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Arguments equivalent to the Treasury view are frequently rediscovered independently, and are often in turn criticized by Keynesian macroeconomists.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treasury_view
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One line of argument is to use the accounting equations in the National Income and Product Accounts (NIPA) to say that, as a matter of accounting, government spending must come from somewhere, and thus has no net impact on aggregate demand, unemployment, or income. Positions on this argument are far apart: advocates of the accounting argument for the Treasury view argue that as a matter of accounting (by definition) fiscal stimulus cannot have an economic impact, while critics argue that this argument is fundamentally wrong-headed and mistaken.A Keynesian reply, by Paul Krugman, is that ... commits one of the most basic fallacies in economics — interpreting an accounting identity as a behavioral relationship.That is, NIPA accounting equations hold for a fixed GDP: the point of fiscal stimulus is to change GDP, and that changes in government spending are only exactly offset by decreases in other spending or investment if GDP is unchanged. Keynesians argue that fiscal stimulus can increase GDP, thus making this point moot. Another Keynesian reply, by Brad DeLong, is that these make assumptions about saving and investment, and ignore basic monetary economics, notably velocity of money: if (for a given money supply) velocity of money increases, (nominal) GDP increases, as GDP = Money Supply * Velocity of Money: a dollar of government spending need not crowd out a dollar of private spending, either as an accounting matter or as a behavioral matter, as it may increase velocity of money.
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An argument advanced by Milton Friedman in the converse context (fiscal restraint via tax increases having a braking effect, as opposed to fiscal stimulus having a stimulating effect) begins with the NIPA argument above, then continues from the accounting to an economic model: To find any net effect on private spending, one must look farther beneath the surface.specifically: ome of the funds not borrowed by the Federal government may be added to idle cash balances rather than spent or loaned. In addition, it takes time for borrowers and lenders to adjust to reduced government borrowing.concluding: However, any net decrease in spending from these sources is certain to be temporary and likely to be minor.and instead advocating monetary policy as the bottom line: To have a significant impact on the economy, a tax increase must somehow affect monetary policy–the quantity of money and its rate of growth.This analysis, while disputed by Keynesians (who argue that the effects of fiscal stimulus are more significant than Friedman argues), is considered a legitimate approach, and not dismissed out of hand as wrong-headed.
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Daniel Mitchell of the Cato Institute, a supply-side economist, quoted by Caroline Baum in Keynes Revival Makes Cato a Lonely Hearts Club Obama's Job-Creation Program Flunks Basic Math, Caroline Baum, Bloomberg Fiscal Stimulus, Fiscal Inflation, or Fiscal Fallacies?, by John H. Cochrane, Myron S. Scholes Professor of Finance, University of Chicago Booth School of Business Eugene Fama, Bailouts and Stimulus Plans Friedman, Milton (1972), "Comment on the Critics", Journal of Political Economy 80:5 (September–October), University of Chicago Press, vol. 80, no. 5, pp. 914–915, JSTOR 1830418 Hawtrey, R.G. (1925), "Public Expenditure and the Demand for Labour", Economica, 5 (13): 38–48, doi:10.2307/2548008, JSTOR 2548008
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DeLong, Brad; Montagu Norman (2009-01-14), "Fama's Fallacy, Take I: Eugene Fama Rederives the "Treasury View": A Guestpost from Montagu Norman, former Governor of the Bank of England", Grasping Reality with Both Hands, retrieved 2009-01-28 DeLong, Brad (2009-01-14), "Fama's Fallacy II: Predecessors", Grasping Reality with Both Hands, retrieved 2009-01-28 DeLong, Brad (2009-01-14), "Fama's Fallacy, Take III", Grasping Reality with Both Hands, retrieved 2009-01-28 DeLong, Brad (2009-01-15), "Fama's Fallacy IV: The Decline of Chicago", Grasping Reality with Both Hands, retrieved 2009-01-28 DeLong, Brad (2009-01-16), "Fama's Fallacy V: Are There Ever Any Wrong Answers in Economics? ", Grasping Reality with Both Hands, retrieved 2009-01-28 DeLong, Brad (2009-01-29), "Time to Bang My Head Against the Wall Some More (Pre-Elementary Monetary Economics Department)", Grasping Reality with Both Hands, retrieved 2009-01-28 Krugman, Paul (2008-12-24), "Keynes's difficult idea", The New York Times, retrieved 2009-01-28 Krugman, Paul (2009-01-27), "A Dark Age of macroeconomics (wonkish)", The New York Times, retrieved 2009-01-28
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Background on "fresh water" and "salt water" macroeconomics, by Robert Waldmann
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treasury_view
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Hobohemia is a low rent district in a city where artistic bohemians and the down-and-outs or hobos mix. In Chicago from the turn of the century to circa 1940s this was Tower Town and the area often known as "The West Madison Stem" (Madison Street west of downtown) which was known as "skid road" and home to thousands of transient men and women, and Ben Reitman's Hobo College. In New York City it was the neighbourhood of the Bowery, and Greenwich Village. It was the title of a short story by Sinclair Lewis originally published in The Saturday Evening Post, which Lewis subsequently reworked into a three act comedy which was first performed at the Greenwich Village Theatre in 1919.A reference appears in the Rodgers and Hart song The Lady is a Tramp: "My Hobohemia is the place to be."
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hobohemia
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The Mid-South Sociological Association (MSSA) is a non-profit professional organization of sociologists and social scientists established in 1976.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mid-South_Sociological_Association
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Its first president was Julian B. Roebuck, professor of sociology at Mississippi State University. The MSSA holds annual meetings in late October in locations around the Mid-South region.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mid-South_Sociological_Association
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At its annual meeting, the MSSA holds sessions for presentations of professional papers, discussions, and speakers. The organization also has a banquet, at which the current president gives a talk and officers give out awards. This includes the Stanford M. Lyman Memorial Scholarship, given each year to a worthy doctoral student completing a dissertation; the Sociological Spectrum Outstanding Article Award, given to the best article published that year in the journal Sociological Spectrum; and the Stanford M. Lyman Distinguished Book Award, given to an outstanding book authored by a member of the organization in the previous three years. Notable past presidents include Carl L. Bankston, Dennis L. Peck, and Clifton D. Bryant.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mid-South_Sociological_Association
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Subjective idealism, or empirical idealism, is a form of philosophical monism that holds that only minds and mental contents exist. It entails and is generally identified or associated with immaterialism, the doctrine that material things do not exist. Subjective idealism rejects dualism, neutral monism, and materialism; it is the contrary of eliminative materialism, the doctrine that all or some classes of mental phenomena (such as emotions, beliefs, or desires) do not exist, but are sheer illusions.
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Subjective idealism is a fusion of phenomenalism or empiricism, which confers special status upon the immediately perceived, with idealism, which confers special status upon the mental. Idealism denies the knowability or existence of the non-mental, while phenomenalism serves to restrict the mental to the empirical. Subjective idealism thus identifies its mental reality with the world of ordinary experience, and does not comment on whether this reality is "divine" in some way as pantheism does, nor comment on whether this reality is a fundamentally unified whole as does absolute idealism. This form of idealism is "subjective" not because it denies that there is an objective reality, but because it asserts that this reality is completely dependent upon the minds of the subjects that perceive it.
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The earliest thinkers identifiable as subjective idealists were certain members of the Yogācāra school of Indian Buddhism, who reduced the world of experience to a stream of subjective perceptions. Subjective idealism made its mark in Europe in the 18th-century writings of George Berkeley, who argued that the idea of mind-independent reality is incoherent, concluding that the world consists of the minds of humans and of God.
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Subsequent writers have continuously grappled with Berkeley's skeptical arguments. Immanuel Kant responded by rejecting Berkeley's immaterialism and replacing it with transcendental idealism, which views the mind-independent world as existent but incognizable in itself. Since Kant, true immaterialism has remained a rarity, but is survived by partly overlapping movements such as phenomenalism, subjectivism, and perspectivism.
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Thinkers such as Plato, Plotinus and Augustine of Hippo anticipated idealism's immaterialistic thesis with their views of the inferior or derivative reality of matter. However, these Platonists did not make Berkeley's turn toward subjectivity. Plato helped anticipate these ideas by creating an analogy about people living in a cave which explained his point of view. His view was that there are different types of reality.
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He explains this with his cave analogy which contains people tied up only seeing shadows their whole life. Once they go outside, they see a completely different reality, but lose sight of the one they saw before. This sets up the idea of Berkley’s theory of immaterialism because it shows how people can be exposed to the same world but still see things differently.
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This introduces the idea of objective versus subjective which is how Berkeley attempts to prove that matter does not exist. Indeed, Plato rationalistically condemned sense-experience, whereas subjective idealism presupposed empiricism and the irreducible reality of sense data. A more subjectivist methodology could be found in the Pyrrhonists' emphasis on the world of appearance, but their skepticism precluded the drawing of any ontological conclusions from the epistemic primacy of phenomena.
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The first mature articulations of idealism arise in Yogacarin thinkers such as the 7th-century epistemologist Dharmakīrti, who identified ultimate reality with sense-perception. The most famous proponent of subjective idealism in the Western world was the 18th-century Irish philosopher George Berkeley, whose popularity eclipsed his contemporary and fellow Anglican philosopher Arthur Collier - who perhaps preceded him in a refutation of material existence, or as he says a “denial of an external world” - although Berkeley's term for his theory was immaterialism. From Berkeley's point of view of subjective idealism, the material world does not exist, and the phenomenal world is dependent on humans.
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Hence the fundamental idea of this philosophical system (as represented by Berkeley or Mach) is that things are complexes of ideas or sensations, and only subjects and objects of perceptions exist. "Esse est percipi" is Berkeley’s whole argument summarized into a couple words. It means “to be is to be perceived”.
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This summarized his argument because he based his point around the fact that things exist if they are all understood and seen the same way. As Berkeley wrote: “for the Existence of an Idea consists in being perceived”. This would separate everything as objective and subjective.
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Matter falls into the subjective category because everyone perceives matter differently, which means matter is not real. This loops back to the core of his argument which says that in order for anything to be real, it must be interpreted the same way by everyone. Berkeley believes that all material is a construction by the human mind.
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According to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy his argument is: “(1) We perceive ordinary objects (houses, mountains, etc.). (2) We perceive only ideas. Therefore, (3) Ordinary objects are ideas.” Berkeley makes such a radical claim that matter does not exist as a reaction to the materialists.
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He says “if there were external bodies, we couldn’t possibly come to know this; and if there weren’t, we might have the very same reasons to think there were that we have now”: “a thinking being might, without the help of external bodies, be affected with the same series of sensations or ideas as you have.” Berkeley believes that people cannot know that what they think to be matter is not simply a creation in their mind. People have contested that premise (2) is false, claiming that people don't perceive ideas but instead, “distinguishing two sorts of perception” they perceive objects and then have ideas about them, effectively cutting down the equality. This might seem to obviously be the case, but in fact it is contestable.
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Many psychologists believe that what people actually perceive are tools, impediments, and threats. The famous gorilla psychological study, where people were asked to watch a video and count the number of basketball passes made, showed that people do not actually see everything in front of them, even a gorilla that marches across a high school gym. Similarly, it is believed that human reaction to snakes is faster than it should physically be if it were consciously driven.
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Therefore, it is not unfair to say that objects go straight to the mind. Berkeley even pointed out that it is not obvious how motion in the physical world could translate to emotion in the mind. Even the materialists had difficulty explaining this; Locke believed that to explain the transfer from physical object to mental image one must “attribute it wholly to the good pleasure of our Maker.” Newton's laws of physics say that all movement comes from the inverse change in another motion, and materialists believe that what humans do is fundamentally move their parts.
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If so how you explain the correlation between objects existing, and the completely other realm of regular ideas is not obvious. The fact “that the existence of matter does not help to explain the occurrence of our ideas” seems to Berkeley to undermine the reason for believing in matter at all. If the materialists have no way of knowing that matter exists, it seems best to not assume that it exists.
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According to Berkeley, an object has real being as long as it is perceived by a mind. God, being omniscient, perceives everything perceivable, thus all real beings exist in the mind of God. However, it is also evident that each of us has free will and understanding upon self-reflection, and our senses and ideas suggest that other people also possess these qualities as well.
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According to Berkeley there is no material universe, in fact he has absolutely no idea what that could possibly mean. To theorize about a universe that is composed of insensible matter is not a sensible thing to do. This matters because there is absolutely no positive account for a material universe, only speculation about things that are by fiat outside of our minds.
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Berkeley's assessment of immaterialism was criticized by Samuel Johnson, as recorded by James Boswell. Responding to the theory, Dr. Johnson exclaimed "I refute it thus!" while kicking a rock with "mighty force".
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This episode is alluded to by Stephen Dedalus in James Joyce's Ulysses, chapter three. Reflecting on the "ineluctable modality of the visible", Dedalus conjures the image of Johnson's refutation and carries it forth in conjunction with Aristotle's expositions on the nature of the senses as described in Sense and Sensibilia. Aristotle held that while visual perception suffered a compromised authenticity because it passed through the diaphanous liquid of the inner eye before being observed, sound and the experience of hearing were not thus similarly diluted. Dedalus experiments with the concept in the development of his aesthetic ideal.
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Bertrand Russell's popular 1912 book The Problems of Philosophy highlights Berkeley's tautological premise for advancing idealism; "If we say that the things known must be in the mind, we are either unduly limiting the mind's power of knowing, or we are uttering a mere tautology. We are uttering a mere tautology if we mean by 'in the mind' the same as by 'before the mind', i.e. if we mean merely being apprehended by the mind. But if we mean this, we shall have to admit that what, in this sense, is in the mind, may nevertheless be not mental. Thus when we realize the nature of knowledge, Berkeley's argument is seen to be wrong in substance as well as in form, and his grounds for supposing that 'ideas'-i.e. the objects apprehended-must be mental, are found to have no validity whatever.
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Hence his grounds in favour of the idealism may be dismissed. "The Australian philosopher David Stove harshly criticized philosophical idealism, arguing that it rests on what he called "the worst argument in the world".
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Stove claims that Berkeley tried to derive a non-tautological conclusion from tautological reasoning. He argued that in Berkeley's case the fallacy is not obvious and this is because one premise is ambiguous between one meaning which is tautological and another which, Stove argues, is logically equivalent to the conclusion. Alan Musgrave argues that conceptual idealists compound their mistakes with use/mention confusions; Santa Claus the person does not exist.
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"Santa Claus" the name/concept/fairy tale does exist because adults tell children this every Christmas season (the distinction is highlighted by using quotation-marks when referring only to the name and not the object)and proliferation of hyphenated entities such as "thing-in-itself" (Immanuel Kant), "things-as-interacted-by-us" (Arthur Fine), "table-of-commonsense" and "table-of-physics" (Arthur Eddington) which are "warning signs" for conceptual idealism according to Musgrave because they allegedly do not exist but only highlight the numerous ways in which people come to know the world. This argument does not take into account the issues pertaining to hermeneutics, especially at the backdrop of analytic philosophy. Musgrave criticized Richard Rorty and "postmodernist" philosophy in general for confusion of use and mention.
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John Searle, criticizing some versions of idealism, summarizes two important arguments for subjective idealism. The first is based on our perception of reality: (1) All we have access to in perception are the contents of our own experience and(2) The only epistemic basis for claims about the external world are our perceptual experiencestherefore; (3) The only reality we can meaningfully speak of is that of perceptual experienceWhilst agreeing with (2) Searle argues that (1) is false and points out that (3) does not follow from (1) and (2). The second argument runs as follows; Premise: Any cognitive state occurs as part of a set of cognitive states and within a cognitive systemConclusion 1: It is impossible to get outside all cognitive states and systems to survey the relationships between them and the reality they cognizeConclusion 2: There is no cognition of any reality that exists independently of cognitionSearle contends that Conclusion 2 does not follow from the premises.
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Subjective idealism is featured prominently in the Norwegian novel Sophie's World, in which "Sophie's world" exists in fact only in the pages of a book.A parable of subjective idealism can be found in Jorge Luis Borges' short story Tlön, Uqbar, Orbis Tertius, which specifically mentions Berkeley.
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Georg Sigurd Wettenhovi-Aspa (born. Wetterhoff-Asp, 7 May 1870 – 18 February 1946) was a Finnish multiartist: painter, sculptor, writer, and a pseudo-linguist. He is best known for his fantastical theories about the past of the Finnish people, whom he believed to have descended from Ancient Egypt.Born in Helsinki, his parents were Georg August Asp (1834–1901), professor of anatomy at the University of Helsinki and Mathilda Sofia Wetterhoff (1840–1920), developer of female gymnastics. Wettenhovi-Aspa studied art in Copenhagen in the Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts from 1888 to 1891.
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He organized several art shows known as the Free Exhibitions. He died in Helsinki. == References ==
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sigurd_Wettenhovi-Aspa
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Circle of the Sun is a 1960 short documentary film on Kainai Nation, or Blood Tribe, of Southern Alberta, which captured their Sun Dance ritual on film for the first time. Tribal leaders, who worried the traditional ceremony might be dying out, had permitted filming as a visual record.The film was directed by Colin Low, who was from the area. Low's father had been a foreman of the Cochrane Church Ranch in the area, southern Alberta and had known many Blood Tribe people since childhood.
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Colin Low had first witnessed the Sun Dance in 1953, the year he shot Corral. Footage of the Sun Dance was shot in 1956 and 1957, with the film completed in 1959. The film also included modern aspects of Blood Tribe life by shooting on an oil well on the reserve.
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Circle of the Sun features narration from Pete Standing Alone, a young member of the Blood Tribe who worked on oil rigs. When Low had finished editing in 1959, he played a recorded conversation with Standing Alone for Stanley Jackson. Jackson was so impressed that Standing Alone was flown to the NFB's headquarters in Montreal to work on the narration. Standing Alone's participation in the film ended up being quite extensive, at a time when genuine Aboriginal voices were not often heard on the screen.In 1982, Low directed the NFB documentary Standing Alone, which was broadcast nationally on the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. The hour-long film follows 25 years in Standing Alone's life, beginning with his youth as an oil-rig roughneck, rodeo rider and cowboy, and explores his concerns about preserving his tribe's spiritual heritage in the industrial age.On National Aboriginal Day in 2011, the NFB released the Pete Standing Alone trilogy, which includes Circle of the Sun, Standing Alone and a 2010 film, Round Up. The trilogy documents 50 years in the life of the Kainai Nation, as well as Standing Alone's personal development from a youth to a tribal elder.
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14th Canadian Film Awards: Genie Award for Best Film, General Information, 1962 Yorkton Film Festival, Yorkton, Saskatchewan: Golden Sheaf Award, First Prize, 1962 Festival of Tourist and Folklore Films, Brussels: Best Film on Folklore, 1962 La Plata International Children's Film Festival, La Plata, Argentina: Silver Oak Leaf, First Prize, Documentary, 1962 Electronic, Nuclear and Teleradio Cinematographic Review, Rome: First Prize, Tourist Films, 1962 SODRE International Festival of Documentary and Experimental Films, Montevideo, Uruguay: Honorable Mention, 1962 Festival dei Popoli/International Film Festival on Social Documentary, Florence, Italy: Honorable Mention, 1962 Victoria Film Festival, Victoria, British Columbia: Best Film, 1963 International Tourism Film Festival, Tarbes, France: Diploma of Honour and Trophy, 1967
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Paint stripper or paint remover is a chemical product designed to remove paint, finishes, and coatings, while also cleaning the underlying surface. The product's material safety data sheet provides more safety information than its product labels. Paint can also be removed using mechanical methods (scraping or sanding) or heat (hot air, radiant heat, or steam).
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Chemical paint removers work only on certain types of finishes, and when multiple types of finishes may have been used on any particular surface, trial-and-error testing is typical to determine the best stripper for each application. Two basic categories of chemical paint removers are caustic and solvent.
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Caustic paint removers, typically sodium hydroxide (also known as lye or caustic soda), work by breaking down the chemical bonds of the paint, usually by hydrolysis of the chain bonds of the polymers forming the paint. Caustic removers must be neutralized or the new finish will fail prematurely. In addition, several side effects and health risks must be taken into account in using caustic paint removers. Such caustic aqueous solutions are typically used by antique dealers who aim to restore old furniture by stripping off worn varnishes, for example.
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Solvent paint strippers penetrate the layers of paint and break the bond between the paint and the object by swelling the paint.The active ingredient in the most effective paint strippers is dichloromethane, also called methylene chloride. Dichloromethane has serious health risks including death, is likely a carcinogen, and is banned in some countries for consumer use. Despite this, deaths from dichloromethane are extremely rare at less than 2.4 cases per year and associated mostly with users applying large amounts in confined, poorly ventilated spaces. When applied in reasonable amounts and with typical levels of ventilation, or outdoors, it is generally safe to use.
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Solvent strippers may also have formulations with limonene from orange peel (or other terpene solvents), n-methylpyrrolidone, esters such as dibasic esters (often dimethyl esters of shorter dicarboxylic acids, sometimes aminated, for example, adipic acid or glutamic acid), aromatic hydrocarbons, dimethylformamide, and other solvents are known as well. The formula differs according to the type of paint and the character of the underlying surface. Nitromethane is another commonly used solvent.
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Dimethyl sulfoxide is a less toxic alternative solvent used in some formulations. Unfortunately, these alternative stripping formulas are largely ineffective compared to those based on dichloromethane - removing only one layer at a time, or often no paint at all. When they do work they take hours, compared to minutes or seconds for dichloromethane-based strippers. Paint strippers come in a liquid, or a gel ("thixotropic") form that clings even to vertical surfaces. The principle of paint strippers is penetration of the paint film by the molecules of the active ingredient, causing it to swell; this volume increase causes internal strains, which, together with the weakening of the layer's adhesion to the underlying surface, leads to separation of the layer of the paint from the substrate.
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Various co-solvents are added to the primary active ingredient. These assist with penetration into the paint and its removal and differ according to the target paint. Ethanol is suitable for shellac, methyl ethyl ketone is used for cellulose nitrate, and phenol and cresols are employed in some industrial formulas. Benzyl alcohol is used as well.
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Activators increase the penetration rate; for dichloromethane water is suitable, other choices are amines, strong acids or strong alkalis. The activator's role is to disrupt the molecular and intermolecular bonds in the paint film and assist with weakening this. Its composition depends on the character of the paint to be removed.
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Mineral acids are used for epoxy resins to hydrolyze their ether bonds. Alkaline activators are usually based on sodium hydroxide. Some cosolvents double as activators.
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Amine activators, alkalines weaker than inorganic hydroxides, are favored when the substrate could be corroded by strong acids or bases. Surfactants assist with wetting the surface, increasing the area of where the solvent can penetrate the paint layer. Anionic surfactants (e.g., dodecyl benzenesulfonate or sodium xylene sulfonate) are used for acidic formulas, cationic or non-ionic are suitable for alkaline formulas.
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Paint strippers containing surfactants are excellent brush cleaners. Thickeners are used for thixotropic formulas to help the mixture form gel that adheres to vertical surfaces and to reduce the evaporation of the solvents, thus prolonging the time the solvent can penetrate the paint. Cellulose-based agents, e.g., hydroxypropyl cellulose, are commonly used for mixtures that are not extremely acidic or basic; under such conditions cellulose undergoes hydrolysis and loses effectiveness, so fumed silica is used for these instead.
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Another possibility is using waxes (usually paraffin wax or polyethylene or polypropylene derivatives), or polyacrylate gels. Corrosion inhibitors are added to the formula to protect the underlying substrate and the paint stripper storage vessel (usually a steel can) from corrosion.
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Dichloromethane decomposes with time to hydrochloric acid, which readily reacts with propylene oxide or butylene oxide and therefore is removed from the solution. Chromate-based inhibitors give the mixture a characteristic yellow color. Other possibilities include polyphosphates, silicates, borates, and various antioxidants.
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Sequestrants and chelating agents are used to "disarm" metal ions present in the solution, which could otherwise reduce the efficiency of other components, and assist with cleaning stains, which often contain metal compounds. The most common sequestrants used in paint strippers are EDTA, tributyl phosphate, and sodium phosphate. Colorants may be added.
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Heat guns are an alternative to chemical paint strippers. When heated, softened paint clumps and is easier to contain. High-temperature heat guns at 1,100 °F (590 °C) or more create toxic lead fumes in lead-based paint, but low-temperature heat guns and 400 °F (200 °C) infrared paint removers do not create lead fumes. Fire is a possible hazard of using heat guns. Steam can be used on large surfaces or items to be stripped, such as window sash, can be placed inside a steam box.
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Lead-based paint is banned in the United States. Removing old lead-based paint can disperse lead and cause lead poisoning, leading several US workplace and environmental regulations address removal of old paint that could contain lead.
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The Psychological Capital Questionnaire (PCQ) is an introspective psychological inventory consisting of 24 items pertaining to an individual's Psychological Capital (PsyCap), or positive psychological state of development. The PCQ was constructed by Fred Luthans, Bruce J. Avolio, and James B. Avey with the goal to assess the dimensions of PsyCap. The PCQ measures four dimensions of PsyCap: hope, efficacy, resiliency, and optimism. The PCQ takes between 10–15 minutes to complete and can be administered to individuals or groups. The PCQ is protected by copyright law and published by Mind Garden, Inc. Note: The term "PsyCap" refers to the whole of four specific constructs: hope, efficacy, resiliency, and optimism. The term "PCQ" refers to the 24 specific questions used to measure hope, efficacy, resiliency, and optimism.
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Psychological Capital (PsyCap) is one of the resources (or "capitals") that are required for organizations of all types seeking sustainable growth and competitive advantage. Other types of capital include human capital, social capital, and economic capital. Defined by Luthans and Carolyn M. Youssef, PsyCap is "an individual's positive psychological state of development and is characterized by: (1) having confidence (self-efficacy) to take on and put in the necessary effort to succeed at challenging tasks; (2) making a positive attribution (optimism) about succeeding now and in the future; (3) persevering towards goals and, when necessary, redirecting paths to goals (hope) in order to succeed; and (4) when beset by problems and adversity, sustaining and bouncing back and even beyond (resilience) to attain success" (Luthans, Youssef, & Avolio, 2007, p.
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3). Hope, efficacy, resiliency, and optimism - known as the "HERO Within" - are the resources that make up the value of PsyCap. PsyCap was conceptualized as a result of growing literature around positive organizational behavior (POB), or "the study and application of positive oriented human resource strengths and psychological capacities that can be measured, developed, and effectively managed for performance improvement" (Luthans, 2002, p.
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59). Because of POB, psychological well-being has shown to moderate the relationship between job satisfaction-job performance and job satisfaction-employee turnover, as well as have strong positive relationships with performance at work and successful relationships.Although PsyCap is usually applied to formal organizational settings, Wayne F. Cascio and Luthans (2014) applied the principles of PsyCap in their retrospective analysis of prisoners in the notorious South African prison, Robben Island, to argue that PsyCap was the key to enabling the prisoners (such as Nelson Mandela and Jacob Zuma) to survive, resist, and effectuate change to prison life and their guards.Hope: The construct called "hope" was developed by Charles R. Snyder and has two components: agency (willpower) and pathways. Hope enables the individual to have the agency to set and pursue meaningful goals and facilitates generating multiple pathways to reach those goals in case of obstacles.
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Hope is the "will" to succeed and the ability to identify, clarify, and pursue the "way" to success. Efficacy: The construct called "efficacy" is defined as the "employee's conviction or confidence about his or her abilities to mobilize the motivation, cognitive resources or courses of action needed to successfully execute a specific task within a given context. "Resilience: The construct called "resilience" is characterized as positive coping and adaptation in the face of risk or adversity.
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It is the "positive psychological capacity to rebound, to 'bounce back' from adversity, uncertainty, conflict, failure, or even positive change, progress, and increased responsibility" (Luthans, 2002, p. 702). Resilient people tend to have a resolute acceptance of reality, a deep belief that life is meaningful, and an ability to improvise and adapt to change.Optimism: The construct called "optimism" is associated with having a positive outcome, outlook, or attribution, including positive emotions and motivations, while maintaining a realistic outlook. Optimism was first explained by Martin Seligman, whereby optimists are defined as those who make internal, stable, and global attributions of positive events and external, unstable, and specific attributions of negative events. A second perspective on optimism is whereby optimists are defined as those who expect that a desirable outcome will result from their increased effort, and will continue to put fort effort even in the face of adversity.
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The PCQ consists of four scales with six items each. Higher scores correspond to greater psychological capital abilities. Hope: This six-item scale measures an individual's ability to persevere towards goals and redirect paths to goals in order to succeed. Efficacy: This six-item scale measures an individual's ability to have confidence to take on and put in the necessary effort to succeed at challenging tasks. Resilience: This six-item scale measures an individual's ability to sustain and bounce back when beset by problems and adversity to attain success. Optimism: This six-item scale measures an individual's ability to make a positive attribution and expectation about succeeding now and in the future.
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Psychological Capital Questionnaire (PCQ): The original and validated form of the PCQ. It can be used as a self-assessment and a multi-rater assessment, meaning that the assessment considers the target individual's self-assessment alongside the assessments from others who rate the target individual's PsyCap. Psychological Capital Questionnaire Short Form (PCQ Short Form): The PCQ Short Form is a 12-item form of the PCQ. It is only usable as a self-assessment.
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All PCQ scales are scored using a 6-point Likert scale. Each scale measures its own unique dimension of PsyCap. An overall PsyCap score is calculated by taking the mean of all the items in the PCQ. Scales include reverse-scored items. The 6-point Likert scale for all PCQ scales is as follows: Strongly Disagree Disagree Somewhat Disagree Somewhat Agree Agree Strongly Agree == References ==
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Legitimation crisis refers to a decline in the confidence of administrative functions, institutions, or leadership. The term was first introduced in 1973 by Jürgen Habermas, a German sociologist and philosopher. Habermas expanded upon the concept, claiming that with a legitimation crisis, an institution or organization does not have the administrative capabilities to maintain or establish structures effective in achieving their end goals. The term itself has been generalized by other scholars to refer not only to the political realm, but to organizational and institutional structures as well. While there is not unanimity among social scientists when claiming that a legitimation crisis exists, a predominant way of measuring a legitimation crisis is to consider public attitudes toward the organization in question.
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With respect to political theory, a state is perceived as being legitimate when its citizens treat it as properly holding and exercising political power. While the term exists beyond the political realm, as it encompasses sociology, philosophy, and psychology, legitimacy is often referred to with respect to actors, institutions, and the political orders they constitute. In other words, actors, institutions, and social orders can be seen as being either legitimate or illegitimate. When political actors engage in the process of legitimation they are pursuing legitimacy for themselves or for another institution. According to sociologist Morris Zelditch, Jr., theories of legitimacy span 24 centuries, beginning with Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War.
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Some of the earliest accounts of legitimacy come from early Greek thought. Aristotle is mainly concerned with the stability of the government. While he argues that the legitimacy of the government relies upon constitutionalism and consent, he posits that political stability relies upon the legitimacy of rewards. In his book Politics, Aristotle argues the ways in which rewards are distributed are found within politics, and distributive justice (the proper allocation of rewards according to merit) is what makes a government stable.
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When there is distributive injustice, on the other hand, the government becomes unstable. Also concerned with justness and distinguishing between right and wrong constitutions, Aristotle bases legitimacy on the rule of law, voluntary consent, and the public interest. While Aristotle's theory of distribution of rewards and legitimacy of constitutions both deal with legitimation, the prior emphasizes an actors acceptance that rewards are just, while the latter is concerned with an actors acceptance of a "moral obligation to obey a system of power."
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Detailed at greater length in The Social Contract, Rousseau insists that government legitimacy is dependent upon the "general will" of its members. The general will itself is the common interests of all the citizens to provide for the common good of all citizens, as opposed to individual interests. The people who express this general will, according to Rousseau, are those who have consensually entered into a civil society. However, implicit consent is not sufficient for political legitimacy; rather, it requires the active participation of citizens in the justification of state's laws, through the general will of the people.
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Because legitimacy rests on the general will of the people, Rousseau believes republican or popular rule is legitimate, while tyranny and despotism are illegitimate.In this manner says Habermas, Rousseau along with Kant reformulated the fundamental basis of legitimacy. Legitimacy no longer depended upon unifying natural principles that supposedly explained the world as a whole, such as “natural law” or religion. Opposed to this natural principle, Rousseau argued a government was legitimate when decision-making conformed to the general will. This pointed to ideal procedures enabling rational agreement among citizens and the free and open expression of opinion. For Rousseau and Kant, formal democratic procedures replaced a natural or ontological grounding of legitimacy.
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According to Weber, a political regime is legitimate when the citizens have faith in that system. In his book, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, Weber expands upon this idea when he writes “the basis of every system of authority, and correspondingly of every kind of willingness to obey, is a belief, a belief by virtue of which persons exercising authority are lent prestige." Weber provides three main sources of legitimate rule: traditional (it has always been that way), rational-legal (trust in legality), and charismatic (faith in the ruler). However, as Weber explains in his book Economy and Society, these ideal forms of legitimacy will necessarily always overlap.
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The example that Weber gives is with that of legal authority. Legality is partly traditional, for it is "established and habitual." He argues that due to the presence of legitimate authority and the way legitimate authority structures society, citizens who do not share in the belief of this legitimacy still face incentives to act as if they did.Weber offered significant limits to the importance of legitimacy in sustaining the rule of a government. He recognized that coercion, interests, habit and atomization of the populace play a role in upholding the power of a regime. Moreover, he asserted that sometimes legitimacy (that is, the belief in the ruler's legitimate authority) shrank down to encompass only the crucial administrative staff that carries out the orders of the ruler.
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In his book Managing Legitimacy: Strategic and Institutional Approaches, Suchman defines legitimacy as “a generalized perception or assumption that the actions of an entity are desirable, proper, appropriate within some socially constructed system of norms, values, beliefs, and definitions." He later adds to this definition, stating that because legitimacy is socially conferred, legitimacy is independent of individual participants, while dependent upon the collective constituency. In other words, an organization is legitimate when it enjoys public approval, even though the actions of an organization might deviate from particular individual interests. Suchman states three types of legitimacy: pragmatic legitimacy, moral legitimacy, and cognitive legitimacy.
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Pragmatic legitimacy relies upon the self-interests of an organization's constituencies, in which the constituency scrutinizes actions and behaviors taken by the organization in order to determine their effects. This is further broken down into three sub-sections: exchange legitimacy, influence legitimacy, and dispositional legitimacy. Suchman defines exchange legitimacy as the support for organizational policies due to the policy's benefit to the constituencies.
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Influence legitimacy is the support for the organization not due to the benefits that constituencies believe they will receive, but rather due to their belief that the organization will be responsive to their larger interests. Dispositional legitimacy is defined as support for an organization due to the good attributes constituencies believe the organization has, such as trustworthy, decent, or wise. This is due to the fact that people typically personify organizations and characterize them as being autonomous.
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Moral legitimacy is dependent upon whether the actions of an organization or institution are judged to be moral. In other words, if the constituency believe the organization is breaking the rules of the political or economic system for immoral reasons, then this can threaten moral legitimacy. Suchman breaks moral legitimacy down into four sub-sections: consequential legitimacy, procedural legitimacy, structural legitimacy, and personal legitimacy.
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Consequential legitimacy relates to what an organization has accomplished based on criteria that is specific to that organization. Procedural legitimacy can be obtained by an organization by adhering to socially formalized and accepted procedures (e.g. regulatory oversight). In the case of structural legitimacy, people view an organization as legitimate because its structural characteristics allow it to do specific kinds of work. Suchman refers to this organization as being the "right organization for the job." Lastly, personal legitimacy refers to legitimacy that is derived from the charisma of individual leaders.
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Cognitive legitimacy is created when an organization pursues goals that society deems to be proper and desirable. Constituency support for the organization is not due to self-interest, but rather due to its taken-for-granted character. When an organization has reached this taken-for-granted status, an organization is beyond dissent. While moral and pragmatic legitimacy deal with some form of evaluation, cognitive legitimacy does not. Instead, with cognitive legitimacy society accepts these organizations as being necessary or inevitable.
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German sociologist and philosopher Jürgen Habermas was the first to use the term "legitimation crisis," which he defined in his 1973 book Legitimation Crisis. A legitimation crisis is an identity crisis that results from a loss of confidence in administrative institutions, which occurs despite the fact that they still retain legal authority by which to govern. In a legitimation crisis, governing structures are unable to demonstrate that their practical functions fulfill the role for which they were instituted.
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A crisis is a state of jeopardy that arises because of contradicting motivations of the subsystems within a self-enclosed system. According to Habermas, the definition of crisis used in the social sciences is often based on the principles of systems theory. However, he argues that a crisis is properly understood in two dimensions, the objective and the subjective, though this connection has been difficult to grasp using conventional approaches such as systems theory or action theory.The difference between social integration and system integration helps distinguish between the objective and subjective components of crises. Social integration refers to what Habermas calls the "life-world," a term adapted from the writings of Alfred Schutz, which is composed of a consensual foundation of shared understandings, including norms and values, upon which a society is built. System integration, alternatively, refers to the determinants of a society, which break down when their structures "allow fewer possibilities for problem solving than are necessary to the continued existence." The principles of rationalization are efficiency, calculability, predictability, and control, which are characteristic of systems as Habermas refers to them.
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Within a social system exist three subsystems: the economic, the political, and the socio-cultural. The subsystem that assumes functional primacy in a society is determined by the type of social formation that exists in the society. Four types of social formations can potentially characterize a social system: primitive, traditional, capitalist (liberal and advanced/organized capitalist), and post-capitalist. Each of these, with the exception of the primitive, is a class-based society.
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The principle of organization of a social system determines when crises occur and what type of crisis predominates in each type of social system. Primitive social formations have an institutional core of kinship, with the roles of age and sex making up the principle of organization of these societies. Crises within these formations arise from external factors undermining familial and tribal identities because no contradictory imperatives follow from this principle of organization.
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Traditional social formations have a principle of organization in a political form of class domination that requires legitimation since the subsystems that arise serve either system or social integration. Crises within these formations proceed from internal contradictions between "validity claims of...norms and justifications that cannot explicitly permit exploitation, and a class structure in which privileged appropriation of socially produced wealth is the rule." These social formations extend the scope of their control through heightened exploitation of labor power, either directly through physical force or indirectly through forced payments.
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As a result, crises within traditional social formations arise from steering problems that produce dangers to system integration and threaten the identity of the society. Liberal capitalism has its principle of organization in the "relationship of wage labor and capital, which is anchored in the system of bourgeois civil law." One of the facets of this social formation is the "political anonymization of class rule," which results in the socially dominant class having to convince itself that it no longer rules.
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Habermas argues that it is for this reason that unconstrained communication is imperative to social progress, since analysis and critique of the bourgeois society is one way to "unmask" these ideologies and cause the bourgeois to confront the contradiction between the idea and reality of its society. Crises in liberal capitalism arise through unresolved economic steering problems.
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As a result, markets steer the social formation not only through the use of money and power but through ideology, although they appear to be anonymous and unpolitical entities. Advanced capitalism has its principle of organization in the process of economic concentration. This social formation exists when the capitalist model becomes deeply integrated in a society and continues to develop extensively for a prolonged period of time. The crisis tendencies of advanced capitalism stem from the three subsystems: economic crises from the economic system; rationality and legitimation crises from the political system; and motivation crises from the socio-cultural system.
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The political subsystem of the social world requires an input of mass loyalty in order to produce an output, which consists of legitimate administrative decisions that are executed by the state. A rationality crisis is an output crisis that occurs when the state fails to meet the demands of the economy. A legitimation crisis, on the other hand, is an input crisis that occurs when "the legitimation system does not succeed in maintaining the requisite level of mass loyalty."
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It is an identity crisis in which administrations are unable to establish normative structures to the extent required for the entire system to function properly. As a result, the state suffers a loss of support by the public when the electorate judges its administration unaccountable. This loss of public confidence is one of many characteristics of a legitimation crisis, among them issues such as policy incoherence and loss of institutional will.
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In the past, there have been many examples of social upheaval and systemic power exchanges that can be classified as legitimation crises. According to Habermas, these crises have all occurred as a natural consequence of society's productive advancement, as the social system struggles to adapt to the strains on relations of production. In other words, as a society's "technical knowledge" advances, the equilibrium is disturbed between the technical and political aspects of production, which can result in a crisis if the imbalance isn't corrected by adequate advancement of "moral-practical knowledge." A prime example of this is in the process of industrialization, where the establishment of factories and massive workforces often precedes the establishment of government regulations, workers' rights and labor unions.
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As sociologist Robert Merton explains, a group is most successful and stable when it is satisfied by the achievement of its institutional goals (technical/forces of production) and also with the institutional norms and regulations condoned to achieve those goals (moral-practical/relations of production). Therefore, in order to maintain legitimacy, a society, constituted by both the government and the governed, must engage in an ongoing and competitive reevaluation of its goals and norms to ensure they continue to satisfy the society's needs. The establishment of new social movements is essential to this process.
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Historically, the most stable societies have been those that enjoy widespread acceptance of both the society's institutional goals and the means used to achieve them. In contrast, every crisis of legitimacy has occurred when a large and/or important portion of a society strongly disagrees with some or all aspects of the institutional norms, as established and advanced by a particular regime or government. When a government loses support, in this regard, it risks losing its legitimacy, as the public begins to question and doubt the grounds upon which the government's claim to power is built.
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In dealing with these crises, individuals and groups of individuals in the society resort to various modes of adjustment or adaptation. Historically, these have usually cropped up in the form of revolutions, coups and wars.
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Additionally, it is important to note that the logic of legitimation strongly depends on the system of domination deployed. In fact, it's the logic of legitimation that informs the concrete ways citizens and subjects comply to authority and/or contend with authority. In other words, the basis for any claim to legitimacy is often the basis for resistance against that same claim to legitimacy.
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For example, in some societies the economic achievements under a particular regime or government form the basis for its legitimation claims; in those societies, counterclaims to legitimacy will often highlight economic failures in order to strategically undermine the regime or government's authority. Max Weber, who first advanced this point, summarizes it below: every...system attempts to establish and to cultivate the belief in its legitimacy. But according to the kind of legitimacy which is claimed, the type of obedience, the kind of administrative staff developed to guarantee it, and the mode of exercising authority, will all differ fundamentally.
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The events of the French Revolution, from 1789 to 1799, and the socio-political changes that it comprised can be classified as a legitimation crisis. The revolution was characteristic of a time in Europe where the divine right of monarchical rule was being undermined and transformed as the universal rights of the common citizen were emphasized instead. Consequently, the mythological world views that underpinned the governing institutions of law and that bound popular conceptions of morality were replaced with more rational ones.
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The legitimation crisis in China took place after decades of power struggles and cultural shifts that had been in effect since the 1960s. The legitimation crisis, itself, was the result of several economic and political reforms made by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as part of an effort to salvage their reputation after the socialist policies and populist leadership of Mao Zedong in the 60s and 70s had left the Chinese economy in poor condition.During Mao's rule, an informal social contract was established, in which the government would supply socialist benefits (e.g. egalitarianism, food and shelter, medical care, education, job security, stable prices, social stability, and elimination of social evils) in return for the public's acquiescence to one-party rule and the loss of some civil liberties and political rights. However, in the midst of the a time referred to as the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976, the social contract was put in jeopardy as political and social stability faded. When Mao died in 1976, a brief crisis of legitimation followed, as the cult of personality died with him and the CCP was left without its last strong grounds for authority.
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Since the party's core socialist policies had also failed, in order to regain and maintain legitimacy the party was forced to shift away from its longstanding focus on Marxist ideology, economic socialism, and charismatic appeals to focusing on political and economic rationalization and legalization instead. The party's economic achievements (e.g. improved standard of living, growth and development) under its newly liberalized policies became the primary evidence of its legitimacy. In essence, the reforms were a solid move away from a control-oriented economy towards a more market-oriented, capitalist one.The CCP faced a new legitimation crisis with the move toward capitalism, as it violated the terms of the previously established social contract (inflation rose, the income gap widened, job insecurity increased, social welfare programs deteriorated and social evils returned) and the CCP's claim to one-party rule was challenged, as the public began to wonder why they were necessary as a party if socialism had failed and capitalism was the answer; after all, the CCP's leaders were not the most qualified to exercise market-oriented economic reforms. The shift towards capitalist policies coupled with the CCP's inability to accommodate increased pressure for political liberalization and democratization eventually culminated in the Chinese democracy movement and the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989.
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