ascent of Money" examines the history of money, credit, and banking. In it Ferguson predicts a financial crisis as a result of the world economy and in particular the United States using too much credit. He cites the China–United States dynamic which he refers to as Chimerica where an Asian "savings glut" helped create the subprime mortgage crisis with an influx of easy money. While researching this book, in early 2007, Ferguson attended a session at a conference in Las Vegas at which a hedge fund manager stated there would never be another recession. Ferguson challenged this, and later the two agreed on a $14,000, 7 to 1 bet, that there would be a recession within five years. Ferguson collected $98,000.Published in 2011, "Civilization: The West and the Rest" examines what Ferguson calls the most "interesting question" of our day: "Why, beginning around 1500, did a few small polities on the western end of the Eurasian landmass come to dominate the rest of the world?" The "Economist" in a review wrote: In 1500 Europe's future imperial powers controlled 10% of the world's territories and generated just over 40% of its wealth. By 1913, at the height of empire, the West controlled almost 60% of the territories, which together generated almost 80% of the wealth. This stunning fact is lost, he regrets, on a generation that has supplanted history's sweep with a feeble-minded relativism that holds "all civilisations as somehow equal".Ferguson attributes this divergence to the West's development of six "killer apps", which he finds were largely missing elsewhere in the world in 1500 – "competition, the scientific method, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism and the work ethic".Ferguson compared and contrasted how the West's "killer apps" allowed the West to triumph over "the Rest" citing examples. Ferguson argued the rowdy and savage competition between European merchants created far more wealth than did the static and ordered society of Qing China. Tolerance extended to thinkers like Sir Isaac Newton in Stuart England had no counterpart in the Ottoman Empire, where Takiyuddin's "blasphemous" observatory was demolished for contradicting the teachings of Islam. This ensured that Western civilization was capable of making scientific advances that Islamic civilization never could. Respect for private property was far stronger in British America than it ever was in Spanish America, which led to the United States and Canada becoming prosperous societies while Latin America was and remains mired in poverty.Ferguson also argued that the modern West had lost its edge and the future belongs to the nations of Asia, especially China, which has adopted the West's "killer apps". Ferguson argues that in the coming years we will see a steady decline of the West, while China and the rest of the Asian nations will be the rising powers.A related documentary "" was broadcast as a six-part series on Channel 4 in March and April 2011."Kissinger The Idealist", Volume I, published in September 2015, is the first part of a planned two-part biography of Henry Kissinger based on his private papers. The book starts with a quote from a letter which Kissinger wrote in 1972. The book examines Kissinger's life from being a refugee and fleeing Germany in 1938, to serving in the US army as a "free man" in World War II, to studying at Harvard. The book also explores the history of Kissinger joining the Kennedy administration and later becoming critical of its foreign policy, to supporting Nelson Rockefeller on three failed presidential bids, to finally joining the Nixon administration. The book also includes Kissinger's early evaluation of the Vietnam war and his efforts to negotiate with the North Vietnamese in Paris.Historians and political scientists gave the book mixed reviews. "The Economist" wrote in a review about "The Idealist": "Mr Ferguson, a British historian also at Harvard, has in the past sometimes produced work that is rushed and uneven. Not here. Like Mr Kissinger or loathe him, this is a work of engrossing scholarship." In a negative review of "The Idealist", the American journalist Michael O'Donnell questioned Ferguson's interpretation of Kissinger's actions leading up to Nixon's election as President. Andrew Roberts praised the book in The New York Times, concluding: "Niall Ferguson already has many important, scholarly and controversial books to his credit. But if the second volume of 'Kissinger' is anywhere near as comprehensive, well written and riveting as the first, this will be his masterpiece."Ferguson proposed a modified version of group selection that history can be explained by the evolution of human networks. He wrote, "Man, with his unrivaled neural network, was born "to" network." The title refers to a transition from hierarchical, "tower" networks to flatter, "square" network connections between individuals. John Gray in a review of the book was not convinced. He wrote, "He offers a mix of metaphor and what purports to be a new science." "Niall Ferguson has again written a brilliant book," wrote Deirdre McCloskey in The Wall Street Journal, "this time in defence of traditional top-down principles of governing the wild market and the wilder international order. "The Square and the Tower" raises the question of just how much the unruly world should be governedand by whom. Not everyone will agree, but everyone will be charmed and educated. … 'The Square and the Tower' is always readable, intelligent, original. You can swallow a chapter a night before sleep and your dreams will overflow with scenes of Stendhal's 'The Red and the Black,' Napoleon, Kissinger. In 400 pages you will have restocked your mind. Do it."In this book Ferguson offers a global history of disaster. Damon Linker of the "New York Times" argues that the book is "often insightful, productively provocative and downright brilliant" and suggests that Ferguson displays "an impressive command of the latest research in a large number of specialized fields, among them medical history, epidemiology, probability theory, cliodynamics and network theory". However Linker also criticises the book's "perplexing lacunae".In a review for "The Times", David Aaronovitch described Ferguson's theory as "nebulous".Ferguson has been referred to as a conservative historian by some commentators and fellow historians. Ferguson himself stated in a 2018 interview on the "Rubin Report" that his views align to classical liberalism and has referred to himself as a "classic Scottish enlightenment liberal" on other occasions. Some of his research and conclusions have resulted in controversy, particularly from people who hold left-wing politics.In 1998, Ferguson published "The Pity of War: Explaining World War One", which with the help of research assistants he was able to write in just five months. This is an analytic account of what Ferguson considered to be the ten great myths of the Great War. The book generated much controversy, particularly Ferguson's suggestion that it might have proved more beneficial for Europe if Britain had stayed out of the First World War in 1914, thereby allowing Germany to win. Ferguson has argued that the British decision to intervene was what stopped a German victory in 1914–15. Furthermore, Ferguson expressed disagreement with the "Sonderweg" interpretation of German history championed by some German historians such as Fritz Fischer, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Hans Mommsen and Wolfgang Mommsen, who argued that the German Empire deliberately started an aggressive war in 1914. Likewise, Ferguson has often attacked the work of the German historian Michael Stürmer, who argued that it was Germany's geographical situation in Central Europe that determined the course of German history.On the contrary, Ferguson maintained that Germany waged a preventive war in 1914, a war largely forced on the Germans by reckless and irresponsible British diplomacy. In particular, Ferguson accused the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey of maintaining an ambiguous attitude to the question of whether Britain would enter the war or not, and thus confusing Berlin over just what was the British attitude towards the question of intervention in the war. Ferguson accused London of unnecessarily allowing a regional war in Europe to escalate into a world war. Moreover, Ferguson denied that the origins of National Socialism could be traced back to Imperial Germany; instead Ferguson asserted the origins of Nazism could only be traced back to the First World War and its aftermath.Ferguson attacked a number of ideas that he called "myths" in the book. They are listed here (with his counter-arguments in parentheses):Another controversial aspect of "The Pity of War" is Ferguson's use of counterfactual history also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history. In the book, Ferguson presents a hypothetical version of Europe being, under Imperial German domination, a peaceful, prosperous, democratic continent, without ideologies like communism or Italian fascism. In Ferguson's view, had Germany won World War I, then the lives of millions would have been saved, something like the European Union would have been founded in 1914, and Britain would have remained an empire as well as the world's dominant financial power.The French historians Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker were dubious about much of Ferguson's methodology and conclusions in "The Pity of War", but praised him for the chapter dealing with the executions of POWs, arguing that Ferguson had exposed a dark side of the war that until then had been ignored. The American writer Michael Lind wrote about "The Pity of War":Like the historian John Charmley, who expressed the same wish in the case of World War II, Ferguson belongs to the fringe element of British conservatism that regrets the absence of a German-British deal in the first half of the 20th century that would have marginalized the United States and might have allowed the British Empire to survive to this day. According to Ferguson, Britain should have stayed out of World War I and allowed Imperial Germany to smash France and Russia and create a continental empire from the Atlantic to the Middle East. The joke is on Ferguson's American conservative admirers, inasmuch as he laments the defeat of the Kaiser's Germany because it accelerated the replacement of the British Empire by the United States of America and the eclipse of the City of London by Wall Street. The German-born American historian Gerhard Weinberg in a review of "The Pity of War" strongly criticized Ferguson for advancing the thesis that it was idiotic for Britain to have fought a Germany that allegedly posed no danger. Weinberg accused Ferguson of completely ignoring the chief foreign policy aim of Wilhelm II from 1897 onwards, namely "Weltpolitik" ("World Politics") and argued it was absurd for Ferguson to claim that allowing Germany to defeat France and Russia would have posed no danger to Britain. Weinberg wrote that Ferguson was wrong to claim that Germany's interests were limited only to Europe, and maintained that if the "Reich" did defeat France in 1914, then Germany would have taken over the French colonies in Asia and Africa which would have definitely affected the balance of power all over the world, not just in Europe. Finally, Weinberg attacked Ferguson for claiming that the Tirpitz Plan was not a danger to Britain and that Britain had no reason to fear Germany's naval ambitions, sarcastically asking if that was really the case, then why did the British redeploy so much of their fleet from around the world to the North Sea and spend so much money building warships in the Anglo-German naval arms race? Weinberg accused Ferguson of distorting both German and British history and ignoring any evidence that did not fit with his thesis that Britain should never have fought Germany, stating that "The Pity of War" was interesting as a historical provocation, but was not persuasive as history.Ferguson wrote two volumes about the prominent Rothschild family: "The House of Rothschild: Volume 1: Money's Prophets: 1798–1848" and "The House of Rothschild: Volume 2: The World's Banker: 1849–1999". These books were the result of original archival research. The books won the Wadsworth Prize for Business History and were also short-listed for the Jewish Quarterly-Wingate Literary Award and the American National Jewish Book Award.The books were widely acclaimed by some historians, although they did receive some criticism. John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War–era historian, praised Ferguson's "unrivaled range, productivity and visibility", while criticising the book as unpersuasive and containing contradictory claims. Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm had praised Ferguson as an excellent historian, but criticised him as a "nostalgist for empire". In a mixed review of a later book by Ferguson, "The War of the World: History's Age of Hatred", a reviewer for "The Economist" described how many regard Ferguson's two books on the Rothschilds "as one of the finest studies of its kind." Jeremy Wormell wrote that while "The World's Banker: A History of the House of Rothschild" had its virtues, it contained "many errors" which meant it was "unsafe to use it as a source for the debt markets."Writing in The New York Review of Books, Robert Skidelsky praised Ferguson: "Taken together, Ferguson's two volumes are a stupendous achievement, a triumph of historical research and imagination. No serious historian can write about the connection between the politics, diplomacy, and economics of the nineteenth century in the same way again. And, as any good work of history should do, it constantly prompts us to ask questions about our own age, when once again we have embarked on the grand experiment of a world economy without a world government."Ferguson sometimes champions counterfactual history, also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history, and edited a collection of essays, titled "Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals" (1997), exploring the subject. Ferguson likes to imagine alternative outcomes as a way of stressing the contingent aspects of history. For Ferguson, great forces don't make history; individuals do, and nothing is predetermined. Thus, for Ferguson, there are no paths in history that will determine how things will work out. The world is neither progressing nor regressing; only the actions of individuals determine whether we will live in a better or worse world. His championing of the method has been controversial within the field. In a 2011 review of Ferguson's book "Civilization: The West and the Rest", Noel Malcolm (Senior Research Fellow in History at All Souls College at Oxford University) stated that: "Students may find this an intriguing introduction to a wide range of human history; but they will get an odd idea of how historical argument is to be conducted, if they learn it from this book."In 2003, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger provided Ferguson with access to his White House diaries, letters, and archives for what Ferguson calls a "warts-and-all biography" of Kissinger. In 2015, he published the first volume in a two-part biography titled "Kissinger: 1923–1968: The Idealist" from Penguin Press.The thesis of this first volume was that Kissinger was very much influenced in his academic and political development by the philosopher Immanuel Kant, and especially by an interpretation of Kant that he learned from a mentor at Harvard University, William Yandell Elliott.Ferguson has praised the British Empire, stating, "I think it's hard to make the case, which implicitly the left makes, that somehow the world would have been better off if the Europeans had stayed home." Ferguson is critical of what he calls the "self-flagellation" that he says characterises modern European thought.Historians and commentators have considered his views on this issue and expressed their critical evaluation in various terms, from "audacious" yet "wrong", "informative", "ambitious" and "troubling", to "false and dangerous" apologia. Richard Drayton, Rhodes Professor of Imperial History at King's College London, has stated that it was correct of Seumas Milne to associate "Ferguson with an attempt to "rehabilitate empire" in the service of contemporary great power interests". In November 2011 Pankaj Mishra reviewed "Civilisation: The West and the Rest" unfavourably in the "London Review of Books". Ferguson demanded an apology and threatened to sue Mishra on charges of libel due to allegations of racism.Jon Wilson, a professor of the Department of History at King’s College London, is the author of "India Conquered," a 2016 book intended to rebut Ferguson's arguments in "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," who catalogues the negative elements of the British Raj, and describes the "Empire" TV program (2003) as "false and dangerous" Wilson agrees with Ferguson's point that the British innovations brought to India, civil services, education, and railways, had beneficial side effects, but faults them for being done in a spirit of self-interest rather than altruism.About Ferguson's claim that Britain "made the modern world" by spreading democracy, free trade, capitalism, the rule of law, Protestantism and the English language, Wilson charged that Ferguson never explained precisely how this was done, arguing that the reason was the lack of interest in the history of the people ruled by the British on Ferguson's part, who therefore could not perceive that the interaction between the colonisers and the colonised in places like India, where the population embraced aspects of British culture and rule that were appealing to them while rejecting others that were unappealing. Wilson argues that this interaction between the rulers and the ruled is more complex, and contradicts Ferguson's one-sided picture of the British "transforming" India that portrays the British as active and the Indians as passive. Wilson charged that Ferguson failed to look at the empire via non-British eyes because to do so would be to challenge his claim that Britain "made the modern world" by imposing its values on "the Other", and that the history of the empire was far more complicated than the simplistic version that Ferguson is trying to present.Matthew Carr wrote in "Race & Class" that "Niall Ferguson, the conservative English [sic] historian and enthusiastic advocate of a new American empire, has also embraced the Eurabian idea in a widely reproduced article entitled 'Eurabia?', in which he laments the 'de-Christianization of Europe' and the secularism of the continent that leaves it 'weak in the face of fanaticism'." Carr adds that "Ferguson sees the recent establishment of a department of Islamic studies in his (Oxford college) as another symptom of 'the creeping Islamicization of a decadent Christendom'," and in a 2004 lecture at the American Enterprise Institute entitled 'The End of Europe?',Ferguson struck a similarly Spenglerian note, conjuring the term 'impire' to depict a process in which a 'political entity, instead of expanding outwards towards its periphery, exporting power, implodes—when the energies come from outside into that entity'. In Ferguson's opinion, this process was already under way in a decadent 'post-Christian' Europe that was drifting inexorably towards the dark denouement of a vanquished civilisation and the fatal embrace of Islam.In 2015, Ferguson deplored the Paris attacks committed by Islamic State terrorists, but stated he was not going to "stand" with the French as he argued that France was a lost cause, a declining state faced with an unstoppable Islamic wave that would sweep away everything that tried to oppose it. Ferguson compared the modern European Union to the Western Roman Empire, describing modern Europe as not that different from the world depicted by Edward Gibbon in his book "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire". Ferguson wrote that:Uncannily similar processes are destroying the European Union today...Let us be clear about what is happening. Like the Roman Empire in the early fifth century, Europe has allowed its defenses to crumble. As its wealth has grown, so its military prowess has shrunk, along with its self-belief. It has grown decadent in its shopping malls and sports stadiums. At the same time, it has opened its gates to outsiders who have coveted its wealth without renouncing their ancestral faith. Ferguson wrote the mass influx of refugees into Europe from Syria was a modern version of the "Völkerwanderung" when the Huns burst out of Asia and invaded Europe, causing millions of the Germanic peoples to flee into the presumed safety of the Roman Empire, smashing their way in as the Romans attempted unsuccessfully to stop the Germans from entering the empire. Ferguson writes that Gibbon was wrong to claim the Roman Empire collapsed slowly and argues that the view among a growing number of modern scholars is that the collapse of the Roman empire was swift and violent; unforeseeable by Romans of the day, just as the collapse of modern European civilization would likewise be for modern Europeans.In 2017, Ferguson opined that the West had insufficiently heeded the rise of militant Islam and its global consequences in the same way it failed to predict that the rise of Lenin would lead to the further spread of communism and conflict around the world:Ask yourself how effectively we in the West have responded to the rise of militant Islam since the Iranian Revolution unleashed its Shi’ite variant and since 9/11 revealed the even more aggressive character of Sunni Islamism. I fear we have done no better than our grandfathers did.Foreign intervention—the millions of dollars that have found their way from the Gulf to radical mosques and Islamic centres in the West.Incompetent liberals—the proponents of multiculturalism who brand any opponent of jihad an “Islamophobe”. Clueless bankers—the sort who fall over themselves to offer “sharia-compliant” loans and bonds. Fellow travellers—the leftists who line up with the Muslim Brotherhood to castigate Israel at every opportunity. And the faint-hearted—those who were so quick to pull out of Iraq in 2009 that they allowed the rump of al-Qaeda to morph into Isis.A century ago it was the West’s great blunder to think it would not matter if Lenin and his confederates took over the Russian Empire, despite their stated intention to plot world revolution and overthrow both democracy and capitalism. Incredible as it may seem, I believe we are capable of repeating that catastrophic error. I fear that, one day, we shall wake with a start to discover that the Islamists have repeated the Bolshevik achievement, which was to acquire the resources and capability to threaten our existence.During a 2018 debate, Ferguson asserted that he is not anti-immigration or opposed to Muslims, but felt that sections of Europe's political and intellectual classes had failed to predict the cultural and political consequences of large scale immigration. He furthermore stated that Islam differs from Judaism and Christianity through being "designed differently" as a political ideology that does not recognize the separation of mosque with the secular and temporal, and that the Muslim world has mostly followed an opposite trend to Western society by becoming less secularized and more literal in interpreting holy scripture. He concluded that if Europe kept pursuing large scale migration from pious Muslim societies combined with poor structures of economic and cultural integration, especially in an era when existing migrant communities are either unassimilated or loosely integrated into the host society, it is "highly likely" that networks of fundamentalist "dawah" will grow in which Islamic extremists draw in the culturally and economically unassimilated Muslims of immigrant backgrounds. Ferguson has also pointed out that even when living in Western nations, both he and his wife Ayaan Hirsi Ali have to live with permanent security measures as a result of her public critiques of Islam and status as a former Muslim.Ferguson supported the 2003 Iraq War, and he is on record as being not necessarily opposed to future western incursions around the world. It's all very well for us to sit here in the West with our high incomes and cushy lives, and say it's immoral to violate the sovereignty of another state. But if the effect of that is to bring people in that country economic and political freedom, to raise their standard of living, to increase their life expectancy, then don't rule it out.On the rise of Republican Party presidential candidate Donald Trump, Ferguson was quoted in early 2016: "If you bother to read some of the serious analysis of Trump's support, you realize that it's a very fragile thing and highly unlikely to deliver what he needs in the crucial first phase of the primaries ... By the time we get to March–April, it's all over. I think there's going to be a wonderful catharsis, I'm really looking forward to it: Trump's humiliation. Bring it on." Trump eventually won the nomination.Three weeks before the 2016 United States presidential election, after the Access Hollywood tape scandal, Ferguson stated in an interview that it "was over for Donald Trump"; that "Trump had flamed out in all three Presidential debates"; that, "I don't think there can be any last minute surprise to rescue him [Trump]"; that there was no hope of Donald Trump winning Independent voters and that Trump was "gone as a candidate", adding that "it seems to me clear that she [Hillary Clinton] is going to be the first female President of the United States. The only question is how bad does his [Trump's] flaming out affect candidates for the Senate, candidates for the House, further down on the ballot." However after Brexit, Ferguson stated that Trump could win via the Electoral College if certain demographics turned out to vote in key swing states. Trump was elected president and the Republican Party retained control of both the Senate and House of Representatives.In an article from November 2016 in "The Boston Globe", Ferguson advised that Trump should support the efforts of Prime Minister Theresa May to have Britain leave the European Union as the best way of breaking up the EU, and sign a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom once Brexit is complete. Ferguson advised that Trump should give recognition to Russia as a Great Power, and work with President Vladimir Putin by giving Russia a sphere of influence in Eurasia. In the same column, Ferguson advised Trump not to engage in a trade war with China, and work with President Xi Jinping to create a US-Chinese partnership. Ferguson argued that Trump and Putin should work for the victory of Marine Le Pen (who wants France to leave the EU) and the "Front national" in the 2017 French elections, arguing that Le Pen was the French politician most congenial to the Trump administration. Ferguson argued that a quintumvirate of Trump, Putin, Xi, May and Le Pen was the world's best hope for peace and prosperity.In its edition of 15 August 2005, "The New Republic" published "The New New Deal", an essay by Ferguson and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, a professor of economics at Boston University. The two scholars called for the following changes to the American government's fiscal and income security policies:In November 2012, Ferguson stated in a video with CNN that the U.S. has enough energy resources to move towards energy independence and could possibly enter a new economic golden age due to the related socio-economic growth—coming out of the post-world economic recession doldrums.Ferguson was an attendee of the 2012 Bilderberg Group meeting, where he was a speaker on economic policy.Ferguson was highly critical of Britain's vote to leave the European Union, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire". Later, after backing the Remain campaign during the referendum, Ferguson changed his mind and came out in support of Britain's exit from the EU.In May 2009, Ferguson became involved in a high-profile exchange of views with economist Paul Krugman arising out of a panel discussion hosted by PEN/"New York Review" on 30 April 2009, regarding the U.S. economy. Ferguson contended that the Obama administration's policies are simultaneously Keynesian and monetarist, in an "incoherent" mix, and specifically claimed that the government's issuance of a multitude of new bonds would cause an increase in interest rates.Krugman argued that Ferguson's view is "resurrecting 75-year old fallacies" and full of "basic errors". He also stated that Ferguson is a "poseur" who "hasn't bothered to understand the basics, relying on snide comments and surface cleverness to convey the impression of wisdom. It's all style, no comprehension of substance."In 2012, Jonathan Portes, the director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, said that subsequent events had shown Ferguson to be wrong: "As we all know, since then both the US and UK have had deficits running at historically extremely high levels, and long-term interest rates at historic lows: as Krugman has repeatedly pointed out, the (IS-LM) textbook has been spot on."Later in 2012, after Ferguson wrote a cover story for "Newsweek" arguing that Mitt Romney should be elected in the upcoming US presidential election, Krugman wrote that there were multiple errors and misrepresentations in the story, concluding "We're not talking about ideology or even economic analysis here—just a plain misrepresentation of the facts, with an august publication letting itself be used to misinform readers. The "Times" would require an abject correction if something like that slipped through. Will "Newsweek"?" Ferguson denied that he had misrepresented the facts in an online rebuttal. Matthew O'Brien countered that Ferguson was still distorting the meaning of the Congressional Budget Office report being discussed, and that the entire piece could be read as an effort to deceive.In 2013, Ferguson, naming Dean Baker, Josh Barro, Brad DeLong, Matthew O'Brien, Noah Smith, Matthew Yglesias and Justin Wolfers, attacked "Krugman and his acolytes," in his three-part essay on why he dislikes Paul Krugman. The essay title ('Krugtron the Invincible') originally comes from a post by Noah Smith.At a May 2013 investment conference in Carlsbad, California, Ferguson was asked about his views on economist John Maynard Keynes' quotation that "in the long run we are all dead." Ferguson stated that Keynes was indifferent to the future because he was gay and did not have children. The remarks were widely criticised for being offensive, factually inaccurate, and a distortion of Keynes' ideas.Ferguson posted an apology for these statements shortly after reports of his words were widely disseminated, saying his comments were "as stupid as they were insensitive". In the apology, Ferguson stated: "My disagreements with Keynes's economic philosophy have never had anything to do with his sexual orientation. It is simply false to suggest, as I did, that his approach to economic policy was inspired by any aspect of his personal life."In spring 2018, Professor Ferguson was involved with college Republican leaders at Stanford to oppose a left-leaning student take over of the Cardinal Conversations initiative. In leaked emails, he was quoted as asking for opposition research on the student involved. He later apologized and resigned from the said initiative when emails were leaked revealing his involvement in the events. "I very much regret the publication of these emails. I also regret having written them," Ferguson wrote in a statement to "The Daily".Ferguson was an early skeptic of cryptocurrencies, famously dismissing his teenage son's recommendation to buy Bitcoin in 2014. By 2017, he had changed his mind on Bitcoin's utility, saying it had established itself as a form of "digital gold: a store of value for wealthy investors, especially those located in countries with weak rule of law and high political risk." In February 2019, Ferguson became an advisor for digital asset protocol firm Ampleforth Protocol, saying he was attracted by the firm's plan to "reinvent money in a way that protects individual freedom and to create a payments system that treats everyone equally." In March 2019, Ferguson spoke at an Australian Financial Review Business Summit, where he admitted to being "wrong to think there was no … use for a form of currency based on blockchain technology… I don't think this will turn out to be a complete delusion."Ferguson has stated that he identified as a Scottish nationalist as a teenager, but moderated his views after moving to England to study history. He has argued that Scottish nationalism is sometimes fueled by a distorted view that Scots have always been oppressed by the English and is misconceived by people from outside of the United Kingdom as choice between being Scottish or English. Ferguson states that in contrast to the subjugations of Wales and Ireland, Scotland was united as an "equal" country to England during the Act of Union, and cites events such as King James VI of Scotland inheriting the English crown, the failed Darien scheme to colonize Panama which prompted Scottish political elites to support the Union and that Scots were an integral part of the East India Company to question the narrative that Scotland was oppressed. Ferguson has also argued (citing Walter Scott's "Waverley") that Scotland after the Jacobite rebellion remained a land divided by warring clans and religious factions, and that the Union helped to quell some of the conflicts.During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, Ferguson supported Scotland remaining within the United Kingdom, citing potential economic consequences of Scottish independence, but argued that the "No" campaign needed to focus on Scotland's history of cosmopolitanism as well as economic points to save the Union. In 2021, ahead of the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, Ferguson argued that the Labour administration under Tony Blair had made a mistake in believing devolution would stem Scottish nationalism, but instead it enabled the Scottish National Party to assume regional power and criticised the SNP government of Nicola Sturgeon for its management of the Scottish economy, education and freedom of speech. Ferguson furthermore claimed that the best way for the British government to thwart independence and the SNP's separationist demands was not by "unthinkingly accepting the SNP’s argument that it has a moral right to a referendum on secession every time it wins a parliamentary election" and allowing a slim "Yes" vote to decide the outcome, but instead by following the example of Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien and minister Stephane Dion's who handled the Parti Quebecois's calls for Quebec secessionism by taking the matter to the Canadian Supreme Court and introducing the Clarity Act rather than letting it solely be up to "a slim majority of the voters of Quebec if Canada broke up."In 2011, Ferguson predicted that "Grexit" (the notion of Greece leaving the Euro currency) was unlikely to happen, but that Britain would leave the European Union in the near future as it would be easier for Britain to leave the EU owing to the fact it was not part of the Eurozone and that returning to a national currency would be harder for countries who had signed up to a single currency. In 2012, he described the Eurozone as a "disaster waiting to happen."During the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, Ferguson was initially critical of the idea of Britain leaving the EU despite his criticisms of the latter, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire" and endorsed a Remain vote. However, after backing the Remain campaign, Ferguson changed his stance and came out in support of Brexit, admitting that his support to stay in had been motivated in part on a personal level by not wanting the government of David Cameron (with whom he had a friendship) to collapse and in turn risk Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister. Ferguson elaborated that while Brexit would still have some economic consequences, the EU had been a "disaster" on its monetary, immigration, national security and radical Islam policies. He also added that the "I think one has to recognise that the European elite's performances over the last decade entirely justified the revolt of provincial England."In 2020, Ferguson predicted that the EU is destined to become "moribund" and was at risk of collapse in the near future and that the single currency had only benefited Northern Europe and Germany in particular while causing economic havoc in Southern Europe. However, he also argued the "real disintegration of Europe" will happen over the EU's migration policies that have both exacerbated and failed to provide solutions to illegal immigration to the European continent from North Africa and the Middle East. Ferguson stated that high levels of illegal immigration from majority Muslim nations would in turn further the rise of populist and eurosceptic movements committed to rolling back or leaving the European Union. Ferguson also predicted that in a decade's time, Britain would question why there had been fuss, outcry or debates over the manner of how to leave the EU over Brexit because "we'll have left something that was essentially disintegrating" and that "it would be a little bit like getting a divorce and then your ex drops dead, and you spent all that money on the divorce courts, if only you'd known how sick the ex was. The European Union is sick, and people don't really want to admit that, least of all in Brussels."Ferguson married journalist Sue Douglas in 1994 after meeting in 1987 when she was his editor at "The Sunday Times". They have three children: Felix, Freya, and Lachlan.In February 2010, Ferguson separated from Douglas and started dating former Dutch MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Ferguson and Douglas divorced in 2011. Ferguson married Hirsi Ali on 10 September 2011 and Hirsi Ali gave birth to their son Thomas in December 2011. In an interview in April 2011, Ferguson complained about the media coverage of his relationship with Ali, stating: "No, I never read their shitty coverage of people's private lives. I don't care about the sex lives of celebrities, so I was a little unprepared for having my private life all over the country. So yeah, I was naive, yeah. Because you have to stoop to conquer," – but will never write for "The Daily Mail" again. "That's because I'm a vendetta person. Yes, absolutely. Implacable."Ferguson dedicated his book "Civilization" to "Ayaan". In an interview with "The Guardian", Ferguson spoke about his love for Ali, whom, he writes in the preface, "understands better than anyone I know what Western civilisation really means – and what it still has to offer the world".Ferguson's self-confessed workaholism has placed strains on his personal relations in the past. Ferguson has commented that:...from 2002, the combination of making TV programmes and teaching at Harvard took me away from my children too much. You don't get those years back. You have to ask yourself: "Was it a smart decision to do those things?" I think the success I have enjoyed since then has been bought at a significant price. In hindsight, there would have been a bunch of things that I would have said no to. In an interview, Ferguson described his relationship with the left: "No, they love being provoked by me! Honestly, it makes them feel so much better about their lives to think that I'm a reactionary; it's a substitute for thought. 'Imperialist scumbag' and all that. Oh dear, we're back in a 1980s student union debate."Ferguson was the inspiration for Alan Bennett's play "The History Boys" (2004), particularly the character of Irwin, a history teacher who urges his pupils to find a counterintuitive angle, and goes on to become a television historian. Bennett's character "Irwin", writes David Smith of "The Observer", gives the impression that "an entire career can be built on the trick of contrariness."In 2018, Ferguson became naturalised as a US citizen.
|
[
"London School of Economics and Political Science",
"University of Cambridge",
"University of Oxford",
"Harvard University",
"New York University"
] |
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