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gem-squad_v2-train-112100
|
5728ce6b4b864d1900164e89
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Socioeconomic factors, in combination with early but enduring views of race, have led to considerable suffering within disadvantaged racial groups. Racial discrimination often coincides with racist mindsets, whereby the individuals and ideologies of one group come to perceive the members of an outgroup as both racially defined and morally inferior. As a result, racial groups possessing relatively little power often find themselves excluded or oppressed, while hegemonic individuals and institutions are charged with holding racist attitudes. Racism has led to many instances of tragedy, including slavery and genocide.
|
What do groups with less power often find themselves?
|
What do groups with less power often find themselves?
|
[
"What do groups with less power often find themselves?"
] |
{
"text": [
"excluded or oppressed"
],
"answer_start": [
435
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112101
|
5728ce6b4b864d1900164e8a
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Socioeconomic factors, in combination with early but enduring views of race, have led to considerable suffering within disadvantaged racial groups. Racial discrimination often coincides with racist mindsets, whereby the individuals and ideologies of one group come to perceive the members of an outgroup as both racially defined and morally inferior. As a result, racial groups possessing relatively little power often find themselves excluded or oppressed, while hegemonic individuals and institutions are charged with holding racist attitudes. Racism has led to many instances of tragedy, including slavery and genocide.
|
What has led to many tragic instances of events like slavery and genocide?
|
What has led to many tragic instances of events like slavery and genocide?
|
[
"What has led to many tragic instances of events like slavery and genocide?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Racism"
],
"answer_start": [
546
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112102
|
5728cf173acd2414000dff09
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In some countries, law enforcement uses race to profile suspects. This use of racial categories is frequently criticized for perpetuating an outmoded understanding of human biological variation, and promoting stereotypes. Because in some societies racial groupings correspond closely with patterns of social stratification, for social scientists studying social inequality, race can be a significant variable. As sociological factors, racial categories may in part reflect subjective attributions, self-identities, and social institutions.
|
What does law enforcement in some countries use to profile suspects?
|
What does law enforcement in some countries use to profile suspects?
|
[
"What does law enforcement in some countries use to profile suspects?"
] |
{
"text": [
"race"
],
"answer_start": [
40
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112103
|
5728cf173acd2414000dff0a
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In some countries, law enforcement uses race to profile suspects. This use of racial categories is frequently criticized for perpetuating an outmoded understanding of human biological variation, and promoting stereotypes. Because in some societies racial groupings correspond closely with patterns of social stratification, for social scientists studying social inequality, race can be a significant variable. As sociological factors, racial categories may in part reflect subjective attributions, self-identities, and social institutions.
|
Why is using racial categorization for profiling often criticized?
|
Why is using racial categorization for profiling often criticized?
|
[
"Why is using racial categorization for profiling often criticized? "
] |
{
"text": [
"perpetuating an outmoded understanding of human biological variation"
],
"answer_start": [
125
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112104
|
5728cf173acd2414000dff0b
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In some countries, law enforcement uses race to profile suspects. This use of racial categories is frequently criticized for perpetuating an outmoded understanding of human biological variation, and promoting stereotypes. Because in some societies racial groupings correspond closely with patterns of social stratification, for social scientists studying social inequality, race can be a significant variable. As sociological factors, racial categories may in part reflect subjective attributions, self-identities, and social institutions.
|
What promotes stereotypes?
|
What promotes stereotypes?
|
[
"What promotes stereotypes?"
] |
{
"text": [
"use of racial categories"
],
"answer_start": [
71
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112105
|
5728cf173acd2414000dff0c
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In some countries, law enforcement uses race to profile suspects. This use of racial categories is frequently criticized for perpetuating an outmoded understanding of human biological variation, and promoting stereotypes. Because in some societies racial groupings correspond closely with patterns of social stratification, for social scientists studying social inequality, race can be a significant variable. As sociological factors, racial categories may in part reflect subjective attributions, self-identities, and social institutions.
|
Who can race serve as a significant factor when studying social inequality?
|
Who can race serve as a significant factor when studying social inequality?
|
[
"Who can race serve as a significant factor when studying social inequality?"
] |
{
"text": [
"social scientists"
],
"answer_start": [
328
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112106
|
5728cf173acd2414000dff0d
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In some countries, law enforcement uses race to profile suspects. This use of racial categories is frequently criticized for perpetuating an outmoded understanding of human biological variation, and promoting stereotypes. Because in some societies racial groupings correspond closely with patterns of social stratification, for social scientists studying social inequality, race can be a significant variable. As sociological factors, racial categories may in part reflect subjective attributions, self-identities, and social institutions.
|
What may in part reflect subjective attributes, self-identities and social institutions?
|
What may in part reflect subjective attributes, self-identities and social institutions?
|
[
"What may in part reflect subjective attributes, self-identities and social institutions? "
] |
{
"text": [
"sociological factors"
],
"answer_start": [
413
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112107
|
5728d7ba3acd2414000e0001
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Groups of humans have always identified themselves as distinct from neighboring groups, but such differences have not always been understood to be natural, immutable and global. These features are the distinguishing features of how the concept of race is used today. In this way the idea of race as we understand it today came about during the historical process of exploration and conquest which brought Europeans into contact with groups from different continents, and of the ideology of classification and typology found in the natural sciences.
|
What have human groups always considered themselves as compared to other nearby groups?
|
What have human groups always considered themselves as compared to other nearby groups?
|
[
"What have human groups always considered themselves as compared to other nearby groups?"
] |
{
"text": [
"distinct"
],
"answer_start": [
54
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112108
|
5728d7ba3acd2414000e0002
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Groups of humans have always identified themselves as distinct from neighboring groups, but such differences have not always been understood to be natural, immutable and global. These features are the distinguishing features of how the concept of race is used today. In this way the idea of race as we understand it today came about during the historical process of exploration and conquest which brought Europeans into contact with groups from different continents, and of the ideology of classification and typology found in the natural sciences.
|
What have differences among groups not typically been perceived as being?
|
What have differences among groups not typically been perceived as being?
|
[
"What have differences among groups not typically been perceived as being?"
] |
{
"text": [
"natural, immutable and global"
],
"answer_start": [
147
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112109
|
5728d7ba3acd2414000e0003
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Groups of humans have always identified themselves as distinct from neighboring groups, but such differences have not always been understood to be natural, immutable and global. These features are the distinguishing features of how the concept of race is used today. In this way the idea of race as we understand it today came about during the historical process of exploration and conquest which brought Europeans into contact with groups from different continents, and of the ideology of classification and typology found in the natural sciences.
|
During which process did our current idea of race come about?
|
During which process did our current idea of race come about?
|
[
"During which process did our current idea of race come about?"
] |
{
"text": [
"exploration and conquest"
],
"answer_start": [
366
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112110
|
5728d7ba3acd2414000e0004
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Groups of humans have always identified themselves as distinct from neighboring groups, but such differences have not always been understood to be natural, immutable and global. These features are the distinguishing features of how the concept of race is used today. In this way the idea of race as we understand it today came about during the historical process of exploration and conquest which brought Europeans into contact with groups from different continents, and of the ideology of classification and typology found in the natural sciences.
|
Where did Europeans come into contact with other groups?
|
Where did Europeans come into contact with other groups?
|
[
"Where did Europeans come into contact with other groups?"
] |
{
"text": [
"different continents"
],
"answer_start": [
445
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112111
|
5728d7ba3acd2414000e0005
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Groups of humans have always identified themselves as distinct from neighboring groups, but such differences have not always been understood to be natural, immutable and global. These features are the distinguishing features of how the concept of race is used today. In this way the idea of race as we understand it today came about during the historical process of exploration and conquest which brought Europeans into contact with groups from different continents, and of the ideology of classification and typology found in the natural sciences.
|
What ideaology is found in the natural sciences?
|
What ideaology is found in the natural sciences?
|
[
"What ideaology is found in the natural sciences?"
] |
{
"text": [
"classification and typology"
],
"answer_start": [
490
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112112
|
5728d9162ca10214002da964
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The European concept of "race", along with many of the ideas now associated with the term, arose at the time of the scientific revolution, which introduced and privileged the study of natural kinds, and the age of European imperialism and colonization which established political relations between Europeans and peoples with distinct cultural and political traditions. As Europeans encountered people from different parts of the world, they speculated about the physical, social, and cultural differences among various human groups. The rise of the Atlantic slave trade, which gradually displaced an earlier trade in slaves from throughout the world, created a further incentive to categorize human groups in order to justify the subordination of African slaves. Drawing on Classical sources and upon their own internal interactions — for example, the hostility between the English and Irish powerfully influenced early European thinking about the differences between people — Europeans began to sort themselves and others into groups based on physical appearance, and to attribute to individuals belonging to these groups behaviors and capacities which were claimed to be deeply ingrained. A set of folk beliefs took hold that linked inherited physical differences between groups to inherited intellectual, behavioral, and moral qualities. Similar ideas can be found in other cultures, for example in China, where a concept often translated as "race" was associated with supposed common descent from the Yellow Emperor, and used to stress the unity of ethnic groups in China. Brutal conflicts between ethnic groups have existed throughout history and across the world.
|
When did many of the ideas associated with the term "race" arise?
|
When did many of the ideas associated with the term "race" arise?
|
[
"When did many of the ideas associated with the term \"race\" arise?"
] |
{
"text": [
"time of the scientific revolution"
],
"answer_start": [
104
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112113
|
5728d9162ca10214002da965
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The European concept of "race", along with many of the ideas now associated with the term, arose at the time of the scientific revolution, which introduced and privileged the study of natural kinds, and the age of European imperialism and colonization which established political relations between Europeans and peoples with distinct cultural and political traditions. As Europeans encountered people from different parts of the world, they speculated about the physical, social, and cultural differences among various human groups. The rise of the Atlantic slave trade, which gradually displaced an earlier trade in slaves from throughout the world, created a further incentive to categorize human groups in order to justify the subordination of African slaves. Drawing on Classical sources and upon their own internal interactions — for example, the hostility between the English and Irish powerfully influenced early European thinking about the differences between people — Europeans began to sort themselves and others into groups based on physical appearance, and to attribute to individuals belonging to these groups behaviors and capacities which were claimed to be deeply ingrained. A set of folk beliefs took hold that linked inherited physical differences between groups to inherited intellectual, behavioral, and moral qualities. Similar ideas can be found in other cultures, for example in China, where a concept often translated as "race" was associated with supposed common descent from the Yellow Emperor, and used to stress the unity of ethnic groups in China. Brutal conflicts between ethnic groups have existed throughout history and across the world.
|
What created relations between Europeans and people with different cultures?
|
What created relations between Europeans and people with different cultures?
|
[
"What created relations between Europeans and people with different cultures?"
] |
{
"text": [
"colonization"
],
"answer_start": [
239
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112114
|
5728d9162ca10214002da966
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The European concept of "race", along with many of the ideas now associated with the term, arose at the time of the scientific revolution, which introduced and privileged the study of natural kinds, and the age of European imperialism and colonization which established political relations between Europeans and peoples with distinct cultural and political traditions. As Europeans encountered people from different parts of the world, they speculated about the physical, social, and cultural differences among various human groups. The rise of the Atlantic slave trade, which gradually displaced an earlier trade in slaves from throughout the world, created a further incentive to categorize human groups in order to justify the subordination of African slaves. Drawing on Classical sources and upon their own internal interactions — for example, the hostility between the English and Irish powerfully influenced early European thinking about the differences between people — Europeans began to sort themselves and others into groups based on physical appearance, and to attribute to individuals belonging to these groups behaviors and capacities which were claimed to be deeply ingrained. A set of folk beliefs took hold that linked inherited physical differences between groups to inherited intellectual, behavioral, and moral qualities. Similar ideas can be found in other cultures, for example in China, where a concept often translated as "race" was associated with supposed common descent from the Yellow Emperor, and used to stress the unity of ethnic groups in China. Brutal conflicts between ethnic groups have existed throughout history and across the world.
|
Who speculated about the observable difference among different groups of humans?
|
Who speculated about the observable difference among different groups of humans?
|
[
"Who speculated about the observable difference among different groups of humans?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Europeans"
],
"answer_start": [
372
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112115
|
5728d9162ca10214002da967
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The European concept of "race", along with many of the ideas now associated with the term, arose at the time of the scientific revolution, which introduced and privileged the study of natural kinds, and the age of European imperialism and colonization which established political relations between Europeans and peoples with distinct cultural and political traditions. As Europeans encountered people from different parts of the world, they speculated about the physical, social, and cultural differences among various human groups. The rise of the Atlantic slave trade, which gradually displaced an earlier trade in slaves from throughout the world, created a further incentive to categorize human groups in order to justify the subordination of African slaves. Drawing on Classical sources and upon their own internal interactions — for example, the hostility between the English and Irish powerfully influenced early European thinking about the differences between people — Europeans began to sort themselves and others into groups based on physical appearance, and to attribute to individuals belonging to these groups behaviors and capacities which were claimed to be deeply ingrained. A set of folk beliefs took hold that linked inherited physical differences between groups to inherited intellectual, behavioral, and moral qualities. Similar ideas can be found in other cultures, for example in China, where a concept often translated as "race" was associated with supposed common descent from the Yellow Emperor, and used to stress the unity of ethnic groups in China. Brutal conflicts between ethnic groups have existed throughout history and across the world.
|
Justifying the subordination of what group was one of the incentives to categorize human groups?
|
Justifying the subordination of what group was one of the incentives to categorize human groups?
|
[
"Justifying the subordination of what group was one of the incentives to categorize human groups?"
] |
{
"text": [
"African slaves"
],
"answer_start": [
747
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112116
|
5728d9162ca10214002da968
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The European concept of "race", along with many of the ideas now associated with the term, arose at the time of the scientific revolution, which introduced and privileged the study of natural kinds, and the age of European imperialism and colonization which established political relations between Europeans and peoples with distinct cultural and political traditions. As Europeans encountered people from different parts of the world, they speculated about the physical, social, and cultural differences among various human groups. The rise of the Atlantic slave trade, which gradually displaced an earlier trade in slaves from throughout the world, created a further incentive to categorize human groups in order to justify the subordination of African slaves. Drawing on Classical sources and upon their own internal interactions — for example, the hostility between the English and Irish powerfully influenced early European thinking about the differences between people — Europeans began to sort themselves and others into groups based on physical appearance, and to attribute to individuals belonging to these groups behaviors and capacities which were claimed to be deeply ingrained. A set of folk beliefs took hold that linked inherited physical differences between groups to inherited intellectual, behavioral, and moral qualities. Similar ideas can be found in other cultures, for example in China, where a concept often translated as "race" was associated with supposed common descent from the Yellow Emperor, and used to stress the unity of ethnic groups in China. Brutal conflicts between ethnic groups have existed throughout history and across the world.
|
What groups has there always been brutal conflict between?
|
What groups has there always been brutal conflict between?
|
[
"What groups has there always been brutal conflict between?"
] |
{
"text": [
"ethnic"
],
"answer_start": [
1602
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112117
|
5728d9f14b864d1900164f8c
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The first post-Classical published classification of humans into distinct races seems to be François Bernier's Nouvelle division de la terre par les différents espèces ou races qui l'habitent ("New division of Earth by the different species or races which inhabit it"), published in 1684. In the 18th century the differences among human groups became a focus of scientific investigation. But the scientific classification of phenotypic variation was frequently coupled with racist ideas about innate predispositions of different groups, always attributing the most desirable features to the White, European race and arranging the other races along a continuum of progressively undesirable attributes. The 1735 classification of Carl Linnaeus, inventor of zoological taxonomy, divided the human race Homo sapiens into continental varieties of europaeus, asiaticus, americanus, and afer, each associated with a different humour: sanguine, melancholic, choleric, and phlegmatic, respectively. Homo sapiens europaeus was described as active, acute, and adventurous, whereas Homo sapiens afer was said to be crafty, lazy, and careless.
|
Who was the author of the first published book classifying humans into distinct races?
|
Who was the author of the first published book classifying humans into distinct races?
|
[
"Who was the author of the first published book classifying humans into distinct races?"
] |
{
"text": [
"François Bernier"
],
"answer_start": [
92
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112118
|
5728d9f14b864d1900164f8d
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The first post-Classical published classification of humans into distinct races seems to be François Bernier's Nouvelle division de la terre par les différents espèces ou races qui l'habitent ("New division of Earth by the different species or races which inhabit it"), published in 1684. In the 18th century the differences among human groups became a focus of scientific investigation. But the scientific classification of phenotypic variation was frequently coupled with racist ideas about innate predispositions of different groups, always attributing the most desirable features to the White, European race and arranging the other races along a continuum of progressively undesirable attributes. The 1735 classification of Carl Linnaeus, inventor of zoological taxonomy, divided the human race Homo sapiens into continental varieties of europaeus, asiaticus, americanus, and afer, each associated with a different humour: sanguine, melancholic, choleric, and phlegmatic, respectively. Homo sapiens europaeus was described as active, acute, and adventurous, whereas Homo sapiens afer was said to be crafty, lazy, and careless.
|
In what century did differences among human groups become a focus of science?
|
In what century did differences among human groups become a focus of science?
|
[
"In what century did differences among human groups become a focus of science?"
] |
{
"text": [
"18th century"
],
"answer_start": [
296
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112119
|
5728d9f14b864d1900164f8e
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The first post-Classical published classification of humans into distinct races seems to be François Bernier's Nouvelle division de la terre par les différents espèces ou races qui l'habitent ("New division of Earth by the different species or races which inhabit it"), published in 1684. In the 18th century the differences among human groups became a focus of scientific investigation. But the scientific classification of phenotypic variation was frequently coupled with racist ideas about innate predispositions of different groups, always attributing the most desirable features to the White, European race and arranging the other races along a continuum of progressively undesirable attributes. The 1735 classification of Carl Linnaeus, inventor of zoological taxonomy, divided the human race Homo sapiens into continental varieties of europaeus, asiaticus, americanus, and afer, each associated with a different humour: sanguine, melancholic, choleric, and phlegmatic, respectively. Homo sapiens europaeus was described as active, acute, and adventurous, whereas Homo sapiens afer was said to be crafty, lazy, and careless.
|
What race was typically ascribed the most desirable features?
|
What race was typically ascribed the most desirable features?
|
[
"What race was typically ascribed the most desirable features?"
] |
{
"text": [
"White"
],
"answer_start": [
591
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112120
|
5728d9f14b864d1900164f8f
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The first post-Classical published classification of humans into distinct races seems to be François Bernier's Nouvelle division de la terre par les différents espèces ou races qui l'habitent ("New division of Earth by the different species or races which inhabit it"), published in 1684. In the 18th century the differences among human groups became a focus of scientific investigation. But the scientific classification of phenotypic variation was frequently coupled with racist ideas about innate predispositions of different groups, always attributing the most desirable features to the White, European race and arranging the other races along a continuum of progressively undesirable attributes. The 1735 classification of Carl Linnaeus, inventor of zoological taxonomy, divided the human race Homo sapiens into continental varieties of europaeus, asiaticus, americanus, and afer, each associated with a different humour: sanguine, melancholic, choleric, and phlegmatic, respectively. Homo sapiens europaeus was described as active, acute, and adventurous, whereas Homo sapiens afer was said to be crafty, lazy, and careless.
|
How was Homo sapiens europaeus described as?
|
How was Homo sapiens europaeus described as?
|
[
"How was Homo sapiens europaeus described as?"
] |
{
"text": [
"active, acute, and adventurous"
],
"answer_start": [
1030
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112121
|
5728d9f14b864d1900164f90
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The first post-Classical published classification of humans into distinct races seems to be François Bernier's Nouvelle division de la terre par les différents espèces ou races qui l'habitent ("New division of Earth by the different species or races which inhabit it"), published in 1684. In the 18th century the differences among human groups became a focus of scientific investigation. But the scientific classification of phenotypic variation was frequently coupled with racist ideas about innate predispositions of different groups, always attributing the most desirable features to the White, European race and arranging the other races along a continuum of progressively undesirable attributes. The 1735 classification of Carl Linnaeus, inventor of zoological taxonomy, divided the human race Homo sapiens into continental varieties of europaeus, asiaticus, americanus, and afer, each associated with a different humour: sanguine, melancholic, choleric, and phlegmatic, respectively. Homo sapiens europaeus was described as active, acute, and adventurous, whereas Homo sapiens afer was said to be crafty, lazy, and careless.
|
What attributes were bestowed on homo spaiens afer?
|
What attributes were bestowed on homo spaiens afer?
|
[
"What attributes were bestowed on homo spaiens afer?"
] |
{
"text": [
"crafty, lazy, and careless"
],
"answer_start": [
1103
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112122
|
5728daea3acd2414000e0053
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The 1775 treatise "The Natural Varieties of Mankind", by Johann Friedrich Blumenbach proposed five major divisions: the Caucasoid race, Mongoloid race, Ethiopian race (later termed Negroid, and not to be confused with the narrower Ethiopid race), American Indian race, and Malayan race, but he did not propose any hierarchy among the races. Blumenbach also noted the graded transition in appearances from one group to adjacent groups and suggested that "one variety of mankind does so sensibly pass into the other, that you cannot mark out the limits between them".
|
What year was Blumenbach's treatise published?
|
What year was Blumenbach's treatise published?
|
[
"What year was Blumenbach's treatise published?"
] |
{
"text": [
"1775"
],
"answer_start": [
4
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112123
|
5728daea3acd2414000e0054
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The 1775 treatise "The Natural Varieties of Mankind", by Johann Friedrich Blumenbach proposed five major divisions: the Caucasoid race, Mongoloid race, Ethiopian race (later termed Negroid, and not to be confused with the narrower Ethiopid race), American Indian race, and Malayan race, but he did not propose any hierarchy among the races. Blumenbach also noted the graded transition in appearances from one group to adjacent groups and suggested that "one variety of mankind does so sensibly pass into the other, that you cannot mark out the limits between them".
|
How many divisions did Blumenbach's treatise specify?
|
How many divisions did Blumenbach's treatise specify?
|
[
"How many divisions did Blumenbach's treatise specify?"
] |
{
"text": [
"five"
],
"answer_start": [
94
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112124
|
5728daea3acd2414000e0055
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The 1775 treatise "The Natural Varieties of Mankind", by Johann Friedrich Blumenbach proposed five major divisions: the Caucasoid race, Mongoloid race, Ethiopian race (later termed Negroid, and not to be confused with the narrower Ethiopid race), American Indian race, and Malayan race, but he did not propose any hierarchy among the races. Blumenbach also noted the graded transition in appearances from one group to adjacent groups and suggested that "one variety of mankind does so sensibly pass into the other, that you cannot mark out the limits between them".
|
What race was later renamed to Negroid?
|
What race was later renamed to Negroid?
|
[
"What race was later renamed to Negroid?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Ethiopian"
],
"answer_start": [
152
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112125
|
5728daea3acd2414000e0056
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The 1775 treatise "The Natural Varieties of Mankind", by Johann Friedrich Blumenbach proposed five major divisions: the Caucasoid race, Mongoloid race, Ethiopian race (later termed Negroid, and not to be confused with the narrower Ethiopid race), American Indian race, and Malayan race, but he did not propose any hierarchy among the races. Blumenbach also noted the graded transition in appearances from one group to adjacent groups and suggested that "one variety of mankind does so sensibly pass into the other, that you cannot mark out the limits between them".
|
What type of transition was noted from one group to the next?
|
What type of transition was noted from one group to the next?
|
[
"What type of transition was noted from one group to the next?"
] |
{
"text": [
"graded"
],
"answer_start": [
367
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112126
|
5728daea3acd2414000e0057
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
The 1775 treatise "The Natural Varieties of Mankind", by Johann Friedrich Blumenbach proposed five major divisions: the Caucasoid race, Mongoloid race, Ethiopian race (later termed Negroid, and not to be confused with the narrower Ethiopid race), American Indian race, and Malayan race, but he did not propose any hierarchy among the races. Blumenbach also noted the graded transition in appearances from one group to adjacent groups and suggested that "one variety of mankind does so sensibly pass into the other, that you cannot mark out the limits between them".
|
What can one not mark between the variety of mankind?
|
What can one not mark between the variety of mankind?
|
[
"What can one not mark between the variety of mankind?"
] |
{
"text": [
"limits"
],
"answer_start": [
544
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112127
|
5728dbc5ff5b5019007da842
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
From the 17th through 19th centuries, the merging of folk beliefs about group differences with scientific explanations of those differences produced what one scholar has called an "ideology of race". According to this ideology, races are primordial, natural, enduring and distinct. It was further argued that some groups may be the result of mixture between formerly distinct populations, but that careful study could distinguish the ancestral races that had combined to produce admixed groups. Subsequent influential classifications by Georges Buffon, Petrus Camper and Christoph Meiners all classified "Negros" as inferior to Europeans. In the United States the racial theories of Thomas Jefferson were influential. He saw Africans as inferior to Whites especially in regards to their intellect, and imbued with unnatural sexual appetites, but described Native Americans as equals to whites.
|
What did the merging of superstitious beliefs and scientific ones regarding group differences produce?
|
What did the merging of superstitious beliefs and scientific ones regarding group differences produce?
|
[
"What did the merging of superstitious beliefs and scientific ones regarding group differences produce?"
] |
{
"text": [
"an \"ideology of race\""
],
"answer_start": [
177
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112128
|
5728dbc5ff5b5019007da843
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
From the 17th through 19th centuries, the merging of folk beliefs about group differences with scientific explanations of those differences produced what one scholar has called an "ideology of race". According to this ideology, races are primordial, natural, enduring and distinct. It was further argued that some groups may be the result of mixture between formerly distinct populations, but that careful study could distinguish the ancestral races that had combined to produce admixed groups. Subsequent influential classifications by Georges Buffon, Petrus Camper and Christoph Meiners all classified "Negros" as inferior to Europeans. In the United States the racial theories of Thomas Jefferson were influential. He saw Africans as inferior to Whites especially in regards to their intellect, and imbued with unnatural sexual appetites, but described Native Americans as equals to whites.
|
What were races considered to be, according to the ideology of race?
|
What were races considered to be, according to the ideology of race?
|
[
"What were races considered to be, according to the ideology of race?"
] |
{
"text": [
"primordial, natural, enduring and distinct"
],
"answer_start": [
238
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112129
|
5728dbc5ff5b5019007da844
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
From the 17th through 19th centuries, the merging of folk beliefs about group differences with scientific explanations of those differences produced what one scholar has called an "ideology of race". According to this ideology, races are primordial, natural, enduring and distinct. It was further argued that some groups may be the result of mixture between formerly distinct populations, but that careful study could distinguish the ancestral races that had combined to produce admixed groups. Subsequent influential classifications by Georges Buffon, Petrus Camper and Christoph Meiners all classified "Negros" as inferior to Europeans. In the United States the racial theories of Thomas Jefferson were influential. He saw Africans as inferior to Whites especially in regards to their intellect, and imbued with unnatural sexual appetites, but described Native Americans as equals to whites.
|
How might some groups have resulted, according to the ideology?
|
How might some groups have resulted, according to the ideology?
|
[
"How might some groups have resulted, according to the ideology?"
] |
{
"text": [
"mixture between formerly distinct populations"
],
"answer_start": [
342
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112130
|
5728dbc5ff5b5019007da845
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
From the 17th through 19th centuries, the merging of folk beliefs about group differences with scientific explanations of those differences produced what one scholar has called an "ideology of race". According to this ideology, races are primordial, natural, enduring and distinct. It was further argued that some groups may be the result of mixture between formerly distinct populations, but that careful study could distinguish the ancestral races that had combined to produce admixed groups. Subsequent influential classifications by Georges Buffon, Petrus Camper and Christoph Meiners all classified "Negros" as inferior to Europeans. In the United States the racial theories of Thomas Jefferson were influential. He saw Africans as inferior to Whites especially in regards to their intellect, and imbued with unnatural sexual appetites, but described Native Americans as equals to whites.
|
What group was identified as being inferior to Europeans?
|
What group was identified as being inferior to Europeans?
|
[
"What group was identified as being inferior to Europeans?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Negros"
],
"answer_start": [
605
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112131
|
5728dbc5ff5b5019007da846
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
From the 17th through 19th centuries, the merging of folk beliefs about group differences with scientific explanations of those differences produced what one scholar has called an "ideology of race". According to this ideology, races are primordial, natural, enduring and distinct. It was further argued that some groups may be the result of mixture between formerly distinct populations, but that careful study could distinguish the ancestral races that had combined to produce admixed groups. Subsequent influential classifications by Georges Buffon, Petrus Camper and Christoph Meiners all classified "Negros" as inferior to Europeans. In the United States the racial theories of Thomas Jefferson were influential. He saw Africans as inferior to Whites especially in regards to their intellect, and imbued with unnatural sexual appetites, but described Native Americans as equals to whites.
|
Who particularly noted the unnatural sexual appetites of Africans?
|
Who particularly noted the unnatural sexual appetites of Africans?
|
[
"Who particularly noted the unnatural sexual appetites of Africans?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Thomas Jefferson"
],
"answer_start": [
683
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112132
|
572903331d04691400778f69
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In the last two decades of the 18th century, the theory of polygenism, the belief that different races had evolved separately in each continent and shared no common ancestor, was advocated in England by historian Edward Long and anatomist Charles White, in Germany by ethnographers Christoph Meiners and Georg Forster, and in France by Julien-Joseph Virey. In the US, Samuel George Morton, Josiah Nott and Louis Agassiz promoted this theory in the mid-nineteenth century. Polygenism was popular and most widespread in the 19th century, culminating in the founding of the Anthropological Society of London (1863) during the period of the American Civil War, in opposition to the Ethnological Society, which had abolitionist sympathies.
|
What theory is the belief that differences races had evolved independently on each continent?
|
What theory is the belief that differences races had evolved independently on each continent?
|
[
"What theory is the belief that differences races had evolved independently on each continent?"
] |
{
"text": [
"polygenism"
],
"answer_start": [
59
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112133
|
572903331d04691400778f6a
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In the last two decades of the 18th century, the theory of polygenism, the belief that different races had evolved separately in each continent and shared no common ancestor, was advocated in England by historian Edward Long and anatomist Charles White, in Germany by ethnographers Christoph Meiners and Georg Forster, and in France by Julien-Joseph Virey. In the US, Samuel George Morton, Josiah Nott and Louis Agassiz promoted this theory in the mid-nineteenth century. Polygenism was popular and most widespread in the 19th century, culminating in the founding of the Anthropological Society of London (1863) during the period of the American Civil War, in opposition to the Ethnological Society, which had abolitionist sympathies.
|
What country did Edward Long and Charles White advocated the belief of polygenism in?
|
What country did Edward Long and Charles White advocated the belief of polygenism in?
|
[
"What country did Edward Long and Charles White advocated the belief of polygenism in?"
] |
{
"text": [
"England"
],
"answer_start": [
192
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112134
|
572903331d04691400778f6b
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In the last two decades of the 18th century, the theory of polygenism, the belief that different races had evolved separately in each continent and shared no common ancestor, was advocated in England by historian Edward Long and anatomist Charles White, in Germany by ethnographers Christoph Meiners and Georg Forster, and in France by Julien-Joseph Virey. In the US, Samuel George Morton, Josiah Nott and Louis Agassiz promoted this theory in the mid-nineteenth century. Polygenism was popular and most widespread in the 19th century, culminating in the founding of the Anthropological Society of London (1863) during the period of the American Civil War, in opposition to the Ethnological Society, which had abolitionist sympathies.
|
What was the profession of Christoph Meiners and Georg Forster?
|
What was the profession of Christoph Meiners and Georg Forster?
|
[
"What was the profession of Christoph Meiners and Georg Forster?"
] |
{
"text": [
"ethnographers"
],
"answer_start": [
268
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112135
|
572903331d04691400778f6c
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In the last two decades of the 18th century, the theory of polygenism, the belief that different races had evolved separately in each continent and shared no common ancestor, was advocated in England by historian Edward Long and anatomist Charles White, in Germany by ethnographers Christoph Meiners and Georg Forster, and in France by Julien-Joseph Virey. In the US, Samuel George Morton, Josiah Nott and Louis Agassiz promoted this theory in the mid-nineteenth century. Polygenism was popular and most widespread in the 19th century, culminating in the founding of the Anthropological Society of London (1863) during the period of the American Civil War, in opposition to the Ethnological Society, which had abolitionist sympathies.
|
In what century was polygenism most widespread?
|
In what century was polygenism most widespread?
|
[
"In what century was polygenism most widespread?"
] |
{
"text": [
"19th century"
],
"answer_start": [
522
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112136
|
572903331d04691400778f6d
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In the last two decades of the 18th century, the theory of polygenism, the belief that different races had evolved separately in each continent and shared no common ancestor, was advocated in England by historian Edward Long and anatomist Charles White, in Germany by ethnographers Christoph Meiners and Georg Forster, and in France by Julien-Joseph Virey. In the US, Samuel George Morton, Josiah Nott and Louis Agassiz promoted this theory in the mid-nineteenth century. Polygenism was popular and most widespread in the 19th century, culminating in the founding of the Anthropological Society of London (1863) during the period of the American Civil War, in opposition to the Ethnological Society, which had abolitionist sympathies.
|
The Ethnological Society was sympathetic towards what cause?
|
The Ethnological Society was sympathetic towards what cause?
|
[
"The Ethnological Society was sympathetic towards what cause?"
] |
{
"text": [
"abolitionist"
],
"answer_start": [
710
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112137
|
572904223f37b31900477f83
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Today, all humans are classified as belonging to the species Homo sapiens and sub-species Homo sapiens sapiens. However, this is not the first species of homininae: the first species of genus Homo, Homo habilis, are theorized to have evolved in East Africa at least 2 million years ago, and members of this species populated different parts of Africa in a relatively short time. Homo erectus is theorized to have evolved more than 1.8 million years ago, and by 1.5 million years ago had spread throughout Europe and Asia. Virtually all physical anthropologists agree that Archaic Homo sapiens (A group including the possible species H. heidelbergensis, H. rhodesiensis and H. neanderthalensis) evolved out of African Homo erectus ((sensu lato) or Homo ergaster).
|
What species do all living humans today belong to?
|
What species do all living humans today belong to?
|
[
"What species do all living humans today belong to?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Homo sapiens"
],
"answer_start": [
61
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112138
|
572904223f37b31900477f84
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Today, all humans are classified as belonging to the species Homo sapiens and sub-species Homo sapiens sapiens. However, this is not the first species of homininae: the first species of genus Homo, Homo habilis, are theorized to have evolved in East Africa at least 2 million years ago, and members of this species populated different parts of Africa in a relatively short time. Homo erectus is theorized to have evolved more than 1.8 million years ago, and by 1.5 million years ago had spread throughout Europe and Asia. Virtually all physical anthropologists agree that Archaic Homo sapiens (A group including the possible species H. heidelbergensis, H. rhodesiensis and H. neanderthalensis) evolved out of African Homo erectus ((sensu lato) or Homo ergaster).
|
When is it theorized that Homo habilis evolved in East Africa?
|
When is it theorized that Homo habilis evolved in East Africa?
|
[
"When is it theorized that Homo habilis evolved in East Africa?"
] |
{
"text": [
"2 million years ago"
],
"answer_start": [
266
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112139
|
572904223f37b31900477f85
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Today, all humans are classified as belonging to the species Homo sapiens and sub-species Homo sapiens sapiens. However, this is not the first species of homininae: the first species of genus Homo, Homo habilis, are theorized to have evolved in East Africa at least 2 million years ago, and members of this species populated different parts of Africa in a relatively short time. Homo erectus is theorized to have evolved more than 1.8 million years ago, and by 1.5 million years ago had spread throughout Europe and Asia. Virtually all physical anthropologists agree that Archaic Homo sapiens (A group including the possible species H. heidelbergensis, H. rhodesiensis and H. neanderthalensis) evolved out of African Homo erectus ((sensu lato) or Homo ergaster).
|
How many millions of years ago had Homo erectus spread throughout Europa and Asia?
|
How many millions of years ago had Homo erectus spread throughout Europa and Asia?
|
[
"How many millions of years ago had Homo erectus spread throughout Europa and Asia?"
] |
{
"text": [
"1.5"
],
"answer_start": [
461
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112140
|
572904223f37b31900477f86
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Today, all humans are classified as belonging to the species Homo sapiens and sub-species Homo sapiens sapiens. However, this is not the first species of homininae: the first species of genus Homo, Homo habilis, are theorized to have evolved in East Africa at least 2 million years ago, and members of this species populated different parts of Africa in a relatively short time. Homo erectus is theorized to have evolved more than 1.8 million years ago, and by 1.5 million years ago had spread throughout Europe and Asia. Virtually all physical anthropologists agree that Archaic Homo sapiens (A group including the possible species H. heidelbergensis, H. rhodesiensis and H. neanderthalensis) evolved out of African Homo erectus ((sensu lato) or Homo ergaster).
|
Members of what species populated parts of Africa in a relatively short time?
|
Members of what species populated parts of Africa in a relatively short time?
|
[
"Members of what species populated parts of Africa in a relatively short time?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Homo habilis"
],
"answer_start": [
198
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112141
|
572904223f37b31900477f87
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Today, all humans are classified as belonging to the species Homo sapiens and sub-species Homo sapiens sapiens. However, this is not the first species of homininae: the first species of genus Homo, Homo habilis, are theorized to have evolved in East Africa at least 2 million years ago, and members of this species populated different parts of Africa in a relatively short time. Homo erectus is theorized to have evolved more than 1.8 million years ago, and by 1.5 million years ago had spread throughout Europe and Asia. Virtually all physical anthropologists agree that Archaic Homo sapiens (A group including the possible species H. heidelbergensis, H. rhodesiensis and H. neanderthalensis) evolved out of African Homo erectus ((sensu lato) or Homo ergaster).
|
What group might have Archaic Homo sapiens evolve out of?
|
What group might have Archaic Homo sapiens evolve out of?
|
[
"What group might have Archaic Homo sapiens evolve out of?"
] |
{
"text": [
"African Homo erectus"
],
"answer_start": [
709
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112142
|
5729052baf94a219006a9f5f
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In the early 20th century, many anthropologists accepted and taught the belief that biologically distinct races were isomorphic with distinct linguistic, cultural, and social groups, while popularly applying that belief to the field of eugenics, in conjunction with a practice that is now called scientific racism. After the Nazi eugenics program, racial essentialism lost widespread popularity. Race anthropologists were pressured to acknowledge findings coming from studies of culture and population genetics, and to revise their conclusions about the sources of phenotypic variation. A significant number of modern anthropologists and biologists in the West came to view race as an invalid genetic or biological designation.
|
Who taught and accepted the belief that biologically distinct races were isomorphic?
|
Who taught and accepted the belief that biologically distinct races were isomorphic?
|
[
"Who taught and accepted the belief that biologically distinct races were isomorphic?"
] |
{
"text": [
"many anthropologists"
],
"answer_start": [
27
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112143
|
5729052baf94a219006a9f60
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In the early 20th century, many anthropologists accepted and taught the belief that biologically distinct races were isomorphic with distinct linguistic, cultural, and social groups, while popularly applying that belief to the field of eugenics, in conjunction with a practice that is now called scientific racism. After the Nazi eugenics program, racial essentialism lost widespread popularity. Race anthropologists were pressured to acknowledge findings coming from studies of culture and population genetics, and to revise their conclusions about the sources of phenotypic variation. A significant number of modern anthropologists and biologists in the West came to view race as an invalid genetic or biological designation.
|
What practice was combined with the field of eugenics regarding the distinctness of social groups?
|
What practice was combined with the field of eugenics regarding the distinctness of social groups?
|
[
"What practice was combined with the field of eugenics regarding the distinctness of social groups?"
] |
{
"text": [
"scientific racism"
],
"answer_start": [
296
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112144
|
5729052baf94a219006a9f61
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In the early 20th century, many anthropologists accepted and taught the belief that biologically distinct races were isomorphic with distinct linguistic, cultural, and social groups, while popularly applying that belief to the field of eugenics, in conjunction with a practice that is now called scientific racism. After the Nazi eugenics program, racial essentialism lost widespread popularity. Race anthropologists were pressured to acknowledge findings coming from studies of culture and population genetics, and to revise their conclusions about the sources of phenotypic variation. A significant number of modern anthropologists and biologists in the West came to view race as an invalid genetic or biological designation.
|
What effect did the Nazi eugenics program have on racial essentialism?
|
What effect did the Nazi eugenics program have on racial essentialism?
|
[
"What effect did the Nazi eugenics program have on racial essentialism? "
] |
{
"text": [
"lost widespread popularity"
],
"answer_start": [
368
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112145
|
5729052baf94a219006a9f62
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In the early 20th century, many anthropologists accepted and taught the belief that biologically distinct races were isomorphic with distinct linguistic, cultural, and social groups, while popularly applying that belief to the field of eugenics, in conjunction with a practice that is now called scientific racism. After the Nazi eugenics program, racial essentialism lost widespread popularity. Race anthropologists were pressured to acknowledge findings coming from studies of culture and population genetics, and to revise their conclusions about the sources of phenotypic variation. A significant number of modern anthropologists and biologists in the West came to view race as an invalid genetic or biological designation.
|
What conclusions were race anthropologists pressured to revise?
|
What conclusions were race anthropologists pressured to revise?
|
[
"What conclusions were race anthropologists pressured to revise?"
] |
{
"text": [
"sources of phenotypic variation"
],
"answer_start": [
554
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112146
|
5729052baf94a219006a9f63
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In the early 20th century, many anthropologists accepted and taught the belief that biologically distinct races were isomorphic with distinct linguistic, cultural, and social groups, while popularly applying that belief to the field of eugenics, in conjunction with a practice that is now called scientific racism. After the Nazi eugenics program, racial essentialism lost widespread popularity. Race anthropologists were pressured to acknowledge findings coming from studies of culture and population genetics, and to revise their conclusions about the sources of phenotypic variation. A significant number of modern anthropologists and biologists in the West came to view race as an invalid genetic or biological designation.
|
What did a lot of modern anthropologists in the West come to view racial designation as?
|
What did a lot of modern anthropologists in the West come to view racial designation as?
|
[
"What did a lot of modern anthropologists in the West come to view racial designation as?"
] |
{
"text": [
"invalid"
],
"answer_start": [
685
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112147
|
57290635af94a219006a9f85
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Population geneticists have debated whether the concept of population can provide a basis for a new conception of race. In order to do this, a working definition of population must be found. Surprisingly, there is no generally accepted concept of population that biologists use. Although the concept of population is central to ecology, evolutionary biology and conservation biology, most definitions of population rely on qualitative descriptions such as "a group of organisms of the same species occupying a particular space at a particular time" Waples and Gaggiotti identify two broad types of definitions for populations; those that fall into an ecological paradigm, and those that fall into an evolutionary paradigm. Examples of such definitions are:
|
What type of geneticists have debates about what can provide a basis for a new conception of race?
|
What type of geneticists have debates about what can provide a basis for a new conception of race?
|
[
"What type of geneticists have debates about what can provide a basis for a new conception of race?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Population"
],
"answer_start": [
0
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112148
|
57290635af94a219006a9f86
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Population geneticists have debated whether the concept of population can provide a basis for a new conception of race. In order to do this, a working definition of population must be found. Surprisingly, there is no generally accepted concept of population that biologists use. Although the concept of population is central to ecology, evolutionary biology and conservation biology, most definitions of population rely on qualitative descriptions such as "a group of organisms of the same species occupying a particular space at a particular time" Waples and Gaggiotti identify two broad types of definitions for populations; those that fall into an ecological paradigm, and those that fall into an evolutionary paradigm. Examples of such definitions are:
|
What class of researchers surprisingly have no generally accepted concept of population?
|
What class of researchers surprisingly have no generally accepted concept of population?
|
[
"What class of researchers surprisingly have no generally accepted concept of population?"
] |
{
"text": [
"biologists"
],
"answer_start": [
263
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112149
|
57290635af94a219006a9f87
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Population geneticists have debated whether the concept of population can provide a basis for a new conception of race. In order to do this, a working definition of population must be found. Surprisingly, there is no generally accepted concept of population that biologists use. Although the concept of population is central to ecology, evolutionary biology and conservation biology, most definitions of population rely on qualitative descriptions such as "a group of organisms of the same species occupying a particular space at a particular time" Waples and Gaggiotti identify two broad types of definitions for populations; those that fall into an ecological paradigm, and those that fall into an evolutionary paradigm. Examples of such definitions are:
|
What do most definitions of population rely on?
|
What do most definitions of population rely on?
|
[
"What do most definitions of population rely on?"
] |
{
"text": [
"qualitative descriptions"
],
"answer_start": [
423
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112150
|
57290635af94a219006a9f88
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Population geneticists have debated whether the concept of population can provide a basis for a new conception of race. In order to do this, a working definition of population must be found. Surprisingly, there is no generally accepted concept of population that biologists use. Although the concept of population is central to ecology, evolutionary biology and conservation biology, most definitions of population rely on qualitative descriptions such as "a group of organisms of the same species occupying a particular space at a particular time" Waples and Gaggiotti identify two broad types of definitions for populations; those that fall into an ecological paradigm, and those that fall into an evolutionary paradigm. Examples of such definitions are:
|
What do Waples and Gaggiotti identify two broad types of?
|
What do Waples and Gaggiotti identify two broad types of?
|
[
"What do Waples and Gaggiotti identify two broad types of?"
] |
{
"text": [
"definitions for populations"
],
"answer_start": [
598
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112151
|
57290635af94a219006a9f89
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Population geneticists have debated whether the concept of population can provide a basis for a new conception of race. In order to do this, a working definition of population must be found. Surprisingly, there is no generally accepted concept of population that biologists use. Although the concept of population is central to ecology, evolutionary biology and conservation biology, most definitions of population rely on qualitative descriptions such as "a group of organisms of the same species occupying a particular space at a particular time" Waples and Gaggiotti identify two broad types of definitions for populations; those that fall into an ecological paradigm, and those that fall into an evolutionary paradigm. Examples of such definitions are:
|
What are both ecological and evolutionary definition modifiers of?
|
What are both ecological and evolutionary definition modifiers of?
|
[
"What are both ecological and evolutionary definition modifiers of?"
] |
{
"text": [
"paradigm"
],
"answer_start": [
713
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112152
|
572907263f37b31900477f97
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Traditionally, subspecies are seen as geographically isolated and genetically differentiated populations. That is, "the designation 'subspecies' is used to indicate an objective degree of microevolutionary divergence" One objection to this idea is that it does not specify what degree of differentiation is required. Therefore, any population that is somewhat biologically different could be considered a subspecies, even to the level of a local population. As a result, Templeton has argued that it is necessary to impose a threshold on the level of difference that is required for a population to be designated a subspecies.
|
What are traditionally geographically isolated?
|
What are traditionally geographically isolated?
|
[
"What are traditionally geographically isolated?"
] |
{
"text": [
"subspecies"
],
"answer_start": [
15
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112153
|
572907263f37b31900477f98
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Traditionally, subspecies are seen as geographically isolated and genetically differentiated populations. That is, "the designation 'subspecies' is used to indicate an objective degree of microevolutionary divergence" One objection to this idea is that it does not specify what degree of differentiation is required. Therefore, any population that is somewhat biologically different could be considered a subspecies, even to the level of a local population. As a result, Templeton has argued that it is necessary to impose a threshold on the level of difference that is required for a population to be designated a subspecies.
|
What is "subspecies" used to indicate an objective degree of?
|
What is "subspecies" used to indicate an objective degree of?
|
[
"What is \"subspecies\" used to indicate an objective degree of?"
] |
{
"text": [
"microevolutionary divergence"
],
"answer_start": [
188
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112154
|
572907263f37b31900477f99
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Traditionally, subspecies are seen as geographically isolated and genetically differentiated populations. That is, "the designation 'subspecies' is used to indicate an objective degree of microevolutionary divergence" One objection to this idea is that it does not specify what degree of differentiation is required. Therefore, any population that is somewhat biologically different could be considered a subspecies, even to the level of a local population. As a result, Templeton has argued that it is necessary to impose a threshold on the level of difference that is required for a population to be designated a subspecies.
|
What is an objection to the idea of subspecies because it doesn't specify this?
|
What is an objection to the idea of subspecies because it doesn't specify this?
|
[
"What is an objection to the idea of subspecies because it doesn't specify this?"
] |
{
"text": [
"degree of differentiation"
],
"answer_start": [
278
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112155
|
572907263f37b31900477f9a
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Traditionally, subspecies are seen as geographically isolated and genetically differentiated populations. That is, "the designation 'subspecies' is used to indicate an objective degree of microevolutionary divergence" One objection to this idea is that it does not specify what degree of differentiation is required. Therefore, any population that is somewhat biologically different could be considered a subspecies, even to the level of a local population. As a result, Templeton has argued that it is necessary to impose a threshold on the level of difference that is required for a population to be designated a subspecies.
|
What would a population have to somewhat be to be considered a subspecies?
|
What would a population have to somewhat be to be considered a subspecies?
|
[
"What would a population have to somewhat be to be considered a subspecies?"
] |
{
"text": [
"biologically different"
],
"answer_start": [
360
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112156
|
572907263f37b31900477f9b
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Traditionally, subspecies are seen as geographically isolated and genetically differentiated populations. That is, "the designation 'subspecies' is used to indicate an objective degree of microevolutionary divergence" One objection to this idea is that it does not specify what degree of differentiation is required. Therefore, any population that is somewhat biologically different could be considered a subspecies, even to the level of a local population. As a result, Templeton has argued that it is necessary to impose a threshold on the level of difference that is required for a population to be designated a subspecies.
|
What did Templeton argue is necessary to impose a threshold on for a population to be a subspecies?
|
What did Templeton argue is necessary to impose a threshold on for a population to be a subspecies?
|
[
"What did Templeton argue is necessary to impose a threshold on for a population to be a subspecies?"
] |
{
"text": [
"level of difference"
],
"answer_start": [
542
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112157
|
572908426aef0514001549d2
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
This effectively means that populations of organisms must have reached a certain measurable level of difference to be recognised as subspecies. Dean Amadon proposed in 1949 that subspecies would be defined according to the seventy-five percent rule which means that 75% of a population must lie outside 99% of the range of other populations for a given defining morphological character or a set of characters. The seventy-five percent rule still has defenders but other scholars argue that it should be replaced with ninety or ninety-five percent rule.
|
What must organisms have a measurable level of to be seen as a subspecies?
|
What must organisms have a measurable level of to be seen as a subspecies?
|
[
"What must organisms have a measurable level of to be seen as a subspecies?"
] |
{
"text": [
"difference"
],
"answer_start": [
101
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112158
|
572908426aef0514001549d3
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
This effectively means that populations of organisms must have reached a certain measurable level of difference to be recognised as subspecies. Dean Amadon proposed in 1949 that subspecies would be defined according to the seventy-five percent rule which means that 75% of a population must lie outside 99% of the range of other populations for a given defining morphological character or a set of characters. The seventy-five percent rule still has defenders but other scholars argue that it should be replaced with ninety or ninety-five percent rule.
|
Who proposed subspecies be defined by the seventy-five percent rule?
|
Who proposed subspecies be defined by the seventy-five percent rule?
|
[
"Who proposed subspecies be defined by the seventy-five percent rule?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Dean Amadon"
],
"answer_start": [
144
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112159
|
572908426aef0514001549d4
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
This effectively means that populations of organisms must have reached a certain measurable level of difference to be recognised as subspecies. Dean Amadon proposed in 1949 that subspecies would be defined according to the seventy-five percent rule which means that 75% of a population must lie outside 99% of the range of other populations for a given defining morphological character or a set of characters. The seventy-five percent rule still has defenders but other scholars argue that it should be replaced with ninety or ninety-five percent rule.
|
What year did Dean Amadon make his proposal?
|
What year did Dean Amadon make his proposal?
|
[
"What year did Dean Amadon make his proposal?"
] |
{
"text": [
"1949"
],
"answer_start": [
168
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112160
|
572908426aef0514001549d5
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
This effectively means that populations of organisms must have reached a certain measurable level of difference to be recognised as subspecies. Dean Amadon proposed in 1949 that subspecies would be defined according to the seventy-five percent rule which means that 75% of a population must lie outside 99% of the range of other populations for a given defining morphological character or a set of characters. The seventy-five percent rule still has defenders but other scholars argue that it should be replaced with ninety or ninety-five percent rule.
|
The 75% rule states how much of a population must lie outside the range of other populations for a defining set of characters?
|
The 75% rule states how much of a population must lie outside the range of other populations for a defining set of characters?
|
[
"The 75% rule states how much of a population must lie outside the range of other populations for a defining set of characters?"
] |
{
"text": [
"99%"
],
"answer_start": [
303
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112161
|
572908426aef0514001549d6
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
This effectively means that populations of organisms must have reached a certain measurable level of difference to be recognised as subspecies. Dean Amadon proposed in 1949 that subspecies would be defined according to the seventy-five percent rule which means that 75% of a population must lie outside 99% of the range of other populations for a given defining morphological character or a set of characters. The seventy-five percent rule still has defenders but other scholars argue that it should be replaced with ninety or ninety-five percent rule.
|
Many scholars argue what should be replaced with a ninety or ninety-five percent rule?
|
Many scholars argue what should be replaced with a ninety or ninety-five percent rule?
|
[
"Many scholars argue what should be replaced with a ninety or ninety-five percent rule?"
] |
{
"text": [
"The seventy-five percent rule"
],
"answer_start": [
410
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112162
|
572909393f37b31900477fc5
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In 1978, Sewall Wright suggested that human populations that have long inhabited separated parts of the world should, in general, be considered different subspecies by the usual criterion that most individuals of such populations can be allocated correctly by inspection. Wright argued that it does not require a trained anthropologist to classify an array of Englishmen, West Africans, and Chinese with 100% accuracy by features, skin color, and type of hair despite so much variability within each of these groups that every individual can easily be distinguished from every other. However, it is customary to use the term race rather than subspecies for the major subdivisions of the human species as well as for minor ones.
|
When did Sewall Wright make his suggestion about human populations?
|
When did Sewall Wright make his suggestion about human populations?
|
[
"When did Sewall Wright make his suggestion about human populations?"
] |
{
"text": [
"1978"
],
"answer_start": [
3
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112163
|
572909393f37b31900477fc6
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In 1978, Sewall Wright suggested that human populations that have long inhabited separated parts of the world should, in general, be considered different subspecies by the usual criterion that most individuals of such populations can be allocated correctly by inspection. Wright argued that it does not require a trained anthropologist to classify an array of Englishmen, West Africans, and Chinese with 100% accuracy by features, skin color, and type of hair despite so much variability within each of these groups that every individual can easily be distinguished from every other. However, it is customary to use the term race rather than subspecies for the major subdivisions of the human species as well as for minor ones.
|
How should populations long inhabiting separate parts of the world be considered?
|
How should populations long inhabiting separate parts of the world be considered?
|
[
"How should populations long inhabiting separate parts of the world be considered?"
] |
{
"text": [
"different subspecies"
],
"answer_start": [
144
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112164
|
572909393f37b31900477fc7
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In 1978, Sewall Wright suggested that human populations that have long inhabited separated parts of the world should, in general, be considered different subspecies by the usual criterion that most individuals of such populations can be allocated correctly by inspection. Wright argued that it does not require a trained anthropologist to classify an array of Englishmen, West Africans, and Chinese with 100% accuracy by features, skin color, and type of hair despite so much variability within each of these groups that every individual can easily be distinguished from every other. However, it is customary to use the term race rather than subspecies for the major subdivisions of the human species as well as for minor ones.
|
What is required to allocate individuals in subspecies populations correctly?
|
What is required to allocate individuals in subspecies populations correctly?
|
[
"What is required to allocate individuals in subspecies populations correctly?"
] |
{
"text": [
"inspection"
],
"answer_start": [
260
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112165
|
572909393f37b31900477fc8
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In 1978, Sewall Wright suggested that human populations that have long inhabited separated parts of the world should, in general, be considered different subspecies by the usual criterion that most individuals of such populations can be allocated correctly by inspection. Wright argued that it does not require a trained anthropologist to classify an array of Englishmen, West Africans, and Chinese with 100% accuracy by features, skin color, and type of hair despite so much variability within each of these groups that every individual can easily be distinguished from every other. However, it is customary to use the term race rather than subspecies for the major subdivisions of the human species as well as for minor ones.
|
What did Wright feel it wouldn't take an anthropologist to easily distinguish between of in groups?
|
What did Wright feel it wouldn't take an anthropologist to easily distinguish between of in groups?
|
[
"What did Wright feel it wouldn't take an anthropologist to easily distinguish between of in groups?"
] |
{
"text": [
"individual"
],
"answer_start": [
527
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112166
|
572909393f37b31900477fc9
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In 1978, Sewall Wright suggested that human populations that have long inhabited separated parts of the world should, in general, be considered different subspecies by the usual criterion that most individuals of such populations can be allocated correctly by inspection. Wright argued that it does not require a trained anthropologist to classify an array of Englishmen, West Africans, and Chinese with 100% accuracy by features, skin color, and type of hair despite so much variability within each of these groups that every individual can easily be distinguished from every other. However, it is customary to use the term race rather than subspecies for the major subdivisions of the human species as well as for minor ones.
|
What term is it customary to use instead of subspecies?
|
What term is it customary to use instead of subspecies?
|
[
"What term is it customary to use instead of subspecies?"
] |
{
"text": [
"race"
],
"answer_start": [
625
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112167
|
572909d51d04691400778fb5
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Cladistics is another method of classification. A clade is a taxonomic group of organisms consisting of a single common ancestor and all the descendants of that ancestor. Every creature produced by sexual reproduction has two immediate lineages, one maternal and one paternal. Whereas Carl Linnaeus established a taxonomy of living organisms based on anatomical similarities and differences, cladistics seeks to establish a taxonomy—the phylogenetic tree—based on genetic similarities and differences and tracing the process of acquisition of multiple characteristics by single organisms. Some researchers have tried to clarify the idea of race by equating it to the biological idea of the clade. Often mitochondrial DNA or Y chromosome sequences are used to study ancient human migration paths. These single-locus sources of DNA do not recombine and are inherited from a single parent. Individuals from the various continental groups tend to be more similar to one another than to people from other continents, and tracing either mitochondrial DNA or non-recombinant Y-chromosome DNA explains how people in one place may be largely derived from people in some remote location.
|
What is cladistics a method of?
|
What is cladistics a method of?
|
[
"What is cladistics a method of?"
] |
{
"text": [
"classification"
],
"answer_start": [
32
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112168
|
572909d51d04691400778fb6
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Cladistics is another method of classification. A clade is a taxonomic group of organisms consisting of a single common ancestor and all the descendants of that ancestor. Every creature produced by sexual reproduction has two immediate lineages, one maternal and one paternal. Whereas Carl Linnaeus established a taxonomy of living organisms based on anatomical similarities and differences, cladistics seeks to establish a taxonomy—the phylogenetic tree—based on genetic similarities and differences and tracing the process of acquisition of multiple characteristics by single organisms. Some researchers have tried to clarify the idea of race by equating it to the biological idea of the clade. Often mitochondrial DNA or Y chromosome sequences are used to study ancient human migration paths. These single-locus sources of DNA do not recombine and are inherited from a single parent. Individuals from the various continental groups tend to be more similar to one another than to people from other continents, and tracing either mitochondrial DNA or non-recombinant Y-chromosome DNA explains how people in one place may be largely derived from people in some remote location.
|
What is a clade a taxonomic group of?
|
What is a clade a taxonomic group of?
|
[
"What is a clade a taxonomic group of?"
] |
{
"text": [
"organisms"
],
"answer_start": [
80
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112169
|
572909d51d04691400778fb7
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Cladistics is another method of classification. A clade is a taxonomic group of organisms consisting of a single common ancestor and all the descendants of that ancestor. Every creature produced by sexual reproduction has two immediate lineages, one maternal and one paternal. Whereas Carl Linnaeus established a taxonomy of living organisms based on anatomical similarities and differences, cladistics seeks to establish a taxonomy—the phylogenetic tree—based on genetic similarities and differences and tracing the process of acquisition of multiple characteristics by single organisms. Some researchers have tried to clarify the idea of race by equating it to the biological idea of the clade. Often mitochondrial DNA or Y chromosome sequences are used to study ancient human migration paths. These single-locus sources of DNA do not recombine and are inherited from a single parent. Individuals from the various continental groups tend to be more similar to one another than to people from other continents, and tracing either mitochondrial DNA or non-recombinant Y-chromosome DNA explains how people in one place may be largely derived from people in some remote location.
|
How many common ancestors does a clade have?
|
How many common ancestors does a clade have?
|
[
"How many common ancestors does a clade have?"
] |
{
"text": [
"single"
],
"answer_start": [
106
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112170
|
572909d51d04691400778fb8
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Cladistics is another method of classification. A clade is a taxonomic group of organisms consisting of a single common ancestor and all the descendants of that ancestor. Every creature produced by sexual reproduction has two immediate lineages, one maternal and one paternal. Whereas Carl Linnaeus established a taxonomy of living organisms based on anatomical similarities and differences, cladistics seeks to establish a taxonomy—the phylogenetic tree—based on genetic similarities and differences and tracing the process of acquisition of multiple characteristics by single organisms. Some researchers have tried to clarify the idea of race by equating it to the biological idea of the clade. Often mitochondrial DNA or Y chromosome sequences are used to study ancient human migration paths. These single-locus sources of DNA do not recombine and are inherited from a single parent. Individuals from the various continental groups tend to be more similar to one another than to people from other continents, and tracing either mitochondrial DNA or non-recombinant Y-chromosome DNA explains how people in one place may be largely derived from people in some remote location.
|
What is another term for a phylogenetic tree?
|
What is another term for a phylogenetic tree?
|
[
"What is another term for a phylogenetic tree?"
] |
{
"text": [
"taxonomy"
],
"answer_start": [
424
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112171
|
572909d51d04691400778fb9
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Cladistics is another method of classification. A clade is a taxonomic group of organisms consisting of a single common ancestor and all the descendants of that ancestor. Every creature produced by sexual reproduction has two immediate lineages, one maternal and one paternal. Whereas Carl Linnaeus established a taxonomy of living organisms based on anatomical similarities and differences, cladistics seeks to establish a taxonomy—the phylogenetic tree—based on genetic similarities and differences and tracing the process of acquisition of multiple characteristics by single organisms. Some researchers have tried to clarify the idea of race by equating it to the biological idea of the clade. Often mitochondrial DNA or Y chromosome sequences are used to study ancient human migration paths. These single-locus sources of DNA do not recombine and are inherited from a single parent. Individuals from the various continental groups tend to be more similar to one another than to people from other continents, and tracing either mitochondrial DNA or non-recombinant Y-chromosome DNA explains how people in one place may be largely derived from people in some remote location.
|
Which chromosome sequences are used to study ancient human migration paths?
|
Which chromosome sequences are used to study ancient human migration paths?
|
[
"Which chromosome sequences are used to study ancient human migration paths?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Y"
],
"answer_start": [
724
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112172
|
57290b1c6aef0514001549ec
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Often taxonomists prefer to use phylogenetic analysis to determine whether a population can be considered a subspecies. Phylogenetic analysis relies on the concept of derived characteristics that are not shared between groups, usually applying to populations that are allopatric (geographically separated) and therefore discretely bounded. This would make a subspecies, evolutionarily speaking, a clade – a group with a common evolutionary ancestor population. The smooth gradation of human genetic variation in general tends to rule out any idea that human population groups can be considered monophyletic (cleanly divided), as there appears to always have been considerable gene flow between human populations. Rachel Caspari (2003) have argued that clades are by definition monophyletic groups (a taxon that includes all descendants of a given ancestor) and since no groups currently regarded as races are monophyletic, none of those groups can be clades.
|
What analysis method are taxonomists fond of using in considering a population?
|
What analysis method are taxonomists fond of using in considering a population?
|
[
"What analysis method are taxonomists fond of using in considering a population?"
] |
{
"text": [
"phylogenetic"
],
"answer_start": [
32
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112173
|
57290b1c6aef0514001549ed
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Often taxonomists prefer to use phylogenetic analysis to determine whether a population can be considered a subspecies. Phylogenetic analysis relies on the concept of derived characteristics that are not shared between groups, usually applying to populations that are allopatric (geographically separated) and therefore discretely bounded. This would make a subspecies, evolutionarily speaking, a clade – a group with a common evolutionary ancestor population. The smooth gradation of human genetic variation in general tends to rule out any idea that human population groups can be considered monophyletic (cleanly divided), as there appears to always have been considerable gene flow between human populations. Rachel Caspari (2003) have argued that clades are by definition monophyletic groups (a taxon that includes all descendants of a given ancestor) and since no groups currently regarded as races are monophyletic, none of those groups can be clades.
|
How are allopatric populations separated?
|
How are allopatric populations separated?
|
[
"How are allopatric populations separated? "
] |
{
"text": [
"geographically"
],
"answer_start": [
280
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112174
|
57290b1c6aef0514001549ee
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Often taxonomists prefer to use phylogenetic analysis to determine whether a population can be considered a subspecies. Phylogenetic analysis relies on the concept of derived characteristics that are not shared between groups, usually applying to populations that are allopatric (geographically separated) and therefore discretely bounded. This would make a subspecies, evolutionarily speaking, a clade – a group with a common evolutionary ancestor population. The smooth gradation of human genetic variation in general tends to rule out any idea that human population groups can be considered monophyletic (cleanly divided), as there appears to always have been considerable gene flow between human populations. Rachel Caspari (2003) have argued that clades are by definition monophyletic groups (a taxon that includes all descendants of a given ancestor) and since no groups currently regarded as races are monophyletic, none of those groups can be clades.
|
What is a group with a common evolutionary ancestor population called?
|
What is a group with a common evolutionary ancestor population called?
|
[
"What is a group with a common evolutionary ancestor population called?"
] |
{
"text": [
"a clade"
],
"answer_start": [
395
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112175
|
57290b1c6aef0514001549ef
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Often taxonomists prefer to use phylogenetic analysis to determine whether a population can be considered a subspecies. Phylogenetic analysis relies on the concept of derived characteristics that are not shared between groups, usually applying to populations that are allopatric (geographically separated) and therefore discretely bounded. This would make a subspecies, evolutionarily speaking, a clade – a group with a common evolutionary ancestor population. The smooth gradation of human genetic variation in general tends to rule out any idea that human population groups can be considered monophyletic (cleanly divided), as there appears to always have been considerable gene flow between human populations. Rachel Caspari (2003) have argued that clades are by definition monophyletic groups (a taxon that includes all descendants of a given ancestor) and since no groups currently regarded as races are monophyletic, none of those groups can be clades.
|
What is a tongue twister of a word that merely means "cleanly divided"?
|
What is a tongue twister of a word that merely means "cleanly divided"?
|
[
"What is a tongue twister of a word that merely means \"cleanly divided\"?"
] |
{
"text": [
"monophyletic"
],
"answer_start": [
594
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112176
|
57290b1c6aef0514001549f0
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Often taxonomists prefer to use phylogenetic analysis to determine whether a population can be considered a subspecies. Phylogenetic analysis relies on the concept of derived characteristics that are not shared between groups, usually applying to populations that are allopatric (geographically separated) and therefore discretely bounded. This would make a subspecies, evolutionarily speaking, a clade – a group with a common evolutionary ancestor population. The smooth gradation of human genetic variation in general tends to rule out any idea that human population groups can be considered monophyletic (cleanly divided), as there appears to always have been considerable gene flow between human populations. Rachel Caspari (2003) have argued that clades are by definition monophyletic groups (a taxon that includes all descendants of a given ancestor) and since no groups currently regarded as races are monophyletic, none of those groups can be clades.
|
Who argued in 2003 that all clades are by definition monophyletic groups?
|
Who argued in 2003 that all clades are by definition monophyletic groups?
|
[
"Who argued in 2003 that all clades are by definition monophyletic groups?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Rachel Caspari"
],
"answer_start": [
713
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112177
|
57290c2f3f37b31900477fcf
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
For the anthropologists Lieberman and Jackson (1995), however, there are more profound methodological and conceptual problems with using cladistics to support concepts of race. They claim that "the molecular and biochemical proponents of this model explicitly use racial categories in their initial grouping of samples". For example, the large and highly diverse macroethnic groups of East Indians, North Africans, and Europeans are presumptively grouped as Caucasians prior to the analysis of their DNA variation. This is claimed to limit and skew interpretations, obscure other lineage relationships, deemphasize the impact of more immediate clinal environmental factors on genomic diversity, and can cloud our understanding of the true patterns of affinity. They argue that however significant the empirical research, these studies use the term race in conceptually imprecise and careless ways. They suggest that the authors of these studies find support for racial distinctions only because they began by assuming the validity of race. "For empirical reasons we prefer to place emphasis on clinal variation, which recognizes the existence of adaptive human hereditary variation and simultaneously stresses that such variation is not found in packages that can be labeled races."
|
What did Lieberman and Jackon find profound problems using cladistics to support concepts of?
|
What did Lieberman and Jackon find profound problems using cladistics to support concepts of?
|
[
"What did Lieberman and Jackon find profound problems using cladistics to support concepts of?"
] |
{
"text": [
"race"
],
"answer_start": [
171
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112178
|
57290c2f3f37b31900477fd0
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
For the anthropologists Lieberman and Jackson (1995), however, there are more profound methodological and conceptual problems with using cladistics to support concepts of race. They claim that "the molecular and biochemical proponents of this model explicitly use racial categories in their initial grouping of samples". For example, the large and highly diverse macroethnic groups of East Indians, North Africans, and Europeans are presumptively grouped as Caucasians prior to the analysis of their DNA variation. This is claimed to limit and skew interpretations, obscure other lineage relationships, deemphasize the impact of more immediate clinal environmental factors on genomic diversity, and can cloud our understanding of the true patterns of affinity. They argue that however significant the empirical research, these studies use the term race in conceptually imprecise and careless ways. They suggest that the authors of these studies find support for racial distinctions only because they began by assuming the validity of race. "For empirical reasons we prefer to place emphasis on clinal variation, which recognizes the existence of adaptive human hereditary variation and simultaneously stresses that such variation is not found in packages that can be labeled races."
|
What would the diverse group of East Indians, North Africans and Europeans be grouped as prior to DNA analysis?
|
What would the diverse group of East Indians, North Africans and Europeans be grouped as prior to DNA analysis?
|
[
"What would the diverse group of East Indians, North Africans and Europeans be grouped as prior to DNA analysis?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Caucasians"
],
"answer_start": [
458
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112179
|
57290c2f3f37b31900477fd1
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
For the anthropologists Lieberman and Jackson (1995), however, there are more profound methodological and conceptual problems with using cladistics to support concepts of race. They claim that "the molecular and biochemical proponents of this model explicitly use racial categories in their initial grouping of samples". For example, the large and highly diverse macroethnic groups of East Indians, North Africans, and Europeans are presumptively grouped as Caucasians prior to the analysis of their DNA variation. This is claimed to limit and skew interpretations, obscure other lineage relationships, deemphasize the impact of more immediate clinal environmental factors on genomic diversity, and can cloud our understanding of the true patterns of affinity. They argue that however significant the empirical research, these studies use the term race in conceptually imprecise and careless ways. They suggest that the authors of these studies find support for racial distinctions only because they began by assuming the validity of race. "For empirical reasons we prefer to place emphasis on clinal variation, which recognizes the existence of adaptive human hereditary variation and simultaneously stresses that such variation is not found in packages that can be labeled races."
|
Cladistics can limit and skew what?
|
Cladistics can limit and skew what?
|
[
"Cladistics can limit and skew what?"
] |
{
"text": [
"interpretations"
],
"answer_start": [
549
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112180
|
57290c2f3f37b31900477fd2
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
For the anthropologists Lieberman and Jackson (1995), however, there are more profound methodological and conceptual problems with using cladistics to support concepts of race. They claim that "the molecular and biochemical proponents of this model explicitly use racial categories in their initial grouping of samples". For example, the large and highly diverse macroethnic groups of East Indians, North Africans, and Europeans are presumptively grouped as Caucasians prior to the analysis of their DNA variation. This is claimed to limit and skew interpretations, obscure other lineage relationships, deemphasize the impact of more immediate clinal environmental factors on genomic diversity, and can cloud our understanding of the true patterns of affinity. They argue that however significant the empirical research, these studies use the term race in conceptually imprecise and careless ways. They suggest that the authors of these studies find support for racial distinctions only because they began by assuming the validity of race. "For empirical reasons we prefer to place emphasis on clinal variation, which recognizes the existence of adaptive human hereditary variation and simultaneously stresses that such variation is not found in packages that can be labeled races."
|
Lieberman and Jackson suggest authors of some studies use the term race in what ways?
|
Lieberman and Jackson suggest authors of some studies use the term race in what ways?
|
[
"Lieberman and Jackson suggest authors of some studies use the term race in what ways?"
] |
{
"text": [
"conceptually imprecise and careless"
],
"answer_start": [
856
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112181
|
57290c2f3f37b31900477fd3
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
For the anthropologists Lieberman and Jackson (1995), however, there are more profound methodological and conceptual problems with using cladistics to support concepts of race. They claim that "the molecular and biochemical proponents of this model explicitly use racial categories in their initial grouping of samples". For example, the large and highly diverse macroethnic groups of East Indians, North Africans, and Europeans are presumptively grouped as Caucasians prior to the analysis of their DNA variation. This is claimed to limit and skew interpretations, obscure other lineage relationships, deemphasize the impact of more immediate clinal environmental factors on genomic diversity, and can cloud our understanding of the true patterns of affinity. They argue that however significant the empirical research, these studies use the term race in conceptually imprecise and careless ways. They suggest that the authors of these studies find support for racial distinctions only because they began by assuming the validity of race. "For empirical reasons we prefer to place emphasis on clinal variation, which recognizes the existence of adaptive human hereditary variation and simultaneously stresses that such variation is not found in packages that can be labeled races."
|
What is variation found in that can be labeled as races?
|
What is variation found in that can be labeled as races?
|
[
"What is variation found in that can be labeled as races?"
] |
{
"text": [
"packages"
],
"answer_start": [
1246
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112182
|
57290ceeaf94a219006a9fd7
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
One crucial innovation in reconceptualizing genotypic and phenotypic variation was the anthropologist C. Loring Brace's observation that such variations, insofar as it is affected by natural selection, slow migration, or genetic drift, are distributed along geographic gradations or clines. In part this is due to isolation by distance. This point called attention to a problem common to phenotype-based descriptions of races (for example, those based on hair texture and skin color): they ignore a host of other similarities and differences (for example, blood type) that do not correlate highly with the markers for race. Thus, anthropologist Frank Livingstone's conclusion, that since clines cross racial boundaries, "there are no races, only clines".
|
What did C. Loring Brace observe about about variations?
|
What did C. Loring Brace observe about about variations?
|
[
"What did C. Loring Brace observe about about variations?"
] |
{
"text": [
"distributed along geographic gradations or clines"
],
"answer_start": [
240
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112183
|
57290ceeaf94a219006a9fd8
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
One crucial innovation in reconceptualizing genotypic and phenotypic variation was the anthropologist C. Loring Brace's observation that such variations, insofar as it is affected by natural selection, slow migration, or genetic drift, are distributed along geographic gradations or clines. In part this is due to isolation by distance. This point called attention to a problem common to phenotype-based descriptions of races (for example, those based on hair texture and skin color): they ignore a host of other similarities and differences (for example, blood type) that do not correlate highly with the markers for race. Thus, anthropologist Frank Livingstone's conclusion, that since clines cross racial boundaries, "there are no races, only clines".
|
Why are variations distributed along clines?
|
Why are variations distributed along clines?
|
[
"Why are variations distributed along clines?"
] |
{
"text": [
"isolation by distance"
],
"answer_start": [
314
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112184
|
57290ceeaf94a219006a9fd9
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
One crucial innovation in reconceptualizing genotypic and phenotypic variation was the anthropologist C. Loring Brace's observation that such variations, insofar as it is affected by natural selection, slow migration, or genetic drift, are distributed along geographic gradations or clines. In part this is due to isolation by distance. This point called attention to a problem common to phenotype-based descriptions of races (for example, those based on hair texture and skin color): they ignore a host of other similarities and differences (for example, blood type) that do not correlate highly with the markers for race. Thus, anthropologist Frank Livingstone's conclusion, that since clines cross racial boundaries, "there are no races, only clines".
|
What is a problem common to phenotype-based descriptions of races?
|
What is a problem common to phenotype-based descriptions of races?
|
[
"What is a problem common to phenotype-based descriptions of races?"
] |
{
"text": [
"they ignore a host of other similarities and differences"
],
"answer_start": [
485
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112185
|
57290ceeaf94a219006a9fda
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
One crucial innovation in reconceptualizing genotypic and phenotypic variation was the anthropologist C. Loring Brace's observation that such variations, insofar as it is affected by natural selection, slow migration, or genetic drift, are distributed along geographic gradations or clines. In part this is due to isolation by distance. This point called attention to a problem common to phenotype-based descriptions of races (for example, those based on hair texture and skin color): they ignore a host of other similarities and differences (for example, blood type) that do not correlate highly with the markers for race. Thus, anthropologist Frank Livingstone's conclusion, that since clines cross racial boundaries, "there are no races, only clines".
|
What is Frank Livingstone's profession?
|
What is Frank Livingstone's profession?
|
[
"What is Frank Livingstone's profession?"
] |
{
"text": [
"anthropologist"
],
"answer_start": [
630
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112186
|
57290ceeaf94a219006a9fdb
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
One crucial innovation in reconceptualizing genotypic and phenotypic variation was the anthropologist C. Loring Brace's observation that such variations, insofar as it is affected by natural selection, slow migration, or genetic drift, are distributed along geographic gradations or clines. In part this is due to isolation by distance. This point called attention to a problem common to phenotype-based descriptions of races (for example, those based on hair texture and skin color): they ignore a host of other similarities and differences (for example, blood type) that do not correlate highly with the markers for race. Thus, anthropologist Frank Livingstone's conclusion, that since clines cross racial boundaries, "there are no races, only clines".
|
What is the conclusion from the evidence that clines cross racial boundaries?
|
What is the conclusion from the evidence that clines cross racial boundaries?
|
[
"What is the conclusion from the evidence that clines cross racial boundaries?"
] |
{
"text": [
"there are no races, only clines"
],
"answer_start": [
721
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112187
|
57290dc41d04691400778fd7
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In a response to Livingstone, Theodore Dobzhansky argued that when talking about race one must be attentive to how the term is being used: "I agree with Dr. Livingstone that if races have to be 'discrete units,' then there are no races, and if 'race' is used as an 'explanation' of the human variability, rather than vice versa, then the explanation is invalid." He further argued that one could use the term race if one distinguished between "race differences" and "the race concept." The former refers to any distinction in gene frequencies between populations; the latter is "a matter of judgment." He further observed that even when there is clinal variation, "Race differences are objectively ascertainable biological phenomena… but it does not follow that racially distinct populations must be given racial (or subspecific) labels." In short, Livingstone and Dobzhansky agree that there are genetic differences among human beings; they also agree that the use of the race concept to classify people, and how the race concept is used, is a matter of social convention. They differ on whether the race concept remains a meaningful and useful social convention.
|
What must one be attentive to when talking about race?
|
What must one be attentive to when talking about race?
|
[
"What must one be attentive to when talking about race?"
] |
{
"text": [
"how the term is being used"
],
"answer_start": [
111
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112188
|
57290dc41d04691400778fd8
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In a response to Livingstone, Theodore Dobzhansky argued that when talking about race one must be attentive to how the term is being used: "I agree with Dr. Livingstone that if races have to be 'discrete units,' then there are no races, and if 'race' is used as an 'explanation' of the human variability, rather than vice versa, then the explanation is invalid." He further argued that one could use the term race if one distinguished between "race differences" and "the race concept." The former refers to any distinction in gene frequencies between populations; the latter is "a matter of judgment." He further observed that even when there is clinal variation, "Race differences are objectively ascertainable biological phenomena… but it does not follow that racially distinct populations must be given racial (or subspecific) labels." In short, Livingstone and Dobzhansky agree that there are genetic differences among human beings; they also agree that the use of the race concept to classify people, and how the race concept is used, is a matter of social convention. They differ on whether the race concept remains a meaningful and useful social convention.
|
On what point did Dobzhansky agree with Dr. Livingstone?
|
On what point did Dobzhansky agree with Dr. Livingstone?
|
[
"On what point did Dobzhansky agree with Dr. Livingstone?"
] |
{
"text": [
"if races have to be 'discrete units,' then there are no races"
],
"answer_start": [
174
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112189
|
57290dc41d04691400778fd9
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In a response to Livingstone, Theodore Dobzhansky argued that when talking about race one must be attentive to how the term is being used: "I agree with Dr. Livingstone that if races have to be 'discrete units,' then there are no races, and if 'race' is used as an 'explanation' of the human variability, rather than vice versa, then the explanation is invalid." He further argued that one could use the term race if one distinguished between "race differences" and "the race concept." The former refers to any distinction in gene frequencies between populations; the latter is "a matter of judgment." He further observed that even when there is clinal variation, "Race differences are objectively ascertainable biological phenomena… but it does not follow that racially distinct populations must be given racial (or subspecific) labels." In short, Livingstone and Dobzhansky agree that there are genetic differences among human beings; they also agree that the use of the race concept to classify people, and how the race concept is used, is a matter of social convention. They differ on whether the race concept remains a meaningful and useful social convention.
|
What is merely "a matter of judgement"?
|
What is merely "a matter of judgement"?
|
[
"What is merely \"a matter of judgement\"?"
] |
{
"text": [
"\"the race concept.\""
],
"answer_start": [
466
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112190
|
57290dc41d04691400778fda
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In a response to Livingstone, Theodore Dobzhansky argued that when talking about race one must be attentive to how the term is being used: "I agree with Dr. Livingstone that if races have to be 'discrete units,' then there are no races, and if 'race' is used as an 'explanation' of the human variability, rather than vice versa, then the explanation is invalid." He further argued that one could use the term race if one distinguished between "race differences" and "the race concept." The former refers to any distinction in gene frequencies between populations; the latter is "a matter of judgment." He further observed that even when there is clinal variation, "Race differences are objectively ascertainable biological phenomena… but it does not follow that racially distinct populations must be given racial (or subspecific) labels." In short, Livingstone and Dobzhansky agree that there are genetic differences among human beings; they also agree that the use of the race concept to classify people, and how the race concept is used, is a matter of social convention. They differ on whether the race concept remains a meaningful and useful social convention.
|
While race difference possible to easily see, they need not be given what?
|
While race difference possible to easily see, they need not be given what?
|
[
"While race difference possible to easily see, they need not be given what?"
] |
{
"text": [
"labels"
],
"answer_start": [
830
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112191
|
57290dc41d04691400778fdb
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In a response to Livingstone, Theodore Dobzhansky argued that when talking about race one must be attentive to how the term is being used: "I agree with Dr. Livingstone that if races have to be 'discrete units,' then there are no races, and if 'race' is used as an 'explanation' of the human variability, rather than vice versa, then the explanation is invalid." He further argued that one could use the term race if one distinguished between "race differences" and "the race concept." The former refers to any distinction in gene frequencies between populations; the latter is "a matter of judgment." He further observed that even when there is clinal variation, "Race differences are objectively ascertainable biological phenomena… but it does not follow that racially distinct populations must be given racial (or subspecific) labels." In short, Livingstone and Dobzhansky agree that there are genetic differences among human beings; they also agree that the use of the race concept to classify people, and how the race concept is used, is a matter of social convention. They differ on whether the race concept remains a meaningful and useful social convention.
|
Livingston and Dobzhansky disagree on whether the race concept is what?
|
Livingston and Dobzhansky disagree on whether the race concept is what?
|
[
"Livingston and Dobzhansky disagree on whether the race concept is what?"
] |
{
"text": [
"a meaningful and useful social convention"
],
"answer_start": [
1122
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112192
|
57290ea91d04691400778ff3
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In 1964, the biologists Paul Ehrlich and Holm pointed out cases where two or more clines are distributed discordantly—for example, melanin is distributed in a decreasing pattern from the equator north and south; frequencies for the haplotype for beta-S hemoglobin, on the other hand, radiate out of specific geographical points in Africa. As the anthropologists Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson observed, "Discordant patterns of heterogeneity falsify any description of a population as if it were genotypically or even phenotypically homogeneous".
|
What did two biologists point out in 1964?
|
What did two biologists point out in 1964?
|
[
"What did two biologists point out in 1964?"
] |
{
"text": [
"cases where two or more clines are distributed discordantly"
],
"answer_start": [
58
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112193
|
57290ea91d04691400778ff4
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In 1964, the biologists Paul Ehrlich and Holm pointed out cases where two or more clines are distributed discordantly—for example, melanin is distributed in a decreasing pattern from the equator north and south; frequencies for the haplotype for beta-S hemoglobin, on the other hand, radiate out of specific geographical points in Africa. As the anthropologists Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson observed, "Discordant patterns of heterogeneity falsify any description of a population as if it were genotypically or even phenotypically homogeneous".
|
What gene distribution decreases as you move away from the equator in either direction?
|
What gene distribution decreases as you move away from the equator in either direction?
|
[
"What gene distribution decreases as you move away from the equator in either direction?"
] |
{
"text": [
"melanin"
],
"answer_start": [
131
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112194
|
57290ea91d04691400778ff5
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In 1964, the biologists Paul Ehrlich and Holm pointed out cases where two or more clines are distributed discordantly—for example, melanin is distributed in a decreasing pattern from the equator north and south; frequencies for the haplotype for beta-S hemoglobin, on the other hand, radiate out of specific geographical points in Africa. As the anthropologists Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson observed, "Discordant patterns of heterogeneity falsify any description of a population as if it were genotypically or even phenotypically homogeneous".
|
What do the frequencies for the haplotype for beta-5 hemogoblin do from specific points in Africa?
|
What do the frequencies for the haplotype for beta-5 hemogoblin do from specific points in Africa?
|
[
"What do the frequencies for the haplotype for beta-5 hemogoblin do from specific points in Africa?"
] |
{
"text": [
"radiate"
],
"answer_start": [
284
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112195
|
57290ea91d04691400778ff6
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In 1964, the biologists Paul Ehrlich and Holm pointed out cases where two or more clines are distributed discordantly—for example, melanin is distributed in a decreasing pattern from the equator north and south; frequencies for the haplotype for beta-S hemoglobin, on the other hand, radiate out of specific geographical points in Africa. As the anthropologists Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson observed, "Discordant patterns of heterogeneity falsify any description of a population as if it were genotypically or even phenotypically homogeneous".
|
To what profession do both Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson belong?
|
To what profession do both Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson belong?
|
[
"To what profession do both Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson belong?"
] |
{
"text": [
"anthropologists"
],
"answer_start": [
346
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112196
|
57290ea91d04691400778ff7
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
In 1964, the biologists Paul Ehrlich and Holm pointed out cases where two or more clines are distributed discordantly—for example, melanin is distributed in a decreasing pattern from the equator north and south; frequencies for the haplotype for beta-S hemoglobin, on the other hand, radiate out of specific geographical points in Africa. As the anthropologists Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson observed, "Discordant patterns of heterogeneity falsify any description of a population as if it were genotypically or even phenotypically homogeneous".
|
What patterns of heterogeneity falsify any descriptions of population?
|
What patterns of heterogeneity falsify any descriptions of population?
|
[
"What patterns of heterogeneity falsify any descriptions of population?"
] |
{
"text": [
"Discordant"
],
"answer_start": [
417
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112197
|
57290f651d04691400778ffd
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Patterns such as those seen in human physical and genetic variation as described above, have led to the consequence that the number and geographic location of any described races is highly dependent on the importance attributed to, and quantity of, the traits considered. Scientists discovered a skin-lighting mutation that partially accounts for the appearance of Light skin in humans (people who migrated out of Africa northward into what is now Europe) which they estimate occurred 20,000 to 50,000 years ago. The East Asians owe their relatively light skin to different mutations. On the other hand, the greater the number of traits (or alleles) considered, the more subdivisions of humanity are detected, since traits and gene frequencies do not always correspond to the same geographical location. Or as Ossorio & Duster (2005) put it:
|
What is the consequence of the number and geographic location ascribed to a race highly dependent on?
|
What is the consequence of the number and geographic location ascribed to a race highly dependent on?
|
[
"What is the consequence of the number and geographic location ascribed to a race highly dependent on?"
] |
{
"text": [
"the importance attributed to, and quantity of, the traits considered."
],
"answer_start": [
202
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112198
|
57290f651d04691400778ffe
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Patterns such as those seen in human physical and genetic variation as described above, have led to the consequence that the number and geographic location of any described races is highly dependent on the importance attributed to, and quantity of, the traits considered. Scientists discovered a skin-lighting mutation that partially accounts for the appearance of Light skin in humans (people who migrated out of Africa northward into what is now Europe) which they estimate occurred 20,000 to 50,000 years ago. The East Asians owe their relatively light skin to different mutations. On the other hand, the greater the number of traits (or alleles) considered, the more subdivisions of humanity are detected, since traits and gene frequencies do not always correspond to the same geographical location. Or as Ossorio & Duster (2005) put it:
|
What mutation did scientists discover?
|
What mutation did scientists discover?
|
[
"What mutation did scientists discover?"
] |
{
"text": [
"skin-lighting"
],
"answer_start": [
296
]
}
|
gem-squad_v2-train-112199
|
57290f651d04691400778fff
|
Race_(human_categorization)
|
Patterns such as those seen in human physical and genetic variation as described above, have led to the consequence that the number and geographic location of any described races is highly dependent on the importance attributed to, and quantity of, the traits considered. Scientists discovered a skin-lighting mutation that partially accounts for the appearance of Light skin in humans (people who migrated out of Africa northward into what is now Europe) which they estimate occurred 20,000 to 50,000 years ago. The East Asians owe their relatively light skin to different mutations. On the other hand, the greater the number of traits (or alleles) considered, the more subdivisions of humanity are detected, since traits and gene frequencies do not always correspond to the same geographical location. Or as Ossorio & Duster (2005) put it:
|
What partially accounts for the appearance of light skin in humans?
|
What partially accounts for the appearance of light skin in humans?
|
[
"What partially accounts for the appearance of light skin in humans?"
] |
{
"text": [
"mutation"
],
"answer_start": [
310
]
}
|
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