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Theories of the causes of SWB tend to emphasize either top-down or bottom-up influences.
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In the top-down view, global features of personality influence the way a person perceives events. Individuals may therefore have a global tendency to perceive life in a consistently positive or negative manner, depending on their stable personality traits. Top-down theories of SWB suggest that people have a genetic predisposition to be happy or unhappy and this predisposition determines their SWB "setpoint". Set Point theory implies that a person's baseline or equilibrium level of SWB is a consequence of hereditary characteristics and therefore, almost entirely predetermined at birth.
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Evidence for this genetic predisposition derives from behavior-genetic studies that have found that positive and negative affectivity each have high heritability (40% and 55% respectively in one study). Numerous twin studies confirm the notion of set point theory, however, they do not rule out the possibility that is it possible for individuals to experience long term changes in SWB.Diener et al. note that heritability studies are limited in that they describe long-term SWB in a sample of people in a modern western society but may not be applicable to more extreme environments that might influence SWB and do not provide absolute indicators of genetic effects. Additionally, heritability estimates are inconsistent across studies.
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Further evidence for a genetically influenced predisposition to SWB comes from findings that personality has a large influence on long-term SWB. This has led to the dynamic equilibrium model of SWB. This model proposes that personality provides a baseline for emotional responses. External events may move people away from the baseline, sometimes dramatically, but these movements tend to be of limited duration, with most people returning to their baseline eventually.
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From a bottom-up perspective, happiness is created from happy experiences. Bottom-up influences include external events, and broad situational and demographic factors, including health and marital status. Bottom-up approaches are based on the idea that there are universal basic human needs and that happiness results from their fulfilment.
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In support of this view, there is evidence that daily pleasurable events are associated with increased positive affect, and daily unpleasant events or hassles are associated with increased negative affect. However, research suggests that external events account for a much smaller proportion of the variance in self-reports of SWB than top-down factors, such as personality. A theory proposed to explain the limited impact of external events on SWB is hedonic adaptation.
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Based originally on the concept of a "hedonic treadmill", this theory proposes that positive or negative external events temporarily increase or decrease feelings of SWB, but as time passes people tend to become habituated to their circumstances and have a tendency to return to a personal SWB "setpoint" or baseline level. The hedonic treadmill theory originally proposed that most people return to a neutral level of SWB (i.e. neither happy nor unhappy) as they habituate to events. However, subsequent research has shown that for most people, the baseline level of SWB is at least mildly positive, as most people tend to report being at least somewhat happy in general and tend to experience positive mood when no adverse events are occurring. Additional refinements to this theory have shown that people do not adapt to all life events equally, as people tend to adapt rapidly to some events (e.g. imprisonment), slowly to others (e.g. the death of a loved one), and not at all to others (e.g. noise and sex).
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A number of studies have found that SWB constructs are strongly associated with a range of personality traits, including those in the five factor model. Findings from numerous personality studies show that genetics account for 20–48% of the variance in the Five-Factor Model and the variance in subjective well-being is also heritable. Specifically, neuroticism predicts poorer subjective well-being whilst extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness and openness to experience tend to predict higher subjective well-being. A Meta-analyses found that neuroticism, extraversion, agreeableness, and conscientiousness were significantly related to all facets of SWB examined (positive, negative, and overall affect; happiness; life satisfaction; and quality of life).
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Meta-analytic research shows that neuroticism is the strongest predictor of overall SWB and is the strongest predictor of negative affect.A large number of personality traits are related to SWB constructs, although intelligence has negligible relationships. Positive affect is most strongly predicted by extraversion, to a lesser extent agreeableness, and more weakly by openness to experience. Happiness was most strongly predicted by extraversion, and also strongly predicted by neuroticism, and to a lesser extent by the other three factors.
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Life satisfaction was significantly predicted by neuroticism, extraversion, agreeableness, and conscientiousness. Quality of life was very strongly predicted by neuroticism, and also strongly predicted by extraversion and conscientiousness, and to a modest extent by agreeableness and openness to experience. One study found that subjective well-being was genetically indistinct from personality traits, especially those that reflected emotional stability (low Neuroticism), and social and physical activity (high Extraversion), and constraint (high Conscientiousness).DeNeve (1999) argued that there are three trends in the relationship between personality and SWB.
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Firstly, SWB is closely tied to traits associated with emotional tendencies (emotional stability, positive affectivity, and tension). Secondly, relationship enhancing traits (e.g. trust, affiliation) are important for subjective well-being.
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Happy people tend to have strong relationships and be good at fostering them. Thirdly, the way people think about and explain events is important for subjective well-being. Appraising events in an optimistic fashion, having a sense of control, and making active coping efforts facilitates subjective well-being.
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Trust, a trait substantially related to SWB, as opposed to cynicism involves making positive rather than negative attributions about others. Making positive, optimistic attributions rather than negative pessimistic ones facilitates subjective well-being.The related trait of eudaimonia or psychological well-being, is also heritable. Evidence from one study supports 5 independent genetic mechanisms underlying the Ryff facets of psychological well-being, leading to a genetic construct of eudaimonia in terms of general self-control, and four subsidiary biological mechanisms enabling the psychological capabilities of purpose, agency, growth, and positive social relations.
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A person's level of subjective well-being is determined by many different factors and social influences prove to be a strong one. Results from the famous Framingham Heart Study indicate that friends three degrees of separation away (that is, friends of friends of friends) can affect a person's happiness. From abstract: "A friend who lives within a mile (about 1.6 km) and who becomes happy increases the probability that a person is happy by 25%.
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"Quality of social connections has a much stronger affect on SWB than the quantity of those connections. Those with fewer but more intimate social contacts report higher levels of SWB than those who have many contacts but lower quality of connections. One's level of perceived support plays a role in predicting SWB.
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Those who believe to have a strong support group tend to have higher levels of SWB than those who do not. High levels of negative affect has also been correlated with low perceived social support. Frequent, high quality social interactions coupled with perceived social support will contribute greatly to the SWB a person experiences.
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Social media often leads to comparison. When people compare their life experiences with those seen on social media (which are primarily good, happy, or exciting experiences), those people experience a decrease in their quality of life. Fan Xiaojun et al. point out that, because self-presentation on social media is very common, viewers of those pages can experience chronic pressure, leading to overall lower SWB.
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Research has not demonstrated that there are significant differences in subjective well-being between childless couples and couples with children. A research study by Pollmann-Schult (2014) found that when holding finances and time costs constant, parents are happier and show increased life satisfaction than non-parents.
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Research indicates that wealth is related to many positive outcomes in life. Such outcomes include: improved health and mental health, greater longevity, lower rates of infant mortality, experience fewer stressful life events, and less frequently the victims of violent crimes However, research suggests that wealth has a smaller impact on SWB than people generally think, even though higher incomes do correlate substantially with life satisfaction reports.The relative influence of wealth together with other material components on overall subjective well-being of a person is being studied through new research. The Well-being Project at Human Science Lab investigates how material well-being and perceptual well-being works as relative determinants in conditioning our mind for positive emotions.In a study done by Aknin, Norton, & Dunn (2009), researchers asked participants from across the income spectrum to report their own happiness and to predict the happiness of others and themselves at different income levels. In study 1, predicted happiness ranged between 2.4 and 7.9, and actual happiness ranged between 5.2 and 7.7.
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In study 2, predicted happiness ranged between 15-80 and actual happiness ranged between 50 and 80. These findings show that people believe that money does more for happiness than it really does. However, some research indicates that while socioeconomic measures of status do not correspond to greater happiness, measures of sociometric status (status compared to people encountered face-to-face on a daily basis) do correlate to increased subjective well-being, above and beyond the effects of extroversion and other factors.The Easterlin Paradox also suggests that there is no connection between a society's economic development and its average level of happiness.
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Through time, the Easterlin has looked at the relationship between happiness and gross domestic product (GDP) across countries and within countries. There are three different phenomena to look at when examining the connection between money and Subjective well-being; rising GDP within a country, relative income within a country, and differences in GDP between countries.More specifically, when making comparisons between countries, a principle called the Diminishing Marginal Utility of Income (DMUI) stands strong. Veenhoven (1991) said, "e not only see a clear positive relationship , but also a curvilinear pattern; which suggest that wealth is subject to a law of diminishing happiness returns." Meaning a $1,000 increase in real income, becomes progressively smaller the higher the initial level of income, having less of an impact on subjective well-being. Easterlin (1995) proved that the DMUI is true when comparing countries, but not when looking at rising gross domestic product within countries.
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There are substantial positive associations between health and SWB so that people who rate their general health as "good" or "excellent" tend to experience better SWB compared to those who rate their health as "fair" or "poor". A meta-analysis found that self-ratings of general health were more strongly related to SWB than physician ratings of health. The relationship between health and SWB may be bidirectional. There is evidence that good subjective well-being contributes to better health.
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A review of longitudinal studies found that measures of baseline subjective well-being constructs such as optimism and positive affect predicted longer-term health status and mortality. Conversely, a number of studies found that baseline depression predicted poorer longer-term health status and mortality. Baseline health may well have a causal influence on subjective well-being so causality is difficult to establish.
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A number of studies found that positive emotions and optimism had a beneficial impact on cardiovascular health and on immune functioning. Changes in mood are also known to be associated with changes in immune and cardiovascular response. There is evidence that interventions that are successful in improving subjective well-being can have beneficial effects on aspects of health.
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For example, meditation and relaxation training have been found to increase positive affect and to reduce blood pressure. The effect of specific types of subjective well-being is not entirely clear. For example, how durable the effects of mood and emotions on health are remains unclear.
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Whether some types of subjective well-being predict health independently of others is also unclear. Meditation has the power to increase happiness because it can improve self-confidence and reduces anxiety, which increases your well-being. Cultivating personal strengths and resources, like humour, social/animal company, and daily occupations, also appears to help people preserve acceptable levels of SWB despite the presence of symptoms of depression, anxiety, and stress.Research suggests that probing a patient's happiness is one of the most important things a doctor can do to predict that patient's health and longevity.
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In health-conscious modern societies, most people overlook the emotions as a vital component of one's health, while over focusing on diet and exercise. According to Diener & Biswas-Diener, people who are happy become less sick than people who are unhappy. There are three types of health: morbidity, survival, and longevity.
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Evidence suggests that all three can be improved through happiness: Morbidity, simply put, is whether or not someone develops a serious illness, such as the flu or cancer. In a 30-year longitudinal study, participants who were high in positive emotions were found to have lower rates of many health problems. Some of these illnesses/problems include lower death rates from heart disease, suicide, accidents, homicides, mental illnesses, drug dependency, and liver disease related to alcoholism.
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Additionally, results showed that depressed participants were more likely to have heart attacks and recurrences of heart attacks when compared to happy people. Survival is the term used for what happens to a person after he/she has already developed or contracted a serious illness. Although happiness has been shown to increase health, with survival, this may not be the case.
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Survival may be the only area of health that evidence suggests happiness may actually be sometimes detrimental. It is unclear why exactly research results suggest this is the case, however Diener & Biswas-Diener offer an explanation. It is possible that happy people fail to report symptoms of the illness, which can ultimately lead to no treatment or inadequate treatment.
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Another possible reason may be that happy people tend to be optimistic, leading them to take their symptoms too lightly, seek treatment too late, and/or follow the doctor's instructions half-heartedly. And lastly, Diener & Biswas-Diener suggest that people with serious illnesses may be more likely to choose to live out the rest of their days without painful or invasive treatments. Longevity, the third area of health, is measured by an individual's age of death.
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Head researcher Deborah Danner of the University of Kentucky researched links between an individual's happiness and that individual's longevity. Danner recruited 180 Catholic nuns from a nearby convent as the participants of her study.
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She chose nuns because they live very similar lives. This eliminates many confounding variables that might be present in other samples, which can lead to inaccurate results. Such confounding variables could include substance use, diet, and sexual risk-taking.
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Since there are few differences among the nuns as far as the confounding variables, this sample offered the best option to match a controlled laboratory setting. Results showed that nuns who were considered happy or positive in their manner and language on average lived 10 years longer than the nuns who were considered unhappy or negative in their manner and language. A follow-up study by health researcher Sarah Pressman examined 96 famous psychologists to determine if similar results from the nun research would be seen as well. Pressman's results showed that the positive or happy psychologists lived, on average, 6 years longer. The psychologists who were considered negative or unhappy lived, on average, 5 years less.
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A positive relationship has been found between the volume of gray matter in the right precuneus area of the brain, and the subject's subjective happiness score. A six-week mindfulness based intervention was found to correlate with a significant gray matter increase within the precuneus.
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There are a number of domains that are thought to contribute to subjective well-being. In a study by Hribernik and Mussap (2010), leisure satisfaction was found to predict unique variance in life satisfaction, supporting its inclusion as a distinct life domain contributing to subjective well-being. Additionally, relationship status interacted with age group and gender on differences in leisure satisfaction. The relationship between leisure satisfaction and life satisfaction, however, was reduced when considering the impact of core affect (underlying mood state). This suggests that leisure satisfaction may primarily be influenced by an individual's subjective well-being level as represented by core affect. This has implications for possible limitations in the extent to which leisure satisfaction may be improved beyond pre-existing levels of well-being and mood in individuals.
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Although all cultures seem to value happiness, cultures vary in how they define happiness. There is also evidence that people in more individualistic cultures tend to rate themselves as higher in subjective well-being compared to people in more collectivistic cultures.In Western cultures, predictors of happiness include elements that support personal independence, a sense of personal agency, and self-expression. In Eastern cultures, predictors of happiness focus on an interdependent self that is inseparable from significant others. Compared to people in individualistic cultures, people in collectivistic cultures are more likely to base their judgments of life satisfaction on how significant others appraise their life than on the balance of inner emotions experienced as pleasant versus unpleasant.
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Pleasant emotional experiences have a stronger social component in East Asian cultures compared to Western ones. For example, people in Japan are more likely to associate happiness with interpersonally engaging emotions (such as friendly feelings), whereas people in the United States are more likely to associate happiness with interpersonally disengaging emotions (pride, for example). There are also cultural differences in motives and goals associated with happiness.
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For example, Asian Americans tend to experience greater happiness after achieving goals that are pleasing to or approved of by significant others compared to European Americans. There is also evidence that high self-esteem, a sense of personal control and a consistent sense of identity relate more strongly to SWB in Western cultures than they do in Eastern ones. However, this is not to say that these things are unimportant to SWB in Eastern cultures.
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Research has found that even within Eastern cultures, people with high self-esteem and a more consistent sense of identity are somewhat happier than those who are low in these characteristics. There is no evidence that low self-esteem and so on are actually beneficial to SWB in any known culture.A large body of research evidence has confirmed that people in individualistic societies report higher levels of happiness than people in collectivistic ones and that socioeconomic factors alone are insufficient to explain this difference. In addition to political and economic differences, individualistic versus collectivistic nations reliably differ in a variety of psychological characteristics that are related to SWB, such as emotion norms and attitudes to the expression of individual needs.
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Collectivistic cultures are based around the belief that the individual exists for the benefit of the larger social unit, whereas more individualistic cultures assume the opposite. Collectivistic cultures emphasize maintaining social order and harmony and therefore expect members to suppress their personal desires when necessary in order to promote collective interests. Such cultures therefore consider self-regulation more important than self-expression or than individual rights.
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Individualistic cultures by contrast emphasize the inalienable value of each person and expect individuals to become self-directive and self-sufficient. Although people in collectivistic cultures may gain happiness from the social approval they receive from suppressing self-interest, research seems to suggest that self-expression produces a greater happiness "payoff" compared to seeking approval outside oneself.Despite westerners reporting higher levels of subjective well-being than easterners, they also have more frequent reports of depression.
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The differing beliefs on self-expression help explain what may at first seem paradoxical. Westerners tend to encourage individual expression, which leads to a greater focus on one's own emotions. This increased self-awareness combines with the normative belief that joy should be more common than sadness.
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People living under these conditions can catastrophize their own negative emotions; feeling increased sadness over the fact that they are either not currently happy or frequently happy. Easterners tend to be more concerned about their collective's feelings over their own individual feelings. They do not typically catastrophize their sadness, and learn to brush it off.
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Positive psychology is particularly concerned with the study of SWB. Positive psychology was founded by Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) who identified that psychology is not just the study of pathology, weakness, and damage; but it is also the study of strength and virtue. Researchers in positive psychology have pointed out that in almost every culture studied the pursuit of happiness is regarded as one of the most valued goals in life.
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Understanding individual differences in SWB is of key interest in positive psychology, particularly the issue of why some people are happier than others. Some people continue to be happy in the face of adversity whereas others are chronically unhappy at the best of times.Positive psychology has investigated how people might improve their level of SWB and maintain these improvements over the longer term, rather than returning to baseline. Lyubomirsky (2001) argued that SWB is influenced by a combination of personality/genetics (studies have found that genetic influences usually account for 35-50% of the variance in happiness measures), external circumstances, and activities that affect SWB. She argued that changing one's external circumstances tends to have only a temporary effect on SWB, whereas engaging in activities (mental and/or physical) that enhance SWB can lead to more lasting improvements in SWB.
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SWB is often used in appraising the wellbeing of populations.
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SWB in the workplace increases productivity and the meaning people make through their work. Many factors can affect SWB in the workplace. One of the bigger factors is negative gossip. A study from Xiamen University found that negative gossip is highly correlated with low levels of SWB.
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To combat this issue, Cheng et al. suggest offering support to employees who feel psychological distress and help the staff increase their emotional intelligence. When a person has high levels of SWB in the workplace, that person is often more productive. SWB helps employees to feel less burned out, leading to higher productivity and more desire or willingness to work extra hours.
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Many people consider SWB, in the workplace specifically, as a necessary condition for happiness. In other words, these people are saying that, if they do not feel SWB in the workplace, they will not feel happiness in life. Employee's SWB has not only lead to higher profits, but also higher customer loyalty and lower turnover. Prioritizing the SWB of the employees benefits all aspects of an organization.
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The history of evolutionary psychology began with Charles Darwin, who said that humans have social instincts that evolved by natural selection. Darwin's work inspired later psychologists such as William James and Sigmund Freud but for most of the 20th century psychologists focused more on behaviorism and proximate explanations for human behavior. E. O. Wilson's landmark 1975 book, Sociobiology, synthesized recent theoretical advances in evolutionary theory to explain social behavior in animals, including humans. Jerome Barkow, Leda Cosmides and John Tooby popularized the term "evolutionary psychology" in their 1992 book The Adapted Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and The Generation of Culture. Like sociobiology before it, evolutionary psychology has been embroiled in controversy, but evolutionary psychologists see their field as gaining increased acceptance overall.
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After his seminal work in developing theories of natural selection, Charles Darwin devoted much of his final years to the study of animal emotions and psychology. He wrote two books;The Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex in 1871 and The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals in 1872 that dealt with topics related to evolutionary psychology. He introduced the concepts of sexual selection to explain the presence of animal structures that seemed unrelated to survival, such as the peacock's tail. He also introduced theories concerning group selection and kin selection to explain altruism.
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Darwin pondered why humans and animals were often generous to their group members. Darwin felt that acts of generosity decreased the fitness of generous individuals. This fact contradicted natural selection which favored the fittest individual.
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Darwin concluded that while generosity decreased the fitness of individuals, generosity would increase the fitness of a group. In this case, altruism arose due to competition between groups. The following quote, from Darwin's Origin of Species, is often interpreted by evolutionary psychologists as indication of his foreshadowing the emergence of the field: In the distant future I see open fields for far more important researches. Psychology will be based on a new foundation, that of the necessary acquirement of each mental power and capacity by gradation.
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Darwin's theory inspired William James's functionalist approach to psychology. At the core of his theory was a system of "instincts." James wrote that humans had many instincts, even more than other animals. These instincts, he said, could be overridden by experience and by each other, as many of the instincts were actually in conflict with each other.In their Evolutionary Psychology Primer Tooby and Cosmides make note of James' perspective, and also quote him: "We do not realize that 'normal' behavior needs to be explained at all.
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This "instinct blindness" makes the study of psychology difficult. To get past this problem, James suggested that we try to make the "natural seem strange":It takes...a mind debauched by learning to carry the process of making the natural seem strange, so far as to ask for the why of any instinctive human act. To the metaphysician alone can such questions occur as: Why do we smile, when pleased, and not scowl?
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Why are we unable to talk to a crowd as we talk to a single friend? Why does a particular maiden turn our wits so upside-down? The common man can only say, Of course we smile, of course our heart palpitates at the sight of the crowd, of course we love the maiden, that beautiful soul clad in that perfect form, so palpably and flagrantly made for all eternity to be loved!And so, probably, does each animal feel about the particular things it tends to do in the presence of particular objects.
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... To the lion it is the lioness which is made to be loved; to the bear, the she-bear. To the broody hen the notion would probably seem monstrous that there should be a creature in the world to whom a nestful of eggs was not the utterly fascinating and precious and never-to-be-too-much-sat-upon object which it is to her.Thus we may be sure that, however mysterious some animals' instincts may appear to us, our instincts will appear no less mysterious to them. (William James, 1890)In our view, William James was right about evolutionary psychology.
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Making the natural seem strange is unnatural -- it requires the twisted outlook seen, for example, in Gary Larson cartoons. Yet it is a pivotal part of the enterprise.
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Many psychologists avoid the study of natural competences, thinking that there is nothing there to be explained. "According to Noam Chomsky, perhaps Anarchist thinker Peter Kropotkin could be credited as having founded evolutionary psychology, when in his 1902 book Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution he argued that the human instinct for cooperation and mutual aid could be seen as stemming from evolutionary adaption.William McDougall made a reference to "evolutionary psychology" in his 1919 book An Introduction to Social Psychology: "It is only a comparative and evolutionary psychology that can provide the needed basis (for psychology); and this could not be created before the work of Darwin had convinced men of the continuity of human with animal evolution as regards all bodily characters, and had prepared the way for the quickly following recognition of the similar continuity of man's mental evolution with that of the animal world." (p. 16)
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While Darwin's theories on natural selection gained acceptance in the early part of the 20th century, his theories on evolutionary psychology were largely ignored. Only after the second world war, in the 1950s, did interest increase in the systematic study of animal behavior. It was during this period that the modern field of ethology emerged.
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Konrad Lorenz and Nikolaas Tinbergen were pioneers in developing the theoretical framework for ethology for which they would receive a Nobel prize in 1973. Desmond Morris's book The Naked Ape attempted to frame human behavior in the context of evolution, but his explanations failed to convince academics because they were based on a teleological (goal-oriented) understanding of evolution. For example, he said that the pair bond evolved so that men who were out hunting could trust that their mates back home were not having sex with other males.
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In 1975, E. O. Wilson built upon the works of Lorenz and Tinbergen by combining studies of animal behavior, social behavior and evolutionary theory in his book Sociobiology:The New Synthesis. Wilson included a chapter on human behavior. Wilson's application of evolutionary analysis to human behavior caused bitter debate.With the publication of Sociobiology, evolutionary thinking for the first time had an identifiable presence in the field of psychology. E. O. Wilson argues that the field of evolutionary psychology is essentially the same as "human sociobiology".Edward H. Hagen writes in The Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology that sociobiology is, despite the public controversy regarding the applications to humans, "one of the scientific triumphs of the twentieth century." "Sociobiology is now part of the core research and curriculum of virtually all biology departments, and it is a foundation of the work of almost all field biologists" Sociobiological research on nonhuman organisms has increased dramatically and appears continuously in the world's top scientific journals such as Nature and Science.The more general term behavioral ecology is commonly used as substitute for the term sociobiology in order to avoid the public controversy.
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The term evolutionary psychology was used by American biologist Michael Ghiselin in a 1973 article published in the journal Science. Jerome Barkow, Leda Cosmides and John Tooby popularized the term "evolutionary psychology" in their 1992 book The Adapted Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and The Generation of Culture. The term is sometimes abbreviated "EvoPsych" or "evo-psych" or similar.In contrast to sociobiology and behavioral ecology, evolutionary psychology emphasizes that organisms are "adaptation executors" rather than "fitness maximizers." In other words, organisms have emotional, motivational and cognitive adaptations that generally increased inclusive fitness in the past but may not do so in the present.
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This distinction may explain some maladaptive behaviors that are the result of "fitness lags" between ancestral and modern environments. For example, our ancestrally developed desires for fat, sugar and salt often lead to health problems in modern environment where these are readily available in large quantities.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_evolutionary_psychology
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Also, in contrast to sociobiology and behavioral ecology (which mostly study non-human animal behavior), rather than focus primarily on overt behavior, EP attempts to identify underlying psychological adaptations (including emotional, motivational and cognitive mechanisms), and how these mechanisms interact with the developmental and current environmental influences to produce behavior.Before 1990, introductory psychology textbooks scarcely mentioned Darwin. In the 1990s, evolutionary psychology was treated as a fringe theory, and evolutionary psychologists depicted themselves as an embattled minority. Coverage in psychology textbooks was largely hostile. According to evolutionary psychologists, current coverage in psychology textbooks is usually neutral or balanced.The presence that evolutionary theory holds in psychology has been steadily increasing. According to its proponents, evolutionary psychology now occupies a central place in psychological science.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_evolutionary_psychology
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Signal enhancement by extravascular water protons, or SEEP, is a contrast mechanism for functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), which is an alternative to the more commonly employed BOLD (blood-oxygen-level dependent) contrast. This mechanism for image contrast changes corresponding to changes in neuronal activity was first proposed by Dr. Patrick Stroman in 2001. SEEP contrast is based on changes in tissue water content which arise from the increased production of extracellular fluid and swelling of neurons and glial cells at sites of neuronal activity. Because the dominant sources of MRI signal in biological tissues are water and lipids, an increase in tissue water content is reflected by a local increase in MR signal intensity.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Signal_enhancement_by_extravascular_water_protons
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A correspondence between BOLD and SEEP signal changes, and sites of activity, has been observed in the brain and appears to arise from the common dependence on changes in local blood flow to cause a change in blood oxygenation or to produce extracellular fluid. The advantage of SEEP contrast is that it can be detected with MR imaging methods which are relatively insensitive to magnetic susceptibility differences between air, tissues, blood, and bone. Such susceptibility differences can give rise to spatial image distortions and areas of low signal, and magnetic susceptibility changes in blood give rise to the BOLD contrast for fMRI. The primary application of SEEP to date has been fMRI of the spinal cord (spinal fMRI) because the bone/tissue interfaces around the spinal cord cause poor image quality with conventional fMRI methods. The disadvantages of SEEP compared to BOLD contrast are that it reveals more localized areas of activity, and in the brain the signal intensity changes are typically lower, and it can therefore be more difficult to detect.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Signal_enhancement_by_extravascular_water_protons
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SEEP is controversial because it is not universally agreed to exist as a contrast mechanism for fMRI. However, more recent studies have demonstrated changes in MRI signal corresponding with changes in neuronal activity in rat cortical tissue slices, in the absence of blood flow or changes in oxygenation, and neuronal activity and cellular swelling were corroborated by light-transmittance microscopy. This demonstrated SEEP contrast in the absence of confounding factors which can occur in-vivo, such as physiological motion and the possibility of concurrent BOLD contrast. == References ==
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Signal_enhancement_by_extravascular_water_protons
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The Ministry of Religious Affairs and Public Education was a short-lived government ministry of the Russian Empire, directing all educational and scientific institutions and the spiritual affairs of all faiths within Russia. It was formed by decree of Alexander I of Russia on 24 May (5 June) 1817 by merging the Ministry of National Education, the Chief Directorate of Religious Affairs of the Orthodox Faith of the Most Holy Synod, and the Chief Directorate of Religious Affairs of Foreign (i.e. non-Orthodox) Faiths. This gave it its unofficial nicknames of the "double ministry" and the "twice as much ministry". It was disbanded in 1824 due to its significant duplication of Synod's functions. In place of the ministry were restored all three previous institutions.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministry_of_Religious_Affairs_and_Public_Education_(Russia)
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1817 – 1824 Prince Alexander Golitsyn (previously ober-procurator of the Holy Synod)
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministry_of_Religious_Affairs_and_Public_Education_(Russia)
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IoT Forensics is a branch of Digital forensics that has the goal of identifying and extracting digital information from devices belonging to the Internet of things field, using a forensically sound and legally acceptable process.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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Unlike traditional digital forensics approaches, IoT forensics is characterized by a wider range of potential source of evidence: with respect to the traditional analysis of servers, computers and smartphones, IoT forensics is extracting the information directly from smart environment data including monitoring systems, traffic lights, medical implants, smart home devices and more IoT scenarios.Moreover, IoT forensics potential source of evidence can be very different in nature with respect to digital forensics common use cases: network traffic, cloud data, devices logs and more information can be extracted and used as source of evidence if extracted successfully and processed in the correct way. IoT forensics can be identified as a combination of three separate digital forensics schemes: IoT Device Level forensics: Process of extracting evidence from the IoT devices (i.e. in the device memory). A lot of devices can be included in this process: examples are sensors, health implants, smart meters, smart home appliances, smart cameras, networked vehicles, RFIDs, and drones. Being the devices different in hardware and functionalities, device level evidence identification and acquisition is often challenging and not always feasible.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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Network forensics: Process of identifying and extracting evidence from network log, devices traffic traces and communication patterns. With respect to the traditional network investigations, IoT Network forensics branch includes additional network models such as for example Body area network or Personal area network (i.e. Bluetooth or ZigBee devices). For each type of network, there needs to be appropriate forensic methods for the investigations, involving different tools and appropriate network protocol analysis.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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Cloud forensics: Process of extrapolating information in the cloud used by the devices. Since IoT devices are usually limited in memory, most of the information is stored in proprietary cloud applications that may contain a massive amount of potential evidences (i.e. devices activities). Given the amount of information that can be recovered from the different entities involved in the cloud, Cloud forensics plays an important role in the IoT Forensics domain: system logs, access logs, chat logs, sessions, cookies, user authentication and application data are examples of the information that can be retrieved from cloud services related to each IoT device.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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An IoT forensics investigation process should be conducted using the standard guidelines so that the collected evidence can be admissible on the court. The process is analogous to digital forensics process, but faces challenges caused by the peculiarities of the IoT devices. The full process can be split temporally into six different phases: Evidence Identification, Evidence Collection, Evidence Preservation, Evidence Analysis, Attack and Deficit attribution, Evidence Presentation. Each of the different phases of the forensic process may introduce several challenges when applied to the limitations of the IoT devices.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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Evidence Identification and its subsequent collection are the first phases for investigators during forensic processes. Search and seizure is an important step in any forensic examination: in the particular case of the IoT forensics, detecting presence of IoT systems is not always immediate considering that these devices are usually of small dimensions and are designed to work passively and autonomously.Most of the information on IoT devices is usually sent to cloud servers, considering the very limited physical memory of the device itself. This brings new challenges for the forensic investigators that sometimes can not even know where the data is located, as it is distributed among many servers in multiple data centers. Moreover, after the identification step, cloud evidence collection is not always feasible given the different jurisdictions under which the data could be located.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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Data center locations of cloud service providers are usually distributed in order to reduce costs and increase service efficiency. For this reason a forensic investigator often faces multi-jurisdiction issues during the data collection when the information is stored in the cloud.In the case of Network forensics some of the evidence can be collected from network devices like routers or firewalls, but most of the network potential sources of evidence exists only in flight. For example, Network traffic can be captured only at the time it passes through a device processing it.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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There are devices and procedures for storing network traffic as raw data but it is impractical to capture and save all network data due to its volume. The question of privacy and legal issues of data acquisition in network forensics is even larger than in the cloud forensics case, as the network data might include a lot of information that is not related to the legal case in question. Current research in IoT network forensics is working on the development of tools based on the most popular network traffic softwares (e.g. tcpdump, Wireshark) to extract information from network devices (i.e. Wi-Fi Access Points), in order to avoid the storage of the full traffic still maintaining potential evidence for forensic investigation.At the device level, once the IoT device in question has been identified, the evidence should be extracted in its physical memory.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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Digital forensics traditional process guidelines suggest to turn off the evidentiary devices in order to prevent the alteration of data. Given the cloud services almost substituting the storage (ROM) of the IoT devices, most of the physical information is nevertheless located in volatile memory like RAM. The creation of an evidence copy of such memory must be done without powering down the device, which goes against traditional best-practices and is not always feasible since most of the devices have limited energy capabilities.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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Moreover, unplugged IoT devices may become unaccessible and need proper reconfiguration before the use, hence modifying system logs information causing loss of potential evidences. For these reasons the approach to follow when dealing with IoT device level forensics is performing live forensics data acquisition.Recent research in IoT forensics presents several frameworks and useful tools that can be used by forensics investigator for the identification and collection of evidences. Great part of the existing tools however requires a proactive process (i.e. installing the software) and is thus not always usable for forensic investigations, unless they have been set up before the crime occurs.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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After the evidence identification and its subsequent collection, the forensic investigator should preserve the gathered data and guarantee its integrity during the full process from right after the collection to the final presentation.While the preservation of data using proper techniques (i.e. hashing) is feasible in traditional digital forensics, it represents a hard challenge and needs particular attention in IoT environments. Autonomous interactions between the different devices introduce challenges to identify scope of a compromise and the boundaries of a crime scene.IoT forensics evidence preservation requires modern and distributed techniques to preserve and avoid the corruption of the collected evidence. For this reason the current research focuses on applying proper blockchain solutions to the evidence preservation phase, so to store the evidence in distributed nodes in the network avoiding possible attacks to its integrity.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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This phase involves all the analysis steps required by the investigators that should process and connect all the collected evidences in order to reach an outcome for the investigation. In the case of IoT evidence, the big volume of data that are usually collected in the acquisition phase make it almost impossible to provide an end-to-end analysis of the evidences. Moreover, the majority of IoT devices in the network do not store any metadata including temporal information such as creation or modification times. This makes even harder to verify the provenance and to ensure the integrity of the collected data.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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In the particular case of IoT device physical memory analysis, several tools can be used by electronically connecting to the devices (see Memory forensics).The trends in the current research in the Network forensics field in the particular case of IoT forensics involves the application of Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning techniques to deal with the massive amount of data that can be extracted from devices network traffic traces.In the attack and deficit attribution phase, the evidence collected and analysed are summarized to lead to the final outcome of the investigation. In traditional digital forensics the involved source of evidence are usually extracted from personal devices and hence lead to a restricted number of suspects. The same does not hold for IoT forensics evidence that, if moreover extracted from the cloud, can be located in physical servers accessed by multiple users at the same time.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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The last phase of any forensic investigation process is the final presentation of the collected and analysed evidences in front of the jury court. IoT forensics evidence presentation is not as simple as traditional forensic cases, in particular for finding a proper human readable representation of the evidence itself that is usually under abstract forms. Depending on legal systems it could be needed to present the collected evidence in front of the jurors in the courtroom, most probably having a very restricted knowledge of network/cloud forensics, based often on their personal experience with IoT devices. This introduces challenges for the investigator organizing the evidences in order to produce an evidence report to be easily understandable for non experts. The investigator should moreover pay particular attention in the processing phase, especially when using analytic functions, because the procedure could modify the structure of the data and alter its meaning, hence invalidating the full process.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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IoT forensics should not be confused with IoT security. IoT forensics takes care of finding evidences for forensics purposes: the evidences are not always related to IoT devices attacks or to their security, but can be used for proving/disproving a traditional forensic crime (i.e. a person detected in a room from IoT devices evidence). In the other side, IoT security takes care of the risks related to the presence of IoT devices and of attacks that may target them: it protects the devices from external attacks and prevents the devices to perform attacks to other entities.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IoT_Forensics
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Noun ellipsis (N-ellipsis), also noun phrase ellipsis (NPE), is a mechanism that elides, or appears to elide, part of a noun phrase that can be recovered from context. The mechanism occurs in many languages like English, which uses it less than related languages. Theoretical analyses of N-ellipsis vary, with at least three types of approaches to the phenomenon that a theory can pursue: 1) the true ellipsis analysis, 2) the covert pronoun analysis, and 3) the overt pronoun analysis.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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Standard instances of N-ellipsis in English are introduced by a limited set of determiner- and adjective-like elements (possessives, cardinal and ordinal numbers, other quantifiers). In the examples throughout this article, the ellipsis is indicated using a smaller font and subscripts, the element that introduces the ellipsis is in bold, and the antecedent to the ellipsis is underlined: When Susan brings her dog, Sam brings his dog too. - N-ellipsis introduced by possessive Jill likes your story even though she hates Bill's story. - N-ellipsis introduced by possessive -sBecause you bought two donuts, I bought three donuts.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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- N-ellipsis introduced by cardinal number I caught the first train before you caught the second train. - N-ellipsis introduced by ordinal numberSome school kids like syntax, and some school kids don't. - N-ellipsis introduced by a quantifier Each student was helped so that each student would understand.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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- N-ellipsis introduced by a quantifierThe set of elements that can introduce N-ellipsis in English is limited. Similar quantificational elements, for instance, cannot introduce N-ellipsis: *No school kid likes syntax, and no school kid likes semantics. - Failed attempt to introduce N-ellipsis with no *Every student was helped, so that every student would understand.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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- Failed attempt to introduce N-ellipsis with everyMost adjectives in English are also incapable of introducing N-ellipsis: *Fred watches stupid programs, but Jim watches intelligent programs. - Failed attempt to introduce N-ellipsis with a standard adjective *I value long walks although I only get to take short walks. - Failed attempt to introduce N-ellipsis with a standard adjectiveThis aspect of N-ellipsis in English distinguishes English from other languages (e.g. German and Dutch), which are much more permissive; they allow most any determiner or adjective to introduce N-ellipsis.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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Note that English employs the indefinite pronoun one to make such sentences acceptable, e.g. Fred watches stupid programs, but Jim watches intelligent ones. The examples so far all have the ellipsis following its antecedent. The opposite arrangement is also possible: the N-ellipsis can precede its "antecedent": If he brings his dog, I'll bring my dog too.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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- N-ellipsis preceding its "antecedent" Because he did the first two problems, she is going to do that last three problems. - N-ellipsis preceding its "antecedent" Even though he skipped one task, he did do the rest of the tasks. - N-ellipsis preceding its "antecedent"N-ellipsis behaves like standard personal pronouns in this area; personal pronouns can also precede their antecedents at times, e.g. When he arrives, Bill immediately takes a shower.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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There is systematic variation in forms across some noun phrases that do and do not involve N-ellipsis. This variation is apparent in English with possessives. Possessive determiners cannot introduce N-ellipsis, whereas one can interpret possessive pronouns as doing so. The following table summarizes the competing forms: The possessive determiners are systematically incapable of introducing N-ellipsis; if a possessive appears in such cases, it must be the possessive pronoun: a.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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*You like your dog, but you don't like my dog. - Possessive determiner my cannot introduce N-ellipsis b. You like your dog, but you don't like mine dog. - Possessive pronoun mine can introduce N-ellipsisa.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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*We helped your friends, before we helped our friends. - Possessive determiner our cannot introduce N-ellipsis b. We helped your friends, before we helped ours friends. - Possessive pronoun ours can introduce N-ellipsisThis same sort of data occurs in numerous other languages, where the variation is visible with many other determiner- and adjective-like elements (not just with possessives).
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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The obvious conclusion that one can reach based upon this variation is that the possessive pronouns are in fact in no way introducing N-ellipsis, but rather they are, as their name suggests, simply pronouns. In other words, there is no ellipsis in such cases. This observation is important for the theory N-ellipsis in general, and the discussion returns to the point below.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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An important aspect of N-ellipsis concerns the material that can (and cannot) be elided. Much more than just a noun can be included in the ellipsis, e.g. a. Susan likes her big red fish with a stripe and Tom likes his big red fish with a stripe too. b. Susan likes her big red fish with a stripe and Tom likes his big red fish with spots.a. I will read your first long draft on gapping from last semester if you read my second long draft on gapping from last semester.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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b. I will read your first long draft on gapping from last semester if you read mine first long draft on gapping from this semester. c. I will read your long draft on gapping from last semester if you read mine long draft on stripping.The preferred readings for these sentences are the ones indicated by the underlines and small subscripts.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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Each time, N-ellipsis appears to be eliding more than just the noun. A more extensive examination of such data would demonstrate that N-ellipsis elides minimally a noun and maximally everything else in the noun phrase that follows the word that introduces the ellipsis. At times, the elided material can appear medially in the noun phrase, as just illustrated here with the b- and c-examples.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noun_ellipsis
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