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In 1965, Friedman and Mieselman responded to the criticism leveled at their 1963 paper, particularly by Ando and Modigliani. They claimed that although one could indeed object to their autonomous-expenditure variable, any of the alternatives that had been put forward by others were equally objectionable. Additionally, Friedman and Meiselman defended their use of their consumption function and explained why it is, in their view, the right method to use. And they pointed out that, unlike them, Ando and Modigliani used nominal data rather than real data and, therefore, the empirical results put forward by A & M could not be correctly comparable to their own. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
Friedman and Mieselman agreed in theory with A & M that the term M* is a valid means to determine the exogenous versus the endogenous nature of the policy variable but still disagreed with the actual A & M methodology to determine M*. As to the consumption variance, they maintained that "of the total variance of consumption for the 25 years, 88 per cent is accounted for by the differences between the means for the two subperiods. "Finally, they claimed complete lack of bias in their research and the empirical processes and claimed that even if they had built a model that seemed to favor monetary policy over fiscal policy, that was because the theory comes out that way. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
They concluded as follows: None of the calculations made by our critics for supposedly the same purpose is correct because they omit some components of income for the income-expenditure calculations, set the two theories different tasks, or use lengthy periods combining two different sub-periods. We have made some of the correct calculations for one of the alternative concepts of autonomous expenditures (Ando and Modigliani’s). | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
Though less clear-cut, the results are in the same direction as those from our original calculations. Hence, we are left with no reason to change our earlier conclusion that “so far as these data go the widespread belief that the investment multiplier is stabler than the monetary velocity is an invalid generalization from the experience of three or four years. It holds for neither later nor earlier years”. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
In 1968, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis economists Leonall C. Andersen and Jerry L. Jordan published a study that fully supported the Friedman and Meiselman single-equation approach but expanded it in response to the criticisms of the 1963 paper. They offered their own economic output model, in which all variables are in first-differential form as denoted by ∆, as follows: Δ Y t = α + ∑ i = 0 4 m i Δ M t − 1 + ∑ i = 0 4 e i Δ E t − 1 + ∑ i = 0 4 z i Δ Z t − 1 {\displaystyle \Delta Y_{t}=\alpha +\sum _{i=0}^{4}m_{i}\Delta M_{t-1}+\sum _{i=0}^{4}e_{i}\Delta E_{t-1}+\sum _{i=0}^{4}z_{i}\Delta Z_{t-1}} (2) where α is a constant; Y is nominal domestic spending; M represents monetary policy defined by the monetary base; E represents variously high-employment expenditures, high-employment receipts, or high-employment surplus; and Z represents a catch-all variable defined as “a variable summarizing all other forces that influence total spending.” Those forces include weather, international trade, preferences, technology, resources, infrastructure, war, etc. In their math, they used an Almon lag technique with 4th-degree polynomials and a 4-period time lag. They concluded that, just as Friedman and Meiselman had found, monetary policy seemed to affect whatever measure was used for spending; but fiscal policy did not. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
In 1969, Frank DeLeeuw and J. Kalchbrenner, also St. Louis Fed economists, published an article that criticized "severely" the Andersen/Jordan study and modeling. They argued that exogenous fiscal policy cannot be properly measured by using any of the fiscal policy definitions presented by their colleagues, nor can any single-equation approach bring into relief the particular influences of such a policy variable. There exist no ways, they claimed, to separate the endogenous- from the exogenous-policy effects because those effects are effectively lost in the complex workings of an entire economy. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
They pointed out, in particular, that the tax and monetary-base variables are impossibly entangled with the endogeneity-exogeneity problem and claimed that the Andersen/Jordan method leaves out the influences introduced by inflation. The main argument by De Leeuw and Kalchbrenne was that causality cannot be demonstrated by the single-equation approach, and the direction of causation is impossible to establish, i.e. GNP could be driving is fiscal spending rather than the other way around. After making a "clear improvement" on the Andersen/Jordan model (using high employment receipts adjusted for inflation as the fiscal variable and two different versions of the monetary base), and re-running the "St. Louis equation" on the basis of data from 1952 to 1968, they proclaimed that, according to their findings, fiscal expenditures were statistically significant, positively correlated to changes in GNP in the long run - as was also true for changes in monetary policy. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
In 1971, William L. Silber posited that the researchers were altering their equations to fit into whatever their ideological worldviews were theorizing, which was the reason he gave his paper a "highly political" title. He questioned the validity of the overall methodology behind the "St. Louis equation" approach, after running it in various time periods that were deemed to have the same underlying structural form, and finding that some periods appeared to show fiscal policy as quite significant while others did not. In 1971, Edward Gramlich reviewed the “radio debate" up to that point and compared the multiplier and elasticity estimates for monetary and fiscal policies among the several different models and the non-single equation models. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
As he stated, all the models, except the Ando/Modigliani ones, showed monetary policy to have a multiplier above 1, and in every case to be larger than the fiscal multiplier. His study, which included a model "improving" the St Louis equation, supported the view that monetary policy is strongly correlated with spending but also found that fiscal policy is correlated as well. In 1972, Stephen M. Goldfeld, Alan S. Blinder, John Kareken and William Poole, in their study, criticized the Andersen/Jordan approach as econometrically unsound. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
They argued that, without a reaction function, one cannot determine the nature of the “exogenous” from the "endogenous”, and that, if the rules or automatic stabilizers are done to counter-cyclical perfection, then the correlations do not show up with the statistical significance we would expect. Their paper concludes that the single-equation approach used to empirically determine the comparative efficiency of monetary and fiscal policies is "without merit. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
"In 1973, William Poole and Elinda B. F. Kornblith found that all the models tended to "underpredict," and attempted to provide hypotheses for that result. Their conclusion was that the “decision must still be rated a draw.” In 1975, J. W. Elliot conducted an empirical analysis and pointed out the difficulty of comparing the regression coefficients as “multipliers” since their corresponding variables are money, which is a stock, and fiscal spending, which is a flow. He concluded that, irrespective of technique, his results supported the Andersen/Jordan results. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
In 1974, at a conference held at Brown University, Ando and Modigliani presented a paper where they recreated an analysis of a simulated economy using the Andersen/Jordan method, which, they concluded, was biased in favor of monetary policy. Their work was published in 1976. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
In 1977, Benjamin Friedman found that, using the Andersen/Jordan model but extending the data set out to the 2nd quarter of 1976, fiscal policy was now statistically significant in the determination of expenditures -although serious heteroscedasticity problems had appeared. He also found that, if he used data starting at the 1st quarter of 1960, the results were even more favorable to discretionary fiscal policy, reiterating the existence in the Andersen/Jordan model of an inherent coefficient bias. Ultimately, he concluded that the St Louis equation methodology was "not salvageable. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
"In response, Keith Carlson, in 1978, made an empirical modification to the original Andersen/Jordan model, whereby instead of using a first-difference approach, he posited that a rate-of-change approach eliminated the heteroscedasticity problems discovered by B. Friedman. Carlson’s model is as follows: Y ˙ t = α + ∑ i = 0 4 m i M ˙ t − 1 + ∑ i = 0 4 e i E ˙ t − 1 {\displaystyle {\dot {Y}}_{t}=\alpha +\sum _{i=0}^{4}m_{i}{\dot {M}}_{t-1}+\sum _{i=0}^{4}e_{i}\ {\dot {E}}_{t-1}} (3) where the variables are the same as in the Andersen/Jordan model but the dots over the terms denote growth rates for the respective variables. Carlson determined that his model once again supported the original conclusion of significant monetary-policy effects and insignificant fiscal-policy effects. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
Numerous papers have appeared in the literature, dating from the 1963 original work until the 2010s. In 2011, Stefan Belliveau attempted to sum up the debate down to three “interpretations”: Real business-cycle theory says that neither fiscal nor monetary policy is very effective, essentially rejecting state activism; Keynesian theory suggests that government expenditures can influence economic output while monetary policy is not as effective; and monetarist theory says that monetary policy is effective while fiscal policy is not. To settle the matter, Belliveau attempted to salvage the Andersen/Jordan equation by including Gross Value Added by Sector as his output-dependent variable, considering it necessary to look at these data if policymakers are attempting to stabilize economic fluctuations. Using annual data from 1956 to 2007, Belliveau found empirical support, as claimed, that both monetary and fiscal policy seem to help stabilize an economy, and considers the use of both policies in the United States as being "reasonable" during and after the Great Recession.Milton Friedman, in a 2000s interview, maintained that "the debate was over" and that "everyone agrees fundamentally" with the notion of monetary-policy supremacy. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
He stated that he still had "far more extreme views about the unimportance of fiscal policy for the aggregate economy than the profession does." In 2000, a survey of 298 members of the American Economic Association found that while 84 percent generally agreed with the statement "Fiscal policy has a significant stimulative impact on a less than fully employed economy", 71 percent also generally agreed with the statement "Management of the business cycle should be left to the Federal Reserve; activist fiscal policy should be avoided." | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
In 2011, a follow-up survey of 568 AEA members found that the previous consensus about the latter proposition had dissolved and was by then roughly evenly disputed. Some heterodox economists (most notably Post-Keynesians) reject in their entirety old and new arguments in favor of monetary policy. As observed by Peter Bias in a 2014 retrospective of the debate, it all "points to the importance of clearly defining precise, objective functions or theories, and using the appropriate variables and methodologies to empirically test those theories." | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monetary/fiscal_debate |
Lion Corporation (ライオン株式会社, Raion Kabushiki Gaisha) is a Japanese multinational manufacturer of detergent, soap, medications, and oral hygiene products and other toiletries. The company also has a chemical engineering research division which works on developing new products. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lion_Corporation |
Human ethology is the study of human behavior. Ethology as a discipline is generally thought of as a sub-category of biology, though psychological theories have been developed based on ethological ideas (e.g. sociobiology, evolutionary psychology, attachment theory, and theories about human universals such as gender differences, incest avoidance, mourning, hierarchy and pursuit of possession). The bridging between biological sciences and social sciences creates an understanding of human ethology. The International Society for Human Ethology is dedicated to advancing the study and understanding of human ethology. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Ethology has its roots in the study of evolution, especially after evolution's increasing popularity after Darwin's detailed observations. It became a distinct discipline in the 1930s with zoologists Konrad Lorenz, Niko Tinbergen and Karl Von Frisch. These three scientists are known as the major contributors to human ethology. They are also regarded as the fathers or founders of ethology. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Konrad Lorenz and Niko Tinbergen rejected theories that relied on stimuli and learning alone, and elaborated on concepts that had not been well understood, such as instinct. They promoted the theory that evolution had placed within creatures innate abilities and responses to certain stimuli that advanced the thriving of the species. Konrad Lorenz also indicated in his earlier works that animal behavior can be a major reference for human behavior. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
He believed that the research and findings of animal behaviors can lead to findings of human behaviors as well. In 1943, Lorenz devoted much of his book, "Die angeborenen Formen moglicher Erfahrung" to human behavior. He designated that one of the most important factors of ethology was testing the hypothesis derived from animal behavioral studies on human behavioral studies. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Due to Lorenz promoting the similarities between studying animal and human behavior, human ethology derived from the study of anima behavior. The other founders of ethology, Niko Tinbergen and Karl von Frisch, received a Nobel Prize in 1973, for their overarching career discoveries concerning organization and elicitation of individual and social behavior patterns. Many developmental psychologists were eager to incorporate ethological principles into their theories as a way of explaining observable phenomenon in babies that could not necessarily be explained by learning or other concepts. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth used ethology prominently to explain aspects of infant-caretaker attachment theory. Some important attachment concepts related to evolution: The Attachment has evolved because it promotes the survival of helpless infants. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Primates and other animals reflexively attach themselves physically to their parent, and have some calls that elicit parental attention. Human babies have adaptively developed signaling mechanisms such as crying, babbling, and smiling. These are seen as innate and not learned behaviors, because even children born blind and deaf begin to smile socially at 6 weeks, and cry and babble. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
These behaviors facilitate contact with the caregiver and increase the likelihood of infant survival. Early signaling behaviors and the baby's tendency to look at faces rather than objects lead to attachment between the caretaker and baby that solidifies around 6–9 months of age. Bowlby theorized that this attachment was evolutionarily fundamental to human survival and is the basis for all relationships, even into adulthood. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Adults are also adaptively bent toward attachment with infants. Typical "baby-ish" features, such as a large head and eyes in proportion to the body, and round cheeks, are features that elicit affection in adults. Many parents also form a "bond" with their newborn baby within hours of its birth, leading to a deep sense of emotional attachment with one's own offspring and increased behaviors that promote infant survival. Many of Bowlby's early methods relied heavily on ethological observations of children in their natural environments.In later years, ethology played a large role in sociobiological theory and ultimately, in evolutionary psychology, which is a relatively new field of study. Evolutionary psychology combines ethology, primatology, anthropology, and other fields to study modern human behavior to adaptive ancestral human behaviors. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Humans are social animals. Just as wolves and lions create packs or hunting groups for self-preservation, humans create complex social structures, including families and nations. Humans are "biological organisms that have evolved within a particular environmental niche". | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Intelligence, language, social attachment, aggression, and altruism are part of human nature because they "serve or once served a purpose in the struggle of the species to survive". Children's developmental level is defined in terms of biologically based behaviors. Human's needs evolve based on their current environment. Humans must adapt in order to survive. Cognitive thinking and communication arose as a result of a need for cooperation amongst individuals for survival. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Lorenz believed that humans have an automatic, elicited nature of behavior, such as stimuli that elicit fixed action patterns. His theory developed from the reflex model and the hydraulic or "flush toilet" model, which conceptualized behavior patterns of motivation. Certain fixed action patterns developed out of motivation for survival. Instinct is an example of fixed action patterns. Any behavior is instinctive if it is performed in the absence of learning. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Reflexes can be instincts. For example, a newborn baby instinctively knows to search for and suckle its mother's breast for nourishment. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Bowlby (and many other modern ethological theorists) believed that humans spontaneously act to meet the demands of their environment. They are active participants who seek out a parent, food, or a mate (i.e. an infant will seek to remain within sight of a caretaker). Vygotsky believed that the way humans think is based on the culture they are raised in and the language they are surrounded by. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
He emphasized that children grow up in the symbols of their culture, especially linguistic symbols. These linguistic symbols categorize and organize the world around them. This organization of the world is internalized, which influence the way they think. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Human behavior tends to change based on the environment and the surrounding challenges that individuals begin to face. Two evolutionary advances in human behavior began as a way to allow humans to communicate and collaborate. Infrastructure theorist, Mead and Wittgenstein, theorized the creation of a collaboration in human foraging. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
This collaboration created social goals amongst people and also created a common ground. To coordinate their common goals, humans evolved a new type of cooperative communication. This communication was based on gestures that allowed humans to cooperate amongst themselves in order to achieve their desired goals. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
This change in behavior is seen due to the evolving of their environment. The environment demands survival and humans adapted their behavior in order to survive. In other words, this is known as the shared intentionality hypothesis. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
According to this hypothesis, human thinking evolved from a self-focused, individual intentionality as an adaptation for "dealing with problems of social coordination, specifically, problems presented by individuals' attempts to collaborate and communicate with others." This evolution happened in two steps, one leading from individual to "joint intentionality" and the other from joint intentionality to "collective intentionality". Mechanistic theories view behavior as passive. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
This theory argues that human behavior is in passivity through physiological drives and emotional stimuli. Unlike mechanistic theories, organismic theories view behavior as active. An organismic theory argues that an organism is active in its behavior, meaning that it decides how it behaves and initiates its own behaviors. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Humans have intrinsic needs that they desire to be met. These needs provide energy for humans to act upon their needs in order to meet them, rather than being reactive to them. The active theory on human behavior treats stimuli not as a cause of behavior, but as opportunities humans can utilize to meet their demands. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
As applied to human behavior, in the majority of cases, topical behavior results from motivational states and the intensity of a specific external stimulus. Organisms with a high inner motivational state for such a stimulus is called appetitive behavior. Other important concepts of zooethology - e.g., territoriality, hierarchy, sensitive periods in ontogenesis - are also useful when discussing human behavior. Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeldt's book Human Ethology is most important for how these concepts are applied to human behavior. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Human ethology has contributed in two particular ways to our understanding of the ontogeny of behavior in humans. This has resulted, first, from the application of techniques for the precise observation, description and classification of naturally occurring behavior and, secondly, from the ethological approach to the study of behavior, especially the development of behavior in terms of evolution. Of particular interest are questions relating to the function of a particular kind of behavior (e.g., attachment behavior) and its adaptive value. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
The description of the behavioral repertoire of a species, the recognition of patterns of behavioral development and the classification of established behavioral patterns are prerequisites for any comparison between different species or between organisms of a single species. The ethological approach is the study of the interaction between the organism with certain innate species-specific structures and the environment for which the organism is genetically programmed. Invariant behavior patterns have a morphological basis, mainly in neuronal structures common to all members of a species and, depending on the kind of behavior, may also be common to a genus or family or a whole order, e.g., primates, or even to a whole class, e.g., mammals. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
In such structures we can retrace and follow the evolutionary process by which the environment produced structures, especially nervous systems and brains, which generate adaptive behavior. In organisms with a high level of organization, the processes in which the ethologist is especially interested are those genetically preprogrammed motor and perceptual processes that facilitate social interaction and communication, such as facial expression and vocalization. If we consider the most highly developed means of communication, language and speech, which is found in humans alone, the question arises as to the biological foundation of this species-specific behavior and perceptual skill. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
The ethologist examines this question primarily from the point of view of ontogenetic development. The main strength of human ethology has been its application of established interpretive patterns to new problems. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Based on theories, concepts and methods that have proved successful in animal ethology, it looks at human behavior from a new viewpoint. The essence of this is the evolutionary perspective. But since ethologists have been relatively unaffected by the long history of the humanities, they often refer to facts and interpretations neglected by other social sciences. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
If we look back at the history of the relationship between the life sciences and the social sciences, we find two prevailing modes of theoretical orientation: on the one hand, reductionism, i.e., attempts to reduce human action to non-cognitive behavior; and on the other, attempts to separate human action and human society from the animal world completely. The advent of the theory of evolution in the 19th century brought no easy solution to the problem of nature and nurture, since it could still be "solved" in either a continuous or discontinuous manner. Human ethology as much as any other discipline significantly contributes to the obsolescence of such simple dichotomies. Human Ethology has an increasing influence on the dialogue between Human Sciences and Humanities as shown for example in the book Being Human - Bridging the Gap between the Sciences of Body and Mind. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Ethologists study behavior using two general methods: naturalistic observation and laboratory experimentation. Ethologist's insistence on observing organisms in their natural environment differentiates ethology from related disciplines such as evolutionary psychology and sociobiology, and their naturalistic observation "ranks as one of their main contributions to psychology", Naturalistic Observation Ethologists believe that in order to study species-specific behaviors, a species must be observed in its natural environment. One can only understand the function of a behavior by seeing how it specifically fits into the species natural environment to fulfill a specific need. Ethologists follow a specific set of steps when studying an organism: These steps fall in line with Tinbergen's "On Aims of Methods of Ethology" in which he states that every study of behavior must answer four questions to be considered legitimate: function (adaptation) evolution (phylogeny) causation (mechanism) development (ontogeny) | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Diversity is an important concept in ethology and evolutionary theory, both genetically and culturally. Genetic diversity serves as a way for populations to adapt to changing environments. With more variation, it is more likely that some individuals in a population will possess variations of alleles that are suited for the environment. Those individuals are more likely to survive to produce offspring bearing that allele. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
The population will continue for more generations because of the success of these individuals. Population genetics includes several hypotheses and theories regarding genetic diversity. The neutral theory of evolution proposes that diversity is the result of the accumulation of neutral substitutions. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Diversifying selection is the hypothesis that two subpopulations of a species live in different environments that select for different alleles at a particular locus. This may occur, for instance, if a species has a large range relative to the mobility of individuals within it. Cultural diversity is also important. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
From a cultural transmission standpoint, humans are the only animals to pass down cumulative cultural knowledge to their offspring. While chimpanzees can learn to use tools by watching other chimps around them, but humans are able to pool their cognitive resources to create increasingly more complex solutions to problems and more complex ways of interacting with their environments. The diversity of cultures points to the idea that humans are shaped by their environments, and also interact with environments to shape them as well. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Cultural diversity arises from different human adaptations to different environmental factors, which in turn shapes the environment, which in turn again shapes human behavior. This cycle results in diverse cultural representations that ultimately add to the survival of the human species. This approach is important as a way to build a bridge between biological and social sciences, which creates a better understanding of human ethology.One example of human diversity is sexual orientation. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Ethologists have long noted that there are over 250 species of animals which display homosexual behaviors. Although no offspring are directly created from homosexual behaviors, a closer look reveals how the genes for homosexuality can persist. Homosexuality could decrease competition for heterosexual mates. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Homosexual family members could increase the resources available to the children of their siblings without producing offspring to compete for those resources (the gay uncle theory), thus creating better chances for their siblings' offspring to survive. These related offspring share the homosexual individual's genes - although to a lesser extent than direct offspring would - including genes for homosexuality. This causes a small but stable chance for future generations to be gay as well, even if the gay family member produces no direct descendants. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_ethology |
Virbac is a French company dedicated to animal health located in Carros, near Nice. It was founded in 1968 by veterinarian Pierre-Richard Dick. The company is the 6th the largest veterinarian pharmaceutical group with a turnover of 948 million euros in 2020 (59% companion animal and 41% food producing animal). The company is a limited company with a board Euronext Paris stock exchange - compartiment A and is part of the reference index: SBF 120, and eligible SRD, PEA and PEA-PME. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Virbac |
Veterinarians Pierre-Richard Dick and Max Rombi founded Virbac (acronym of virology and bacteriology) in 1968 as a veterinary office in the Cap 3000 mall in Nice. The office was sold two years later, after which Dick and Rombi focussed on animal drugs for pets, distinguishing Virbac from large veterinary pharmaceutical companies that specialised in livestock.At the end of the 1970s, Rombi began the subsidiary Arkovet, from where he developed Arkopharma, specialising in phyto- and nutrition therapy. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Virbac |
Virbac went international in 1970 with the establishment of offices in Egypt and Spain. Subsidiaries followed in Germany (1982), Italy (1986), Brazil (1987), Australia (1987), Japan (1992), Belgium (1994), Mexico (1998), the United States of America (1999), and Poland (2011).Pierre-Richard Dick dies at sea at the age of 55. After his death in 1992, his family decided to keep the company.In January 2015, Virbac finalized the acquisition of two antiparasitic products for 410 million euros from Eli Lilly, which had acquired the veterinary activities of Novartis. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Virbac |
The company has 4,900 employees and is present in over 100 countries with 33 sales subsidiaries. Its production is located in 10 countries among which France, the US, Mexico, Brazil, Vietnam. It also has eight research and development centers located in the United States, Mexico, Chile, Uruguay, France, Vietnam, Taiwan and Australia. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Virbac |
It generates nearly 88% of its revenues outside France. Its product range is designed to cover the main pathologies in companion animals and livestock: internal and external parasiticides (collars and pipettes), antibiotics, vaccines, diagnostic tests, dog and cat nutrition, dermatology, dental hygiene, reproductive, aquaculture, anesthesia, geriatrics and electronic identification (pets, horses, exotic pets…). == References == | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Virbac |
How to Kill a Dragon: Aspects of Indo-European Poetics is a 1995 book about comparative Indo-European poetics by the linguist and classicist Calvert Watkins. It was first published on November 16, 1995, through Oxford University Press and is both an introduction to comparative poetics and an investigation of the myths about dragon-slayers found in different times and in different Indo-European languages. Watkins received a 1998 Goodwin Award of Merit from the American Philological Association (now the Society for Classical Studies) for his work on the book. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/How_to_Kill_a_Dragon |
The book consists of seven parts and 59 chapters. Watkins uses the comparative method to find cognate formulas and mythological features that could be traced back to a common past in ancient texts written in Indo-European languages. He claims that it is not possible to understand fully the traditional elements in an early Indo-European poetic text without the background of what he calls a "genetic intertextuality" of particular formulas and themes in all languages of the family. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/How_to_Kill_a_Dragon |
Critical reception for the text since its release has been positive. The Classical Journal and the Journal of American Folklore both gave How to Kill a Dragon positive reviews, and The Journal of American Folklore remarked that it was a "landmark book". Journal of the American Oriental Society also praised the book, which they viewed as "a fundamentum which must henceforth serve as the starting point and inspiration for a discipline whose future is now secure." == References == | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/How_to_Kill_a_Dragon |
Alfred Robens, Baron Robens of Woldingham, PC (18 December 1910 – 27 June 1999) was an English trade unionist, Labour politician and industrialist. His political ambitions, including an aspiration to become Prime Minister, were frustrated by bad timing, but his energies were diverted into industry: he spent 10 years as Chairman of the National Coal Board, and later – despite the Aberfan disaster – headed a major inquiry which resulted in the Robens Report on occupational health and safety. His outlook was paternalistic; in later life, he moved away from his early socialism towards the Conservative Party. His reputation remains tarnished by his failure to have foreseen and prevented the Aberfan disaster, followed by actions widely regarded as grossly insensitive during the aftermath of the disaster. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
Robens was born in Chorlton-on-Medlock, Manchester, the son of George Robens, a cotton salesman, and Edith Robens (née Anderton). He left school aged 15 to work as an errand boy, but his career truly began when he joined the Manchester and Salford Co-operative Society as a clerk; he became a director when he was 22, one of the first worker-directors in the country. He was an official in the Union of Distributive and Allied Workers from 1935 to 1945; certified medically unfit for military service in the Second World War, he was a Manchester City Councillor from 1941 to 1945. He married Eva Powell on 9 September 1936; the couple adopted a son, Alfred (born 1935). | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
Following the war, in the dramatic Labour landslide victory of 1945, Robens was elected Member of Parliament (MP) for the mining constituency of Wansbeck in Northumberland. He started to rise through the parliamentary ranks, serving in junior posts at the Ministry of Transport (1945–1947) and at the Ministry of Fuel and Power under Hugh Gaitskell. In 1950, following boundary changes, Robens moved to the new constituency of Blyth, later Blyth Valley. He briefly replaced Aneurin Bevan as Minister of Labour and National Service following the former's resignation in protest of National Health Service prescription charges in 1951, but the Conservative Party won the general election later that year.In opposition, Robens continued to rise in the party, being appointed Shadow Foreign Secretary by Clement Attlee while Bevan was indisposed, and he began to be considered as a future candidate for party leader. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
Robens himself "yearned to become Prime Minister". However, he failed to impress during the Suez Crisis of 1956 because he had been briefed in confidence by the Conservative Prime Minister, Anthony Eden, on the night before the invasion; sworn to secrecy, he was unable to oppose the invasion effectively in the debate in the House of Commons. Furthermore, Gaitskell felt him too left-wing. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
He was replaced as Shadow Foreign Secretary by Bevan, and felt that his political ambitions had been frustrated. Thus, when Harold Macmillan (Eden's successor as Prime Minister) offered Robens the chairmanship of the National Coal Board (NCB) in 1960, he accepted enthusiastically. Gaitskell died in January 1963. Geoffrey Tweedale, writing in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, has expressed the view that, had Robens persisted in politics, he, rather than Harold Wilson, would have become Prime Minister. Indeed, George Brown (the runner-up to Wilson in the election to succeed Gaitskell) stated in his autobiography that had Robens been in Parliament he himself would not have opposed him, and even if he had, Robens would have defeated him. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
Robens took up his appointment at the NCB in 1961 at a salary believed to be £10,000 a year (which was never increased throughout his ten years in office) and was created a life peer as Baron Robens of Woldingham, of Woldingham in the County of Surrey, on 28 June. Amongst those critical of this sudden elevation were his successor as MP for Blyth, Eddie Milne. Robens's leadership of the NCB was high-handed. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
He expected unflinching loyalty from colleagues and subordinates alike, and was confrontational with politicians. He enjoyed the trappings of power including a Daimler with the vehicle registration number "NCB 1", an executive aeroplane (a six-seater De Havilland Dove which he and other Board members used to visit the far-flung coalfields) and a flat in Eaton Square. His behaviour earned him the nickname "Old King Coal", a pun on Old King Cole. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
He threw himself into the job with vigour and enthusiasm, visiting pits, arguing with miners at the coalface and developing a deep knowledge of the industry. In 1963 he was invited to deliver the MacMillan Memorial Lecture to the Institution of Engineers and Shipbuilders in Scotland. He chose the subject "Coal - Its Place in the National Economy".As Chairman of the NCB, Robens oversaw substantial cuts in the mining industry, many of them reflecting market forces and government policies originated before he assumed the post. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
Although he lobbied to protect the industry, his reputation as a socialist necessarily suffered: when he took over as NCB chair there were 698 pits employing 583,000 miners, but by the time he left the post 10 years later there were only 292 pits employing 283,000 miners. For a while Robens had a constructive working relationship with the miners' leader Will Paynter, but he had a combative relationship with the Wilson Labour government. Industrial relations deteriorated during his tenure, and there was an unofficial strike in 1969 that lost £15 million and 2.5 million tonnes of coal as a result of walkouts at 140 of the 307 NCB collieries.Robens expressed concern at the poor occupational health and safety record of the coal industry, and championed campaigns to reduce accidents and to counter chronic occupational diseases such as pneumoconiosis. Although the number of fatal and serious accidents fell by over 60% during his tenure, there was also a fall in the workforce of over 50%, from 583,000 to 283,000. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
The largest single blow to his reputation came from his reaction to the catastrophic 1966 industrial accident at Aberfan, in the Taff Valley, South Wales. On the morning of 21 October, a massive spoil heap from the nearby Merthyr Vale Colliery collapsed onto the village of Aberfan, burying 20 houses and the Pantglas Junior School in a landslide, 30 ft (9.1 m) deep, of water-saturated slurry that killed 116 schoolchildren and 28 adults. Robens nonetheless went ahead with his installation as the first Chancellor of the new University of Surrey before going to Aberfan, and did not arrive until the evening of the Saturday following the day of the disaster, a blunder that was compounded by the actions of NCB staff, who falsely informed the Minister of Power, Richard Marsh, that Robens was at Aberfan. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
It was always his policy to send the most senior mining engineer to the scene of a disaster to coordinate rescue operations. Speaking to the media on the Sunday after the disaster, Robens was concerned that the initial shock and sorrow might give way to anger, possibly directed towards the men who worked at the top of the spoil heaps. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
To avoid this, he said that those men could not have foreseen what happened. A television interview, during which he made that comment, proved to be unacceptable for broadcasting, owing to the atmospheric conditions; instead, the interviewer broadcast a paraphrase of the interview that wrongly made it seem that Robens had claimed that no one in the NCB could have foreseen the disaster. This was later taken by the Aberfan disaster enquiry to imply that the Board was contesting liability, notwithstanding the 19th-century case of Rylands v Fletcher which meant that the Board had absolute liability for damage caused by a 'dangerous escape' of material. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
Conversely, in a later interview Robens claimed that the disaster had been caused by "natural unknown springs" beneath the tip; but evidence emerged that the existence of these springs was common knowledge. The report of the Edmund-Davies Tribunal, which inquired into the disaster, was highly critical of the NCB and Robens. He had proposed to appear at the outset of the inquiry to admit the NCB's full responsibility for the disaster, but the Chairman of the Tribunal advised him that this would not be necessary. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
In the event, when it was clear that his earlier comments to reporters had been misinterpreted at the Tribunal as a denial of responsibility, he offered to appear at the inquiry to set the matter straight. He conceded that the NCB was at fault, an admission which would have rendered much of the inquiry unnecessary had it been made at the outset, notwithstanding the advice of Lord Edmund-Davies that his appearance was not necessary. After the report was published in August 1967, Robens wrote to Marsh, the Minister of Power, offering his resignation; this was rejected by him and by the Prime Minister Wilson, although several cabinet members argued strongly that Robens ought to be removed. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
There have been allegations that the resignation offer was "bogus" and Robens had been assured that it would not be accepted. According to Ronald Dearing, then a part-time member of the NCB, Richard Marsh was advised that Robens was "taking the coal industry through a period of painful contraction without big strikes" and the strong support for him within the coal industry and the union movement were crucial to the decision to retain him. When Robens told a meeting of the full Board that he had offered his resignation, there was surprise and consternation; Cecil King, a part-time member of the Board, rose to his feet and told Robens that in doing so he had acted correctly.In the wake of the disaster, Robens was asked that the NCB should fund the removal of the remaining tips from Aberfan. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
He was advised, however, that the cost of doing so would have obliged the NCB to exceed its borrowing limits, set by the government. He had acceded to a request from the bereaved mothers of Aberfan to meet them to hear their views, and he was received by them with courtesy. Eventually the cost was met partly by the Board and partly by the Government, with a levy made on the charitable Aberfan Disaster Fund. The Trustees of the Disaster Fund, which had been raised by public appeal, were put under "intolerable pressure" to make a contribution of £150,000 (equivalent to £3,000,000 in 2021) to cover the cost of removing the tips – an action that was "unquestionably unlawful" under charity law – but the Charity Commission took no action to protect the Fund from this misappropriation of funds.There is no evidence that prosecution for corporate manslaughter was considered at the time. Robens was exonerated by the official history of the NCB but he remains condemned in other quarters. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
In 1969, Robens was selected by Barbara Castle to chair a committee on workplace health and safety. This led to the 1972 Robens Report which controversially championed the idea of self-regulation by employers. The Report itself led to the Health and Safety at Work etc. Act 1974 and the creation of the Health and Safety Commission and the Health and Safety Executive. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
Following the Conservative victory in the 1970 general election, Robens found the new administration's distaste for nationalisation at odds with his own rather paternalistic views. He fell into conflict with Prime Minister Edward Heath and Minister of State for Industry Sir John Eden. Robens left the NCB in 1971 but always insisted that his tenure was a success.Robens had become a director of the Bank of England in 1966 and a member of the board of directors of Times Newspapers in 1967. He was Chairman of Vickers from 1971 to 1979, opposing the Labour plans for nationalisation that led to the Aircraft and Shipbuilding Industries Act 1977. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
He was Chairman of Johnson Matthey from 1971 to 1983, and a director of Trust House Forte and several other companies. His lifestyle was increasingly at odds with his socialist beginnings and by 1979, he had become aligned with the Conservative Party.He left public life in 1982, retiring with his wife (who died in 2008) to Laleham Abbey in Surrey, once the home of the 7th Earl of Lucan. Robens suffered the first of two debilitating strokes in 1992, and died in 1999 aged 88. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
Robens's period at the National Coal Board was mentioned in the folk songs of the period. Ed Pickford, who was a miner in the Durham Coalfield, was highly critical of Robens: his song The Pound a Week Rise criticises the low wages paid to coal miners during Robens's reign, and his song One Miner's Life refers to the widespread pit closures. Jock Purdon, a miner who was made redundant on the closure of Harraton Colliery in Durham, wrote the song Farewell to Cotia about the migration of redundant miners across the country and particularly to Nottinghamshire, which he referred to as "Robens's promised land". The Pound a Week Rise has subsequently been covered by various folk and left-wing artists, including Dick Gaughan and Rathkeltaír. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
Chairman of the Foundation on Automation and Employment (1962); Chairman of the Engineering Industries Council (1976–80); Member of the royal commission on trade unions and employers' associations (1965–68); Member of the National Economic Development Council (1976–80); Council of Manchester Business School: Member; Chairman (1970–79); Chairman of the court of governors of the London School of Economics (1965); Chairman of the board of governors of Guy's Hospital (1965–74). | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
In 1951 he was sworn in as a Member of His Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council. This gave him the Honorific Prefix "The Right Honourable" and after Ennoblement the Post Nominal Letters "PC" for Life. He was awarded an Honorary Fellowship by the Institution of Heating and Ventilating Engineers in 1962. He delivered the annual Hugh Miller MacMillan Memorial Lecture at the Institution of Engineers and Shipbuilders in Scotland in 1964. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
He was awarded the Honorary degree of Doctor of Laws (LL.D) by the University of Leicester in 1966. He was awarded the Honorary degree of Doctor of the University (D.Univ) by the University of Surrey on 26 January 1977. He was elected as an Honorary Fellow of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers (FIMechE) in 1977. He was awarded an Honorary Fellowship by the University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robens_Report |
The Christchurch Central Recovery Plan, often referred to as the Blueprint, is the plan developed by the Fifth National Government of New Zealand for the recovery of the Christchurch Central City from a series of earthquakes, in particular the February 2011 Christchurch earthquake. The Canterbury Earthquake Response and Recovery Act 2010 required the Christchurch City Council to develop a recovery plan for the central city. The plan, known as Share an Idea, was presented to the Minister for Canterbury Earthquake Recovery, Gerry Brownlee, in December 2011. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
Brownlee rejected the city council's plan, established the Canterbury Earthquake Recovery Authority (CERA), and tasked that organisation with developing a plan based on the city council's draft. The Christchurch Central Recovery Plan was published in July 2012 and defined 17 anchor projects. All projects where a timeline was specified were to have been finished by 2017; none of the 17 projects have been delivered on time and some have not even been started yet. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
The plan defined 17 anchor projects. There was tension between central government and the city council, the latter having had its Share an Idea plan rejected and the former imposing a very different plan. This tension culminated in Brownlee calling the mayor of Christchurch, Bob Parker, "a clown" in February 2012. Parker later revealed that receiving an apology from Brownlee stopped him from resigning his office. In August 2013, the city council then openly defied Brownlee's wish to have the Christchurch Town Hall demolished and a new venue built as part of the Performing Arts Precinct. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
A frame was created to help define a central area known as "the Core", which was to be of a scale appropriate to current demand. The Frame (Māori: Te Hononga Mokowā) was to be in three parts (north, east, and south) and was to allow for short to medium term expansion and development of central Christchurch. The development of the Frame was led by CERA. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
The national Earthquake Memorial is the Crown's official memorial for those killed or seriously injured in the 22 February 2011 Christchurch earthquake. The memorial was envisaged as a place of local, national and international significance where individuals could reflect and large groups can gather. The recovery plan did not indicate a location for the memorial. The project was led by the Ministry for Culture and Heritage and the memorial was opened for the February 2017 earthquake anniversary. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
A world class cultural centre was proposed for the north-west corner of Victoria Square on the site of the former Crowne Plaza. This centre was planned as a focal point for cultural celebration and diversity, and was to be led by Te Rūnanga o Ngāi Tahu. Ngāi Tahu abandoned this project in April 2016. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
The Avon River Precinct (Māori: Te Papa Ōtākaro and Te Papa o Ōtākaro in the initial version of the recovery plan) was the redevelopment of the Avon River corridor through the central city, from the Antigua Street bridge at Christchurch Hospital to the Fitzgerald Avenue bridge at the eastern border of the central city. The park zoning extended 30 metres (98 ft) from either side of the river and included a proposed redevelopment of Victoria Square. The project was jointly led by CERA and Christchurch City Council. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
In a project led by Christchurch City Council, Cathedral Square was to be restored as the civic heart of the central city. CERA's regeneration plan proposed lower buildings on the north side to prevent shading (although when Christchurch City Council requested in 2019 that the Crown's rebuild agency take into consideration shading that would be caused by a proposed nine-storey hotel that is part of the convention centre, the request was denied) with little detail provided. The plan did mention the proposed central library and the convention centre, both planned as anchor projects for the north side of The Square, as well as space being "kept for a new cathedral", but was otherwise short on detail. The new library (Tūranga) opened in 2018; as of 2020, the convention centre is under construction, and the repair of the existing cathedral commenced in May 2020. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
The development of the Retail Precinct was left to the private sector. By October 2011, private interests had combined and opened a temporary container mall known as Re:START, with Ballantynes, Christchurch's remaining department store, as the retail anchor. The project was a huge success and gained international attention for its quirkiness. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
In June 2014, about half the container mall moved to a different site to make way for a construction project. Re:START closed in January 2018.The development of permanent buildings in the Retail Precinct proceeded much more slowly than expected. The delay was caused by the planning rule imposed by CERA that each development project must have at least 5,000 square metres (54,000 sq ft) of land. As land was in multiple ownerships, with each title significantly smaller than the stipulated minimum, developers struggled to amalgamate enough land before they could seek planning permission. To break the deadlock, the Christchurch Central Development Unit (CCDU, a subsidiary of CERA) bought up much of the land to overcome the disjointed ownership. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
The Convention Centre Precinct was led by CERA. Apart from the convention centre itself, given the name Te Pae in 2018, it comprises a number of buildings (mainly hotels). The Crown purchased most buildings on two city blocks (with the exception of Rydges Hotel, the car parking building behind it, the building known as Caffe Roma – none of those on designated land, and Isaac House, which was on designated land but was allowed to remain) and closed Gloucester Street. After many delays, Te Pae was to have opened in October 2020 but due to the COVID-19 pandemic, an opening can now be expected in 2021. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
The original plan was for the Crown to partner with private companies, e.g. hotel developers, to build a complete precinct. This was later scaled back to the convention centre itself, with the Crown the sole developer. One of the planned hotels, a five-star outfit, was announced for the corner of Colombo Street and Cathedral Square (facing Gloucester Street) in 2017, with the Crown looking for a developer. All hotel sites at Te Pae, plus the block of land designated for the Performing Arts Precinct located north of Gloucester Street, was bought by the Carter Group. Philip Carter hopes to have the five-star hotel open by April 2023, and will then build one or two more hotels on the remaining Te Pae land. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
The Health Precinct (Māori: Te Papa Hauora) is a project to be delivered by the private sector adjacent to Christchurch Hospital, incorporating part of the South Frame. The idea was to concentrate those facilities that are health and research-related in close proximity to the existing hospital. The first major private investment into healthcare, Forté Health, opened in February 2014 far away from the Health Precinct. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
The Justice and Emergency Services Precinct houses government and emergency services on three-quarters of a city block surrounded by Durham Street, Lichfield Street, Colombo Street, and Tuam Street. The development was undertaken by the relevant government agencies (Justice, Police, Corrections, Courts, and Fire Service). The building officially opened on 12 September 2017 (just days prior to the 2017 general election) but staff did not move in for another month. It has been too small for the 1100 staff from the beginning. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
The Performing Arts Precinct was a development led by CERA, covering parts of two city blocks. The designated land allowed for the Christchurch Town Hall to be rebuilt on the site, and was to possibly include a performing arts centre with two auditoria, to host the Court Theatre, the Christchurch Symphony Orchestra, the Music Centre of Christchurch, and it acknowledged the Isaac Theatre Royal that is located within this designation. In a vote by the city council to restore the town hall in contradiction to the Blueprint, a vote that many regarded as a sign for the city council wanting to take back control, the Performing Arts Precinct was derailed. By 2020, only two projects have proceeded (restoration of the Isaac Theatre Royal and construction of the performance venue The Piano); both delivered by the private sector. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christchurch_Central_Recovery_Plan |
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